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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 4
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
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of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
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before using this eBook.
Title: The Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 4
Author: E. K. Chambers
Release date: November 17, 2022 [eBook #69371]
Most recently updated: October 19, 2024
Language: English
Original publication: United Kingdom: The Clarendon Press, 1923
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Credits: Tim Lindell, Karin Spence and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
ELIZABETHAN STAGE, VOL. 4 ***
Transcriber’s Note:
This book contains some very large tables. A wide screen is necessary to view these.
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: The Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 4
Author: E. K. Chambers
Release date: November 17, 2022 [eBook #69371]
Most recently updated: October 19, 2024
Language: English
Original publication: United Kingdom: The Clarendon Press, 1923
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69371
Credits: Tim Lindell, Karin Spence and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE
ELIZABETHAN STAGE, VOL. 4 ***
Transcriber’s Note:
This book contains some very large tables. A wide screen is necessary to view these.
Page 4
THE ELIZABETHAN STAGE
VOL. IV
Oxford University Press
London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen
New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town
Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai
Humphrey Milford Publisher to the University
DESIGN BY INIGO JONES FOR THE COCKPIT THEATRE AT WHITEHALL
NOW IN THE LIBRARY OF WORCESTER COLLEGE OXFORD
VOL. IV
Oxford University Press
London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen
New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town
Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai
Humphrey Milford Publisher to the University
DESIGN BY INIGO JONES FOR THE COCKPIT THEATRE AT WHITEHALL
NOW IN THE LIBRARY OF WORCESTER COLLEGE OXFORD
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THE ELIZABETHAN STAGE
BY E. K. CHAMBERS.
VOL. IV
OXFORD: AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
M.CMXXIII
Printed in England
BY E. K. CHAMBERS.
VOL. IV
OXFORD: AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
M.CMXXIII
Printed in England
Page 6
CONTENTS
VOLUME IV
PAGE
XXIV. Anonymous Work 1
A. Plays 1
B. Masks 55
C. Receptions and Entertainments 60
APPENDICES
A. A Court Calendar 75
B. Court Payments 131
C. Documents of Criticism 184
D. Documents of Control 259
E. Plague Records 345
F. The Presence-Chamber at Greenwich 351
G. Serlio’s Trattato sopra le Scene 353
H. The Gull’s Hornbook 365
I. Restoration Testimony 369
K. Academic Plays 373
L. Printed Plays 379
M. Lost Plays 398
N. Manuscript Plays 404
INDEXES
I. Plays 409
II. Persons 425
III. Places 445
IV. Subjects 454
VOLUME IV
PAGE
XXIV. Anonymous Work 1
A. Plays 1
B. Masks 55
C. Receptions and Entertainments 60
APPENDICES
A. A Court Calendar 75
B. Court Payments 131
C. Documents of Criticism 184
D. Documents of Control 259
E. Plague Records 345
F. The Presence-Chamber at Greenwich 351
G. Serlio’s Trattato sopra le Scene 353
H. The Gull’s Hornbook 365
I. Restoration Testimony 369
K. Academic Plays 373
L. Printed Plays 379
M. Lost Plays 398
N. Manuscript Plays 404
INDEXES
I. Plays 409
II. Persons 425
III. Places 445
IV. Subjects 454
Page 7
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Design for Cockpit Theatre at Whitehall. By Inigo Jones. From Library of Worcester
College, Oxford Frontispiece
The Profilo or Section of a Stage. From Sebastiano Serlio, Architettura (1551) p. 354
The Pianta or Ground-Plan of a Stage (ibid.) p. 357
Elevation of a Scena Comica (ibid.) p. 359
Elevation of a Scena Tragica (ibid.) p. 361
Elevation of a Scena Satyrica (ibid.) p. 362
Design for Cockpit Theatre at Whitehall. By Inigo Jones. From Library of Worcester
College, Oxford Frontispiece
The Profilo or Section of a Stage. From Sebastiano Serlio, Architettura (1551) p. 354
The Pianta or Ground-Plan of a Stage (ibid.) p. 357
Elevation of a Scena Comica (ibid.) p. 359
Elevation of a Scena Tragica (ibid.) p. 361
Elevation of a Scena Satyrica (ibid.) p. 362
Page 8
NOTE
I have found it convenient, especially in Appendix A, to use the symbol
< following a date, to indicate an uncertain date not earlier than that named,
and the symbol > followed by a date, to indicate an uncertain date not later
than that named. Thus 1903 < > 23 would indicate the composition date of
any part of this book. I have sometimes placed the date of a play in italics,
where it was desirable to indicate the date of production rather than
publication.
The documents from J. R. Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council (1890–
1907), are reprinted by permission of the Controller of His Majesty’s
Stationery Office.
I have found it convenient, especially in Appendix A, to use the symbol
< following a date, to indicate an uncertain date not earlier than that named,
and the symbol > followed by a date, to indicate an uncertain date not later
than that named. Thus 1903 < > 23 would indicate the composition date of
any part of this book. I have sometimes placed the date of a play in italics,
where it was desirable to indicate the date of production rather than
publication.
The documents from J. R. Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council (1890–
1907), are reprinted by permission of the Controller of His Majesty’s
Stationery Office.
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XXIV
ANONYMOUS WORK
[Here I bring together, giving them the same treatment as the individual
works in ch. xxiii, pieces of which the authorship, as regards the whole or a
large part, is unknown or conjectural. They are grouped as (A) Plays, (B)
Masks, (C) Receptions and Entertainments. It has been convenient, for the
sake of classification, to include in the third group a few which might
alternatively have been brought into ch. xxiii under the name of a part-
author or describer.]
A. PLAYS
An Alarum for London > 1600
S. R. 1600, May 27. ‘Allarum to London’ is included in a memorandum
of ‘my lord chamberlens menns plaies Entred’ and noted as entered on this
day to J. Roberts (Arber, iii. 37).
1600, May 29. ‘The Allarum to London, provided that yt be not printed
without further Aucthoritie.’ John Roberts (Arber, iii. 161).
1602. A Larum for London, or The Siedge of Antwerpe. With the
ventrous actes and valorous deeds of the lame Soldier. As it hath been
playde by the right Honorable the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruants. For
William Ferbrand. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by R. Simpson (1872), J. S. Farmer (1912, T.F.T.), and W. W.
Greg (1913, M.S.R.).
The play has been ascribed to Shakespeare by Collier, to Shakespeare
and Marston by Simpson, and to Lodge by Fleay, Shakespeare, 291, but no
serious case has been made out for any of these claims. Bullen, Marlowe, 1,
lxxiv, says that Collier had a copy with doggerel rhymes on the t.p.
including the line,
Our famous Marloe had in this a hand,
which Bullen calls ‘a very ridiculous piece of forgery’.
Albion Knight > 1566
ANONYMOUS WORK
[Here I bring together, giving them the same treatment as the individual
works in ch. xxiii, pieces of which the authorship, as regards the whole or a
large part, is unknown or conjectural. They are grouped as (A) Plays, (B)
Masks, (C) Receptions and Entertainments. It has been convenient, for the
sake of classification, to include in the third group a few which might
alternatively have been brought into ch. xxiii under the name of a part-
author or describer.]
A. PLAYS
An Alarum for London > 1600
S. R. 1600, May 27. ‘Allarum to London’ is included in a memorandum
of ‘my lord chamberlens menns plaies Entred’ and noted as entered on this
day to J. Roberts (Arber, iii. 37).
1600, May 29. ‘The Allarum to London, provided that yt be not printed
without further Aucthoritie.’ John Roberts (Arber, iii. 161).
1602. A Larum for London, or The Siedge of Antwerpe. With the
ventrous actes and valorous deeds of the lame Soldier. As it hath been
playde by the right Honorable the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruants. For
William Ferbrand. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by R. Simpson (1872), J. S. Farmer (1912, T.F.T.), and W. W.
Greg (1913, M.S.R.).
The play has been ascribed to Shakespeare by Collier, to Shakespeare
and Marston by Simpson, and to Lodge by Fleay, Shakespeare, 291, but no
serious case has been made out for any of these claims. Bullen, Marlowe, 1,
lxxiv, says that Collier had a copy with doggerel rhymes on the t.p.
including the line,
Our famous Marloe had in this a hand,
which Bullen calls ‘a very ridiculous piece of forgery’.
Albion Knight > 1566
Page 11
S. R. 1565–6. ‘A play intituled a merye playe bothe pytthy and pleasaunt
of Albyon knyghte.’ Thomas Colwell (Arber, i. 295).
Fragment in Devonshire collection.
[The t.p. is lost, but the seventeenth-century play lists (Greg, Masques,
xlvii) include an interlude called Albion. A fragment on Temperance and
Humility, conjecturally assigned by Collier, i. 284, to the same play, is of
earlier printing by thirty years or so (M.S.C. i. 243).]
Editions by J. P. Collier (1844, Sh. Soc. Papers, i. 55) and W. W. Greg
(1910, M. S. C. i. 229).—Dissertations: M. H. Dodds, The Date of A. K.
(1913, 3 Library, iv. 157); G. A. Jones, The Political Significance of A. K.
(1918, J. G. P. xvii. 267).
Collier suggests that this was the play disliked at court on 31 Dec. 1559,
but, as Fleay, 66, points out, that would hardly have been licensed for
printing. Dodds thinks it motived by the Pilgrimage of Grace (1536–7) and
written shortly after.
Alice and Alexis
A fragment (to iii. 1) of a play on the loves of Alice and Alexis, thwarted
by Tanto, with an argument of the whole, is in Douce MS. 171 (Bodl.
21745), f. 48v. The date ‘1604’ is scribbled amongst the pages. The
manuscript also contains sixteenth-century accounts. There seems nothing
to connect this with Massinger’s Alexius, or the Chaste Lover, licensed by
Herbert on 25 Sept. 1639 and apparently included in Warburton’s list of
burnt plays (3 Library, ii. 232, 249).
Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany > 1636
S. R. 1653, Sept. 9. ‘A play called Alphonso, Emperor of Germany, by
John Poole.’ H. Moseley (Eyre, i. 428).
1654. The Tragedy of Alphonsus Emperour of Germany. As it hath been
very often Acted (with great applause) at the Privat house in Black-Friers
by his late Maiesties Servants. By George Chapman Gent. For Humphrey
Moseley. [Epistle to the Reader. The B.M. copy of the play is dated
‘Novemb. 29, 1653’.]
of Albyon knyghte.’ Thomas Colwell (Arber, i. 295).
Fragment in Devonshire collection.
[The t.p. is lost, but the seventeenth-century play lists (Greg, Masques,
xlvii) include an interlude called Albion. A fragment on Temperance and
Humility, conjecturally assigned by Collier, i. 284, to the same play, is of
earlier printing by thirty years or so (M.S.C. i. 243).]
Editions by J. P. Collier (1844, Sh. Soc. Papers, i. 55) and W. W. Greg
(1910, M. S. C. i. 229).—Dissertations: M. H. Dodds, The Date of A. K.
(1913, 3 Library, iv. 157); G. A. Jones, The Political Significance of A. K.
(1918, J. G. P. xvii. 267).
Collier suggests that this was the play disliked at court on 31 Dec. 1559,
but, as Fleay, 66, points out, that would hardly have been licensed for
printing. Dodds thinks it motived by the Pilgrimage of Grace (1536–7) and
written shortly after.
Alice and Alexis
A fragment (to iii. 1) of a play on the loves of Alice and Alexis, thwarted
by Tanto, with an argument of the whole, is in Douce MS. 171 (Bodl.
21745), f. 48v. The date ‘1604’ is scribbled amongst the pages. The
manuscript also contains sixteenth-century accounts. There seems nothing
to connect this with Massinger’s Alexius, or the Chaste Lover, licensed by
Herbert on 25 Sept. 1639 and apparently included in Warburton’s list of
burnt plays (3 Library, ii. 232, 249).
Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany > 1636
S. R. 1653, Sept. 9. ‘A play called Alphonso, Emperor of Germany, by
John Poole.’ H. Moseley (Eyre, i. 428).
1654. The Tragedy of Alphonsus Emperour of Germany. As it hath been
very often Acted (with great applause) at the Privat house in Black-Friers
by his late Maiesties Servants. By George Chapman Gent. For Humphrey
Moseley. [Epistle to the Reader. The B.M. copy of the play is dated
‘Novemb. 29, 1653’.]
Page 12
Editions by K. Elze (1867) and H. F. Schwarz (1913), and in collections
of Chapman (q.v.).
Alphonsus may reasonably be identified with the Alfonso given before
the Queen and the Elector Palatine at the Blackfriars on 5 May 1636
(Cunningham, xxiv). The ascription on the title-page to Chapman is
repeated therefrom by Langbaine who rejects that of Kirkman in 1661 and
1671 (Greg, Masques, xlviii) to Peele, but the intimate knowledge of
German shown in the dialogue has led Elze and Ward, ii. 428, to give
Chapman a German collaborator, conceivably one Rudolf Weckerlin of
Würtemberg, who after a preliminary visit before 1614 settled permanently
in England about 1624 and obtained political employment, which he varied
with literary exercises. Later critics are inclined to reject Chapman’s
authorship altogether, and the case against it has been effectively put by E.
Koeppel, Quellen-Studien zu den Dramen Chapman’s, 78, and Parrott. The
ascription to Peele has been revived by Robertson, T. A. 123, and though
Parrott does not accept the full argument, he agrees in regarding the play as
originally of Peele’s date, possibly by him, with or without a collaborator,
and drastically revised at a later period, perhaps by Weckerlin in 1636.
Fleay, ii. 156, 311, also accepts Peele and identifies the play with Harry of
Cornwall, revived by Strange’s for Henslowe on 25 Feb. 1592, but, as Greg
(Henslowe, ii. 151) points out, the character in Alphonsus is not Henry, but
Richard of Cornwall. It must be observed that no critic has noticed the S. R.
ascription to John Poole, which may quite well be the origin of Kirkman’s
‘Peele’. Who John Poole was, I do not know.
Apius and Virginia > 1567–8
S. R. 1567–8. ‘A Tragedy of Apius and Virgine.’ Richard Jones (Arber, i.
357).
1575. A new Tragicall Comedie of Apius and Virginia, Wherein is liuely
expressed a rare example of the vertue of Chastitie, by Virginias constancy,
in wishing rather to be slaine at her owne Fathers handes, then to be
deflowred of the wicked Iudge Apius. By R. B. William How for Richard
Jones. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions in Dodsley3, 4 (1825–76), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.)
and R. B. McKerrow (1911, M. S. R.).
of Chapman (q.v.).
Alphonsus may reasonably be identified with the Alfonso given before
the Queen and the Elector Palatine at the Blackfriars on 5 May 1636
(Cunningham, xxiv). The ascription on the title-page to Chapman is
repeated therefrom by Langbaine who rejects that of Kirkman in 1661 and
1671 (Greg, Masques, xlviii) to Peele, but the intimate knowledge of
German shown in the dialogue has led Elze and Ward, ii. 428, to give
Chapman a German collaborator, conceivably one Rudolf Weckerlin of
Würtemberg, who after a preliminary visit before 1614 settled permanently
in England about 1624 and obtained political employment, which he varied
with literary exercises. Later critics are inclined to reject Chapman’s
authorship altogether, and the case against it has been effectively put by E.
Koeppel, Quellen-Studien zu den Dramen Chapman’s, 78, and Parrott. The
ascription to Peele has been revived by Robertson, T. A. 123, and though
Parrott does not accept the full argument, he agrees in regarding the play as
originally of Peele’s date, possibly by him, with or without a collaborator,
and drastically revised at a later period, perhaps by Weckerlin in 1636.
Fleay, ii. 156, 311, also accepts Peele and identifies the play with Harry of
Cornwall, revived by Strange’s for Henslowe on 25 Feb. 1592, but, as Greg
(Henslowe, ii. 151) points out, the character in Alphonsus is not Henry, but
Richard of Cornwall. It must be observed that no critic has noticed the S. R.
ascription to John Poole, which may quite well be the origin of Kirkman’s
‘Peele’. Who John Poole was, I do not know.
Apius and Virginia > 1567–8
S. R. 1567–8. ‘A Tragedy of Apius and Virgine.’ Richard Jones (Arber, i.
357).
1575. A new Tragicall Comedie of Apius and Virginia, Wherein is liuely
expressed a rare example of the vertue of Chastitie, by Virginias constancy,
in wishing rather to be slaine at her owne Fathers handes, then to be
deflowred of the wicked Iudge Apius. By R. B. William How for Richard
Jones. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions in Dodsley3, 4 (1825–76), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.)
and R. B. McKerrow (1911, M. S. R.).
Page 13
‘Haphazard, the Vice’ is a character. The stage-directions name ‘the
stage’, ‘the scaffold’. A prologue addresses ‘lordings’; an epilogue has a
prayer for the queen, nobles, and commons. The play is not controversial,
but the tone is Protestant. Fleay, 61, thinks it a Westminster play of 1563–4;
but no Westminster play of 1563–4 is on record. If Fleay means 1564–5, the
Westminster play of that Christmas was Miles Gloriosus. There is nothing
but the initials to identify the author with Richard Bower of the Chapel
(q.v.), but the suggestion is more plausible than that of Wallace, i. 108, who
gives the play to Richard Edwardes (q.v.), finding that the ‘R. E.’
subscribed to some of his manuscript poems is capable of being misread ‘R.
B.’.
Arden of Feversham > 1592
S. R. 1592, April 3 (Bishop of London). ‘The tragedie of Arden of
Feuersham and Blackwall.’ Edward White (Arber, ii. 607). [See s.v. Kyd,
Spanish Tragedy, for the record of a piracy of the play in 1592 by Abel
Jeffes.]
1592. The Lamentable and True Tragedie of M. Arden of Feuersham in
Kent. Who was most wickedlye murdered, by the meanes of his disloyall
and wanton wyfe, who for the love she bare to one Mosbie, hyred two
desperat ruffins Blackwill and Shakbag, to kill him. Wherin is shewed the
great mallice and discimulation of a wicked woman, the vnsatiable desire of
filthie lust and the shamefull end of all murderers. For Edward White.
[Epilogue.]
1599. J. Roberts for Edward White.
1633. Eliz. Allde.
Editions by E. Jacob (1770), A. H. Bullen (1887), R. Bayne (1897, T.
D.), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.—Dissertations: C.
E. Donne, Essay on the Tragedy of A. of F. (1873); C. Crawford, The
Authorship of A. of F. (1903, Jahrbuch, xxxix. 74; Collectanea, i. 101); W.
Miksch, Die Verfasserschaft des A. of F. (1907, Breslau diss.); K. Wiehl,
Thomas Kyd und die Autorschaft von ... A. of F. (1912, E. S. xliv. 356); H.
D. Sykes, Sidelights upon Shakespeare, 48 (1919); L. Cust, A. of F. (1920,
Arch. Cant. xxxiv. 101).
stage’, ‘the scaffold’. A prologue addresses ‘lordings’; an epilogue has a
prayer for the queen, nobles, and commons. The play is not controversial,
but the tone is Protestant. Fleay, 61, thinks it a Westminster play of 1563–4;
but no Westminster play of 1563–4 is on record. If Fleay means 1564–5, the
Westminster play of that Christmas was Miles Gloriosus. There is nothing
but the initials to identify the author with Richard Bower of the Chapel
(q.v.), but the suggestion is more plausible than that of Wallace, i. 108, who
gives the play to Richard Edwardes (q.v.), finding that the ‘R. E.’
subscribed to some of his manuscript poems is capable of being misread ‘R.
B.’.
Arden of Feversham > 1592
S. R. 1592, April 3 (Bishop of London). ‘The tragedie of Arden of
Feuersham and Blackwall.’ Edward White (Arber, ii. 607). [See s.v. Kyd,
Spanish Tragedy, for the record of a piracy of the play in 1592 by Abel
Jeffes.]
1592. The Lamentable and True Tragedie of M. Arden of Feuersham in
Kent. Who was most wickedlye murdered, by the meanes of his disloyall
and wanton wyfe, who for the love she bare to one Mosbie, hyred two
desperat ruffins Blackwill and Shakbag, to kill him. Wherin is shewed the
great mallice and discimulation of a wicked woman, the vnsatiable desire of
filthie lust and the shamefull end of all murderers. For Edward White.
[Epilogue.]
1599. J. Roberts for Edward White.
1633. Eliz. Allde.
Editions by E. Jacob (1770), A. H. Bullen (1887), R. Bayne (1897, T.
D.), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.—Dissertations: C.
E. Donne, Essay on the Tragedy of A. of F. (1873); C. Crawford, The
Authorship of A. of F. (1903, Jahrbuch, xxxix. 74; Collectanea, i. 101); W.
Miksch, Die Verfasserschaft des A. of F. (1907, Breslau diss.); K. Wiehl,
Thomas Kyd und die Autorschaft von ... A. of F. (1912, E. S. xliv. 356); H.
D. Sykes, Sidelights upon Shakespeare, 48 (1919); L. Cust, A. of F. (1920,
Arch. Cant. xxxiv. 101).
Page 14
Jacob first claimed the authorship for Shakespeare. In spite of the
advocacy of Swinburne (Study of Sh., 129) modern criticism remains
wholly unconvinced. The play has tragic merit, but it is not of a
Shakespearian character, and it is impossible to fit its manner, before 1592,
into any coherent theory of Shakespeare’s development. More plausible is
the case for Kyd, suggested by Fleay, ii. 28, who puts the date as far back as
1585 on quite unreliable grounds of improbable guess-work, and supported
by Robertson, T. A. 151, and elaborately argued by Crawford and Sykes.
But Boas, Kyd, lxxxix, thinks that the author was more likely an imitator of
Kyd, and opinion remains divided. Oliphant (M. P. viii. 420) suggests Kyd
and Marlowe, possibly with a third. The theme may also have been that of
the Murderous Michael played at court by Sussex’s in 1579.
The Birth of Hercules. 1597 <
[MS.] B.M. Add. MS. 28722. ‘The birthe of hercules.’ [Prologus
Laureatus; Mercurius Prologus; after text, ‘Testamentum poetae, ad peleum.
Comoedarum pariter et histrionum princeps Peleu, tuo pro iudicio, volo
hanc meam Comoediam, vel recitari, vel reticeri: hoc est: aut vivere aut
mori. Scripsi, nec poeta, nec moriens: et tamen poeta moriens’. Written in
one hand, with stage-directions by a second and corrections by a third and
possibly a fourth, on paper datable by the watermark in 1597.]
Editions by M. W. Wallace (1903) and R. W. Bond (1911, M. S. R.).
This is pretty clearly a University play, and any connexion with the
Hercules of the Admiral’s men in 1595 is highly improbable. As George
Peele died in 1596, it seems difficult to identify him with the Peleus of the
MS. Bond thinks that ‘the styles of composition and writing agree in
placing a date before 1600 out of the question’.
Caesar’s Revenge > 1606
S. R. 1606, June 5. ‘A booke called Julius Caesars reuenge.’ J. Wright
and N. Fosbrook, licensed by Dr. Covell and the wardens (Arber, iii. 323).
n.d. The Tragedie of Caesar and Pompey Or Caesars Reuenge. G. E. for
Iohn Wright.
1607.... Priuately acted by the Studentes of Trinity Colledge in Oxford.
For Nathaniel Fosbrook and Iohn Wright. [Re-issue with cancel t.p.]
advocacy of Swinburne (Study of Sh., 129) modern criticism remains
wholly unconvinced. The play has tragic merit, but it is not of a
Shakespearian character, and it is impossible to fit its manner, before 1592,
into any coherent theory of Shakespeare’s development. More plausible is
the case for Kyd, suggested by Fleay, ii. 28, who puts the date as far back as
1585 on quite unreliable grounds of improbable guess-work, and supported
by Robertson, T. A. 151, and elaborately argued by Crawford and Sykes.
But Boas, Kyd, lxxxix, thinks that the author was more likely an imitator of
Kyd, and opinion remains divided. Oliphant (M. P. viii. 420) suggests Kyd
and Marlowe, possibly with a third. The theme may also have been that of
the Murderous Michael played at court by Sussex’s in 1579.
The Birth of Hercules. 1597 <
[MS.] B.M. Add. MS. 28722. ‘The birthe of hercules.’ [Prologus
Laureatus; Mercurius Prologus; after text, ‘Testamentum poetae, ad peleum.
Comoedarum pariter et histrionum princeps Peleu, tuo pro iudicio, volo
hanc meam Comoediam, vel recitari, vel reticeri: hoc est: aut vivere aut
mori. Scripsi, nec poeta, nec moriens: et tamen poeta moriens’. Written in
one hand, with stage-directions by a second and corrections by a third and
possibly a fourth, on paper datable by the watermark in 1597.]
Editions by M. W. Wallace (1903) and R. W. Bond (1911, M. S. R.).
This is pretty clearly a University play, and any connexion with the
Hercules of the Admiral’s men in 1595 is highly improbable. As George
Peele died in 1596, it seems difficult to identify him with the Peleus of the
MS. Bond thinks that ‘the styles of composition and writing agree in
placing a date before 1600 out of the question’.
Caesar’s Revenge > 1606
S. R. 1606, June 5. ‘A booke called Julius Caesars reuenge.’ J. Wright
and N. Fosbrook, licensed by Dr. Covell and the wardens (Arber, iii. 323).
n.d. The Tragedie of Caesar and Pompey Or Caesars Reuenge. G. E. for
Iohn Wright.
1607.... Priuately acted by the Studentes of Trinity Colledge in Oxford.
For Nathaniel Fosbrook and Iohn Wright. [Re-issue with cancel t.p.]
Page 15
Editions by F. S. Boas (1911, M. S. R.) and W. Mühlfeld (1911, 1912,
Jahrbuch, xlvii. 132; xlviii. 37), and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertations:
T. M. Parrott, The Academic Tragedy of C. and P. (1910, M. L. R. v. 435);
H. M. Ayres, C. R. (1915, M. L. A. xxx. 771); G. C. Moore Smith, The
Tragedy of C. R. (1916, 12 N. Q. ii. 305).
There is no traceable connexion between this and any other of the
several plays on Caesar, extant and lost, which are upon record. C.
Crawford (M. S. C. i. 290) indicates some parallels which suggest a date of
authorship between 1592 and 1596.
Charlemagne or The Distracted Emperor c. 1600
[MS.] Egerton MS. 1994. At the end is the note, ‘Nella Φ δ Φ ν ρ la B’ =
‘Nella fedeltà finirò la vita’.
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii) and F. L. Schoell (1920).—
Dissertation: F. L. Schoell, Un Drame Élisabéthain Anonyme C (1912,
Revue Germanique, viii. 155).
Bullen suggests that the author was Chapman, and also thinks Tourneur
or Marston conceivable. He quotes Fleay’s opinion in favour of Field.
Fleay, ii. 319, withdraws Field and substitutes Dekker. He identifies the
play with the ‘King Charlemagne’ of Peele’s Farewell of 1589 (cf. s.v.
Peele, Battle of Alcazar). Schoell makes an elaborate case for Chapman,
and thinks that the play might be The Fatall Love, a French Tragedy,
entered as his in S. R. on 29 June 1660, and included, without author’s
name, in Warburton’s list of burnt plays (3 Library, ii. 231). A date later
than 1584 is indicated by the use of Du Bartas’s Seconde Semaine of that
year. It may be added that the style points to c. 1600 rather than c. 1590.
Claudius Tiberius Nero > 1607
S. R. 1607, April 10 (Buck). ‘A booke called the tragicall Life and Death
of Claudius Tiberius Nero.’ Francis Burton (Arber, iii. 346).
1607. The Tragedie of Claudius Tiberius Nero, Rome’s greatest Tyrant.
Truly represented out of the purest Records of those Times. For Francis
Burton. [Epistle to Sir Arthur Mannering, son of Sir George of Eithfield,
Shropshire; Verses Ad Lectores.]
Jahrbuch, xlvii. 132; xlviii. 37), and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertations:
T. M. Parrott, The Academic Tragedy of C. and P. (1910, M. L. R. v. 435);
H. M. Ayres, C. R. (1915, M. L. A. xxx. 771); G. C. Moore Smith, The
Tragedy of C. R. (1916, 12 N. Q. ii. 305).
There is no traceable connexion between this and any other of the
several plays on Caesar, extant and lost, which are upon record. C.
Crawford (M. S. C. i. 290) indicates some parallels which suggest a date of
authorship between 1592 and 1596.
Charlemagne or The Distracted Emperor c. 1600
[MS.] Egerton MS. 1994. At the end is the note, ‘Nella Φ δ Φ ν ρ la B’ =
‘Nella fedeltà finirò la vita’.
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii) and F. L. Schoell (1920).—
Dissertation: F. L. Schoell, Un Drame Élisabéthain Anonyme C (1912,
Revue Germanique, viii. 155).
Bullen suggests that the author was Chapman, and also thinks Tourneur
or Marston conceivable. He quotes Fleay’s opinion in favour of Field.
Fleay, ii. 319, withdraws Field and substitutes Dekker. He identifies the
play with the ‘King Charlemagne’ of Peele’s Farewell of 1589 (cf. s.v.
Peele, Battle of Alcazar). Schoell makes an elaborate case for Chapman,
and thinks that the play might be The Fatall Love, a French Tragedy,
entered as his in S. R. on 29 June 1660, and included, without author’s
name, in Warburton’s list of burnt plays (3 Library, ii. 231). A date later
than 1584 is indicated by the use of Du Bartas’s Seconde Semaine of that
year. It may be added that the style points to c. 1600 rather than c. 1590.
Claudius Tiberius Nero > 1607
S. R. 1607, April 10 (Buck). ‘A booke called the tragicall Life and Death
of Claudius Tiberius Nero.’ Francis Burton (Arber, iii. 346).
1607. The Tragedie of Claudius Tiberius Nero, Rome’s greatest Tyrant.
Truly represented out of the purest Records of those Times. For Francis
Burton. [Epistle to Sir Arthur Mannering, son of Sir George of Eithfield,
Shropshire; Verses Ad Lectores.]
Page 16
1607. The Statelie Tragedie of Claudius Tiberius Nero.... For Francis
Burton. [Another issue.]
Edition by J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).
The play, which is on Tiberius, not Nero, is to be distinguished from
Nero (1624). The epistle, not apparently by the author, says that the play’s
‘Father was an Academician’.
Club Law. 1599–1600
[MS.] St. John’s College, Cambridge, MS. S. 62. [Without t.p. and
imperfect; probably identical with a MS. of the play owned by Richard
Farmer.]
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1907). [Epilogue.]—Dissertation: G. C.
Moore Smith, The Date of C. L. (1909, M. L. R. iv. 268).
The play is described by Fuller, Hist. of Cambridge (1655), 156, as given
at Clare Hall in 1597–8. But J. S. Hawkins, in his edition of Ruggle’s
Ignoramus (1787), xvi, gives the alternative date 1599, and this has now
been confirmed by the discovery of manuscript annals of Cambridge,
probably by Fuller himself, with the entry, under the academic year 1599–
1600, ‘Aula Clarensis. Club Law fabula festivissima data multum ridentibus
Academicis, frustra Oppidanis dolentibus’. The play is a satire on the
townsmen, and especially the anti-gown mayor of 1599–1600, John Yaxley.
Fuller says that the townsmen were invited to the performance and made to
sit it through, and that they complained to the Privy Council, who first ‘sent
some slight and private check to the principall Actors therein’, and then,
when pressed, said that they would come to Cambridge, and see the comedy
acted over again in the presence of the townsmen. The fact that there is no
record of these letters in the extant register of the Council hardly disproves
the substance of Fuller’s story. Hawkins ascribed the play to Ruggle (q.v.)
on the authority of an eighteenth-century memorandum.
Sir Clyomon and Clamydes c. 1570
1599. The Historie of the two valiant Knights, Syr Clyomon knight of
the Golden Sheeld, sonne to the King of Denmarke: And Clamydes the
White Knight, sonne to the King of Suauia. As it hath been sundry times
Acted by her Maiesties Players. Thomas Creede. [Prologue.]
Burton. [Another issue.]
Edition by J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).
The play, which is on Tiberius, not Nero, is to be distinguished from
Nero (1624). The epistle, not apparently by the author, says that the play’s
‘Father was an Academician’.
Club Law. 1599–1600
[MS.] St. John’s College, Cambridge, MS. S. 62. [Without t.p. and
imperfect; probably identical with a MS. of the play owned by Richard
Farmer.]
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1907). [Epilogue.]—Dissertation: G. C.
Moore Smith, The Date of C. L. (1909, M. L. R. iv. 268).
The play is described by Fuller, Hist. of Cambridge (1655), 156, as given
at Clare Hall in 1597–8. But J. S. Hawkins, in his edition of Ruggle’s
Ignoramus (1787), xvi, gives the alternative date 1599, and this has now
been confirmed by the discovery of manuscript annals of Cambridge,
probably by Fuller himself, with the entry, under the academic year 1599–
1600, ‘Aula Clarensis. Club Law fabula festivissima data multum ridentibus
Academicis, frustra Oppidanis dolentibus’. The play is a satire on the
townsmen, and especially the anti-gown mayor of 1599–1600, John Yaxley.
Fuller says that the townsmen were invited to the performance and made to
sit it through, and that they complained to the Privy Council, who first ‘sent
some slight and private check to the principall Actors therein’, and then,
when pressed, said that they would come to Cambridge, and see the comedy
acted over again in the presence of the townsmen. The fact that there is no
record of these letters in the extant register of the Council hardly disproves
the substance of Fuller’s story. Hawkins ascribed the play to Ruggle (q.v.)
on the authority of an eighteenth-century memorandum.
Sir Clyomon and Clamydes c. 1570
1599. The Historie of the two valiant Knights, Syr Clyomon knight of
the Golden Sheeld, sonne to the King of Denmarke: And Clamydes the
White Knight, sonne to the King of Suauia. As it hath been sundry times
Acted by her Maiesties Players. Thomas Creede. [Prologue.]
Page 17
Editions by W. W. Greg (1913, M. S. R.) and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.), and
in collections of Peele.
Subtle Shift ‘the vice’, Providence, and Rumour are among the
characters.
Dyce ascribed the play to George Peele on the strength of a manuscript
note ‘in a very old hand’ on a copy of the 1599 edition. Bullen thinks it of
earlier date than Peele. Greg agrees, regarding it as about contemporary
with Common Conditions. L. Kellner, in Englische Studien, xiii. 187,
compares the language and style at great length with Peele’s and concludes
against his authorship, unless indeed he wrote it in a spirit of parody. His
arguments are challenged by R. Fischer in Englische Studien, xiv. 344.
Fleay, 70, assigned it, with Common Conditions, to R. Wilson. Later (ii.
295), he substituted R[ichard] B[ower]. He noted a parallel to Thomas
Preston’s Cambyses, and suggested as a date 1570 or 1578, the years,
according to him, of the original production and of a revival of Cambyses.
G. L. Kittredge, in Journal of Germanic Philology, ii. 8, suggests that
Preston himself was the author of Sir Clyomon and Clamydes. If the ‘her
Maiesties Players’ of the title-page means the later company of that name,
the play, if not written, must have been revived 1583–94. Fleay, ii. 296,
further identifies it with The Four Kings licensed for Henslowe (i. 103) in
March 1599; but an old Queen’s play would not have needed a licence. An
Anglo-German repertory of 1626 includes a ‘Tragikomödie vom König in
Dänemark und König in Schweden’ (Herz, 66, 72).
Common Conditions > 1576
S. R. 1576, July 26. ‘A newe and pleasant comedie or plaie after the
maner of common condycons.’ John Hunter (Arber, ii. 301). [Clearly
‘maner’ is a misreading of the ‘name’ of the t.p.]
Q1, n.d. An excellent and pleasant Comedie, termed after the name of the
Vice, Common Condicions, drawne out of the most famous historie of
Galiarbus Duke of Arabia, and of the good and eeuill successe of him and
his two children, Sedmond his sun, and Clarisia his daughter: Set foorth
with delectable mirth, and pleasant shewes. William How for John Hunter.
[T.p. adds ‘The Players names’ and ‘Six may play this Comedie’; Prologue.]
in collections of Peele.
Subtle Shift ‘the vice’, Providence, and Rumour are among the
characters.
Dyce ascribed the play to George Peele on the strength of a manuscript
note ‘in a very old hand’ on a copy of the 1599 edition. Bullen thinks it of
earlier date than Peele. Greg agrees, regarding it as about contemporary
with Common Conditions. L. Kellner, in Englische Studien, xiii. 187,
compares the language and style at great length with Peele’s and concludes
against his authorship, unless indeed he wrote it in a spirit of parody. His
arguments are challenged by R. Fischer in Englische Studien, xiv. 344.
Fleay, 70, assigned it, with Common Conditions, to R. Wilson. Later (ii.
295), he substituted R[ichard] B[ower]. He noted a parallel to Thomas
Preston’s Cambyses, and suggested as a date 1570 or 1578, the years,
according to him, of the original production and of a revival of Cambyses.
G. L. Kittredge, in Journal of Germanic Philology, ii. 8, suggests that
Preston himself was the author of Sir Clyomon and Clamydes. If the ‘her
Maiesties Players’ of the title-page means the later company of that name,
the play, if not written, must have been revived 1583–94. Fleay, ii. 296,
further identifies it with The Four Kings licensed for Henslowe (i. 103) in
March 1599; but an old Queen’s play would not have needed a licence. An
Anglo-German repertory of 1626 includes a ‘Tragikomödie vom König in
Dänemark und König in Schweden’ (Herz, 66, 72).
Common Conditions > 1576
S. R. 1576, July 26. ‘A newe and pleasant comedie or plaie after the
maner of common condycons.’ John Hunter (Arber, ii. 301). [Clearly
‘maner’ is a misreading of the ‘name’ of the t.p.]
Q1, n.d. An excellent and pleasant Comedie, termed after the name of the
Vice, Common Condicions, drawne out of the most famous historie of
Galiarbus Duke of Arabia, and of the good and eeuill successe of him and
his two children, Sedmond his sun, and Clarisia his daughter: Set foorth
with delectable mirth, and pleasant shewes. William How for John Hunter.
[T.p. adds ‘The Players names’ and ‘Six may play this Comedie’; Prologue.]
Page 18
Q2. Fragment, without t.p. or date, under r.t. ‘A pleasant Comedie called
Common Conditions’.
Editions in Brandl, 597 (1898), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, Five
Anonymous Plays) from Q2, and by Tucker Brooke (1915, Yale Elizabethan
Club Reprints, i) from Q1.
The prologue refers to the audience ‘that sit in place’ and the ‘actours’
that ‘redy stand’. Fleay, ii. 296, suggests the authorship of Richard Bower,
on grounds of style.
The Contention of York and Lancaster > 1592
S. R. 1594, March 12. ‘A booke intituled, the firste parte of the
Contention of the twoo famous houses of York and Lancaster with the
deathe of the good Duke Humfrey and the banishement and Deathe of the
Duke of Suffolk and the tragicall ende of the prowd Cardinall of
Winchester, with the notable rebellion of Jack Cade and the Duke of Yorkes
ffirste clayme vnto the Crowne. Thomas Millington (Arber, ii. 646). [Part i.]
1602, April 19. Transfer from T. Millington to T. Pavier, ‘The first and
Second parte of Henry the Vjt, ij bookes’ (Arber, iii. 204). [Parts i and ii.]
1594. The First Part of the Contention betwixt the two famous Houses of
Yorke and Lancaster, with the death of the good Duke Humphrey: And the
banishment and death of the Duke of Suffolke, and the Tragicall end of the
proud Cardinall of Winchester, with the notable Rebellion of Iacke Cade:
And the Duke of Yorkes first claime vnto the Crowne. Thomas Creede for
Thomas Millington. [Part i.]
1595. The true Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, and the death of
good King Henrie the Sixt, with the whole contention betweene the two
Houses Lancaster and Yorke, as it was sundrie times acted by the Right
Honourable the Earle of Pembrooke his seruants. P. S. for Thomas
Millington. [Part ii.]
1600. Valentine Simmes for Thomas Millington. [Part i.]
1600. W. W. for Thomas Millington. [Part ii.]
[1619] n.d. The Whole Contention betweene the two Famous Houses,
Lancaster and Yorke. With the Tragicall ends of the good Duke Humfrey,
Common Conditions’.
Editions in Brandl, 597 (1898), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, Five
Anonymous Plays) from Q2, and by Tucker Brooke (1915, Yale Elizabethan
Club Reprints, i) from Q1.
The prologue refers to the audience ‘that sit in place’ and the ‘actours’
that ‘redy stand’. Fleay, ii. 296, suggests the authorship of Richard Bower,
on grounds of style.
The Contention of York and Lancaster > 1592
S. R. 1594, March 12. ‘A booke intituled, the firste parte of the
Contention of the twoo famous houses of York and Lancaster with the
deathe of the good Duke Humfrey and the banishement and Deathe of the
Duke of Suffolk and the tragicall ende of the prowd Cardinall of
Winchester, with the notable rebellion of Jack Cade and the Duke of Yorkes
ffirste clayme vnto the Crowne. Thomas Millington (Arber, ii. 646). [Part i.]
1602, April 19. Transfer from T. Millington to T. Pavier, ‘The first and
Second parte of Henry the Vjt, ij bookes’ (Arber, iii. 204). [Parts i and ii.]
1594. The First Part of the Contention betwixt the two famous Houses of
Yorke and Lancaster, with the death of the good Duke Humphrey: And the
banishment and death of the Duke of Suffolke, and the Tragicall end of the
proud Cardinall of Winchester, with the notable Rebellion of Iacke Cade:
And the Duke of Yorkes first claime vnto the Crowne. Thomas Creede for
Thomas Millington. [Part i.]
1595. The true Tragedie of Richard Duke of Yorke, and the death of
good King Henrie the Sixt, with the whole contention betweene the two
Houses Lancaster and Yorke, as it was sundrie times acted by the Right
Honourable the Earle of Pembrooke his seruants. P. S. for Thomas
Millington. [Part ii.]
1600. Valentine Simmes for Thomas Millington. [Part i.]
1600. W. W. for Thomas Millington. [Part ii.]
[1619] n.d. The Whole Contention betweene the two Famous Houses,
Lancaster and Yorke. With the Tragicall ends of the good Duke Humfrey,
Page 19
Richard Duke of Yorke, and King Henrie the sixt. Diuided into two Parts:
And newly corrected and enlarged. Written by William Shakespeare, Gent.
For T. P. [Parts i and ii, printed continuously with Pericles, 1619 (q.v.).]
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1843, Sh. Soc.), Wright and Clark (1863–6,
1893, Cambridge Shakespeare), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. v, vi), F. J.
Furnivall and T. Tyler (1886, 1889, 1891, Sh. Q), and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).
—Dissertations: E. Malone, On the Three Parts of Hen. 6 (1821, Variorum,
xviii. 553); R. Grant White, On the Authorship of Hen. 6 (Works of Sh.
1859–65, vii); J. Lee, On the Authorship of 2, 3 Hen. vi and their Originals
(N. S. S. Trans. 1875–6, 219); C. F. T. Brooke, The Authorship of 2, 3 Hen.
6 (1912, Trans. of Connecticut Academy, xvii. 141).
The various claims of Marlowe, Kyd, Greene, Peele, Lodge, and
Shakespeare himself to the Contention can only be discussed in relation to
Shakespeare’s revision of them as 2, 3 Henry VI, which probably belongs
approximately to the date of 1 Henry vi, produced by Strange’s on 3 March
1592.
Thomas Lord Cromwell > 1602
S. R. 1602, Aug. 11 (Jackson). ‘A booke called the lyfe and Deathe of the
Lord Cromwell, as yt was lately Acted by the Lord Chamberleyn his
servantes.’ William Cotton (Arber, iii. 214).
1602. The True Chronicle Historie of the whole life and death of Thomas
Lord Cromwell. As it hath beene sundrie times publikely Acted by the Right
Honorable the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruants. Written by W. S. For
William Jones.
S. R. 1611, Dec. 16. Transfer from William Jones to John Browne of a
‘booke called the lyfe and death of the Lord Cromwell, by W: S.’ (Arber, iii.
474).
1613.... As it hath been sundry times publikely Acted by the Kings
Maiesties Seruants. Written by W. S. Thomas Snodham.
1664; 1685. [Parts of F3 and F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions printed by R. Walker (1734) and by T. E. Jacob (1889, Old
English Dramas), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.—
Dissertation: W. Streit, The L. and D. of T. L. C. (1904, Jena diss.).
And newly corrected and enlarged. Written by William Shakespeare, Gent.
For T. P. [Parts i and ii, printed continuously with Pericles, 1619 (q.v.).]
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1843, Sh. Soc.), Wright and Clark (1863–6,
1893, Cambridge Shakespeare), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. v, vi), F. J.
Furnivall and T. Tyler (1886, 1889, 1891, Sh. Q), and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).
—Dissertations: E. Malone, On the Three Parts of Hen. 6 (1821, Variorum,
xviii. 553); R. Grant White, On the Authorship of Hen. 6 (Works of Sh.
1859–65, vii); J. Lee, On the Authorship of 2, 3 Hen. vi and their Originals
(N. S. S. Trans. 1875–6, 219); C. F. T. Brooke, The Authorship of 2, 3 Hen.
6 (1912, Trans. of Connecticut Academy, xvii. 141).
The various claims of Marlowe, Kyd, Greene, Peele, Lodge, and
Shakespeare himself to the Contention can only be discussed in relation to
Shakespeare’s revision of them as 2, 3 Henry VI, which probably belongs
approximately to the date of 1 Henry vi, produced by Strange’s on 3 March
1592.
Thomas Lord Cromwell > 1602
S. R. 1602, Aug. 11 (Jackson). ‘A booke called the lyfe and Deathe of the
Lord Cromwell, as yt was lately Acted by the Lord Chamberleyn his
servantes.’ William Cotton (Arber, iii. 214).
1602. The True Chronicle Historie of the whole life and death of Thomas
Lord Cromwell. As it hath beene sundrie times publikely Acted by the Right
Honorable the Lord Chamberlaine his Seruants. Written by W. S. For
William Jones.
S. R. 1611, Dec. 16. Transfer from William Jones to John Browne of a
‘booke called the lyfe and death of the Lord Cromwell, by W: S.’ (Arber, iii.
474).
1613.... As it hath been sundry times publikely Acted by the Kings
Maiesties Seruants. Written by W. S. Thomas Snodham.
1664; 1685. [Parts of F3 and F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions printed by R. Walker (1734) and by T. E. Jacob (1889, Old
English Dramas), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.—
Dissertation: W. Streit, The L. and D. of T. L. C. (1904, Jena diss.).
Page 20
The W. S. of the title-page was interpreted as William Shakespeare in
Archer’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, Masques, lx). No modern critic accepts
the attribution, except Hopkinson, who thinks that the original author was
Greene, and that Shakespeare revised his work. Heywood was suggested by
R. Farmer, and Drayton by Fleay, Shakespeare, 298; B.C. i. 152, 160. The
guesses at Wentworth Smith and William Sly rest merely on their initials.
King Darius > 1565
S. R. 1565–6. ‘A playe intituled of the story of kyng Daryous beyinge
taken oute of the iijde and iiijth chapeter of the iijde boke of Esdras &c.’.
Thomas Colwell (Arber, i. 298).
1565, October. A Pretie new Enterlude both pithie & pleasaunt of the
Story of Kyng Daryus, Beinge taken out of the third and fourth Chapter of
the thyrd booke of Esdras. Colwell. [On t.p. ‘Syxe persons may easely play
it’.]
1577. Hugh Jackson. [B.M. C. 34, i. 21, from Irish sale of 1906.]
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1860), A. Brandl (1898), 359, J. S. Farmer
(1907, 1909, T. F. T.).
The characters, other than Darius and Zorobabell, are mainly abstract,
and include Iniquitie, ‘the Vyce’. There is a Prolocutor.
The Dead Mans Fortune > 1591
[MS.] Add. MS. 10449. ‘The plotte of the deade mans fortune.’ [Probably
from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Steevens, Variorum (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
Variorum (1821), iii. 356; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 133; and a facsimile by
Halliwell, The Theatre Plats of Three Old English Dramas (1860).
The names of actors who took part in the play point to a performance by
the Admiral’s, about 1590–1 (cf. ch. xiii).
The Reign of King Edward the Third > 1595
S. R. 1595, Dec. 1. ‘A book Intitled Edward the Third and the Blacke
Prince their warres with kinge John of Fraunce.’ Burby (Arber, iii. 55).
Archer’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, Masques, lx). No modern critic accepts
the attribution, except Hopkinson, who thinks that the original author was
Greene, and that Shakespeare revised his work. Heywood was suggested by
R. Farmer, and Drayton by Fleay, Shakespeare, 298; B.C. i. 152, 160. The
guesses at Wentworth Smith and William Sly rest merely on their initials.
King Darius > 1565
S. R. 1565–6. ‘A playe intituled of the story of kyng Daryous beyinge
taken oute of the iijde and iiijth chapeter of the iijde boke of Esdras &c.’.
Thomas Colwell (Arber, i. 298).
1565, October. A Pretie new Enterlude both pithie & pleasaunt of the
Story of Kyng Daryus, Beinge taken out of the third and fourth Chapter of
the thyrd booke of Esdras. Colwell. [On t.p. ‘Syxe persons may easely play
it’.]
1577. Hugh Jackson. [B.M. C. 34, i. 21, from Irish sale of 1906.]
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1860), A. Brandl (1898), 359, J. S. Farmer
(1907, 1909, T. F. T.).
The characters, other than Darius and Zorobabell, are mainly abstract,
and include Iniquitie, ‘the Vyce’. There is a Prolocutor.
The Dead Mans Fortune > 1591
[MS.] Add. MS. 10449. ‘The plotte of the deade mans fortune.’ [Probably
from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Steevens, Variorum (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
Variorum (1821), iii. 356; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 133; and a facsimile by
Halliwell, The Theatre Plats of Three Old English Dramas (1860).
The names of actors who took part in the play point to a performance by
the Admiral’s, about 1590–1 (cf. ch. xiii).
The Reign of King Edward the Third > 1595
S. R. 1595, Dec. 1. ‘A book Intitled Edward the Third and the Blacke
Prince their warres with kinge John of Fraunce.’ Burby (Arber, iii. 55).
Page 21
1596. The Raigne of King Edward the third: As it hath bin sundrie times
plaied about the Citie of London. For Cuthbert Burby.
1599. Simon Stafford for Cuthbert Burby.
Editions with Shakespeare Apocrypha, and by E. Capel (1759–60,
Prolusiones), F. J. Furnivall (1877, Leopold Sh.), J. P. Collier (1878,
Shakespeare), G. C. Moore Smith (1897, T. D.), J. S. Farmer (1910, T. F.
T.).—Dissertations: H. von Friesen, Ed. iii, angeblich ein Stück von Sh.
(1867, Jahrbuch, ii. 64); J. P. Collier, K. Edw. III, a Historical Play by W.
Sh. (1874); A. Teetgen, Sh’s. K. Edw. iii, absurdly called, and scandalously
treated, as a ‘Doubtful Play’: an Indignation Pamphlet (1875); A. C.
Swinburne, On the Historical Play of K. Edw. iii (1879, Gent. Mag., 1880,
&c., Study of Sh.); G. von Vincke, K. Edw. iii, ein Bühnenstück? (1879,
Jahrbuch, xiv. 304); E. Phipson, Ed. iii (1889, N. S. S. Trans. 58*); G.
Liebau, K. Ed. iii von England und die Gräfin von Salisbury (1900, 1901),
K. Ed. iii von England im Lichte europäischer Poesie (1901); R. M. Smith,
Edw. III (1911, J. G. P. x. 90).
The authorship was first ascribed to Shakespeare (with that of Edw. IV
and Edw. II!) in Rogers and Ley’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, Masques, lxiv).
The theory was advocated by Capell, and has received much support,
largely owing to the assent of Tennyson, against whose authority, however,
may be set that of Swinburne. In its latest and not altogether unplausible
form, Shakespeare is regarded as the author, not of the whole play, but of i.
2 and ii, which deal with the episode of the wooing of Lady Salisbury by
the king, and are possibly, although by no means certainly, due to another
hand than that of the chronicle narrative, to which they are only slightly
linked. The style of these scenes is not demonstrably un-Shakespearian, and
they, and in less degree the play as a whole, contain many parallels with
Hen. V and other works of the ‘nineties, of which the repetition in ii. i. 451
and in Sonnet xciv of the line
Lilies that fester smell far worse than weeds
is the most striking. The controversy cannot be dealt with in detail here.
Shakespeare’s contribution, if any, may with most probability be assigned
to the winter of 1594–5; but it does not follow that the original play may not
have been of earlier date. No importance is to be attached to the argument
of Fleay (ii. 62; Shakespeare, 282) that the use of the phrase ‘Ave, Caesar’
plaied about the Citie of London. For Cuthbert Burby.
1599. Simon Stafford for Cuthbert Burby.
Editions with Shakespeare Apocrypha, and by E. Capel (1759–60,
Prolusiones), F. J. Furnivall (1877, Leopold Sh.), J. P. Collier (1878,
Shakespeare), G. C. Moore Smith (1897, T. D.), J. S. Farmer (1910, T. F.
T.).—Dissertations: H. von Friesen, Ed. iii, angeblich ein Stück von Sh.
(1867, Jahrbuch, ii. 64); J. P. Collier, K. Edw. III, a Historical Play by W.
Sh. (1874); A. Teetgen, Sh’s. K. Edw. iii, absurdly called, and scandalously
treated, as a ‘Doubtful Play’: an Indignation Pamphlet (1875); A. C.
Swinburne, On the Historical Play of K. Edw. iii (1879, Gent. Mag., 1880,
&c., Study of Sh.); G. von Vincke, K. Edw. iii, ein Bühnenstück? (1879,
Jahrbuch, xiv. 304); E. Phipson, Ed. iii (1889, N. S. S. Trans. 58*); G.
Liebau, K. Ed. iii von England und die Gräfin von Salisbury (1900, 1901),
K. Ed. iii von England im Lichte europäischer Poesie (1901); R. M. Smith,
Edw. III (1911, J. G. P. x. 90).
The authorship was first ascribed to Shakespeare (with that of Edw. IV
and Edw. II!) in Rogers and Ley’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, Masques, lxiv).
The theory was advocated by Capell, and has received much support,
largely owing to the assent of Tennyson, against whose authority, however,
may be set that of Swinburne. In its latest and not altogether unplausible
form, Shakespeare is regarded as the author, not of the whole play, but of i.
2 and ii, which deal with the episode of the wooing of Lady Salisbury by
the king, and are possibly, although by no means certainly, due to another
hand than that of the chronicle narrative, to which they are only slightly
linked. The style of these scenes is not demonstrably un-Shakespearian, and
they, and in less degree the play as a whole, contain many parallels with
Hen. V and other works of the ‘nineties, of which the repetition in ii. i. 451
and in Sonnet xciv of the line
Lilies that fester smell far worse than weeds
is the most striking. The controversy cannot be dealt with in detail here.
Shakespeare’s contribution, if any, may with most probability be assigned
to the winter of 1594–5; but it does not follow that the original play may not
have been of earlier date. No importance is to be attached to the argument
of Fleay (ii. 62; Shakespeare, 282) that the use of the phrase ‘Ave, Caesar’
Page 22
in i. i. 164 caused its use in Greene’s Francesco’s Fortunes of 1590 (cf.
App. C, no. xliii), but it is noteworthy that a play on the subject was
produced, apparently under Anglo-German influence, at Danzig in 1591
(Herz, 5). Of non-Shakespearian authors, for the whole or a part of the play
as extant, Marlowe is preferred by Fleay, Greene by Liebau and Robertson,
and Kyd by Sarrazin.
Edward the Fourth > 1599
S. R. 1599, Aug. 28. ‘Twoo playes beinge the ffirst and Second parte of
Edward the iiijth and the Tanner of Tamworth With the history of the life
and deathe of master Shore and Jane Shore his Wyfe as yt was lately acted
by the Right honorable the Erle of Derbye his seruantes.’ John Oxonbridge
and John Burby (Arber, iii. 147).
1600, Feb. 23. Transfer of Busby’s interest to Humphrey Lownes (Arber,
iii. 156).
1600. The First and Second Parts of King Edward the Fourth. Containing
His mery pastime with the Tanner of Tamworth, as also his loue to faire
mistrisse Shoare, her great promotion, fall and miserie and lastly the
lamentable death of both her and her husband. Likewise the besieging of
London, by the Bastard Falconbridge, and the valiant defence of the same
by the Lord Maior and the Citizens. As it hath diuers times beene publikely
played by the Right Honorable the Earle of Derbie his seruants. F. K. for
Humfrey Lownes and John Oxenbridge.
1605; 1613; 1619; 1626.
Edition by B. Field (1842, Sh. Soc.).—Dissertation: A. Sander, T.
Heywood’s Historien von König Edward iv und ihre Quellen (1907, Jena
diss.).
Sander and others date the play 1594, by an identification with the
anonymous Siege of London revived by the Admiral’s on 26 Dec. 1594.
Greg (Henslowe, ii. 173) more cautiously says that the play of 1594 ‘may
underlie’ certain scenes of 1 Edward iv. He regards Edward iv, ‘on internal
evidence, as unquestionably Heywood’s’. This is the usual view, but Fleay,
ii. 288, had doubted it. There is no external evidence for Heywood’s
authorship, or for any connexion between him and Derby’s men. Moreover,
in May 1603, he authorized Henslowe, on behalf of Worcester’s, to pay
App. C, no. xliii), but it is noteworthy that a play on the subject was
produced, apparently under Anglo-German influence, at Danzig in 1591
(Herz, 5). Of non-Shakespearian authors, for the whole or a part of the play
as extant, Marlowe is preferred by Fleay, Greene by Liebau and Robertson,
and Kyd by Sarrazin.
Edward the Fourth > 1599
S. R. 1599, Aug. 28. ‘Twoo playes beinge the ffirst and Second parte of
Edward the iiijth and the Tanner of Tamworth With the history of the life
and deathe of master Shore and Jane Shore his Wyfe as yt was lately acted
by the Right honorable the Erle of Derbye his seruantes.’ John Oxonbridge
and John Burby (Arber, iii. 147).
1600, Feb. 23. Transfer of Busby’s interest to Humphrey Lownes (Arber,
iii. 156).
1600. The First and Second Parts of King Edward the Fourth. Containing
His mery pastime with the Tanner of Tamworth, as also his loue to faire
mistrisse Shoare, her great promotion, fall and miserie and lastly the
lamentable death of both her and her husband. Likewise the besieging of
London, by the Bastard Falconbridge, and the valiant defence of the same
by the Lord Maior and the Citizens. As it hath diuers times beene publikely
played by the Right Honorable the Earle of Derbie his seruants. F. K. for
Humfrey Lownes and John Oxenbridge.
1605; 1613; 1619; 1626.
Edition by B. Field (1842, Sh. Soc.).—Dissertation: A. Sander, T.
Heywood’s Historien von König Edward iv und ihre Quellen (1907, Jena
diss.).
Sander and others date the play 1594, by an identification with the
anonymous Siege of London revived by the Admiral’s on 26 Dec. 1594.
Greg (Henslowe, ii. 173) more cautiously says that the play of 1594 ‘may
underlie’ certain scenes of 1 Edward iv. He regards Edward iv, ‘on internal
evidence, as unquestionably Heywood’s’. This is the usual view, but Fleay,
ii. 288, had doubted it. There is no external evidence for Heywood’s
authorship, or for any connexion between him and Derby’s men. Moreover,
in May 1603, he authorized Henslowe, on behalf of Worcester’s, to pay
Page 23
Chettle and Day for ‘the Booke of Shoare, now newly to be written’, also
described as ‘a playe wherein Shores wiffe is writen’. If this was a revision
of his own play, he would hardly have left it to others. It is fair to add that
in the previous January he had himself received payment with Chettle for
an unnamed play, which might be the same (Henslowe, ii. 234). The ‘three-
mans song’ on Agincourt in iii. 2 of Part I closely resembles Drayton’s
Ballad of Agincourt (ed. Brett, 81), and must, I think, be his. Jane Shore is
mentioned as a play visited by citizens in The Knight of the Burning Pestle
(1607), ind. 57, and ‘the well-frequented play of Shore’ in Pimlyco or
Runne Redcap (1609). A play, apparently on the same subject, was
performed by English actors at Graz on 19 Nov. 1607 (Herz, 98).
Every Woman in Her Humour. 1607–8?
1609. Everie Woman in her Humor. E. A. for Thomas Archer. [Prologue.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1885, O. E. P. iv) and J. S. Farmer (1913, S. F.
T.).—Dissertation: J. Q. Adams, E. W. I. and The Dumb Knight (1913, M. P.
x. 413).
Fleay, ii. 321, suggests a date c. 1602 on the ground of apparent
reference to the Poetomachia. But this is not conclusive, and Adams points
to the use of a song (p. 335) from Bateson’s Madrigals (1604). He thinks
that Lewis Machin was the author, as the style resembles that of the comic
part of The Dumb Knight (vide s. Markham), and two passages are
substantially reproduced in the latter. If so, this also may be a King’s Revels
play. Allusions on p. 270 to the ‘babones’ (cf. s.v. Sir Giles Goosecap) and
on p. 316 to the Family of Love (cf. s.v. Middleton) are consistent with a
date of 1603–8.
Fair Em c. 1590
n.d. For T. N. and I. W.
[In Bodleian. Greg says that this is ‘considerably earlier’ than 1631. The
t.p. is as in 1631. Chetwood mentions three early editions, including one
undated and one of 1619. This is not now known.]
1631. A Pleasant Comedie of Faire Em, the Millers Daughter of
Manchester. With the loue of William the Conqueror. As it was sundry
described as ‘a playe wherein Shores wiffe is writen’. If this was a revision
of his own play, he would hardly have left it to others. It is fair to add that
in the previous January he had himself received payment with Chettle for
an unnamed play, which might be the same (Henslowe, ii. 234). The ‘three-
mans song’ on Agincourt in iii. 2 of Part I closely resembles Drayton’s
Ballad of Agincourt (ed. Brett, 81), and must, I think, be his. Jane Shore is
mentioned as a play visited by citizens in The Knight of the Burning Pestle
(1607), ind. 57, and ‘the well-frequented play of Shore’ in Pimlyco or
Runne Redcap (1609). A play, apparently on the same subject, was
performed by English actors at Graz on 19 Nov. 1607 (Herz, 98).
Every Woman in Her Humour. 1607–8?
1609. Everie Woman in her Humor. E. A. for Thomas Archer. [Prologue.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1885, O. E. P. iv) and J. S. Farmer (1913, S. F.
T.).—Dissertation: J. Q. Adams, E. W. I. and The Dumb Knight (1913, M. P.
x. 413).
Fleay, ii. 321, suggests a date c. 1602 on the ground of apparent
reference to the Poetomachia. But this is not conclusive, and Adams points
to the use of a song (p. 335) from Bateson’s Madrigals (1604). He thinks
that Lewis Machin was the author, as the style resembles that of the comic
part of The Dumb Knight (vide s. Markham), and two passages are
substantially reproduced in the latter. If so, this also may be a King’s Revels
play. Allusions on p. 270 to the ‘babones’ (cf. s.v. Sir Giles Goosecap) and
on p. 316 to the Family of Love (cf. s.v. Middleton) are consistent with a
date of 1603–8.
Fair Em c. 1590
n.d. For T. N. and I. W.
[In Bodleian. Greg says that this is ‘considerably earlier’ than 1631. The
t.p. is as in 1631. Chetwood mentions three early editions, including one
undated and one of 1619. This is not now known.]
1631. A Pleasant Comedie of Faire Em, the Millers Daughter of
Manchester. With the loue of William the Conqueror. As it was sundry
Page 24
times publiquely acted in the Honourable Citie of London, by the right
Honourable the Lord Strange his Seruants. For John Wright.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.),
and in collections of Sh. Apocrypha.—Dissertations: R. Simpson, Some
Plays Attributed to Sh. (1875–6, N. S. S. Trans. 155); K. Elze,
Nachträgliche Bemerkungen zu Mucedorus und F. E. (1880, Jahrbuch, xv.
339); P. Lohr, Le Printemps d’Yver und die Quelle zu F. E. (1912).
The play has a double plot. One theme is the contest of William the
Conqueror and the Marquess Lubeck for the loves of Princess Blanch of
Denmark and of Mariana, a Swedish captive; the other is the contest of
Manvile, Mountney and Valingford for Em, daughter of the Miller of
Manchester. A ‘ballad intituled The Miller’s daughter of Manchester’ was
entered on the Stationers’ Register by Henry Carr on 2 March 1581 (Arber,
ii. 390). Fair Em has been included in the Shakespeare Apocrypha on the
strength of a volume formerly in the collection of Charles II, and then in
that of Garrick, in which it was bound up with Mucedorus and The Merry
Devil of Edmonton and lettered ‘Shakespeare, vol. i’. On the other hand,
Edward Phillips, in his Theatrum Poetarum (1675), assigned it to Greene.
Clearly Greene is not the author, although there are certain resemblances of
situation between the play and Friar Bacon; for he satirizes it in the preface
to Farewell to Folly (Works, ix. 232), quoting one or two of its expressions
and blaming them as borrowed out of Scripture. Of the author he says, ‘He
that cannot write true English without the help of clerks of parish churches
will needs make himself the father of interludes’, and, ‘The sexton of St.
Giles without Cripplegate would have been ashamed of such blasphemous
rhetoric’. Farewell to Folly seems to have appeared in 1591 (cf. s.v.
Greene), and Fair Em may perhaps therefore be dated between this
pamphlet and Friar Bacon (c. 1589). Simpson adopts the theory, which
hardly deserves serious discussion, of Shakespeare’s authorship. He finds
numerous (but impossible) attacks by Greene upon Shakespeare from the
Planetomachia (1585) onwards, and thinks that Shakespeare retorted in
Fair Em, satirizing Greene as Manvile and Marlowe as Mountney, and
depicting himself as Valingford. ‘Fair Em’ herself is the Manchester stage.
In the story of William the Conqueror he finds an allusion to the travels of
William Kempe and other actors in Denmark and Saxony. Fleay,
Shakespeare Manual (1878), 281, adopts much of this fantasy, but turns
Honourable the Lord Strange his Seruants. For John Wright.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.),
and in collections of Sh. Apocrypha.—Dissertations: R. Simpson, Some
Plays Attributed to Sh. (1875–6, N. S. S. Trans. 155); K. Elze,
Nachträgliche Bemerkungen zu Mucedorus und F. E. (1880, Jahrbuch, xv.
339); P. Lohr, Le Printemps d’Yver und die Quelle zu F. E. (1912).
The play has a double plot. One theme is the contest of William the
Conqueror and the Marquess Lubeck for the loves of Princess Blanch of
Denmark and of Mariana, a Swedish captive; the other is the contest of
Manvile, Mountney and Valingford for Em, daughter of the Miller of
Manchester. A ‘ballad intituled The Miller’s daughter of Manchester’ was
entered on the Stationers’ Register by Henry Carr on 2 March 1581 (Arber,
ii. 390). Fair Em has been included in the Shakespeare Apocrypha on the
strength of a volume formerly in the collection of Charles II, and then in
that of Garrick, in which it was bound up with Mucedorus and The Merry
Devil of Edmonton and lettered ‘Shakespeare, vol. i’. On the other hand,
Edward Phillips, in his Theatrum Poetarum (1675), assigned it to Greene.
Clearly Greene is not the author, although there are certain resemblances of
situation between the play and Friar Bacon; for he satirizes it in the preface
to Farewell to Folly (Works, ix. 232), quoting one or two of its expressions
and blaming them as borrowed out of Scripture. Of the author he says, ‘He
that cannot write true English without the help of clerks of parish churches
will needs make himself the father of interludes’, and, ‘The sexton of St.
Giles without Cripplegate would have been ashamed of such blasphemous
rhetoric’. Farewell to Folly seems to have appeared in 1591 (cf. s.v.
Greene), and Fair Em may perhaps therefore be dated between this
pamphlet and Friar Bacon (c. 1589). Simpson adopts the theory, which
hardly deserves serious discussion, of Shakespeare’s authorship. He finds
numerous (but impossible) attacks by Greene upon Shakespeare from the
Planetomachia (1585) onwards, and thinks that Shakespeare retorted in
Fair Em, satirizing Greene as Manvile and Marlowe as Mountney, and
depicting himself as Valingford. ‘Fair Em’ herself is the Manchester stage.
In the story of William the Conqueror he finds an allusion to the travels of
William Kempe and other actors in Denmark and Saxony. Fleay,
Shakespeare Manual (1878), 281, adopts much of this fantasy, but turns
Page 25
‘Fair Em’ into the Queen’s company and Valingford into Peele. In 1891 (ii.
282) he makes ‘Fair Em’ Strange’s company. His minor identifications,
whether of 1878 or of 1891, may be disregarded. More plausible is his
suggestion that the author of the play may be Robert Wilson (q.v.), which
would explain the attack upon Greene (q.v.) for his Farewell to Folly in R.
W.’s Martin Mar-sixtus (1591). The suggestion that the play was the Sir
John Mandeville revived by Strange’s for Henslowe in 1592 rests on a
confusion between Mandeville and Manvile, but it may have been the
William the Conqueror similarly revived by Sussex’s on 4 Jan. 1594 (Greg,
Henslowe, ii. 151, 158).
The Fair Maid of Bristow > 1604
S. R. 1605, Feb. 8. ‘A commedy called “the fayre Mayd of Bristoe”
played at Hampton Court by his Maiesties players.’ Thomas Pavier (Arber,
iii. 283).
1605. The Faire Maide of Bristow. As it was plaide at Hampton, before
the King and Queenes most excellent Maiesties. For Thomas Pavier.
Editions by A. H. Quinn (1902, Pennsylvania Univ. Publ.) and J. S.
Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).
The court performance must have been during the Christmas of 1603–4,
which was at Hampton Court. Bullen, Works of Day, 10, rejects the theory
of Collier that this was Day’s Bristol Tragedy, written for the Admiral’s in
May 1602, on the grounds that it is not a tragedy and does not resemble the
known work of Day. Moreover, the King’s men are not likely to have
acquired an Admiral’s play.
The Fair Maid of the Exchange c. 1602
S. R. 1607, April 24 (Buck). ‘A booke called the faire Mayde of the
Exchaunge.’ Henry Rocket (Arber, iii. 347).
1607. The Fayre Mayde of the Exchange. With the pleasaunt Humours of
the Cripple of Fanchurch. Very delectable, and full of mirth. For Henry
Rockit. [Dramatis Personae headed ‘Eleauen may easily acte this Comedie’,
and Prologue.]
1525. I. L.
282) he makes ‘Fair Em’ Strange’s company. His minor identifications,
whether of 1878 or of 1891, may be disregarded. More plausible is his
suggestion that the author of the play may be Robert Wilson (q.v.), which
would explain the attack upon Greene (q.v.) for his Farewell to Folly in R.
W.’s Martin Mar-sixtus (1591). The suggestion that the play was the Sir
John Mandeville revived by Strange’s for Henslowe in 1592 rests on a
confusion between Mandeville and Manvile, but it may have been the
William the Conqueror similarly revived by Sussex’s on 4 Jan. 1594 (Greg,
Henslowe, ii. 151, 158).
The Fair Maid of Bristow > 1604
S. R. 1605, Feb. 8. ‘A commedy called “the fayre Mayd of Bristoe”
played at Hampton Court by his Maiesties players.’ Thomas Pavier (Arber,
iii. 283).
1605. The Faire Maide of Bristow. As it was plaide at Hampton, before
the King and Queenes most excellent Maiesties. For Thomas Pavier.
Editions by A. H. Quinn (1902, Pennsylvania Univ. Publ.) and J. S.
Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).
The court performance must have been during the Christmas of 1603–4,
which was at Hampton Court. Bullen, Works of Day, 10, rejects the theory
of Collier that this was Day’s Bristol Tragedy, written for the Admiral’s in
May 1602, on the grounds that it is not a tragedy and does not resemble the
known work of Day. Moreover, the King’s men are not likely to have
acquired an Admiral’s play.
The Fair Maid of the Exchange c. 1602
S. R. 1607, April 24 (Buck). ‘A booke called the faire Mayde of the
Exchaunge.’ Henry Rocket (Arber, iii. 347).
1607. The Fayre Mayde of the Exchange. With the pleasaunt Humours of
the Cripple of Fanchurch. Very delectable, and full of mirth. For Henry
Rockit. [Dramatis Personae headed ‘Eleauen may easily acte this Comedie’,
and Prologue.]
1525. I. L.
Page 26
1637. A. G.
Edition by B. Field (1845, Sh. Soc.).—Dissertations: L. A. Hibberd, The
Authorship and Date of the Fair Maid of the Exchange (M. P. vii. 383); P.
Aronstein, Die Verfasserschaft des Dramas The Fair Maid of the Exchange
(1912, E. S. xlv. 45).
Heywood’s authorship was asserted by Kirkman in 1671 (Greg,
Masques, lxvii), denied by Langbaine in 1687, accepted by Charles Lamb
and out of respect to him by Ward, ii. 572, and is still matter of dispute.
Fleay, ii. 329, assigned it to Machin on quite inadequate grounds. Hibberd
argues the case for Heywood, and Aronstein attempts a compromise by
giving ii. i, iv. i, and v to Heywood and the rest to some young academic
student of Shakespeare and Jonson. The imitations of these point to a date c.
1602. I do not offer an opinion.
Fedele and Fortunio or Two Italian Gentlemen c. 1584
S. R. 1584, Nov. 12. ‘A booke entituled Fedele et Fortuna. The deceiptes
in love Discoursed in a Commedie of ij Italyan gent and translated into
Englishe.’ Thomas Hackett (Arber, ii. 437).
1585. Fedele and Fortunio. The deceites in Loue: excellently discoursed
in a very pleasaunt and fine conceited Comoedie, of two Italian Gentlemen.
Translated out of Italian, and set downe according as it hath beene
presented before the Queenes moste excellent Maiestie. For Thomas
Hacket.
[In the Mostyn sale (1919). Epistle ‘To the Woorshipfull, and very
courteous Gentleman, Maister M. R. M.A. commendeth this pleasaunt and
fine conceited comœdie’, signed M.A.; Prologue before the Queene;
Epilogue at the Court, signed M.A. The compiler of the Mostyn sale
catalogue says that this differs from the imperfect print in the Chatsworth
collection, containing sheets B to G only, without t.p., epistle, prologue, or
epilogue, which is the basis of the modern editions. Both have the running
title, ‘A pleasant Comœdie of two Italian Gentlemen’. Collier, iii. 60, had
seen a copy with the epistle as found in the Mostyn print, but addressed to
John Heardson and signed A.M. This has been recently found in the
Huntington collection.
Edition by B. Field (1845, Sh. Soc.).—Dissertations: L. A. Hibberd, The
Authorship and Date of the Fair Maid of the Exchange (M. P. vii. 383); P.
Aronstein, Die Verfasserschaft des Dramas The Fair Maid of the Exchange
(1912, E. S. xlv. 45).
Heywood’s authorship was asserted by Kirkman in 1671 (Greg,
Masques, lxvii), denied by Langbaine in 1687, accepted by Charles Lamb
and out of respect to him by Ward, ii. 572, and is still matter of dispute.
Fleay, ii. 329, assigned it to Machin on quite inadequate grounds. Hibberd
argues the case for Heywood, and Aronstein attempts a compromise by
giving ii. i, iv. i, and v to Heywood and the rest to some young academic
student of Shakespeare and Jonson. The imitations of these point to a date c.
1602. I do not offer an opinion.
Fedele and Fortunio or Two Italian Gentlemen c. 1584
S. R. 1584, Nov. 12. ‘A booke entituled Fedele et Fortuna. The deceiptes
in love Discoursed in a Commedie of ij Italyan gent and translated into
Englishe.’ Thomas Hackett (Arber, ii. 437).
1585. Fedele and Fortunio. The deceites in Loue: excellently discoursed
in a very pleasaunt and fine conceited Comoedie, of two Italian Gentlemen.
Translated out of Italian, and set downe according as it hath beene
presented before the Queenes moste excellent Maiestie. For Thomas
Hacket.
[In the Mostyn sale (1919). Epistle ‘To the Woorshipfull, and very
courteous Gentleman, Maister M. R. M.A. commendeth this pleasaunt and
fine conceited comœdie’, signed M.A.; Prologue before the Queene;
Epilogue at the Court, signed M.A. The compiler of the Mostyn sale
catalogue says that this differs from the imperfect print in the Chatsworth
collection, containing sheets B to G only, without t.p., epistle, prologue, or
epilogue, which is the basis of the modern editions. Both have the running
title, ‘A pleasant Comœdie of two Italian Gentlemen’. Collier, iii. 60, had
seen a copy with the epistle as found in the Mostyn print, but addressed to
John Heardson and signed A.M. This has been recently found in the
Huntington collection.
Page 27
Editions by P. Simpson (1909, M. S. R.) and F. Flügge (1909, Archiv,
cxxiii, 45), and extracts by Halliwell (1852, Literature of the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries, 15).—Dissertations: W. W. Greg, Notes on
Publications (1909, M. S. C. i. 218); F. Flügge, Fidele und Fortunio (1912,
Breslau diss.).
The epistle says ‘I commende to your freendly viewe this prettie
Conceit, as well for the inuention, as the delicate conueiance thereof: not
doubting but you will so esteeme thereof, as it dooth very well deserue, and
I hartely desire’. This praise of the ‘conueiance’ (which I take to mean
either ‘style’ or possibly ‘translation’) does not suggest that M. A. (or A.
M.) was the translator. It is true that ll. 224–41 appear in England’s Helicon
(1600) signed ‘Shep. Tonie’, and that this signature is often taken to
indicate Munday. On the other hand, two lines of this passage also appear in
England’s Parnassus (1600, ed. Crawford, 306) over the initials S. G.,
which suggest Gosson. Another passage in E. P. (231) combines ll. 661–2
and 655–6 of the play over the signature G. Chapman. This has led
Crawford (E. S. xliii. 203), with some support from Greg, to suggest
Chapman’s authorship. I do not think the suggestion very convincing, in
view of the inconsistency and general unreliability of E. P. and the fact that
Chapman’s first clear appearance as a writer is ten years later, in 1594. The
evidence is quite indecisive, but of Munday, Chapman, Gosson, I incline to
think Gosson the most likely candidate. On the other hand, if M. R. is
Matthew Roydon, he was the dedicatee of poems by Chapman in 1594 and
1595. For M. A. I hardly dare guess Matthew Arundel. In any case, the play
is only a translation from L. Pasqualigo’s Il Fedele (1576).
2 Fortune’s Tennis c. 1602
[MS.] Add. MS. 10449. ‘The [plott of the sec]ond part of fortun[s
Tenn]is.’ [A fragment, probably from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 143. The actors named
show that it belonged to the Admiral’s, and Greg suggests that it may be
Dekker’s ‘fortewn tenes’ of Sept. 1600. Is it not more likely to have been a
sequel to that, possibly Munday’s Set at Tennis of Dec. 1602?
Frederick and Basilea. 1597
cxxiii, 45), and extracts by Halliwell (1852, Literature of the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries, 15).—Dissertations: W. W. Greg, Notes on
Publications (1909, M. S. C. i. 218); F. Flügge, Fidele und Fortunio (1912,
Breslau diss.).
The epistle says ‘I commende to your freendly viewe this prettie
Conceit, as well for the inuention, as the delicate conueiance thereof: not
doubting but you will so esteeme thereof, as it dooth very well deserue, and
I hartely desire’. This praise of the ‘conueiance’ (which I take to mean
either ‘style’ or possibly ‘translation’) does not suggest that M. A. (or A.
M.) was the translator. It is true that ll. 224–41 appear in England’s Helicon
(1600) signed ‘Shep. Tonie’, and that this signature is often taken to
indicate Munday. On the other hand, two lines of this passage also appear in
England’s Parnassus (1600, ed. Crawford, 306) over the initials S. G.,
which suggest Gosson. Another passage in E. P. (231) combines ll. 661–2
and 655–6 of the play over the signature G. Chapman. This has led
Crawford (E. S. xliii. 203), with some support from Greg, to suggest
Chapman’s authorship. I do not think the suggestion very convincing, in
view of the inconsistency and general unreliability of E. P. and the fact that
Chapman’s first clear appearance as a writer is ten years later, in 1594. The
evidence is quite indecisive, but of Munday, Chapman, Gosson, I incline to
think Gosson the most likely candidate. On the other hand, if M. R. is
Matthew Roydon, he was the dedicatee of poems by Chapman in 1594 and
1595. For M. A. I hardly dare guess Matthew Arundel. In any case, the play
is only a translation from L. Pasqualigo’s Il Fedele (1576).
2 Fortune’s Tennis c. 1602
[MS.] Add. MS. 10449. ‘The [plott of the sec]ond part of fortun[s
Tenn]is.’ [A fragment, probably from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 143. The actors named
show that it belonged to the Admiral’s, and Greg suggests that it may be
Dekker’s ‘fortewn tenes’ of Sept. 1600. Is it not more likely to have been a
sequel to that, possibly Munday’s Set at Tennis of Dec. 1602?
Frederick and Basilea. 1597
Page 28
[MS.] Add. MS. 10449. ‘The plott of Frederick & Basilea.’ [Probably
from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Steevens, Variorum (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
Variorum (1821), iii. 356; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 135; and a facsimile by
Halliwell, The Theatre Plats of Three Old English Dramas (1860).
The play was produced by the Admiral’s on 3 June 1597, and the actors
named represent that company at that date (cf. ch. xiii).
George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield > 1593
S. R. 1595, April 1. ‘An Enterlude called the Pynder of Wakefeilde.’
Cuthbert Burby (Arber, ii. 295).
1599. A Pleasant Conceyted Comedie of George a Greene, the Pinner of
Wakefield. As it was sundry times acted by the seruants of the right
Honourable the Earle of Sussex. Simon Stafford for Cuthbert Burby.
Editions in Dodsley1–3 (1744–1825), by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. i), F. W.
Clarke (1911, M. S. R.), and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.), and in collections of
Greene.—Dissertation: O. Mertins, Robert Greene and the Play of G. a G.
(1885, Breslau diss.).
Sussex’s men revived the play for Henslowe on 29 Dec. 1593 (Greg,
Henslowe, ii. 158). The Chatsworth copy has on the title-page the following
notes in two early seventeenth-century hands: ‘Written by ... a minister,
who ac[ted] the piñers p̄ t in it himself. Teste W. Shakespea[re]’, and ‘Ed
Iuby saith that the play was made by Ro. Gree[ne]’. These, though first
produced by Collier, appear (M. S. C. i. 288) to be genuine. Greene’s
authorship has been very commonly accepted. Fleay, i. 264, ii. 51, supposed
first Greene and Peele, then added Lodge, but, although the text has been
abridged, there is no evidence of double authorship. Oliphant’s suggestion
(M. P. viii. 433) of revision by Heywood only rests on the inclusion of the
play next his in the Cockpit list of 1639 (Variorum, iii. 159). R. B.
McKerrow thinks (M. S. C. i. 289) that the ‘by Ro. Greene’ of the note may
mean ‘about Ro. Greene’ as a leading incident is apparently based on an
episode of Greene’s life. An allusion in i. i. 42 to Tamburlaine gives an
anterior limit of date.
Sir Giles Goosecap. 1601 < > 3
from Dulwich.]
The text is given by Steevens, Variorum (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
Variorum (1821), iii. 356; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 135; and a facsimile by
Halliwell, The Theatre Plats of Three Old English Dramas (1860).
The play was produced by the Admiral’s on 3 June 1597, and the actors
named represent that company at that date (cf. ch. xiii).
George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield > 1593
S. R. 1595, April 1. ‘An Enterlude called the Pynder of Wakefeilde.’
Cuthbert Burby (Arber, ii. 295).
1599. A Pleasant Conceyted Comedie of George a Greene, the Pinner of
Wakefield. As it was sundry times acted by the seruants of the right
Honourable the Earle of Sussex. Simon Stafford for Cuthbert Burby.
Editions in Dodsley1–3 (1744–1825), by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. i), F. W.
Clarke (1911, M. S. R.), and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.), and in collections of
Greene.—Dissertation: O. Mertins, Robert Greene and the Play of G. a G.
(1885, Breslau diss.).
Sussex’s men revived the play for Henslowe on 29 Dec. 1593 (Greg,
Henslowe, ii. 158). The Chatsworth copy has on the title-page the following
notes in two early seventeenth-century hands: ‘Written by ... a minister,
who ac[ted] the piñers p̄ t in it himself. Teste W. Shakespea[re]’, and ‘Ed
Iuby saith that the play was made by Ro. Gree[ne]’. These, though first
produced by Collier, appear (M. S. C. i. 288) to be genuine. Greene’s
authorship has been very commonly accepted. Fleay, i. 264, ii. 51, supposed
first Greene and Peele, then added Lodge, but, although the text has been
abridged, there is no evidence of double authorship. Oliphant’s suggestion
(M. P. viii. 433) of revision by Heywood only rests on the inclusion of the
play next his in the Cockpit list of 1639 (Variorum, iii. 159). R. B.
McKerrow thinks (M. S. C. i. 289) that the ‘by Ro. Greene’ of the note may
mean ‘about Ro. Greene’ as a leading incident is apparently based on an
episode of Greene’s life. An allusion in i. i. 42 to Tamburlaine gives an
anterior limit of date.
Sir Giles Goosecap. 1601 < > 3
Page 29
S. R. 1606, Jan. 10. (Wilson). ‘An Comedie called Sir Gyles Goosecap
Provided that yt be printed accordinge to the Copie wherevnto master
Wilson’s hand ys at.’ Edward Blount (Arber, iii. 309).
1606. Sir Gyles Goosecappe. Knight. A Comedie presented by the Chil:
of the Chappell. John Windet for Edward Blount.
1636....A Comedy lately Acted with great applause at the private House
in Salisbury Court. For Hugh Perry, sold by Roger Bell. [Epistle to Richard
Young of Woolley Farm, Berks. Signed ‘Hugh Perry’.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii), W. Bang and R. Brotanek
(1909, Materialien, xxvi), J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.), and T. M. Parrott
(1914, Chapman, ii).—Dissertations: G. L. Kittredge, Notes on Elizabethan
Plays (1898, J. G. P. ii. 10); T. M. Parrott, The Authorship of S. G. G. (1906,
M. P. iv. 25).
Bullen thought the author, who is stated in Perry’s epistle to be dead in
1636, might be some imitator of Chapman. Fleay, ii. 322, suggests
Chapman himself. This view receives elaborate support from Parrott, and
appears very plausible. As ‘your greatest gallants, for men, in France were
here lately’ (iii. i. 47) the date is after the visit of Biron in Sept. 1601 and
possibly after that of Nevers in April 1602. It cannot be later than the
beginning of 1603, as ‘She is the best scholar of any woman, but one, in
Europe’ (i. i. 140) points to Elizabeth’s lifetime. Moreover, Dekker, in his
Wonderful Year of 1603 (Grosart, i. 116), has ‘Galen could do no more
good, than Sir Giles Goosecap’, and though ‘goosecap’ is a known term for
a booby, e.g. in Nashe’s Four Letters Confuted of 1592 (Works, i. 281), the
play seems to be responsible for the ‘Sir Giles’. The phrase ‘comparisons
odorous’ in iv. ii. 64 echoes Much Ado, iii. v. 18. The later part of the period
1601–3 would perhaps best fit the allusions to the Family of Love (ii. i.
263), as to which cf. s.v. Middleton’s play of that name, and to the baboons
(i. i. 11), the memory of which is still alive in Volpone (1606) and Ram
Alley (1607–8). Probably these had already amused London before 1605, as
on Oct. 5 of that year the Norwich records (Murray, ii. 338) note that ‘This
day John Watson ironmonger brought the Kyngs maiesties warrant graunted
to Roger Lawrence & the deputacion to the seid Watson to shewe two
beasts called Babonnes’. So, too, Kelly, 247, has a Leicester payment of
1606 ‘to the Mr of the Babons, lycensed to travell by the Kings warrant’.
Provided that yt be printed accordinge to the Copie wherevnto master
Wilson’s hand ys at.’ Edward Blount (Arber, iii. 309).
1606. Sir Gyles Goosecappe. Knight. A Comedie presented by the Chil:
of the Chappell. John Windet for Edward Blount.
1636....A Comedy lately Acted with great applause at the private House
in Salisbury Court. For Hugh Perry, sold by Roger Bell. [Epistle to Richard
Young of Woolley Farm, Berks. Signed ‘Hugh Perry’.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii), W. Bang and R. Brotanek
(1909, Materialien, xxvi), J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.), and T. M. Parrott
(1914, Chapman, ii).—Dissertations: G. L. Kittredge, Notes on Elizabethan
Plays (1898, J. G. P. ii. 10); T. M. Parrott, The Authorship of S. G. G. (1906,
M. P. iv. 25).
Bullen thought the author, who is stated in Perry’s epistle to be dead in
1636, might be some imitator of Chapman. Fleay, ii. 322, suggests
Chapman himself. This view receives elaborate support from Parrott, and
appears very plausible. As ‘your greatest gallants, for men, in France were
here lately’ (iii. i. 47) the date is after the visit of Biron in Sept. 1601 and
possibly after that of Nevers in April 1602. It cannot be later than the
beginning of 1603, as ‘She is the best scholar of any woman, but one, in
Europe’ (i. i. 140) points to Elizabeth’s lifetime. Moreover, Dekker, in his
Wonderful Year of 1603 (Grosart, i. 116), has ‘Galen could do no more
good, than Sir Giles Goosecap’, and though ‘goosecap’ is a known term for
a booby, e.g. in Nashe’s Four Letters Confuted of 1592 (Works, i. 281), the
play seems to be responsible for the ‘Sir Giles’. The phrase ‘comparisons
odorous’ in iv. ii. 64 echoes Much Ado, iii. v. 18. The later part of the period
1601–3 would perhaps best fit the allusions to the Family of Love (ii. i.
263), as to which cf. s.v. Middleton’s play of that name, and to the baboons
(i. i. 11), the memory of which is still alive in Volpone (1606) and Ram
Alley (1607–8). Probably these had already amused London before 1605, as
on Oct. 5 of that year the Norwich records (Murray, ii. 338) note that ‘This
day John Watson ironmonger brought the Kyngs maiesties warrant graunted
to Roger Lawrence & the deputacion to the seid Watson to shewe two
beasts called Babonnes’. So, too, Kelly, 247, has a Leicester payment of
1606 ‘to the Mr of the Babons, lycensed to travell by the Kings warrant’.
Page 30
There is a story of a country fellow who wanted to go to a market town ‘to
haue seene the Baboones’ as late as J. Taylor’s Wit and Mirth in 1629
(Hazlitt, Jest Books, iii. 43). Fleay’s identifications of Chapman himself
with Clarence and Drayton with Goosecap hardly deserve consideration.
Grim the Collier of Croydon. 1600
[Alleged prints of 1599 (Chetwood), 1600 (Ward, i. 263), and 1606
(Jacob) probably rest on no authority.]
1662. Grim the Collier of Croyden; Or, The Devil and his Dame: With
The Devil and Saint Dunston. [Part of Gratiae Theatrales, or, A choice
Ternary of English plays. Composed upon especial occasions by several
ingenious persons; viz.... Grim the Collier ... a Comedy, by I. T. Never
before published: but now printed at the request of sundry ingenious
friends. R. D. 1662, 12mo.]
Editions by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. iii), in Dodsley4, viii (1876), and by
J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertation: H. D. Sykes, The Authorship of G. the
C. of C. (1919, M. L. R. xiv. 245).
Of I. T. nothing is known. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 213) regards the play as
clearly of the sixteenth century on internal evidence, and points out that
Henslowe, on behalf of the Admiral’s, paid Haughton 5s. on 6 May 1600,
‘in earneste of a boocke which he wold calle the devell & his dame’. The
entry was subsequently cancelled, and presumably Haughton transferred the
play to another company. Sykes calls attention to analogies with
Englishmen for my Money, which confirm the probability of Haughton’s
authorship. It is only the ascription of 1662 to I. T. which causes hesitation.
Farmer (Hand List, 19) suggests that this was John Tatham. Grim and the
Devil both appear in the Like Will to Like of Ulpian Fulwell (q.v.), but I do
not understand what kind of indirect connexion Greg thinks may have
existed between Haughton’s play and a possible revival of Fulwell’s by
Pembroke’s men in Oct. 1600.
The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth > 1588
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke intituled, The famous victories of Henrye
the Fyft, conteyninge the honorable battell of Agincourt.’ Thomas Creede
(Arber, ii. 648).
haue seene the Baboones’ as late as J. Taylor’s Wit and Mirth in 1629
(Hazlitt, Jest Books, iii. 43). Fleay’s identifications of Chapman himself
with Clarence and Drayton with Goosecap hardly deserve consideration.
Grim the Collier of Croydon. 1600
[Alleged prints of 1599 (Chetwood), 1600 (Ward, i. 263), and 1606
(Jacob) probably rest on no authority.]
1662. Grim the Collier of Croyden; Or, The Devil and his Dame: With
The Devil and Saint Dunston. [Part of Gratiae Theatrales, or, A choice
Ternary of English plays. Composed upon especial occasions by several
ingenious persons; viz.... Grim the Collier ... a Comedy, by I. T. Never
before published: but now printed at the request of sundry ingenious
friends. R. D. 1662, 12mo.]
Editions by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. iii), in Dodsley4, viii (1876), and by
J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertation: H. D. Sykes, The Authorship of G. the
C. of C. (1919, M. L. R. xiv. 245).
Of I. T. nothing is known. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 213) regards the play as
clearly of the sixteenth century on internal evidence, and points out that
Henslowe, on behalf of the Admiral’s, paid Haughton 5s. on 6 May 1600,
‘in earneste of a boocke which he wold calle the devell & his dame’. The
entry was subsequently cancelled, and presumably Haughton transferred the
play to another company. Sykes calls attention to analogies with
Englishmen for my Money, which confirm the probability of Haughton’s
authorship. It is only the ascription of 1662 to I. T. which causes hesitation.
Farmer (Hand List, 19) suggests that this was John Tatham. Grim and the
Devil both appear in the Like Will to Like of Ulpian Fulwell (q.v.), but I do
not understand what kind of indirect connexion Greg thinks may have
existed between Haughton’s play and a possible revival of Fulwell’s by
Pembroke’s men in Oct. 1600.
The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth > 1588
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke intituled, The famous victories of Henrye
the Fyft, conteyninge the honorable battell of Agincourt.’ Thomas Creede
(Arber, ii. 648).
Page 31
1598. The Famous Victories of Henry the fifth: Containing the
Honourable Battell of Agincourt: As it was plaide by the Queenes Maiesties
Players. Thomas Creede.
1617.... as it was Acted by the Kinges Maiesties Seruants. Bernard
Alsop. [Another issue of the same sheets.]
Editions by J. Nichols (1779, Six Old Plays, ii. 317), W. C. Hazlitt (1875,
Shakespeare’s Library, v. 321), P. A. Daniel (1887, Sh. Q.), and J. S. Farmer
(S. F. T.).
In Tarlton’s Jests (ed. Halliwell for Sh. Soc. 24) is a story of Knell acting
Henry V and Tarlton doubling the parts of the judge and the clown, which
clearly refers to this play. The performance took place ‘at the Bull in
Bishopsgate’. Tarlton died in 1588. Fleay, 67; ii. 259, suggests that Tarlton
was the author. Nashe in Pierce Penilesse (1592, Works, i. 213) speaks of
‘Henrie the fifth represented on the stage’. This is obviously too early to be
the new play of ‘harey the V’, given thirteen times for Henslowe between
28 Nov. 1595 and 15 July 1596 by the Admiral’s, in whose inventories of
March 1598 Harry the Fifth’s doublet and gown appear. An earlier
Henslowe entry on 14 May 1592, sometimes quoted as ‘harey the vth’ by
Collier, is really ‘harey the 6’ (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 152, 177; Henslowe
Papers, 121). Sykes thinks the author S. Rowley (q.v.).
Histriomastix. 1589 (?), 1599
S. R. 1610, Oct. 31 (Buck). ‘A booke called, Histriomastix or the player
whipte.’ Thomas Thorpe (Arber, iii. 447).
1610. Histrio-Mastix. Or, the Player whipt. For Thomas Thorp.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii. 1) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).—Dissertation: F. Hoppe, Histriomastix-Studien (1906, Breslau diss.).
Fleay, ii. 69, gives the whole play to Marston, but the sounder view of
Simpson that Marston, whose style in places is unmistakable, was only the
reviser of an earlier play, is revived in the elaborate and mainly satisfactory
study of Small, 67. The passages assigned by Small to Marston are ii. 63–9,
128–9, 247–79; iii. 179–v. 191; v. 234; vi. 259–95. I should be inclined to
add v. 244–67, but to omit ii. 128–9; iii. 218–64; iv. 159–201; v. 61–102; v.
147–180; vi. 259–95, which may just as well belong to the original play. No
Honourable Battell of Agincourt: As it was plaide by the Queenes Maiesties
Players. Thomas Creede.
1617.... as it was Acted by the Kinges Maiesties Seruants. Bernard
Alsop. [Another issue of the same sheets.]
Editions by J. Nichols (1779, Six Old Plays, ii. 317), W. C. Hazlitt (1875,
Shakespeare’s Library, v. 321), P. A. Daniel (1887, Sh. Q.), and J. S. Farmer
(S. F. T.).
In Tarlton’s Jests (ed. Halliwell for Sh. Soc. 24) is a story of Knell acting
Henry V and Tarlton doubling the parts of the judge and the clown, which
clearly refers to this play. The performance took place ‘at the Bull in
Bishopsgate’. Tarlton died in 1588. Fleay, 67; ii. 259, suggests that Tarlton
was the author. Nashe in Pierce Penilesse (1592, Works, i. 213) speaks of
‘Henrie the fifth represented on the stage’. This is obviously too early to be
the new play of ‘harey the V’, given thirteen times for Henslowe between
28 Nov. 1595 and 15 July 1596 by the Admiral’s, in whose inventories of
March 1598 Harry the Fifth’s doublet and gown appear. An earlier
Henslowe entry on 14 May 1592, sometimes quoted as ‘harey the vth’ by
Collier, is really ‘harey the 6’ (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 152, 177; Henslowe
Papers, 121). Sykes thinks the author S. Rowley (q.v.).
Histriomastix. 1589 (?), 1599
S. R. 1610, Oct. 31 (Buck). ‘A booke called, Histriomastix or the player
whipte.’ Thomas Thorpe (Arber, iii. 447).
1610. Histrio-Mastix. Or, the Player whipt. For Thomas Thorp.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii. 1) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).—Dissertation: F. Hoppe, Histriomastix-Studien (1906, Breslau diss.).
Fleay, ii. 69, gives the whole play to Marston, but the sounder view of
Simpson that Marston, whose style in places is unmistakable, was only the
reviser of an earlier play, is revived in the elaborate and mainly satisfactory
study of Small, 67. The passages assigned by Small to Marston are ii. 63–9,
128–9, 247–79; iii. 179–v. 191; v. 234; vi. 259–95. I should be inclined to
add v. 244–67, but to omit ii. 128–9; iii. 218–64; iv. 159–201; v. 61–102; v.
147–180; vi. 259–95, which may just as well belong to the original play. No
Page 32
doubt vi. 259–95 is an addition, constituting an alternative ending for a
court performance before Elizabeth; but this may just as well have been a
contemporary as a Marstonian addition, and in fact there is no court
performance at the end of the century available for it, while the attempt to
find one led Fleay to the impossible theory that it was given by Derby’s
men. As its whole substance is a satire on professional players, it must have
been both produced and revived by amateurs or boys; and the same
conclusion is pointed to by the enormous number of characters. The original
matter is so full of the technical learning of the schools as to suggest an
academic audience; I think it was a University or possibly an Inns of Court,
not a choirboy, play. The theme is the cyclical progression of a state through
the stages Peace, Plenty, Pride, Envy, War, Poverty, and Peace again. It is
illustrated by the fortunes of a company of players, who wax insolent in
prosperity, and when war comes, are pressed for soldiers. Their poet
Posthaste is clearly Munday and not, as Simpson and others have vainly
imagined, Shakespeare. With him is contrasted the scholar-poet,
Chrisoganus, a philosopher with whom the players will have nothing to do.
He seems to belong to the order of ideas connected with the scientific
school of Thomas Harriott. Small thinks that the date was 1596, when there
was scarcity of food, a persecution of players, and a pressing of men for
service against Spain; and that the author might be Chapman. Certainly
Chapman was an early admirer of Harriott. But I disagree as to the date.
The style seems to me to be that of Peele or some imitator, the attitude to
the players an academic reflection of the attacks of Greene, and the political
atmosphere that of the years following the Armada, when the relief of peace
was certainly not unbroken by fears of renewed Spanish attempts.
Impressment was not a device of 1596 alone. The only notice of it known to
me in which players are known to have especially suffered is in an undated
letter of Philip Gawdy, assigned by his editor to 1602 (Gawdy, 121), ‘All
the playe howses wer besett in one daye and very many pressed from
thence, so that in all ther ar pressed ffowre thowsand besydes fyve hundred
voluntaryes, and all for flaunders’. This is too late for the proto-
Histriomastix, and probably also for the revival, but men were being
pressed for foreign service as early as 1585, and again in 1588 and possibly
in 1589 and 1591 (Cheyney, i. 158, 197, 219, 255; Procl. 805, 809). As to
the revival, Small puts it definitely in August 1599, when a scare of a
Spanish invasion, which had lasted for a month, came to a crisis in London
court performance before Elizabeth; but this may just as well have been a
contemporary as a Marstonian addition, and in fact there is no court
performance at the end of the century available for it, while the attempt to
find one led Fleay to the impossible theory that it was given by Derby’s
men. As its whole substance is a satire on professional players, it must have
been both produced and revived by amateurs or boys; and the same
conclusion is pointed to by the enormous number of characters. The original
matter is so full of the technical learning of the schools as to suggest an
academic audience; I think it was a University or possibly an Inns of Court,
not a choirboy, play. The theme is the cyclical progression of a state through
the stages Peace, Plenty, Pride, Envy, War, Poverty, and Peace again. It is
illustrated by the fortunes of a company of players, who wax insolent in
prosperity, and when war comes, are pressed for soldiers. Their poet
Posthaste is clearly Munday and not, as Simpson and others have vainly
imagined, Shakespeare. With him is contrasted the scholar-poet,
Chrisoganus, a philosopher with whom the players will have nothing to do.
He seems to belong to the order of ideas connected with the scientific
school of Thomas Harriott. Small thinks that the date was 1596, when there
was scarcity of food, a persecution of players, and a pressing of men for
service against Spain; and that the author might be Chapman. Certainly
Chapman was an early admirer of Harriott. But I disagree as to the date.
The style seems to me to be that of Peele or some imitator, the attitude to
the players an academic reflection of the attacks of Greene, and the political
atmosphere that of the years following the Armada, when the relief of peace
was certainly not unbroken by fears of renewed Spanish attempts.
Impressment was not a device of 1596 alone. The only notice of it known to
me in which players are known to have especially suffered is in an undated
letter of Philip Gawdy, assigned by his editor to 1602 (Gawdy, 121), ‘All
the playe howses wer besett in one daye and very many pressed from
thence, so that in all ther ar pressed ffowre thowsand besydes fyve hundred
voluntaryes, and all for flaunders’. This is too late for the proto-
Histriomastix, and probably also for the revival, but men were being
pressed for foreign service as early as 1585, and again in 1588 and possibly
in 1589 and 1591 (Cheyney, i. 158, 197, 219, 255; Procl. 805, 809). As to
the revival, Small puts it definitely in August 1599, when a scare of a
Spanish invasion, which had lasted for a month, came to a crisis in London
Page 33
on Aug. 7 (Stowe, Annales, 788; Chamberlain, 59; Sydney Papers, ii. 113;
Hist. MSS. xv, app. v, 66), and he thinks that the words ‘The Spaniards are
come!’ (v. 234) are an insertion of this date. They are not ‘extra-metrical’,
as Fleay says, for the passage is not in metre. There had, however, been
earlier scares, e.g. in Oct. 1595 (Sydney Papers, i. 355; cf. Arber, iii. 55, 56)
and in Oct. 1597 (Edmondes Papers, 303). The date of 1599 would agree
well enough with the career of Marston, and with that of the Paul’s boys, to
whom the revival was probably due, although I do not agree with Small that
it was their court play of 1 Jan. 1601, because I see no evidence that the
court ending belongs to the revision. I take it that Histriomastix was one of
the ‘musty fopperies of antiquity’ with which we learn from Jack Drum’s
Entertainment, v. 112, that the Paul’s boys began. The revision leaves
Posthaste untouched, save for the characteristic Marstonian sneer of
‘goosequillian’ (iii. 187). Munday of course was still good sport in 1599.
But Chrisoganus is turned from a scientific into a ‘translating’ scholar (ii.
63). I agree with Small that Marston has given him Jonsonian traits, and
that he intended to be complimentary rather than the reverse. I do not know
that it is necessary to suppose that Jonson misunderstood this and took
offence, for the real offence was given by Jack Drum’s Entertainment in the
next year. But certainly some of the ‘fustian’ words put in the mouth of
Clove in Every Man Out of His Humour, iii. i. 177 sqq., later in 1599 come
from Histriomastix, and their origin is pointed by the phrase ‘as you may
read in Plato’s Histriomastix’. One of the fragments of plays recited by the
players contains the lines (ii. 269):
Come Cressida, my Cresset light,
Thy face doth shine both day and night;
Behold behold thy garter blue
Thy knight his valiant elbow wears,
That when he shakes his furious Speare
The foe in shivering fearful sort
May lay him down in death to snort.
I am not convinced with Small that this belongs to the revision, even though
it seems discontinuous with the following fragment of a Prodigal Child
play. But in any case the hit at Shakespeare, if there really is one, remains
unexplained. There is nothing else which points to so early a date as 1599
for his Troilus and Cressida. I note the following parallel from S.
Rowlands, The Letting of Humors Blood in the Head-Veine (1600), Sat. iv:
Hist. MSS. xv, app. v, 66), and he thinks that the words ‘The Spaniards are
come!’ (v. 234) are an insertion of this date. They are not ‘extra-metrical’,
as Fleay says, for the passage is not in metre. There had, however, been
earlier scares, e.g. in Oct. 1595 (Sydney Papers, i. 355; cf. Arber, iii. 55, 56)
and in Oct. 1597 (Edmondes Papers, 303). The date of 1599 would agree
well enough with the career of Marston, and with that of the Paul’s boys, to
whom the revival was probably due, although I do not agree with Small that
it was their court play of 1 Jan. 1601, because I see no evidence that the
court ending belongs to the revision. I take it that Histriomastix was one of
the ‘musty fopperies of antiquity’ with which we learn from Jack Drum’s
Entertainment, v. 112, that the Paul’s boys began. The revision leaves
Posthaste untouched, save for the characteristic Marstonian sneer of
‘goosequillian’ (iii. 187). Munday of course was still good sport in 1599.
But Chrisoganus is turned from a scientific into a ‘translating’ scholar (ii.
63). I agree with Small that Marston has given him Jonsonian traits, and
that he intended to be complimentary rather than the reverse. I do not know
that it is necessary to suppose that Jonson misunderstood this and took
offence, for the real offence was given by Jack Drum’s Entertainment in the
next year. But certainly some of the ‘fustian’ words put in the mouth of
Clove in Every Man Out of His Humour, iii. i. 177 sqq., later in 1599 come
from Histriomastix, and their origin is pointed by the phrase ‘as you may
read in Plato’s Histriomastix’. One of the fragments of plays recited by the
players contains the lines (ii. 269):
Come Cressida, my Cresset light,
Thy face doth shine both day and night;
Behold behold thy garter blue
Thy knight his valiant elbow wears,
That when he shakes his furious Speare
The foe in shivering fearful sort
May lay him down in death to snort.
I am not convinced with Small that this belongs to the revision, even though
it seems discontinuous with the following fragment of a Prodigal Child
play. But in any case the hit at Shakespeare, if there really is one, remains
unexplained. There is nothing else which points to so early a date as 1599
for his Troilus and Cressida. I note the following parallel from S.
Rowlands, The Letting of Humors Blood in the Head-Veine (1600), Sat. iv:
Page 34
Be thou the Lady Cressit-light to mee,
Sir Trollelolle I will proue to thee.
The Honest Lawyer > 1615
S. R. 1615, Aug. 14. (Taverner). ‘A play called The Honest Lawyer.’
Richard Redmer (Arber, iii. 571). [Assigned by Redmer, apparently at once,
to Richard Woodriffe.]
1616. The Honest Lawyer. Acted by the Queenes Maiesties Seruants.
Written by S. S. George Purslowe for Richard Woodroffe. [Epilogue.]
Edition by J. S. Farmer (1914, S. F.).
A conceivable author is Samuel Sheppard (q.v.), but the absence of
extant early work by him makes a definite attribution hazardous.
How a Man may Choose a Good Wife from a Bad c. 1602
1602. A pleasant conceited Comedie, Wherein is shewed how a man may
chuse a good Wife from a bad. As it hath bene sundry times Acted by the
Earle of Worcesters Seruants. For Mathew Law.
1605; 1608; 1614; 1621; 1630; 1634.
Editions: 1824 (for Charles Baldwin), in O. E. D. (1825, i) and Dodsley4
(1876–9, ix), and by A. E. H. Swaen (1912, Materialien, xxxv) and J. S.
Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).—Dissertations: C. R. Baskervill, Sources and
Analogues of H. (1909, M. L. A. xxiv. 711); J. Q. Adams, Thomas Heywood
and H. (1912, E. S. xlv. 30).
The B.M. copy of 1602 (C. 34, b. 53) has the note ‘Written by Ioshua
Cooke’ in ink on the title-page. Presumably the author of Greene’s Tu
Quoque (q.v.) is meant, with which Swaen, xiii, declares that the play
shows ‘absolutely no similarity or point of agreement’. Fleay, i. 289,
suggested an ascription to Heywood on the ground of parallelisms with The
Wise Woman of Hogsdon, and this case is elaborately and plausibly argued
by Swaen and Adams. The date must be before Worcester’s begin to appear
in Henslowe’s diary, 17 Aug. 1602. Fleay’s attempt to twist its mentions of
a certain ‘Thomas’ in the text (l. 790) into references to Heywood himself
and Thomas Blackwood, the actor, is mere childishness.
Impatient Poverty (?)
Sir Trollelolle I will proue to thee.
The Honest Lawyer > 1615
S. R. 1615, Aug. 14. (Taverner). ‘A play called The Honest Lawyer.’
Richard Redmer (Arber, iii. 571). [Assigned by Redmer, apparently at once,
to Richard Woodriffe.]
1616. The Honest Lawyer. Acted by the Queenes Maiesties Seruants.
Written by S. S. George Purslowe for Richard Woodroffe. [Epilogue.]
Edition by J. S. Farmer (1914, S. F.).
A conceivable author is Samuel Sheppard (q.v.), but the absence of
extant early work by him makes a definite attribution hazardous.
How a Man may Choose a Good Wife from a Bad c. 1602
1602. A pleasant conceited Comedie, Wherein is shewed how a man may
chuse a good Wife from a bad. As it hath bene sundry times Acted by the
Earle of Worcesters Seruants. For Mathew Law.
1605; 1608; 1614; 1621; 1630; 1634.
Editions: 1824 (for Charles Baldwin), in O. E. D. (1825, i) and Dodsley4
(1876–9, ix), and by A. E. H. Swaen (1912, Materialien, xxxv) and J. S.
Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).—Dissertations: C. R. Baskervill, Sources and
Analogues of H. (1909, M. L. A. xxiv. 711); J. Q. Adams, Thomas Heywood
and H. (1912, E. S. xlv. 30).
The B.M. copy of 1602 (C. 34, b. 53) has the note ‘Written by Ioshua
Cooke’ in ink on the title-page. Presumably the author of Greene’s Tu
Quoque (q.v.) is meant, with which Swaen, xiii, declares that the play
shows ‘absolutely no similarity or point of agreement’. Fleay, i. 289,
suggested an ascription to Heywood on the ground of parallelisms with The
Wise Woman of Hogsdon, and this case is elaborately and plausibly argued
by Swaen and Adams. The date must be before Worcester’s begin to appear
in Henslowe’s diary, 17 Aug. 1602. Fleay’s attempt to twist its mentions of
a certain ‘Thomas’ in the text (l. 790) into references to Heywood himself
and Thomas Blackwood, the actor, is mere childishness.
Impatient Poverty (?)
Page 35
S. R. 1560, June 10. ‘ ... nyce wanton; impaciens poverte ...’ John King
(Arber, i. 128).
1560. A Newe Interlude of Impacyente pouerte newlye Imprynted. John
King. [B.M. C. 34, i. 26, from Irish sale of 1906 (cf. Jahrbuch, xliii. 310).
Engraved t.p.; on tablet at foot ‘T. R.’ Thomas Petit’s mark after colophon.
The t.p. has also ‘Foure men may well and easelye playe thys Interlude’,
with an arrangement of the parts.]
n.d. An new enterlude of Impacient pouerte newly Imprynted. [In
Mostyn sale (1919). The t.p. has three woodcut figures. There is no imprint,
but as the woodcuts are also found in W. Copland’s print of Youth and as
King’s copy of Lusty Juventus also passed to Copland (1548–69), he was
probably the printer.]
S. R. 1582, Jan. 15. Transfer from Sampson Awdeley to John Charlwood
(Arber, ii. 405).
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1907, T. F. T.) and R. B. McKerrow (1911,
Materialien, xxxiii).
The play has come to light since the issue of The Mediaeval Stage, and I
therefore include it here, although it is pre-Elizabethan. The characters are
Peace, Envy, Impatient Poverty (afterwards Prosperity), Conscience,
Abundance, Misrule, ‘Collhasarde’, and a Summoner. The drama is a
moral, non-controversial, and not even necessarily Protestant in tone. It sets
out the mutability of the world and the defects of poverty and prosperity.
The scene is a ‘place’, and there are allusions to Newgate and Tyburn. If the
T. R. of the title-page is the same whose name is at the end of Nice Wanton,
the play is probably not later than the reign of Edward VI; but the
Summoner and allusions to penance and courts spiritual suggest an even
earlier date. The final address to the ‘Soueraynes’ contains the following
stanza:
Let vs pray al to that lorde of great magnificence
To send amonge vs peace rest and vnyte
And Jesu preserue our soueraigne Quene of preclare preeminence
With al her noble consanguynyte
And to sende them grace so the yssue to obtayne
After them to rule this most chrysten realme.
(Arber, i. 128).
1560. A Newe Interlude of Impacyente pouerte newlye Imprynted. John
King. [B.M. C. 34, i. 26, from Irish sale of 1906 (cf. Jahrbuch, xliii. 310).
Engraved t.p.; on tablet at foot ‘T. R.’ Thomas Petit’s mark after colophon.
The t.p. has also ‘Foure men may well and easelye playe thys Interlude’,
with an arrangement of the parts.]
n.d. An new enterlude of Impacient pouerte newly Imprynted. [In
Mostyn sale (1919). The t.p. has three woodcut figures. There is no imprint,
but as the woodcuts are also found in W. Copland’s print of Youth and as
King’s copy of Lusty Juventus also passed to Copland (1548–69), he was
probably the printer.]
S. R. 1582, Jan. 15. Transfer from Sampson Awdeley to John Charlwood
(Arber, ii. 405).
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1907, T. F. T.) and R. B. McKerrow (1911,
Materialien, xxxiii).
The play has come to light since the issue of The Mediaeval Stage, and I
therefore include it here, although it is pre-Elizabethan. The characters are
Peace, Envy, Impatient Poverty (afterwards Prosperity), Conscience,
Abundance, Misrule, ‘Collhasarde’, and a Summoner. The drama is a
moral, non-controversial, and not even necessarily Protestant in tone. It sets
out the mutability of the world and the defects of poverty and prosperity.
The scene is a ‘place’, and there are allusions to Newgate and Tyburn. If the
T. R. of the title-page is the same whose name is at the end of Nice Wanton,
the play is probably not later than the reign of Edward VI; but the
Summoner and allusions to penance and courts spiritual suggest an even
earlier date. The final address to the ‘Soueraynes’ contains the following
stanza:
Let vs pray al to that lorde of great magnificence
To send amonge vs peace rest and vnyte
And Jesu preserue our soueraigne Quene of preclare preeminence
With al her noble consanguynyte
And to sende them grace so the yssue to obtayne
After them to rule this most chrysten realme.
Page 36
The form of the companion stanzas suggests that the two last lines
originally rhymed, and that a line has dropped out before them. Possibly an
ending originally meant for Henry VIII and Jane Seymour has been altered
with a view to making it appropriate to Elizabeth. The play is offered with
other pre-Elizabethan plays by the company in Sir Thomas More, iv. i. 42,
and was also in the obsolete library of Captain Cox (Robert Laneham’s
Letter, ed. Furnivall, 30).
Jack Drum’s Entertainment. 1600
S. R. 1600, Sept. 8. ‘A booke Called Jack Drum’s enterteynmente. A
commedy as yt bathe ben diuerse tymes Acted by the Children of Paules.’
Felix Norton (Arber, iii. 172).
1600, Oct. 23. Transfer from Norton to Richard Oliff (Arber, iii. 175).
1601. Iacke Drums Entertainment: Or the Comedie of Pasquill and
Katherine. As it hath bene sundry times plaide by the Children of Powles.
For Richard Olive. [Introduction, i.e. Induction.]
1616.... Newly Corrected. W. Stansby for Philip Knight.
1618.... The Actors 12 men, and 4 women. For Nathaniel Fosbrooke.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii. 125) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T.
F. T.).
All critics have recognized the style as Marston’s and some of the
vocabulary is vomited in Poetaster; cf. Small, 93. The date is fixed to 1600
by allusions to hopes of ‘peace with Spaine’, ‘Kemps morice’, and
‘womens yeare’ (i. 37, 45, 166). There is little doubt that the critical
Brabant Senior is Jonson, and that the play is that in which he told
Drummond that Marston staged him. The cuckolding of Brabant Senior is
based upon a story narrated by Jonson to Drummond (Laing, 21) as one in
which he had played the active, not the passive, part. If he had imparted the
same story to Marston, he not unnaturally resented the use made of it. The
minor identifications suggested by Fleay, ii. 74, have nothing to commend
them, except possibly that of Sir Edward Fortune with Edward Alleyn, who
was building the Fortune in 1600. Were not this a Paul’s play, one might
infer from the closing line,
Our Fortune laughes, and all content abounds,
originally rhymed, and that a line has dropped out before them. Possibly an
ending originally meant for Henry VIII and Jane Seymour has been altered
with a view to making it appropriate to Elizabeth. The play is offered with
other pre-Elizabethan plays by the company in Sir Thomas More, iv. i. 42,
and was also in the obsolete library of Captain Cox (Robert Laneham’s
Letter, ed. Furnivall, 30).
Jack Drum’s Entertainment. 1600
S. R. 1600, Sept. 8. ‘A booke Called Jack Drum’s enterteynmente. A
commedy as yt bathe ben diuerse tymes Acted by the Children of Paules.’
Felix Norton (Arber, iii. 172).
1600, Oct. 23. Transfer from Norton to Richard Oliff (Arber, iii. 175).
1601. Iacke Drums Entertainment: Or the Comedie of Pasquill and
Katherine. As it hath bene sundry times plaide by the Children of Powles.
For Richard Olive. [Introduction, i.e. Induction.]
1616.... Newly Corrected. W. Stansby for Philip Knight.
1618.... The Actors 12 men, and 4 women. For Nathaniel Fosbrooke.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii. 125) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T.
F. T.).
All critics have recognized the style as Marston’s and some of the
vocabulary is vomited in Poetaster; cf. Small, 93. The date is fixed to 1600
by allusions to hopes of ‘peace with Spaine’, ‘Kemps morice’, and
‘womens yeare’ (i. 37, 45, 166). There is little doubt that the critical
Brabant Senior is Jonson, and that the play is that in which he told
Drummond that Marston staged him. The cuckolding of Brabant Senior is
based upon a story narrated by Jonson to Drummond (Laing, 21) as one in
which he had played the active, not the passive, part. If he had imparted the
same story to Marston, he not unnaturally resented the use made of it. The
minor identifications suggested by Fleay, ii. 74, have nothing to commend
them, except possibly that of Sir Edward Fortune with Edward Alleyn, who
was building the Fortune in 1600. Were not this a Paul’s play, one might
infer from the closing line,
Our Fortune laughes, and all content abounds,
Page 37
that it was given at the Fortune. Can the Admiral’s have shared it with
Paul’s, as the Chamberlain’s shared Satiromastix? In iv. 37–48 Brabant
Senior criticizes three ‘moderne wits’ whom he calls ‘all apes and guls’ and
‘vile imitating spirits’. They are Mellidus, Musus, and Decius. I take them
to be Marston, Middleton, and Dekker, all writers for Paul’s; others take
Decius for Drayton, to whom Sir John Davies applied the name, and Musus,
by a confusion with Musaeus, for Chapman or Daniel. For v. 102–14, which
bears on the history of the company, cf. ch. xii (Paul’s).
The Life and Death of Jack Straw > 1593
S. R. 1593, Oct. 23. ‘An enterlude of the lyfe and deathe of Jack Strawe.’
John Danter (Arber, ii. 639).
1593. [Colophon, 1594]. The Life and Death of Iacke Straw, A notable
Rebell in England: Who was kild in Smithfield by the Lord Maior of
London. John Danter, sold by William Barley.
1604. For Thomas Pavier.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, v), and by H. Schütt (1901) and J. S. Farmer
(1911, T. F. T.).
Fleay, ii. 153, Schütt, and Robertson, 121, all incline to suggest the
authorship, whole or in part, of Peele. Schütt would date c. 1588, but the
theme is that of T. Nelson’s pageant of 1590–1, for which year a member of
Walworth’s company, the Fishmongers, was Lord Mayor. The text of the
play is very short, with only four acts.
Jacob and Esau > 1558
S. R. 1557–8. ‘An enterlude vpon the history of Jacobe and Esawe out of
the xxvii chapeter of the fyrste boke of Moyses Called genyses.’ Henry
Sutton (Arber, i. 77).
1568. A newe mery and wittie Comedie or Enterlude, newely imprinted,
treating vpon the Historie of Iacob and Esau, taken out of the xxvij. Chap.
of the first booke of Moses, entituled Genesis. Henrie Bynneman.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, ii), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.).
The play must necessarily, from the date of the S. R. entry, be pre-
Elizabethan, and should have been included in Appendix X of The
Paul’s, as the Chamberlain’s shared Satiromastix? In iv. 37–48 Brabant
Senior criticizes three ‘moderne wits’ whom he calls ‘all apes and guls’ and
‘vile imitating spirits’. They are Mellidus, Musus, and Decius. I take them
to be Marston, Middleton, and Dekker, all writers for Paul’s; others take
Decius for Drayton, to whom Sir John Davies applied the name, and Musus,
by a confusion with Musaeus, for Chapman or Daniel. For v. 102–14, which
bears on the history of the company, cf. ch. xii (Paul’s).
The Life and Death of Jack Straw > 1593
S. R. 1593, Oct. 23. ‘An enterlude of the lyfe and deathe of Jack Strawe.’
John Danter (Arber, ii. 639).
1593. [Colophon, 1594]. The Life and Death of Iacke Straw, A notable
Rebell in England: Who was kild in Smithfield by the Lord Maior of
London. John Danter, sold by William Barley.
1604. For Thomas Pavier.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, v), and by H. Schütt (1901) and J. S. Farmer
(1911, T. F. T.).
Fleay, ii. 153, Schütt, and Robertson, 121, all incline to suggest the
authorship, whole or in part, of Peele. Schütt would date c. 1588, but the
theme is that of T. Nelson’s pageant of 1590–1, for which year a member of
Walworth’s company, the Fishmongers, was Lord Mayor. The text of the
play is very short, with only four acts.
Jacob and Esau > 1558
S. R. 1557–8. ‘An enterlude vpon the history of Jacobe and Esawe out of
the xxvii chapeter of the fyrste boke of Moyses Called genyses.’ Henry
Sutton (Arber, i. 77).
1568. A newe mery and wittie Comedie or Enterlude, newely imprinted,
treating vpon the Historie of Iacob and Esau, taken out of the xxvij. Chap.
of the first booke of Moses, entituled Genesis. Henrie Bynneman.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, ii), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.).
The play must necessarily, from the date of the S. R. entry, be pre-
Elizabethan, and should have been included in Appendix X of The
Page 38
Mediaeval Stage. C. C. Stopes, Hunnis, 265, and in Athenaeum (28 April
1900), claims the authorship for Hunnis; W. Bang has suggested Udall,
which seems plausible. The parts of Mido and Abra point to boy-actors.
1 Jeronimo c. 1604
1605. The First Part of Ieronimo. With the Warres of Portugall, and the
life and death of Don Andræa. For Thomas Pavier. [Dumbshows.]
Editions by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. i), in Dodsley4 (1874, iv), and by F.
S. Boas (1901, Works of Kyd).—Dissertations: J. E. Routh, T. Kyd’s Rime
Schemes and the Authorship of Soliman and Perseda and 1 J. (1905, M. L.
N. xx. 49); A. L. Elmquist, Zur Frage nach dem Verfasser von 1 J. (1909, E.
S. xl. 309); A. Seeberger (1909, Archiv für Stenographie, iv. 306); K. Wiehl,
Thomas Kyd und die Autorschaft von ... 1 J. (1912, E. S. xliv. 343); B.
Neuendorff, Zur Datierung des 1 J. (1914, Jahrbuch, l. 88).
The ascription by Fleay, ii. 27, and Sarrazin to Kyd is rejected on
stylistic grounds by R. Fischer, Zur Kunstentwicklung der Englischen
Tragödie, 100, with whom Boas and other writers concur. A reference to the
jubilee of 1600 (i. i. 25) points to a date at the beginning of the seventeenth
century. If so, the play cannot be that revived by Strange’s for Henslowe in
Feb. 1592 and given, sometimes under the title of Don Horatio, and
sometimes under that of the Comedy of Jeronimo, during a run of, and
several times on the night before, the Spanish Tragedy (Greg, Henslowe, ii.
150, 154). It is, moreover, not a comedy. It may, however, be a later version
of the same theme, motived by another revival of the Spanish Tragedy by
the Admiral’s in 1601–2. If so, it was probably itself due, not to the
Admiral’s, but to the Chamberlain’s, and a piracy of their property by the
Revels boys explains the jest at ‘Ieronimo in decimo sexto’ in the induction
to the 1604 version of Marston’s Malcontent. It must be uncertain whether 1
Jeronimo was the ‘Komödie vom König in Spanien und dem Vice-Roy in
Portugall’ given at Dresden in 1626 (Herz, 66, 76).
The Troublesome Reign of King John 1587< >91
1591. The Troublesome Raigne of Iohn King of England, with the
discouerie of King Richard Cordelions Base sonne (vulgarly named, The
Bastard Fawconbridge): also the death of King Iohn at Swinstead Abbey. As
it was (sundry times) publikely acted by the Queenes Maiesties Players, in
1900), claims the authorship for Hunnis; W. Bang has suggested Udall,
which seems plausible. The parts of Mido and Abra point to boy-actors.
1 Jeronimo c. 1604
1605. The First Part of Ieronimo. With the Warres of Portugall, and the
life and death of Don Andræa. For Thomas Pavier. [Dumbshows.]
Editions by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. i), in Dodsley4 (1874, iv), and by F.
S. Boas (1901, Works of Kyd).—Dissertations: J. E. Routh, T. Kyd’s Rime
Schemes and the Authorship of Soliman and Perseda and 1 J. (1905, M. L.
N. xx. 49); A. L. Elmquist, Zur Frage nach dem Verfasser von 1 J. (1909, E.
S. xl. 309); A. Seeberger (1909, Archiv für Stenographie, iv. 306); K. Wiehl,
Thomas Kyd und die Autorschaft von ... 1 J. (1912, E. S. xliv. 343); B.
Neuendorff, Zur Datierung des 1 J. (1914, Jahrbuch, l. 88).
The ascription by Fleay, ii. 27, and Sarrazin to Kyd is rejected on
stylistic grounds by R. Fischer, Zur Kunstentwicklung der Englischen
Tragödie, 100, with whom Boas and other writers concur. A reference to the
jubilee of 1600 (i. i. 25) points to a date at the beginning of the seventeenth
century. If so, the play cannot be that revived by Strange’s for Henslowe in
Feb. 1592 and given, sometimes under the title of Don Horatio, and
sometimes under that of the Comedy of Jeronimo, during a run of, and
several times on the night before, the Spanish Tragedy (Greg, Henslowe, ii.
150, 154). It is, moreover, not a comedy. It may, however, be a later version
of the same theme, motived by another revival of the Spanish Tragedy by
the Admiral’s in 1601–2. If so, it was probably itself due, not to the
Admiral’s, but to the Chamberlain’s, and a piracy of their property by the
Revels boys explains the jest at ‘Ieronimo in decimo sexto’ in the induction
to the 1604 version of Marston’s Malcontent. It must be uncertain whether 1
Jeronimo was the ‘Komödie vom König in Spanien und dem Vice-Roy in
Portugall’ given at Dresden in 1626 (Herz, 66, 76).
The Troublesome Reign of King John 1587< >91
1591. The Troublesome Raigne of Iohn King of England, with the
discouerie of King Richard Cordelions Base sonne (vulgarly named, The
Bastard Fawconbridge): also the death of King Iohn at Swinstead Abbey. As
it was (sundry times) publikely acted by the Queenes Maiesties Players, in
Page 39
the honourable Citie of London. For Sampson Clarke. There is a Second
part with separate signatures and title-page. The Second part of the
troublesome Raigne of King Iohn, conteining the death of Arthur
Plantaginet, the landing of Lewes, and the poysning of King Iohn at
Swinstead Abbey. As ... London ... 1591. [The text of each part is preceded
by lines ‘To the Gentlemen Readers’, and a head-piece, which has the
initials W. D.]
1611. The First and Second Part ... As they were (sundry times) lately
acted by the Queenes Maiesties Players. Written by W. Sh. Valentine
Simmes for John Helme. [The signatures are continuous through both parts.]
1622.... as they were (sundry times) lately acted. Written by W.
Shakespeare. Augustine Mathewes for Thomas Dewes.
Editions by G. Steevens (1760, T. P. ii), J. Nichols (1779, Six Old Plays,
ii), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. v), F. G. Fleay, King John (1878), F. J.
Furnivall (1888, Sh. Q), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), F. J. Furnivall and J.
Munro (1913, Sh. Classics).—Dissertations: E. Rose, Shakespeare as an
Adapter (Macmillan’s Magazine, Nov. 1878); G. C. Moore Smith, Sh.’s K.
J. and the T. R. (1901, Furnivall Miscellany, 335); H. D. Sykes, Sidelights
on Shakespeare, 99 (1919).
The authorship was assigned by Malone to Marlowe, by Pope to
Shakespeare and W. Rowley, by Fleay, ii. 53, and King John, 34, to Greene,
Peele, and Lodge, working on a Marlowian plot. Furnivall and Munro
accept none of these theories, and the latter suggests a common authorship
with the early Leir. Sykes argues strongly for Peele. The lines prefixed to
Part I begin
You that with friendly grace of smoothed brow
Have entertained the Scythian Tamburlaine.
They do not claim to be a prologue, and may have been added on
publication. The play is not therefore necessarily later than Tamburlaine (c.
1587). But the tone is that of the Armada period. Shakespeare used the play,
with which, from the booksellers’ point of view, his King John seems to
have been treated as identical.
Judith c. 1595 (?)
part with separate signatures and title-page. The Second part of the
troublesome Raigne of King Iohn, conteining the death of Arthur
Plantaginet, the landing of Lewes, and the poysning of King Iohn at
Swinstead Abbey. As ... London ... 1591. [The text of each part is preceded
by lines ‘To the Gentlemen Readers’, and a head-piece, which has the
initials W. D.]
1611. The First and Second Part ... As they were (sundry times) lately
acted by the Queenes Maiesties Players. Written by W. Sh. Valentine
Simmes for John Helme. [The signatures are continuous through both parts.]
1622.... as they were (sundry times) lately acted. Written by W.
Shakespeare. Augustine Mathewes for Thomas Dewes.
Editions by G. Steevens (1760, T. P. ii), J. Nichols (1779, Six Old Plays,
ii), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. v), F. G. Fleay, King John (1878), F. J.
Furnivall (1888, Sh. Q), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), F. J. Furnivall and J.
Munro (1913, Sh. Classics).—Dissertations: E. Rose, Shakespeare as an
Adapter (Macmillan’s Magazine, Nov. 1878); G. C. Moore Smith, Sh.’s K.
J. and the T. R. (1901, Furnivall Miscellany, 335); H. D. Sykes, Sidelights
on Shakespeare, 99 (1919).
The authorship was assigned by Malone to Marlowe, by Pope to
Shakespeare and W. Rowley, by Fleay, ii. 53, and King John, 34, to Greene,
Peele, and Lodge, working on a Marlowian plot. Furnivall and Munro
accept none of these theories, and the latter suggests a common authorship
with the early Leir. Sykes argues strongly for Peele. The lines prefixed to
Part I begin
You that with friendly grace of smoothed brow
Have entertained the Scythian Tamburlaine.
They do not claim to be a prologue, and may have been added on
publication. The play is not therefore necessarily later than Tamburlaine (c.
1587). But the tone is that of the Armada period. Shakespeare used the play,
with which, from the booksellers’ point of view, his King John seems to
have been treated as identical.
Judith c. 1595 (?)
Page 40
[MS.] National Library of Wales, Peniarth (formerly Hengwrt), MS. 508.
G. A. Jones, A Play of Judith (1917, M. L. N. xxxii. 1) describes the MS.
which contains the Latin text of the Judithae Constantia of Cornelius
Schonaeus, of which a reprint was issued in London in 1595, together with
an incomplete English translation in unrhymed verse written as prose,
perhaps as a school exercise, in a late sixteenth-century or early
seventeenth-century hand.
A Knack to Know an Honest Man. 1594
S. R. 1595, Nov. 26. ‘A booke intituled The most Rare and plesaunt
historie of A knack to knowe an honest man.’ Cuthbert Burby (Arber, iii.
54).
1596. A Pleasant Conceited Comedie, called, A knacke to know an
honest Man. As it hath beene sundrie times plaied about the Citie of
London. For Cuthbert Burby.
Editions by H. De Vocht (1910, M. S. R.) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).
The play was produced by the Admiral’s on 22 Oct. 1594, and twenty-
one performances were given between that date and 3 Nov. 1596 (Greg,
Henslowe, ii. 171). The text is confused and probably surreptitious.
A Knack to Know a Knave. 1592
S. R. 1594, Jan. 7. ‘A commedie entitled “a Knack to knowe a knave”
newlye sett fourth as it hath sundrye tymes been plaid by Ned. Allen and his
Companie with Kemps applauded Merymentes of the menn of Goteham.’
Richard Jones (Arber, ii. 643).
1594. A most pleasant and merie new Comedie, Intituled, A Knacke to
knowe a knave. Newlie set foorth, as it hath sundrie tymes bene played by
Ed. Allen and his Companie. With Kemps applauded Merrimentes of the
men of Goteham, in receiuing the King into Goteham. Richard Jones.
Editions by J. P. Collier (1851, Five Old Plays), in Dodsley4 (1874, vi),
and by J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.).
Strange’s men produced ‘the Knacke to Knowe a Knave’ on 10 June
1592, and played it seven times to 24 Jan. 1593. Henslowe usually enters it
G. A. Jones, A Play of Judith (1917, M. L. N. xxxii. 1) describes the MS.
which contains the Latin text of the Judithae Constantia of Cornelius
Schonaeus, of which a reprint was issued in London in 1595, together with
an incomplete English translation in unrhymed verse written as prose,
perhaps as a school exercise, in a late sixteenth-century or early
seventeenth-century hand.
A Knack to Know an Honest Man. 1594
S. R. 1595, Nov. 26. ‘A booke intituled The most Rare and plesaunt
historie of A knack to knowe an honest man.’ Cuthbert Burby (Arber, iii.
54).
1596. A Pleasant Conceited Comedie, called, A knacke to know an
honest Man. As it hath beene sundrie times plaied about the Citie of
London. For Cuthbert Burby.
Editions by H. De Vocht (1910, M. S. R.) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).
The play was produced by the Admiral’s on 22 Oct. 1594, and twenty-
one performances were given between that date and 3 Nov. 1596 (Greg,
Henslowe, ii. 171). The text is confused and probably surreptitious.
A Knack to Know a Knave. 1592
S. R. 1594, Jan. 7. ‘A commedie entitled “a Knack to knowe a knave”
newlye sett fourth as it hath sundrye tymes been plaid by Ned. Allen and his
Companie with Kemps applauded Merymentes of the menn of Goteham.’
Richard Jones (Arber, ii. 643).
1594. A most pleasant and merie new Comedie, Intituled, A Knacke to
knowe a knave. Newlie set foorth, as it hath sundrie tymes bene played by
Ed. Allen and his Companie. With Kemps applauded Merrimentes of the
men of Goteham, in receiuing the King into Goteham. Richard Jones.
Editions by J. P. Collier (1851, Five Old Plays), in Dodsley4 (1874, vi),
and by J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.).
Strange’s men produced ‘the Knacke to Knowe a Knave’ on 10 June
1592, and played it seven times to 24 Jan. 1593. Henslowe usually enters it
Page 41
as ‘the cnacke’. Fleay, 100, suggests that the Osric, revived by the
Admiral’s men on 3 and 7 Feb. 1597, may also be this play. Both Fleay, ii.
310, and Greg, Henslowe, ii. 156, suggest that Kempe’s ‘merriments’ are to
be found in sc. 12, and that of the rest the romantic part may be Peele’s and
the moral part Wilson’s. Gayley (R. E. C. i. 422) would like to find in the
play the comedy written by Greene and the ‘young Juvenall’, Nashe. The
character Cuthbert Cutpurse the Conicatcher is from the pamphlet (cf. s.v.
Greene) entered in S. R. on 21 April 1592, and the story of Titus
Andronicus is alluded to in F_{2}v:
As Titus was vnto the Roman Senators,
When he had made a conquest on the Goths.
Leire > 1594
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled, The moste famous Chronicle
historye of Leire kinge of England and his Three Daughters.’ Adam Islip
(Arber, ii. 649). [Islip’s name is crossed out, and Edward White’s
substituted.]
1605, May 8. ‘A booke called “the Tragecall historie of kinge Leir and
his Three Daughters &c”, As it was latelie Acted.’ Simon Stafford (Arber,
iii. 289). [Assigned the same day by Stafford with the consent of William
Leake to John Wright, ‘provided that Simon Stafford shall haue the
printinge of this booke’.]
1605. The True Chronicle History of King Leir, and his three daughters,
Gonorill, Ragan, and Cordelia. As it hath bene diuers and sundry times
lately acted. Simon Stafford for John Wright.
S. R. 1624, June 29. Transfer of ‘Leire and his daughters’ from Mrs.
White to E. Alde (Arber, iv. 120).
Editions by J. Nichols (1779, S. O. P. ii), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. ii.
2), W. W. Greg (1907, M. S. R.), S. Lee (1909, Sh. Classics), J. S. Farmer
(1910, T. F. T.), R. Fischer (1914, Quellen zu König Lear).—Dissertations:
W. Perrett, The Story of King Lear (1904, Palaestra, xxxv); R. A. Law, The
Date of King Lear (1906, M. L. A. xxi. 462); H. D. Sykes, Sidelights on
Shakespeare, 126 (1919).
Admiral’s men on 3 and 7 Feb. 1597, may also be this play. Both Fleay, ii.
310, and Greg, Henslowe, ii. 156, suggest that Kempe’s ‘merriments’ are to
be found in sc. 12, and that of the rest the romantic part may be Peele’s and
the moral part Wilson’s. Gayley (R. E. C. i. 422) would like to find in the
play the comedy written by Greene and the ‘young Juvenall’, Nashe. The
character Cuthbert Cutpurse the Conicatcher is from the pamphlet (cf. s.v.
Greene) entered in S. R. on 21 April 1592, and the story of Titus
Andronicus is alluded to in F_{2}v:
As Titus was vnto the Roman Senators,
When he had made a conquest on the Goths.
Leire > 1594
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled, The moste famous Chronicle
historye of Leire kinge of England and his Three Daughters.’ Adam Islip
(Arber, ii. 649). [Islip’s name is crossed out, and Edward White’s
substituted.]
1605, May 8. ‘A booke called “the Tragecall historie of kinge Leir and
his Three Daughters &c”, As it was latelie Acted.’ Simon Stafford (Arber,
iii. 289). [Assigned the same day by Stafford with the consent of William
Leake to John Wright, ‘provided that Simon Stafford shall haue the
printinge of this booke’.]
1605. The True Chronicle History of King Leir, and his three daughters,
Gonorill, Ragan, and Cordelia. As it hath bene diuers and sundry times
lately acted. Simon Stafford for John Wright.
S. R. 1624, June 29. Transfer of ‘Leire and his daughters’ from Mrs.
White to E. Alde (Arber, iv. 120).
Editions by J. Nichols (1779, S. O. P. ii), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. ii.
2), W. W. Greg (1907, M. S. R.), S. Lee (1909, Sh. Classics), J. S. Farmer
(1910, T. F. T.), R. Fischer (1914, Quellen zu König Lear).—Dissertations:
W. Perrett, The Story of King Lear (1904, Palaestra, xxxv); R. A. Law, The
Date of King Lear (1906, M. L. A. xxi. 462); H. D. Sykes, Sidelights on
Shakespeare, 126 (1919).
Page 42
The Queen’s and Sussex’s revived ‘kinge leare’ for Henslowe on 6 and 8
April 1594, shortly before the first S. R. entry (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 162). As
the play is not named in the Sussex’s repertory of 1593–4, there is a
presumption that it belonged to the Queen’s. The authorship is quite
obscure. Fleay, 90, assigns it to Lodge and Peele; Fleay, 97, to Lodge and
Greene; Fleay, ii. 51, to Lodge and Kyd. Robertson, 176, thinks the claim
for Lodge indecisive, and surmises the presence of Greene. Sykes argues
for Peele. Lee hints at Rankins. The publishing history is also difficult. The
entries of 1605 appear to ignore White’s copyright, although this was still
alive in his son’s widow in 1624. Lee suggests that the Stafford-Wright
enterprise was due to negotiation between Wright and White, whose
apprentice he had been. The play was clearly regarded as distinct from that
of Shakespeare, which was entered to N. Butter and J. Busby on 22 Nov.
1607, and it, though based on its predecessor, is far more than a revision of
it. It seems a little improbable that Leire should have been revived as late as
1605, and the ‘Tragecall’ and ‘lately acted’ of the title-page, taken by
themselves, would point to an attempt by Stafford to palm off the old play
as Shakespeare’s. But although 1605 is not an impossible date for
Shakespeare’s production, 1606 is on other grounds more probable.
Liberality and Prodigality. 1601
1602. A Pleasant Comedie, Shewing the contention betweene Liberalitie
and Prodigalitie. As it was playd before her Maiestie. Simon Stafford for
George Vincent. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1913, M. S. R.).
A reference to ‘childish yeeres’ in the prologue points to boy actors. The
trial (l. 1261) is for an alleged crime on 4 Feb., 43 Eliz. (1601), and the next
court performance after this date was on 22 Feb. 1601 by the Chapel, to
which occasion the production may be assigned. Elizabeth could be
described as a ‘prince’, so that the use of this term does not bear out Fleay,
ii. 323, in assuming a revival of an Edwardian play, but the characters are
mainly abstract and the style archaic for the seventeenth century, and it is
conceivable that the Prodigality of 1567–8 had been revived.
Locrine c. 1591
April 1594, shortly before the first S. R. entry (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 162). As
the play is not named in the Sussex’s repertory of 1593–4, there is a
presumption that it belonged to the Queen’s. The authorship is quite
obscure. Fleay, 90, assigns it to Lodge and Peele; Fleay, 97, to Lodge and
Greene; Fleay, ii. 51, to Lodge and Kyd. Robertson, 176, thinks the claim
for Lodge indecisive, and surmises the presence of Greene. Sykes argues
for Peele. Lee hints at Rankins. The publishing history is also difficult. The
entries of 1605 appear to ignore White’s copyright, although this was still
alive in his son’s widow in 1624. Lee suggests that the Stafford-Wright
enterprise was due to negotiation between Wright and White, whose
apprentice he had been. The play was clearly regarded as distinct from that
of Shakespeare, which was entered to N. Butter and J. Busby on 22 Nov.
1607, and it, though based on its predecessor, is far more than a revision of
it. It seems a little improbable that Leire should have been revived as late as
1605, and the ‘Tragecall’ and ‘lately acted’ of the title-page, taken by
themselves, would point to an attempt by Stafford to palm off the old play
as Shakespeare’s. But although 1605 is not an impossible date for
Shakespeare’s production, 1606 is on other grounds more probable.
Liberality and Prodigality. 1601
1602. A Pleasant Comedie, Shewing the contention betweene Liberalitie
and Prodigalitie. As it was playd before her Maiestie. Simon Stafford for
George Vincent. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1913, M. S. R.).
A reference to ‘childish yeeres’ in the prologue points to boy actors. The
trial (l. 1261) is for an alleged crime on 4 Feb., 43 Eliz. (1601), and the next
court performance after this date was on 22 Feb. 1601 by the Chapel, to
which occasion the production may be assigned. Elizabeth could be
described as a ‘prince’, so that the use of this term does not bear out Fleay,
ii. 323, in assuming a revival of an Edwardian play, but the characters are
mainly abstract and the style archaic for the seventeenth century, and it is
conceivable that the Prodigality of 1567–8 had been revived.
Locrine c. 1591
Page 43
S. R. 1594, July 20. ‘The lamentable Tragedie of Locrine, the eldest
sonne of Kinge Brutus, discoursinge the warres of the Brittans, &c.’
Thomas Creede (Arber, ii. 656).
1595. The Lamentable Tragedie of Locrine, the eldest sonne of King
Brutus, discoursing the warres of the Britaines, and Hunnes, with their
discomfiture: The Britaines victorie with their Accidents, and the death of
Albanact. No lesse pleasant then profitable. Newly set foorth, ouerseene
and corrected, By W. S. Thomas Creede. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
1664; 1685. [F3; F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions of 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), and by R. B. McKerrow
(1908, M. S. R.), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.—
Dissertations: R. Brotanek (1900, Anglia-Beiblatt, xi. 202); C. Crawford,
Edmund Spenser, L. and Selimus (1901, 9 N. Q. vii. 61; Collectanea, i. 47);
W. S. Gaud, The Authorship of L. (1904, M. P. i. 409); T. Erbe, Die L.-Sage
(1904); J. M. Robertson, Did Sh. Write T. A.? (1905); E. Köppel, L. und
Selimus (1905, Jahrbuch, xli. 193); A. Neubner, König Lokrin. Deutsche
Übersetzung mit literar-historischer Einleitung (1908); F. G. Hubbard (MS.
cited by J. W. Cunliffe in C. H. v. 84); C. A. Harper, L. and the Faerie
Queene (1913, M.L.R. viii. 369).
The interpretation of the W. S. of the title-page in F3 of 1664 as
indicating Shakespeare may be accurate, but does not suggest anything
more than revision for a revival, or perhaps only for the press. Some
revision is proved by the allusion in the epilogue to Elizabeth,
That eight and thirtie yeares the scepter swayd,
an allusion which was not chronologically accurate until the close of the
thirty-eighth regnal year on 16 Nov. 1596, after the play was in print, and
could hardly have been made before the beginning of that year on 17 Nov.
1595, after it had been entered in S. R. As to the original author, one is
bound to be sceptical of the unconfirmed notice by J. P. Collier
(Bibliographical Account, i. 95) of an ‘inscription on an existing copy of the
play ... assigning the authorship of it to Charles Tylney’. This, says Collier,
‘is the handwriting of Sir George Buck. He adds the information that he
himself had written the dumb shows by which it was illustrated, and that it
was originally called Elstrild’. Charles Tilney was a cousin of the Master of
sonne of Kinge Brutus, discoursinge the warres of the Brittans, &c.’
Thomas Creede (Arber, ii. 656).
1595. The Lamentable Tragedie of Locrine, the eldest sonne of King
Brutus, discoursing the warres of the Britaines, and Hunnes, with their
discomfiture: The Britaines victorie with their Accidents, and the death of
Albanact. No lesse pleasant then profitable. Newly set foorth, ouerseene
and corrected, By W. S. Thomas Creede. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
1664; 1685. [F3; F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions of 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), and by R. B. McKerrow
(1908, M. S. R.), J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.—
Dissertations: R. Brotanek (1900, Anglia-Beiblatt, xi. 202); C. Crawford,
Edmund Spenser, L. and Selimus (1901, 9 N. Q. vii. 61; Collectanea, i. 47);
W. S. Gaud, The Authorship of L. (1904, M. P. i. 409); T. Erbe, Die L.-Sage
(1904); J. M. Robertson, Did Sh. Write T. A.? (1905); E. Köppel, L. und
Selimus (1905, Jahrbuch, xli. 193); A. Neubner, König Lokrin. Deutsche
Übersetzung mit literar-historischer Einleitung (1908); F. G. Hubbard (MS.
cited by J. W. Cunliffe in C. H. v. 84); C. A. Harper, L. and the Faerie
Queene (1913, M.L.R. viii. 369).
The interpretation of the W. S. of the title-page in F3 of 1664 as
indicating Shakespeare may be accurate, but does not suggest anything
more than revision for a revival, or perhaps only for the press. Some
revision is proved by the allusion in the epilogue to Elizabeth,
That eight and thirtie yeares the scepter swayd,
an allusion which was not chronologically accurate until the close of the
thirty-eighth regnal year on 16 Nov. 1596, after the play was in print, and
could hardly have been made before the beginning of that year on 17 Nov.
1595, after it had been entered in S. R. As to the original author, one is
bound to be sceptical of the unconfirmed notice by J. P. Collier
(Bibliographical Account, i. 95) of an ‘inscription on an existing copy of the
play ... assigning the authorship of it to Charles Tylney’. This, says Collier,
‘is the handwriting of Sir George Buck. He adds the information that he
himself had written the dumb shows by which it was illustrated, and that it
was originally called Elstrild’. Charles Tilney was a cousin of the Master of
Page 44
the Revels, and was executed for complicity in the Babington plot in 1586
(Camden, transl. 303). The statement, if true, would give an early date to
the play, which the dumb shows and other ‘Senecan’ characteristics have
been supposed to confirm. Fleay, ii. 321, boldly conjectures that the
epilogue originally referred to ‘eight and twentie yeares’, and that the play
was ‘by’ in the sense of ‘about’, Tilney, supposing the moral drawn against
‘ciuill discord’ instigated by ‘priuate amours’ to point at Mary of Scots.
Recent investigations, however, concerning the relations of the play to
Spenser on the one hand, and to Selimus (q.v.) on the other, suggest a date
not earlier and not much later than 1591, either for the original composition
of the play, or for a very substantial revision of it. Most of the points are
well summed up by Cunliffe in C. H. v. 84. Locrine may borrow historical
facts from the Faerie Queene (1590); it does not borrow phrases from it. It
does, however, borrow phrases and whole lines, with more than Elizabethan
plagiarism, from Spenser’s Complaints (1591). There is also an apparent
loan from Wilmot’s Tancred and Gismund (1591). Some of the Complaints
passages are also borrowed by Selimus, which makes similar booty both of
Locrine itself and of the Faerie Queene. I agree with Cunliffe that the
evidence is clearly in favour of Selimus being the later of the two plays, but
am not so certain that the second borrowing of the Complaints passages
tells against a common authorship of the two. It would be so, ordinarily, but
here we have to do with an abnormal plagiarist. Whoever the author, he
belongs to the school of the university wits. Marlowe is preferred by
Malone, Peele by Fleay, Ward, Gaud, and for all but the comic scenes by
Hopkinson, Greene by Brooke, Peele and Greene by Robertson.
The London Prodigal. 1603 < > 05
1605. The London Prodigall. As it was plaide by the Kings Maiesties
seruants. By William Shakespeare. T. C. for Nathaniel Butter.
1664; 1685. [F3; F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions in 1709, 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), by J. S. Farmer
(1910, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.
Shakespeare’s authorship is accepted by few modern critics. An
exception is Hopkinson. Fleay, Shakespeare, 299; B. C. i. 152, thinks that
he may have ‘plotted’ the play, but that the writer is the same as that of
Thomas Lord Cromwell, whom he believes to be Drayton. Perhaps he is
(Camden, transl. 303). The statement, if true, would give an early date to
the play, which the dumb shows and other ‘Senecan’ characteristics have
been supposed to confirm. Fleay, ii. 321, boldly conjectures that the
epilogue originally referred to ‘eight and twentie yeares’, and that the play
was ‘by’ in the sense of ‘about’, Tilney, supposing the moral drawn against
‘ciuill discord’ instigated by ‘priuate amours’ to point at Mary of Scots.
Recent investigations, however, concerning the relations of the play to
Spenser on the one hand, and to Selimus (q.v.) on the other, suggest a date
not earlier and not much later than 1591, either for the original composition
of the play, or for a very substantial revision of it. Most of the points are
well summed up by Cunliffe in C. H. v. 84. Locrine may borrow historical
facts from the Faerie Queene (1590); it does not borrow phrases from it. It
does, however, borrow phrases and whole lines, with more than Elizabethan
plagiarism, from Spenser’s Complaints (1591). There is also an apparent
loan from Wilmot’s Tancred and Gismund (1591). Some of the Complaints
passages are also borrowed by Selimus, which makes similar booty both of
Locrine itself and of the Faerie Queene. I agree with Cunliffe that the
evidence is clearly in favour of Selimus being the later of the two plays, but
am not so certain that the second borrowing of the Complaints passages
tells against a common authorship of the two. It would be so, ordinarily, but
here we have to do with an abnormal plagiarist. Whoever the author, he
belongs to the school of the university wits. Marlowe is preferred by
Malone, Peele by Fleay, Ward, Gaud, and for all but the comic scenes by
Hopkinson, Greene by Brooke, Peele and Greene by Robertson.
The London Prodigal. 1603 < > 05
1605. The London Prodigall. As it was plaide by the Kings Maiesties
seruants. By William Shakespeare. T. C. for Nathaniel Butter.
1664; 1685. [F3; F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions in 1709, 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), by J. S. Farmer
(1910, T. F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.
Shakespeare’s authorship is accepted by few modern critics. An
exception is Hopkinson. Fleay, Shakespeare, 299; B. C. i. 152, thinks that
he may have ‘plotted’ the play, but that the writer is the same as that of
Thomas Lord Cromwell, whom he believes to be Drayton. Perhaps he is
Page 45
right in regarding an allusion to service ‘under the king’ (ii. i. 16) as
pointing to a Jacobean date. Brooke suggests Marston or Dekker. A play
‘von einem ungehorsamen Khauffmanns Sohn’ appears in Anglo-German
repertories of 1604 and 1606 (Herz, 65, 94).
Look About You. 1599 (?)
1600. A Pleasant Commodie, Called Looke about you. As it was lately
played by the right honourable the Lord High Admirall his seruaunts. For
William Ferbrand.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, vii), and by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and
W. W. Greg (1913, M. S. R.).
At the end of the play Gloucester proposes to fight the Saracens in
Portugal, and as Anthony Wadeson (q.v.) was writing The Honourable Life
of the Humorous Earl of Gloster with his Conquest of Portugal in June or
July 1601, it has been suggested by Fleay, ii. 267, and Greg, Henslowe, ii.
204, that Wadeson was also the author of Look About You. The play ought
itself to appear somewhere in Henslowe’s diary, and Fleay may be right in
identifying it with the Bear a Brain of 1599, although the only recorded
payment for that play was not to Wadeson, but to Dekker. There are
reminiscences of R.J. ii. iv. 42; iii. v. 221 in l. 2329, and of 1 Hen. IV, ii. iv.
295 in l. 2426.
The Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. 1582 (?)
1589. The Rare Triumphs of Loue and Fortune. Plaide before the
Queenes most excellent Maiestie: wherein are many fine Conceites with
great delight. E. A. for Edward White.
Editions by J. P. Collier (1851, Roxb. Club) and in Dodsley4 (1874, vi).
Fleay, ii. 26, assigns the play to Kyd on account of the similarity of the
plot to that of Soliman and Perseda, but this is hardly convincing. On 30
Dec. 1582 Derby’s players performed A History of Love and Fortune at
court, for which a city and battlement were provided by the Revels office. If
the two plays were identical, as dates and style make not improbable, the
city presumably served as a background for the scenes at court, while the
battlement was used for the presenters Venus and Fortune, who are said in
Act I to be ‘set sunning like a crow in a gutter’.
pointing to a Jacobean date. Brooke suggests Marston or Dekker. A play
‘von einem ungehorsamen Khauffmanns Sohn’ appears in Anglo-German
repertories of 1604 and 1606 (Herz, 65, 94).
Look About You. 1599 (?)
1600. A Pleasant Commodie, Called Looke about you. As it was lately
played by the right honourable the Lord High Admirall his seruaunts. For
William Ferbrand.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, vii), and by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and
W. W. Greg (1913, M. S. R.).
At the end of the play Gloucester proposes to fight the Saracens in
Portugal, and as Anthony Wadeson (q.v.) was writing The Honourable Life
of the Humorous Earl of Gloster with his Conquest of Portugal in June or
July 1601, it has been suggested by Fleay, ii. 267, and Greg, Henslowe, ii.
204, that Wadeson was also the author of Look About You. The play ought
itself to appear somewhere in Henslowe’s diary, and Fleay may be right in
identifying it with the Bear a Brain of 1599, although the only recorded
payment for that play was not to Wadeson, but to Dekker. There are
reminiscences of R.J. ii. iv. 42; iii. v. 221 in l. 2329, and of 1 Hen. IV, ii. iv.
295 in l. 2426.
The Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. 1582 (?)
1589. The Rare Triumphs of Loue and Fortune. Plaide before the
Queenes most excellent Maiestie: wherein are many fine Conceites with
great delight. E. A. for Edward White.
Editions by J. P. Collier (1851, Roxb. Club) and in Dodsley4 (1874, vi).
Fleay, ii. 26, assigns the play to Kyd on account of the similarity of the
plot to that of Soliman and Perseda, but this is hardly convincing. On 30
Dec. 1582 Derby’s players performed A History of Love and Fortune at
court, for which a city and battlement were provided by the Revels office. If
the two plays were identical, as dates and style make not improbable, the
city presumably served as a background for the scenes at court, while the
battlement was used for the presenters Venus and Fortune, who are said in
Act I to be ‘set sunning like a crow in a gutter’.
Page 46
Love Feigned and Unfeigned (?)
[MS.] On first and last leaves (sig. a 1 and ii. 8 of a copy (Brit. Mus. IB.
2172) of Johannes Herolt, Sermones Discipuli (1492).
Edition by A. Esdaile (1908, M. S. C. i. 17).—Dissertation: E. B. Daw,
L. F. and U. and the English Anabaptists (1917, M. L. A. xxxii. 267).
The text is a fragment, but there may have been more, as the original fly-
leaves and end papers of the volume are gone. Sir G. F. Warner thinks the
hand ‘quite early seventeenth century’. The corrections in the same hand are
such as rather to suggest an original composition, but may also be those of
an expert copyist. Miss Daw thinks that the date of composition was in the
seventeenth century, and that the play represents ideas belonging to (a) the
Anabaptists and (b) the Family of Love, both of which were then active.
She even suggests the possible authorship of the controversialist Edmond
Jessop. Personally, I find it difficult to assign to the seventeenth century a
moral written precisely in the vein of the middle of the sixteenth century,
even to the notes (2, 69, 103) of action ‘in place’ (cf. ch. xix), and a phrase
(76),
Why stare ye at me thus I wene ye be come to se a play,
closely parallel to Wit and Wisdom, 12, which is probably pre-Elizabethan.
The Jacobean activity of Anabaptism and Familism only revived
movements which had been familiar in England from Edwardian times,
were particularly vigorous in 1575, and had apparently died down during
the last decade of Elizabeth’s reign; cf. for Anabaptists C. Burrage, The
Early English Dissenters (1912), and for Familists s.v. Middleton, Family
of Love.
The Maid’s Metamorphosis. 1600
S. R. 1600, July 24 (Hartwell). ‘Two plaies or thinges thone called the
maides metamorphosis thother gyve a man luck and throw him into the
Sea.’ Richard Oliffe (Arber, iii. 168).
1600. The Maydes Metamorphosis. As it hath beene sundrie times Acted
by the Children of Powles. Thomas Creede for Richard Olive. [Prologue.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1882, O. E. P. i), R. W. Bond (1902, Lyly, iii.
341), and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).
[MS.] On first and last leaves (sig. a 1 and ii. 8 of a copy (Brit. Mus. IB.
2172) of Johannes Herolt, Sermones Discipuli (1492).
Edition by A. Esdaile (1908, M. S. C. i. 17).—Dissertation: E. B. Daw,
L. F. and U. and the English Anabaptists (1917, M. L. A. xxxii. 267).
The text is a fragment, but there may have been more, as the original fly-
leaves and end papers of the volume are gone. Sir G. F. Warner thinks the
hand ‘quite early seventeenth century’. The corrections in the same hand are
such as rather to suggest an original composition, but may also be those of
an expert copyist. Miss Daw thinks that the date of composition was in the
seventeenth century, and that the play represents ideas belonging to (a) the
Anabaptists and (b) the Family of Love, both of which were then active.
She even suggests the possible authorship of the controversialist Edmond
Jessop. Personally, I find it difficult to assign to the seventeenth century a
moral written precisely in the vein of the middle of the sixteenth century,
even to the notes (2, 69, 103) of action ‘in place’ (cf. ch. xix), and a phrase
(76),
Why stare ye at me thus I wene ye be come to se a play,
closely parallel to Wit and Wisdom, 12, which is probably pre-Elizabethan.
The Jacobean activity of Anabaptism and Familism only revived
movements which had been familiar in England from Edwardian times,
were particularly vigorous in 1575, and had apparently died down during
the last decade of Elizabeth’s reign; cf. for Anabaptists C. Burrage, The
Early English Dissenters (1912), and for Familists s.v. Middleton, Family
of Love.
The Maid’s Metamorphosis. 1600
S. R. 1600, July 24 (Hartwell). ‘Two plaies or thinges thone called the
maides metamorphosis thother gyve a man luck and throw him into the
Sea.’ Richard Oliffe (Arber, iii. 168).
1600. The Maydes Metamorphosis. As it hath beene sundrie times Acted
by the Children of Powles. Thomas Creede for Richard Olive. [Prologue.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1882, O. E. P. i), R. W. Bond (1902, Lyly, iii.
341), and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).
Page 47
Archer’s play list of 1656 (Greg, Masques, lxxxvi) started an ascription
to Lyly, which was probably suggested by the similarity of name to Love’s
Metamorphosis. Daniel, with Lyly as reviser, is substituted by Fleay, ii. 324;
Day by Gosse and Bullen; Day, with Lyly as reviser, by Bond. A limit of
date is given by the reopening of Paul’s in 1599, and iv. i. 157 points to the
‘leape yeare’ 1600. Fleay thinks that the play was performed at Anne
Russell’s wedding on 16 June 1600 (cf. ch. v), but, though ‘three or foure
Muses’ dance at the end of the play, there is no indication of a mask, while
the accounts of the wedding say nothing of a play.
The Marriage of Wit and Science > 1570
S. R. 1569–70. ‘A play intituled the maryage of Wytt and Scyence.’
Thomas Marsh (Arber, i. 399).
n.d. A new and Pleasant enterlude intituled the mariage of Witte and
Science. Thomas Marsh.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, ii) and by J. S. Farmer (1909, T. F. T.).
An allegorical moral, indebted to John Redford’s Wit and Science (Med.
Stage, ii. 454). Fleay, 64; ii. 288, 294, proposes to identify this with the Wit
and Will played at court in 1567–8 (cf. App. B), as Will is a character.
Meleager (?)
B. Dobell, in Athenaeum for 14 Sept. 1901, described a MS. in his
possession with the title A Register of all the Noble Men of England
sithence the Conquest Created. The date of compilation is probably 1570–
90. On f. 3 is the argument in English of a play headed:
Children of Paules Play.
Publij Ovidij Nasonis Meleager.
Presumably the play was in English also. It was classical in manner with
five acts, a chorus, and dumb-shows. Act I opened with a dumb-show
before Melpomene of the Fates, Althea and the burning brand. It seems
distinct from the Meleager of W. Gager (q.v.).
The Merry Devil of Edmonton c. 1603
S. R. 1607, Oct. 22 (Buck). ‘A Plaie called the Merry Devill of
Edmonton.’ Arthur Johnson (Arber, iii. 362). [The Life and Death of the
to Lyly, which was probably suggested by the similarity of name to Love’s
Metamorphosis. Daniel, with Lyly as reviser, is substituted by Fleay, ii. 324;
Day by Gosse and Bullen; Day, with Lyly as reviser, by Bond. A limit of
date is given by the reopening of Paul’s in 1599, and iv. i. 157 points to the
‘leape yeare’ 1600. Fleay thinks that the play was performed at Anne
Russell’s wedding on 16 June 1600 (cf. ch. v), but, though ‘three or foure
Muses’ dance at the end of the play, there is no indication of a mask, while
the accounts of the wedding say nothing of a play.
The Marriage of Wit and Science > 1570
S. R. 1569–70. ‘A play intituled the maryage of Wytt and Scyence.’
Thomas Marsh (Arber, i. 399).
n.d. A new and Pleasant enterlude intituled the mariage of Witte and
Science. Thomas Marsh.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, ii) and by J. S. Farmer (1909, T. F. T.).
An allegorical moral, indebted to John Redford’s Wit and Science (Med.
Stage, ii. 454). Fleay, 64; ii. 288, 294, proposes to identify this with the Wit
and Will played at court in 1567–8 (cf. App. B), as Will is a character.
Meleager (?)
B. Dobell, in Athenaeum for 14 Sept. 1901, described a MS. in his
possession with the title A Register of all the Noble Men of England
sithence the Conquest Created. The date of compilation is probably 1570–
90. On f. 3 is the argument in English of a play headed:
Children of Paules Play.
Publij Ovidij Nasonis Meleager.
Presumably the play was in English also. It was classical in manner with
five acts, a chorus, and dumb-shows. Act I opened with a dumb-show
before Melpomene of the Fates, Althea and the burning brand. It seems
distinct from the Meleager of W. Gager (q.v.).
The Merry Devil of Edmonton c. 1603
S. R. 1607, Oct. 22 (Buck). ‘A Plaie called the Merry Devill of
Edmonton.’ Arthur Johnson (Arber, iii. 362). [The Life and Death of the
Page 48
Merry Devil of Edmonton, entered 5 April 1608, is a pamphlet by T. B.]
1608. The Merry Devill of Edmonton. As it hath beene sundry times
Acted, by his Maiesties Seruants, at the Globe, on the banke-side. Henry
Ballard for Arthur Johnson. [Prologue; Induction.]
1612; 1617; 1626; 1631.
S. R. 1653, Sept. 9. ‘The merry devil of Edmonton, by Wm:
Shakespeare.’ H. Moseley (Eyre, i. 429).
1655. For William Gilbertson.
Editions in Dodsley (1875, x), and by H. Walker (1897, T. D.), J. S.
Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), J. M. Manly (1913, R. E. C. ii), and in collections of
Sh. Apocrypha.
Moseley’s attribution was repeated in the play lists of Archer in 1656 and
Kirkman in 1661 (Greg, Masques, lxxxix), and the play was bound with
Mucedorus and Fair Em as ‘Shakespeare, vol. i’ in Charles II’s library. The
attempt of Fleay, ii. 313 (cf. his Shakespeare, 294), to show that Sir John
the priest was originally called Oldcastle and gave a name to the play is too
far-fetched, but it leads him to support a tradition originally based on a note
by Coxeter (Dodsley2, v. 247) that the author was Drayton. He puts it in
1597, apparently because Jessica calls Lancelot a ‘merry devil’ in M. V. ii.
iii. 2. But the Host is pretty clearly copied from him of the Merry Wives (c.
1599), and allusions to the king’s hunting (iv. i. 158, 186), although perhaps
merely part of the historic action, might also have been topical under James
I. The play existed by 1604, when it is mentioned in T. M.’s Black Book
(Bullen, Middleton, viii. 36). Jonson calls it ‘your dear delight’ in the
prologue to The Devil is an Ass (1616), and it was revived at court on 3
May 1618 (Cunningham, xlv).
Minds. 1575 <
n.d. Comoedia. A worke in ryme, contayning an Enterlude of Myndes,
witnessing the Mans Fall from God and Christ. Set forth by H. N. and by
him newly perused and amended. Translated out of Base-Almayns into
English. [No imprint or colophon.] [Preface to the Reader; Prologue in
dialogue.]
1608. The Merry Devill of Edmonton. As it hath beene sundry times
Acted, by his Maiesties Seruants, at the Globe, on the banke-side. Henry
Ballard for Arthur Johnson. [Prologue; Induction.]
1612; 1617; 1626; 1631.
S. R. 1653, Sept. 9. ‘The merry devil of Edmonton, by Wm:
Shakespeare.’ H. Moseley (Eyre, i. 429).
1655. For William Gilbertson.
Editions in Dodsley (1875, x), and by H. Walker (1897, T. D.), J. S.
Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), J. M. Manly (1913, R. E. C. ii), and in collections of
Sh. Apocrypha.
Moseley’s attribution was repeated in the play lists of Archer in 1656 and
Kirkman in 1661 (Greg, Masques, lxxxix), and the play was bound with
Mucedorus and Fair Em as ‘Shakespeare, vol. i’ in Charles II’s library. The
attempt of Fleay, ii. 313 (cf. his Shakespeare, 294), to show that Sir John
the priest was originally called Oldcastle and gave a name to the play is too
far-fetched, but it leads him to support a tradition originally based on a note
by Coxeter (Dodsley2, v. 247) that the author was Drayton. He puts it in
1597, apparently because Jessica calls Lancelot a ‘merry devil’ in M. V. ii.
iii. 2. But the Host is pretty clearly copied from him of the Merry Wives (c.
1599), and allusions to the king’s hunting (iv. i. 158, 186), although perhaps
merely part of the historic action, might also have been topical under James
I. The play existed by 1604, when it is mentioned in T. M.’s Black Book
(Bullen, Middleton, viii. 36). Jonson calls it ‘your dear delight’ in the
prologue to The Devil is an Ass (1616), and it was revived at court on 3
May 1618 (Cunningham, xlv).
Minds. 1575 <
n.d. Comoedia. A worke in ryme, contayning an Enterlude of Myndes,
witnessing the Mans Fall from God and Christ. Set forth by H. N. and by
him newly perused and amended. Translated out of Base-Almayns into
English. [No imprint or colophon.] [Preface to the Reader; Prologue in
dialogue.]
Page 49
This is a translation of the Low German Comoedia: Ein Gedicht des
Spels van Sinnen, anno 1575 of Henrick Niklaes, the founder of the
mystical sect known as the Family of Love (cf. s.v. Middleton).
Misogonus. 1560 < > 77
[MS.] In collection of the Duke of Devonshire. [By two hands, of which
one is only responsible for the t.p. and some corrections in the text. The t.p.
has the heading ‘A mery and ρ ... Misogonus’, followed by the names of the
speakers and ‘Laurentius Bariωna Ketthering die 20 Novembris Anno
1577’. The text, which is apparently imperfect, stopping in iv. 4, is probably
all in one other hand, together with a prologue, at the end of which is
‘Thomas Rychardes’. The inscriptions ‘Anthony Rice’ on the title-page,
‘Thomas Warde Barfold 1577’ on the prologue-page, and ‘W. Wyll[~m]’
and ‘John York Jesu’ in margins of the text, are all in later hands, some of
them not of the sixteenth century.]
Editions by A. Brandl (1898, Q. W. D.), J. S. Farmer (1906), and R. W.
Bond (1911, E. P. I.).—Dissertation: G. L. Kittredge, The M. and Laurence
Johnson (1901, J. G. P. iii. 335).
Brandl, following Collier, ii. 368, 378, dates the play in 1560, on the
ground of an allusion in iv. i. 131 to ‘the rising rection ith north’, i.e. the
Pilgrimage of Grace of 1536, as twenty-four years before the time of action,
but it is not quite clear that the rambling dialogue of rustics, in which the
passage occurs, justifies the interpretation put upon it; nor is the allusion in
iii. ii. 3 to the weathercock of Paul’s, set up in 1553 and destroyed in 1561,
any more conclusive, as the phrase may have become proverbial. The style
might be either of c. 1560 or, in a provincial play, of c. 1577, or, as Bond
suggests, a reviser of c. 1577 might have revised a text of ten or twelve
years earlier. For author, Fleay, 16, 58, 60, taking the piece to be that
disliked at court on 31 Dec. 1559, offered Richard Edwardes, and is
followed by Wallace, i. iii. There is nothing to suggest that the play was ever
performed at court at all. It seems more natural to look for him, either in the
Thomas Richards or in the Laurence Barjona of the MS. Conceivably
Richards might be the T. R. whose initials appear on the prints of Impatient
Poverty and Nice Wanton (cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 460) in 1560. Barjona
might be the name of a converted Jew. But Kittredge regards it as an
anagram of Johnson, and points out that a Laurence Johnson matriculated at
Spels van Sinnen, anno 1575 of Henrick Niklaes, the founder of the
mystical sect known as the Family of Love (cf. s.v. Middleton).
Misogonus. 1560 < > 77
[MS.] In collection of the Duke of Devonshire. [By two hands, of which
one is only responsible for the t.p. and some corrections in the text. The t.p.
has the heading ‘A mery and ρ ... Misogonus’, followed by the names of the
speakers and ‘Laurentius Bariωna Ketthering die 20 Novembris Anno
1577’. The text, which is apparently imperfect, stopping in iv. 4, is probably
all in one other hand, together with a prologue, at the end of which is
‘Thomas Rychardes’. The inscriptions ‘Anthony Rice’ on the title-page,
‘Thomas Warde Barfold 1577’ on the prologue-page, and ‘W. Wyll[~m]’
and ‘John York Jesu’ in margins of the text, are all in later hands, some of
them not of the sixteenth century.]
Editions by A. Brandl (1898, Q. W. D.), J. S. Farmer (1906), and R. W.
Bond (1911, E. P. I.).—Dissertation: G. L. Kittredge, The M. and Laurence
Johnson (1901, J. G. P. iii. 335).
Brandl, following Collier, ii. 368, 378, dates the play in 1560, on the
ground of an allusion in iv. i. 131 to ‘the rising rection ith north’, i.e. the
Pilgrimage of Grace of 1536, as twenty-four years before the time of action,
but it is not quite clear that the rambling dialogue of rustics, in which the
passage occurs, justifies the interpretation put upon it; nor is the allusion in
iii. ii. 3 to the weathercock of Paul’s, set up in 1553 and destroyed in 1561,
any more conclusive, as the phrase may have become proverbial. The style
might be either of c. 1560 or, in a provincial play, of c. 1577, or, as Bond
suggests, a reviser of c. 1577 might have revised a text of ten or twelve
years earlier. For author, Fleay, 16, 58, 60, taking the piece to be that
disliked at court on 31 Dec. 1559, offered Richard Edwardes, and is
followed by Wallace, i. iii. There is nothing to suggest that the play was ever
performed at court at all. It seems more natural to look for him, either in the
Thomas Richards or in the Laurence Barjona of the MS. Conceivably
Richards might be the T. R. whose initials appear on the prints of Impatient
Poverty and Nice Wanton (cf. Mediaeval Stage, ii. 460) in 1560. Barjona
might be the name of a converted Jew. But Kittredge regards it as an
anagram of Johnson, and points out that a Laurence Johnson matriculated at
Page 50
Christ’s College, Cambridge, in 1570, and took his B.A. in 1574 and his
M.A. in 1577, while a Thomas Richards of Trinity took his B.A. in 1571,
and a Thomas Ward of Jesus in 1580. A reference to Cambridge learning
(iii. iii. 74) does not, of course, go far to prove Cambridge authorship.
Anyway, the Barjona of the title-page is probably the ‘Laur. Bariona’ who
signed, also from Kettering, the epistle to a book called Cometographia on
20 Jan. 1579. It is the work of an Anglican; not therefore of the Laurence
Johnson, who was an Oxford Jesuit. I can add a few facts. A Laurence
Jonson, with one Chr. Balam and George Haysyll of Cambridge, made a
complaint through Lord North to the queen against the Bishop of Ely in
Dec. 1575 (S. P. D. Eliz. cv. 88). This is interesting, because George Haysell
of Wisbech was apparently one of Worcester’s players (cf. ch. xiii) in 1583.
There is also a Laurence Johnson who on 12 June 1572 wrote to Lord
Burghley about his service in the Mint (S. P. D. Eliz. lxxxviii. 17); possibly
the same of whom Burghley wrote to his ‘brother’ William Herlle on 3
April 1575, that he could do nothing for him (S. P. D. Eliz. ciii. 24). Finally
a Laurence Johnson engraved plates in 1603 (D. N. B.).
Sir Thomas More c. 1596
[MS.] B.M. Harleian MS. 7368. [The wrapper is endorsed, ‘The Booke
of Sir Thomas Moore’, and is in part composed of a vellum leaf also used
for that of Munday’s John a Kent and John a Cumber. The character of the
damp stains on the two MSS. shows that they must for some time have lain
together. Two passages of the original text have disappeared, and six
passages have been inserted, on fresh leaves or slips, to replace these and
other cancelled matter. One of these leaves appears to have been misplaced.
Greg finds seven distinct hands: (a) the writer of the original text, whom he
has now identified (M. L. R. viii. 89) with Munday; (b) five contributors to
the insertions, of whom one appears also to have acted as a playhouse
corrector, another (writing 30 lines) seems clearly to be Dekker, and a third
(writing 148 lines) has been taken (v. infra) for Shakespeare; (c) the Master
of the Revels, Edmund Tilney, who has given some directions as censor, of
which the most important, at the beginning, runs: ‘Leaue out the
insurrection wholy & the Cause ther off & begin with Sr Tho: Moore att the
mayors sessions with a reportt afterwardes off his good service don being
Shriue off London vppon a mutiny Agaynst the Lumbardes only by A shortt
reporte & nott otherwise att your own perrilles E. Tyllney’. Whether Greg is
M.A. in 1577, while a Thomas Richards of Trinity took his B.A. in 1571,
and a Thomas Ward of Jesus in 1580. A reference to Cambridge learning
(iii. iii. 74) does not, of course, go far to prove Cambridge authorship.
Anyway, the Barjona of the title-page is probably the ‘Laur. Bariona’ who
signed, also from Kettering, the epistle to a book called Cometographia on
20 Jan. 1579. It is the work of an Anglican; not therefore of the Laurence
Johnson, who was an Oxford Jesuit. I can add a few facts. A Laurence
Jonson, with one Chr. Balam and George Haysyll of Cambridge, made a
complaint through Lord North to the queen against the Bishop of Ely in
Dec. 1575 (S. P. D. Eliz. cv. 88). This is interesting, because George Haysell
of Wisbech was apparently one of Worcester’s players (cf. ch. xiii) in 1583.
There is also a Laurence Johnson who on 12 June 1572 wrote to Lord
Burghley about his service in the Mint (S. P. D. Eliz. lxxxviii. 17); possibly
the same of whom Burghley wrote to his ‘brother’ William Herlle on 3
April 1575, that he could do nothing for him (S. P. D. Eliz. ciii. 24). Finally
a Laurence Johnson engraved plates in 1603 (D. N. B.).
Sir Thomas More c. 1596
[MS.] B.M. Harleian MS. 7368. [The wrapper is endorsed, ‘The Booke
of Sir Thomas Moore’, and is in part composed of a vellum leaf also used
for that of Munday’s John a Kent and John a Cumber. The character of the
damp stains on the two MSS. shows that they must for some time have lain
together. Two passages of the original text have disappeared, and six
passages have been inserted, on fresh leaves or slips, to replace these and
other cancelled matter. One of these leaves appears to have been misplaced.
Greg finds seven distinct hands: (a) the writer of the original text, whom he
has now identified (M. L. R. viii. 89) with Munday; (b) five contributors to
the insertions, of whom one appears also to have acted as a playhouse
corrector, another (writing 30 lines) seems clearly to be Dekker, and a third
(writing 148 lines) has been taken (v. infra) for Shakespeare; (c) the Master
of the Revels, Edmund Tilney, who has given some directions as censor, of
which the most important, at the beginning, runs: ‘Leaue out the
insurrection wholy & the Cause ther off & begin with Sr Tho: Moore att the
mayors sessions with a reportt afterwardes off his good service don being
Shriue off London vppon a mutiny Agaynst the Lumbardes only by A shortt
reporte & nott otherwise att your own perrilles E. Tyllney’. Whether Greg is
Page 51
right in calling this a ‘conditional licence’ I am not sure, but he corrects
earlier writers by pointing out that the extant insertions do not carry out
Tilney’s instructions, and were probably made before the play reached him.
Although therefore the appearance of an actor’s name in a s.d. suggests that
the play was cast for performance, it is not likely that it was actually
performed, at any rate in its present state.]
Editions by A. Dyce (1844, Sh. Soc.), A. F. Hopkinson (1902), C. F.
Tucker Brooke (1908, Sh. Apocrypha), J. S. Farmer (1910, photo-facsimile
in T. F. S.), and W. W. Greg (1911, M. S. R.).—Dissertations: R. Simpson,
Are there any extant MSS. in Sh.’s Handwriting? (1871, 4 N. Q. viii. 1); J.
Spedding, Sh.’s Handwriting (1872, 4 N. Q. x. 227), On a Question
concerning a Supposed Specimen of Sh.’s Handwriting (1879, Reviews and
Discussions); B. Nicholson, The Plays of S. T. M. and Hamlet (1884, 6 N.
Q. x. 423); C. R. Baskervill, Some Parallels to Bartholomew Fair (1908, M.
P. vi. 109); W. W. Greg, Autograph Plays by A. Munday (1913, M. L. R. viii.
89); L. L. Schücking, Das Datum der pseudo-Sh. S. T. M. (1913, E. S. xlvi.
228); E. M. Thompson, Shakespeare’s Handwriting (1916) and The
Autograph MSS. of Anthony Munday (1919, Bibl. Soc. Trans. xiv. 325); P.
Simpson, The Play of S. T. M. and Sh.’s Hand in It (1917, 3 Library, viii.
79); J. D. Wilson and others, Sh.’s Hand in the Play of S. T. M. (1919, T. L.
S. 24 April onwards); W. J. Lawrence and others, Was S.T.M. ever Acted?
(1920, T.L.S. 1 July onwards); M. A. Bayfield and E. M. Thompson,
Shakespeare’s Handwriting (1921, T. L. S. 30 June, 4 Aug.).
The play has been dated c. 1586 and c. 1596, in both of which years
there were disturbances with some analogy to the ‘Ill May Day’ of the plot,
and an early date has been regarded as favoured by mentions (ll. 1006,
1148) of Oagle a wigmaker, since men of the name were serving the Revels
Office in this and similar capacities from 1571 to 1585 (Feuillerat, Eliz.,
passim), and by the appearance as a messenger in a stage-direction (Greg, p.
89) of T. Goodal, an actor traceable with Berkeley’s men in 1581 and with
the Admiral’s or Strange’s in the plot of The Seven Deadly Sins, c. 1590–1.
But Goodal may have acted much longer, and the Admiral’s men had
business relations with a ‘Father Ogell’ in Feb. 1600 (Greg, Henslowe, ii.
300). Greg, after comparing Munday’s script in the play with other and
better datable examples of that script, inclines to put it ‘between 1596 and
1602, say 1598–1600’, and Sir E. M. Thompson, on a further review of the
earlier writers by pointing out that the extant insertions do not carry out
Tilney’s instructions, and were probably made before the play reached him.
Although therefore the appearance of an actor’s name in a s.d. suggests that
the play was cast for performance, it is not likely that it was actually
performed, at any rate in its present state.]
Editions by A. Dyce (1844, Sh. Soc.), A. F. Hopkinson (1902), C. F.
Tucker Brooke (1908, Sh. Apocrypha), J. S. Farmer (1910, photo-facsimile
in T. F. S.), and W. W. Greg (1911, M. S. R.).—Dissertations: R. Simpson,
Are there any extant MSS. in Sh.’s Handwriting? (1871, 4 N. Q. viii. 1); J.
Spedding, Sh.’s Handwriting (1872, 4 N. Q. x. 227), On a Question
concerning a Supposed Specimen of Sh.’s Handwriting (1879, Reviews and
Discussions); B. Nicholson, The Plays of S. T. M. and Hamlet (1884, 6 N.
Q. x. 423); C. R. Baskervill, Some Parallels to Bartholomew Fair (1908, M.
P. vi. 109); W. W. Greg, Autograph Plays by A. Munday (1913, M. L. R. viii.
89); L. L. Schücking, Das Datum der pseudo-Sh. S. T. M. (1913, E. S. xlvi.
228); E. M. Thompson, Shakespeare’s Handwriting (1916) and The
Autograph MSS. of Anthony Munday (1919, Bibl. Soc. Trans. xiv. 325); P.
Simpson, The Play of S. T. M. and Sh.’s Hand in It (1917, 3 Library, viii.
79); J. D. Wilson and others, Sh.’s Hand in the Play of S. T. M. (1919, T. L.
S. 24 April onwards); W. J. Lawrence and others, Was S.T.M. ever Acted?
(1920, T.L.S. 1 July onwards); M. A. Bayfield and E. M. Thompson,
Shakespeare’s Handwriting (1921, T. L. S. 30 June, 4 Aug.).
The play has been dated c. 1586 and c. 1596, in both of which years
there were disturbances with some analogy to the ‘Ill May Day’ of the plot,
and an early date has been regarded as favoured by mentions (ll. 1006,
1148) of Oagle a wigmaker, since men of the name were serving the Revels
Office in this and similar capacities from 1571 to 1585 (Feuillerat, Eliz.,
passim), and by the appearance as a messenger in a stage-direction (Greg, p.
89) of T. Goodal, an actor traceable with Berkeley’s men in 1581 and with
the Admiral’s or Strange’s in the plot of The Seven Deadly Sins, c. 1590–1.
But Goodal may have acted much longer, and the Admiral’s men had
business relations with a ‘Father Ogell’ in Feb. 1600 (Greg, Henslowe, ii.
300). Greg, after comparing Munday’s script in the play with other and
better datable examples of that script, inclines to put it ‘between 1596 and
1602, say 1598–1600’, and Sir E. M. Thompson, on a further review of the
Page 52
same evidence, suggests 1592 or 1593. This, however, involves putting the
MS. of John a Kent and John a Cumber (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Munday) back to
1590, which, although palaeographically possible, is inconsistent with
evidence pointing to its production by the Admiral’s in 1594. Certain
parallels with Julius Caesar and Hamlet might suggest the latter part of the
possible period, although the parallel suggested by Schücking with
Fletcher’s The Tamer Tamed is too slight to bear out his date of 1605–8, and
the attempt of Fleay (ii. 312; Shakespeare, 292) to identify the play with the
Abuses of Paul’s in 1606 is guess-work. Jonson’s apparent debt to S. T. M.
in Bartholomew Fair, pointed out by Baskervill, is also in favour of a latish
date. Obviously the mention of ‘Mason among the Kings players’ (l. 1151)
does not prove a Jacobean date, as Henry VIII had players. No actor of the
name in either reign is known, although an Alexander Mason was marshal
of the royal minstrels in 1494 (Collier, i. 45). Account must be taken of the
support given by Sir E. M. Thompson to the theory of R. Simpson and
Spedding that three of the added pages are in the hand of Shakespeare. This
is based on a minute comparison with the few undoubted fragments, almost
entirely signatures, of Shakespeare’s writing. Both hands use ‘the native
English script’ and are ‘of an ordinary type’, without marked individual
character ‘to any great extent’, although slight peculiarities, such as ‘the use
of the fine upstroke as an ornamental adjunct to certain letters’, are common
to them. The demonstration would have been more convincing had the
hands been less ‘ordinary’, but Sir E. M. Thompson’s authority is great, and
some support is furnished by P. Simpson from the character of the
punctuation in the addition, and by J. D. Wilson from some orthographic
resemblances to the more reliable Shakespearian quartos. Sir E. M.
Thompson’s views are criticized in G. Greenwood, Shakespeare’s
Handwriting (1920). If Shakespeare was the author, the analogies between
the matter of the addition and the Jack Cade scenes of Henry VI would be in
favour of an earlier date, if that were possible, than 1596 or even 1594,
although I should not like to be committed to the view that Shakespeare
might not have scribbled the fragment at any time in the sixteenth century.
On a balance of the mixed literary and palaeographical evidence before us,
the safest guess seems to be 1596. As to the rest of the authorship, Dr.
Greg’s discoveries point to Munday, with some help from Dekker. Fleay’s
argument (Sh. 292) for Lodge and Drayton is flimsy. If Shakespeare had a
MS. of John a Kent and John a Cumber (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Munday) back to
1590, which, although palaeographically possible, is inconsistent with
evidence pointing to its production by the Admiral’s in 1594. Certain
parallels with Julius Caesar and Hamlet might suggest the latter part of the
possible period, although the parallel suggested by Schücking with
Fletcher’s The Tamer Tamed is too slight to bear out his date of 1605–8, and
the attempt of Fleay (ii. 312; Shakespeare, 292) to identify the play with the
Abuses of Paul’s in 1606 is guess-work. Jonson’s apparent debt to S. T. M.
in Bartholomew Fair, pointed out by Baskervill, is also in favour of a latish
date. Obviously the mention of ‘Mason among the Kings players’ (l. 1151)
does not prove a Jacobean date, as Henry VIII had players. No actor of the
name in either reign is known, although an Alexander Mason was marshal
of the royal minstrels in 1494 (Collier, i. 45). Account must be taken of the
support given by Sir E. M. Thompson to the theory of R. Simpson and
Spedding that three of the added pages are in the hand of Shakespeare. This
is based on a minute comparison with the few undoubted fragments, almost
entirely signatures, of Shakespeare’s writing. Both hands use ‘the native
English script’ and are ‘of an ordinary type’, without marked individual
character ‘to any great extent’, although slight peculiarities, such as ‘the use
of the fine upstroke as an ornamental adjunct to certain letters’, are common
to them. The demonstration would have been more convincing had the
hands been less ‘ordinary’, but Sir E. M. Thompson’s authority is great, and
some support is furnished by P. Simpson from the character of the
punctuation in the addition, and by J. D. Wilson from some orthographic
resemblances to the more reliable Shakespearian quartos. Sir E. M.
Thompson’s views are criticized in G. Greenwood, Shakespeare’s
Handwriting (1920). If Shakespeare was the author, the analogies between
the matter of the addition and the Jack Cade scenes of Henry VI would be in
favour of an earlier date, if that were possible, than 1596 or even 1594,
although I should not like to be committed to the view that Shakespeare
might not have scribbled the fragment at any time in the sixteenth century.
On a balance of the mixed literary and palaeographical evidence before us,
the safest guess seems to be 1596. As to the rest of the authorship, Dr.
Greg’s discoveries point to Munday, with some help from Dekker. Fleay’s
argument (Sh. 292) for Lodge and Drayton is flimsy. If Shakespeare had a
Page 53
share, the company was probably the Chamberlain’s. Goodal’s name proves
nothing as to this.
Mucedorus > 1598; 1611
1598. A most pleasant Comedie of Mucedorus, the Kings sonne of
Valentia and Amadine the Kings daughter of Arragon, with the merie
conceites of Mouse. Newly set foorth, as it hath bin sundrie times plaide in
the honorable Cittie of London. Very delectable and full of mirth. For
William Jones. [Arrangement of parts for eight actors; Induction.]
1606. For William Jones.
1610.... Amplified with new additions, as it was acted before the Kings
Maiestie at Whitehall on Shroue-sunday night. By his Highness Seruants
vsually playing at the Globe. Very delectable, and full of conceited Mirth.
For William Jones. [Arrangement of parts for ten actors; Prologue. Collier
professes to follow a print of 1609 with this altered title, otherwise
unknown; cf. Greg in Jahrbuch, xl. 104.]
1611; 1613; 1615.
S. R. 1618, Sept. 17. Transfer by Sarah, widow of William Jones, to John
Wright (Arber, iii. 632).
1618; 1619; 1621; 1626; n.d. [1629] fragm.; 1631; 1634; 1639; n.d.
[1639 < > 63]; 1663; 1668.
Editions by J. P. Collier (1824) and with Shakespeare (1878), N. Delius
(1874), in Dodsley4, vii (1874), Warnke-Proescholdt (1878), J. S. Farmer
(1910, T. F. T.), and with Sh. Apocrypha.—Dissertations: R. Simpson, On
Some Plays Attributed to Sh. (1875, N. S. S. Trans. 155); W. Wagner, Ueber
und zu M. (1876, Jahrbuch, xi. 59), Neue Conjecturen zum M. (1879,
Jahrbuch, xiv. 274); K. Elze, Noten und Conjecturen (1878, Jahrbuch, xiii.
45), Nachträgliche Bemerkungen zu M. (1880, Jahrbuch, xv. 339), Last
Notes on M. (1883, E. S. vi. 217); E. Soffé, Ist M. ein Schauspiel Sh.’s?
(1887, Brünn Progr.); W. W. Greg, On the Editions of M. (1904, Jahrbuch,
xl. 95).
It is difficult to date with precision the revival for which the additions
printed in the Q. of 1610 (1610/1?) were written, especially as the
genuineness of the Q. of 1609, in which Collier stated that he found these
nothing as to this.
Mucedorus > 1598; 1611
1598. A most pleasant Comedie of Mucedorus, the Kings sonne of
Valentia and Amadine the Kings daughter of Arragon, with the merie
conceites of Mouse. Newly set foorth, as it hath bin sundrie times plaide in
the honorable Cittie of London. Very delectable and full of mirth. For
William Jones. [Arrangement of parts for eight actors; Induction.]
1606. For William Jones.
1610.... Amplified with new additions, as it was acted before the Kings
Maiestie at Whitehall on Shroue-sunday night. By his Highness Seruants
vsually playing at the Globe. Very delectable, and full of conceited Mirth.
For William Jones. [Arrangement of parts for ten actors; Prologue. Collier
professes to follow a print of 1609 with this altered title, otherwise
unknown; cf. Greg in Jahrbuch, xl. 104.]
1611; 1613; 1615.
S. R. 1618, Sept. 17. Transfer by Sarah, widow of William Jones, to John
Wright (Arber, iii. 632).
1618; 1619; 1621; 1626; n.d. [1629] fragm.; 1631; 1634; 1639; n.d.
[1639 < > 63]; 1663; 1668.
Editions by J. P. Collier (1824) and with Shakespeare (1878), N. Delius
(1874), in Dodsley4, vii (1874), Warnke-Proescholdt (1878), J. S. Farmer
(1910, T. F. T.), and with Sh. Apocrypha.—Dissertations: R. Simpson, On
Some Plays Attributed to Sh. (1875, N. S. S. Trans. 155); W. Wagner, Ueber
und zu M. (1876, Jahrbuch, xi. 59), Neue Conjecturen zum M. (1879,
Jahrbuch, xiv. 274); K. Elze, Noten und Conjecturen (1878, Jahrbuch, xiii.
45), Nachträgliche Bemerkungen zu M. (1880, Jahrbuch, xv. 339), Last
Notes on M. (1883, E. S. vi. 217); E. Soffé, Ist M. ein Schauspiel Sh.’s?
(1887, Brünn Progr.); W. W. Greg, On the Editions of M. (1904, Jahrbuch,
xl. 95).
It is difficult to date with precision the revival for which the additions
printed in the Q. of 1610 (1610/1?) were written, especially as the
genuineness of the Q. of 1609, in which Collier stated that he found these
Page 54
additions, cannot be verified, since the accounts of the Treasurer of the
Chamber do not specify the exact days on which the numerous appearances
of the King’s men at court during the winters of 1608–9, 1609–10, and
1610–11 took place. The conjecture of Fleay (ii. 50; Shakespeare, 303) that
the additions date from 1606 was largely based on a guess that they
appeared in the Q. of 1606, which he had not seen. The added or altered
passages are the prologue; i. 1, 2; iv. 1; parts of v. 2; and the final lines of
the induction. The prologue wishes James security
From blemisht Traytors, stayn’d with Periurie.
A bear is introduced in i. 2, as in W. T. iii. 3, and I venture to conjecture that
both episodes were inspired by the successful bear in Jonson’s Mask of
Oberon on 1 Jan. 1611, to which there is also an allusion in his Love
Restored of 6 Jan. 1612. If so, the revival must have been on Shrove
Sunday, 3 Feb. 1611. In i. i. 50 Anselmo says that he was a shepherd in
‘Lord Iulios Maske’. Oberon, however, had no shepherds proper, only
satyrs and sylvans. The induction is altered to compliment James instead of
Elizabeth, and the following dialogue between Comedie and Envie is
introduced:
Envie. Comedie, thou art a shallow Goose;
Ile ouerthrow thee in thine owne intent,
And make thy fall my Comick merriment.
Comedie. Thy pollicie wants grauitie; thou art
Too weake. Speake, Fiend, as how?
Env. Why, thus:
From my foule Studie will I hoyst a Wretch,
A leane and hungry Meager Canniball,
Whose iawes swell to his eyes with chawing Malice:
And him Ile make a Poet.
Com. What’s that to th’ purpose?
Env. This scrambling Rauen, with his needie Beard,
Will I whet on to write a Comedie,
Wherein shall be compos’d darke sentences,
Pleasing to factious braines:
And euery other where place me a Iest,
Whose high abuse shall more torment then blowes:
Then I my selfe (quicker then Lightning)
Will flie me to a puisant Magistrate,
And waighting with a Trencher at his backe,
In midst of iollitie, rehearse those gaules,
(With some additions)
Chamber do not specify the exact days on which the numerous appearances
of the King’s men at court during the winters of 1608–9, 1609–10, and
1610–11 took place. The conjecture of Fleay (ii. 50; Shakespeare, 303) that
the additions date from 1606 was largely based on a guess that they
appeared in the Q. of 1606, which he had not seen. The added or altered
passages are the prologue; i. 1, 2; iv. 1; parts of v. 2; and the final lines of
the induction. The prologue wishes James security
From blemisht Traytors, stayn’d with Periurie.
A bear is introduced in i. 2, as in W. T. iii. 3, and I venture to conjecture that
both episodes were inspired by the successful bear in Jonson’s Mask of
Oberon on 1 Jan. 1611, to which there is also an allusion in his Love
Restored of 6 Jan. 1612. If so, the revival must have been on Shrove
Sunday, 3 Feb. 1611. In i. i. 50 Anselmo says that he was a shepherd in
‘Lord Iulios Maske’. Oberon, however, had no shepherds proper, only
satyrs and sylvans. The induction is altered to compliment James instead of
Elizabeth, and the following dialogue between Comedie and Envie is
introduced:
Envie. Comedie, thou art a shallow Goose;
Ile ouerthrow thee in thine owne intent,
And make thy fall my Comick merriment.
Comedie. Thy pollicie wants grauitie; thou art
Too weake. Speake, Fiend, as how?
Env. Why, thus:
From my foule Studie will I hoyst a Wretch,
A leane and hungry Meager Canniball,
Whose iawes swell to his eyes with chawing Malice:
And him Ile make a Poet.
Com. What’s that to th’ purpose?
Env. This scrambling Rauen, with his needie Beard,
Will I whet on to write a Comedie,
Wherein shall be compos’d darke sentences,
Pleasing to factious braines:
And euery other where place me a Iest,
Whose high abuse shall more torment then blowes:
Then I my selfe (quicker then Lightning)
Will flie me to a puisant Magistrate,
And waighting with a Trencher at his backe,
In midst of iollitie, rehearse those gaules,
(With some additions)
Page 55
So lately vented in your Theator.
He, vpon this, cannot but make complaint,
To your great danger, or at least restraint.
Com. Ha, ha, ha! I laugh to hear thy folly;
This is a trap for Boyes, not Men, nor such,
Especially desertfull in their doinges,
Whose stay’d discretion rules their purposes.
I and my faction do eschew those vices.
Fleay, with 1606 in his mind, finds here an apology for The Fox,
thinking Jonson the raven and Eastward Hoe the ‘trap for Boyes’. In 1610
there had been no trouble about any London play, although one in
Lincolnshire had given offence. But a careful reading of the passage will
show that it is no apology at all, but a boast, and an attack upon informers
against the stage.
As the play had been in print since 1598, it must not be assumed that,
because the King’s revived it in 1610–11, it was originally a Chamberlain’s
play. It may have belonged to the Queen’s or some other extinct company.
Evidently it was a popular play, as the number of editions shows. K. B. P.
ind. 91 tells us that Ralph has ‘play’d ... Musidorus before the Wardens of
our Company’.
The ascription to Shakespeare is due to Archer’s list of 1656 (Greg,
Masques, xci) and to the inclusion of the play with Fair Em and The Merry
Devil of Edmonton in a volume in Charles II’s library, lettered
‘Shakespeare, vol. i’ (Variorum, ii. 682). It now receives little support, even
as regards the added passages. Greene is preferred as the original author by
Malone and Hopkinson, Peele by von Friesen, and Lodge by Fleay.
After the suppression of the theatres in 1642, Mucedorus was acted by
strolling players in various parts of Oxfordshire. An accident during a
performance at Witney on 3 Feb. 1654 is recorded in John Rowe, Tragi-
Comoedia. Being a brieff relation of the strange and wonderful hand of
God, discovered at Witney in the Comedy acted February the third, where
there were some slaine, many hurt and several other remarkable passages
(1653/4).
Either Mucedorus or Greene’s Alphonsus (q.v.) may have been the play
on a king of Arragon given at Dresden in 1626. It has also been suggested
(Herz, 95) that Mucedorus influenced Pieter Hooft’s Dutch pastoral
Granida (1605).
He, vpon this, cannot but make complaint,
To your great danger, or at least restraint.
Com. Ha, ha, ha! I laugh to hear thy folly;
This is a trap for Boyes, not Men, nor such,
Especially desertfull in their doinges,
Whose stay’d discretion rules their purposes.
I and my faction do eschew those vices.
Fleay, with 1606 in his mind, finds here an apology for The Fox,
thinking Jonson the raven and Eastward Hoe the ‘trap for Boyes’. In 1610
there had been no trouble about any London play, although one in
Lincolnshire had given offence. But a careful reading of the passage will
show that it is no apology at all, but a boast, and an attack upon informers
against the stage.
As the play had been in print since 1598, it must not be assumed that,
because the King’s revived it in 1610–11, it was originally a Chamberlain’s
play. It may have belonged to the Queen’s or some other extinct company.
Evidently it was a popular play, as the number of editions shows. K. B. P.
ind. 91 tells us that Ralph has ‘play’d ... Musidorus before the Wardens of
our Company’.
The ascription to Shakespeare is due to Archer’s list of 1656 (Greg,
Masques, xci) and to the inclusion of the play with Fair Em and The Merry
Devil of Edmonton in a volume in Charles II’s library, lettered
‘Shakespeare, vol. i’ (Variorum, ii. 682). It now receives little support, even
as regards the added passages. Greene is preferred as the original author by
Malone and Hopkinson, Peele by von Friesen, and Lodge by Fleay.
After the suppression of the theatres in 1642, Mucedorus was acted by
strolling players in various parts of Oxfordshire. An accident during a
performance at Witney on 3 Feb. 1654 is recorded in John Rowe, Tragi-
Comoedia. Being a brieff relation of the strange and wonderful hand of
God, discovered at Witney in the Comedy acted February the third, where
there were some slaine, many hurt and several other remarkable passages
(1653/4).
Either Mucedorus or Greene’s Alphonsus (q.v.) may have been the play
on a king of Arragon given at Dresden in 1626. It has also been suggested
(Herz, 95) that Mucedorus influenced Pieter Hooft’s Dutch pastoral
Granida (1605).
Page 56
Narcissus. 6 Jan. 1603
[MS.] Bodl. MS. 147303 (Rawl. Poet. MS. 212), f. 82v. ‘A Twelfe Night
Merriment. Anno 1602.’ [Porter’s speech ‘at the end of supper’, Wassail
Song, Prologue, and Epilogue.]
Edition by M. L. Lee (1893).
The porter’s name is Francis, and from some speeches and a letter
composed for him, which appear in the same manuscript, it is clear that he
was Francis Clark, who became porter of St. John’s, Oxford, on 8 May
1601, at which house therefore the play was doubtless given. It has
borrowings from M. N. D. and 1 Hen. IV.
New Custom. 1558 < > 73
1573. A new Enterlude No less wittie: then pleasant, entituled new
Custome, deuised of late, and for diuerse causes nowe set forthe, neuer
before this tyme Imprinted. William How for Abraham Veale.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, iii) and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.).
A moral of Protestant controversy, with typical personages, bearing
allegorical names, arranged for four actors.
The final prayer is for Elizabeth, and Avarice played in the days of
Queen Mary. Fleay, 64; ii. 294, thinks it a revised Edward VI play, on the
ground of an allusion to a ‘square caps’ controversy of 1550. But this was
still vigorous in 1565 (cf. Parker’s Letters, 240). Fleay also says that the
Nugize of Captain Cox’s collection (Laneham, 30) is Mankind (Med. Stage,
ii. 438) in which New Gyse is a character. But Mankind was first printed in
1897, and probably this play is the one Laneham had in mind.
Nobody and Somebody > 1606
S. R. 1606, Jan. 8. ‘The picture of No bodye.’ John Trundell (Arber, iii.
308).
1606, March 12 (Wilson). ‘A Booke called no bodie and somme bodie
&c.’ John Trundell (Arber, iii. 316).
n.d. No-Body, and Some-Body. With the true Chronicle Historie of
Elydure, who was fortunately three seuerall times crowned King of
[MS.] Bodl. MS. 147303 (Rawl. Poet. MS. 212), f. 82v. ‘A Twelfe Night
Merriment. Anno 1602.’ [Porter’s speech ‘at the end of supper’, Wassail
Song, Prologue, and Epilogue.]
Edition by M. L. Lee (1893).
The porter’s name is Francis, and from some speeches and a letter
composed for him, which appear in the same manuscript, it is clear that he
was Francis Clark, who became porter of St. John’s, Oxford, on 8 May
1601, at which house therefore the play was doubtless given. It has
borrowings from M. N. D. and 1 Hen. IV.
New Custom. 1558 < > 73
1573. A new Enterlude No less wittie: then pleasant, entituled new
Custome, deuised of late, and for diuerse causes nowe set forthe, neuer
before this tyme Imprinted. William How for Abraham Veale.
Editions in Dodsley4 (1874, iii) and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.).
A moral of Protestant controversy, with typical personages, bearing
allegorical names, arranged for four actors.
The final prayer is for Elizabeth, and Avarice played in the days of
Queen Mary. Fleay, 64; ii. 294, thinks it a revised Edward VI play, on the
ground of an allusion to a ‘square caps’ controversy of 1550. But this was
still vigorous in 1565 (cf. Parker’s Letters, 240). Fleay also says that the
Nugize of Captain Cox’s collection (Laneham, 30) is Mankind (Med. Stage,
ii. 438) in which New Gyse is a character. But Mankind was first printed in
1897, and probably this play is the one Laneham had in mind.
Nobody and Somebody > 1606
S. R. 1606, Jan. 8. ‘The picture of No bodye.’ John Trundell (Arber, iii.
308).
1606, March 12 (Wilson). ‘A Booke called no bodie and somme bodie
&c.’ John Trundell (Arber, iii. 316).
n.d. No-Body, and Some-Body. With the true Chronicle Historie of
Elydure, who was fortunately three seuerall times crowned King of
Page 57
England. The true Coppy thereof, as it hath beene acted by the Queens
Maiesties Seruants. For John Trundle. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by A. Smith (1877), R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. i), J. S. Farmer
(1911, T. F. T.), of the early German translation by F. Bischoff, Niemand
und Jemand in Graz im Jahre 1608 (1899, Mitteilungen des historischen
Vereins für Steiermark, xlvii. 127), and of Tieck’s translation by J. Bolte
(1894, Jahrbuch, xxix. 4).—Dissertation: J. Bolte, Eine Hamburger
Aufführung von N. a. S. (1905, Jahrbuch, xli. 188).
The play is probably Jacobean. There is a reference to the unwilling
recipients of knighthood (l. 325), and the use of Essex’s nickname for
Cobham, Sycophant, as the name of a courtier, must be later than Cobham’s
disgrace in 1603. Simpson thought that an allusion to the misuse of the
collections for rebuilding Paul’s steeple (l. 754) pointed to an original date
c. 1592, when the matter caused a scandal, but the steeple was still unbuilt
in James’s reign. Greg, Henslowe, ii. 230, revising a conjecture of Fleay, i.
293, suggests that Albere Galles, written by Heywood and Smith for
Worcester’s in Sept. 1602, may be this play, and Henslowe’s title a mistake
for Archigallo, one of the characters. The play seems to have reached
Germany by 1608. A performance at Graz in that year was probably the
occasion of the dedication by ‘Joannes Grün Nob. Anglus’ to the archduke
Maximilian of a manuscript German translation, now in the Rein library. To
it is attached a coloured drawing of a bearded man in a doublet which hides
his breeches, and with a book and chain in his hands. Above is written
‘Nemo’ and ‘Neminis Virtus ubique Laudabilis.’ A version is also in the
Anglo-German collection of 1620 (Herz, 66, 112).
Parnassus. 1598–1602 (?)
[MSS.] Bodl. Rawlinson MS. D. 398. ‘The Pilgrimage to Parnassus’,
‘The Returne from Parnassus’. [1 Parnassus with Prologue; 2 Parnassus
with Stagekeeper’s speech for Prologue. The cover bears the name of
‘Edmunde Rishton, Lancastrensis’, who took his M.A. from St. John’s,
Cambridge, in 1602.]
Halliwell-Phillipps MS. ‘The Returne from Pernassus: or The Scourge of
Simony.’ [3 Parnassus, with induction for Prologue, which says, ‘The
Pilgrimage to Pernassus, and the returne from Pernassus have stood the
Maiesties Seruants. For John Trundle. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by A. Smith (1877), R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. i), J. S. Farmer
(1911, T. F. T.), of the early German translation by F. Bischoff, Niemand
und Jemand in Graz im Jahre 1608 (1899, Mitteilungen des historischen
Vereins für Steiermark, xlvii. 127), and of Tieck’s translation by J. Bolte
(1894, Jahrbuch, xxix. 4).—Dissertation: J. Bolte, Eine Hamburger
Aufführung von N. a. S. (1905, Jahrbuch, xli. 188).
The play is probably Jacobean. There is a reference to the unwilling
recipients of knighthood (l. 325), and the use of Essex’s nickname for
Cobham, Sycophant, as the name of a courtier, must be later than Cobham’s
disgrace in 1603. Simpson thought that an allusion to the misuse of the
collections for rebuilding Paul’s steeple (l. 754) pointed to an original date
c. 1592, when the matter caused a scandal, but the steeple was still unbuilt
in James’s reign. Greg, Henslowe, ii. 230, revising a conjecture of Fleay, i.
293, suggests that Albere Galles, written by Heywood and Smith for
Worcester’s in Sept. 1602, may be this play, and Henslowe’s title a mistake
for Archigallo, one of the characters. The play seems to have reached
Germany by 1608. A performance at Graz in that year was probably the
occasion of the dedication by ‘Joannes Grün Nob. Anglus’ to the archduke
Maximilian of a manuscript German translation, now in the Rein library. To
it is attached a coloured drawing of a bearded man in a doublet which hides
his breeches, and with a book and chain in his hands. Above is written
‘Nemo’ and ‘Neminis Virtus ubique Laudabilis.’ A version is also in the
Anglo-German collection of 1620 (Herz, 66, 112).
Parnassus. 1598–1602 (?)
[MSS.] Bodl. Rawlinson MS. D. 398. ‘The Pilgrimage to Parnassus’,
‘The Returne from Parnassus’. [1 Parnassus with Prologue; 2 Parnassus
with Stagekeeper’s speech for Prologue. The cover bears the name of
‘Edmunde Rishton, Lancastrensis’, who took his M.A. from St. John’s,
Cambridge, in 1602.]
Halliwell-Phillipps MS. ‘The Returne from Pernassus: or The Scourge of
Simony.’ [3 Parnassus, with induction for Prologue, which says, ‘The
Pilgrimage to Pernassus, and the returne from Pernassus have stood the
Page 58
honest Stagekeepers in many a Crownes expence for linckes and vizards: ...
this last is the last part of the returne from Pernassus’.]
S. R. 1605, Oct. 16 (Gwyn). ‘An Enterlude called The retourne from
Pernassus or the scourge of Simony publiquely Acted by the studentes in
Sainct Johns College in Cambridg.’ John Wright (Arber, iii. 304).
1606. The Returne from Pernassus: Or The Scourge of Simony.
Publiquely acted by the Students in Saint Iohns Colledge in Cambridge. G.
Eld, for Iohn Wright. [Two issues. 3 Parnassus only.]
Editions of 3 Parnassus by T. Hawkins (1773, O. E. D. iii), W. Scott
(1810, A. B. D. i), in Dodsley4 (1874, ix), by E. Arber (1878) and O.
Smeaton (1905, T. D.), and of 1, 2, 3 Parnassus by W. D. Macray (1886)
and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertations: B. Corney (1866, 3 N. Q. ix.
387); J. W. Hales, The Pilgrimage to P. (1887, Academy and Macmillan’s
Magazine; 1893, Folia Litteraria, 165); W. Lühr, Die drei Cambridger
Spiele vom P. in ihren litterarischen Beziehungen (1900, Kiel diss.); E. B.
Reed, The College Element in Hamlet (1909, M. P. vi. 453); G. C. Moore
Smith, The P. Plays (1915, M. L. R. x. 162).
There are several notes of time and authorship. At the end of 1, which
was ‘three daies studie’ (l. 3), the pilgrimage has lasted ‘4 yeares’ (712).
Kinsader’s, i.e. Marston’s, Satires and Bastard’s Epigrams, both of 1598,
are mentioned (212). The prologue to 2, which is a ‘Christmas toy’ (18),
deprecates the former courtesy of ‘our stage’:
Surelie it made our poet a staide man,
Kept his proude necke from baser lambskins weare,
Had like to have made him senior sophister.
He was faine to take his course by Germanie
Ere he could gett a silie poore degree.
Hee never since durst name a peece of cheese,
Thoughe Chessire seems to priviledge his name.
His looke was never sanguine since that daye;
Nere since he laughte to see a mimick playe.
It is now seven years since the scholars started for Parnassus (62). Gullio
has been ‘verie latelie in Irelande’ and ‘scapt knightinge’ (878), obviously
with Essex in 1599. The Epigrams (1599) of ‘one Weaver fellow’, i.e. John
Weever, are alluded to (982). The prologue to 3, also a ‘Christenmas toy’
(30), calls it ‘an old musty show, that hath laine this twelue moneth in the
this last is the last part of the returne from Pernassus’.]
S. R. 1605, Oct. 16 (Gwyn). ‘An Enterlude called The retourne from
Pernassus or the scourge of Simony publiquely Acted by the studentes in
Sainct Johns College in Cambridg.’ John Wright (Arber, iii. 304).
1606. The Returne from Pernassus: Or The Scourge of Simony.
Publiquely acted by the Students in Saint Iohns Colledge in Cambridge. G.
Eld, for Iohn Wright. [Two issues. 3 Parnassus only.]
Editions of 3 Parnassus by T. Hawkins (1773, O. E. D. iii), W. Scott
(1810, A. B. D. i), in Dodsley4 (1874, ix), by E. Arber (1878) and O.
Smeaton (1905, T. D.), and of 1, 2, 3 Parnassus by W. D. Macray (1886)
and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertations: B. Corney (1866, 3 N. Q. ix.
387); J. W. Hales, The Pilgrimage to P. (1887, Academy and Macmillan’s
Magazine; 1893, Folia Litteraria, 165); W. Lühr, Die drei Cambridger
Spiele vom P. in ihren litterarischen Beziehungen (1900, Kiel diss.); E. B.
Reed, The College Element in Hamlet (1909, M. P. vi. 453); G. C. Moore
Smith, The P. Plays (1915, M. L. R. x. 162).
There are several notes of time and authorship. At the end of 1, which
was ‘three daies studie’ (l. 3), the pilgrimage has lasted ‘4 yeares’ (712).
Kinsader’s, i.e. Marston’s, Satires and Bastard’s Epigrams, both of 1598,
are mentioned (212). The prologue to 2, which is a ‘Christmas toy’ (18),
deprecates the former courtesy of ‘our stage’:
Surelie it made our poet a staide man,
Kept his proude necke from baser lambskins weare,
Had like to have made him senior sophister.
He was faine to take his course by Germanie
Ere he could gett a silie poore degree.
Hee never since durst name a peece of cheese,
Thoughe Chessire seems to priviledge his name.
His looke was never sanguine since that daye;
Nere since he laughte to see a mimick playe.
It is now seven years since the scholars started for Parnassus (62). Gullio
has been ‘verie latelie in Irelande’ and ‘scapt knightinge’ (878), obviously
with Essex in 1599. The Epigrams (1599) of ‘one Weaver fellow’, i.e. John
Weever, are alluded to (982). The prologue to 3, also a ‘Christenmas toy’
(30), calls it ‘an old musty show, that hath laine this twelue moneth in the
Page 59
bottome of a coalehouse’ (25). ‘The Authors wit’ (48) has stood
‘hammering upon ... 2 schollers some foure (1606, whole) yeare’ (37). This
is the third play of a series (76):
In Scholers fortunes twise forlorne and dead
Twise hath our weary play earst laboured.
Making them Pilgrims to Pernassus hill,
Then penning their return with ruder quill.
Belvedere (1600) is published (179) and Nashe is dead (314). The
Dominical letters are C, or for the Annunciation year D and C (1105), and
the moon is in ‘the last quarter the 5 day, at 2 of the cloke and 38 minuts in
the morning’ (1133). These indications fit Jan. 1602 (Lühr, 15, 105). The
siege of Ostend, which extended from 1601 to 1604, has begun (1333).
Jonson has ‘brought vp Horace giving the Poets a pill’ (1811), and Kempe
is back ‘from dancing the morrice over the Alpes’ (1823). Both events took
place in 1601. It is still Elizabeth’s reign (1141).
A quite clear conclusion as to date is not possible. The calendar
references, the four years of hammering (in 3), and the probability that the
writer would try to have his allusions to literary events up to date, suggest
performances at the Christmases of 1598–9, 1599–1600, and 1601–2. This
allows for a twelve-months’ delay, followed by a good deal of revision, in
the performance of 3. On the other hand, the difference between four (in 1)
and seven (in 2) years of pilgrimage points to 1598–9, 1601–2, and 1602–3.
On the whole, I lean to the first alternative.
So far as we know, the association of Kempe with the Chamberlain’s
men was out of date either in 1601 or 1602; conceivably he returned to the
company for a while in 1601, but he was certainly of Worcester’s in 1602.
Moore Smith thinks that the ‘ruder quill’ of the prologue to 3 implies
that the author of 2 and 3 was distinct from the author of 1. But the same
prologue speaks clearly of a single author. Hales took the account of his
troubles in getting his degree literally, and pointed out that foreign students
at German universities were called ‘Käsebettler’ and ‘Käsejäger’. Moore
Smith doubts, and thinks the degree may have been given at Cambridge by
the influence of William Holland, senior fellow of St. John’s, and his name
glanced at in ‘Germanie’. The absence alike of matriculation books and
college admission registers for the period makes identification difficult.
‘hammering upon ... 2 schollers some foure (1606, whole) yeare’ (37). This
is the third play of a series (76):
In Scholers fortunes twise forlorne and dead
Twise hath our weary play earst laboured.
Making them Pilgrims to Pernassus hill,
Then penning their return with ruder quill.
Belvedere (1600) is published (179) and Nashe is dead (314). The
Dominical letters are C, or for the Annunciation year D and C (1105), and
the moon is in ‘the last quarter the 5 day, at 2 of the cloke and 38 minuts in
the morning’ (1133). These indications fit Jan. 1602 (Lühr, 15, 105). The
siege of Ostend, which extended from 1601 to 1604, has begun (1333).
Jonson has ‘brought vp Horace giving the Poets a pill’ (1811), and Kempe
is back ‘from dancing the morrice over the Alpes’ (1823). Both events took
place in 1601. It is still Elizabeth’s reign (1141).
A quite clear conclusion as to date is not possible. The calendar
references, the four years of hammering (in 3), and the probability that the
writer would try to have his allusions to literary events up to date, suggest
performances at the Christmases of 1598–9, 1599–1600, and 1601–2. This
allows for a twelve-months’ delay, followed by a good deal of revision, in
the performance of 3. On the other hand, the difference between four (in 1)
and seven (in 2) years of pilgrimage points to 1598–9, 1601–2, and 1602–3.
On the whole, I lean to the first alternative.
So far as we know, the association of Kempe with the Chamberlain’s
men was out of date either in 1601 or 1602; conceivably he returned to the
company for a while in 1601, but he was certainly of Worcester’s in 1602.
Moore Smith thinks that the ‘ruder quill’ of the prologue to 3 implies
that the author of 2 and 3 was distinct from the author of 1. But the same
prologue speaks clearly of a single author. Hales took the account of his
troubles in getting his degree literally, and pointed out that foreign students
at German universities were called ‘Käsebettler’ and ‘Käsejäger’. Moore
Smith doubts, and thinks the degree may have been given at Cambridge by
the influence of William Holland, senior fellow of St. John’s, and his name
glanced at in ‘Germanie’. The absence alike of matriculation books and
college admission registers for the period makes identification difficult.
Page 60
Corney found a copy of the print of 3 with the inscription ‘To my Lovinge
Smallocke J. D.’, which he thought in the same hand as the Lansdowne MS.
of John Day’s Peregrinatio Scholastica. Bullen was inclined to support
Day’s authorship on internal grounds, but Day was a Caius man, whose
university career closed in disgrace, and is not very likely to have written
plays for St. John’s some years later. And it is but a slight connexion with
Cheshire that ‘dey’ means ‘dairy’ in the dialect of that county. Cheshire
ought to be our clue. Charles Chester was not, so far as I know, a writer.
Hales seems to have thought that the theatrical Beestons of London may
have been connected with the Cheshire family of that name. There was a
Cheshire foundation at St. John’s, and Moore Smith cites a suggestion that
the author may have been William Dodd, a Cheshire man, who became
Scholar of St. John’s in 1597, B.A. in 1599, and Fellow in 1602. The
‘priviledge’ reminds me of the traditional jurisdiction of the Dutton family
over minstrelsy in Cheshire (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 259), but I do not know
whether any Dutton can be traced at St. John’s.
In i. 2 of 3 Judicio is exercising the occupation of a ‘corrector of the
presse’, apparently in the employment of a particular printing-house, not of
the licensing authorities. The house would be Danter’s, who is himself
introduced in i. 3 bargaining with Ingenioso to give him 40s. for a
pamphlet. In iv. 3 Burbage and Kempe appear, and here is the famous
passage in which Kempe says:
‘Few of the vniuersity men pen plaies well, they smell too much of that writer
Ouid, and that writer Metamorphosis, and talke too much of Proserpina & Iuppiter.
Why heres our fellow Shakespeare puts them all downe, I and Ben Ionson too. O that
Ben Ionson is a pestilent fellow, he brought vp Horace giuing the Poets a pill, but our
fellow Shakespeare hath giuen him a purge that made him beray his credit.’
Fleay, Shakespeare, 221, suggests that the ‘purge’ was the description of
Ajax in Troilus and Cressida, i. ii. 15, and is supported by Small, 167. If so,
it was very irrelevant to its setting. The purge ought to be Satiromastix, and
though there is nothing to indicate that Shakespeare had any responsibility
for Satiromastix, it is just conceivable that a Cambridge man, writing before
the play was assigned to Dekker in print, may have thought that he had. The
allusion is clearly to Shakespeare as a writer, or one might have thought that
he acted Horace-Jonson in Satiromastix.
Especially in 3, the writer is much occupied with contemporary
literature, but this does not justify the slap-dash attempt of Fleay, ii. 347, to
Smallocke J. D.’, which he thought in the same hand as the Lansdowne MS.
of John Day’s Peregrinatio Scholastica. Bullen was inclined to support
Day’s authorship on internal grounds, but Day was a Caius man, whose
university career closed in disgrace, and is not very likely to have written
plays for St. John’s some years later. And it is but a slight connexion with
Cheshire that ‘dey’ means ‘dairy’ in the dialect of that county. Cheshire
ought to be our clue. Charles Chester was not, so far as I know, a writer.
Hales seems to have thought that the theatrical Beestons of London may
have been connected with the Cheshire family of that name. There was a
Cheshire foundation at St. John’s, and Moore Smith cites a suggestion that
the author may have been William Dodd, a Cheshire man, who became
Scholar of St. John’s in 1597, B.A. in 1599, and Fellow in 1602. The
‘priviledge’ reminds me of the traditional jurisdiction of the Dutton family
over minstrelsy in Cheshire (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 259), but I do not know
whether any Dutton can be traced at St. John’s.
In i. 2 of 3 Judicio is exercising the occupation of a ‘corrector of the
presse’, apparently in the employment of a particular printing-house, not of
the licensing authorities. The house would be Danter’s, who is himself
introduced in i. 3 bargaining with Ingenioso to give him 40s. for a
pamphlet. In iv. 3 Burbage and Kempe appear, and here is the famous
passage in which Kempe says:
‘Few of the vniuersity men pen plaies well, they smell too much of that writer
Ouid, and that writer Metamorphosis, and talke too much of Proserpina & Iuppiter.
Why heres our fellow Shakespeare puts them all downe, I and Ben Ionson too. O that
Ben Ionson is a pestilent fellow, he brought vp Horace giuing the Poets a pill, but our
fellow Shakespeare hath giuen him a purge that made him beray his credit.’
Fleay, Shakespeare, 221, suggests that the ‘purge’ was the description of
Ajax in Troilus and Cressida, i. ii. 15, and is supported by Small, 167. If so,
it was very irrelevant to its setting. The purge ought to be Satiromastix, and
though there is nothing to indicate that Shakespeare had any responsibility
for Satiromastix, it is just conceivable that a Cambridge man, writing before
the play was assigned to Dekker in print, may have thought that he had. The
allusion is clearly to Shakespeare as a writer, or one might have thought that
he acted Horace-Jonson in Satiromastix.
Especially in 3, the writer is much occupied with contemporary
literature, but this does not justify the slap-dash attempt of Fleay, ii. 347, to
Page 61
identify nearly all his characters with individual literary men. They are, of
course, not individuals, but types, and types of university men. The most
that can be said is that there may be something of Marston in Furor
Poeticus, and a good deal of Nashe, with probably also a little of Greene, in
Ingenioso, who ultimately takes flight, with Furor and Phantasma, to the
Isle of Dogs (v. 3, 4):
There where the blattant beast doth rule and raigne
Renting the credit of whom ere he please.
Il Pastor Fido > 1601
S. R. 1601, Sept. 16 (Pasfield). ‘A booke called the faythfull Shepheard’.
Waterson (Arber, iii. 192).
1602. Il Pastor Fido: Or The faithfull Shepheard. Translated out of
Italian into English. For Simon Waterson. [Sonnets by S. Daniel and the
Translator to Sir Edward Dymocke; Epistle to the same, dated 31 Dec.
1601, and signed ‘Simon Waterson’.]
1633. For John Waterson. [Epistle by John Waterson to Charles
Dymock.]
1633. Augustine Matthewes for William Sheares. [Another issue.]
The preliminary matter of 1602 and 1633 is shown by Greg, Pastoral,
242, to point to a kinsman, but not the son, of Sir Edward Dymocke as the
translator. He may be a John Dymmocke, to whom Archer’s play-list of
1656 (Greg, Masques, xcvi) assigns in error The Faithful Shepherdess. The
translation is from G. Battista Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590). For a Latin
translation see App. L.
The Pedlar’s Prophecy > 1594
S. R. 1594, May 13. ‘A plea booke intituled the Pedlers Prophesie.’
Thomas Creede (Arber, ii. 649).
1595. The Pedlers Prophecie. Thomas Creede, sold by William Barley.
[Prologue.]
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1914, M. S. R.).
The analogies of title and date of publication to The Cobler’s Prophecy
have led Fleay, ii. 283, and others to ascribe the authorship to Wilson. To
course, not individuals, but types, and types of university men. The most
that can be said is that there may be something of Marston in Furor
Poeticus, and a good deal of Nashe, with probably also a little of Greene, in
Ingenioso, who ultimately takes flight, with Furor and Phantasma, to the
Isle of Dogs (v. 3, 4):
There where the blattant beast doth rule and raigne
Renting the credit of whom ere he please.
Il Pastor Fido > 1601
S. R. 1601, Sept. 16 (Pasfield). ‘A booke called the faythfull Shepheard’.
Waterson (Arber, iii. 192).
1602. Il Pastor Fido: Or The faithfull Shepheard. Translated out of
Italian into English. For Simon Waterson. [Sonnets by S. Daniel and the
Translator to Sir Edward Dymocke; Epistle to the same, dated 31 Dec.
1601, and signed ‘Simon Waterson’.]
1633. For John Waterson. [Epistle by John Waterson to Charles
Dymock.]
1633. Augustine Matthewes for William Sheares. [Another issue.]
The preliminary matter of 1602 and 1633 is shown by Greg, Pastoral,
242, to point to a kinsman, but not the son, of Sir Edward Dymocke as the
translator. He may be a John Dymmocke, to whom Archer’s play-list of
1656 (Greg, Masques, xcvi) assigns in error The Faithful Shepherdess. The
translation is from G. Battista Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590). For a Latin
translation see App. L.
The Pedlar’s Prophecy > 1594
S. R. 1594, May 13. ‘A plea booke intituled the Pedlers Prophesie.’
Thomas Creede (Arber, ii. 649).
1595. The Pedlers Prophecie. Thomas Creede, sold by William Barley.
[Prologue.]
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1914, M. S. R.).
The analogies of title and date of publication to The Cobler’s Prophecy
have led Fleay, ii. 283, and others to ascribe the authorship to Wilson. To
Page 62
me the play reads more like a belated piece of c. 1560–70.
Pericles c. 1607–8
See Shakespeare (ch. xxiii), except in relation to whose work the play
can hardly be discussed.
Philotus > 1603
1603. Ane verie excellent and delectabill Treatise intitulit Philotus.
Quhairin we may persaue the greit inconveniences that fallis out in the
Mariage betwene age and zouth. Robert Charteris, Edinburgh. [At end are
verses beginning ‘What if a day or a month or a zeere’, possibly Campion’s;
cf. Bullen, Campion (1903), 270.]
1612. A verie excellent and delectable Comedie.... Andro Hart,
Edinburgh.
Editions by J. Pinkerton (1792, Scottish Poems, iii) and for Bannatyne
Club (1835).
This has been ascribed to Robert Sempill (1530?-95), but merely
because his play before the Regent of Scotland on 17 June 1568 (Diary of
Robert Birrel in Dalyell, Fragments of Scottish History, 14) is not otherwise
known. R. Brotanek (1898, Festschrift zum viii allgemeinen deutschen
Neuphilologentage in Wien; cf. Jahrbuch, xxxv. 302) suggests Alexander
Montgomery.
The Puritan. 1606
S. R. 1607, Aug. 6 (Buck). ‘A book called the comedie of “the Puritan
Widowe”.’ George Elde (Arber, iii. 358).
1607. The Puritaine Or The Widdow of Watling-streete. Acted by the
Children of Paules. Written by W. S. G. Eld. [Running-title ‘The Puritaine
Widdow’.]
1664; 1685. [Parts of F3 and F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions in 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), by J. S. Farmer (1911, T.
F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.
The W. S. of the title-page was interpreted as William Shakespeare in
Archer’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, Masques, c). The attribution is accepted
Pericles c. 1607–8
See Shakespeare (ch. xxiii), except in relation to whose work the play
can hardly be discussed.
Philotus > 1603
1603. Ane verie excellent and delectabill Treatise intitulit Philotus.
Quhairin we may persaue the greit inconveniences that fallis out in the
Mariage betwene age and zouth. Robert Charteris, Edinburgh. [At end are
verses beginning ‘What if a day or a month or a zeere’, possibly Campion’s;
cf. Bullen, Campion (1903), 270.]
1612. A verie excellent and delectable Comedie.... Andro Hart,
Edinburgh.
Editions by J. Pinkerton (1792, Scottish Poems, iii) and for Bannatyne
Club (1835).
This has been ascribed to Robert Sempill (1530?-95), but merely
because his play before the Regent of Scotland on 17 June 1568 (Diary of
Robert Birrel in Dalyell, Fragments of Scottish History, 14) is not otherwise
known. R. Brotanek (1898, Festschrift zum viii allgemeinen deutschen
Neuphilologentage in Wien; cf. Jahrbuch, xxxv. 302) suggests Alexander
Montgomery.
The Puritan. 1606
S. R. 1607, Aug. 6 (Buck). ‘A book called the comedie of “the Puritan
Widowe”.’ George Elde (Arber, iii. 358).
1607. The Puritaine Or The Widdow of Watling-streete. Acted by the
Children of Paules. Written by W. S. G. Eld. [Running-title ‘The Puritaine
Widdow’.]
1664; 1685. [Parts of F3 and F4 of Shakespeare.]
Editions in 1734 (J. Tonson), 1734 (R. Walker), by J. S. Farmer (1911, T.
F. T.), and in Sh. Apocrypha.
The W. S. of the title-page was interpreted as William Shakespeare in
Archer’s play-list of 1656 (Greg, Masques, c). The attribution is accepted
Page 63
by no modern critic, and guesses at Wentworth Smith and William Smith
rest similarly on nothing but the initials. Internal evidence points to an
author who was an Oxford man, and familiar with the plays of Shakespeare.
Middleton is preferred by Fleay, ii. 92, Bullen (Middleton, i. lxxix), and
others; Marston by Brooke, who dwells on a general resemblance to
Eastward Hoe, and seems inclined to think that Jonson, whose
Bartholomew Fair the play foreshadows, might also have contributed. The
character George Pyeboard is clearly meant for Peele, and the play uses
episodes which appear in The Merrie Conceited Jests of George Peele Gent.
This, though the extant print is of 1607, was entered in S. R. on 14 Dec.
1605. The Paul’s plays seem to have terminated in 1606, and Fleay points
out that an almanac allusion in iii. vi. 289 is to Tuesday, 15 July, which fits
1606. The attack on the Puritan ministers was resented in W. Crashaw’s
Paul’s Cross sermon of 13 Feb. 1608 (cf. App. C, no. lvi).
The Revenger’s Tragedy. 1606 < > 7
S. R. 1607, Oct. 7 (Buck). ‘Twoo plaies, thone called the revengers
tragedie.’ George Eld (Arber, iii. 360).
1607. The Revengers Tragœdie. As it hath beene sundry times Acted, by
the Kings Maiesties Seruants. G. Eld.
1608. G. Eld.
Editions in Dodsley1–4 (1744–1876), and by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. ii)
and A. H. Thorndike (1912, M. E. D.).
The authorship is ascribed to ‘Tournour’ in Archer’s list of 1656 and to
‘Cyril Tourneur’ in Kirkman’s lists of 1661 and 1671 (Greg, Masques, cii).
Fleay, ii. 264, is sceptical, thinking the work too good for the author of The
Atheist’s Tragedy, and inclined to suggest Webster. Oliphant (M. P. viii.
427) thinks Tourneur impossible, in view of the difference of manner, and
suggests, only to reject, Middleton. E. E. Stoll, John Webster, 107, 212,
points out that both plays are much under the influence of Marston, and that
the date may be fixed by the borrowing of the name and character of
Dandolo from The Fawn (1606).
The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York > 1592
See The Contention of York and Lancaster.
rest similarly on nothing but the initials. Internal evidence points to an
author who was an Oxford man, and familiar with the plays of Shakespeare.
Middleton is preferred by Fleay, ii. 92, Bullen (Middleton, i. lxxix), and
others; Marston by Brooke, who dwells on a general resemblance to
Eastward Hoe, and seems inclined to think that Jonson, whose
Bartholomew Fair the play foreshadows, might also have contributed. The
character George Pyeboard is clearly meant for Peele, and the play uses
episodes which appear in The Merrie Conceited Jests of George Peele Gent.
This, though the extant print is of 1607, was entered in S. R. on 14 Dec.
1605. The Paul’s plays seem to have terminated in 1606, and Fleay points
out that an almanac allusion in iii. vi. 289 is to Tuesday, 15 July, which fits
1606. The attack on the Puritan ministers was resented in W. Crashaw’s
Paul’s Cross sermon of 13 Feb. 1608 (cf. App. C, no. lvi).
The Revenger’s Tragedy. 1606 < > 7
S. R. 1607, Oct. 7 (Buck). ‘Twoo plaies, thone called the revengers
tragedie.’ George Eld (Arber, iii. 360).
1607. The Revengers Tragœdie. As it hath beene sundry times Acted, by
the Kings Maiesties Seruants. G. Eld.
1608. G. Eld.
Editions in Dodsley1–4 (1744–1876), and by W. Scott (1810, A. B. D. ii)
and A. H. Thorndike (1912, M. E. D.).
The authorship is ascribed to ‘Tournour’ in Archer’s list of 1656 and to
‘Cyril Tourneur’ in Kirkman’s lists of 1661 and 1671 (Greg, Masques, cii).
Fleay, ii. 264, is sceptical, thinking the work too good for the author of The
Atheist’s Tragedy, and inclined to suggest Webster. Oliphant (M. P. viii.
427) thinks Tourneur impossible, in view of the difference of manner, and
suggests, only to reject, Middleton. E. E. Stoll, John Webster, 107, 212,
points out that both plays are much under the influence of Marston, and that
the date may be fixed by the borrowing of the name and character of
Dandolo from The Fawn (1606).
The True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York > 1592
See The Contention of York and Lancaster.
Page 64
1 Richard the Second c. 1592 < > 5
[MS.] Egerton MS. 1994. The play forms a separate section of this
composite MS. It has no title-page and a few lines at the end are missing.
The handwriting is of the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century.
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1870) and W. Keller (1899, Jahrbuch, xxxv.
3.—Dissertations: F. I. Carpenter, Notes on the Anonymous Richard II
(1899, Journ. Germ. Phil. iii. 138); F. S. Boas, A Seventeenth Century
Theatrical Repertoire (Library for July 1917).
The play deals with an earlier part of the reign than that of Shakespeare’s
Richard II. Keller concludes from a study of parallel passages that it was
known to Shakespeare, and that the author knew Marlowe’s Edward II and
2 Henry VI. This gives a date of about 1592–5. Fleay, ii. 320, dates the play
about 1591 and assigns it, for no apparent reason, to the Queen’s men. Boas
accepts the date 1590–5 on internal evidence, but finds the names ‘George’
and ‘Toby’ in the stage-directions as players of servants’ parts, and supposes
the MS. to belong to a seventeenth-century revival and to have been
collected with others in Egerton MS. 1994 by the younger William
Cartwright, who was one of a late King’s Revels company traceable during
1629–37 (Murray, i. 279). He identifies ‘George’, rather hazardously, with
George Stutfield, who belonged to this company, and ‘Toby’ with an
Edward Tobye, who is not known to have belonged to it, but is found in
1623 among the Children of the Revels to the late Queen Anne (Murray, i.
361; ii. 273). My difficulty about this is that the relation of 1 Rich. II to
Shakespeare’s play is so close as to make it natural to regard it as having
become a Chamberlain’s play, and therefore unlikely to get into the hands
of either of these Revels companies. Any company might have a George.
George Bryan, for example, is a possibility. Toby, no doubt, is a rarer name.
Toby Mills died in 1585, but might have left a son or godson of his name.
The True Tragedy of Richard the Third > 1594
S. R. 1594, June 19. ‘An enterlude entituled, The Tragedie of Richard the
Third wherein is showen the Death of Edward the FFourthe with the
smotheringe of the twoo princes in the Tower, with a lamentable end of
Shores wife, and the Coniunction of the twoo houses of Lancaster and
Yorke.’ Thomas Creede (Arber, ii. 654).
[MS.] Egerton MS. 1994. The play forms a separate section of this
composite MS. It has no title-page and a few lines at the end are missing.
The handwriting is of the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century.
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1870) and W. Keller (1899, Jahrbuch, xxxv.
3.—Dissertations: F. I. Carpenter, Notes on the Anonymous Richard II
(1899, Journ. Germ. Phil. iii. 138); F. S. Boas, A Seventeenth Century
Theatrical Repertoire (Library for July 1917).
The play deals with an earlier part of the reign than that of Shakespeare’s
Richard II. Keller concludes from a study of parallel passages that it was
known to Shakespeare, and that the author knew Marlowe’s Edward II and
2 Henry VI. This gives a date of about 1592–5. Fleay, ii. 320, dates the play
about 1591 and assigns it, for no apparent reason, to the Queen’s men. Boas
accepts the date 1590–5 on internal evidence, but finds the names ‘George’
and ‘Toby’ in the stage-directions as players of servants’ parts, and supposes
the MS. to belong to a seventeenth-century revival and to have been
collected with others in Egerton MS. 1994 by the younger William
Cartwright, who was one of a late King’s Revels company traceable during
1629–37 (Murray, i. 279). He identifies ‘George’, rather hazardously, with
George Stutfield, who belonged to this company, and ‘Toby’ with an
Edward Tobye, who is not known to have belonged to it, but is found in
1623 among the Children of the Revels to the late Queen Anne (Murray, i.
361; ii. 273). My difficulty about this is that the relation of 1 Rich. II to
Shakespeare’s play is so close as to make it natural to regard it as having
become a Chamberlain’s play, and therefore unlikely to get into the hands
of either of these Revels companies. Any company might have a George.
George Bryan, for example, is a possibility. Toby, no doubt, is a rarer name.
Toby Mills died in 1585, but might have left a son or godson of his name.
The True Tragedy of Richard the Third > 1594
S. R. 1594, June 19. ‘An enterlude entituled, The Tragedie of Richard the
Third wherein is showen the Death of Edward the FFourthe with the
smotheringe of the twoo princes in the Tower, with a lamentable end of
Shores wife, and the Coniunction of the twoo houses of Lancaster and
Yorke.’ Thomas Creede (Arber, ii. 654).
Page 65
1594. The True Tragedie of Richard the Third: Wherein is showne the
death of Edward the fourth, with the smothering of the two yoong Princes
in the Tower: With a lamentable ende of Shore’s wife, an example for all
wicked women. And lastly the conjunction and ioyning of the two noble
Houses, Lancaster and Yorke. As it was playd by the Queenes Maiesties
Players. Thomas Creede, sold by William Barley. [Induction; Epilogue.]
Editions in Variorum (1821), xix. 251, and by B. Field (1844, Sh. Soc.)
and W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr.).—Dissertation: G. B. Churchill, Richard
the Third up to Shakespeare (1900, Palaestra, x).
Collier, Shakespeare, v. 342, put the play earlier than 1588 on the ground
that the epilogue in praise of Elizabeth makes no mention of the Armada.
But ‘She hath put proud Antichrist to flight’ may pass for such a mention.
Fleay, 64, dates it about 1587: in ii. 28 he says ‘1586 or late in 1585’ as a
ballad on the subject was entered on the Stationers’ Register on 15 Aug.
1586; in ii. 315 he prefers 1591, regarding the play as a continuation of The
Contention between York and Lancaster. He considers a later date as
excluded by the close of the court career of the Queen’s men in 1591. This,
however, did not close until 1594, and the epilogue was not necessarily
given at court. Churchill also thinks the play a continuation of the
Contention, and finds influences, not very striking, of Marlowe’s
Tamburlaine, Faustus, and Edward II. He concludes for 1590–1. There is
very little trace of any use by Shakespeare of this play for his Richard III.
Boswell groundlessly took the author to be that of Locrine (q.v.). Fleay,
ii. 315, tries to divide the scenes between Lodge and Peele, and suggests
that they were re-writing Kyd.
Robin Hood > 1560
S. R. 1560, Oct. 30. ‘A newe playe called——.’ William Copland (Arber,
i. 152).
n.d. A mery geste of Robyn Hoode and of hys lyfe, wyth a newe playe
for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme.
[Colophon] Imprinted at London vpon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam
Copland.
n.d. For Edward White.
death of Edward the fourth, with the smothering of the two yoong Princes
in the Tower: With a lamentable ende of Shore’s wife, an example for all
wicked women. And lastly the conjunction and ioyning of the two noble
Houses, Lancaster and Yorke. As it was playd by the Queenes Maiesties
Players. Thomas Creede, sold by William Barley. [Induction; Epilogue.]
Editions in Variorum (1821), xix. 251, and by B. Field (1844, Sh. Soc.)
and W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr.).—Dissertation: G. B. Churchill, Richard
the Third up to Shakespeare (1900, Palaestra, x).
Collier, Shakespeare, v. 342, put the play earlier than 1588 on the ground
that the epilogue in praise of Elizabeth makes no mention of the Armada.
But ‘She hath put proud Antichrist to flight’ may pass for such a mention.
Fleay, 64, dates it about 1587: in ii. 28 he says ‘1586 or late in 1585’ as a
ballad on the subject was entered on the Stationers’ Register on 15 Aug.
1586; in ii. 315 he prefers 1591, regarding the play as a continuation of The
Contention between York and Lancaster. He considers a later date as
excluded by the close of the court career of the Queen’s men in 1591. This,
however, did not close until 1594, and the epilogue was not necessarily
given at court. Churchill also thinks the play a continuation of the
Contention, and finds influences, not very striking, of Marlowe’s
Tamburlaine, Faustus, and Edward II. He concludes for 1590–1. There is
very little trace of any use by Shakespeare of this play for his Richard III.
Boswell groundlessly took the author to be that of Locrine (q.v.). Fleay,
ii. 315, tries to divide the scenes between Lodge and Peele, and suggests
that they were re-writing Kyd.
Robin Hood > 1560
S. R. 1560, Oct. 30. ‘A newe playe called——.’ William Copland (Arber,
i. 152).
n.d. A mery geste of Robyn Hoode and of hys lyfe, wyth a newe playe
for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme.
[Colophon] Imprinted at London vpon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam
Copland.
n.d. For Edward White.
Page 66
Editions in J. Ritson, Robin Hood (1795), ii. 199, F. J. Child, English
and Scottish Popular Ballads, iii (1888) 114, 127, and Manly (1897), ii.
281.
The play, which deals with the episodes of Robin Hood and the Friar and
Robin Hood and the Potter, is appended to a reprint of the narrative Geste,
originally printed by Wynken de Worde. Manly assigns Copland’s edition to
c. 1550, but Arber, v. 32, to ‘c. 1560, by the Printer’s address’, and
Furnivall, Captain Cox, to c. 1561. Apparently Copland is not traceable at
the Three Cranes before that year and had earlier addresses. If so, I think
that his anonymous entry of 1560 in the Stationers’ Register may fairly be
supposed to relate to Robin Hood.
Ruff, Cuff and Band c. 1615
[MS.] Add. MS. 23723.
S. R. 1615, Feb. 10 (Taverner). ‘A booke called a Diologue betwene
Ruffe Cuffe and Band &c.’ Miles Patriche (Arber, iii. 563).
1615. A merrie Dialogue, Betwene Band, Cuffe, and Ruffe: Done by an
excellent Wit, And Lately acted in a Shew in the famous Vniversitie of
Cambridge. William Stansby for Miles Partrich.
1615. Exchange Ware at the second hand, Viz. Band, Ruffe and Cuffe,
lately out, and now newly dearned vp. Or Dialogue, acted in a Shew in the
famous Vniversitie of Cambridge. The second Edition. W. Stansby for
Myles Partrich.
1661. [Title as in ed. 1.] For F. K.
Editions in Harleian Miscellany2, x (1813), and by J. O. Halliwell (1849,
Contributions to Early English Literature) and C. Hindley, Old Book
Collector’s Miscellany, ii (1872).
The Second Maiden’s Tragedy. 1611
[MS.] B.M., Lansdowne MS. 807, f. 29, formerly penes John Warburton.
[Greg distinguishes four contemporary hands: (a) a scribe or copyist of the
original text and certain additions on inserted slips; (b) a corrector, probably
the author; (c) the Master of the Revels, Buck; (d) a theatre official, who
added stage-directions. The contributions of (b) and (c) are not wholly
and Scottish Popular Ballads, iii (1888) 114, 127, and Manly (1897), ii.
281.
The play, which deals with the episodes of Robin Hood and the Friar and
Robin Hood and the Potter, is appended to a reprint of the narrative Geste,
originally printed by Wynken de Worde. Manly assigns Copland’s edition to
c. 1550, but Arber, v. 32, to ‘c. 1560, by the Printer’s address’, and
Furnivall, Captain Cox, to c. 1561. Apparently Copland is not traceable at
the Three Cranes before that year and had earlier addresses. If so, I think
that his anonymous entry of 1560 in the Stationers’ Register may fairly be
supposed to relate to Robin Hood.
Ruff, Cuff and Band c. 1615
[MS.] Add. MS. 23723.
S. R. 1615, Feb. 10 (Taverner). ‘A booke called a Diologue betwene
Ruffe Cuffe and Band &c.’ Miles Patriche (Arber, iii. 563).
1615. A merrie Dialogue, Betwene Band, Cuffe, and Ruffe: Done by an
excellent Wit, And Lately acted in a Shew in the famous Vniversitie of
Cambridge. William Stansby for Miles Partrich.
1615. Exchange Ware at the second hand, Viz. Band, Ruffe and Cuffe,
lately out, and now newly dearned vp. Or Dialogue, acted in a Shew in the
famous Vniversitie of Cambridge. The second Edition. W. Stansby for
Myles Partrich.
1661. [Title as in ed. 1.] For F. K.
Editions in Harleian Miscellany2, x (1813), and by J. O. Halliwell (1849,
Contributions to Early English Literature) and C. Hindley, Old Book
Collector’s Miscellany, ii (1872).
The Second Maiden’s Tragedy. 1611
[MS.] B.M., Lansdowne MS. 807, f. 29, formerly penes John Warburton.
[Greg distinguishes four contemporary hands: (a) a scribe or copyist of the
original text and certain additions on inserted slips; (b) a corrector, probably
the author; (c) the Master of the Revels, Buck; (d) a theatre official, who
added stage-directions. The contributions of (b) and (c) are not wholly
Page 67
distinguishable, especially where mere deletions are in question, as the
author may, besides literary corrections, have made others due to the hints,
or known views, of Buck as censor. The presence of a second literary
corrector is just possible. On the verso of the last leaf Buck has written:
‘This second Maydens tragedy (for it hath no name inscribed) may wth the
reformations bee acted publikely. 31 octobr. 1611. G. Buc.’ In later hands
are the title ‘The Second Maydens Tragedy’ at the beginning, and a note
following Buck’s endorsed licence, which originally ran, ‘The Second
Maydens Tragedy October 31th 1611 By Thomas Goffe A Tragedy indeed’.
Here Goffe’s name has been cancelled, and two successive correctors have
substituted, firstly, ‘George Chapman’, and then ‘By Will Shakspear’.
Warburton’s hand is not discernible, and the last correction was probably
made after his time, as his list of manuscript plays (3 Library, ii. 232)
includes ‘2d. pt. Maidens Trag̃ . Geo. Chapman’.]
S. R. 1653, Sept. 9. ‘The Maid’s Tragedie, 2d. part.’ H. Moseley (Eyre, i.
428).
Editions in 1824–5 (O. E. D. i), Chapman’s Works (1875, iii), and
Dodsley4 (1875, x), and by W. W. Greg (1909, M. S. R.).—Dissertations: J.
Phelan, Philip Massinger (1879, Anglia, ii. 47); A. S. W. Rosenbach, The
Curious-Impertinent (1902, M. L. N. xvii. 179); W. Nicholson, The S. M. T.
(1912, M. L. N. xxvii. 33).
The play may be assigned to the King’s men, in view of stage-directions
to ll. 1724, 1928, which show that ‘Mr Goughe’ played Memphonius and
‘Rich Robinson’ the Lady. Perhaps this also explains the ascription of
authorship to Thomas Goffe, which, like those to Chapman and
Shakespeare, now finds no favour. Tieck, who translated the play in his
Shakespeare’s Vorschule (1829, ii), argued for Massinger, whose lost Tyrant
he took the play to be. No doubt the chief character is only entitled ‘Tyrant’
in the manuscript. But the Tyrant has a separate existence both in S. R. and
in Warburton’s list. Fleay, ii. 331, thought that the title was originally meant
to be The Usurping Tyrant, and that the play was by the author of The
Revenger’s Tragedy, generally assigned to Tourneur. Rosenbach doubts
Massinger, and thinks Tourneur’s hand traceable. Swinburne seems to have
suggested Middleton.
author may, besides literary corrections, have made others due to the hints,
or known views, of Buck as censor. The presence of a second literary
corrector is just possible. On the verso of the last leaf Buck has written:
‘This second Maydens tragedy (for it hath no name inscribed) may wth the
reformations bee acted publikely. 31 octobr. 1611. G. Buc.’ In later hands
are the title ‘The Second Maydens Tragedy’ at the beginning, and a note
following Buck’s endorsed licence, which originally ran, ‘The Second
Maydens Tragedy October 31th 1611 By Thomas Goffe A Tragedy indeed’.
Here Goffe’s name has been cancelled, and two successive correctors have
substituted, firstly, ‘George Chapman’, and then ‘By Will Shakspear’.
Warburton’s hand is not discernible, and the last correction was probably
made after his time, as his list of manuscript plays (3 Library, ii. 232)
includes ‘2d. pt. Maidens Trag̃ . Geo. Chapman’.]
S. R. 1653, Sept. 9. ‘The Maid’s Tragedie, 2d. part.’ H. Moseley (Eyre, i.
428).
Editions in 1824–5 (O. E. D. i), Chapman’s Works (1875, iii), and
Dodsley4 (1875, x), and by W. W. Greg (1909, M. S. R.).—Dissertations: J.
Phelan, Philip Massinger (1879, Anglia, ii. 47); A. S. W. Rosenbach, The
Curious-Impertinent (1902, M. L. N. xvii. 179); W. Nicholson, The S. M. T.
(1912, M. L. N. xxvii. 33).
The play may be assigned to the King’s men, in view of stage-directions
to ll. 1724, 1928, which show that ‘Mr Goughe’ played Memphonius and
‘Rich Robinson’ the Lady. Perhaps this also explains the ascription of
authorship to Thomas Goffe, which, like those to Chapman and
Shakespeare, now finds no favour. Tieck, who translated the play in his
Shakespeare’s Vorschule (1829, ii), argued for Massinger, whose lost Tyrant
he took the play to be. No doubt the chief character is only entitled ‘Tyrant’
in the manuscript. But the Tyrant has a separate existence both in S. R. and
in Warburton’s list. Fleay, ii. 331, thought that the title was originally meant
to be The Usurping Tyrant, and that the play was by the author of The
Revenger’s Tragedy, generally assigned to Tourneur. Rosenbach doubts
Massinger, and thinks Tourneur’s hand traceable. Swinburne seems to have
suggested Middleton.
Page 68
Selimus. 1591 < > 94
1594. The First part of the Tragicall raigne of Selimus, sometime
Emperour of the Turkes, and grandfather to him that now raigneth. Wherein
is showne how hee most vnnaturally raised warres against his owne father
Baiazet, and preuailing therein, in the end caused him to be poysoned: Also
with the murthering of his two brethren, Corcut, and Acomat. As it was
playd by the Queenes Maiesties Players. Thomas Creede. [Prologue and
Conclusion.]
1638. The Tragedy of Selimus Emperour of the Turkes. Written T. G.
For John Crooke and Richard Serger. [Re-issue of 1594 sheets with new
t.p.]
Editions by A. B. Grosart (1898, T. D.) and W. Bang (1908, M. S. R.),
and in collections of Greene (q.v.).—Dissertation: H. Gilbert, Robert
Greene’s S. (1899, Kiel diss.); cf. s. Locrine.
The T. G. of the 1638 title-page is probably meant for Thomas Goffe, the
author of contemporary plays on Turkish history. He, however, was only
born in 1591. Six passages from the play are assigned to Greene in R[obert]
A[llot’s] England’s Parnassus (1600). This is fairly strong evidence, and
Greene’s authorship is supported by Grosart, Brooke (Sh. Apocrypha, xix),
and Gilbert. Ward and Gayley (R. E. C. i. 420) take the opposite view.
Crawford, who points out (E. P. xxxv, 407) that Allot is not impeccable,
prefers Marlowe. Fleay, ii. 315, would divide the play between Greene and
Lodge. The problem is bound up with that of the authorship of Locrine
(q.v.), from which Selimus clearly borrows. It can therefore hardly be of
earlier date than 1591. The Conclusion, or epilogue, promises a second part,
of which nothing is known.
Soliman and Perseda c. 1589 < > 92
S. R. 1592, Nov. 20 (Bp. of London). ‘The tragedye of Salamon and
Perceda.’ Edward White (Arber, ii. 622).
n.d. The Tragedye of Solyman and Perseda. Wherein is laide open,
Loues constancy, Fortunes inconstancy, and Deaths Triumphs. Edward
Allde for Edward White. [Induction.]
1599. E. Allde for E. White. [In some copies ‘newly corrected and
amended’ is stamped on the t.p.]
1594. The First part of the Tragicall raigne of Selimus, sometime
Emperour of the Turkes, and grandfather to him that now raigneth. Wherein
is showne how hee most vnnaturally raised warres against his owne father
Baiazet, and preuailing therein, in the end caused him to be poysoned: Also
with the murthering of his two brethren, Corcut, and Acomat. As it was
playd by the Queenes Maiesties Players. Thomas Creede. [Prologue and
Conclusion.]
1638. The Tragedy of Selimus Emperour of the Turkes. Written T. G.
For John Crooke and Richard Serger. [Re-issue of 1594 sheets with new
t.p.]
Editions by A. B. Grosart (1898, T. D.) and W. Bang (1908, M. S. R.),
and in collections of Greene (q.v.).—Dissertation: H. Gilbert, Robert
Greene’s S. (1899, Kiel diss.); cf. s. Locrine.
The T. G. of the 1638 title-page is probably meant for Thomas Goffe, the
author of contemporary plays on Turkish history. He, however, was only
born in 1591. Six passages from the play are assigned to Greene in R[obert]
A[llot’s] England’s Parnassus (1600). This is fairly strong evidence, and
Greene’s authorship is supported by Grosart, Brooke (Sh. Apocrypha, xix),
and Gilbert. Ward and Gayley (R. E. C. i. 420) take the opposite view.
Crawford, who points out (E. P. xxxv, 407) that Allot is not impeccable,
prefers Marlowe. Fleay, ii. 315, would divide the play between Greene and
Lodge. The problem is bound up with that of the authorship of Locrine
(q.v.), from which Selimus clearly borrows. It can therefore hardly be of
earlier date than 1591. The Conclusion, or epilogue, promises a second part,
of which nothing is known.
Soliman and Perseda c. 1589 < > 92
S. R. 1592, Nov. 20 (Bp. of London). ‘The tragedye of Salamon and
Perceda.’ Edward White (Arber, ii. 622).
n.d. The Tragedye of Solyman and Perseda. Wherein is laide open,
Loues constancy, Fortunes inconstancy, and Deaths Triumphs. Edward
Allde for Edward White. [Induction.]
1599. E. Allde for E. White. [In some copies ‘newly corrected and
amended’ is stamped on the t.p.]
Page 69
[1815]. [A facs. reprint, with date 1599 and imprint Edward Allde for
Edward White, of which two copies, C. 57. c. 15 and G. 18612, are in B.M.;
cf. W. W. Greg in M. L. Q. iv. 188, and R. B. McKerrow, Bibl. Evid. 302.
Some copies have ‘J. Smeeton, Printer, St. Martin’s Lane’ on the vo. of the
t.p.]
Editions by T. Hawkins (1773, O. E. D. ii), in Dodsley4, v (1874), and by
F. S. Boas (1901, Works of Kyd) and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertations:
E. Sieper (1897, Z. f. vergleichende Litteraturgeschichte, N. F. x); G.
Sarrazin, Die Verfasser von S. u. P. (1891, E. S. xv. 250); E. Koeppel,
Beiträge zur Geschichte des elisabethanischen Dramas (1892, E. S. xvi.
357); J. E. Routh, T. Kyd’s Rime Schemes and the Authorship of S. P. and 1
Jeronimo (1905, M. L. N. xx. 49); K. Wiehl, Thomas Kyd und die
Autorschaft von S. u. P. (1912, E. S. xliv. 343).
Fleay, ii. 26, Sarrazin, and Boas claim the play for Kyd, partly on
grounds of style, partly because the plot is an elaboration of the ‘play within
the play’ of The Spanish Tragedy (c. 1589), iv. 4; Wiehl doubts on metrical
grounds. Schick (Archiv, xc) suggests Peele, who is said in the Merry
Conceited Jests (Bullen, Peele, ii. 389) to have written, or pretended to
have written, a play of The Knight of Rhodes, a title which would apply to
Soliman and Perseda. Robertson, 109, 150, 166, thinks that Greene
collaborated with Kyd.
Captain Thomas Stukeley. 1596
S. R. 1600, Aug. 11 (Vicars). ‘Ye history of the life and Deathe of
Captaine Thomas Stucley, with his Mariage to Alexander Curtis his
daughter, and his valiant endinge of his life at the battell of Alcazar.’
Thomas Pavier (Arber, iii. 169).
1605. The Famous Historye of the life and death of Captaine Thomas
Stukeley. With his marriage to Alderman Curteis Daughter, and valiant
ending of his life at the Battaile of Alcazar. As it hath beene Acted. For
Thomas Pavier.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. i) and J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.).
—Dissertations: E. H. C. Oliphant (1905, 10 N. Q. iii. 301, 342, 382); J. Q.
Adams, C. T. S. (1916, J. G. P. xv. 107).
Edward White, of which two copies, C. 57. c. 15 and G. 18612, are in B.M.;
cf. W. W. Greg in M. L. Q. iv. 188, and R. B. McKerrow, Bibl. Evid. 302.
Some copies have ‘J. Smeeton, Printer, St. Martin’s Lane’ on the vo. of the
t.p.]
Editions by T. Hawkins (1773, O. E. D. ii), in Dodsley4, v (1874), and by
F. S. Boas (1901, Works of Kyd) and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).—Dissertations:
E. Sieper (1897, Z. f. vergleichende Litteraturgeschichte, N. F. x); G.
Sarrazin, Die Verfasser von S. u. P. (1891, E. S. xv. 250); E. Koeppel,
Beiträge zur Geschichte des elisabethanischen Dramas (1892, E. S. xvi.
357); J. E. Routh, T. Kyd’s Rime Schemes and the Authorship of S. P. and 1
Jeronimo (1905, M. L. N. xx. 49); K. Wiehl, Thomas Kyd und die
Autorschaft von S. u. P. (1912, E. S. xliv. 343).
Fleay, ii. 26, Sarrazin, and Boas claim the play for Kyd, partly on
grounds of style, partly because the plot is an elaboration of the ‘play within
the play’ of The Spanish Tragedy (c. 1589), iv. 4; Wiehl doubts on metrical
grounds. Schick (Archiv, xc) suggests Peele, who is said in the Merry
Conceited Jests (Bullen, Peele, ii. 389) to have written, or pretended to
have written, a play of The Knight of Rhodes, a title which would apply to
Soliman and Perseda. Robertson, 109, 150, 166, thinks that Greene
collaborated with Kyd.
Captain Thomas Stukeley. 1596
S. R. 1600, Aug. 11 (Vicars). ‘Ye history of the life and Deathe of
Captaine Thomas Stucley, with his Mariage to Alexander Curtis his
daughter, and his valiant endinge of his life at the battell of Alcazar.’
Thomas Pavier (Arber, iii. 169).
1605. The Famous Historye of the life and death of Captaine Thomas
Stukeley. With his marriage to Alderman Curteis Daughter, and valiant
ending of his life at the Battaile of Alcazar. As it hath beene Acted. For
Thomas Pavier.
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. i) and J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.).
—Dissertations: E. H. C. Oliphant (1905, 10 N. Q. iii. 301, 342, 382); J. Q.
Adams, C. T. S. (1916, J. G. P. xv. 107).
Page 70
‘Tom Stucley’ is named as a stage hero by Peele in his Farewell (1589);
but the present play is probably the Stewtley produced by the Admiral’s on
11 Dec. 1596 (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 181). There are allusions to ‘the Theatre
fields’ (611) and ‘her Majesty’ (752), which may only represent historic
time. Although Sebastian of Portugal is a character, there is no reference to
the legend of his survival, which was well known in England in 1598.
Simpson regards the play as belonging to the Chamberlain’s, on the ground
of certain political proclivities which he chose to ascribe to that company.
The text is incoherent, and several theories representing it as a
contamination of two distinct plays have been promulgated. Simpson
supposed that part of a play on Don Antonio has been inserted into one
dealing in five acts with Stukeley’s adventures in England, Ireland, Spain,
Rome, and Africa respectively, and this view is elaborated by Oliphant, who
attempts to disentangle several original and revising hands, including that of
John Fletcher, to whom he assigns 245–335. Fleay, i. 127, thinks that
Dekker made up the play for Paul’s, c. 1600, out of Stewtley and a Mahomet
by Peele. Apparently he starts from Satiromastix, 980, where Horace says
that Demetrius Fannius ‘cut an innocent Moore i’ the middle, to serue him
in twice; & when he had done, made Poules-worke of it’. But surely there is
a difference between making two plays out of one and making one play out
of two.
1 Tamar Cham > 1592
[MS.] ‘The plott of The First parte of Tamar Cham.’ In the possession of
Steevens, but now unknown.
The text is given by Steevens, Variorum (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
Variorum (1821), iii. 356; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 144.
The actors’ names point to a performance by the Admiral’s, near 2 Oct.
1602, when they bought the book from Alleyn (cf. ch. xiii). The play was
produced as ‘n. e.’ by the same company on 6 May 1596, but probably
Henslowe’s ‘n. e.’ in this case only indicates a substantial revision, as the
letters are also attached to the notice of a performance of Part ii on 11 June
1596, and Part ii had already been played as ‘n. e.’ by Strange’s on 28 April
1592. Obviously a Part i must already have existed (Greg, Henslowe, ii.
155).
The Taming of A Shrew c. 1589
but the present play is probably the Stewtley produced by the Admiral’s on
11 Dec. 1596 (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 181). There are allusions to ‘the Theatre
fields’ (611) and ‘her Majesty’ (752), which may only represent historic
time. Although Sebastian of Portugal is a character, there is no reference to
the legend of his survival, which was well known in England in 1598.
Simpson regards the play as belonging to the Chamberlain’s, on the ground
of certain political proclivities which he chose to ascribe to that company.
The text is incoherent, and several theories representing it as a
contamination of two distinct plays have been promulgated. Simpson
supposed that part of a play on Don Antonio has been inserted into one
dealing in five acts with Stukeley’s adventures in England, Ireland, Spain,
Rome, and Africa respectively, and this view is elaborated by Oliphant, who
attempts to disentangle several original and revising hands, including that of
John Fletcher, to whom he assigns 245–335. Fleay, i. 127, thinks that
Dekker made up the play for Paul’s, c. 1600, out of Stewtley and a Mahomet
by Peele. Apparently he starts from Satiromastix, 980, where Horace says
that Demetrius Fannius ‘cut an innocent Moore i’ the middle, to serue him
in twice; & when he had done, made Poules-worke of it’. But surely there is
a difference between making two plays out of one and making one play out
of two.
1 Tamar Cham > 1592
[MS.] ‘The plott of The First parte of Tamar Cham.’ In the possession of
Steevens, but now unknown.
The text is given by Steevens, Variorum (1803), iii. 414; Boswell,
Variorum (1821), iii. 356; Greg, Henslowe Papers, 144.
The actors’ names point to a performance by the Admiral’s, near 2 Oct.
1602, when they bought the book from Alleyn (cf. ch. xiii). The play was
produced as ‘n. e.’ by the same company on 6 May 1596, but probably
Henslowe’s ‘n. e.’ in this case only indicates a substantial revision, as the
letters are also attached to the notice of a performance of Part ii on 11 June
1596, and Part ii had already been played as ‘n. e.’ by Strange’s on 28 April
1592. Obviously a Part i must already have existed (Greg, Henslowe, ii.
155).
The Taming of A Shrew c. 1589
Page 71
S. R. 1594, May 2. ‘A booke intituled A plesant Conceyted historie called
“the Tayminge of a Shrowe”.’ Peter Short (Arber, ii. 648).
1594. A Pleasant Conceited Historie, called The taming of a Shrew. As it
was sundry times acted by the Right honorable the Earle of Pembrook his
seruants. Peter Short, sold by Cuthbert Burby. [Induction.]
1596. Peter Short, sold by Cuthbert Burby.
1607. V. S. for Nicholas Ling.
Editions by J. Nicholls (1779, Six Old Plays, i), T. Amyot (1844, Sh.
Soc.), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. vi), E. W. Ashbee (1876, facs.), F. J.
Furnivall (1886, Sh. Q), F. S. Boas (1908, Sh. Classics), and J. S. Farmer (S.
F. T.).
The Admiral’s and Chamberlain’s revived ‘the tamynge of A shrowe’ for
Henslowe on 11 June 1594, shortly after the entry in S. R. (Greg, Henslowe,
ii. 164). Presumably it belonged to the Chamberlain’s, who had acquired it
from Pembroke’s, and the 1594 performance may have been either of the
original, or of Shakespeare’s revision, The Taming of The Shrew, for which
1594 is a plausible date. An early reference to the printed book is in
Harington’s Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 95, ‘For the shrewd wife, read
the book of Taming a Shrew, which hath made a number of us so perfect,
that now every one can rule a shrew in our country, save he that hath her’. It
is to be noted that, unlike Leire (q.v.) and King Lear, the two versions
counted, from the copyright point of view, as one, so that the transfer of A
Shrew to Smethwick made an entry of The Shrew in S. R. for the purposes
of F1 of Shakespeare unnecessary. Probably Pembroke’s in their turn got the
play from the earlier Admiral’s or Strange’s. Its date has been placed in or
before 1589, because certain lines of it appear to be parodied both in
Greene’s Menaphon of that year, and in the prefatory epistle to Menaphon
by Nashe. Some such date is confirmed by its direct imitations from
Marlowe’s Tamburlaine (c. 1587) and to a less extent from Dr. Faustus (c.
1588), which are collected by Boas, 93. For author, Marlowe, Kyd, Greene,
and Peele have all been suggested, but, so far as we know, Marlowe did not
repeat himself, and the others did not plagiarize him, in this flagrant
manner. Shakespeare also is still often credited with a hand in the old play,
as well as in the revision, and the problem can best be discussed in
connexion with Shakespeare. Sykes gives part to S. Rowley (q.v.).
“the Tayminge of a Shrowe”.’ Peter Short (Arber, ii. 648).
1594. A Pleasant Conceited Historie, called The taming of a Shrew. As it
was sundry times acted by the Right honorable the Earle of Pembrook his
seruants. Peter Short, sold by Cuthbert Burby. [Induction.]
1596. Peter Short, sold by Cuthbert Burby.
1607. V. S. for Nicholas Ling.
Editions by J. Nicholls (1779, Six Old Plays, i), T. Amyot (1844, Sh.
Soc.), W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr. vi), E. W. Ashbee (1876, facs.), F. J.
Furnivall (1886, Sh. Q), F. S. Boas (1908, Sh. Classics), and J. S. Farmer (S.
F. T.).
The Admiral’s and Chamberlain’s revived ‘the tamynge of A shrowe’ for
Henslowe on 11 June 1594, shortly after the entry in S. R. (Greg, Henslowe,
ii. 164). Presumably it belonged to the Chamberlain’s, who had acquired it
from Pembroke’s, and the 1594 performance may have been either of the
original, or of Shakespeare’s revision, The Taming of The Shrew, for which
1594 is a plausible date. An early reference to the printed book is in
Harington’s Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 95, ‘For the shrewd wife, read
the book of Taming a Shrew, which hath made a number of us so perfect,
that now every one can rule a shrew in our country, save he that hath her’. It
is to be noted that, unlike Leire (q.v.) and King Lear, the two versions
counted, from the copyright point of view, as one, so that the transfer of A
Shrew to Smethwick made an entry of The Shrew in S. R. for the purposes
of F1 of Shakespeare unnecessary. Probably Pembroke’s in their turn got the
play from the earlier Admiral’s or Strange’s. Its date has been placed in or
before 1589, because certain lines of it appear to be parodied both in
Greene’s Menaphon of that year, and in the prefatory epistle to Menaphon
by Nashe. Some such date is confirmed by its direct imitations from
Marlowe’s Tamburlaine (c. 1587) and to a less extent from Dr. Faustus (c.
1588), which are collected by Boas, 93. For author, Marlowe, Kyd, Greene,
and Peele have all been suggested, but, so far as we know, Marlowe did not
repeat himself, and the others did not plagiarize him, in this flagrant
manner. Shakespeare also is still often credited with a hand in the old play,
as well as in the revision, and the problem can best be discussed in
connexion with Shakespeare. Sykes gives part to S. Rowley (q.v.).
Page 72
The Thracian Wonder c. 1600
1661. Two New Playes: Viz. A Cure for a Cuckold: A Comedy. The
Thracian Wonder: A Comical History. As it hath been several times Acted
with great Applause. Written by John Webster and William Rowley. Tho.
Johnson, sold by Francis Kirkman. [Separate t.p. The Thracian Wonder ...
as above. Epistle to the Reader, signed ‘Francis Kirkman’.]
Editions by C. W. Dilke (1815, O. E. P. vi), and in collections of Webster
(q.v.).—Dissertations: J. le G. Brereton, The Relation of T. W. to Greene’s
Menaphon (1906, M. L. R. ii. 34); J. Q. Adams, Greene’s Menaphon and T.
W. (1906, M. P. iii. 317); O. L. Hatcher, The Sources and Authorship of T.
W. (1908, M. L. N. xxiii. 16).
The ascription of the title-page is rejected by Stoll, Webster, 34, and
modern writers generally, although Stork, Rowley, 61, thinks that Rowley
may have added comic touches. The use of Webster’s name may be due to
the identity of the plot with that of William Webster’s Curan and Argentile
(1617). But William Webster took it from Warner’s Albion’s England
(1586), iv. xx. From the same source Greene took it, with a change of
names, for Menaphon (1589), and it is Menaphon, with another change of
names, that the play follows. Brereton ascribes it to Greene himself;
Hatcher thinks that the direct plagiarisms from the source and the archaistic
phrase ‘old Menaphon’ (iv. 2), whereas Greene’s hero is a youth, point to an
early sixteenth-century admirer of Greene. Adams supports the suggestion
of Fleay, i. 287, that this is the War Without Blows and Love Without Suit
written by Heywood for the Admiral’s in 1598, but this is a mere guess
based on Heywood’s title (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 199). Fleay then supposed
that it was revised for Queen Anne’s about 1607; elsewhere (ii. 332) he
supposes it a dramatization of Webster’s story for Prince Charles’s about
1617.
Timon c. 1581 < > 90 (?)
[MS.] Dyce MS. 52. [Epilogue. The MS. is a transcript in two hands.]
Editions by A. Dyce (1842, Sh. Soc.) and W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr.
ii. 2).—Dissertation: J. Q. Adams, The Timon Plays (1910, J. G. P. ix. 506).
Greek quotations and other pedantries suggest an academic audience, but
there is little indication of place or date, beyond parallels with Pedantius,
1661. Two New Playes: Viz. A Cure for a Cuckold: A Comedy. The
Thracian Wonder: A Comical History. As it hath been several times Acted
with great Applause. Written by John Webster and William Rowley. Tho.
Johnson, sold by Francis Kirkman. [Separate t.p. The Thracian Wonder ...
as above. Epistle to the Reader, signed ‘Francis Kirkman’.]
Editions by C. W. Dilke (1815, O. E. P. vi), and in collections of Webster
(q.v.).—Dissertations: J. le G. Brereton, The Relation of T. W. to Greene’s
Menaphon (1906, M. L. R. ii. 34); J. Q. Adams, Greene’s Menaphon and T.
W. (1906, M. P. iii. 317); O. L. Hatcher, The Sources and Authorship of T.
W. (1908, M. L. N. xxiii. 16).
The ascription of the title-page is rejected by Stoll, Webster, 34, and
modern writers generally, although Stork, Rowley, 61, thinks that Rowley
may have added comic touches. The use of Webster’s name may be due to
the identity of the plot with that of William Webster’s Curan and Argentile
(1617). But William Webster took it from Warner’s Albion’s England
(1586), iv. xx. From the same source Greene took it, with a change of
names, for Menaphon (1589), and it is Menaphon, with another change of
names, that the play follows. Brereton ascribes it to Greene himself;
Hatcher thinks that the direct plagiarisms from the source and the archaistic
phrase ‘old Menaphon’ (iv. 2), whereas Greene’s hero is a youth, point to an
early sixteenth-century admirer of Greene. Adams supports the suggestion
of Fleay, i. 287, that this is the War Without Blows and Love Without Suit
written by Heywood for the Admiral’s in 1598, but this is a mere guess
based on Heywood’s title (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 199). Fleay then supposed
that it was revised for Queen Anne’s about 1607; elsewhere (ii. 332) he
supposes it a dramatization of Webster’s story for Prince Charles’s about
1617.
Timon c. 1581 < > 90 (?)
[MS.] Dyce MS. 52. [Epilogue. The MS. is a transcript in two hands.]
Editions by A. Dyce (1842, Sh. Soc.) and W. C. Hazlitt (1875, Sh. Libr.
ii. 2).—Dissertation: J. Q. Adams, The Timon Plays (1910, J. G. P. ix. 506).
Greek quotations and other pedantries suggest an academic audience, but
there is little indication of place or date, beyond parallels with Pedantius,
Page 73
which lead Moore Smith (M. L. R. iii. 143) to suggest Cambridge and c.
1581–90. Adams thinks that the piece may have been performed by London
schoolboys, and known to Shakespeare.
Tom Tyler and his Wife > 1563
S. R. 1562–3. ‘These ballettes folowynge ... an other of Tom Tyler.’
Thomas Colwell (Arber, i. 210).
1661. Tom Tyler and His Wife. An Excellent Old Play, As It was Printed
and Acted about a hundred Years ago. The second Impression. [Prologue
and ‘concluding Song’. There is no imprint, but as most of the extant copies
have a variant t.p. with the additional words ‘Together, with an exact
Catalogue of all the playes that were ever yet printed’, and as Kirkman’s
catalogue of 1661 is appended, he was doubtless the publisher.]
Editions by F. E. Schelling (1900, M. L. A. xv. 253), G. C. Moore Smith
and W. W. Greg (1910, M. S. R.), and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).
The S. R. entry may refer to a ballad based on the play, or may possibly
be a loose description of the play itself. In any case there is no reason to
doubt the existence of a print of about that date. The evidence of the 1661
title-page is confirmed by the entry of ‘Tom tyler’ in Archer’s play-list of
1656 (Greg, Masques, cxii). Chetwood, who cannot be relied on, gave the
date as 1598, and an inaccurate reproduction of this seems to be responsible
for the 1578 of other writers. The text of 1661 has been shown by C. P. G.
Scott (in Schelling’s introduction) to be a rendering into seventeenth-
century orthography of a play whose vocabulary may be put, with
decreasing certainty, within the limits 1530–80, 1540–70, and 1550–60. The
prologue says that the play is ‘set out by prettie boyes’, and the ‘concluding
Song’ has a prayer for the preservation of the queen, ‘from perilous chance
that hath been seen’. Fleay, ii. 295, somewhat arbitrarily thinks the Chapel
‘more likely’ to have presented it than Paul’s. A misinterpretation of
Kirkman’s list of 1661 led E. Phillips, Theatrum Poetarum (1675), to assign
the authorship to W. Wager (M. S. C. i. 325).
The Trial of Chivalry c. 1600
S. R. 1604, Dec. 4 (Pasfield). ‘A book called The life and Deathe of
Cavaliero Dick Boyer.’ Nathaniel Butter (Arber, iii. 277).
1581–90. Adams thinks that the piece may have been performed by London
schoolboys, and known to Shakespeare.
Tom Tyler and his Wife > 1563
S. R. 1562–3. ‘These ballettes folowynge ... an other of Tom Tyler.’
Thomas Colwell (Arber, i. 210).
1661. Tom Tyler and His Wife. An Excellent Old Play, As It was Printed
and Acted about a hundred Years ago. The second Impression. [Prologue
and ‘concluding Song’. There is no imprint, but as most of the extant copies
have a variant t.p. with the additional words ‘Together, with an exact
Catalogue of all the playes that were ever yet printed’, and as Kirkman’s
catalogue of 1661 is appended, he was doubtless the publisher.]
Editions by F. E. Schelling (1900, M. L. A. xv. 253), G. C. Moore Smith
and W. W. Greg (1910, M. S. R.), and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.).
The S. R. entry may refer to a ballad based on the play, or may possibly
be a loose description of the play itself. In any case there is no reason to
doubt the existence of a print of about that date. The evidence of the 1661
title-page is confirmed by the entry of ‘Tom tyler’ in Archer’s play-list of
1656 (Greg, Masques, cxii). Chetwood, who cannot be relied on, gave the
date as 1598, and an inaccurate reproduction of this seems to be responsible
for the 1578 of other writers. The text of 1661 has been shown by C. P. G.
Scott (in Schelling’s introduction) to be a rendering into seventeenth-
century orthography of a play whose vocabulary may be put, with
decreasing certainty, within the limits 1530–80, 1540–70, and 1550–60. The
prologue says that the play is ‘set out by prettie boyes’, and the ‘concluding
Song’ has a prayer for the preservation of the queen, ‘from perilous chance
that hath been seen’. Fleay, ii. 295, somewhat arbitrarily thinks the Chapel
‘more likely’ to have presented it than Paul’s. A misinterpretation of
Kirkman’s list of 1661 led E. Phillips, Theatrum Poetarum (1675), to assign
the authorship to W. Wager (M. S. C. i. 325).
The Trial of Chivalry c. 1600
S. R. 1604, Dec. 4 (Pasfield). ‘A book called The life and Deathe of
Cavaliero Dick Boyer.’ Nathaniel Butter (Arber, iii. 277).
Page 74
1605. The History of the tryall of Cheualry, With the life and death of
Caualiero Dicke Bowyer. As it hath bin lately acted by the right Honourable
the Earle of Darby his seruants. Simon Stafford for Nathaniel Butter.
1605. This Gallant Caualiero Dicke Bowyer, Newly acted. [Another
issue.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).—Dissertation: C. R. Baskervill, Sidney’s Arcadia and the T. of C.
(1912, M. P. x. 197).
Bullen thinks this may be Love Parts Friendship, written by Chettle and
Smith for the Admiral’s in 1602; Fleay, ii. 318, that it may be the Burbon
brought to the Admiral’s by Pembroke’s in 1597, as the Duke of Bourbon is
a chief personage, and also the Cutting Dick to which Heywood wrote
additions for Worcester’s in 1602 (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 187, 221, 231).
There is, of course, no particular reason why a play by Derby’s should
appear in Henslowe’s diary at all. They were in London in the winters of
1599–1600 and 1600–1. The only link between them and Henslowe is
Heywood, if he was the author of their Edward IV (q.v.). Fleay, i. 289,
thinks that the present play may be by the same hands. Probably the Earl of
Derby himself wrote for the company.
The Trial of Treasure > 1567
1567. A new and mery Enterlude, called the Triall of Treasure, newly set
foorth, and neuer before this tyme imprinted. Thomas Purfoot.
[Arrangement for 5 actors; Prologue and Epilogue, headed ‘Praie for all
estates’.]
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1850, Percy Soc. xxviii), in Dodsley4, iii
(1874), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.—Dissertation: W. W. Greg, The
T. of T., 1567—A Study in Ghosts (1910, 3 Library, i. 28).
Greg shows that there was only one edition, not two, of 1567. The play
is a non-controversial morality, and may very well date from about 1567.
1 Troilus and Cressida. 1599 (?)
[MS.] Add. MS. 10449. [A fragmentary ‘plot’ without title, probably
from Dulwich.]
Caualiero Dicke Bowyer. As it hath bin lately acted by the right Honourable
the Earle of Darby his seruants. Simon Stafford for Nathaniel Butter.
1605. This Gallant Caualiero Dicke Bowyer, Newly acted. [Another
issue.]
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).—Dissertation: C. R. Baskervill, Sidney’s Arcadia and the T. of C.
(1912, M. P. x. 197).
Bullen thinks this may be Love Parts Friendship, written by Chettle and
Smith for the Admiral’s in 1602; Fleay, ii. 318, that it may be the Burbon
brought to the Admiral’s by Pembroke’s in 1597, as the Duke of Bourbon is
a chief personage, and also the Cutting Dick to which Heywood wrote
additions for Worcester’s in 1602 (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 187, 221, 231).
There is, of course, no particular reason why a play by Derby’s should
appear in Henslowe’s diary at all. They were in London in the winters of
1599–1600 and 1600–1. The only link between them and Henslowe is
Heywood, if he was the author of their Edward IV (q.v.). Fleay, i. 289,
thinks that the present play may be by the same hands. Probably the Earl of
Derby himself wrote for the company.
The Trial of Treasure > 1567
1567. A new and mery Enterlude, called the Triall of Treasure, newly set
foorth, and neuer before this tyme imprinted. Thomas Purfoot.
[Arrangement for 5 actors; Prologue and Epilogue, headed ‘Praie for all
estates’.]
Editions by J. O. Halliwell (1850, Percy Soc. xxviii), in Dodsley4, iii
(1874), and by J. S. Farmer (1908, T. F. T.—Dissertation: W. W. Greg, The
T. of T., 1567—A Study in Ghosts (1910, 3 Library, i. 28).
Greg shows that there was only one edition, not two, of 1567. The play
is a non-controversial morality, and may very well date from about 1567.
1 Troilus and Cressida. 1599 (?)
[MS.] Add. MS. 10449. [A fragmentary ‘plot’ without title, probably
from Dulwich.]
Page 75
The text is given by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 142, who infers from the
names of the characters that it may have been the Troilus and Cressida
written by Chettle and Dekker for the Admiral’s in April 1599. The few
names of actors are not inconsistent with this (cf. ch. xiii).
The Valiant Welshman. 1610 < > 15
S. R. 1615, Feb. 21 (Buck). ‘A play called the valiant welshman.’ Robert
Lownes (Arber, iii. 564).
1615. The Valiant Welshman, Or The True Chronicle History of the life
and valiant deedes of Caradoc the Great, King of Cambria, now called
Wales. As it hath beene sundry times Acted by the Prince of Wales his
seruants. Written by R. A. Gent. George Purslowe for Robert Lownes.
[Epistle to the Reader; Induction; Epilogue.]
1663. For William Gilbertson.
Editions by V. Kreb (1902) and J. S. Farmer (1913, S. F. T.).
Borrowings from Ben Jonson’s Alchemist (1610) require a late date, and
the assertion of Fleay, i. 26, that this is The Welshman revived by the
Admiral’s on 29 Nov. 1595 may be disregarded (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 178).
There is nothing, beyond the initials, to connect the play with Robert
Armin, and Kreb would assign it to some young University man.
A Warning for Fair Women > 1599
S. R. 1599; Nov. 17. ‘A warnynge for fayre women.’ William Aspley
(Arber, iii. 151).
1599. A warning for Faire Women. Containing, The most tragicall and
lamentable murther of Master George Sanders of London Marchant, nigh
Shooters hill. Consented vnto By his owne wife, acted by M. Browne,
Mistris Drewry and Trusty Roger agents therin: with their seuerall ends. As
it hath beene lately diuerse times acted by the right Honorable, the Lord
Chamberlaine his Seruantes. Valentine Sims for William Aspley. [Induction.]
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii) and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).
References to ‘this fair circuit’ and ‘this Round’ are inconclusive as to
whether the play was produced before the Chamberlain’s went to the Globe
in 1599, as their earlier houses were probably also round. E. Phillips,
names of the characters that it may have been the Troilus and Cressida
written by Chettle and Dekker for the Admiral’s in April 1599. The few
names of actors are not inconsistent with this (cf. ch. xiii).
The Valiant Welshman. 1610 < > 15
S. R. 1615, Feb. 21 (Buck). ‘A play called the valiant welshman.’ Robert
Lownes (Arber, iii. 564).
1615. The Valiant Welshman, Or The True Chronicle History of the life
and valiant deedes of Caradoc the Great, King of Cambria, now called
Wales. As it hath beene sundry times Acted by the Prince of Wales his
seruants. Written by R. A. Gent. George Purslowe for Robert Lownes.
[Epistle to the Reader; Induction; Epilogue.]
1663. For William Gilbertson.
Editions by V. Kreb (1902) and J. S. Farmer (1913, S. F. T.).
Borrowings from Ben Jonson’s Alchemist (1610) require a late date, and
the assertion of Fleay, i. 26, that this is The Welshman revived by the
Admiral’s on 29 Nov. 1595 may be disregarded (Greg, Henslowe, ii. 178).
There is nothing, beyond the initials, to connect the play with Robert
Armin, and Kreb would assign it to some young University man.
A Warning for Fair Women > 1599
S. R. 1599; Nov. 17. ‘A warnynge for fayre women.’ William Aspley
(Arber, iii. 151).
1599. A warning for Faire Women. Containing, The most tragicall and
lamentable murther of Master George Sanders of London Marchant, nigh
Shooters hill. Consented vnto By his owne wife, acted by M. Browne,
Mistris Drewry and Trusty Roger agents therin: with their seuerall ends. As
it hath beene lately diuerse times acted by the right Honorable, the Lord
Chamberlaine his Seruantes. Valentine Sims for William Aspley. [Induction.]
Editions by R. Simpson (1878, S. of S. ii) and J. S. Farmer (S. F. T.).
References to ‘this fair circuit’ and ‘this Round’ are inconclusive as to
whether the play was produced before the Chamberlain’s went to the Globe
in 1599, as their earlier houses were probably also round. E. Phillips,
Page 76
Theatrum Poetarum (1675), 113, and A. Wood, Athenae (1691), i. 676,
assign the authorship, incredibly, to Lyly. Fleay, ii. 54, conjectures Lodge;
Bullen, O. E. P. iv. 1, Yarington.
The Wars of Cyrus King of Persia > 1594
1594. The Warres of Cyrus King of Persia, against Antiochus King of
Assyria, with the Tragicall ende of Panthæa. Played by the children of her
Maiesties Chappell. E. A. for William Blackwal.
Editions by W. Keller (1901, Jahrbuch, xxxvii. 1) and J. S. Farmer
(1911, T. F. T.).
The play, clearly influenced by Tamburlaine, may rest on one by Farrant
(q.v.) c. 1578. There is no record of any court performance by the Chapel
between 1584 and 1601. Fleay, ii. 322, guesses that an allusion in Nashe’s
Summer’s Last Will and Testament (q.v.) points to a performance of this
play at Croydon twelve months earlier. The text is disordered. A prologue
‘To the audience’ is inserted in Act ii at 621 and refers to a chorus, but there
is none. At 367 is ‘Finis Actus primi’, but ‘Actus Secundus’ is at 502.
The Weakest Goeth to the Wall > 1600
S. R. 1600, Oct. 23 (Pasfield). ‘A booke called, the Weakest goethe to the
Walles.’ Richard Oliff (Arber, iii. 175).
1600. The Weakest goeth to the Wall. As it hath bene sundry times plaide
by the right honourable Earle of Oxenford, Lord great Chamberlaine of
England his seruants. Thomas Creede for Richard Oliue. [Dumb Show and
Prologue.]
1618. G. P. for Richard Hawkins.
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), W. W. Greg (1912, M. S. R.),
and with Works of Webster (q.v.).
The ascription of the play to Dekker and Webster by E. Phillips,
Theatrum Poetarum (1675), 116, was rejected by Langbaine (1691) and, so
far as Webster is concerned, has nothing to recommend it (E. Stoll, Webster,
34). Ward, iii. 56, finds Dekker’s humour, and Hunt, Dekker, 42, thinks it
Chettle’s, revised by Dekker. Fleay, ii. 114, gives it to Munday, as the only
known writer for Oxford’s, except Oxford himself. But he is thinking of
assign the authorship, incredibly, to Lyly. Fleay, ii. 54, conjectures Lodge;
Bullen, O. E. P. iv. 1, Yarington.
The Wars of Cyrus King of Persia > 1594
1594. The Warres of Cyrus King of Persia, against Antiochus King of
Assyria, with the Tragicall ende of Panthæa. Played by the children of her
Maiesties Chappell. E. A. for William Blackwal.
Editions by W. Keller (1901, Jahrbuch, xxxvii. 1) and J. S. Farmer
(1911, T. F. T.).
The play, clearly influenced by Tamburlaine, may rest on one by Farrant
(q.v.) c. 1578. There is no record of any court performance by the Chapel
between 1584 and 1601. Fleay, ii. 322, guesses that an allusion in Nashe’s
Summer’s Last Will and Testament (q.v.) points to a performance of this
play at Croydon twelve months earlier. The text is disordered. A prologue
‘To the audience’ is inserted in Act ii at 621 and refers to a chorus, but there
is none. At 367 is ‘Finis Actus primi’, but ‘Actus Secundus’ is at 502.
The Weakest Goeth to the Wall > 1600
S. R. 1600, Oct. 23 (Pasfield). ‘A booke called, the Weakest goethe to the
Walles.’ Richard Oliff (Arber, iii. 175).
1600. The Weakest goeth to the Wall. As it hath bene sundry times plaide
by the right honourable Earle of Oxenford, Lord great Chamberlaine of
England his seruants. Thomas Creede for Richard Oliue. [Dumb Show and
Prologue.]
1618. G. P. for Richard Hawkins.
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1911, T. F. T.), W. W. Greg (1912, M. S. R.),
and with Works of Webster (q.v.).
The ascription of the play to Dekker and Webster by E. Phillips,
Theatrum Poetarum (1675), 116, was rejected by Langbaine (1691) and, so
far as Webster is concerned, has nothing to recommend it (E. Stoll, Webster,
34). Ward, iii. 56, finds Dekker’s humour, and Hunt, Dekker, 42, thinks it
Chettle’s, revised by Dekker. Fleay, ii. 114, gives it to Munday, as the only
known writer for Oxford’s, except Oxford himself. But he is thinking of
Page 77
Oxford’s boy company of 1580–4, not of the later company of 1601 or
earlier, to whose repertory the play probably belonged, and with whom
Munday is not known to have had anything to do.
Wily Beguiled. 1596 < > 1606
S. R. 1606, Nov. 12 (Hartwell). ‘A booke called Wylie beguilde &c.’
Clement Knight (Arber, iii. 333).
1606. A Pleasant Comedie, Called Wily Beguilde. The Chiefe Actors be
these: A poore Scholler, a rich Foole, and a Knaue at a shifte. H. L. for
Clement Knight. [Induction, Prologue, and Epilogue.]
n.d.; 1623; 1630; 1635; 1638.
Editions by T. Hawkins (1773, O. E. D. iii), in Dodsley4, ix (1874), and
by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1912, M. S. R.).—
Dissertations: J. W. Hales, Shakespearian Imitations (1875, Ath. 1875, 17
July, 4 Sept.); F. J. Furnivall, Parallels (1875, 5 N. Q. iv. 144); P. A. Daniel,
On W. B. (1875, Brooke’s Romeus and Juliet, xxxv, N. S. S.); E. Landsberg,
Zur Verfasserfrage des anonymen Lustspiels W. B. (1911, E. S. xliii. 189).
The register of Merton College, Oxford, has for 3 Jan. 1567 the entry,
‘Acta est Wylie Beguylie Comoedia Anglica nocte in aedibus Custodis per
scolares, praesentibus Vicecustode, magistris, baccalaureis, cum omnibus
domesticis et nonnullis extraneis; merito laudandi recte agendo prae se
tulerunt summam spem’ (Boas, 157). No connexion is traceable between
this and the extant play, which Greg and Boas regard as of Cambridge
origin. But it does not seem to me markedly academic. The character Lelia
does not particularly suggest the Cambridge Latin Laelia of 1595, and the
epilogue was spoken in a ‘circled rounde’. The description of himself by
Churms (l. 68), as ‘at Cambridge a scholler, at Cales a souldier, and now in
the country a lawyer, and the next degree shal be a connicatcher’, does not
go far in the way of proof. This same passage fixes the date as not earlier
than the Cadiz expedition of 1596; obviously the use of the phrase ‘tricke of
Wily Beguily’ in Nashe’s Have With You to Saffron Walden of 1596 (Works,
iii. 107) proves nothing one way or other as to date, although Dekker
naturally knew the play when he described rogues and their ‘knavish
comedy of Wily-Beguily’ in his Belman of London of 1608 (Works, iii.
125). If the date is 1596, the authorship of Peele, suggested by the
earlier, to whose repertory the play probably belonged, and with whom
Munday is not known to have had anything to do.
Wily Beguiled. 1596 < > 1606
S. R. 1606, Nov. 12 (Hartwell). ‘A booke called Wylie beguilde &c.’
Clement Knight (Arber, iii. 333).
1606. A Pleasant Comedie, Called Wily Beguilde. The Chiefe Actors be
these: A poore Scholler, a rich Foole, and a Knaue at a shifte. H. L. for
Clement Knight. [Induction, Prologue, and Epilogue.]
n.d.; 1623; 1630; 1635; 1638.
Editions by T. Hawkins (1773, O. E. D. iii), in Dodsley4, ix (1874), and
by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1912, M. S. R.).—
Dissertations: J. W. Hales, Shakespearian Imitations (1875, Ath. 1875, 17
July, 4 Sept.); F. J. Furnivall, Parallels (1875, 5 N. Q. iv. 144); P. A. Daniel,
On W. B. (1875, Brooke’s Romeus and Juliet, xxxv, N. S. S.); E. Landsberg,
Zur Verfasserfrage des anonymen Lustspiels W. B. (1911, E. S. xliii. 189).
The register of Merton College, Oxford, has for 3 Jan. 1567 the entry,
‘Acta est Wylie Beguylie Comoedia Anglica nocte in aedibus Custodis per
scolares, praesentibus Vicecustode, magistris, baccalaureis, cum omnibus
domesticis et nonnullis extraneis; merito laudandi recte agendo prae se
tulerunt summam spem’ (Boas, 157). No connexion is traceable between
this and the extant play, which Greg and Boas regard as of Cambridge
origin. But it does not seem to me markedly academic. The character Lelia
does not particularly suggest the Cambridge Latin Laelia of 1595, and the
epilogue was spoken in a ‘circled rounde’. The description of himself by
Churms (l. 68), as ‘at Cambridge a scholler, at Cales a souldier, and now in
the country a lawyer, and the next degree shal be a connicatcher’, does not
go far in the way of proof. This same passage fixes the date as not earlier
than the Cadiz expedition of 1596; obviously the use of the phrase ‘tricke of
Wily Beguily’ in Nashe’s Have With You to Saffron Walden of 1596 (Works,
iii. 107) proves nothing one way or other as to date, although Dekker
naturally knew the play when he described rogues and their ‘knavish
comedy of Wily-Beguily’ in his Belman of London of 1608 (Works, iii.
125). If the date is 1596, the authorship of Peele, suggested by the
Page 78
description of the prologue-speaker as ‘humorous George’, although he is
clearly distinct from the ‘fiery Poet’, and urged by Fleay, ii. 158, and
Landsberg, becomes just possible, chronologically, before his death in
November of that year. But the Shakespearian imitations, although most
marked of M. V. and earlier plays, seem also to extend to Hamlet, M. W.,
and T. N., and the right date may be c. 1602–6. If the production was in the
‘circled rounde’ of Paul’s, the quasi-academic note is explicable. Sykes
suggests S. Rowley (q.v.) as part author. Fleay, Shakespeare Manual, 272,
makes an amazing attempt to interpret the play as a satire on Lyly, Lodge,
Marston, Chettle, Dekker, Drayton, Middleton, Chapman, Jonson,
Henslowe, the Admiral’s, the Chamberlain’s, the Chapel, and Paul’s. In the
Induction, a juggler finds the title Spectrum exhibited, and later, ‘Spectrum
is conueied away: and Wily beguiled, stands in the place of it’ (l. 46).
The Wisdom of Doctor Dodipoll. 1599 < > 1600
S. R. 1600, Oct. 7. ‘A booke called The Wisdom of Doctor Dodepole
Plaied by the Children of Paules.’ Richard Oliff (Arber, iii. 174).
1600. The Wisdome of Doctor Dodypoll. As it hath bene sundrie times
Acted by the Children of Powles. Thomas Creede for Richard Oliue.
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).—Dissertation: E. Koeppel, Sh.’s J. C. und die Entstehungszeit des
anonymen Dramas The W. of D. D. (1907, Jahrbuch, xliii. 210).
Fleay, ii. 155, assigned the play to Peele, chiefly on the ground that a
snatch of song is from his Hunting of Cupid (q.v.). But Peele died in 1596,
and Koeppel points out that the phrase (Bullen, p. 129), ‘Then reason’s fled
to animals, I see’, presupposes the existence of Julius Caesar (1599), iii. ii.
109:
clearly distinct from the ‘fiery Poet’, and urged by Fleay, ii. 158, and
Landsberg, becomes just possible, chronologically, before his death in
November of that year. But the Shakespearian imitations, although most
marked of M. V. and earlier plays, seem also to extend to Hamlet, M. W.,
and T. N., and the right date may be c. 1602–6. If the production was in the
‘circled rounde’ of Paul’s, the quasi-academic note is explicable. Sykes
suggests S. Rowley (q.v.) as part author. Fleay, Shakespeare Manual, 272,
makes an amazing attempt to interpret the play as a satire on Lyly, Lodge,
Marston, Chettle, Dekker, Drayton, Middleton, Chapman, Jonson,
Henslowe, the Admiral’s, the Chamberlain’s, the Chapel, and Paul’s. In the
Induction, a juggler finds the title Spectrum exhibited, and later, ‘Spectrum
is conueied away: and Wily beguiled, stands in the place of it’ (l. 46).
The Wisdom of Doctor Dodipoll. 1599 < > 1600
S. R. 1600, Oct. 7. ‘A booke called The Wisdom of Doctor Dodepole
Plaied by the Children of Paules.’ Richard Oliff (Arber, iii. 174).
1600. The Wisdome of Doctor Dodypoll. As it hath bene sundrie times
Acted by the Children of Powles. Thomas Creede for Richard Oliue.
Editions by A. H. Bullen (1884, O. E. P. iii) and J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F.
T.).—Dissertation: E. Koeppel, Sh.’s J. C. und die Entstehungszeit des
anonymen Dramas The W. of D. D. (1907, Jahrbuch, xliii. 210).
Fleay, ii. 155, assigned the play to Peele, chiefly on the ground that a
snatch of song is from his Hunting of Cupid (q.v.). But Peele died in 1596,
and Koeppel points out that the phrase (Bullen, p. 129), ‘Then reason’s fled
to animals, I see’, presupposes the existence of Julius Caesar (1599), iii. ii.
109:
Page 79
O judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason.
The Wit of a Woman > 1604
1604. A Pleasant Comoedie, Wherein is merily shewen: The wit of a
Woman. For Edward White. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1913, M. S. R.).
Nothing is known of the history of this prose comedy with Italian names.
‘Sweet and twenty’ (l. 753) recalls Tw. N. ii. iii. 52.
Work for Cutlers c. 1615
S. R. 1615, July 4 (Taverner). ‘A little thing called Worke for Cutlers.’
Richard Meighen (Arber, iii. 569).
1615. Worke for Cutlers. Or, a merry Dialogue betweene Sword, Rapier,
and Dagger. Acted in a Show in the famous universitie of Cambridge.
Thomas Creede for Richard Meighen and Thomas Jones. [Epilogue.]
Editions by T. Park (1813, Harleian Miscellany2, x), C. Hindley (1872,
Old Book Collector’s Miscellany, ii), A. F. Sieveking (1904).
This short dialogue is described in the epilogue as ‘a Schollers Prize’.
Sieveking suggests the possibility of Heywood’s authorship, but an
academic author is more likely.
A Yorkshire Tragedy c. 1606
S. R. 1608, May 2 (Wilson). ‘A booke Called A Yorkshire Tragedy
written by Wylliam Shakespere.’ Thomas Pavier (Arber, iii. 377).
1608. A Yorkshire Tragedy. Not so New as Lamentable and true. Acted
by his Maiesties Players at the Globe. Written by W. Shakspeare. R. B. for
Thomas Pauier. [Head-title: ‘All’s One, or, One of the foure plaies in one,
called A Yorkshire Tragedy.’]
1619. Omits ‘Acted ... Globe’. For T. P. [See ch. xxiii.]
Editions of 1735 (J. Tonson), by W. Knight (1843, Pictorial Sh. vii), J. P.
Collier (1878, Works of Sh.), J. S. Farmer (1910, T. F. T.), and in Sh.
Apocrypha.—Dissertations: J. P. Collier (Ath. 1863, i. 332); P. A. Daniel,
And men have lost their reason.
The Wit of a Woman > 1604
1604. A Pleasant Comoedie, Wherein is merily shewen: The wit of a
Woman. For Edward White. [Prologue and Epilogue.]
Editions by J. S. Farmer (1912, T. F. T.) and W. W. Greg (1913, M. S. R.).
Nothing is known of the history of this prose comedy with Italian names.
‘Sweet and twenty’ (l. 753) recalls Tw. N. ii. iii. 52.
Work for Cutlers c. 1615
S. R. 1615, July 4 (Taverner). ‘A little thing called Worke for Cutlers.’
Richard Meighen (Arber, iii. 569).
1615. Worke for Cutlers. Or, a merry Dialogue betweene Sword, Rapier,
and Dagger. Acted in a Show in the famous universitie of Cambridge.
Thomas Creede for Richard Meighen and Thomas Jones. [Epilogue.]
Editions by T. Park (1813, Harleian Miscellany2, x), C. Hindley (1872,
Old Book Collector’s Miscellany, ii), A. F. Sieveking (1904).
This short dialogue is described in the epilogue as ‘a Schollers Prize’.
Sieveking suggests the possibility of Heywood’s authorship, but an
academic author is more likely.
A Yorkshire Tragedy c. 1606
S. R. 1608, May 2 (Wilson). ‘A booke Called A Yorkshire Tragedy
written by Wylliam Shakespere.’ Thomas Pavier (Arber, iii. 377).
1608. A Yorkshire Tragedy. Not so New as Lamentable and true. Acted
by his Maiesties Players at the Globe. Written by W. Shakspeare. R. B. for
Thomas Pauier. [Head-title: ‘All’s One, or, One of the foure plaies in one,
called A Yorkshire Tragedy.’]
1619. Omits ‘Acted ... Globe’. For T. P. [See ch. xxiii.]
Editions of 1735 (J. Tonson), by W. Knight (1843, Pictorial Sh. vii), J. P.
Collier (1878, Works of Sh.), J. S. Farmer (1910, T. F. T.), and in Sh.
Apocrypha.—Dissertations: J. P. Collier (Ath. 1863, i. 332); P. A. Daniel,
Page 80
Notes on Sh.’s Y. T. 1608 (Ath. 4 Oct. 1879); S. Lee, Walter Calverley (D. N.
B.); B. Dobell, The Author of A Y. T. (1906, 10 N. Q. vi. 41); H. D. Sykes,
The Authorship of A Y. T. (1917, J. G. P. xvi. 437, reprinted in Sidelights on
Shakespeare, 77).
This ten-scene play from a four-play bill has merit, but most modern
critics are unable to regard that merit as of Shakespearian type, although
Ward, ii. 231, finds Shakespeare’s hand in some passages, and Fleay, after
wantonly guessing at Edmund Shakespeare (Shakespeare, 303), remained
impressed (ii. 206) by the external evidence, and thought that the play must
be Shakespeare’s original ending to an earlier version of The Miseries of
Enforced Marriage, subsequently altered by his collaborator, George
Wilkins (q.v.), to end happily. This is ingenious, but too conjectural. The
play, like that of Wilkins, takes its material from the history of Walter
Calverley, executed for murder on 5 Aug. 1605, which is told in Stowe’s
Annales and was the subject of contemporary pamphlets. Dobell and Sykes
argue a case on internal evidence for the authorship of Wilkins himself.
B. MASKS
Gesta Grayorum. 1594
[MS.] Harl. MS. 541, f. 138, contains the speeches in the Shrovetide
mask, probably in the hand of Francis Davison. The opening hymn is not
included, and the final hymn seems to have been added by another hand.
1688. Gesta Grayorum: or, the History Of the High and mighty Prince
Henry Prince of Purpoole, Arch-Duke of Stapulia and Bernardia, Duke of
High and Nether Holborn, Marquis of St. Giles and Tottenham, Count
Palatine of Bloomsbury and Clerkenwell, Great Lord of the Cantons of
Islington, Kentish-Town, Paddington and Knights-bridge, Knight of the
most Heroical Order of the Helmet, and Sovereign of the Same. Who
Reigned and Died, a.d. 1594. Together with A Masque, as it was presented
(by His Highness’s Command) for the Entertainment of Q. Elizabeth; who,
with the Nobles of both Courts, was present thereat. For W. Canning.
[Epistle to Matthew Smyth, of the Inner Temple, signed ‘W. C.’ The
publication is recorded in Trinity Term 1688 (Arber, London Term
Catalogues, ii. 230).]
B.); B. Dobell, The Author of A Y. T. (1906, 10 N. Q. vi. 41); H. D. Sykes,
The Authorship of A Y. T. (1917, J. G. P. xvi. 437, reprinted in Sidelights on
Shakespeare, 77).
This ten-scene play from a four-play bill has merit, but most modern
critics are unable to regard that merit as of Shakespearian type, although
Ward, ii. 231, finds Shakespeare’s hand in some passages, and Fleay, after
wantonly guessing at Edmund Shakespeare (Shakespeare, 303), remained
impressed (ii. 206) by the external evidence, and thought that the play must
be Shakespeare’s original ending to an earlier version of The Miseries of
Enforced Marriage, subsequently altered by his collaborator, George
Wilkins (q.v.), to end happily. This is ingenious, but too conjectural. The
play, like that of Wilkins, takes its material from the history of Walter
Calverley, executed for murder on 5 Aug. 1605, which is told in Stowe’s
Annales and was the subject of contemporary pamphlets. Dobell and Sykes
argue a case on internal evidence for the authorship of Wilkins himself.
B. MASKS
Gesta Grayorum. 1594
[MS.] Harl. MS. 541, f. 138, contains the speeches in the Shrovetide
mask, probably in the hand of Francis Davison. The opening hymn is not
included, and the final hymn seems to have been added by another hand.
1688. Gesta Grayorum: or, the History Of the High and mighty Prince
Henry Prince of Purpoole, Arch-Duke of Stapulia and Bernardia, Duke of
High and Nether Holborn, Marquis of St. Giles and Tottenham, Count
Palatine of Bloomsbury and Clerkenwell, Great Lord of the Cantons of
Islington, Kentish-Town, Paddington and Knights-bridge, Knight of the
most Heroical Order of the Helmet, and Sovereign of the Same. Who
Reigned and Died, a.d. 1594. Together with A Masque, as it was presented
(by His Highness’s Command) for the Entertainment of Q. Elizabeth; who,
with the Nobles of both Courts, was present thereat. For W. Canning.
[Epistle to Matthew Smyth, of the Inner Temple, signed ‘W. C.’ The
publication is recorded in Trinity Term 1688 (Arber, London Term
Catalogues, ii. 230).]
Page 81
Editions in Nichols, Elizabeth1, 2, iii. 262 (1807–23), and by W. W. Greg
(1914, M. S. R.) and B. Brown (1921).
This is a narrative of the reign of a Christmas Prince, or Lord of Misrule
(cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 417), appointed at Gray’s Inn for the Christmas of
1594. The Prince was a Norfolk man, Henry Helmes, and a list of the
members of the Inn who held positions at his court is given in the tract. The
revels began on St. Thomas’s Eve, 20 Dec., continued until Twelfth Night,
were resumed at Candlemas, and again at Shrovetide, when the Prince’s
reign terminated.
On Innocents’ Day, 28 Dec., at night, the Inner Temple were entertained,
and a stage set up, but the crowd was too great for the ‘inventions’
contemplated, and ‘it was thought good not to offer any thing of account,
saving dancing and revelling with gentlewomen; and after such sports, a
Comedy of Errors (like to Plautus his Menechmus) was played by the
players. So that night was begun, and continued to the end, in nothing but
confusion and errors; whereupon, it was ever afterwards called, The Night
of Errors’. On 30 Dec. an indictment was preferred against a supposed
sorcerer, containing a charge ‘that he had foisted a company of base and
common fellows, to make up our disorders with a play of errors and
confusions; and that that night had gained to us discredit, and itself a
nickname of Errors’. Presumably the players of Shakespeare’s Comedy of
Errors were the Chamberlain’s men, and the Treasurer of the Chamber’s
record (App. B) of a play at court by these men, as well as the Admiral’s, on
28 Dec. is a slip for 27 Dec. (M. L. R. ii. 10).
On 3 Jan. many nobles were entertained with a show illustrating the
amity of Graius and Templarius. It was followed by speeches from six
‘Councellors’, advising respectively ‘the Exercise of War’, ‘the Study of
Philosophy’, ‘Eternizement and Fame, by Buildings and Foundations’,
‘Absoluteness of State and Treasure’, ‘Vertue, and a Gracious Government’,
and ‘Pass-times and Sports’. These are ascribed by Spedding, i. 342, to
Francis Bacon (q.v.), a view which finds some confirmation in the fact that
the Alnwick MS., many of the contents of which are by Bacon, once
contained a copy of some ‘Orations at Graies Inne Revells’ (Burgoyne, xii).
It is amusing to note that on 5 Dec. 1594 Lady Bacon, his mother, wrote to
his brother Anthony, ‘I trust they will not mum nor mask nor sinfully revel
at Gray’s Inn’ (Spedding, i. 326). The speeches of three of the
(1914, M. S. R.) and B. Brown (1921).
This is a narrative of the reign of a Christmas Prince, or Lord of Misrule
(cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 417), appointed at Gray’s Inn for the Christmas of
1594. The Prince was a Norfolk man, Henry Helmes, and a list of the
members of the Inn who held positions at his court is given in the tract. The
revels began on St. Thomas’s Eve, 20 Dec., continued until Twelfth Night,
were resumed at Candlemas, and again at Shrovetide, when the Prince’s
reign terminated.
On Innocents’ Day, 28 Dec., at night, the Inner Temple were entertained,
and a stage set up, but the crowd was too great for the ‘inventions’
contemplated, and ‘it was thought good not to offer any thing of account,
saving dancing and revelling with gentlewomen; and after such sports, a
Comedy of Errors (like to Plautus his Menechmus) was played by the
players. So that night was begun, and continued to the end, in nothing but
confusion and errors; whereupon, it was ever afterwards called, The Night
of Errors’. On 30 Dec. an indictment was preferred against a supposed
sorcerer, containing a charge ‘that he had foisted a company of base and
common fellows, to make up our disorders with a play of errors and
confusions; and that that night had gained to us discredit, and itself a
nickname of Errors’. Presumably the players of Shakespeare’s Comedy of
Errors were the Chamberlain’s men, and the Treasurer of the Chamber’s
record (App. B) of a play at court by these men, as well as the Admiral’s, on
28 Dec. is a slip for 27 Dec. (M. L. R. ii. 10).
On 3 Jan. many nobles were entertained with a show illustrating the
amity of Graius and Templarius. It was followed by speeches from six
‘Councellors’, advising respectively ‘the Exercise of War’, ‘the Study of
Philosophy’, ‘Eternizement and Fame, by Buildings and Foundations’,
‘Absoluteness of State and Treasure’, ‘Vertue, and a Gracious Government’,
and ‘Pass-times and Sports’. These are ascribed by Spedding, i. 342, to
Francis Bacon (q.v.), a view which finds some confirmation in the fact that
the Alnwick MS., many of the contents of which are by Bacon, once
contained a copy of some ‘Orations at Graies Inne Revells’ (Burgoyne, xii).
It is amusing to note that on 5 Dec. 1594 Lady Bacon, his mother, wrote to
his brother Anthony, ‘I trust they will not mum nor mask nor sinfully revel
at Gray’s Inn’ (Spedding, i. 326). The speeches of three of the
Page 82
‘Councellors’, with one by the Prince, are also preserved, without
ascription, in Inner Temple Petyt MS. 583, 43, f. 294.
On 6 Jan. appeared six Knights of the Helmet ‘in a very stately mask,
and danced a new devised measure; and after that they took to them ladies
and gentlewomen, and danced with them their galliards, and so departed
with musick’.
On 1 Feb. the Prince visited Greenwich, and promised to return at
Shrovetide. On his way back, he was met with a Latin oration by a boy at
St. Paul’s School.
At Shrovetide, the Prince took his mask to the court at Whitehall. The
maskers were the Prince of Purpoole and his Seven Knights; the
torchbearers eight Pigmies; the presenters Proteus, Thamesis, Amphitrite,
and one of the Prince’s Esquires; the musicians two Tritons, two Nymphs,
and a Tartarian Page.
The performance was upon a stage. After a hymn, the presenters made
speeches setting out how the Prince and Knights were in an Adamantine
Rock, to be released by Proteus, on the discovery of a Power (the Queen) of
more attractive virtue. The maskers issued from the Rock, and danced ‘a
new devised measure, &c.’; then took ladies, and danced ‘their galliards,
courants, &c.’; then danced ‘another new measure’. The Pigmies brought in
eight escutcheons, with the maskers’ impresses, which the Esquire
presented to the Queen. The maskers then entered the rock, while another
hymn was sung.
The maskers were Henry Helmes (Prince), William Cooke, Jarvis
Tevery, John Lambert, Molineux, Grimes, Paylor, and Campnies.
After the mask, the courtiers danced a measure, and Elizabeth said,
‘What! shall we have bread and cheese after a banquet?’
The maskers were presented to the Queen ‘on the next day’ and praised
by her. The narrative goes on to record that ‘the same night’ was fighting at
barriers, in which the Prince took part as a defendant with the Earl of
Cumberland against the Earl of Essex and other challengers, and won the
prize; and concludes, ‘Thus on Shrove-Tuesday, at the Court, were our
sports and revels ended’. The dating is not quite clear, but it seems probable
that the mask and barriers were both on the Tuesday, and the presentation
ascription, in Inner Temple Petyt MS. 583, 43, f. 294.
On 6 Jan. appeared six Knights of the Helmet ‘in a very stately mask,
and danced a new devised measure; and after that they took to them ladies
and gentlewomen, and danced with them their galliards, and so departed
with musick’.
On 1 Feb. the Prince visited Greenwich, and promised to return at
Shrovetide. On his way back, he was met with a Latin oration by a boy at
St. Paul’s School.
At Shrovetide, the Prince took his mask to the court at Whitehall. The
maskers were the Prince of Purpoole and his Seven Knights; the
torchbearers eight Pigmies; the presenters Proteus, Thamesis, Amphitrite,
and one of the Prince’s Esquires; the musicians two Tritons, two Nymphs,
and a Tartarian Page.
The performance was upon a stage. After a hymn, the presenters made
speeches setting out how the Prince and Knights were in an Adamantine
Rock, to be released by Proteus, on the discovery of a Power (the Queen) of
more attractive virtue. The maskers issued from the Rock, and danced ‘a
new devised measure, &c.’; then took ladies, and danced ‘their galliards,
courants, &c.’; then danced ‘another new measure’. The Pigmies brought in
eight escutcheons, with the maskers’ impresses, which the Esquire
presented to the Queen. The maskers then entered the rock, while another
hymn was sung.
The maskers were Henry Helmes (Prince), William Cooke, Jarvis
Tevery, John Lambert, Molineux, Grimes, Paylor, and Campnies.
After the mask, the courtiers danced a measure, and Elizabeth said,
‘What! shall we have bread and cheese after a banquet?’
The maskers were presented to the Queen ‘on the next day’ and praised
by her. The narrative goes on to record that ‘the same night’ was fighting at
barriers, in which the Prince took part as a defendant with the Earl of
Cumberland against the Earl of Essex and other challengers, and won the
prize; and concludes, ‘Thus on Shrove-Tuesday, at the Court, were our
sports and revels ended’. The dating is not quite clear, but it seems probable
that the mask and barriers were both on the Tuesday, and the presentation
Page 83
on Ash Wednesday, presumably as the Queen went to chapel. Conceivably,
however, the mask was on Monday, and the presentation and barriers on
Tuesday. The Gray’s Inn records (Fletcher, 107) note a disbursement on 11
Feb. 1595 to William Johnson and Edward Morrys, who served as the
Prince’s Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer, of 100 marks for ‘the
gentlemen for their sports & shewes this Shrovetyde at the court before the
Queens Majestie’. There was also a levy on 8 May for the ‘shewes &
desports’ of sums varying from 4s. to 10s. according to status, while the
public stock of the house was to contribute £30.
The speeches in the mask were apparently by Francis Davison, one of
the Prince’s Gentlemen Pensioners, who included in his Poetical Rapsody
(1602), sign. D 3 vo, amongst Sonnets, &c., ‘To his first Loue’, one ‘Vpon
presenting her with the speech of Grayes-Inne Maske at the Court 1594,
consisting of three partes, The Story of Proteus Transformations, the
wonders of the Adamantine Rocke, and a speech to her Maiestie’. The
Poetical Rapsody, sign. K 8, also contains the opening hymn of the mask,
which begins ‘Of Neptune’s Empyre let us sing’, and ascribes it to Thomas
Campion (q.v.). Whether ‘The Song at the ending’, which according to Dr.
Greg has been inserted in Harl. MS. 541 by a later hand, is also Campion’s
must remain doubtful. The MS. as originally written is just such a present as
Davison may have sent to his mistress. A list of ‘Papers lent’ by Davison in
Harl. MS. 298 includes ‘Grayes In Sportes under Sr Henry Helmes. Eleaz.
Hogdson’.
The Twelve Months. 1608–12
[MS.] Formerly penes Collier, but not now among his papers in Egerton
MS. 2623.
Editions by J. P. Collier, Five Court Masques (1848), 131, with title ‘The
Masque of the Twelve Months’.
The maskers are the twelve Months; the antimaskers Pages; the
presenters Madge Howlet, Pigwiggen a Fairy, Beauty, Aglaia, the Pulses,
Prognostication, and Somnus; the musicians the twelve Spheres.
The locality is not given, but the presence of a king is contemplated. The
text is disordered, but can easily be reconstructed, as follows: Madge
Howlet, ‘going up towards the King’, and Pigwiggen speak the opening
however, the mask was on Monday, and the presentation and barriers on
Tuesday. The Gray’s Inn records (Fletcher, 107) note a disbursement on 11
Feb. 1595 to William Johnson and Edward Morrys, who served as the
Prince’s Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer, of 100 marks for ‘the
gentlemen for their sports & shewes this Shrovetyde at the court before the
Queens Majestie’. There was also a levy on 8 May for the ‘shewes &
desports’ of sums varying from 4s. to 10s. according to status, while the
public stock of the house was to contribute £30.
The speeches in the mask were apparently by Francis Davison, one of
the Prince’s Gentlemen Pensioners, who included in his Poetical Rapsody
(1602), sign. D 3 vo, amongst Sonnets, &c., ‘To his first Loue’, one ‘Vpon
presenting her with the speech of Grayes-Inne Maske at the Court 1594,
consisting of three partes, The Story of Proteus Transformations, the
wonders of the Adamantine Rocke, and a speech to her Maiestie’. The
Poetical Rapsody, sign. K 8, also contains the opening hymn of the mask,
which begins ‘Of Neptune’s Empyre let us sing’, and ascribes it to Thomas
Campion (q.v.). Whether ‘The Song at the ending’, which according to Dr.
Greg has been inserted in Harl. MS. 541 by a later hand, is also Campion’s
must remain doubtful. The MS. as originally written is just such a present as
Davison may have sent to his mistress. A list of ‘Papers lent’ by Davison in
Harl. MS. 298 includes ‘Grayes In Sportes under Sr Henry Helmes. Eleaz.
Hogdson’.
The Twelve Months. 1608–12
[MS.] Formerly penes Collier, but not now among his papers in Egerton
MS. 2623.
Editions by J. P. Collier, Five Court Masques (1848), 131, with title ‘The
Masque of the Twelve Months’.
The maskers are the twelve Months; the antimaskers Pages; the
presenters Madge Howlet, Pigwiggen a Fairy, Beauty, Aglaia, the Pulses,
Prognostication, and Somnus; the musicians the twelve Spheres.
The locality is not given, but the presence of a king is contemplated. The
text is disordered, but can easily be reconstructed, as follows: Madge
Howlet, ‘going up towards the King’, and Pigwiggen speak the opening
Page 84
dialogue (Collier, 137). The Spheres sing the first song calling Beauty from
her fort, the Heart (140). This is the scene; on it are plumes, ‘the ensignes of
the darling of the yeare, delicious Aprill’. Beauty, Aglaia, and the Pulses,
‘beating before them up towardes the King’, speak a dialogue (131). The
Pages dance an ‘antemasque’ (133). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue
(134). The maskers appear, and are presented by Beauty (134). The second
‘antemasque’ is danced (134). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134).
Prognostication enters, and prognosticates (135). The maskers descend, and
Beauty describes April, a prince ‘lov’d of all, yett will not love’, with a
‘triple plume’ (135). After a second song, ‘they dance their entrie’ (141).
Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (136). There is a third song (141).
‘They dance their mayne dance: which done, Bewty invites them to dance
with the Ladies’ (137). There is a fourth song (142). ‘They dance with the
Ladies, and the whole Revells follows’ (137). Beauty calls on Somnus
(140). There is a last song (142). ‘They dance their going off’ (140).
Brotanek, 346, suggests 1 Jan. 1612 as a probable date. I agree with him
that ‘charming all warre from his mild monarchie’ (136) suggests James I,
although I do not think that ‘our fairy King’ (137) is necessarily a
reminiscence of the Mask of Oberon, especially as this fairy king is James
and not Henry. In any case ‘the heart of the yeare’ (132), ‘prime of this
newe yeare’ (135), ‘this winter nighte’ (141) do not require a performance
on 1 Jan. In fact, April and not January leads the months in the mask. I
would add to Brotanek’s notes that April is clearly danced by a Prince of
Wales, and that ‘lov’d of all, yett will not love’ fits in with the uncertainty
as to Henry’s matrimonial intentions which prevailed in 1612. But he is not
very likely to have given two masks in the winter of 1611–12, nor is there
any evidence of any mask that winter except the Love Restored of 6 Jan. Of
course The Twelve Months may never have been actually performed. I have
thought that it might have been the mask abandoned by Anne on account of
the death of the Queen of Spain in Dec. 1611 (cf. Jonson, Love Restored).
Beauty, ‘our fairy Queene’, is said to be ‘Great president of all those
princely revells’ in honour of the ‘fairy King’. But the mask is danced by
men, not women, which seems to put a Queen’s mask out of the question.
No mask has yet been traced in the winter of 1609–10. I am afraid I must
leave the date open. If Henry led the dance, his death in Nov. 1612 gives
one limit. The ‘antemasque’ is more likely to have been introduced after
her fort, the Heart (140). This is the scene; on it are plumes, ‘the ensignes of
the darling of the yeare, delicious Aprill’. Beauty, Aglaia, and the Pulses,
‘beating before them up towardes the King’, speak a dialogue (131). The
Pages dance an ‘antemasque’ (133). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue
(134). The maskers appear, and are presented by Beauty (134). The second
‘antemasque’ is danced (134). Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (134).
Prognostication enters, and prognosticates (135). The maskers descend, and
Beauty describes April, a prince ‘lov’d of all, yett will not love’, with a
‘triple plume’ (135). After a second song, ‘they dance their entrie’ (141).
Beauty and Aglaia speak a dialogue (136). There is a third song (141).
‘They dance their mayne dance: which done, Bewty invites them to dance
with the Ladies’ (137). There is a fourth song (142). ‘They dance with the
Ladies, and the whole Revells follows’ (137). Beauty calls on Somnus
(140). There is a last song (142). ‘They dance their going off’ (140).
Brotanek, 346, suggests 1 Jan. 1612 as a probable date. I agree with him
that ‘charming all warre from his mild monarchie’ (136) suggests James I,
although I do not think that ‘our fairy King’ (137) is necessarily a
reminiscence of the Mask of Oberon, especially as this fairy king is James
and not Henry. In any case ‘the heart of the yeare’ (132), ‘prime of this
newe yeare’ (135), ‘this winter nighte’ (141) do not require a performance
on 1 Jan. In fact, April and not January leads the months in the mask. I
would add to Brotanek’s notes that April is clearly danced by a Prince of
Wales, and that ‘lov’d of all, yett will not love’ fits in with the uncertainty
as to Henry’s matrimonial intentions which prevailed in 1612. But he is not
very likely to have given two masks in the winter of 1611–12, nor is there
any evidence of any mask that winter except the Love Restored of 6 Jan. Of
course The Twelve Months may never have been actually performed. I have
thought that it might have been the mask abandoned by Anne on account of
the death of the Queen of Spain in Dec. 1611 (cf. Jonson, Love Restored).
Beauty, ‘our fairy Queene’, is said to be ‘Great president of all those
princely revells’ in honour of the ‘fairy King’. But the mask is danced by
men, not women, which seems to put a Queen’s mask out of the question.
No mask has yet been traced in the winter of 1609–10. I am afraid I must
leave the date open. If Henry led the dance, his death in Nov. 1612 gives
one limit. The ‘antemasque’ is more likely to have been introduced after
Page 85
than before 1608. The use of Pigwiggen as a fairy name recurs in Drayton’s
Nymphidia, published in 1627.
Mask of Flowers. 6 Jan. 1614
S. R. 1614, Jan. 21 (Nidd). ‘The maske of flowers by the gent. of Graies
Inne vppon Twelfe Night 1613.’ Robert Wilson (Arber, iii. 540).
1614. The Maske of Flowers. Presented By the Gentlemen of Graies-
Inne, at the Court of Whitehall, in the Banquetting House, vpon Twelfe
night, 1613. Being the last of the Solemnities and Magnificences which
were performed at the marriage of the right honourable the Earle of
Somerset, and the Lady Francis daughter of the Earle of Suffolke, Lord
Chamberlaine. N. O. for Robert Wilson. [With Epistle to Sir Francis Bacon
by I. G., W. D., T. B. These initials, presumably of Gray’s Inn men, have not
been identified.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 735, and H. A. Evans, English
Masques (1897).
The maskers, in white embroidered with carnation and silver and
vizards, were thirteen transformed Flowers; the antimaskers in ‘the anticke-
maske of daunce’ Pantaloon, Courtesan, Swiss and his Wife, Usurer,
Midwife, Smug and his Wench, Fretelyne, Bawd, Roaring Boy, Citizen,
Mountebank, Jewess of Portugal, Chimney-Sweeper and his Wench; the
musicians twelve Garden Gods, also described as Priests, and in the
‘anticke-maske of the song’ Miller, Wine Cooper, Vintner’s Boy, Brewer,
Skipper, Fencer, Pedlar, Barber; the presenters Invierno, Primavera, Gallus
the Sun’s Post, Silenus, Kawasha, and attendants.
The locality was the Banqueting House, at the lower end of which was a
‘travers painted in perspective’, as a city wall and gate, with temples of
Silenus and Kawasha on either side. The antimasks represented a challenge,
directed by the Sun, between wine and tobacco. ‘The travers being drawne’
disclosed an elaborate garden sloping up to a mount and arbour (33 ft. long
× 21 ft. high) with a bank of flowers before it. Upon a charm the flowers
vanished to give place to the maskers, who danced their first and second
measure, then took ladies, for ‘measures, corantoes, durettoes, morascoes,
galliards’, and then ‘daunced their parting measure’, which was followed by
compliments to the king and the bride and groom.
Nymphidia, published in 1627.
Mask of Flowers. 6 Jan. 1614
S. R. 1614, Jan. 21 (Nidd). ‘The maske of flowers by the gent. of Graies
Inne vppon Twelfe Night 1613.’ Robert Wilson (Arber, iii. 540).
1614. The Maske of Flowers. Presented By the Gentlemen of Graies-
Inne, at the Court of Whitehall, in the Banquetting House, vpon Twelfe
night, 1613. Being the last of the Solemnities and Magnificences which
were performed at the marriage of the right honourable the Earle of
Somerset, and the Lady Francis daughter of the Earle of Suffolke, Lord
Chamberlaine. N. O. for Robert Wilson. [With Epistle to Sir Francis Bacon
by I. G., W. D., T. B. These initials, presumably of Gray’s Inn men, have not
been identified.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 735, and H. A. Evans, English
Masques (1897).
The maskers, in white embroidered with carnation and silver and
vizards, were thirteen transformed Flowers; the antimaskers in ‘the anticke-
maske of daunce’ Pantaloon, Courtesan, Swiss and his Wife, Usurer,
Midwife, Smug and his Wench, Fretelyne, Bawd, Roaring Boy, Citizen,
Mountebank, Jewess of Portugal, Chimney-Sweeper and his Wench; the
musicians twelve Garden Gods, also described as Priests, and in the
‘anticke-maske of the song’ Miller, Wine Cooper, Vintner’s Boy, Brewer,
Skipper, Fencer, Pedlar, Barber; the presenters Invierno, Primavera, Gallus
the Sun’s Post, Silenus, Kawasha, and attendants.
The locality was the Banqueting House, at the lower end of which was a
‘travers painted in perspective’, as a city wall and gate, with temples of
Silenus and Kawasha on either side. The antimasks represented a challenge,
directed by the Sun, between wine and tobacco. ‘The travers being drawne’
disclosed an elaborate garden sloping up to a mount and arbour (33 ft. long
× 21 ft. high) with a bank of flowers before it. Upon a charm the flowers
vanished to give place to the maskers, who danced their first and second
measure, then took ladies, for ‘measures, corantoes, durettoes, morascoes,
galliards’, and then ‘daunced their parting measure’, which was followed by
compliments to the king and the bride and groom.
Page 86
For general notices of the Somerset wedding masks, cf. s.v. Campion,
Mask of Squires. On 23 Dec. Chamberlain wrote to Carleton (Birch, i. 282),
‘Sir Francis Bacon prepares a masque to honour this marriage, which will
stand him in above £2000; and though he have been offered some help by
the House, and specially by Mr. Solicitor, Sir Henry Yelverton, who would
have sent him £500, yet he would not accept it, but offers them the whole
charge with the honour. Marry, his obligations are such, as well to his
majesty as to the great lord and to the whole house of Howards, as he can
admit no partner’. On 5 Jan. (Birch, i. 288) he briefly notes, ‘Mr. Attorney’s
masque is for to-morrow, and for a conclusion of Christmas and these
shows together’.
The records of Gray’s Inn confirm Chamberlain’s account, by giving no
signs that any expense fell on the Inn. On a letter by Bacon which may refer
to this occasion, cf. s.v. Bacon.
Osborne, James, 82, a not very accurate writer, speaks of a Gray’s Inn
mask at court, following an Anglo-Scottish quarrel between Mr. Hawley of
Gray’s Inn and Mr. Maxwell. Probably he has this mask, which was to
honour a Scot, in mind. The quarrel was in fact over in June 1612 (Birch, i.
173). I doubt whether either this mask or the joint Gray’s Inn and Inner
Temple mask of 1612–13 had anything to do with it.
C. RECEPTIONS AND ENTERTAINMENTS
Coronation Triumph. 1559
S. R. 1558–9. ‘The passage of the quenes maiesties Throwoute the Cytie
of London.’ Richard Tottle (Arber, i. 96).
1558[9], Jan. 23. The Passage of our most drad Soueraigne Lady Quene
Elyzabeth through the citie of London to westminster the daye before her
coronacion. Richard Tottill. Cum privilegio.
n.d.[1604.] The Royal Passage of her Majesty from the Tower of
London to her Palace of Whitehall, with all the Speaches and Devices, both
of the Pageants and otherwise, together with her Majesties severall
Answers, and most pleasing Speaches to them all. S. S. for Jone Millington.
n.d. [1604.] S. S. for John Busby. [Another issue.]
Mask of Squires. On 23 Dec. Chamberlain wrote to Carleton (Birch, i. 282),
‘Sir Francis Bacon prepares a masque to honour this marriage, which will
stand him in above £2000; and though he have been offered some help by
the House, and specially by Mr. Solicitor, Sir Henry Yelverton, who would
have sent him £500, yet he would not accept it, but offers them the whole
charge with the honour. Marry, his obligations are such, as well to his
majesty as to the great lord and to the whole house of Howards, as he can
admit no partner’. On 5 Jan. (Birch, i. 288) he briefly notes, ‘Mr. Attorney’s
masque is for to-morrow, and for a conclusion of Christmas and these
shows together’.
The records of Gray’s Inn confirm Chamberlain’s account, by giving no
signs that any expense fell on the Inn. On a letter by Bacon which may refer
to this occasion, cf. s.v. Bacon.
Osborne, James, 82, a not very accurate writer, speaks of a Gray’s Inn
mask at court, following an Anglo-Scottish quarrel between Mr. Hawley of
Gray’s Inn and Mr. Maxwell. Probably he has this mask, which was to
honour a Scot, in mind. The quarrel was in fact over in June 1612 (Birch, i.
173). I doubt whether either this mask or the joint Gray’s Inn and Inner
Temple mask of 1612–13 had anything to do with it.
C. RECEPTIONS AND ENTERTAINMENTS
Coronation Triumph. 1559
S. R. 1558–9. ‘The passage of the quenes maiesties Throwoute the Cytie
of London.’ Richard Tottle (Arber, i. 96).
1558[9], Jan. 23. The Passage of our most drad Soueraigne Lady Quene
Elyzabeth through the citie of London to westminster the daye before her
coronacion. Richard Tottill. Cum privilegio.
n.d.[1604.] The Royal Passage of her Majesty from the Tower of
London to her Palace of Whitehall, with all the Speaches and Devices, both
of the Pageants and otherwise, together with her Majesties severall
Answers, and most pleasing Speaches to them all. S. S. for Jone Millington.
n.d. [1604.] S. S. for John Busby. [Another issue.]
Page 87
Editions in Nichols, Eliz. i. 38 (1823), and A. F. Pollard, Tudor Tracts
(England’s Garner2), 365.
There are also accounts in Machyn, 186, and in Holinshed (1808), iv.
158. For a list of the pageants cf. ch. iv.
Bristol Entertainment. August 1574
1575. The whole Order howe our Soveraigne Ladye Queene Elizabeth
was receyved into the Citie of Bristowe, in August, and the Speeches
spoken before her presens at her Entry; with the residue of Versis and
Matter that might not be spoken (for distance of the place), but sent in a
Book over the Waetter. Thomas Marshe. [In ‘The Firste Parte of
Churchyardes Chippes, contayning Twelve seueral Labours. Devised and
published, only by Thomas Churchyard, Gentilman’. Epistle to Christopher
Hatton.]
1578. Thomas Marsh.
Editions in Nichols, Eliz. i. 393 (1788, 1823), and by J. P. Collier (1867).
Probably Churchyard was the deviser of the entertainment, as he calls
the Chippes ‘a book of all my English verses in meter’. He says, ‘Some of
these Speeches could not be spoken, by means of a Scholemaister, who
envied that any stranger should set forth these Shows’. A worthie Dittie,
song before the Queens Majestie at Bristow, by D. S[and], not in the
Entertainment, is in The Paradise of Daynty Devises (1576). Elizabeth was
at Bristol 13–21 Aug. 1574 and lay at John Young’s. Fame, a boy with a
speech in English verse, met her at the High Cross. At the next gate were
Salutation, Gratulation, and Obedient Good Will, with their verses. On 14
Aug. the Queen attended divine service at the College. On 15 and 16 Aug.
the Forts of Peace and Feeble Policy were arrayed, and there were sham
fights by land and sea, with speeches by Dissuasion, Persuasion, and John
Roberts, who apparently wrote his own. Was he the envious schoolmaster?
Kenilworth Entertainment. 1575
There are two descriptions:
A. By Gascoigne
(England’s Garner2), 365.
There are also accounts in Machyn, 186, and in Holinshed (1808), iv.
158. For a list of the pageants cf. ch. iv.
Bristol Entertainment. August 1574
1575. The whole Order howe our Soveraigne Ladye Queene Elizabeth
was receyved into the Citie of Bristowe, in August, and the Speeches
spoken before her presens at her Entry; with the residue of Versis and
Matter that might not be spoken (for distance of the place), but sent in a
Book over the Waetter. Thomas Marshe. [In ‘The Firste Parte of
Churchyardes Chippes, contayning Twelve seueral Labours. Devised and
published, only by Thomas Churchyard, Gentilman’. Epistle to Christopher
Hatton.]
1578. Thomas Marsh.
Editions in Nichols, Eliz. i. 393 (1788, 1823), and by J. P. Collier (1867).
Probably Churchyard was the deviser of the entertainment, as he calls
the Chippes ‘a book of all my English verses in meter’. He says, ‘Some of
these Speeches could not be spoken, by means of a Scholemaister, who
envied that any stranger should set forth these Shows’. A worthie Dittie,
song before the Queens Majestie at Bristow, by D. S[and], not in the
Entertainment, is in The Paradise of Daynty Devises (1576). Elizabeth was
at Bristol 13–21 Aug. 1574 and lay at John Young’s. Fame, a boy with a
speech in English verse, met her at the High Cross. At the next gate were
Salutation, Gratulation, and Obedient Good Will, with their verses. On 14
Aug. the Queen attended divine service at the College. On 15 and 16 Aug.
the Forts of Peace and Feeble Policy were arrayed, and there were sham
fights by land and sea, with speeches by Dissuasion, Persuasion, and John
Roberts, who apparently wrote his own. Was he the envious schoolmaster?
Kenilworth Entertainment. 1575
There are two descriptions:
A. By Gascoigne
Page 88
1576. The Princelye pleasures, at the Courte at Kenelwoorth. That is to
saye, The Copies of all such verses Proses, or Poeticall inuentions, and
other Deuices of pleasure, as were there deuised, and presented by sundry
Gentle men, before the Quenes Maiestie: In the yeare 1575. Richard Jones.
[The unique copy is believed to have been burnt in the Shakespeare Library
at Birmingham. The printer’s Epistle is dated March 26, 1576.]
1587. [Part of Collection.]
Editions in Nichols, Eliz.2 i. 486 (1823), and elsewhere (cf. Schelling,
121).
B. By Robert Laneham
1575. A letter: Whearin part of the entertainment untoo the Queez
Majesty at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer in this Soomerz Progress,
1575, is signified: from a freend officer attendant in the Coourt untoo hiz
freend a Citizen, and Merchaunt of London. [No imprint or colophon.]
Editions in Nichols, Eliz.2 i. 420 (1823), by F. J. Furnivall, Captain Cox,
his Ballads and Books (1871, Ballad Soc.; 1890, N. S. S.), in Sh.-Jahrbuch,
xxvii, 251 (1892), and elsewhere (cf. Furnivall, ix, clxxvi).
Elizabeth was at Kenilworth 9–27 July 1575. The diary of
entertainments is given in ch. iv. The contributions of specific authors were
as follows:
9 July. Speeches of Sibylla, by William Hunnis; the Porter Hercules, by
John Badger; the Lady of the Lake, by George Ferrers; a Poet, in Latin, by
Richard Mulcaster, or Mercury (?) Paten. It is uncertain which was used;
Gascoigne prints Mulcaster’s, Laneham Paten’s.
11 July. Dialogue of a Savage Man and Echo, ‘devised, penned, and
pronounced’ by Gascoigne.
18 July. Device of the Delivery of the Lady of the Lake, by William
Hunnis, with verses by Hunnis, Ferrers, and Henry Goldingham, who
played Arion.
20 July. Device of Zabeta prepared by Gascoigne, but not shown.
27 July. Device of the Farewell of Silvanus, by Gascoigne.
saye, The Copies of all such verses Proses, or Poeticall inuentions, and
other Deuices of pleasure, as were there deuised, and presented by sundry
Gentle men, before the Quenes Maiestie: In the yeare 1575. Richard Jones.
[The unique copy is believed to have been burnt in the Shakespeare Library
at Birmingham. The printer’s Epistle is dated March 26, 1576.]
1587. [Part of Collection.]
Editions in Nichols, Eliz.2 i. 486 (1823), and elsewhere (cf. Schelling,
121).
B. By Robert Laneham
1575. A letter: Whearin part of the entertainment untoo the Queez
Majesty at Killingwoorth Castl, in Warwick Sheer in this Soomerz Progress,
1575, is signified: from a freend officer attendant in the Coourt untoo hiz
freend a Citizen, and Merchaunt of London. [No imprint or colophon.]
Editions in Nichols, Eliz.2 i. 420 (1823), by F. J. Furnivall, Captain Cox,
his Ballads and Books (1871, Ballad Soc.; 1890, N. S. S.), in Sh.-Jahrbuch,
xxvii, 251 (1892), and elsewhere (cf. Furnivall, ix, clxxvi).
Elizabeth was at Kenilworth 9–27 July 1575. The diary of
entertainments is given in ch. iv. The contributions of specific authors were
as follows:
9 July. Speeches of Sibylla, by William Hunnis; the Porter Hercules, by
John Badger; the Lady of the Lake, by George Ferrers; a Poet, in Latin, by
Richard Mulcaster, or Mercury (?) Paten. It is uncertain which was used;
Gascoigne prints Mulcaster’s, Laneham Paten’s.
11 July. Dialogue of a Savage Man and Echo, ‘devised, penned, and
pronounced’ by Gascoigne.
18 July. Device of the Delivery of the Lady of the Lake, by William
Hunnis, with verses by Hunnis, Ferrers, and Henry Goldingham, who
played Arion.
20 July. Device of Zabeta prepared by Gascoigne, but not shown.
27 July. Device of the Farewell of Silvanus, by Gascoigne.
Page 89
Woodstock Entertainment. 1575
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Sir Henry Lee.
Suffolk and Norfolk Entertainments. August 1578
There are two contemporary descriptions:
A
S. R. 1578, Aug. 30. ‘The ioyfull Receavinge of the Quenes maiestie into
Norwyche.’ Henry Bynneman (Arber, ii. 336).
n.d. The Ioyfull Receyuing of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie into
her Highnesse Citie of Norwich: The things done in the time of hir abode
there: and the dolor of the Citie at hir departure. Wherein are set down
diuers Orations in Latine, pronounced to hir Highnesse by Sir Robert Wood
Knight, now Maior of the same Citie, and others: and certain also deliuered
to hir Maiestie in writing: euery of the turned into English. Henrie
Bynneman. [Epistle by Ber[nard] Gar[ter] to Sir Owen Hopton.]
Edition in Nichols, Eliz. (1823), ii. 136.
B
S. R. 1578, Sept. 20. ‘The enterteignement of the Quenes Maiestie in
Suffolk and Norffolk; gathered by Thomas Churchyard.’ Henry Bynneman
(Arber, ii. 338).
n.d. A Discourse of the Queenes Maiesties entertainement in Suffolk and
Norffolk: With a description of many things then presently seene. Deuised
by Thomas Churchyarde, Gent. with diuers shewes of his own inuention
sette out at Norwich: ... Henrie Bynneman. [Epistle by Churchyard to
Gilbert Garrard. Adnitt (cf. s.v. Churchyard) says there were two issues with
varying prefatory matter.]
Extracts in Nichols, Eliz. (1823), ii. 115, 128, 130, 133, 179.
A ballad and a sonnet, presumably from their titles based on A, were
registered by J. Charlwood and R. Jones respectively on 24 and 31 March
1579 (Arber, ii. 349, 350).
Elizabeth was at Norwich 16–22 Aug. 1578. The diary is as follows:
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Sir Henry Lee.
Suffolk and Norfolk Entertainments. August 1578
There are two contemporary descriptions:
A
S. R. 1578, Aug. 30. ‘The ioyfull Receavinge of the Quenes maiestie into
Norwyche.’ Henry Bynneman (Arber, ii. 336).
n.d. The Ioyfull Receyuing of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie into
her Highnesse Citie of Norwich: The things done in the time of hir abode
there: and the dolor of the Citie at hir departure. Wherein are set down
diuers Orations in Latine, pronounced to hir Highnesse by Sir Robert Wood
Knight, now Maior of the same Citie, and others: and certain also deliuered
to hir Maiestie in writing: euery of the turned into English. Henrie
Bynneman. [Epistle by Ber[nard] Gar[ter] to Sir Owen Hopton.]
Edition in Nichols, Eliz. (1823), ii. 136.
B
S. R. 1578, Sept. 20. ‘The enterteignement of the Quenes Maiestie in
Suffolk and Norffolk; gathered by Thomas Churchyard.’ Henry Bynneman
(Arber, ii. 338).
n.d. A Discourse of the Queenes Maiesties entertainement in Suffolk and
Norffolk: With a description of many things then presently seene. Deuised
by Thomas Churchyarde, Gent. with diuers shewes of his own inuention
sette out at Norwich: ... Henrie Bynneman. [Epistle by Churchyard to
Gilbert Garrard. Adnitt (cf. s.v. Churchyard) says there were two issues with
varying prefatory matter.]
Extracts in Nichols, Eliz. (1823), ii. 115, 128, 130, 133, 179.
A ballad and a sonnet, presumably from their titles based on A, were
registered by J. Charlwood and R. Jones respectively on 24 and 31 March
1579 (Arber, ii. 349, 350).
Elizabeth was at Norwich 16–22 Aug. 1578. The diary is as follows:
Page 90
16 Aug. 1578. Oration by Mayor at Hartford Bridge; Speech, prepared
but prevented by rain, of King Gurgunt in Town Close near Blanch Flower
Castle; Pageant of the Commonwealth, with representations of local loom
industries, and speech by Garter in St. Stephen’s Street; Pageant of the City
of Norwich, Deborah, Judith, Esther, and Queen Martia, with the City Waits
and songs by Garter and Churchyard, at entry to Market-place; Speech of a
Turkish Boy by Churchyard, at Mr. Peck’s door.
18 Aug. Speech of Mercury in an elaborate coach, by Churchyard.
19 Aug. Show of Chastity, with dialogue and song of Chastity, Cupid, a
Philosopher, Wantonness, Riot, Modesty, Temperance, Good Exercise, and
Shamefastness, by Churchyard; Oration by Minister of Dutch Church.
20 Aug. Oration by Stephen Limbert, Master of the Grammar School.
21 Aug. Shows of Water Nymphs, with speeches, and of Manhood and
Desert, a contention of Manhood, Good Favour, Desert, and Good Fortune,
for Lady Beauty, prepared but prevented by rain, both by Churchyard; Mask
by Henry Goldingham in Privy Chamber after supper of Jupiter, Juno,
Mars, Venus, Apollo, Pallas, Neptune, Diana, Mercury as presenter, Cupid,
torchbearers and musicians, who marched about the chamber and made
speeches and characteristic gifts, but apparently did not dance.
22 Aug. Speech and Song at St. Benet’s Gate by Garter; Show of Fairies
with their Queen and seven speeches, outside the gate, by Churchyard;
written Oration by Mayor at departure over City boundary.
Churchyard also mentions ‘speeches well sette out and a speciall device
much commended’ in the park of the Earl of Surrey at Kenninghall on 12
Aug.; also divers ‘triumphes and devises’ in Suffolk, of which he only
specifies ‘a shew representing the Phayries (as well as might be) ... in the
whiche shew a rich jewell was presented to the Queenes Highnesse’ at Sir
Thomas Kidson’s house, Hengrave Hall, during 28–30 Aug. In Churchyards
Challenge (1593) he claims ‘The whole deuises pastimes and plaies at
Norwich, before her Maistie’, and also ‘The Commedy before her Maestie
at Norwich in the fielde when she went to dinner to my Lady Gerninghams’
at Costessy (19 Aug.).
Fortress of Perfect Beauty. 15–16 May 1581
but prevented by rain, of King Gurgunt in Town Close near Blanch Flower
Castle; Pageant of the Commonwealth, with representations of local loom
industries, and speech by Garter in St. Stephen’s Street; Pageant of the City
of Norwich, Deborah, Judith, Esther, and Queen Martia, with the City Waits
and songs by Garter and Churchyard, at entry to Market-place; Speech of a
Turkish Boy by Churchyard, at Mr. Peck’s door.
18 Aug. Speech of Mercury in an elaborate coach, by Churchyard.
19 Aug. Show of Chastity, with dialogue and song of Chastity, Cupid, a
Philosopher, Wantonness, Riot, Modesty, Temperance, Good Exercise, and
Shamefastness, by Churchyard; Oration by Minister of Dutch Church.
20 Aug. Oration by Stephen Limbert, Master of the Grammar School.
21 Aug. Shows of Water Nymphs, with speeches, and of Manhood and
Desert, a contention of Manhood, Good Favour, Desert, and Good Fortune,
for Lady Beauty, prepared but prevented by rain, both by Churchyard; Mask
by Henry Goldingham in Privy Chamber after supper of Jupiter, Juno,
Mars, Venus, Apollo, Pallas, Neptune, Diana, Mercury as presenter, Cupid,
torchbearers and musicians, who marched about the chamber and made
speeches and characteristic gifts, but apparently did not dance.
22 Aug. Speech and Song at St. Benet’s Gate by Garter; Show of Fairies
with their Queen and seven speeches, outside the gate, by Churchyard;
written Oration by Mayor at departure over City boundary.
Churchyard also mentions ‘speeches well sette out and a speciall device
much commended’ in the park of the Earl of Surrey at Kenninghall on 12
Aug.; also divers ‘triumphes and devises’ in Suffolk, of which he only
specifies ‘a shew representing the Phayries (as well as might be) ... in the
whiche shew a rich jewell was presented to the Queenes Highnesse’ at Sir
Thomas Kidson’s house, Hengrave Hall, during 28–30 Aug. In Churchyards
Challenge (1593) he claims ‘The whole deuises pastimes and plaies at
Norwich, before her Maistie’, and also ‘The Commedy before her Maestie
at Norwich in the fielde when she went to dinner to my Lady Gerninghams’
at Costessy (19 Aug.).
Fortress of Perfect Beauty. 15–16 May 1581
Page 91
S. R. 1581, July 1. ‘The Tryumphe Shewed before the Quene and the
Ffrenche Embassadors.’ Robert Walgrave (Arber, ii. 396).
n.d. A brief declaratiō of the shews, deuices, speeches, and inuentions,
done & performed before the Queenes Maiestie, & the French
Ambassadours, at the most valiaunt and worthye Triumph, attempted and
executed on the Munday and Tuesday in Whitson weeke last, Anno 1581.
Collected, gathered, penned & published, by Henry Goldwel, Gen. Robert
Waldegrave. [Epistle by Goldwell to Rowland Brasebridge of Great
Wycombe.]
Edition in Nichols, Eliz.2 (1823), ii. 310.
This was a tilt, before François of Bourbon, dauphin of Auvergne, Artus
de Cossé, marshal of France, and other commissioners from France, for the
treaty of marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou. The challenge
was delivered by a boy in red and white, as the Queen came from Chapel on
16 April 1581. The tilt, first fixed for 24 April, was put off to 1 May, 8 May,
and finally 15 May. The gallery at the end of the tilt-yard was named the
Castle or Fortress of Perfect Beauty, and the challengers, the Earl of
Arundel, Lord Windsor, Philip Sidney, and Fulke Greville, called
themselves the Four Foster Children of Desire. They entered from the
stable, with trains of followers and a Rowling Trench of printed canvas, to
besiege the fortress. From this boys spoke and sang, and cannonades of
perfumes were shot off, while flowers and other fancies were flung from
scaling ladders. Then came twenty-one defendants, each with his
‘invention’ and speech. They were Henry Grey, Sir Thomas Perot, Anthony
Cooke, Thomas Ratcliffe, Henry Knolles, William Knolles, Robert Knolles,
Francis Knolles, Rafe Bowes, Thomas Kelwaie, George Goring, William
Tresham, Robert Alexander, Edward Dennie, Hercules Meautus, Edward
Moore, Richard Skipwith, Richard Ward, Edward Digbie, Henry Nowell,
Henry Brunkerd. Perot and Cooke were ‘both in like armour, beset with
apples and fruit, the one signifying Adam and the other Eve, who had haire
hung all down his helmet’. Their page was an Angel. Ratcliffe was a
Desolate Knight, with a page who presented his shield. The four Knolles
brothers were Sons of Despair, with Mercury for a page. The speeches of
the pages are given. Each defendant ran six courses with the challengers.
‘In the middest of the running came in Sir Henrie Leigh, as unknowne, and
when he had broken his six staves, went out in like manner againe.’ At the
Ffrenche Embassadors.’ Robert Walgrave (Arber, ii. 396).
n.d. A brief declaratiō of the shews, deuices, speeches, and inuentions,
done & performed before the Queenes Maiestie, & the French
Ambassadours, at the most valiaunt and worthye Triumph, attempted and
executed on the Munday and Tuesday in Whitson weeke last, Anno 1581.
Collected, gathered, penned & published, by Henry Goldwel, Gen. Robert
Waldegrave. [Epistle by Goldwell to Rowland Brasebridge of Great
Wycombe.]
Edition in Nichols, Eliz.2 (1823), ii. 310.
This was a tilt, before François of Bourbon, dauphin of Auvergne, Artus
de Cossé, marshal of France, and other commissioners from France, for the
treaty of marriage between Elizabeth and the Duke of Anjou. The challenge
was delivered by a boy in red and white, as the Queen came from Chapel on
16 April 1581. The tilt, first fixed for 24 April, was put off to 1 May, 8 May,
and finally 15 May. The gallery at the end of the tilt-yard was named the
Castle or Fortress of Perfect Beauty, and the challengers, the Earl of
Arundel, Lord Windsor, Philip Sidney, and Fulke Greville, called
themselves the Four Foster Children of Desire. They entered from the
stable, with trains of followers and a Rowling Trench of printed canvas, to
besiege the fortress. From this boys spoke and sang, and cannonades of
perfumes were shot off, while flowers and other fancies were flung from
scaling ladders. Then came twenty-one defendants, each with his
‘invention’ and speech. They were Henry Grey, Sir Thomas Perot, Anthony
Cooke, Thomas Ratcliffe, Henry Knolles, William Knolles, Robert Knolles,
Francis Knolles, Rafe Bowes, Thomas Kelwaie, George Goring, William
Tresham, Robert Alexander, Edward Dennie, Hercules Meautus, Edward
Moore, Richard Skipwith, Richard Ward, Edward Digbie, Henry Nowell,
Henry Brunkerd. Perot and Cooke were ‘both in like armour, beset with
apples and fruit, the one signifying Adam and the other Eve, who had haire
hung all down his helmet’. Their page was an Angel. Ratcliffe was a
Desolate Knight, with a page who presented his shield. The four Knolles
brothers were Sons of Despair, with Mercury for a page. The speeches of
the pages are given. Each defendant ran six courses with the challengers.
‘In the middest of the running came in Sir Henrie Leigh, as unknowne, and
when he had broken his six staves, went out in like manner againe.’ At the
Page 92
end of the first day the boy who gave the challenge announced a second on
the morrow.
On the second day the challengers entered in a chariot ‘forewearied and
half overcome’ with a lady representing Desire, and a consort of music. A
herald made a speech for them. The defendants entered, and the tournay and
barriers followed. At the end a boy clad in ash colour and bearing an olive-
branch made submission of the challengers to the Queen.
Foulkes, lxiii. 49, says that a set of blank cheques for this tilt are in
Ashm. MS. 845, f. 166.
Tilbury Visit. 1588
There are or were three accounts:
A
S. R. 1588, Aug. 10. ‘The quenes visitinge the campe at Tilberye and her
enterteynement there the 8 and 9 of August 1588, with condicon yat yt may
be aucthorised hereafter.’ John Wolf (Arber, ii. 495).
n.d. The Queenes visiting of the Campe at Tilsburie with her
Entertainment there. Iohn Wolfe for Edward White. [At end, ‘T. D.’,
doubtless the initials of Thomas Deloney.]
Editions in A. F. Pollard, Tudor Tracts (England’s Garner2), 492, and F.
O. Mann, Deloney’s Works (1912).
B
S. R. 1588, Aug. 10 (Stallard). ‘A ioyfull songe of the Roiall Receaving
of the quenes maiestie into her Campe at Tilbery: the 8 and 9 of August
1588.’ John Wolf for Richard Jones (Arber, ii. 496). [It does not seem likely
that this entry relates to Aske’s book.]
C
1588. Elizabetha Triumphans. By James Aske. Thomas Orwin for
Thomas Gubbin and Thomas Newman.
Edition in Nichols, Eliz. ii. 545 (1823).
the morrow.
On the second day the challengers entered in a chariot ‘forewearied and
half overcome’ with a lady representing Desire, and a consort of music. A
herald made a speech for them. The defendants entered, and the tournay and
barriers followed. At the end a boy clad in ash colour and bearing an olive-
branch made submission of the challengers to the Queen.
Foulkes, lxiii. 49, says that a set of blank cheques for this tilt are in
Ashm. MS. 845, f. 166.
Tilbury Visit. 1588
There are or were three accounts:
A
S. R. 1588, Aug. 10. ‘The quenes visitinge the campe at Tilberye and her
enterteynement there the 8 and 9 of August 1588, with condicon yat yt may
be aucthorised hereafter.’ John Wolf (Arber, ii. 495).
n.d. The Queenes visiting of the Campe at Tilsburie with her
Entertainment there. Iohn Wolfe for Edward White. [At end, ‘T. D.’,
doubtless the initials of Thomas Deloney.]
Editions in A. F. Pollard, Tudor Tracts (England’s Garner2), 492, and F.
O. Mann, Deloney’s Works (1912).
B
S. R. 1588, Aug. 10 (Stallard). ‘A ioyfull songe of the Roiall Receaving
of the quenes maiestie into her Campe at Tilbery: the 8 and 9 of August
1588.’ John Wolf for Richard Jones (Arber, ii. 496). [It does not seem likely
that this entry relates to Aske’s book.]
C
1588. Elizabetha Triumphans. By James Aske. Thomas Orwin for
Thomas Gubbin and Thomas Newman.
Edition in Nichols, Eliz. ii. 545 (1823).
Page 93
The two extant narratives are discussed by M. Christy in E. H. R. xxxiv.
43.
Tilt-yard Entertainment. 17 Nov. 1590
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
Cowdray Entertainment. 1591
1591. The Speeches and Honorable Entertainment giuen to the Queenes
Maiestie in Progresse, at Cowdrey in Sussex, by the right Honorable the
Lord Montacute. Thomas Scarlet, sold by William Wright.
1591. The Honorable Entertainment.... Thomas Scarlet, sold by William
Wright. [A different text, with a fuller description, but without the words of
the songs, and inaccurately dated.]
Editions by J. Nichols, Eliz.2 iii. 90 (1823), and R. W. Bond, Lyly, i. 421
(1902).
The host was Anthony Browne, first Viscount Montague. Gascoigne’s
mask of 1572 was also written for him. Bond assigns the present
entertainment, conjecturally, to Lyly. McKerrow, 20, records that William
Barley, the stationer, was brought before the High Commission for selling at
Cowdray, on some date before 1598, a twopenny book relating to Her
Majesty’s progress.
The diary is as follows:
14 Aug. 1591. Speech by a Porter at the bridge on arrival at night.
15 Aug. Sunday: a day of rest.
16 Aug. Hunting in Park, and delivery of bow with a ditty by a Nymph.
17 Aug. Dinner at the Priory, where Lord Montague lodged, and
speeches in the walks by a Pilgrim and a Wild Man, at an oak hung with
Sussex escutcheons, and a ditty before hunting.
18 Aug. Speeches and ditty by an Angler and offering of fish by a Netter
at a pond in the walks before hunting.
19 Aug. Dance of country people with tabor and pipe.
20 Aug. Knighting, and departure to Chichester for dinner.
43.
Tilt-yard Entertainment. 17 Nov. 1590
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
Cowdray Entertainment. 1591
1591. The Speeches and Honorable Entertainment giuen to the Queenes
Maiestie in Progresse, at Cowdrey in Sussex, by the right Honorable the
Lord Montacute. Thomas Scarlet, sold by William Wright.
1591. The Honorable Entertainment.... Thomas Scarlet, sold by William
Wright. [A different text, with a fuller description, but without the words of
the songs, and inaccurately dated.]
Editions by J. Nichols, Eliz.2 iii. 90 (1823), and R. W. Bond, Lyly, i. 421
(1902).
The host was Anthony Browne, first Viscount Montague. Gascoigne’s
mask of 1572 was also written for him. Bond assigns the present
entertainment, conjecturally, to Lyly. McKerrow, 20, records that William
Barley, the stationer, was brought before the High Commission for selling at
Cowdray, on some date before 1598, a twopenny book relating to Her
Majesty’s progress.
The diary is as follows:
14 Aug. 1591. Speech by a Porter at the bridge on arrival at night.
15 Aug. Sunday: a day of rest.
16 Aug. Hunting in Park, and delivery of bow with a ditty by a Nymph.
17 Aug. Dinner at the Priory, where Lord Montague lodged, and
speeches in the walks by a Pilgrim and a Wild Man, at an oak hung with
Sussex escutcheons, and a ditty before hunting.
18 Aug. Speeches and ditty by an Angler and offering of fish by a Netter
at a pond in the walks before hunting.
19 Aug. Dance of country people with tabor and pipe.
20 Aug. Knighting, and departure to Chichester for dinner.
Page 94
Elvetham Entertainment. 1591
S. R. 1591, Oct. 1. ‘The honorable entertaynement gyven to the quenes
maiestie in progresse at Elvetham in Hampshire by the righte honorable the
Erle of Hertford.’ John Wolf (Arber, ii. 596).
1591. The Honorable Entertainement gieuen to the Queenes Maiestie in
Progresse, at Eluetham in Hampshire, by the right Honorable the Earle of
Hertford. John Wolfe. [There appear to be two editions or issues, (a)
without and (b) with a woodcut of the pond.]
1591.... Newly corrected and amended. [This has a woodcut of the pond,
different from that in (1) (b).]
Editions by J. Nichols, Eliz. ii. (1788), iii. 101 (1823), and R. W. Bond,
Lyly, i. 431.
Elizabeth was at Elvetham 20–23 Sept. 1591. The host was Edward
Seymour, Earl of Hertford. A Three Men’s Song of Phillida and Coridon,
which formed part of the Entertainment, is ascribed in England’s Helicon
(1600) and MSS. to Nicholas Breton. Bond ascribes the Entertainment to
Lyly. An account of the amusements is in ch. iv.
Bisham, Sudeley, and Rycote Entertainments. 1592
1592. Speeches deliuered to her Maiestie this last progresse, at the Right
Honorable the Lady Russels, at Bissam, the Right Honorable the Lorde
Chandos at Sudley, at the Right Honorable the Lord Norris, at Ricorte.
Joseph Barnes, Oxford. [There appear to be two issues, with slight
variants.]
Editions by J. Nichols, Eliz.2 iii. 130 (1823), Sir S. E. Brydges (1815),
and R. W. Bond, Lyly, i. 471 (1902).
Bisham
The hosts were Sir Edward Hoby and his mother, Elizabeth, Dowager
Lady Russell.
21 Aug. 1592. On arrival, at the top of the hill, speech by a Wild Man; at
the middle of the hill, dialogue of Pan and two Virgins, Sybilla and Isabella;
at the foot of the hill, ditty by Ceres and Nymphs in a harvest-cart, followed
by speech and gift of crown of wheat-ears and jewel.
S. R. 1591, Oct. 1. ‘The honorable entertaynement gyven to the quenes
maiestie in progresse at Elvetham in Hampshire by the righte honorable the
Erle of Hertford.’ John Wolf (Arber, ii. 596).
1591. The Honorable Entertainement gieuen to the Queenes Maiestie in
Progresse, at Eluetham in Hampshire, by the right Honorable the Earle of
Hertford. John Wolfe. [There appear to be two editions or issues, (a)
without and (b) with a woodcut of the pond.]
1591.... Newly corrected and amended. [This has a woodcut of the pond,
different from that in (1) (b).]
Editions by J. Nichols, Eliz. ii. (1788), iii. 101 (1823), and R. W. Bond,
Lyly, i. 431.
Elizabeth was at Elvetham 20–23 Sept. 1591. The host was Edward
Seymour, Earl of Hertford. A Three Men’s Song of Phillida and Coridon,
which formed part of the Entertainment, is ascribed in England’s Helicon
(1600) and MSS. to Nicholas Breton. Bond ascribes the Entertainment to
Lyly. An account of the amusements is in ch. iv.
Bisham, Sudeley, and Rycote Entertainments. 1592
1592. Speeches deliuered to her Maiestie this last progresse, at the Right
Honorable the Lady Russels, at Bissam, the Right Honorable the Lorde
Chandos at Sudley, at the Right Honorable the Lord Norris, at Ricorte.
Joseph Barnes, Oxford. [There appear to be two issues, with slight
variants.]
Editions by J. Nichols, Eliz.2 iii. 130 (1823), Sir S. E. Brydges (1815),
and R. W. Bond, Lyly, i. 471 (1902).
Bisham
The hosts were Sir Edward Hoby and his mother, Elizabeth, Dowager
Lady Russell.
21 Aug. 1592. On arrival, at the top of the hill, speech by a Wild Man; at
the middle of the hill, dialogue of Pan and two Virgins, Sybilla and Isabella;
at the foot of the hill, ditty by Ceres and Nymphs in a harvest-cart, followed
by speech and gift of crown of wheat-ears and jewel.
Page 95
Sudeley
The host was Giles Brydges, third Lord Chandos.
10 Sept. 1592. Speech of old Shepherd at entry to castle.
11 Sept. Show of Apollo and Daphne, with gift of tables of verses.
12 Sept. Contemplated Presentation of High Constable of Cotswold, and
Choosing of King and Queen by Shepherds, with song and dialogue of
Melibœus, Nisa, and Cutter of Cotswold—prevented by weather.
Rycote
The host was Henry, Lord Norris.
28 Sept. 1592. On arrival from Oxford, speech by an Old Gentleman
[Lord Norris].
2 Oct. Music in garden, with speech by Old Gentleman, and letters
containing jewels by messengers as from his sons in Ireland, Flanders, and
France.
3 Oct. At departure, letter with jewel as from daughter in Jersey.
Between Sudeley and Rycote, the Queen was entertained at Oxford (cf.
ch. iv) and Woodstock (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Sir Henry Lee).
Tilt-yard Entertainment. 17 Nov. 1595
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Peele, Anglorum Feriae.
Harefield Entertainment. 1602
Elizabeth was at Harefield Place, Middlesex, the house of Sir Thomas
Egerton, Lord Keeper, and his wife Alice, Countess Dowager of Derby,
from 31 July to 2 Aug. 1602. At the same house Milton’s Arcades was
performed before Lady Derby in 1634. Seven fragments of the
entertainment have been preserved, and are printed by Nichols, Eliz. iii.
570, 586, and Bond, Lyly, i. 491. Accounts of expenditure involved, and a
list of the gifts in kind contributed by Egerton’s friends on this occasion are
in Egerton Papers, 340, but the account in 342–4 is a forgery (vide infra).
(i) Dialogue between a Bailiff and Dairymaid, and presentation of a rake
and fork to the Queen, as she entered the demesne near the dairy house.
The host was Giles Brydges, third Lord Chandos.
10 Sept. 1592. Speech of old Shepherd at entry to castle.
11 Sept. Show of Apollo and Daphne, with gift of tables of verses.
12 Sept. Contemplated Presentation of High Constable of Cotswold, and
Choosing of King and Queen by Shepherds, with song and dialogue of
Melibœus, Nisa, and Cutter of Cotswold—prevented by weather.
Rycote
The host was Henry, Lord Norris.
28 Sept. 1592. On arrival from Oxford, speech by an Old Gentleman
[Lord Norris].
2 Oct. Music in garden, with speech by Old Gentleman, and letters
containing jewels by messengers as from his sons in Ireland, Flanders, and
France.
3 Oct. At departure, letter with jewel as from daughter in Jersey.
Between Sudeley and Rycote, the Queen was entertained at Oxford (cf.
ch. iv) and Woodstock (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Sir Henry Lee).
Tilt-yard Entertainment. 17 Nov. 1595
See ch. xxiii, s.v. Peele, Anglorum Feriae.
Harefield Entertainment. 1602
Elizabeth was at Harefield Place, Middlesex, the house of Sir Thomas
Egerton, Lord Keeper, and his wife Alice, Countess Dowager of Derby,
from 31 July to 2 Aug. 1602. At the same house Milton’s Arcades was
performed before Lady Derby in 1634. Seven fragments of the
entertainment have been preserved, and are printed by Nichols, Eliz. iii.
570, 586, and Bond, Lyly, i. 491. Accounts of expenditure involved, and a
list of the gifts in kind contributed by Egerton’s friends on this occasion are
in Egerton Papers, 340, but the account in 342–4 is a forgery (vide infra).
(i) Dialogue between a Bailiff and Dairymaid, and presentation of a rake
and fork to the Queen, as she entered the demesne near the dairy house.
Page 96
(ii) Dialogue at the steps of the house, and presentation of a heart, by
Place ‘in a partie-colored roobe, like the brick house’ and Time ‘with
yeollow haire, and in a green roabe, with an hower glasse, stopped, not
runninge’.
(iii) Verse petition accompanying gift of a robe of rainbows on behalf of
St. Swithin by Lady Walsingham on Monday morning [2 Aug.].
(iv) Farewell of Place, ‘attyred in black mourning aparell’ on the
Queen’s departure, with presentation of an anchor.
(v) Verse ‘Complaint of the Satyres against the Nymphes’.
(vi) Song and speech by a Mariner, who entered the ‘presence’ with a
lottery box, ‘supposed to come from the Carricke’.
(vii) ‘The Severall Lottes’, a list of gifts and blanks, with a poesy
accompanying each, and the names of the ladies who drew them. These
were the Queen, the Dowager Countess of Derby, the Countesses of Derby,
Worcester, and Warwick, Lady Scroope, Mistresses Nevill, Thynne,
Hastinges, and Bridges, Ladies Scudamore, Francis, Knevette, and Susan
Vere, Mrs. Vavissour, Ladies Southwell and Anne Clifford, Mrs. Hyde,
Ladies Kildare, Howard of Effingham and Paget, Mistresses Kiddermister
and Strangwidge, the Mother of the Maids, Ladies Cumberland,
Walsingham, and Newton, Mrs. Wharton, Ladies Digbye and Dorothy
[Hastinges] and Mrs. Anselowe. One name, ending in ‘liffe’ is illegible. It
may be Ratcliffe. One MS. adds three lots assigned to ‘country wenches’.
Most of these ladies were maids of honour and others who came with the
court; one or two, e.g. Mrs. Kiddermister, were country neighbours of the
Egerton’s.
These pieces are derived from various sources:
(a) A transcript made by R. Churton in 1803 of a contemporary MS.
found at Arbury, the house of Sir Roger Newdigate, to whose family
Harefield passed in 1675, contains (i)-(v) and was printed by Nichols.
(b) A Conway MS., printed by P. Cunningham in Sh. Soc. Papers, ii. 65,
contains (iii), the song from (vi), and (vii), with the heading ‘The Devise to
entertayne hir Mty at Harfielde ...’ and the date 1602.
Place ‘in a partie-colored roobe, like the brick house’ and Time ‘with
yeollow haire, and in a green roabe, with an hower glasse, stopped, not
runninge’.
(iii) Verse petition accompanying gift of a robe of rainbows on behalf of
St. Swithin by Lady Walsingham on Monday morning [2 Aug.].
(iv) Farewell of Place, ‘attyred in black mourning aparell’ on the
Queen’s departure, with presentation of an anchor.
(v) Verse ‘Complaint of the Satyres against the Nymphes’.
(vi) Song and speech by a Mariner, who entered the ‘presence’ with a
lottery box, ‘supposed to come from the Carricke’.
(vii) ‘The Severall Lottes’, a list of gifts and blanks, with a poesy
accompanying each, and the names of the ladies who drew them. These
were the Queen, the Dowager Countess of Derby, the Countesses of Derby,
Worcester, and Warwick, Lady Scroope, Mistresses Nevill, Thynne,
Hastinges, and Bridges, Ladies Scudamore, Francis, Knevette, and Susan
Vere, Mrs. Vavissour, Ladies Southwell and Anne Clifford, Mrs. Hyde,
Ladies Kildare, Howard of Effingham and Paget, Mistresses Kiddermister
and Strangwidge, the Mother of the Maids, Ladies Cumberland,
Walsingham, and Newton, Mrs. Wharton, Ladies Digbye and Dorothy
[Hastinges] and Mrs. Anselowe. One name, ending in ‘liffe’ is illegible. It
may be Ratcliffe. One MS. adds three lots assigned to ‘country wenches’.
Most of these ladies were maids of honour and others who came with the
court; one or two, e.g. Mrs. Kiddermister, were country neighbours of the
Egerton’s.
These pieces are derived from various sources:
(a) A transcript made by R. Churton in 1803 of a contemporary MS.
found at Arbury, the house of Sir Roger Newdigate, to whose family
Harefield passed in 1675, contains (i)-(v) and was printed by Nichols.
(b) A Conway MS., printed by P. Cunningham in Sh. Soc. Papers, ii. 65,
contains (iii), the song from (vi), and (vii), with the heading ‘The Devise to
entertayne hir Mty at Harfielde ...’ and the date 1602.
Page 97
(c) The second edition (1608) of Francis Davison’s Poetical Rhapsody
contains the speech from (vi) and (vii), with the incorrect indication ‘at the
Lord Chancellor’s house, 1601’, which misled Nichols into supposing it to
belong to some entertainment at York Place, the year before that of
Harefield. The item comes between two pieces by Sir John Davies and has
the initials J. D.
(d) The diary of John Manningham (Harl. MS. 5353, f. 95) contains
amongst entries of Feb. 1603 some extracts from (i) and (vii), dating the
latter in ‘the last Sumer at hir Mties being with the L. Keeper’.
(e) A contemporary MS., printed as Poetical Miscellanies (Percy Soc.
lv), 5, has (vii) dated 1602.
(f) Talbot MS. K, f. 43, in the College of Arms, contains (iv) as given at
‘Harville’ with the date ‘Aug. 1602’ and is printed by Lodge, ii. 560.
(g) B.M. Birch MS. 4173 contains a similar copy of (iv).
On the strength of the Poetical Rhapsody, (vii) is generally assigned to
Sir John Davies, which hardly justified Dr. Grosart in assigning all the
pieces to him (Works, ii, clxxii). Bond transferred the whole to Lyly,
primarily as a conjecture, but was confirmed in his view by finding in
Egerton Papers, 343, a payment to ‘Mr Lillyes man, which brought the
lotterye boxe to Harefield’. But the document in which this is found, and
which also contains the item ‘xli to Burbidges players for Othello’, is one of
Collier’s forgeries (Ingleby, 261).
John Chamberlain (Letters, 164, 169) sent Dudley Carleton ‘the Quenes
entertainment at the Lord Kepers’ on 19 Nov. 1602, and on 23 Dec. wrote
that, as Carleton liked the Lord Keeper’s devices so ill, he had not cared to
get Sir Robert Cecil’s (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Cecil).
Progress from Scotland. 1603
There were several contemporary prints:
A
S. R. 1603, May 9. ‘Kinge James his entrance into England.’ Burby and
Millington (Arber, iii. 234).
contains the speech from (vi) and (vii), with the incorrect indication ‘at the
Lord Chancellor’s house, 1601’, which misled Nichols into supposing it to
belong to some entertainment at York Place, the year before that of
Harefield. The item comes between two pieces by Sir John Davies and has
the initials J. D.
(d) The diary of John Manningham (Harl. MS. 5353, f. 95) contains
amongst entries of Feb. 1603 some extracts from (i) and (vii), dating the
latter in ‘the last Sumer at hir Mties being with the L. Keeper’.
(e) A contemporary MS., printed as Poetical Miscellanies (Percy Soc.
lv), 5, has (vii) dated 1602.
(f) Talbot MS. K, f. 43, in the College of Arms, contains (iv) as given at
‘Harville’ with the date ‘Aug. 1602’ and is printed by Lodge, ii. 560.
(g) B.M. Birch MS. 4173 contains a similar copy of (iv).
On the strength of the Poetical Rhapsody, (vii) is generally assigned to
Sir John Davies, which hardly justified Dr. Grosart in assigning all the
pieces to him (Works, ii, clxxii). Bond transferred the whole to Lyly,
primarily as a conjecture, but was confirmed in his view by finding in
Egerton Papers, 343, a payment to ‘Mr Lillyes man, which brought the
lotterye boxe to Harefield’. But the document in which this is found, and
which also contains the item ‘xli to Burbidges players for Othello’, is one of
Collier’s forgeries (Ingleby, 261).
John Chamberlain (Letters, 164, 169) sent Dudley Carleton ‘the Quenes
entertainment at the Lord Kepers’ on 19 Nov. 1602, and on 23 Dec. wrote
that, as Carleton liked the Lord Keeper’s devices so ill, he had not cared to
get Sir Robert Cecil’s (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Cecil).
Progress from Scotland. 1603
There were several contemporary prints:
A
S. R. 1603, May 9. ‘Kinge James his entrance into England.’ Burby and
Millington (Arber, iii. 234).
Page 98
1603. The True Narration of the Entertainment of his Royal Majestie.
Thomas Creede for Thomas Millington. [Epistle by T. M. to Reader.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), i. 53, and C. H. Firth, Stuart Tracts
(English Garner2), 11.
B
S. R. 1603, May 14. ‘King James his entertainement at Theobaldes, with
his welcomme to London.’ Thomas Snodham (Arber, iii. 234).
1603. King James his entertainment at Theobalds: With his Welcome to
London. By John Sauile. Thomas Snodham, sold by T. Este.
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), i. 135, and C. H. Firth, Stuart Tracts,
53.
C
S. R. 1604, Mar. 27. ‘The tyme Triumphant.’ Ralph Blore (Arber, iii.
256).
1604. The Time Triumphant, Declaring in brief the arrival of our
Sovereign liege Lord, King James, into England, His Coronation at
Westminster, ... [&c.]. By Gilbert Dugdale. By R. B.
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), i. 408, and C. H. Firth, Stuart Tracts,
69.
D
Jonson’s Althorp Entertainment (cf. ch. xxiii).
E
S. R. 1603, June 16. A ballad of ‘Englandes sweet Comfort with the
kinges entertaynmente by the Maior of Yorke’. William White (Arber, iii.
238).
There is also an account in Stowe, Annales (1631), 819. For the stages of
the progress cf. App. A. Besides the device at Althorp, speeches were
prepared by Dekker for the entry to London, but not used (cf. s.a. 1604).
Coronation Triumph. 1604
Thomas Creede for Thomas Millington. [Epistle by T. M. to Reader.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), i. 53, and C. H. Firth, Stuart Tracts
(English Garner2), 11.
B
S. R. 1603, May 14. ‘King James his entertainement at Theobaldes, with
his welcomme to London.’ Thomas Snodham (Arber, iii. 234).
1603. King James his entertainment at Theobalds: With his Welcome to
London. By John Sauile. Thomas Snodham, sold by T. Este.
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), i. 135, and C. H. Firth, Stuart Tracts,
53.
C
S. R. 1604, Mar. 27. ‘The tyme Triumphant.’ Ralph Blore (Arber, iii.
256).
1604. The Time Triumphant, Declaring in brief the arrival of our
Sovereign liege Lord, King James, into England, His Coronation at
Westminster, ... [&c.]. By Gilbert Dugdale. By R. B.
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), i. 408, and C. H. Firth, Stuart Tracts,
69.
D
Jonson’s Althorp Entertainment (cf. ch. xxiii).
E
S. R. 1603, June 16. A ballad of ‘Englandes sweet Comfort with the
kinges entertaynmente by the Maior of Yorke’. William White (Arber, iii.
238).
There is also an account in Stowe, Annales (1631), 819. For the stages of
the progress cf. App. A. Besides the device at Althorp, speeches were
prepared by Dekker for the entry to London, but not used (cf. s.a. 1604).
Coronation Triumph. 1604
Page 99
There are four contemporary prints:
A
S. R. 1604, Apr. 2 (Pasfield). ‘The magnificent Entertainement ... the 15
of marche 1603.’ Thomas Man junior (Arber, iii. 258).
1604. The Magnificent Entertainment: Giuen to King Iames, Queene
Anne his wife, and Henry Frederick the Prince, vpon the day of his
Maiesties Tryumphant Passage (from the Tower) through the Honourable
Citie (and Chamber) of London, being the 15. of March, 1603. As well by
the English as by the Strangers: With the speeches and Songes, deliuered in
the seuerall Pageants. Tho. Dekker. T. C. for Tho. Man the younger.
1604. The Whole Magnificent Entertainment.... And those speeches that
before were publish’t in Latin, now newly set forthe in English. E. Allde for
Tho. Man the younger.
1604. Thomas Finlason, Edinburgh.
Editions in Nichols, James, i. 337, and Somers Tracts (1810), iii. 1.
The speeches for three of the pageants were Jonson’s, and some of those
for a fourth Middleton’s. Two others were in Latin. But Dekker himself
probably contributed the rest. Prefixed is a dialogue intended, but not used,
for James’s original entry into London in 1603, which may also be assigned
to Dekker.
B
Jonson’s Coronation Entertainment (cf. ch. xxiii).
C
1604. The Arches of Triumph Erected in honor of the High and mighty
prince, James, the first of that name, King of England, and the sixt of
Scotland, at his Maiesties Entrance and passage through his Honorable
Citty and chamber of London, vpon the 15th day of March 1603. Invented
and published by Stephen Harrison Joyner and Architect: and graven by
William Kip. John Windet. [Verses by Thomas Dekker and John Webster.]
1604.... John Windet, sold by John Sudbury and George Humble.
A
S. R. 1604, Apr. 2 (Pasfield). ‘The magnificent Entertainement ... the 15
of marche 1603.’ Thomas Man junior (Arber, iii. 258).
1604. The Magnificent Entertainment: Giuen to King Iames, Queene
Anne his wife, and Henry Frederick the Prince, vpon the day of his
Maiesties Tryumphant Passage (from the Tower) through the Honourable
Citie (and Chamber) of London, being the 15. of March, 1603. As well by
the English as by the Strangers: With the speeches and Songes, deliuered in
the seuerall Pageants. Tho. Dekker. T. C. for Tho. Man the younger.
1604. The Whole Magnificent Entertainment.... And those speeches that
before were publish’t in Latin, now newly set forthe in English. E. Allde for
Tho. Man the younger.
1604. Thomas Finlason, Edinburgh.
Editions in Nichols, James, i. 337, and Somers Tracts (1810), iii. 1.
The speeches for three of the pageants were Jonson’s, and some of those
for a fourth Middleton’s. Two others were in Latin. But Dekker himself
probably contributed the rest. Prefixed is a dialogue intended, but not used,
for James’s original entry into London in 1603, which may also be assigned
to Dekker.
B
Jonson’s Coronation Entertainment (cf. ch. xxiii).
C
1604. The Arches of Triumph Erected in honor of the High and mighty
prince, James, the first of that name, King of England, and the sixt of
Scotland, at his Maiesties Entrance and passage through his Honorable
Citty and chamber of London, vpon the 15th day of March 1603. Invented
and published by Stephen Harrison Joyner and Architect: and graven by
William Kip. John Windet. [Verses by Thomas Dekker and John Webster.]
1604.... John Windet, sold by John Sudbury and George Humble.
Page 100
D
G. Dugdale’s Time Triumphant. See s.a. 1603.
There is also an account in Stowe, Annales, 835, based on A. Some
ballads are registered in Arber, iii. 255–7, and various verses and other
illustrative materials are printed by Nichols. A list of the pageants is in ch.
iv.
Entertainment of King of Denmark. 1606
There are four contemporary prints:
A
S. R. 1606, July 30 (Wilson). ‘The Kinge of Denmarkes entertainement
at Tilberie Hope by the kinge &c.’ Henry Robertes (Arber, iii. 327).
1606. The Most royall and Honourable entertainement, of the famous
and renowmed King, Christiern the fourth, King of Denmarke, &c.... With
the royall passage on Thursday the 31. of July, thorough the Citty of
London, and honorable shewes there presented them, and maner of their
passing. By H. R. W. Barley for H. R. [Epistle to Sir Thomas Smith, signed
‘Hen. Robarts’.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 54, and Harleian Miscellany, ix.
431.
B
S. R. 1606, Aug. 19 (Wilson). ‘A Booke called Englandes farewell to
Christian the Ffourthe kinge of Denmarke With a Relacon of suche shewes
and seuerall pastymes presented to his Maiestie, as well at Courte the ffirste
of Auguste as in other places since his honorable passage through the Cytie
of London &c.’ William Welbye (Arber, iii. 328).
1606. Englands Farewell to Christian the fourth, famous King of
Denmarke. By H. Roberts. For William Welby. [Epistle to Sir John Jolles,
signed ‘H. Roberts’.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 75, and Harleian Miscellany, ix.
440.
G. Dugdale’s Time Triumphant. See s.a. 1603.
There is also an account in Stowe, Annales, 835, based on A. Some
ballads are registered in Arber, iii. 255–7, and various verses and other
illustrative materials are printed by Nichols. A list of the pageants is in ch.
iv.
Entertainment of King of Denmark. 1606
There are four contemporary prints:
A
S. R. 1606, July 30 (Wilson). ‘The Kinge of Denmarkes entertainement
at Tilberie Hope by the kinge &c.’ Henry Robertes (Arber, iii. 327).
1606. The Most royall and Honourable entertainement, of the famous
and renowmed King, Christiern the fourth, King of Denmarke, &c.... With
the royall passage on Thursday the 31. of July, thorough the Citty of
London, and honorable shewes there presented them, and maner of their
passing. By H. R. W. Barley for H. R. [Epistle to Sir Thomas Smith, signed
‘Hen. Robarts’.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 54, and Harleian Miscellany, ix.
431.
B
S. R. 1606, Aug. 19 (Wilson). ‘A Booke called Englandes farewell to
Christian the Ffourthe kinge of Denmarke With a Relacon of suche shewes
and seuerall pastymes presented to his Maiestie, as well at Courte the ffirste
of Auguste as in other places since his honorable passage through the Cytie
of London &c.’ William Welbye (Arber, iii. 328).
1606. Englands Farewell to Christian the fourth, famous King of
Denmarke. By H. Roberts. For William Welby. [Epistle to Sir John Jolles,
signed ‘H. Roberts’.]
Editions in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 75, and Harleian Miscellany, ix.
440.
Page 101
C
Jonson’s Entertainment of the King of Denmark at Theobalds (cf. ch.
xxiii).
D
S. R. 1606, Aug. 8 (Hartwell). ‘A booke called the Kinge of Denmarkes
welcomme into England &c.’ Edward Allde (Arber, iii. 327).
1606. The King of Denmarkes welcome: Containing his arriual, abode,
and entertainement, both in the Citie and other places. Edward Allde.
Extracts in Nichols, James (1828), iv. 1072.
There are also an account in Stowe, Annales, 885, and a Relatio oder
Erzehlung wie ... Christianus IV, &c. im Königreich Engellandt angelanget
(1607, Hamburg). For the itinerary cf. App. A. Bond, Lyly, i. 505, prints a
song at Theobalds on 24 July and a pastoral dialogue in Fleet Street on 31
July as possibly Lyly’s.
The Christmas Prince. 1607–8
[MS.] St. John’s College, Oxford, MS. ‘A True and Faithfull Relation of
the Risinge and Fall of Thomas Tucker, Prince of Alba Fortunata, Lord of
St. John’s,’ &c. The writer is said (D. N. B.) to be Griffin Higgs, but the
evidence is inadequate.
Edition [by P. Bliss], An Account of the Christmas Prince (1816,
Miscellanea Antiqua Anglicana). Another is planned in M. S. R.
This is the narrative of a lordship of misrule at St. John’s during the
Christmas of 1607–8. The MS. includes the text of a number of plays and
shows. Unfortunately Bliss omits the text of these, with the exception of
one called The Seven Days of the Week. The others were Ara Fortunae,
Saturnalia, Philomela, Time’s Complaint, Somnium Fundatoris,
Philomathes, Yuletide, Ira seu Tumulus Fortunae, Periander (an English
play). Others were planned, but not given; cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 409.
Chesters Triumph. 23 April 1610
S. R. 1610, June 12 (Wilson). ‘A booke called Chesters Triumph in
honour of ye Prince, as it was performed vpon Saincte Georges Day 1610 in
Jonson’s Entertainment of the King of Denmark at Theobalds (cf. ch.
xxiii).
D
S. R. 1606, Aug. 8 (Hartwell). ‘A booke called the Kinge of Denmarkes
welcomme into England &c.’ Edward Allde (Arber, iii. 327).
1606. The King of Denmarkes welcome: Containing his arriual, abode,
and entertainement, both in the Citie and other places. Edward Allde.
Extracts in Nichols, James (1828), iv. 1072.
There are also an account in Stowe, Annales, 885, and a Relatio oder
Erzehlung wie ... Christianus IV, &c. im Königreich Engellandt angelanget
(1607, Hamburg). For the itinerary cf. App. A. Bond, Lyly, i. 505, prints a
song at Theobalds on 24 July and a pastoral dialogue in Fleet Street on 31
July as possibly Lyly’s.
The Christmas Prince. 1607–8
[MS.] St. John’s College, Oxford, MS. ‘A True and Faithfull Relation of
the Risinge and Fall of Thomas Tucker, Prince of Alba Fortunata, Lord of
St. John’s,’ &c. The writer is said (D. N. B.) to be Griffin Higgs, but the
evidence is inadequate.
Edition [by P. Bliss], An Account of the Christmas Prince (1816,
Miscellanea Antiqua Anglicana). Another is planned in M. S. R.
This is the narrative of a lordship of misrule at St. John’s during the
Christmas of 1607–8. The MS. includes the text of a number of plays and
shows. Unfortunately Bliss omits the text of these, with the exception of
one called The Seven Days of the Week. The others were Ara Fortunae,
Saturnalia, Philomela, Time’s Complaint, Somnium Fundatoris,
Philomathes, Yuletide, Ira seu Tumulus Fortunae, Periander (an English
play). Others were planned, but not given; cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 409.
Chesters Triumph. 23 April 1610
S. R. 1610, June 12 (Wilson). ‘A booke called Chesters Triumph in
honour of ye Prince, as it was performed vpon Saincte Georges Day 1610 in
Page 102
thaforesayd Citty.’ John Browne (Arber, iii. 436).
1610. Chesters Triumph in Honor of her Prince. As it was performed
vpon S. Georges Day 1610, in the foresaid Citie. For I. B. [The name of
Robert Amerie appears at the end. A preface and one poem are by R.
Davies.]
Editions in Nichols, James, ii. 291 (1828), and in Chetham Soc.
publications (1844).
G. Ormerod, Hist. of Cheshire (1882), i. 381, gives a description of the
show from a shorter account or programme in Harl. MS. 2150, f. 186,
indexed (f. 3v) as ‘Mr. Amory’s new shew invented by him’. This is
confirmed by the lines:
Amor is loue and Amory is his name,
That did begin this pompe and princelye game.
Camp-Bell. 29 Oct. 1609
n.d. [1609?] Running title: Campbell, or The Ironmongers Faire Field.
[The only known copy (B.M. C. 33, E. 7) lacks the t.p. and sig. A. Thomas
Campbell was mayor in 1609. For his grandson, James Campbell, mayor in
1629, Dekker wrote London’s Tempe, or The Field of Happines.]
Greg, Masques, 21, assigns this to Munday, without stating his grounds.
London’s Love to Prince Henry. 31 May 1610
1610. Londons Loue, to the royal Prince Henrie, meeting him on the
Riuer of Thames, at his returne from Richmonde, with a worthie fleete of
her Cittizens, on Thursday the last of May, 1610. With a breife reporte of
the water Fight, and Fire workes. Edward Allde, for Nathaniel Fosbrooke.
[Epistle to Sir Thomas Campbell, Lord Mayor.]
Edition by J. Nichols, James, ii. 315 (1828).
It appears from the city records that the device was by Munday, and that
Richard Burbadge and John Rice of the King’s men delivered the speeches
as Amphion and Corinea; cf. Repertory, xxix, f. 232v, and Letter Book
D.D., f. 148v, quoted by Halliwell-Phillipps in Athenaeum (19 May 1888),
Stopes, Burbage, 108, and C. W. Wallace in Times (28 March 1913).
Doubtless Munday also wrote the description.
1610. Chesters Triumph in Honor of her Prince. As it was performed
vpon S. Georges Day 1610, in the foresaid Citie. For I. B. [The name of
Robert Amerie appears at the end. A preface and one poem are by R.
Davies.]
Editions in Nichols, James, ii. 291 (1828), and in Chetham Soc.
publications (1844).
G. Ormerod, Hist. of Cheshire (1882), i. 381, gives a description of the
show from a shorter account or programme in Harl. MS. 2150, f. 186,
indexed (f. 3v) as ‘Mr. Amory’s new shew invented by him’. This is
confirmed by the lines:
Amor is loue and Amory is his name,
That did begin this pompe and princelye game.
Camp-Bell. 29 Oct. 1609
n.d. [1609?] Running title: Campbell, or The Ironmongers Faire Field.
[The only known copy (B.M. C. 33, E. 7) lacks the t.p. and sig. A. Thomas
Campbell was mayor in 1609. For his grandson, James Campbell, mayor in
1629, Dekker wrote London’s Tempe, or The Field of Happines.]
Greg, Masques, 21, assigns this to Munday, without stating his grounds.
London’s Love to Prince Henry. 31 May 1610
1610. Londons Loue, to the royal Prince Henrie, meeting him on the
Riuer of Thames, at his returne from Richmonde, with a worthie fleete of
her Cittizens, on Thursday the last of May, 1610. With a breife reporte of
the water Fight, and Fire workes. Edward Allde, for Nathaniel Fosbrooke.
[Epistle to Sir Thomas Campbell, Lord Mayor.]
Edition by J. Nichols, James, ii. 315 (1828).
It appears from the city records that the device was by Munday, and that
Richard Burbadge and John Rice of the King’s men delivered the speeches
as Amphion and Corinea; cf. Repertory, xxix, f. 232v, and Letter Book
D.D., f. 148v, quoted by Halliwell-Phillipps in Athenaeum (19 May 1888),
Stopes, Burbage, 108, and C. W. Wallace in Times (28 March 1913).
Doubtless Munday also wrote the description.
Page 103
Creation of Henry Prince of Wales. 4 June 1610
S. R. 1610, June 14 (Mokett). ‘A booke called, The creation of the
Prince, by master Danyell Price.’ Roger Jackson (Arber, iii. 436).
1610. The Order and Solemnitie of the Creation of the High and mightie
Prince Henrie, Eldest Sonne to our sacred Soueraigne, Prince of Wales,
Duke of Cornewall, Earle of Chester, &c. As it was celebrated in the
Parliament House, on Munday the fourth of Iunne last past. Together with
the Ceremonies of the Knights of the Bath, and other matters of speciall
regard, incident to the same. Whereunto is annexed the Royall Maske,
presented by the Queene and her Ladies, on Wednesday at night following.
For John Budge. [The Mask is Daniel’s Tethys’ Festival, with a separate
t.p.]
Editions in W. Scott, Somers Tracts (1809–15), ii. 183, and Nichols,
James (1828), ii. 324.
The ceremonies are also described in Stowe, Annales (1615), 899, and in
MSS. of W. Camden quoted by Nichols.
The diary is:
31 May 1610. City reception with water pageant.
4 June. Creation.
5 June. Daniel’s mask.
6 June. Tilt; fireworks; sea-fight.
Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth. 1613
The most important descriptions, besides the masks of Campion,
Beaumont, and Chapman (q.v.), are.
A
S. R. 1613, Feb. 18 (Mokett). ‘A booke called The Mariage of the twoo
great prynces Ffriderick Counte Palatine and the Lady Elizabeth &c with
the shewes and fierwoorkes on the Water, the maskes and Revels at the
Courte.’ William Barley (Arber, iii. 516).
1613. The Magnificent Marriage of the two great princes Frederick
Count Palatine, &c. and the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to the Imperial
Majesties of King James and Queen Anne, to the Comfort of All Great
S. R. 1610, June 14 (Mokett). ‘A booke called, The creation of the
Prince, by master Danyell Price.’ Roger Jackson (Arber, iii. 436).
1610. The Order and Solemnitie of the Creation of the High and mightie
Prince Henrie, Eldest Sonne to our sacred Soueraigne, Prince of Wales,
Duke of Cornewall, Earle of Chester, &c. As it was celebrated in the
Parliament House, on Munday the fourth of Iunne last past. Together with
the Ceremonies of the Knights of the Bath, and other matters of speciall
regard, incident to the same. Whereunto is annexed the Royall Maske,
presented by the Queene and her Ladies, on Wednesday at night following.
For John Budge. [The Mask is Daniel’s Tethys’ Festival, with a separate
t.p.]
Editions in W. Scott, Somers Tracts (1809–15), ii. 183, and Nichols,
James (1828), ii. 324.
The ceremonies are also described in Stowe, Annales (1615), 899, and in
MSS. of W. Camden quoted by Nichols.
The diary is:
31 May 1610. City reception with water pageant.
4 June. Creation.
5 June. Daniel’s mask.
6 June. Tilt; fireworks; sea-fight.
Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth. 1613
The most important descriptions, besides the masks of Campion,
Beaumont, and Chapman (q.v.), are.
A
S. R. 1613, Feb. 18 (Mokett). ‘A booke called The Mariage of the twoo
great prynces Ffriderick Counte Palatine and the Lady Elizabeth &c with
the shewes and fierwoorkes on the Water, the maskes and Revels at the
Courte.’ William Barley (Arber, iii. 516).
1613. The Magnificent Marriage of the two great princes Frederick
Count Palatine, &c. and the Lady Elizabeth, Daughter to the Imperial
Majesties of King James and Queen Anne, to the Comfort of All Great
Page 104
Britain. Now the second time imprinted, with many new additions of the
same Tryumphes, performed by the Gentlemen of the Innes of Court in the
Kings Pallace at Whitehall. T. C. for W. Barley. [Nichols says that a
manuscript copy of the first edition is in Addl. MS. 5767.]
Editions in W. Scott, Somers Tracts (1809–15), iii. 35, and Nichols,
James (1828), ii. 536.
B
1613. Heavens Blessing and Earths Joy: or, a True Relation of the
Supposed Sea-Fights and Fire-Workes as were Accomplished before the
Royall Celebration of the All-beloved Marriage of the two Peerlesse
Paragons of Christendome, Fredericke and Elizabeth. By John Taylor, the
Water Poet. For Joseph Hunt, sold by John Wright.
1630. [Part of Taylor’s Works.]
Edition in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 527.
C
1613. Beschreibung der Reiss: Empfahung des Ritterlichen Ordens:
Volbringung des Heyraths: vnd glückliche Heimführung: Wie auch der
ansehnlichen Einführung, gehaltene Ritterspiel vnd Freudenfests des
Durchleuchtigsten Hochgeboren Fürsten und Herrn Friedrichen des Fünften
... mit der ... Princessin Elisabethen. G. Vögelin, Heidelberg. [Of this there
is also a French translation, Les Triomphes ... pour le Mariage et Reception
de Monseigneur le Prince Frederic V ... et de Madame Elisabeth. 1613.]
D
A distinct French account in Mercure François, iii. 72.
For other accounts, extant and lost, and verses, cf. Arber, iii. 499, 514–
18; Nichols, ii. *463, 536, 601, 624; Rimbault, 161–3; M. A. Green,
Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia, 36.
The diary is:
16 Oct. 1612. Arrival of Frederick at Gravesend.
18 Oct. Reception at Court.
29 Oct. Visit to Guildhall.
same Tryumphes, performed by the Gentlemen of the Innes of Court in the
Kings Pallace at Whitehall. T. C. for W. Barley. [Nichols says that a
manuscript copy of the first edition is in Addl. MS. 5767.]
Editions in W. Scott, Somers Tracts (1809–15), iii. 35, and Nichols,
James (1828), ii. 536.
B
1613. Heavens Blessing and Earths Joy: or, a True Relation of the
Supposed Sea-Fights and Fire-Workes as were Accomplished before the
Royall Celebration of the All-beloved Marriage of the two Peerlesse
Paragons of Christendome, Fredericke and Elizabeth. By John Taylor, the
Water Poet. For Joseph Hunt, sold by John Wright.
1630. [Part of Taylor’s Works.]
Edition in Nichols, James (1828), ii. 527.
C
1613. Beschreibung der Reiss: Empfahung des Ritterlichen Ordens:
Volbringung des Heyraths: vnd glückliche Heimführung: Wie auch der
ansehnlichen Einführung, gehaltene Ritterspiel vnd Freudenfests des
Durchleuchtigsten Hochgeboren Fürsten und Herrn Friedrichen des Fünften
... mit der ... Princessin Elisabethen. G. Vögelin, Heidelberg. [Of this there
is also a French translation, Les Triomphes ... pour le Mariage et Reception
de Monseigneur le Prince Frederic V ... et de Madame Elisabeth. 1613.]
D
A distinct French account in Mercure François, iii. 72.
For other accounts, extant and lost, and verses, cf. Arber, iii. 499, 514–
18; Nichols, ii. *463, 536, 601, 624; Rimbault, 161–3; M. A. Green,
Elizabeth Queen of Bohemia, 36.
The diary is:
16 Oct. 1612. Arrival of Frederick at Gravesend.
18 Oct. Reception at Court.
29 Oct. Visit to Guildhall.
Page 105
21 Dec. Investiture with Garter.
27 Dec. Betrothal.
7 Feb. 1613. Garter installation.
11 and 13 Feb. Fireworks and sea-triumph at Whitehall.
14 Feb. Wedding. Campion’s mask.
15 Feb. Running at the ring. Chapman’s mask.
21 Feb. Beaumont’s mask.
Bristol Entertainment. 1613
[MS.] Calendar by William Adams, penes C. J. Harford (in 1828).
S. R. 1613, Oct. 8 (Mason). ‘A booke called the Queenes Maiesties
entertaynement at Bristoll.’ John Budge (Arber, iii. 533).
1613. A Relation of the Royall, Magnificent, and Sumptuous
Entertainment given to the High and Mighty Princesse Queen Anne, at the
Renowned Citie of Bristoll, by the Mayor, Sheriffes, and Aldermen thereof;
in the moneth of June last past, 1613. Together with the Oration, Gifts,
Triumphes, Water-combats and other Showes there made. For John Budge.
[Epistle by Robert Naile.]
Editions in Bristol Memorialist, No. 3 (1816), and Nichols, James, ii.
648 (1828).
27 Dec. Betrothal.
7 Feb. 1613. Garter installation.
11 and 13 Feb. Fireworks and sea-triumph at Whitehall.
14 Feb. Wedding. Campion’s mask.
15 Feb. Running at the ring. Chapman’s mask.
21 Feb. Beaumont’s mask.
Bristol Entertainment. 1613
[MS.] Calendar by William Adams, penes C. J. Harford (in 1828).
S. R. 1613, Oct. 8 (Mason). ‘A booke called the Queenes Maiesties
entertaynement at Bristoll.’ John Budge (Arber, iii. 533).
1613. A Relation of the Royall, Magnificent, and Sumptuous
Entertainment given to the High and Mighty Princesse Queen Anne, at the
Renowned Citie of Bristoll, by the Mayor, Sheriffes, and Aldermen thereof;
in the moneth of June last past, 1613. Together with the Oration, Gifts,
Triumphes, Water-combats and other Showes there made. For John Budge.
[Epistle by Robert Naile.]
Editions in Bristol Memorialist, No. 3 (1816), and Nichols, James, ii.
648 (1828).
Page 106
Page 107
APPENDIX A
A COURT CALENDAR
[Bibliographical Note.—This is primarily a list of plays, masks, and
quasi-dramatic entertainments at court. The chronological evidence for the
plays mainly rests upon Appendix B. Tilts and a few miscellaneous
entertainments are included. And it has seemed worth while to trace the
movements of the court, partly in order to locate the palaces at which the
winter performances were given, partly because of the widespread use of
mimetic pageantry during Elizabeth’s progresses and visits abroad. For the
main migrations of the household (in small capitals), the authorities here
cited are confirmed by the daily or weekly indications of a much more
detailed Itinerarium than can be printed. Additions from sources not
explored by me may be possible to the record of shorter visits or even that
of the by-progresses, upon which Elizabeth was not always accompanied by
the full household. I have not attempted to deal so completely with the
Jacobean period. The King’s constant absences from court on hunting
journeys are difficult to track and of no interest to dramatic history.
Appendix B will show at which of the court plays he was personally
present. The principal material used may be classified as follows: (a) The
royal movements are frequently noted in ambassadorial dispatches, in
private letters, notably those of Roger Manners to the Earls of Rutland
(Rutland MSS.), of Rowland Whyte, court postmaster, to Sir Robert Sidney
(Sydney Papers), and of John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton (Letters,
ed. Camden Soc., and Birch, Court of James) and Sir Ralph Winwood
(Winwood Memorials); and in the diaries of Henry Machyn, Lord Burghley
(Haynes-Murdin, ii. 745; Hatfield MSS., i. 149; v. 69; xiii. 141, 199, 389,
464, 506, 596), Sir Francis Walsingham (Camden Miscellany, vi), and John
Dee. (b) Collections of State and quasi-State Papers contain many dated and
located documents emanating from the court, such as proclamations, privy
seals, signet letters, and less formal communications from the sovereign or
a secretary or other officer in attendance. Unfortunately Elizabeth’s letters
missive have never been collected, and many of them are unlocated.
Naturally ministerial documents require handling with discretion, lest the
writers should be away from court. Letters patent bear the date and location
of the Chancellor’s recepi, and the Chancellor was largely detached from
A COURT CALENDAR
[Bibliographical Note.—This is primarily a list of plays, masks, and
quasi-dramatic entertainments at court. The chronological evidence for the
plays mainly rests upon Appendix B. Tilts and a few miscellaneous
entertainments are included. And it has seemed worth while to trace the
movements of the court, partly in order to locate the palaces at which the
winter performances were given, partly because of the widespread use of
mimetic pageantry during Elizabeth’s progresses and visits abroad. For the
main migrations of the household (in small capitals), the authorities here
cited are confirmed by the daily or weekly indications of a much more
detailed Itinerarium than can be printed. Additions from sources not
explored by me may be possible to the record of shorter visits or even that
of the by-progresses, upon which Elizabeth was not always accompanied by
the full household. I have not attempted to deal so completely with the
Jacobean period. The King’s constant absences from court on hunting
journeys are difficult to track and of no interest to dramatic history.
Appendix B will show at which of the court plays he was personally
present. The principal material used may be classified as follows: (a) The
royal movements are frequently noted in ambassadorial dispatches, in
private letters, notably those of Roger Manners to the Earls of Rutland
(Rutland MSS.), of Rowland Whyte, court postmaster, to Sir Robert Sidney
(Sydney Papers), and of John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton (Letters,
ed. Camden Soc., and Birch, Court of James) and Sir Ralph Winwood
(Winwood Memorials); and in the diaries of Henry Machyn, Lord Burghley
(Haynes-Murdin, ii. 745; Hatfield MSS., i. 149; v. 69; xiii. 141, 199, 389,
464, 506, 596), Sir Francis Walsingham (Camden Miscellany, vi), and John
Dee. (b) Collections of State and quasi-State Papers contain many dated and
located documents emanating from the court, such as proclamations, privy
seals, signet letters, and less formal communications from the sovereign or
a secretary or other officer in attendance. Unfortunately Elizabeth’s letters
missive have never been collected, and many of them are unlocated.
Naturally ministerial documents require handling with discretion, lest the
writers should be away from court. Letters patent bear the date and location
of the Chancellor’s recepi, and the Chancellor was largely detached from
Page 108
the court. The sources for (a) and (b) are given in the Bibl. Note to ch. i. (c)
The Register of the Privy Council records the localities of the meetings of
that body, but it must be borne in mind that the registration was not very
perfect (cf. ch. ii), and also that, although the Council ordinarily followed
the court, meetings were occasionally held in Westminster or London, either
at the Star Chamber or in the house of a councillor or even a citizen, when
the court happened to be out of town. (d) Church bells were rung when the
sovereign moved into or out of a parish, and the churchwardens entered the
ringers’ fees in their accounts. The entries in J. V. Kitto, The Accounts of the
Churchwardens of St. Martin’s in the Fields, 1525–1603 (1901, cited as
Martin’s), record many comings and goings from Whitehall, but in some
cases the date entered appears to be other than that of the actual ringing,
either by error or because the payment was on a different day. The extracts
from the accounts of St. Margaret’s, Westminster (cited as Margaret’s), in J.
Nichols, Illustrations, 1, of Lambeth in D. Lysons, Environs of London, i.
222, and S. Denne, Historical Particulars of Lambeth (1795, Bibl. Top. Brit.
x. 185), of Fulham in T. Faulkner, Fulham (1813), 139, of Kingston in
Lysons, Environs, i. 164, and of Wandsworth by C. T. Davis in Surrey Arch.
Colls., xviii (1903), 96, are scrappy and the year concerned is not always
clear. Nichols, Eliz. iii. 37, gives an analogous record from the accounts of
Chalk in Kent of the occasions on which the local carts were requisitioned
for removes from Greenwich. (e) The dates and localities of knightings are
given in W. A. Shaw, The Knights of England (1906), but many of them are
from inconsistent and untrustworthy sources. (f) The Chamber Accounts (cf.
App. B) contain under the annual heading ‘Apparelling of Houses’
summaries of monthly bills sent in by the Gentlemen Ushers of the
Chamber of their expenses while engaged in making preparations for royal
visits. They yield much new information as to the houses visited, but only
very approximately date the visits. And it may be that the Ushers
occasionally had to prepare for a visit which never took place. Analogous
information is contained in the Declared Accounts of the Office of Works. A
single account of the Cofferer of the Household, printed by Nichols, i. 92,
gives a daily record of the locality of the household throughout the progress
of 1561; as far as I know, it is the only extant document of its kind. (g) J.
Nichols, in his Progresses of Elizabeth2 (1823) and Progresses of James I
(1828), drew fully upon the contemporary printed descriptions of state
entries and progresses, of which a list is given in ch. xxiv, and upon such
The Register of the Privy Council records the localities of the meetings of
that body, but it must be borne in mind that the registration was not very
perfect (cf. ch. ii), and also that, although the Council ordinarily followed
the court, meetings were occasionally held in Westminster or London, either
at the Star Chamber or in the house of a councillor or even a citizen, when
the court happened to be out of town. (d) Church bells were rung when the
sovereign moved into or out of a parish, and the churchwardens entered the
ringers’ fees in their accounts. The entries in J. V. Kitto, The Accounts of the
Churchwardens of St. Martin’s in the Fields, 1525–1603 (1901, cited as
Martin’s), record many comings and goings from Whitehall, but in some
cases the date entered appears to be other than that of the actual ringing,
either by error or because the payment was on a different day. The extracts
from the accounts of St. Margaret’s, Westminster (cited as Margaret’s), in J.
Nichols, Illustrations, 1, of Lambeth in D. Lysons, Environs of London, i.
222, and S. Denne, Historical Particulars of Lambeth (1795, Bibl. Top. Brit.
x. 185), of Fulham in T. Faulkner, Fulham (1813), 139, of Kingston in
Lysons, Environs, i. 164, and of Wandsworth by C. T. Davis in Surrey Arch.
Colls., xviii (1903), 96, are scrappy and the year concerned is not always
clear. Nichols, Eliz. iii. 37, gives an analogous record from the accounts of
Chalk in Kent of the occasions on which the local carts were requisitioned
for removes from Greenwich. (e) The dates and localities of knightings are
given in W. A. Shaw, The Knights of England (1906), but many of them are
from inconsistent and untrustworthy sources. (f) The Chamber Accounts (cf.
App. B) contain under the annual heading ‘Apparelling of Houses’
summaries of monthly bills sent in by the Gentlemen Ushers of the
Chamber of their expenses while engaged in making preparations for royal
visits. They yield much new information as to the houses visited, but only
very approximately date the visits. And it may be that the Ushers
occasionally had to prepare for a visit which never took place. Analogous
information is contained in the Declared Accounts of the Office of Works. A
single account of the Cofferer of the Household, printed by Nichols, i. 92,
gives a daily record of the locality of the household throughout the progress
of 1561; as far as I know, it is the only extant document of its kind. (g) J.
Nichols, in his Progresses of Elizabeth2 (1823) and Progresses of James I
(1828), drew fully upon the contemporary printed descriptions of state
entries and progresses, of which a list is given in ch. xxiv, and upon such
Page 109
‘gests’ of progresses (cf. ch. iv) as survive. I have been able to correct and
amplify his record of houses visited to a great extent, as much of the
material now available, notably the Privy Council Register and the
Chamber Accounts, was not used by him, and he occasionally assumed that
royal plans were carried out, when they were not. I have done what I can to
identify the royal hosts and their houses, but there is more of conjecture in
my lists than my query-marks quite indicate. The Chamber Accounts entries
are not in chronological order. Often only a name or a locality is given, and
a good deal of plotting of routes on a map has been necessary. A more
thorough study of local and family histories than I have been able to
undertake would doubtless add corrections and further details. Local
antiquaries might well follow the lines of study opened up by E. Green, Did
Queen Elizabeth visit Bath in 1574 and 1592 (1879, Proc. of Bath Field
Club, iv. 105), W. D. Cooper, Queen Elizabeth’s Visits to Sussex (1852,
Sussex Arch. Colls., v. 190), W. Kelly, Royal Progresses and Visits to
Leicester (1884), and M. Christy, The Progresses of Queen Elizabeth
through Essex and the Houses in which she stayed (1917, Essex Review,
xxvi. 115, 181). A knowledge of sixteenth-and seventeenth-century roads is
useful. The Elizabethan list in W. Smith, The Particular Description of
England, 1588 (ed. H. B. Wheatley and E. W. Ashbee, 1879) is fuller than
that in W. Harrison, Description of England (ed. N. S. S. ii. 107), or that
described from a manuscript of c. 1603 by G. S. Thomson in E. H. R. xxxiii.
234. The seventeenth-century description of J. Ogilby, Itinerarium Angliae
(1675) became the parent of many travellers’ guides. But it does not include
three private royal roads largely used in removes; viz. the King’s road by
Chelsea to Richmond and Hampton Court, Theobald’s Road, and a road
from Lambeth Ferry to Greenwich and Eltham. Useful studies are T. F.
Ordish, History of Metropolitan Roads (L. T. R. viii. 1), and H. G. Fordham,
Studies in Carto-Bibliography (1914). Other books are given in D. Ballen,
Bibliography of Roadmaking and Roads (1914).]
1558
Nov. 17. Accession of Elizabeth at Hatfield.
Nov. 22. Progress through Herts and Middlesex to London by Hadley
(Alice Lady Stamford?, Nov. 22–3) and Charterhouse (Lord North,
Nov. 23–8).[1]
amplify his record of houses visited to a great extent, as much of the
material now available, notably the Privy Council Register and the
Chamber Accounts, was not used by him, and he occasionally assumed that
royal plans were carried out, when they were not. I have done what I can to
identify the royal hosts and their houses, but there is more of conjecture in
my lists than my query-marks quite indicate. The Chamber Accounts entries
are not in chronological order. Often only a name or a locality is given, and
a good deal of plotting of routes on a map has been necessary. A more
thorough study of local and family histories than I have been able to
undertake would doubtless add corrections and further details. Local
antiquaries might well follow the lines of study opened up by E. Green, Did
Queen Elizabeth visit Bath in 1574 and 1592 (1879, Proc. of Bath Field
Club, iv. 105), W. D. Cooper, Queen Elizabeth’s Visits to Sussex (1852,
Sussex Arch. Colls., v. 190), W. Kelly, Royal Progresses and Visits to
Leicester (1884), and M. Christy, The Progresses of Queen Elizabeth
through Essex and the Houses in which she stayed (1917, Essex Review,
xxvi. 115, 181). A knowledge of sixteenth-and seventeenth-century roads is
useful. The Elizabethan list in W. Smith, The Particular Description of
England, 1588 (ed. H. B. Wheatley and E. W. Ashbee, 1879) is fuller than
that in W. Harrison, Description of England (ed. N. S. S. ii. 107), or that
described from a manuscript of c. 1603 by G. S. Thomson in E. H. R. xxxiii.
234. The seventeenth-century description of J. Ogilby, Itinerarium Angliae
(1675) became the parent of many travellers’ guides. But it does not include
three private royal roads largely used in removes; viz. the King’s road by
Chelsea to Richmond and Hampton Court, Theobald’s Road, and a road
from Lambeth Ferry to Greenwich and Eltham. Useful studies are T. F.
Ordish, History of Metropolitan Roads (L. T. R. viii. 1), and H. G. Fordham,
Studies in Carto-Bibliography (1914). Other books are given in D. Ballen,
Bibliography of Roadmaking and Roads (1914).]
1558
Nov. 17. Accession of Elizabeth at Hatfield.
Nov. 22. Progress through Herts and Middlesex to London by Hadley
(Alice Lady Stamford?, Nov. 22–3) and Charterhouse (Lord North,
Nov. 23–8).[1]
Page 110
Nov. 28. Tower of London.[2]
Dec. 5. Somerset House, by water.[3]
Dec. 22. Whitehall.[4]
1559
Jan. 6. Play (=Queen’s=?) and mask (Papists).[5]
Jan. 12. Tower, by water.[6]
Jan. 14. Entry through London with pageants to Whitehall.[7]
Jan. 15. Coronation.[8]
Jan. 16. Tilt and mask (Almains and Palmers?).
Jan. 17. Barriers.[9]
Jan. 29. Mask (Moors?).
Feb. 5 (S.S.). Mask (Swart Rutters).
Feb. 7. Mask (Fishers).
March 21. Morris from Household feast at Mile End to court.[10]
c. March 31. Visit to Greenwich?[11]
Apr. 25. Supper at Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke).[12]
May 1. Maying on Thames at Whitehall.[13]
c. May 17. Visit to Greenwich.[14]
May 24. Mask (Astronomers) for French embassy.[15]
May 25. Baiting at palace for embassy.[16]
June 21. Greenwich.[17]
June 25. May game from London to court.[18]
July 2. City musters and tilt at court.[19]
July 3. Visit to Woolwich, with banquet in the Elizabeth Jonas.[20]
Dec. 5. Somerset House, by water.[3]
Dec. 22. Whitehall.[4]
1559
Jan. 6. Play (=Queen’s=?) and mask (Papists).[5]
Jan. 12. Tower, by water.[6]
Jan. 14. Entry through London with pageants to Whitehall.[7]
Jan. 15. Coronation.[8]
Jan. 16. Tilt and mask (Almains and Palmers?).
Jan. 17. Barriers.[9]
Jan. 29. Mask (Moors?).
Feb. 5 (S.S.). Mask (Swart Rutters).
Feb. 7. Mask (Fishers).
March 21. Morris from Household feast at Mile End to court.[10]
c. March 31. Visit to Greenwich?[11]
Apr. 25. Supper at Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke).[12]
May 1. Maying on Thames at Whitehall.[13]
c. May 17. Visit to Greenwich.[14]
May 24. Mask (Astronomers) for French embassy.[15]
May 25. Baiting at palace for embassy.[16]
June 21. Greenwich.[17]
June 25. May game from London to court.[18]
July 2. City musters and tilt at court.[19]
July 3. Visit to Woolwich, with banquet in the Elizabeth Jonas.[20]
Page 111
July 11. Joust by pensioners and mask.[21]
July 17. Progress in Kent and Surrey.[22] Dartford (July 17–18), Cobham
Hall (Lord Cobham, July 18–21 <), Gillingham, Otford (July > 23–28
<), Eltham (Aug. 4), Croydon (Abp. of Canterbury, Aug. 5–6?) and
Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel, Aug. 6–10).
Aug. 7. =Paul’s.=
Aug. 10. Hampton Court.[23]
Aug. 17–> 23. Visit to West Horsley (Lord Clinton), with mask (Shipmen
and Country Maids).[24]
Sept. 28. Whitehall.[25]
Nov. 5. Tilt.[26]
Dec. 31. Play (=Chapel=?) and mask (Clowns or Nusquams?).[27]
1560
Jan. 1. Mask (Barbarians) for John Duke of Finland.[28]
Jan. 6. Masks (Patriarchs, Italian Women).
Feb. 25 (S.S.) or 26. Mask (Nusquams or Clowns?).
Feb. 27. Masks (Diana and Nymphs, Actaeon?).
Apr. 10. Morris and ‘queen’ from London to court.[29]
Apr. 21. Tilt.[30]
Apr. 24 < > 27. Visit to Deptford.[31]
Apr. 28. Tilt.[32]
May 14. Greenwich.[33]
c. May 24. Visit to Westminster?[34]
c. May. Visit to Eltham.[35]
July 29. Richmond by Lambeth (Abp. Parker).[36]
Aug. 3. Oatlands.[37]
July 17. Progress in Kent and Surrey.[22] Dartford (July 17–18), Cobham
Hall (Lord Cobham, July 18–21 <), Gillingham, Otford (July > 23–28
<), Eltham (Aug. 4), Croydon (Abp. of Canterbury, Aug. 5–6?) and
Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel, Aug. 6–10).
Aug. 7. =Paul’s.=
Aug. 10. Hampton Court.[23]
Aug. 17–> 23. Visit to West Horsley (Lord Clinton), with mask (Shipmen
and Country Maids).[24]
Sept. 28. Whitehall.[25]
Nov. 5. Tilt.[26]
Dec. 31. Play (=Chapel=?) and mask (Clowns or Nusquams?).[27]
1560
Jan. 1. Mask (Barbarians) for John Duke of Finland.[28]
Jan. 6. Masks (Patriarchs, Italian Women).
Feb. 25 (S.S.) or 26. Mask (Nusquams or Clowns?).
Feb. 27. Masks (Diana and Nymphs, Actaeon?).
Apr. 10. Morris and ‘queen’ from London to court.[29]
Apr. 21. Tilt.[30]
Apr. 24 < > 27. Visit to Deptford.[31]
Apr. 28. Tilt.[32]
May 14. Greenwich.[33]
c. May 24. Visit to Westminster?[34]
c. May. Visit to Eltham.[35]
July 29. Richmond by Lambeth (Abp. Parker).[36]
Aug. 3. Oatlands.[37]
Page 112
Aug. 5–30. Progress in Surrey and Hants.[38] Sutton Place, Woking (Sir
Henry Weston, Aug. 5), Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 7, 8),
Rotherfield (John? Norton), Southwick (John White), Portsmouth,
Netley Castle (Aug. 12–13), Southampton (Aug. 13–16), Winchester
(Aug. 16–23), Micheldever (Edmund Clerk, Aug. 23), Basing
(Marquis of Winchester, Aug. 23–28), Odiham (Chidiock Paulet?),
Hartley Wintney (Sir John Mason?), Bagshot (Sir Henry Weston?).
Aug. 30. Windsor.[39]
Sept. 22 < > 30. Hampton Court.[40]
c. Oct. Visit to Horsley (Lord Clinton?).[41]
Nov. 10 < > 25. Whitehall.[42]
Nov. 27–> Dec. 2. Visit to Greenwich and Eltham.[43]
c. Dec. Visit to Queenborough.[44]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=, and masks. One of the plays was
Preston’s Cambyses.[45]
1561
Feb. 17 (S.M.). Wrestling in ‘prychyng-plase’ at court.[46]
Feb. 18, 19. Masters of fence at court.[47]
Apr. 26 < > 29. Greenwich.[48]
June 24. River triumph. Dinner with Lord R. Dudley.[49]
July 10–Sept. 22. Progress in Essex, Suffolk, Herts., Middlesex.[50] Tower
(July 10), Charterhouse (Lord North, July 10–14) with visit to Strand
(Sir W. Cecil, July 13), Wanstead (Lord Rich, July 14), Havering (July
14–19) with visits to Pyrgo (Lord John Grey, July 16) and Loughton
Hall (Lord Darcy?, July 17), Ingatestone (Sir William Petre, July 19–
21), New Hall in Boreham (Earl of Sussex, July 21–26), Felix Hall
(Henry Long?, July 26), Colchester (Sir Thomas Lucas, July 26–30)
with visit to Layer Marney (George Tuke), St. Osyth (Lord Darcy, July
30–Aug. 2), Harwich (Aug. 2–5), Ipswich (Aug. 5–11),[51] Shelley
Hall (Philip Tilney, Aug. 11), Smallbridge (William Waldegrave, Aug.
Henry Weston, Aug. 5), Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 7, 8),
Rotherfield (John? Norton), Southwick (John White), Portsmouth,
Netley Castle (Aug. 12–13), Southampton (Aug. 13–16), Winchester
(Aug. 16–23), Micheldever (Edmund Clerk, Aug. 23), Basing
(Marquis of Winchester, Aug. 23–28), Odiham (Chidiock Paulet?),
Hartley Wintney (Sir John Mason?), Bagshot (Sir Henry Weston?).
Aug. 30. Windsor.[39]
Sept. 22 < > 30. Hampton Court.[40]
c. Oct. Visit to Horsley (Lord Clinton?).[41]
Nov. 10 < > 25. Whitehall.[42]
Nov. 27–> Dec. 2. Visit to Greenwich and Eltham.[43]
c. Dec. Visit to Queenborough.[44]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=, and masks. One of the plays was
Preston’s Cambyses.[45]
1561
Feb. 17 (S.M.). Wrestling in ‘prychyng-plase’ at court.[46]
Feb. 18, 19. Masters of fence at court.[47]
Apr. 26 < > 29. Greenwich.[48]
June 24. River triumph. Dinner with Lord R. Dudley.[49]
July 10–Sept. 22. Progress in Essex, Suffolk, Herts., Middlesex.[50] Tower
(July 10), Charterhouse (Lord North, July 10–14) with visit to Strand
(Sir W. Cecil, July 13), Wanstead (Lord Rich, July 14), Havering (July
14–19) with visits to Pyrgo (Lord John Grey, July 16) and Loughton
Hall (Lord Darcy?, July 17), Ingatestone (Sir William Petre, July 19–
21), New Hall in Boreham (Earl of Sussex, July 21–26), Felix Hall
(Henry Long?, July 26), Colchester (Sir Thomas Lucas, July 26–30)
with visit to Layer Marney (George Tuke), St. Osyth (Lord Darcy, July
30–Aug. 2), Harwich (Aug. 2–5), Ipswich (Aug. 5–11),[51] Shelley
Hall (Philip Tilney, Aug. 11), Smallbridge (William Waldegrave, Aug.
Page 113
11–14), Hedingham (Earl of Oxford, Aug. 14–19), Gosfield (Sir John
Wentworth, Aug. 19–21), Lees (Lord Rich, Aug. 21–25), Great
Hallingbury (Lord Morley, Aug. 25–27), Standon (Sir Ralph Sadleir,
Aug. 27–30), Hertford (Aug. 30–Sept. 16), Hatfield?, Enfield (Sept.
16–22).
Sept. 22. St. James’s.[52]
Oct. 28. Visit to Whitehall. Baiting and mask (Wise and Foolish Virgins) for
French embassy.[53]
Dec. 4 < > 14. Whitehall.[54]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=.
Dec. 27 < > Jan. 3. Lord of Misrule from Temple to court.[55]
1562
Jan. 15–16. Visit to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke), with mask.[56]
Jan. 18. Gorboduc and mask by Inner Temple.
Feb. 1. Mask from London to court, ‘and Julyus Sesar’.[57]
Feb. 2 < > 10 (S. T.). =Paul’s.=
Feb. 10. Tilt.[58]
Feb. 14. Running at ring.[59]
June 5. Greenwich.[60]
Sept. 16 < > 19. Hampton Court, by Southwark.[61]
c. Oct. Visit to Oatlands.[62]
Nov. 8. Somerset House.[63]
Dec. 14 < > 21. Whitehall.[64]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=.
1563
Feb. 21 (S.S.).
Wentworth, Aug. 19–21), Lees (Lord Rich, Aug. 21–25), Great
Hallingbury (Lord Morley, Aug. 25–27), Standon (Sir Ralph Sadleir,
Aug. 27–30), Hertford (Aug. 30–Sept. 16), Hatfield?, Enfield (Sept.
16–22).
Sept. 22. St. James’s.[52]
Oct. 28. Visit to Whitehall. Baiting and mask (Wise and Foolish Virgins) for
French embassy.[53]
Dec. 4 < > 14. Whitehall.[54]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=.
Dec. 27 < > Jan. 3. Lord of Misrule from Temple to court.[55]
1562
Jan. 15–16. Visit to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke), with mask.[56]
Jan. 18. Gorboduc and mask by Inner Temple.
Feb. 1. Mask from London to court, ‘and Julyus Sesar’.[57]
Feb. 2 < > 10 (S. T.). =Paul’s.=
Feb. 10. Tilt.[58]
Feb. 14. Running at ring.[59]
June 5. Greenwich.[60]
Sept. 16 < > 19. Hampton Court, by Southwark.[61]
c. Oct. Visit to Oatlands.[62]
Nov. 8. Somerset House.[63]
Dec. 14 < > 21. Whitehall.[64]
Christmas. =Dudley’s= and =Paul’s=.
1563
Feb. 21 (S.S.).
Page 114
June 14. Greenwich.[65]
July 20 < > Aug. 1. Richmond, by Lambeth.[66]
Aug. 2 < > 4. Windsor by Stanwell.[67]
1562–3. Visits to Sunninghill, Oatlands, Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel), the
New Lodge, the Twelve Oaks.[68]
Christmas.[69] Two plays by unnamed companies.
1564
Feb. 2. Play by unnamed company.
Feb. 13 (S.S.).
Apr. 23 < > May 5. Richmond.[70]
June 9. Three masks and ‘devise with the men of armes’ for French
embassy.[71]
June 28. Visit incognita to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke) for St.
Peter’s watch.[72]
June 30 < > July 5. Whitehall.[73]
July 5. Visit to Sackville House (Sir Richard Sackville), with play and
mask.[74]
July 6. Visit to Cecil House (Sir W. Cecil) for christening of Elizabeth
Cecil.[75]
July 6 < > 16. Greenwich.[76]
July 21 or 22. Whitehall.[77]
c. July 27–Sept. 12. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., Cambridgeshire,
Hunts., Northants., Leicestershire, Bucks., and Beds.[78] Theobalds (Sir
William Cecil), Enfield (July 31, Aug. 1), Hertford Castle, Aldbury
(Thomas Hyde), Haslingfield (Mr. Worthington, Aug. 4–5),
Grantchester (Aug. 5), Cambridge (King’s College, Aug. 5–10),[79]
Long Stanton (Bp. of Ely, Aug. 10), Hinchinbrook (Sir Henry
Cromwell, Aug. 10),[80] Kimbolton (Thomas? Wingfield), Boughton
July 20 < > Aug. 1. Richmond, by Lambeth.[66]
Aug. 2 < > 4. Windsor by Stanwell.[67]
1562–3. Visits to Sunninghill, Oatlands, Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel), the
New Lodge, the Twelve Oaks.[68]
Christmas.[69] Two plays by unnamed companies.
1564
Feb. 2. Play by unnamed company.
Feb. 13 (S.S.).
Apr. 23 < > May 5. Richmond.[70]
June 9. Three masks and ‘devise with the men of armes’ for French
embassy.[71]
June 28. Visit incognita to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke) for St.
Peter’s watch.[72]
June 30 < > July 5. Whitehall.[73]
July 5. Visit to Sackville House (Sir Richard Sackville), with play and
mask.[74]
July 6. Visit to Cecil House (Sir W. Cecil) for christening of Elizabeth
Cecil.[75]
July 6 < > 16. Greenwich.[76]
July 21 or 22. Whitehall.[77]
c. July 27–Sept. 12. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., Cambridgeshire,
Hunts., Northants., Leicestershire, Bucks., and Beds.[78] Theobalds (Sir
William Cecil), Enfield (July 31, Aug. 1), Hertford Castle, Aldbury
(Thomas Hyde), Haslingfield (Mr. Worthington, Aug. 4–5),
Grantchester (Aug. 5), Cambridge (King’s College, Aug. 5–10),[79]
Long Stanton (Bp. of Ely, Aug. 10), Hinchinbrook (Sir Henry
Cromwell, Aug. 10),[80] Kimbolton (Thomas? Wingfield), Boughton
Page 115
(Edward Montague), Launde (Henry, Lord Cromwell, c. Aug. 18),
Braybrooke Castle (Sir Thomas Griffin), Dallington? (Sir Andrew
Corbett), Northampton (Mr. Crispe), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor),
Grafton, Thornton (George Tyrrell), Toddington (Sir Henry Cheyne),
St. Albans (Sir Richard Lee), Great Hampden? (Griffith Hampden),
Princes Risborough? (Mr. Penton), Shardeloes in Amersham? (William
Totehill), Harrow (Sept. 12), Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).
Sept. 13. St. James’s.[81]
Sept. 15. Dinner with Marchioness of Northampton at Whitehall.[82]
c. Oct.-Nov. Visits to Oatlands and Windsor.[83]
Dec. 7. Whitehall.[84]
Christmas. =Warwick’s= (twice), =Paul’s=, and =Chapel= (Damon and
Pythias?).
1565
Jan. =Westminster= (Miles Gloriosus and (?) Heautontimorumenos).
Jan. 7. Tilt, dance, and foot tourney at night.[85]
Feb. 2. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 18. Play by =Sir Percival Hart’s sons= and mask (Hunters and Muses).
March 5 (S.M.). Tilt.[86]
March 6. Tourney. Masks (Satyrs and Tilters) and play by =Gray’s Inn= at
supper by Earl of Leicester.[87]
Apr. 27. Visit to Earl of Leicester.[88]
May 12. Visit to Greenwich.[89]
c. June 2. Visit to Tower, with imperial ambassador, Adam Swetkowyz.[90]
June 24 < > 26. Greenwich.[91]
July 14. Whitehall.[92]
July 16. Visit to Durham Place for wedding of Henry Knollys and Margaret
Cave, with tourney and two masks.[93]
Braybrooke Castle (Sir Thomas Griffin), Dallington? (Sir Andrew
Corbett), Northampton (Mr. Crispe), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor),
Grafton, Thornton (George Tyrrell), Toddington (Sir Henry Cheyne),
St. Albans (Sir Richard Lee), Great Hampden? (Griffith Hampden),
Princes Risborough? (Mr. Penton), Shardeloes in Amersham? (William
Totehill), Harrow (Sept. 12), Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).
Sept. 13. St. James’s.[81]
Sept. 15. Dinner with Marchioness of Northampton at Whitehall.[82]
c. Oct.-Nov. Visits to Oatlands and Windsor.[83]
Dec. 7. Whitehall.[84]
Christmas. =Warwick’s= (twice), =Paul’s=, and =Chapel= (Damon and
Pythias?).
1565
Jan. =Westminster= (Miles Gloriosus and (?) Heautontimorumenos).
Jan. 7. Tilt, dance, and foot tourney at night.[85]
Feb. 2. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 18. Play by =Sir Percival Hart’s sons= and mask (Hunters and Muses).
March 5 (S.M.). Tilt.[86]
March 6. Tourney. Masks (Satyrs and Tilters) and play by =Gray’s Inn= at
supper by Earl of Leicester.[87]
Apr. 27. Visit to Earl of Leicester.[88]
May 12. Visit to Greenwich.[89]
c. June 2. Visit to Tower, with imperial ambassador, Adam Swetkowyz.[90]
June 24 < > 26. Greenwich.[91]
July 14. Whitehall.[92]
July 16. Visit to Durham Place for wedding of Henry Knollys and Margaret
Cave, with tourney and two masks.[93]
Page 116
July 17. Richmond.[94]
Aug. 8. Windsor, by Ankerwyke (Sir Thomas Smith).[95]
c. Aug.-Sept. Visits to Sunninghill, Farnham, and Bagshot.[96]
Sept. 14. Whitehall. Visit to Cecilia of Sweden (Bedford House?).[97]
c. Sept. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[98]
Oct. 7, 13. Visits to Cecilia of Sweden.[99]
Oct. 29–> Nov. 2. Visit to Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel).[100]
Nov. 11. Tilt at wedding of Earl of Warwick and Lady Anne Russell.[101]
Nov. 12. Tourney.
Nov. 13. Barriers.
Christmas. =Paul’s= (thrice by Jan. 3, including one at Savoy for Cecilia of
Sweden) and =Westminster= (Sapientia Solomonis).
1566
Jan. 6. King of the Bean at court.[102]
Feb. 5. Greenwich.[103]
Feb. 14. Visit to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke).[104]
Feb. 24–26 (S.). Gismond of Salerne by Inner Temple (?). Wedding of Earl
of Southampton and Mary Browne, with two masks and tourney.[105]
June 28 or 29. St. James’s.[106]
July 1. Wedding of Thomas Mildmay and Frances Radcliffe at Bermondsey
(Earl of Sussex).[107]
July 8–Sept. 9. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Hunts., Northants.,
Lincs., Rutland, Warwickshire, Oxfordshire, Berks.[108] Hendon
(Edward? Herbert, July 8), Shenley (Michael Pulteney), Hatfield,
Knebworth (Rowland Lytton), Bygrave (William Warren?), Wrest
(Duchess of Suffolk), Dame Ellensbury’s in Houghton Conquest,
Willington (John Gostwick), Bletsoe (Lord St. John), Bushmead
Aug. 8. Windsor, by Ankerwyke (Sir Thomas Smith).[95]
c. Aug.-Sept. Visits to Sunninghill, Farnham, and Bagshot.[96]
Sept. 14. Whitehall. Visit to Cecilia of Sweden (Bedford House?).[97]
c. Sept. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[98]
Oct. 7, 13. Visits to Cecilia of Sweden.[99]
Oct. 29–> Nov. 2. Visit to Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel).[100]
Nov. 11. Tilt at wedding of Earl of Warwick and Lady Anne Russell.[101]
Nov. 12. Tourney.
Nov. 13. Barriers.
Christmas. =Paul’s= (thrice by Jan. 3, including one at Savoy for Cecilia of
Sweden) and =Westminster= (Sapientia Solomonis).
1566
Jan. 6. King of the Bean at court.[102]
Feb. 5. Greenwich.[103]
Feb. 14. Visit to Baynard’s Castle (Earl of Pembroke).[104]
Feb. 24–26 (S.). Gismond of Salerne by Inner Temple (?). Wedding of Earl
of Southampton and Mary Browne, with two masks and tourney.[105]
June 28 or 29. St. James’s.[106]
July 1. Wedding of Thomas Mildmay and Frances Radcliffe at Bermondsey
(Earl of Sussex).[107]
July 8–Sept. 9. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Hunts., Northants.,
Lincs., Rutland, Warwickshire, Oxfordshire, Berks.[108] Hendon
(Edward? Herbert, July 8), Shenley (Michael Pulteney), Hatfield,
Knebworth (Rowland Lytton), Bygrave (William Warren?), Wrest
(Duchess of Suffolk), Dame Ellensbury’s in Houghton Conquest,
Willington (John Gostwick), Bletsoe (Lord St. John), Bushmead
Page 117
(William Gery), Kimbolton (Thomas? Wingfield, July 21), Leighton
Bromswold, Fotheringay Castle, Apethorpe (Sir Walter Mildmay),
Colly Weston (July 29, Aug. 3), Greyfriars at Stamford (Sir W. Cecil,
Aug. 5), Grimsthorpe (Duchess of Suffolk), Sempringham (Lord
Clinton), Irnham (Richard Thimelby), Exton (Sir James Harington),
Kingscliffe, Deene (Edmund Brudenell), Dingley (Edward Griffin),
Whitefriars at Coventry (Aug. 17–19),[109] Kenilworth (Earl of
Leicester, Aug. 19–22), Warwick (Earl of Warwick), Charlecote (Sir
Thomas Lucy, > Aug. 24), Broughton (Richard Fiennes), Woodstock
(Aug. > 26–31), Oxford (Aug. 31–Sept. 6),[110] Rycote (Sir Henry
Norris, Sept. 6–7), Bradenham (Lord Windsor, Sept. 7–9).
Sept. 9. Windsor.[111]
Sept. Visit to Bagshot (The Bush).[112]
Sept. 10 < > 17. Richmond.[113]
Sept. 27. Whitehall.[114]
Christmas. =Paul’s= (twice).
1567
Jan. 10. Queen in country.[115]
Jan. 17–Feb. 1. Visits to Croydon (Abp.?) by Lambeth (?), Nonsuch (Earl of
Arundel, Jan. 21–27), and Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, Jan. 27–
Feb. 1).[116]
Feb. 9–11 (S.). =Westminster.=
Feb. 10. Visit to Arundel House (Earl of Arundel)?[117]
Feb. 11. =Windsor Chapel.=
Apr. 13. Play for Spanish embassy.[118]
June 11. Richmond.[119]
July 22. Windsor.[120]
Aug. 12? Oatlands.[121]
Bromswold, Fotheringay Castle, Apethorpe (Sir Walter Mildmay),
Colly Weston (July 29, Aug. 3), Greyfriars at Stamford (Sir W. Cecil,
Aug. 5), Grimsthorpe (Duchess of Suffolk), Sempringham (Lord
Clinton), Irnham (Richard Thimelby), Exton (Sir James Harington),
Kingscliffe, Deene (Edmund Brudenell), Dingley (Edward Griffin),
Whitefriars at Coventry (Aug. 17–19),[109] Kenilworth (Earl of
Leicester, Aug. 19–22), Warwick (Earl of Warwick), Charlecote (Sir
Thomas Lucy, > Aug. 24), Broughton (Richard Fiennes), Woodstock
(Aug. > 26–31), Oxford (Aug. 31–Sept. 6),[110] Rycote (Sir Henry
Norris, Sept. 6–7), Bradenham (Lord Windsor, Sept. 7–9).
Sept. 9. Windsor.[111]
Sept. Visit to Bagshot (The Bush).[112]
Sept. 10 < > 17. Richmond.[113]
Sept. 27. Whitehall.[114]
Christmas. =Paul’s= (twice).
1567
Jan. 10. Queen in country.[115]
Jan. 17–Feb. 1. Visits to Croydon (Abp.?) by Lambeth (?), Nonsuch (Earl of
Arundel, Jan. 21–27), and Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, Jan. 27–
Feb. 1).[116]
Feb. 9–11 (S.). =Westminster.=
Feb. 10. Visit to Arundel House (Earl of Arundel)?[117]
Feb. 11. =Windsor Chapel.=
Apr. 13. Play for Spanish embassy.[118]
June 11. Richmond.[119]
July 22. Windsor.[120]
Aug. 12? Oatlands.[121]
Page 118
Aug. Visit to Beddington? (Francis Carew) by Kingston.[122]
Aug. 18 < > 20–30. Progress or visits in Surrey and Hants. Woking,
Guildford Manor (Aug. 20, 21), Loseley? (William More), Farnham
(Bp. Winchester, Aug. 24, 25, 29), Odiham, Bagshot.[123]
Aug. 30. Windsor.[124]
Oct. 12. Hampton Court.[125]
Dec. 23. Whitehall.[126]
Christmas. =Rich’s= (twice), =Paul’s= (twice), =Westminster=. The Revels
prepared eight plays this winter, The King of Scots (tragedy), As Plain
As Can Be, The Painful Pilgrimage, Jack and Jill, Six Fools, Wit and
Will, Prodigality, Orestes (the extant play?), and six masks, of which
two were not used.
1568
Jan. 2. Visit to Charterhouse.[127]
c. Feb. Visit to Hackney.[128]
Feb. 29–March 2 (S.). =Chapel= (tragedy) and =Windsor Chapel=.
Apr. 6. Greenwich.[129]
July 6–12? Visit to Charterhouse (Duke of Norfolk).[130]
July 12–Sept. 22. Progress in Essex, Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Bucks.,
Northants., Oxon., Berks.[131] Havering (July 13–15) with visits to
Giddy Hall in Romford (Sir Anthony Cooke) and Pyrgo (Lord John
Grey), Copt Hall (Thomas Heneage, July 19), Enfield (July 22, 25),
Hatfield (July 30, Aug. 3, 4, 7), Knebworth (Rowland Lytton), St.
Albans (Sir Ralph Rowlett, Aug. 8), Dunstable (Edward Wingate),
Brickhill (Thomas Duncombe?), Whaddon (Lord Grey), Buckingham
(William Davers? at parsonage), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor, Aug.
14, 21), Grafton Regis, Charlton (Sir Robert Lane), Bicester (Mr.
More, Aug. 27), Rycote (Sir Henry Norris), Ewelme, Wallingford
(Thomas Parry at College), Yattendon (Sir Henry Norris?), Donnington
Castle, Newbury (Sept. 12, 13), Aldermaston (William? Forster),
Reading (Queen’s house, Mr. Stafford, Mr. Gare, Sept. 18?).
Aug. 18 < > 20–30. Progress or visits in Surrey and Hants. Woking,
Guildford Manor (Aug. 20, 21), Loseley? (William More), Farnham
(Bp. Winchester, Aug. 24, 25, 29), Odiham, Bagshot.[123]
Aug. 30. Windsor.[124]
Oct. 12. Hampton Court.[125]
Dec. 23. Whitehall.[126]
Christmas. =Rich’s= (twice), =Paul’s= (twice), =Westminster=. The Revels
prepared eight plays this winter, The King of Scots (tragedy), As Plain
As Can Be, The Painful Pilgrimage, Jack and Jill, Six Fools, Wit and
Will, Prodigality, Orestes (the extant play?), and six masks, of which
two were not used.
1568
Jan. 2. Visit to Charterhouse.[127]
c. Feb. Visit to Hackney.[128]
Feb. 29–March 2 (S.). =Chapel= (tragedy) and =Windsor Chapel=.
Apr. 6. Greenwich.[129]
July 6–12? Visit to Charterhouse (Duke of Norfolk).[130]
July 12–Sept. 22. Progress in Essex, Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Bucks.,
Northants., Oxon., Berks.[131] Havering (July 13–15) with visits to
Giddy Hall in Romford (Sir Anthony Cooke) and Pyrgo (Lord John
Grey), Copt Hall (Thomas Heneage, July 19), Enfield (July 22, 25),
Hatfield (July 30, Aug. 3, 4, 7), Knebworth (Rowland Lytton), St.
Albans (Sir Ralph Rowlett, Aug. 8), Dunstable (Edward Wingate),
Brickhill (Thomas Duncombe?), Whaddon (Lord Grey), Buckingham
(William Davers? at parsonage), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor, Aug.
14, 21), Grafton Regis, Charlton (Sir Robert Lane), Bicester (Mr.
More, Aug. 27), Rycote (Sir Henry Norris), Ewelme, Wallingford
(Thomas Parry at College), Yattendon (Sir Henry Norris?), Donnington
Castle, Newbury (Sept. 12, 13), Aldermaston (William? Forster),
Reading (Queen’s house, Mr. Stafford, Mr. Gare, Sept. 18?).
Page 119
Sept. 22. Windsor.[132]
Oct. 3 < > 20. Hampton Court.[133]
Dec. 26. =Rich’s.=
1569
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 12. Whitehall.[134]
Feb. 22 (S.T.). =Windsor Chapel.=
May 6. Greenwich.[135]
May 15 (?). Visit of Earl of Leicester and Odo de Coligny, Cardinal of
Châtillon, to Oxford, with The Destruction of Thebes.[136]
July 21. Richmond, by Lambeth.[137]
July 29. Oatlands.[138]
Aug. 5 < > 8–Sept. 23 or 24. Progress in Surrey and Hants.[139] Chertsey
(Sir William FitzWilliam?), Woking (Aug. 9), Guildford (Aug. 10, 12),
Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 14, 17, 20, 22) with visit to Kingsley
(Nicholas Backhouse), Odiham, Basing (Marquis of Winchester, Aug.
27, 29; Sept. 1), Abbotstone (Lord St. John), Soberton (Anne, Lady
Lawrence), Tichfield (Lady Southampton, Sept. 4, 6), Southampton
Tower (Sept. 6?, 8, 9, 14), Melchet (Richard? Audley), Mottisfont
(Lord Sandys), Wherwell (Sir Adrian Poynings), Hurstbourne? (Sir
Robert Oxenbridge), Steventon (Sir Richard Pexall), The Vine in
Sherborne St. John (Lady Sandys, Sept. 22), Hartley Wintney (Lady
Mason), Bagshot (Sir Henry Sutton).
Sept. 23 or 24. Windsor.[140]
Nov. 17. Accession day first kept.[141]
c. Dec. Visit to Bisham (Lady Hoby).[142]
Dec. 27. =Windsor Chapel.=
1570
Oct. 3 < > 20. Hampton Court.[133]
Dec. 26. =Rich’s.=
1569
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 12. Whitehall.[134]
Feb. 22 (S.T.). =Windsor Chapel.=
May 6. Greenwich.[135]
May 15 (?). Visit of Earl of Leicester and Odo de Coligny, Cardinal of
Châtillon, to Oxford, with The Destruction of Thebes.[136]
July 21. Richmond, by Lambeth.[137]
July 29. Oatlands.[138]
Aug. 5 < > 8–Sept. 23 or 24. Progress in Surrey and Hants.[139] Chertsey
(Sir William FitzWilliam?), Woking (Aug. 9), Guildford (Aug. 10, 12),
Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 14, 17, 20, 22) with visit to Kingsley
(Nicholas Backhouse), Odiham, Basing (Marquis of Winchester, Aug.
27, 29; Sept. 1), Abbotstone (Lord St. John), Soberton (Anne, Lady
Lawrence), Tichfield (Lady Southampton, Sept. 4, 6), Southampton
Tower (Sept. 6?, 8, 9, 14), Melchet (Richard? Audley), Mottisfont
(Lord Sandys), Wherwell (Sir Adrian Poynings), Hurstbourne? (Sir
Robert Oxenbridge), Steventon (Sir Richard Pexall), The Vine in
Sherborne St. John (Lady Sandys, Sept. 22), Hartley Wintney (Lady
Mason), Bagshot (Sir Henry Sutton).
Sept. 23 or 24. Windsor.[140]
Nov. 17. Accession day first kept.[141]
c. Dec. Visit to Bisham (Lady Hoby).[142]
Dec. 27. =Windsor Chapel.=
1570
Page 120
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
Jan. 20. Hampton Court.[143]
Feb. 5 (S.S.). =Rich’s.=
March 19. Visit to Ham House (Madame de Châtillon).[144]
June 18 < > 20. Oatlands.[145]
July 16–Sept. 29. Progress in Middlesex, Bucks., Beds., Oxon., and Berks.
[146]
Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, July 16–18), Denham (Sir George
Peckham, July 18–19), Chenies (Earl of Bedford, July 19–Aug. 13),
Pendley (Edmund Verney, Aug. 15–17), Toddington (Sir Henry
Cheyne, Aug. 19, 20), Dame Ellensbury in Houghton Conquest,
Segenhoe in Ridgmont (Peter Grey), Wing (Sir William Dormer, c.
Aug. 24), Eythorpe (Sir W. Dormer), Rycote (Sir Henry Norris, Aug.
30, Sept. 2, 6, 7), Ewelme, Reading (Sept. 17, 24–26), Philberds in
Bray (Sir Thomas Neville).
Sept. 29. Windsor.[147]
Nov. 6 or 7. Hampton Court.[148]
Dec. 28. =Paul’s.=
1571
Jan. 6. Challenge for jousting.
Jan. 14 < > 19. Somerset House.[149]
Jan. 23. Visit to Bishopsgate (Sir Thomas Gresham) to open Royal
Exchange.[150]
Jan. 20 < > 29. Whitehall.[151]
Feb. 25–27 (S.). =Chapel=, =Windsor Chapel=, and =Paul’s=.
March 2. Greenwich.[152]
March 31 < > Apr. 2. Whitehall.[153]
Apr. 20. Visit to St. George’s Fields.[154]
Jan. 20. Hampton Court.[143]
Feb. 5 (S.S.). =Rich’s.=
March 19. Visit to Ham House (Madame de Châtillon).[144]
June 18 < > 20. Oatlands.[145]
July 16–Sept. 29. Progress in Middlesex, Bucks., Beds., Oxon., and Berks.
[146]
Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, July 16–18), Denham (Sir George
Peckham, July 18–19), Chenies (Earl of Bedford, July 19–Aug. 13),
Pendley (Edmund Verney, Aug. 15–17), Toddington (Sir Henry
Cheyne, Aug. 19, 20), Dame Ellensbury in Houghton Conquest,
Segenhoe in Ridgmont (Peter Grey), Wing (Sir William Dormer, c.
Aug. 24), Eythorpe (Sir W. Dormer), Rycote (Sir Henry Norris, Aug.
30, Sept. 2, 6, 7), Ewelme, Reading (Sept. 17, 24–26), Philberds in
Bray (Sir Thomas Neville).
Sept. 29. Windsor.[147]
Nov. 6 or 7. Hampton Court.[148]
Dec. 28. =Paul’s.=
1571
Jan. 6. Challenge for jousting.
Jan. 14 < > 19. Somerset House.[149]
Jan. 23. Visit to Bishopsgate (Sir Thomas Gresham) to open Royal
Exchange.[150]
Jan. 20 < > 29. Whitehall.[151]
Feb. 25–27 (S.). =Chapel=, =Windsor Chapel=, and =Paul’s=.
March 2. Greenwich.[152]
March 31 < > Apr. 2. Whitehall.[153]
Apr. 20. Visit to St. George’s Fields.[154]
Page 121
Apr. 29. Queen at wedding of Marquis of Northampton and Helena von
Snavenberg or Snachenberg.[155]
May 1–3. Tilt, tourney, barriers.[156]
June 7, 8. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[157]
c. Apr.-July. Two visits to Bermondsey (Earl of Sussex).[158]
July 7 < > 8. Hampton Court.[159]
July-Aug. Visits to Horsley (Earl of Lincoln), Oatlands, Byfleet.[160]
Aug. 8 < > 12–Sept. 22. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., and Essex.[161]
Gunnersbury, Hendon (Edward Herbert), Hatfield (Aug. 15–21),
Knebworth (Rowland Lytton), Brent Pelham (Lord Morley, Aug. 26),
Saffron Walden, Audley End (Duke of Norfolk, Aug. 29–Sept. 3),
Horham Hall in Thaxted (Sir John Cutts, Sept. 5) with hunt in Henham
Park, Lees (Lord Rich, Sept. 7, 8), Rookwood Hall in Roding Abbess
(Wiston Browne), Mark Hall in Latton (James Altham, Sept. 13, 14,
17), Stanstead Abbots (Edward Bashe, Sept. 20), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, Sept. 22), Hadley (Lady Stamford), Harrow (William
Wightman).
Sept. 22. St. James’s.[162]
Sept. 26. Richmond.[163]
Oct. 23 < > 28. Greenwich.[164]
Dec. 12. Whitehall.[165]
Dec. 16 < > 23. Wedding of Earl of Oxford and Anne Cecil.[166]
Dec. 23. Wedding of Edward Somerset (Lord Herbert) and Elizabeth
Hastings.[167]
Christmas. The Revels prepared six masks this winter.
Dec. 27. =Lane’s= (Lady Barbara).
Dec. 28. =Paul’s= (Iphigeneia).
1572
Snavenberg or Snachenberg.[155]
May 1–3. Tilt, tourney, barriers.[156]
June 7, 8. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[157]
c. Apr.-July. Two visits to Bermondsey (Earl of Sussex).[158]
July 7 < > 8. Hampton Court.[159]
July-Aug. Visits to Horsley (Earl of Lincoln), Oatlands, Byfleet.[160]
Aug. 8 < > 12–Sept. 22. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., and Essex.[161]
Gunnersbury, Hendon (Edward Herbert), Hatfield (Aug. 15–21),
Knebworth (Rowland Lytton), Brent Pelham (Lord Morley, Aug. 26),
Saffron Walden, Audley End (Duke of Norfolk, Aug. 29–Sept. 3),
Horham Hall in Thaxted (Sir John Cutts, Sept. 5) with hunt in Henham
Park, Lees (Lord Rich, Sept. 7, 8), Rookwood Hall in Roding Abbess
(Wiston Browne), Mark Hall in Latton (James Altham, Sept. 13, 14,
17), Stanstead Abbots (Edward Bashe, Sept. 20), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, Sept. 22), Hadley (Lady Stamford), Harrow (William
Wightman).
Sept. 22. St. James’s.[162]
Sept. 26. Richmond.[163]
Oct. 23 < > 28. Greenwich.[164]
Dec. 12. Whitehall.[165]
Dec. 16 < > 23. Wedding of Earl of Oxford and Anne Cecil.[166]
Dec. 23. Wedding of Edward Somerset (Lord Herbert) and Elizabeth
Hastings.[167]
Christmas. The Revels prepared six masks this winter.
Dec. 27. =Lane’s= (Lady Barbara).
Dec. 28. =Paul’s= (Iphigeneia).
1572
Page 122
Jan. 1. =Windsor Chapel= (Ajax and Ulysses).
Jan. 6. =Chapel= (Narcissus).
Feb. 17 (S.S.). =Lane’s= (Cloridon and Radiamanta).
Feb. 19. =Westminster= (Paris and Vienna, with tourney and barriers).
Apr. 10 or 11. Greenwich.[168]
May 5. St. James’s.[169]
c. May 25. Visit to Hampton Court (?).[170]
c. June 10. Visit to Greenwich.[171]
June 15. Baiting, and mask (Apollo and Peace) and tourney in banqueting
house at Cockpit for French embassy.[172]
June 20. Whitehall.[173]
July 15–Sept. 28. Progress in Middlesex, Essex, Herts., Beds., Bucks.,
Northants., Warwickshire, Oxon., Berks.[174] Bishopsgate (Jasper
Fisher), Bethnal Green (Joan, Lady White), Havering (July 19, 20),
Birch Hall in Theydon Bois (Edward? Elderton), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, July 22–25) visit to Enfield, Hatfield, Gorhambury (Sir
Nicholas Bacon, July 25–28), Dunstable (Edward Wingate?, July 28–
29), Woburn (Earl of Bedford, July 29–31) with visit to Chicheley
(Elizabeth Weston), Salden (John Fortescue, Aug. 1–4), Beachampton
(Thomas? Pigott), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor, Aug. 4–8),
Edgecott (William Chauncy, Aug. 10), Bishop’s Itchington (Edward
Fisher, Aug. 11), Warwick Castle (Earl of Warwick, Aug. 11–13),
Kenilworth (Earl of Leicester, Aug. 13–16),[175] Warwick Castle (Aug.
16–18) with visit to Warwick Priory (Thomas Fisher, Aug. 16),[176]
Kenilworth (Aug. 18–23), Charlecote (Sir Thomas Lucy, Aug. 23),
Compton Wyniates (Lord Compton, Aug. 23), Great Tew (Henry
Rainsford), Woodstock (Aug. 27, Sept. 7–19) with visit to Langley (Sir
Edward Unton), Holton (Sir Christopher Browne), Ewelme, Reading
(Sept. 21–28), Philberds in Bray (Sir Thomas Neville, Sept. 28).
Sept. 28. Windsor.[177]
Jan. 6. =Chapel= (Narcissus).
Feb. 17 (S.S.). =Lane’s= (Cloridon and Radiamanta).
Feb. 19. =Westminster= (Paris and Vienna, with tourney and barriers).
Apr. 10 or 11. Greenwich.[168]
May 5. St. James’s.[169]
c. May 25. Visit to Hampton Court (?).[170]
c. June 10. Visit to Greenwich.[171]
June 15. Baiting, and mask (Apollo and Peace) and tourney in banqueting
house at Cockpit for French embassy.[172]
June 20. Whitehall.[173]
July 15–Sept. 28. Progress in Middlesex, Essex, Herts., Beds., Bucks.,
Northants., Warwickshire, Oxon., Berks.[174] Bishopsgate (Jasper
Fisher), Bethnal Green (Joan, Lady White), Havering (July 19, 20),
Birch Hall in Theydon Bois (Edward? Elderton), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, July 22–25) visit to Enfield, Hatfield, Gorhambury (Sir
Nicholas Bacon, July 25–28), Dunstable (Edward Wingate?, July 28–
29), Woburn (Earl of Bedford, July 29–31) with visit to Chicheley
(Elizabeth Weston), Salden (John Fortescue, Aug. 1–4), Beachampton
(Thomas? Pigott), Easton Neston (Sir John Fermor, Aug. 4–8),
Edgecott (William Chauncy, Aug. 10), Bishop’s Itchington (Edward
Fisher, Aug. 11), Warwick Castle (Earl of Warwick, Aug. 11–13),
Kenilworth (Earl of Leicester, Aug. 13–16),[175] Warwick Castle (Aug.
16–18) with visit to Warwick Priory (Thomas Fisher, Aug. 16),[176]
Kenilworth (Aug. 18–23), Charlecote (Sir Thomas Lucy, Aug. 23),
Compton Wyniates (Lord Compton, Aug. 23), Great Tew (Henry
Rainsford), Woodstock (Aug. 27, Sept. 7–19) with visit to Langley (Sir
Edward Unton), Holton (Sir Christopher Browne), Ewelme, Reading
(Sept. 21–28), Philberds in Bray (Sir Thomas Neville, Sept. 28).
Sept. 28. Windsor.[177]
Page 123
c. Nov. 11. Hampton Court.[178]
Christmas. =Leicester’s= (thrice) and =Paul’s=. The Revels prepared plays
on Theagenes and Chariclea, Perseus and Andromeda, and Fortune,
and a double mask (Fishermen and Fruit-wives) this winter.
1573
Jan. 1. =Windsor Chapel.=
Jan. 6. =Eton.=
c. Jan. 29. Greenwich, by Somerset House.[179]
Feb. 1–3 (S.). =Sussex’s=, =Lincoln’s= and =Merchant Taylors= (Perseus
and Andromeda?).
Feb. 24–March 10. Visits to Fold in South Mimms (Mr. Waller),
Islehampstead Latimer (Miles Sandys), Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas
Bacon), Brockett Hall in Hatfield (John Brockett), Northiaw (Earl of
Warwick), Theobalds (Lord Burghley, 8 days), and Bishopsgate
(Jasper Fisher, March 7).[180]
July 14–Sept. 26. Progress in Surrey, Kent, and Sussex.[181] Croydon (Abp.
of Canterbury, July 14–21), Orpington (Sir Percival Hart, July 21–24),
[182]
Otford (July 24), Knole in Sevenoaks (July 24–29), Bastead (July
29), Comfort in Birling(Lord Abergavenny, July 29–Aug. 1),
Oxenheath in West Peckham? (Sir Thomas Cotton, Aug. 1), Eridge
(Lord Abergavenny, Aug. 1–7) with visit to Mayfield (Sir Thomas
Gresham)?, Bedgebury in Goudhurst (Alexander Culpepper, Aug. 7–8)
by Kilndown, Hemstead in Benenden (Thomas Guildford, Aug. 8–11),
Northiam (George Bishop, Aug. 11), Rye (Aug. 11–14) with visit to
Winchelsea (Mr. Savage?), Northiam (Aug. 14), Sissinghurst in
Cranbrook (Richard Baker, Aug. 14–17), Boughton Malherbe (Thomas
Wotton, Aug. 17–19) by Smarden, Hothfield (John Tufton, Aug. 19–
21), Olantigh in Wye (Sir Thomas Kempe, Aug. 21–22), Brabourne
(Sir Thomas Scott, Aug. 22), Westenhanger (Aug. 22–25), Sandgate
Castle (Aug. 25), Dover, (Aug. 25–31) by Folkestone with visit to
Thomas? Fisher, Sandwich (Roger? Manwood, Aug. 31–Sept. 3),[183]
Wingham (Sept. 3), Canterbury (St. Augustine’s, Sept. 3–16) with visit
to Abp. Parker (Sept. 7),[184] Faversham (Sept. 16–18), Tunstall
Christmas. =Leicester’s= (thrice) and =Paul’s=. The Revels prepared plays
on Theagenes and Chariclea, Perseus and Andromeda, and Fortune,
and a double mask (Fishermen and Fruit-wives) this winter.
1573
Jan. 1. =Windsor Chapel.=
Jan. 6. =Eton.=
c. Jan. 29. Greenwich, by Somerset House.[179]
Feb. 1–3 (S.). =Sussex’s=, =Lincoln’s= and =Merchant Taylors= (Perseus
and Andromeda?).
Feb. 24–March 10. Visits to Fold in South Mimms (Mr. Waller),
Islehampstead Latimer (Miles Sandys), Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas
Bacon), Brockett Hall in Hatfield (John Brockett), Northiaw (Earl of
Warwick), Theobalds (Lord Burghley, 8 days), and Bishopsgate
(Jasper Fisher, March 7).[180]
July 14–Sept. 26. Progress in Surrey, Kent, and Sussex.[181] Croydon (Abp.
of Canterbury, July 14–21), Orpington (Sir Percival Hart, July 21–24),
[182]
Otford (July 24), Knole in Sevenoaks (July 24–29), Bastead (July
29), Comfort in Birling(Lord Abergavenny, July 29–Aug. 1),
Oxenheath in West Peckham? (Sir Thomas Cotton, Aug. 1), Eridge
(Lord Abergavenny, Aug. 1–7) with visit to Mayfield (Sir Thomas
Gresham)?, Bedgebury in Goudhurst (Alexander Culpepper, Aug. 7–8)
by Kilndown, Hemstead in Benenden (Thomas Guildford, Aug. 8–11),
Northiam (George Bishop, Aug. 11), Rye (Aug. 11–14) with visit to
Winchelsea (Mr. Savage?), Northiam (Aug. 14), Sissinghurst in
Cranbrook (Richard Baker, Aug. 14–17), Boughton Malherbe (Thomas
Wotton, Aug. 17–19) by Smarden, Hothfield (John Tufton, Aug. 19–
21), Olantigh in Wye (Sir Thomas Kempe, Aug. 21–22), Brabourne
(Sir Thomas Scott, Aug. 22), Westenhanger (Aug. 22–25), Sandgate
Castle (Aug. 25), Dover, (Aug. 25–31) by Folkestone with visit to
Thomas? Fisher, Sandwich (Roger? Manwood, Aug. 31–Sept. 3),[183]
Wingham (Sept. 3), Canterbury (St. Augustine’s, Sept. 3–16) with visit
to Abp. Parker (Sept. 7),[184] Faversham (Sept. 16–18), Tunstall
Page 124
(William Cromer, Sept. 18–19), Gillingham (Sept. 19), Rochester (the
Crown, Sept. 19–23) with visit to a ship, Bulley Hill (Richard Watts,
Sept. 23–24), Cobham (Lord Cobham, Sept. 24), Sutton (Sept. 24),
Dartford (Sept. 24–26).
Sept. 26. Greenwich.[185]
c. Nov. Two visits to Deptford.[186]
Nov. 25. Somerset House, by Leicester House (?).[187]
Dec. 19. Whitehall.[188]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s= (Predor and Lucia). Mask (Lance-knights).
Dec. 27. =Paul’s= (Alcmaeon).
Dec. 28. =Leicester’s= (Mamillia).
1574
Jan. 1. =Westminster= (Truth, Faithfulness, and Mercy). Mask (Foresters
and Wild Men).
Jan. 3. =Clinton’s= (Herpetulus the Blue Knight and Perobia).
Jan. 6. =Windsor Chapel= (Quintus Fabius). Mask (Sages).
Jan. 12. Hampton Court.[189]
Feb. 2. =Merchant Taylors= (Timoclea at the Siege of Thebes by
Alexander). Mask (Virtues) not shown.
Feb. 18–20. Visits to Earl of Lincoln and to Osterley (Sir Thomas
Gresham).[190]
Feb. 21–23 (S.). Queen entertained privately by neighbours.[191]
Feb. 21. =Leicester’s= (Philemon and Philecia).
Feb. 23. =Merchant Taylors= (Perseus and Andromeda). Masks (Warriors
and Ladies).
March 2–3. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Abp. Parker).[192]
June 30. Richmond, by Merton Abbey (Gregory? Lovell).[193]
Crown, Sept. 19–23) with visit to a ship, Bulley Hill (Richard Watts,
Sept. 23–24), Cobham (Lord Cobham, Sept. 24), Sutton (Sept. 24),
Dartford (Sept. 24–26).
Sept. 26. Greenwich.[185]
c. Nov. Two visits to Deptford.[186]
Nov. 25. Somerset House, by Leicester House (?).[187]
Dec. 19. Whitehall.[188]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s= (Predor and Lucia). Mask (Lance-knights).
Dec. 27. =Paul’s= (Alcmaeon).
Dec. 28. =Leicester’s= (Mamillia).
1574
Jan. 1. =Westminster= (Truth, Faithfulness, and Mercy). Mask (Foresters
and Wild Men).
Jan. 3. =Clinton’s= (Herpetulus the Blue Knight and Perobia).
Jan. 6. =Windsor Chapel= (Quintus Fabius). Mask (Sages).
Jan. 12. Hampton Court.[189]
Feb. 2. =Merchant Taylors= (Timoclea at the Siege of Thebes by
Alexander). Mask (Virtues) not shown.
Feb. 18–20. Visits to Earl of Lincoln and to Osterley (Sir Thomas
Gresham).[190]
Feb. 21–23 (S.). Queen entertained privately by neighbours.[191]
Feb. 21. =Leicester’s= (Philemon and Philecia).
Feb. 23. =Merchant Taylors= (Perseus and Andromeda). Masks (Warriors
and Ladies).
March 2–3. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Abp. Parker).[192]
June 30. Richmond, by Merton Abbey (Gregory? Lovell).[193]
Page 125
July 7. Windsor, by Stanwell and Colnbrook.[194]
July 11 < > 13. =Italians.=
July 15–Sept. 25. Progress in Berks., Oxon., Gloucestershire, Somerset,
Wilts., Hants, and Surrey.[195] Binfield, Reading (July 15–23) with
play (July 15) by =Italians=, Caversham or Rotherfield Greys (Sir
Francis Knollys, July 23), Ewelme (July 23–24), Holton (Christopher
Browne, July 24), Woodstock (July 24–Aug. 2), Langley (Sir Edward
Unton, Aug. 2–3), Burford (Aug. 3), Sherborne (Thomas Dutton, Aug.
3–4), Sudeley Castle (Lady Chandos, Aug. 4, 5), Boddington (Mr.
Denne), Gloucester (Aug. 10) with visit to Churcham?, Frocester
(George Huntley, Aug. 10–11), Iron Acton (Sir Nicholas Pointz),
Berkeley Castle (Lord Berkeley, Aug. 11–12), Berkeley Hearne?,
Bristol St. Lawrence, Bristol (Sir John Young, Aug. 14–21),[196]
Keynsham (Henry? Brydges, Aug. 21), Morecroft (Stokes Croft?, Aug.
21), Bath (Aug. 21–23), Hazelbury (John Bonham, Aug. 23), Lacock
(Sir Henry Sherington, Aug. 23–28), Erlestoke (William Brouncker,
Aug. 28–31), Heytesbury (Mr. Hawker, Aug. 31–Sept. 3) with visit to
Longleat (Sir John Thynne, Sept. 2), Wylye? (Lady Mervyn, Sept. 3),
Wilton (Earl of Pembroke, Sept. 3–6) with visit to Clarendon Park,
Salisbury (Bp.’s, Sept. 6–9) with visit to Amesbury, Winterslow (Giles
Thistlethwaite?, Sept. 9), Mottisfont (Lord Sandys, Sept. 9–10),
Somborne (Henry? Gifford, Sept. 10), Winchester (Sept. 10–13),
Abbotstone (Marquis of Winchester, Sept. 13), Alresford, Herriard
(George Puttenham), Odiham (Sept. 14–16), Farnham (Bp.
Winchester, Sept. 15, 19), Bagshot (Sept. 24–25).
Sept. 25. Oatlands.[197]
Oct. 1. Hampton Court.[198]
Oct. 19–22. Visit to Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel).[199]
Christmas. Phedrastus and Phigon and Lucia rehearsed by =Sussex’s=,
Three masks this winter (Pilgrims, Mariners. Hobby-horses).[200]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s=, with boys.
Dec. 27. =Clinton’s= (Pretestus?).
July 11 < > 13. =Italians.=
July 15–Sept. 25. Progress in Berks., Oxon., Gloucestershire, Somerset,
Wilts., Hants, and Surrey.[195] Binfield, Reading (July 15–23) with
play (July 15) by =Italians=, Caversham or Rotherfield Greys (Sir
Francis Knollys, July 23), Ewelme (July 23–24), Holton (Christopher
Browne, July 24), Woodstock (July 24–Aug. 2), Langley (Sir Edward
Unton, Aug. 2–3), Burford (Aug. 3), Sherborne (Thomas Dutton, Aug.
3–4), Sudeley Castle (Lady Chandos, Aug. 4, 5), Boddington (Mr.
Denne), Gloucester (Aug. 10) with visit to Churcham?, Frocester
(George Huntley, Aug. 10–11), Iron Acton (Sir Nicholas Pointz),
Berkeley Castle (Lord Berkeley, Aug. 11–12), Berkeley Hearne?,
Bristol St. Lawrence, Bristol (Sir John Young, Aug. 14–21),[196]
Keynsham (Henry? Brydges, Aug. 21), Morecroft (Stokes Croft?, Aug.
21), Bath (Aug. 21–23), Hazelbury (John Bonham, Aug. 23), Lacock
(Sir Henry Sherington, Aug. 23–28), Erlestoke (William Brouncker,
Aug. 28–31), Heytesbury (Mr. Hawker, Aug. 31–Sept. 3) with visit to
Longleat (Sir John Thynne, Sept. 2), Wylye? (Lady Mervyn, Sept. 3),
Wilton (Earl of Pembroke, Sept. 3–6) with visit to Clarendon Park,
Salisbury (Bp.’s, Sept. 6–9) with visit to Amesbury, Winterslow (Giles
Thistlethwaite?, Sept. 9), Mottisfont (Lord Sandys, Sept. 9–10),
Somborne (Henry? Gifford, Sept. 10), Winchester (Sept. 10–13),
Abbotstone (Marquis of Winchester, Sept. 13), Alresford, Herriard
(George Puttenham), Odiham (Sept. 14–16), Farnham (Bp.
Winchester, Sept. 15, 19), Bagshot (Sept. 24–25).
Sept. 25. Oatlands.[197]
Oct. 1. Hampton Court.[198]
Oct. 19–22. Visit to Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel).[199]
Christmas. Phedrastus and Phigon and Lucia rehearsed by =Sussex’s=,
Three masks this winter (Pilgrims, Mariners. Hobby-horses).[200]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s=, with boys.
Dec. 27. =Clinton’s= (Pretestus?).
Page 126
1575
Jan. 1. =Leicester’s= (Panecia?).
Jan. 2. =Clinton’s.=
Jan. 6. =Windsor Chapel= (Xerxes?).
Feb. 2. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 3 < > 6. Richmond.[201]
Feb. 13 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 14. =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 15? =Merchant Taylors.=
March 16. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. Dee).[202]
March 23 < > 25. St. James’s.[203]
c. Apr. (?). Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham), by Chiswick.[204]
Apr. 20. Greenwich.[205]
c. May 5–8. Two visits to Lady Pembroke in illness at Baynard’s Castle.[206]
May 23–Oct. 10 < > 11. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Bucks.,
Northants., Warwickshire, Staffs., Worcestershire, Gloucestershire,
Oxon., Berks.[207] Stoke Newington (John Dudley, May 23),
Theobalds (Lord Burghley, May 24–June 6), Broxbourne (Sir George
Penruddock), Woodhall (Sir John Butler), Hatfield (June 7–14), Luton
(George Rotherham), Toddington (Lord Cheyne), Segenhoe in
Ridgmont (Peter Grey), Holcutt (Richard Charnock), Chicheley
(Elizabeth Weston), Grafton (June 19–July 6), Fawsley (Sir Richard
Knightley), Long Itchington (Earl of Leicester, July 9), Kenilworth
(Earl of Leicester, July 9–27),[208] Meriden (William Foster),
Middleton (Sir Francis Willoughby), Swinfen (John Dyott?), Lichfield
(July 30–Aug. 3)[209] with visits to Beaudesert (Lord Paget) and
Alrewas (Walter Griffith, July 30), Colton (Katharine, Lady Gresley),
Chartley (Lady Essex), Stafford Castle (Lord Stafford, Aug. 7, 8) with
visit to Ellenhall (Walter? Harcourt), Chillington (John Giffard),
Dudley Castle (Lord Dudley, Aug. 12), Hartlebury Castle (Bp. of
Jan. 1. =Leicester’s= (Panecia?).
Jan. 2. =Clinton’s.=
Jan. 6. =Windsor Chapel= (Xerxes?).
Feb. 2. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 3 < > 6. Richmond.[201]
Feb. 13 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 14. =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 15? =Merchant Taylors.=
March 16. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. Dee).[202]
March 23 < > 25. St. James’s.[203]
c. Apr. (?). Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham), by Chiswick.[204]
Apr. 20. Greenwich.[205]
c. May 5–8. Two visits to Lady Pembroke in illness at Baynard’s Castle.[206]
May 23–Oct. 10 < > 11. Progress in Middlesex, Herts., Beds., Bucks.,
Northants., Warwickshire, Staffs., Worcestershire, Gloucestershire,
Oxon., Berks.[207] Stoke Newington (John Dudley, May 23),
Theobalds (Lord Burghley, May 24–June 6), Broxbourne (Sir George
Penruddock), Woodhall (Sir John Butler), Hatfield (June 7–14), Luton
(George Rotherham), Toddington (Lord Cheyne), Segenhoe in
Ridgmont (Peter Grey), Holcutt (Richard Charnock), Chicheley
(Elizabeth Weston), Grafton (June 19–July 6), Fawsley (Sir Richard
Knightley), Long Itchington (Earl of Leicester, July 9), Kenilworth
(Earl of Leicester, July 9–27),[208] Meriden (William Foster),
Middleton (Sir Francis Willoughby), Swinfen (John Dyott?), Lichfield
(July 30–Aug. 3)[209] with visits to Beaudesert (Lord Paget) and
Alrewas (Walter Griffith, July 30), Colton (Katharine, Lady Gresley),
Chartley (Lady Essex), Stafford Castle (Lord Stafford, Aug. 7, 8) with
visit to Ellenhall (Walter? Harcourt), Chillington (John Giffard),
Dudley Castle (Lord Dudley, Aug. 12), Hartlebury Castle (Bp. of
Page 127
Worcester, Aug. 12–13), Worcester (Bp. of Worcester, Aug. 13–20)[210]
with visits to Hindlip (John Habington, Aug. 16), Hallow Park (John
Habington, Aug. 18) and Batenhall Park (Thomas Bromley, Aug. 19),
Elmley Bredon (Anne Daston, Aug. 20–22), Evesham? (Aug. 21),
Campden (Thomas Smythe), Sudeley Castle (Lord Chandos),
Sherborne (Thomas Dutton), Langley (Sir Edward Unton, Aug. 27),
Cornbury (Thomas Stafford?, Aug. 29), Woodstock (Aug. 29–Oct. 3)
with entertainment by Sir Henry Lee,[211] Holton (Christopher
Browne), Rycote (Lord Norris, Oct. 6–8), Bradenham (Frederick Lord
Windsor), Wooburn (Sir John Goodwin), Philberds in Bray (Sir
Thomas Neville).
Oct. 10 or 11. Windsor.[212]
Dec. 20. Hampton Court, by Colnbrook.[213]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s.=
Dec. 27. =Windsor Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Leicester’s.=
1576
Jan. 1. =Warwick’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 6 or 7. Whitehall, by Sion.[214]
Feb. 27. =Italians.=
March 4 (S.S.). =Leicester’s.=
March 5. =Warwick’s.=
March 6. =Merchant Taylors.=
Apr. 26. Greenwich.[215]
May 9–19. Visits to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester, May 9–10),
Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, May 10–12), Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln,
with visits to Hindlip (John Habington, Aug. 16), Hallow Park (John
Habington, Aug. 18) and Batenhall Park (Thomas Bromley, Aug. 19),
Elmley Bredon (Anne Daston, Aug. 20–22), Evesham? (Aug. 21),
Campden (Thomas Smythe), Sudeley Castle (Lord Chandos),
Sherborne (Thomas Dutton), Langley (Sir Edward Unton, Aug. 27),
Cornbury (Thomas Stafford?, Aug. 29), Woodstock (Aug. 29–Oct. 3)
with entertainment by Sir Henry Lee,[211] Holton (Christopher
Browne), Rycote (Lord Norris, Oct. 6–8), Bradenham (Frederick Lord
Windsor), Wooburn (Sir John Goodwin), Philberds in Bray (Sir
Thomas Neville).
Oct. 10 or 11. Windsor.[212]
Dec. 20. Hampton Court, by Colnbrook.[213]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s.=
Dec. 27. =Windsor Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Leicester’s.=
1576
Jan. 1. =Warwick’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 6 or 7. Whitehall, by Sion.[214]
Feb. 27. =Italians.=
March 4 (S.S.). =Leicester’s.=
March 5. =Warwick’s.=
March 6. =Merchant Taylors.=
Apr. 26. Greenwich.[215]
May 9–19. Visits to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester, May 9–10),
Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham, May 10–12), Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln,
Page 128
May 12–15), Nonsuch (Earl of Arundel, May 15–17), Beddington (Sir
Francis Carew, May 17–19).[216]
c. June 7. Visit to Hatfield.[217]
June 18. Visit to Deptford.[218]
c. June. Visit to Eltham.[219]
July 9. St. James’s.[220]
July 22 or 23. Whitehall.[221]
c. July. Visits to Highgate (Thomas? Lichfield), Fold? at Barnet (Mr.
Waller), and Hendon (Edward Herbert).[222]
July 30–Oct. 9. Progress in Essex, Herts., Bucks., Berks., and Surrey.[223]
Stratford at Bow (Richard? Young, July 30), Havering (July 30–Aug.
7) with visit to Pyrgo (Henry Grey) and hunt in Harolds Park,
Chigwell Hall (Sir John Petre, Aug. 7), Loughborough (John Stonard,
Aug. 7), Upshire? (Aug. 10), Mark Hall in Latton (James Altham, Aug.
10–11), Hatfield Broadoak (Sir Thomas Barrington, Aug. 11), Great
Hallingbury (Lord Morley, Aug. 11–14), Stanstead Abbots (Edward
Bashe, Aug. 14–19), Hertford Castle (Aug. 19–22), Hatfield (Aug. 24),
Hertford again (Aug. 26–28), Northiaw (Earl of Warwick, Aug. 30), St.
Albans (Aug. 30–Sept. 1), Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas Bacon, Sept. 1),
Latimer (Miles Sandys, Sept. 1–3) with visit to Chalfont St. Giles
(John? Gardiner), Hedgerley (Sir Robert Drury, Sept. 3), Windsor
(Sept. 3–10) with visit to Folly John Park, Thorpe (Richard Polsted,
Sept. 10), Byfleet (Sept. 10–11), Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln, Sept. 11–
12), Guildford (Sept. 12), Loseley in Artington (Sir William More,
Sept. 12–13), Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Sept. 13?-20), Odiham (Sept.
20–22), Mr. Hall’s (Sept. 22), Reading (Sept. 22–Oct. 8), Rotherfield
Greys (Sir Francis Knollys Oct. 8), Hurst (Richard Ward, Oct. 8–9),
Windsor (Oct. 9–12).
Oct. 12. Hampton Court.[224]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s= (Painter’s Daughter).
Dec. 27. =Howard’s= (Tooley).
Francis Carew, May 17–19).[216]
c. June 7. Visit to Hatfield.[217]
June 18. Visit to Deptford.[218]
c. June. Visit to Eltham.[219]
July 9. St. James’s.[220]
July 22 or 23. Whitehall.[221]
c. July. Visits to Highgate (Thomas? Lichfield), Fold? at Barnet (Mr.
Waller), and Hendon (Edward Herbert).[222]
July 30–Oct. 9. Progress in Essex, Herts., Bucks., Berks., and Surrey.[223]
Stratford at Bow (Richard? Young, July 30), Havering (July 30–Aug.
7) with visit to Pyrgo (Henry Grey) and hunt in Harolds Park,
Chigwell Hall (Sir John Petre, Aug. 7), Loughborough (John Stonard,
Aug. 7), Upshire? (Aug. 10), Mark Hall in Latton (James Altham, Aug.
10–11), Hatfield Broadoak (Sir Thomas Barrington, Aug. 11), Great
Hallingbury (Lord Morley, Aug. 11–14), Stanstead Abbots (Edward
Bashe, Aug. 14–19), Hertford Castle (Aug. 19–22), Hatfield (Aug. 24),
Hertford again (Aug. 26–28), Northiaw (Earl of Warwick, Aug. 30), St.
Albans (Aug. 30–Sept. 1), Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas Bacon, Sept. 1),
Latimer (Miles Sandys, Sept. 1–3) with visit to Chalfont St. Giles
(John? Gardiner), Hedgerley (Sir Robert Drury, Sept. 3), Windsor
(Sept. 3–10) with visit to Folly John Park, Thorpe (Richard Polsted,
Sept. 10), Byfleet (Sept. 10–11), Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln, Sept. 11–
12), Guildford (Sept. 12), Loseley in Artington (Sir William More,
Sept. 12–13), Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Sept. 13?-20), Odiham (Sept.
20–22), Mr. Hall’s (Sept. 22), Reading (Sept. 22–Oct. 8), Rotherfield
Greys (Sir Francis Knollys Oct. 8), Hurst (Richard Ward, Oct. 8–9),
Windsor (Oct. 9–12).
Oct. 12. Hampton Court.[224]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s= (Painter’s Daughter).
Dec. 27. =Howard’s= (Tooley).
Page 129
Dec. 30. =Leicester’s= (Collier).
1577
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (Error).
Jan. 6. =Chapel= and =Windsor Chapel= together (Mutius Scaevola).
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s= (Cynocephali).
Feb. 12. Whitehall.[225]
Feb. 17–19 (S.). Cutwell rehearsed, but not played.
Feb. 17. =Howard’s= (Solitary Knight).
Feb. 18. =Warwick’s= (Irish Knight).
Feb. 19. =Paul’s= (Titus and Gisippus). Mask of children.
Feb. 26–March 3. Visit to Wanstead? (Earl of Leicester).[226]
April. Italian play before Privy Council at Durham Place.[227]
Apr. 29 < > May 6. Greenwich.[228]
May 9–10. Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[229]
May 14–c. 25. Visits to Stoke Newington (John Dudley), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 14 or 15, for 3 days), Northiaw (Earl of Warwick),
Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas Bacon, May 18–22), Fold? at Barnet (Mr.
Waller), Highgate (Thomas? Lichfield).[230]
June 24. Visit to Southwark for weddings of George, Earl of Cumberland,
to Margaret Russell, and Philip, Lord Wharton, to Frances Clifford.
[231]
c. July. Visit to Deptford.[232]
July 19. Richmond, by Clapham.[233]
July 24. Visit to Isleworth (Countess of Derby).[234]
July 26. Visits to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham?) and Mortlake Park
Lodge (Earl of Leicester).[235]
Aug. 23. Oatlands, by Hampton Court.[236]
1577
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (Error).
Jan. 6. =Chapel= and =Windsor Chapel= together (Mutius Scaevola).
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s= (Cynocephali).
Feb. 12. Whitehall.[225]
Feb. 17–19 (S.). Cutwell rehearsed, but not played.
Feb. 17. =Howard’s= (Solitary Knight).
Feb. 18. =Warwick’s= (Irish Knight).
Feb. 19. =Paul’s= (Titus and Gisippus). Mask of children.
Feb. 26–March 3. Visit to Wanstead? (Earl of Leicester).[226]
April. Italian play before Privy Council at Durham Place.[227]
Apr. 29 < > May 6. Greenwich.[228]
May 9–10. Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[229]
May 14–c. 25. Visits to Stoke Newington (John Dudley), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 14 or 15, for 3 days), Northiaw (Earl of Warwick),
Gorhambury (Sir Nicholas Bacon, May 18–22), Fold? at Barnet (Mr.
Waller), Highgate (Thomas? Lichfield).[230]
June 24. Visit to Southwark for weddings of George, Earl of Cumberland,
to Margaret Russell, and Philip, Lord Wharton, to Frances Clifford.
[231]
c. July. Visit to Deptford.[232]
July 19. Richmond, by Clapham.[233]
July 24. Visit to Isleworth (Countess of Derby).[234]
July 26. Visits to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham?) and Mortlake Park
Lodge (Earl of Leicester).[235]
Aug. 23. Oatlands, by Hampton Court.[236]
Page 130
Sept. 4–7 or 8. Visit to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln).[237]
Sept. 12. Visit to Hanworth (Duchess of Somerset).[238]
c. Sept. Visit to Sir John Zouch.[239]
Sept. 23. Windsor, by Thorpe (Richard Polsted?).[240]
c. Sept. Visit to Sunninghill.[241]
Dec. 10. Hampton Court, by Staines.[242]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Warwick’s.=
Dec. 29. =Paul’s.=
1578
Jan. 5. =Howard’s.=
Jan. 6. =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 9 (S.S.). =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 11. =Lady Essex’s= (instead of =Leicester’s=).
c. Feb. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[243]
Feb. 25–27. Visit to Putney (John Lacy?).[244]
Feb. 27–March 3 (?). Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[245]
March 3. Greenwich.[246]
Apr. 5 and 28. Visits to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[247]
May 6–16. Visits to Tottenham (Lord Compton, May 6, 7), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 7–10), Stanstead Abbots (Edward Bashe, May 10–12),
Copt Hall (Sir Thomas Heneage, May 12–13), Wanstead (Earl of
Leicester, May 13–16).[248]
May 16. Greenwich.[249]
Sept. 12. Visit to Hanworth (Duchess of Somerset).[238]
c. Sept. Visit to Sir John Zouch.[239]
Sept. 23. Windsor, by Thorpe (Richard Polsted?).[240]
c. Sept. Visit to Sunninghill.[241]
Dec. 10. Hampton Court, by Staines.[242]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Warwick’s.=
Dec. 29. =Paul’s.=
1578
Jan. 5. =Howard’s.=
Jan. 6. =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 9 (S.S.). =Warwick’s.=
Feb. 11. =Lady Essex’s= (instead of =Leicester’s=).
c. Feb. Visit to Osterley (Sir Thomas Gresham).[243]
Feb. 25–27. Visit to Putney (John Lacy?).[244]
Feb. 27–March 3 (?). Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[245]
March 3. Greenwich.[246]
Apr. 5 and 28. Visits to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[247]
May 6–16. Visits to Tottenham (Lord Compton, May 6, 7), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 7–10), Stanstead Abbots (Edward Bashe, May 10–12),
Copt Hall (Sir Thomas Heneage, May 12–13), Wanstead (Earl of
Leicester, May 13–16).[248]
May 16. Greenwich.[249]
Page 131
July 11 < > 12–Sept. 23 < > 24. Progress in Essex, Herts., Suffolk,
Norfolk, Cambridgeshire.[250] West Ham (Henry? Meautys), Havering
(July 12–20), Theydon Garnon (John Branch), Mark Hall in Latton
(James Altham, July 23), Standon (Sir Ralph Sadleir, July 24), Berden
Priory (Margery Averie), Audley End (Thomas Howard, July 26–30),
[251]
Barham Hall in Linton (Robert Milsent), Keddington (Thomas
Barnardiston), De Greys in Cavendish (Sir George Colt, Aug. 1), Long
Melford (Sir William Cordell, Aug. 3–5), Lawshall (Sir William Drury,
Aug. 5), Bury St. Edmunds (Aug. 5, 6), Onehouse? (Sir William
Drury), Stowmarket?,[252] Euston (Edward Rookwood, Aug. 10),
Kenninghall (Earl of Surrey, Aug. 11, 12),[253] Bracon Ash (Thomas
Townsend, Aug. 16), Norwich (Bp. of Norwich, Aug. 16–22) with
visits to Costessey (Mary, Lady Jerningham, Aug. 19) and Mount
Surrey on Mousehold Hill (Earl of Surrey, Aug. 20), Kimberley (Sir
Roger Woodhouse, Aug. 22 or 23), Wood Rising (Sir Robert
Southwell, Aug. 24), Breckles (Francis Woodhouse), Thetford (Sir
Edward Cleere, Aug. 27), Hengrave (Sir Thomas Kitson, Aug. 28–30),
Chippenham (Thomas Revett, Sept. 1), Kirtling (Lord North, Sept. 1–
3), Horseheath (Sir Giles Alington, Sept. 4), Waltons in Ashdon
(Edward Tyrell). Horham Hall in Thaxted (Sir John Cutts, Sept. 7, 11),
Manuden (Thomas Crawley), Hadham Hall (Henry Capel, Sept. 14),
Hyde Hall in Sawbridgeworth (Henry? Heigham), Hatfield Broadoak?
(Sir Thomas Barrington, Sept. 15), Rookwood Hall in Roding Abbess
(Wiston Browne, Sept. 18), Theydon Bois (Mrs. Elderton) with visit to
Gaynes Park (Sir William Fitzwilliam, Sept. 19), Loughborough (John
Stonard, Sept. 21, 22), Wanstead (Earl of Leicester), Greenwich.
Sept. 25. Richmond.[254]
c. Dec. Visit to Hampton Court.[255]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s= (Three Sisters of Mantua).
Dec. 27. =Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Sussex’s= (Cruelty of a Stepmother).
1579
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (Marriage of Mind and Measure).
Norfolk, Cambridgeshire.[250] West Ham (Henry? Meautys), Havering
(July 12–20), Theydon Garnon (John Branch), Mark Hall in Latton
(James Altham, July 23), Standon (Sir Ralph Sadleir, July 24), Berden
Priory (Margery Averie), Audley End (Thomas Howard, July 26–30),
[251]
Barham Hall in Linton (Robert Milsent), Keddington (Thomas
Barnardiston), De Greys in Cavendish (Sir George Colt, Aug. 1), Long
Melford (Sir William Cordell, Aug. 3–5), Lawshall (Sir William Drury,
Aug. 5), Bury St. Edmunds (Aug. 5, 6), Onehouse? (Sir William
Drury), Stowmarket?,[252] Euston (Edward Rookwood, Aug. 10),
Kenninghall (Earl of Surrey, Aug. 11, 12),[253] Bracon Ash (Thomas
Townsend, Aug. 16), Norwich (Bp. of Norwich, Aug. 16–22) with
visits to Costessey (Mary, Lady Jerningham, Aug. 19) and Mount
Surrey on Mousehold Hill (Earl of Surrey, Aug. 20), Kimberley (Sir
Roger Woodhouse, Aug. 22 or 23), Wood Rising (Sir Robert
Southwell, Aug. 24), Breckles (Francis Woodhouse), Thetford (Sir
Edward Cleere, Aug. 27), Hengrave (Sir Thomas Kitson, Aug. 28–30),
Chippenham (Thomas Revett, Sept. 1), Kirtling (Lord North, Sept. 1–
3), Horseheath (Sir Giles Alington, Sept. 4), Waltons in Ashdon
(Edward Tyrell). Horham Hall in Thaxted (Sir John Cutts, Sept. 7, 11),
Manuden (Thomas Crawley), Hadham Hall (Henry Capel, Sept. 14),
Hyde Hall in Sawbridgeworth (Henry? Heigham), Hatfield Broadoak?
(Sir Thomas Barrington, Sept. 15), Rookwood Hall in Roding Abbess
(Wiston Browne, Sept. 18), Theydon Bois (Mrs. Elderton) with visit to
Gaynes Park (Sir William Fitzwilliam, Sept. 19), Loughborough (John
Stonard, Sept. 21, 22), Wanstead (Earl of Leicester), Greenwich.
Sept. 25. Richmond.[254]
c. Dec. Visit to Hampton Court.[255]
Dec. 26. =Warwick’s= (Three Sisters of Mantua).
Dec. 27. =Chapel.=
Dec. 28. =Sussex’s= (Cruelty of a Stepmother).
1579
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (Marriage of Mind and Measure).
Page 132
Jan. 4. =Leicester’s= (A Greek Maid).
Jan. 6. =Sussex’s= (Rape of the Second Helen).
Jan. 11. Mask (Amazons and Knights) and barriers, for Alençon’s agent, M.
de Simier.[256]
Jan. 22 < > 25. Whitehall, by Chelsea.[257]
c. Jan. 31. Visit to Hampton Court, by Putney (John Lacy).[258]
c. Jan.-Feb. Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[259]
Feb. 1–2. Tilt and barriers for John Casimir, son of Elector Palatine.[260]
Play by =Warwick’s= ready, but not shown.
March 1 (S.S.). =Warwick’s= (Knight in the Burning Rock).
March 2. =Chapel= (Loyalty and Beauty).
March 3. =Sussex’s= (Murderous Michael). Device by Earls of Oxford and
Surrey, Lord Thomas Howard, and Lord Windsor before French
ambassador and De Simier. Morris mask prepared, but not danced.[261]
Apr. 28 or 29–May 2. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester), by Greenwich.
[262]
June 24–26. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[263]
July 2. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[264]
July 15–17. Visits to Gravesend and Deptford.[265]
Aug. 17–29. Private visit of Duke of Alençon to England.[266]
c. Aug. 30–31. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[267]
Sept. 9–27 < > Oct. 2. Progress in Essex.[268] Stratford at Bow (Richard?
Young, Sept. 9), Havering (Sept. 11–14), Ingatestone (Lady Petre),
New Hall in Boreham (Earl of Sussex, Sept. 17, 18), Moulsham (Sir
Thomas Mildmay), Thoby (Anthony? Berners), Brentwood (John?
Searle), Giddy Hall in Romford (Richard Cooke, Sept. 25–7), Ilford
(Thomas Fanshawe, at St. Mary’s Hospital?).
Sept. 27 < > Oct. 2. Greenwich.[269]
Jan. 6. =Sussex’s= (Rape of the Second Helen).
Jan. 11. Mask (Amazons and Knights) and barriers, for Alençon’s agent, M.
de Simier.[256]
Jan. 22 < > 25. Whitehall, by Chelsea.[257]
c. Jan. 31. Visit to Hampton Court, by Putney (John Lacy).[258]
c. Jan.-Feb. Visit to Leicester House (Earl of Leicester).[259]
Feb. 1–2. Tilt and barriers for John Casimir, son of Elector Palatine.[260]
Play by =Warwick’s= ready, but not shown.
March 1 (S.S.). =Warwick’s= (Knight in the Burning Rock).
March 2. =Chapel= (Loyalty and Beauty).
March 3. =Sussex’s= (Murderous Michael). Device by Earls of Oxford and
Surrey, Lord Thomas Howard, and Lord Windsor before French
ambassador and De Simier. Morris mask prepared, but not danced.[261]
Apr. 28 or 29–May 2. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester), by Greenwich.
[262]
June 24–26. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[263]
July 2. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[264]
July 15–17. Visits to Gravesend and Deptford.[265]
Aug. 17–29. Private visit of Duke of Alençon to England.[266]
c. Aug. 30–31. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[267]
Sept. 9–27 < > Oct. 2. Progress in Essex.[268] Stratford at Bow (Richard?
Young, Sept. 9), Havering (Sept. 11–14), Ingatestone (Lady Petre),
New Hall in Boreham (Earl of Sussex, Sept. 17, 18), Moulsham (Sir
Thomas Mildmay), Thoby (Anthony? Berners), Brentwood (John?
Searle), Giddy Hall in Romford (Richard Cooke, Sept. 25–7), Ilford
(Thomas Fanshawe, at St. Mary’s Hospital?).
Sept. 27 < > Oct. 2. Greenwich.[269]
Page 133
Dec. 22. Whitehall.[270]
Dec. 26. =Sussex’s= (Duke of Milan and Marquis of Mantua).
Dec. 27. =Chapel= (Alucius).
Dec. 28. Play by =Leicester’s= ready, but not shown.
1580
Jan. 1. =Warwick’s= (Four Sons of Fabius).
Jan. 3. =Paul’s= (Scipio Africanus).
Jan. 6. =Leicester’s.=
Jan. 15. =Strange’s tumblers.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s= (Portio and Demorantes).
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Derby’s= (The Soldan and the Duke of —— ).
Feb. 16. =Sussex’s= (Sarpedon).
c. Feb. Visit to Charterhouse.[271]
May 26 < > 29. Nonsuch, by Putney (John Lacy).[272]
c. June. Visits to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[273]
July 11 or 12. Oatlands, by Molesey.[274]
c. July-Aug. Visits to Chobham (Abp. Heath, Edward? Bray, John Wolley)
and Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln).[275]
Aug. 16–20. Visit to Sunninghill, and Windsor?[276]
c. Aug. 25–27. Visit to Woking.[277]
Sept. 13. Richmond, by Molesey (Thomas Brand).[278]
Sept. 17. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. John Dee).[279]
Oct. 10. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. Dee).[280]
c. Nov. Visits to Harmondsworth (Mr. Drury), Colnbrook (Henry? Draper),
Windsor, Eton College, Ditton Park, and Nonsuch.[281]
Dec. 26. =Sussex’s= (Duke of Milan and Marquis of Mantua).
Dec. 27. =Chapel= (Alucius).
Dec. 28. Play by =Leicester’s= ready, but not shown.
1580
Jan. 1. =Warwick’s= (Four Sons of Fabius).
Jan. 3. =Paul’s= (Scipio Africanus).
Jan. 6. =Leicester’s.=
Jan. 15. =Strange’s tumblers.=
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s= (Portio and Demorantes).
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Derby’s= (The Soldan and the Duke of —— ).
Feb. 16. =Sussex’s= (Sarpedon).
c. Feb. Visit to Charterhouse.[271]
May 26 < > 29. Nonsuch, by Putney (John Lacy).[272]
c. June. Visits to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[273]
July 11 or 12. Oatlands, by Molesey.[274]
c. July-Aug. Visits to Chobham (Abp. Heath, Edward? Bray, John Wolley)
and Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln).[275]
Aug. 16–20. Visit to Sunninghill, and Windsor?[276]
c. Aug. 25–27. Visit to Woking.[277]
Sept. 13. Richmond, by Molesey (Thomas Brand).[278]
Sept. 17. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. John Dee).[279]
Oct. 10. Visit to Mortlake (Dr. Dee).[280]
c. Nov. Visits to Harmondsworth (Mr. Drury), Colnbrook (Henry? Draper),
Windsor, Eton College, Ditton Park, and Nonsuch.[281]
Page 134
Dec. 6. Whitehall.[282]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s= (Delight).
Dec. 27. =Sussex’s.=
1581
Jan. 1. =Derby’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s= (Pompey). Challenge for tilt.
Jan. 22. Tilt.[283]
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 5 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 7. =Leicester’s.=
March 20. St. James’s.[284]
Apr. 4. Visit to Golden Hind (Sir Francis Drake) at Deptford.[285]
Apr. 14. Challenge for Whitehall tilt.
Apr. 20. Whitehall.[286]
Apr. 20–June 14. Commissioners for marriage with Duke of Alençon in
London. Revels prepared barriers and two masks.[287]
Apr. 25. Dinner by Queen for commissioners.
Apr. 27. Dinner by Earl of Leicester for commissioners.
Apr. 30. Dinner by Lord Burghley for commissioners.
May 1. Baiting for commissioners.
May 4. Supper by Earl of Sussex for commissioners.
May 6–7. Tilt at Hampton Court for commissioners.
May 15–16. Tilt at Whitehall for commissioners.[288]
June 20. Greenwich.[289]
June 26 < > 30. Visit to Eltham.[290]
Dec. 26. =Leicester’s= (Delight).
Dec. 27. =Sussex’s.=
1581
Jan. 1. =Derby’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s= (Pompey). Challenge for tilt.
Jan. 22. Tilt.[283]
Feb. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Feb. 5 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 7. =Leicester’s.=
March 20. St. James’s.[284]
Apr. 4. Visit to Golden Hind (Sir Francis Drake) at Deptford.[285]
Apr. 14. Challenge for Whitehall tilt.
Apr. 20. Whitehall.[286]
Apr. 20–June 14. Commissioners for marriage with Duke of Alençon in
London. Revels prepared barriers and two masks.[287]
Apr. 25. Dinner by Queen for commissioners.
Apr. 27. Dinner by Earl of Leicester for commissioners.
Apr. 30. Dinner by Lord Burghley for commissioners.
May 1. Baiting for commissioners.
May 4. Supper by Earl of Sussex for commissioners.
May 6–7. Tilt at Hampton Court for commissioners.
May 15–16. Tilt at Whitehall for commissioners.[288]
June 20. Greenwich.[289]
June 26 < > 30. Visit to Eltham.[290]
Page 135
July 5–8. Visits to Aldersbrook in Little Ilford? (Nicholas? Fuller),
Loughborough (Francis Stonard), and Leyton (Mary, Lady Paulett).
[291]
July 27–29. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[292]
c. Sept. Visits to Eltham and Sundridge (William Isley).[293]
Sept. 22–23. Nonsuch, by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[294]
Oct. 3. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[295]
Oct. 4. Richmond.[296]
Nov. 1. Visit of Duke of Alençon to England.[297]
Nov. 16 or 17. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[298]
Nov. 17–19. Tilt.[299]
Christmas. The Revels prepared five plays and a mask.[300]
Dec. 26. =Paul’s.=
Dec. 28. =Strange’s= (activities).
Dec. 31. =Chapel.=
1582
Jan. 1. Barriers.[301]
Jan. Visit to Deptford for launch of Golden Lion.[302]
Feb. 1–17. Progress in Kent at departure of Duke of Alençon. Southfleet
(William? Sedley, Feb. 1), Rochester (the Crown, Feb. 1–3),
Sittingbourne (the George, Feb. 3–5), Canterbury (Sir Roger
Manwood, Feb. 5–6), Sandwich (Mr. Manwood, Feb. 8), Dover (St.
James), Canterbury (Feb. 12), Faversham (Feb. 13), Newington
(Feb. 14), Rochester (Feb. 14–16) with visit to Bulley Hill (Anne? Watts),
Swanscombe (Ralph Weldon, Feb. 16), Horseman Place in Dartford
(Nicholas? Beer, Feb. 16–17).[303]
Feb. 17. Greenwich.[304]
Loughborough (Francis Stonard), and Leyton (Mary, Lady Paulett).
[291]
July 27–29. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[292]
c. Sept. Visits to Eltham and Sundridge (William Isley).[293]
Sept. 22–23. Nonsuch, by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[294]
Oct. 3. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[295]
Oct. 4. Richmond.[296]
Nov. 1. Visit of Duke of Alençon to England.[297]
Nov. 16 or 17. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[298]
Nov. 17–19. Tilt.[299]
Christmas. The Revels prepared five plays and a mask.[300]
Dec. 26. =Paul’s.=
Dec. 28. =Strange’s= (activities).
Dec. 31. =Chapel.=
1582
Jan. 1. Barriers.[301]
Jan. Visit to Deptford for launch of Golden Lion.[302]
Feb. 1–17. Progress in Kent at departure of Duke of Alençon. Southfleet
(William? Sedley, Feb. 1), Rochester (the Crown, Feb. 1–3),
Sittingbourne (the George, Feb. 3–5), Canterbury (Sir Roger
Manwood, Feb. 5–6), Sandwich (Mr. Manwood, Feb. 8), Dover (St.
James), Canterbury (Feb. 12), Faversham (Feb. 13), Newington
(Feb. 14), Rochester (Feb. 14–16) with visit to Bulley Hill (Anne? Watts),
Swanscombe (Ralph Weldon, Feb. 16), Horseman Place in Dartford
(Nicholas? Beer, Feb. 16–17).[303]
Feb. 17. Greenwich.[304]
Page 136
Feb. 26 (S.M.). Play at wedding of William Wentworth and Elizabeth Cecil.
[305]
Feb. 27. =Chapel.=
c. March. Visit to Highgate (Lady Sheffield).[306]
c. Apr. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[307]
May 17–19. Hunting visit.[308]
May 20–22. Visit to Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon) for wedding of Sir
Edward Hoby and Margaret Carey.[309]
July 10–12. Nonsuch, by Putney (John Lacy).[310]
c. July-Aug. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[311]
Aug. 17. Oatlands, by Molesey (Thomas Brand).[312]
c. Aug.-Sept. Visits to Woking and Chobham (John Wolley).[313]
Sept. 1–2 <. Visit to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln), by Byfleet (Lady Anne
Askewe)?[314]
Sept. 20. Windsor, by Egham (Richard Kellefet).[315]
c. Sept. Visits to Folly John, Mote Park, and Sunninghill.[316]
Dec. 26. =Chapel= (A Game of the Cards).
Dec. 27. =Hunsdon’s= (Beauty and Housewifery).
Dec. 30. =Derby’s= (Love and Fortune).
1583
Jan. 1. =Strange’s= (activities).
Jan. 5. Mask by ladies and boys.
Jan. 6. =Sussex’s= (Ferrar).
Jan. 12 < > 18. Richmond, by Colnbrook.[317]
Feb. 10 (S.S.). =Leicester’s= (Telomo).
Feb. 11. Visit to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham).[318]
[305]
Feb. 27. =Chapel.=
c. March. Visit to Highgate (Lady Sheffield).[306]
c. Apr. Visit to Wanstead (Earl of Leicester).[307]
May 17–19. Hunting visit.[308]
May 20–22. Visit to Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon) for wedding of Sir
Edward Hoby and Margaret Carey.[309]
July 10–12. Nonsuch, by Putney (John Lacy).[310]
c. July-Aug. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[311]
Aug. 17. Oatlands, by Molesey (Thomas Brand).[312]
c. Aug.-Sept. Visits to Woking and Chobham (John Wolley).[313]
Sept. 1–2 <. Visit to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln), by Byfleet (Lady Anne
Askewe)?[314]
Sept. 20. Windsor, by Egham (Richard Kellefet).[315]
c. Sept. Visits to Folly John, Mote Park, and Sunninghill.[316]
Dec. 26. =Chapel= (A Game of the Cards).
Dec. 27. =Hunsdon’s= (Beauty and Housewifery).
Dec. 30. =Derby’s= (Love and Fortune).
1583
Jan. 1. =Strange’s= (activities).
Jan. 5. Mask by ladies and boys.
Jan. 6. =Sussex’s= (Ferrar).
Jan. 12 < > 18. Richmond, by Colnbrook.[317]
Feb. 10 (S.S.). =Leicester’s= (Telomo).
Feb. 11. Visit to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham).[318]
Page 137
Feb. 12. =Merchant Taylors= (Ariodante and Genevora).
c. March. Visit to Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon).[319]
c. Apr. 13. Wedding of Robert Southwell and Elizabeth Howard.[320]
Apr. 18. Greenwich, by Clapham (John Worsopp).[321]
May. Tilt for Count Albert of Alasco and French ambassador.[322]
May 27–31 < > June 1. Visits to Theobalds (Lord Burghley) and
Ponsbourne (Sir Henry Cock), by Edmonton (Lady Nicholas) and
Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward).[323]
c. July. Visit to Nonsuch, by Streatham.[324]
July 30. Oatlands, by Chelsea, Mortlake, and Sion.[325]
c. Aug. 27. Visits to Woking, Loseley (Sir William More), Guildford, and
(?) Petworth (Earl of Northumberland).[326]
c. Aug. Visits to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln) and Sunninghill, and to Hampton
Court.[327]
c. Sept. Visits to Chobham (John Wolley) and Egham.[328]
Oct. 5. St. James’s.[329]
Nov. 25–29. Visit to Hampton Court, by Brentford (Thomas Wilkes).[330]
Dec. 20. Whitehall.[331]
c. Oct.-Dec.? Visit to Arundel House (Earl of Arundel).[332]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 29. =Queen’s.=
1584
Jan. 1. =Oxford’s= (Campaspe?).
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
? Jan. or Feb. Visits to Heneage House (Sir Thomas Heneage) and Tower
Hill (Lord Lumley).[333]
c. March. Visit to Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon).[319]
c. Apr. 13. Wedding of Robert Southwell and Elizabeth Howard.[320]
Apr. 18. Greenwich, by Clapham (John Worsopp).[321]
May. Tilt for Count Albert of Alasco and French ambassador.[322]
May 27–31 < > June 1. Visits to Theobalds (Lord Burghley) and
Ponsbourne (Sir Henry Cock), by Edmonton (Lady Nicholas) and
Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward).[323]
c. July. Visit to Nonsuch, by Streatham.[324]
July 30. Oatlands, by Chelsea, Mortlake, and Sion.[325]
c. Aug. 27. Visits to Woking, Loseley (Sir William More), Guildford, and
(?) Petworth (Earl of Northumberland).[326]
c. Aug. Visits to Pyrford (Earl of Lincoln) and Sunninghill, and to Hampton
Court.[327]
c. Sept. Visits to Chobham (John Wolley) and Egham.[328]
Oct. 5. St. James’s.[329]
Nov. 25–29. Visit to Hampton Court, by Brentford (Thomas Wilkes).[330]
Dec. 20. Whitehall.[331]
c. Oct.-Dec.? Visit to Arundel House (Earl of Arundel).[332]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 29. =Queen’s.=
1584
Jan. 1. =Oxford’s= (Campaspe?).
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
? Jan. or Feb. Visits to Heneage House (Sir Thomas Heneage) and Tower
Hill (Lord Lumley).[333]
Page 138
Feb. 2. =Chapel.=
March 3 (S.T.). =Queen’s= and =Oxford’s= (Sapho and Phao?).
Apr. 20 < > May 2. Greenwich.[334]
June 9. Richmond, by Stockwell.[335]
July 17 < > 21. Nonsuch.[336]
Aug. 7. Oatlands, by Kingston (George Evelyn).[337]
c. Aug. Visit to Cobham (Robert Gavell?).[338]
c. Sept. 2. Visits to Egham, Sunninghill, Windsor, Burley Bushes, Bagshot
(Sir Henry Weston), and Blackwater.[339]
Oct. 6 < > 10. Hampton Court.[340]
c. Nov. 5. Visit to Nonsuch.[341]
Nov. 12. St. James’s, by Putney (John Lacy).[342]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[343]
Dec. 6. Tilt.[344]
c. Dec. Visit to Arundel House.[345]
> Christmas. Greenwich.[346]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s= (Phyllida and Corin).
Dec. 27. =Oxford’s boys= (Agamemnon and Ulysses).
1585
Jan. 1. =Oxford’s= (activities).
Jan. 3. =Queen’s= (Felix and Philiomena).
Jan. 6. =Queen’s= (Five Plays in One).
Feb. 8 < > 12. Somerset House.[347]
Feb. 21 (S.S.). =Queen’s= (Three Plays in One), ready, but not shown.
Feb. 23. =Queen’s= (‘antick’ play and comedy).
March 3 (S.T.). =Queen’s= and =Oxford’s= (Sapho and Phao?).
Apr. 20 < > May 2. Greenwich.[334]
June 9. Richmond, by Stockwell.[335]
July 17 < > 21. Nonsuch.[336]
Aug. 7. Oatlands, by Kingston (George Evelyn).[337]
c. Aug. Visit to Cobham (Robert Gavell?).[338]
c. Sept. 2. Visits to Egham, Sunninghill, Windsor, Burley Bushes, Bagshot
(Sir Henry Weston), and Blackwater.[339]
Oct. 6 < > 10. Hampton Court.[340]
c. Nov. 5. Visit to Nonsuch.[341]
Nov. 12. St. James’s, by Putney (John Lacy).[342]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[343]
Dec. 6. Tilt.[344]
c. Dec. Visit to Arundel House.[345]
> Christmas. Greenwich.[346]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s= (Phyllida and Corin).
Dec. 27. =Oxford’s boys= (Agamemnon and Ulysses).
1585
Jan. 1. =Oxford’s= (activities).
Jan. 3. =Queen’s= (Felix and Philiomena).
Jan. 6. =Queen’s= (Five Plays in One).
Feb. 8 < > 12. Somerset House.[347]
Feb. 21 (S.S.). =Queen’s= (Three Plays in One), ready, but not shown.
Feb. 23. =Queen’s= (‘antick’ play and comedy).
Page 139
Feb. 23 < > 26. Greenwich.[348]
c. March. Visit to Oatlands (?).[349]
March 26–30. Visit to Lambeth and Westminster.[350]
March 30 (?)-Apr. 3. Visits to Croydon (Abp.), Beddington (Sir Francis
Carew), and Lambeth (Abp.).[351]
c. Apr. Visit to Lewisham.[352]
c. May 2. Visit to Croydon.[353]
c. June 18. Visit to Theobalds by Edmonton (Mr. Brassey) and Tottenham
High Cross (Richard Martin).[354]
March-July. Tilt for M. de Campagny.[355]
July 11. Visit to Barn Elms.[356]
July 20 < > 24. Nonsuch.[357]
July 27–29. Visit to Putney (John Lacy).[358]
c. Aug. 25. Visit to Wimbledon.[359]
c. Aug. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[360]
Sept. 26 < > Oct. 1. Richmond.[361]
Nov. 17–19. Visit to Westminster (Lord Admiral).[362]
Dec. 20–21. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Lord Burgh).[363]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Howard’s.=
1586
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Howard’s and Hunsdon’s.=
Jan. 9. =Stanley’s boys= (activities).
Feb. 13 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
c. March. Visit to Oatlands (?).[349]
March 26–30. Visit to Lambeth and Westminster.[350]
March 30 (?)-Apr. 3. Visits to Croydon (Abp.), Beddington (Sir Francis
Carew), and Lambeth (Abp.).[351]
c. Apr. Visit to Lewisham.[352]
c. May 2. Visit to Croydon.[353]
c. June 18. Visit to Theobalds by Edmonton (Mr. Brassey) and Tottenham
High Cross (Richard Martin).[354]
March-July. Tilt for M. de Campagny.[355]
July 11. Visit to Barn Elms.[356]
July 20 < > 24. Nonsuch.[357]
July 27–29. Visit to Putney (John Lacy).[358]
c. Aug. 25. Visit to Wimbledon.[359]
c. Aug. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[360]
Sept. 26 < > Oct. 1. Richmond.[361]
Nov. 17–19. Visit to Westminster (Lord Admiral).[362]
Dec. 20–21. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Lord Burgh).[363]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Howard’s.=
1586
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Howard’s and Hunsdon’s.=
Jan. 9. =Stanley’s boys= (activities).
Feb. 13 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Page 140
Feb. 26. Visit to Lambeth (Abp.).[364]
March 27–Apr. 6. Visit to Lambeth and Westminster.[365]
c. July 12. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[366]
c. July. Visit to Hampton Court.[367]
Aug. 10. Windsor, by Staines.[368]
c. Sept. Visit to New Lodge.[369]
Oct. 24. Richmond, by Colnbrook.[370]
Dec. 20–21. Greenwich, by Clapham and Lambeth.[371]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Leicester’s.=
1587
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
Feb. 26 (S.S.). =Paul’s.=
Feb. 28. =Queen’s.=
c. Jan.-Apr. Archery show (Arthur and Round Table) by Hugh Offley
between Merchant Taylors and Mile End.[372]
Apr. 26–May 1 or 2. Visit to Croydon.[373]
May 1 or 2. Nonsuch.[374]
c. May. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[375]
May 25 < > 29. Greenwich, by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[376]
c. July 9–Aug. 13. Theobalds (Lord Burghley), by Hackney (Sir Rowland
Hayward) and Enfield (Henry Middlemore), with visits to Waltham
Forest, Cheshunt (Lord Talbot), and Northiaw (Earl of Warwick, July
20–21).[377]
March 27–Apr. 6. Visit to Lambeth and Westminster.[365]
c. July 12. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[366]
c. July. Visit to Hampton Court.[367]
Aug. 10. Windsor, by Staines.[368]
c. Sept. Visit to New Lodge.[369]
Oct. 24. Richmond, by Colnbrook.[370]
Dec. 20–21. Greenwich, by Clapham and Lambeth.[371]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Leicester’s.=
1587
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
Feb. 26 (S.S.). =Paul’s.=
Feb. 28. =Queen’s.=
c. Jan.-Apr. Archery show (Arthur and Round Table) by Hugh Offley
between Merchant Taylors and Mile End.[372]
Apr. 26–May 1 or 2. Visit to Croydon.[373]
May 1 or 2. Nonsuch.[374]
c. May. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[375]
May 25 < > 29. Greenwich, by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[376]
c. July 9–Aug. 13. Theobalds (Lord Burghley), by Hackney (Sir Rowland
Hayward) and Enfield (Henry Middlemore), with visits to Waltham
Forest, Cheshunt (Lord Talbot), and Northiaw (Earl of Warwick, July
20–21).[377]
Page 141
Aug. 13 < > 20. Oatlands, by Barnet (Mr. Waller), Harrow (William
Wightman), Sion, and West Molesey (Thomas Brand).[378]
Sept. 19 < > 24. Richmond.[379]
Oct. 24. Dinner at Westminster (Lord Admiral).[380]
Nov. 17–21. Visit to Westminster (Lord Admiral) with dinner at Barn Elms
(Sir F. Walsingham, Nov. 20).[381]
Nov. 18. Tilt.[382]
Nov. 21–Dec. 6. Visit to Ely House (Sir Christopher Hatton).[383]
Dec. 6. Somerset House.[384]
Dec. 23. Greenwich.[385]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. Symons and company (? =Queen’s=, activities).
1588
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (Galathea?).
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
c. Jan. 16–20. Visits to Fulham (Bp. of London), Hounslow (Thomas
Crompton), Kensington (Mr. Malinge), and Lambeth (Abp.).[386]
Feb. 2. =Paul’s= (Endymion?).
Feb. 18 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 20. =Evelyn’s.=
Feb. 10 or 20. Show in honour of Leicester.[387]
Feb. 28. =Gray’s Inn= (Misfortunes of Arthur).
c. Apr. 13–16. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward), Tottenham High
Cross (Richard Martin), and Stoke Newington? (Roger? Townsend).
[388]
Apr.-May. Visits to Erith (Thomas? Compton), Croydon (Abp. of
Canterbury), by Lewisham and Wanstead (Earl of Leicester, May 7).
Wightman), Sion, and West Molesey (Thomas Brand).[378]
Sept. 19 < > 24. Richmond.[379]
Oct. 24. Dinner at Westminster (Lord Admiral).[380]
Nov. 17–21. Visit to Westminster (Lord Admiral) with dinner at Barn Elms
(Sir F. Walsingham, Nov. 20).[381]
Nov. 18. Tilt.[382]
Nov. 21–Dec. 6. Visit to Ely House (Sir Christopher Hatton).[383]
Dec. 6. Somerset House.[384]
Dec. 23. Greenwich.[385]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. Symons and company (? =Queen’s=, activities).
1588
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= (Galathea?).
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
c. Jan. 16–20. Visits to Fulham (Bp. of London), Hounslow (Thomas
Crompton), Kensington (Mr. Malinge), and Lambeth (Abp.).[386]
Feb. 2. =Paul’s= (Endymion?).
Feb. 18 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 20. =Evelyn’s.=
Feb. 10 or 20. Show in honour of Leicester.[387]
Feb. 28. =Gray’s Inn= (Misfortunes of Arthur).
c. Apr. 13–16. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward), Tottenham High
Cross (Richard Martin), and Stoke Newington? (Roger? Townsend).
[388]
Apr.-May. Visits to Erith (Thomas? Compton), Croydon (Abp. of
Canterbury), by Lewisham and Wanstead (Earl of Leicester, May 7).
Page 142
[389]
July 5–6. Richmond, by Lambeth and Stockwell.[390]
July 29. St. James’s, by Putney (John Lacy).[391]
Aug. 8–10. Visit to Tilbury camp, Ardern Hall in Horndon (Thomas Rich),
and (?) Belhus in Aveley (Edward Barrett).[392]
Aug. 19. Visit to Ely House (Sir Christopher Hatton).[393]
Aug. 26. Tilt.[394]
Oct. 25. Greenwich.[395]
Nov. 8 or 12. Salute from the Desire (Thomas Cavendish).[396]
Nov. 12 < > 17. Somerset House.[397]
Nov. 17. Tilt.
Nov. 19. Tilt.[398]
Nov. 24. Visit to St. Paul’s.[399]
Nov. 30. Greenwich.[400]
Dec. 21–23. Richmond, by Lambeth.[401]
Christmas. The Admiral’s showed activities as well as plays this winter.
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Paul’s.=
Dec. 29. =Admiral’s.=
1589
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 12. =Paul’s.=
c. Jan. Visit to Hampton Court.[402]
Jan. 30. Whitehall, by Chelsea.[403]
Feb. 9 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
July 5–6. Richmond, by Lambeth and Stockwell.[390]
July 29. St. James’s, by Putney (John Lacy).[391]
Aug. 8–10. Visit to Tilbury camp, Ardern Hall in Horndon (Thomas Rich),
and (?) Belhus in Aveley (Edward Barrett).[392]
Aug. 19. Visit to Ely House (Sir Christopher Hatton).[393]
Aug. 26. Tilt.[394]
Oct. 25. Greenwich.[395]
Nov. 8 or 12. Salute from the Desire (Thomas Cavendish).[396]
Nov. 12 < > 17. Somerset House.[397]
Nov. 17. Tilt.
Nov. 19. Tilt.[398]
Nov. 24. Visit to St. Paul’s.[399]
Nov. 30. Greenwich.[400]
Dec. 21–23. Richmond, by Lambeth.[401]
Christmas. The Admiral’s showed activities as well as plays this winter.
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Paul’s.=
Dec. 29. =Admiral’s.=
1589
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 12. =Paul’s.=
c. Jan. Visit to Hampton Court.[402]
Jan. 30. Whitehall, by Chelsea.[403]
Feb. 9 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Page 143
Feb. 11. =Admiral’s.=
May 26–28. Visit to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham).[404]
c. June 11. Visit to Highgate.[405]
June 18–19. Nonsuch, by Merton Abbey (Gregory Lovell).[406]
Aug. 10 < > 16. Oatlands, by West Molesey (Thomas Brand).[407]
c. Sept. Visit to Hampton Court.[408]
Sept. 26 or 27. Richmond.[409]
c. Sept. Mask prepared for wedding of James VI in Scotland.[410]
Nov. 15. Somerset House.[411]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[412]
Dec. 2. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[413]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Paul’s= and =Admiral’s= (activities).
1590
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s= (Midas?).
Jan. 23–24. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[414]
Jan. 27. Visit to Earl of Warwick (at Bedford House?).[415]
March 1 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
March 3. =Admiral’s.=
May 30 or 31–June 6. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward, Aug. 31),
Waltham Forest (Sir Richard Bartlett), and Ely House (Sir Christopher
Hatton, June 4–6).[416]
July 28 < > Aug. 6. Oatlands, by Sydenham House (William Aubrey?),
Beddington (Sir Francis Carew), Chessington (William Harvey), and
Stoke d’Abernon (Thomas Leyfield).[417]
May 26–28. Visit to Barn Elms (Sir Francis Walsingham).[404]
c. June 11. Visit to Highgate.[405]
June 18–19. Nonsuch, by Merton Abbey (Gregory Lovell).[406]
Aug. 10 < > 16. Oatlands, by West Molesey (Thomas Brand).[407]
c. Sept. Visit to Hampton Court.[408]
Sept. 26 or 27. Richmond.[409]
c. Sept. Mask prepared for wedding of James VI in Scotland.[410]
Nov. 15. Somerset House.[411]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[412]
Dec. 2. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[413]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Paul’s= and =Admiral’s= (activities).
1590
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 6. =Paul’s= (Midas?).
Jan. 23–24. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[414]
Jan. 27. Visit to Earl of Warwick (at Bedford House?).[415]
March 1 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
March 3. =Admiral’s.=
May 30 or 31–June 6. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward, Aug. 31),
Waltham Forest (Sir Richard Bartlett), and Ely House (Sir Christopher
Hatton, June 4–6).[416]
July 28 < > Aug. 6. Oatlands, by Sydenham House (William Aubrey?),
Beddington (Sir Francis Carew), Chessington (William Harvey), and
Stoke d’Abernon (Thomas Leyfield).[417]
Page 144
Aug. Visit to the New Lodge.[418]
Aug. 30–31. Visit to Woking.[419]
Aug. 31 < > Sept. 6. Windsor, by Chobham (Edward? Bray) and
Sunninghill.[420]
Sept. Visits to Ditton Park and Folly St. John Park (Mr. Norris).[421]
Nov. 8 < > 14. Somerset House, by Staines, Richmond, and Putney (John
Lacy).[422]
Nov. 17, 19. Tilts.[423]
c. Nov. Visit to Sydenham Park.[424]
c. Nov. Visit to Ely House (Sir C. Hatton).[425]
c. Nov. 24. Richmond.[426]
Dec. 4, 14. Visits to Mortlake and East Sheen.[427]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s and Admiral’s= (play and activities).
1591
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 3. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
Feb. 11–13. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[428]
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 16. =Strange’s and Admiral’s= (play and activities).
May 2 < > 9–20 < > 23. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward, May 9,
10), Tottenham High Cross (Sir Richard Martin), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 10–20), Enfield (Robert Wroth), and Havering.[429]
c. July 1. Visit to Croydon (?).[430]
Aug. 30–31. Visit to Woking.[419]
Aug. 31 < > Sept. 6. Windsor, by Chobham (Edward? Bray) and
Sunninghill.[420]
Sept. Visits to Ditton Park and Folly St. John Park (Mr. Norris).[421]
Nov. 8 < > 14. Somerset House, by Staines, Richmond, and Putney (John
Lacy).[422]
Nov. 17, 19. Tilts.[423]
c. Nov. Visit to Sydenham Park.[424]
c. Nov. Visit to Ely House (Sir C. Hatton).[425]
c. Nov. 24. Richmond.[426]
Dec. 4, 14. Visits to Mortlake and East Sheen.[427]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s and Admiral’s= (play and activities).
1591
Jan. 1. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 3. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=
Feb. 11–13. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[428]
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Queen’s.=
Feb. 16. =Strange’s and Admiral’s= (play and activities).
May 2 < > 9–20 < > 23. Visits to Hackney (Sir Rowland Hayward, May 9,
10), Tottenham High Cross (Sir Richard Martin), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, May 10–20), Enfield (Robert Wroth), and Havering.[429]
c. July 1. Visit to Croydon (?).[430]
Page 145
July 19. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley) for review of Earl of
Essex’s horse in Covent Garden.[431]
July 29 < > Aug. 1–Sept. 27. Progress in Surrey, Sussex, and Hants.[432]
Mitcham (Margaret, Lady Blank), Nonsuch (Aug. 1, 2) with visit to
Beddington (Sir Francis Carew), Leatherhead (Edmund Tilney), East
Horsley (Thomas Cornwallis, Aug. 3), Clandon Park (Sir Henry
Weston), Guildford (Aug. 4), Loseley (Sir William More, Aug. 5–9),
Katherine Hall, Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 10–14), Bramshott
(Edmund Mervyn, Aug. 14), The Holt (Lord Delawarr), Cowdray
(Lord Montague, Aug. 14–20) with visit to Oseburn Priory (Lord
Montague, Aug. 17),[433] West Dean (Sir Richard Lewknor, Aug. 20),
Chichester (Lord Lumley, Aug. 20–22), Stanstead (Lord Lumley, Aug.
26), Portsmouth (Earl of Sussex, Aug. 26–31), Southwick (John White,
Aug. 31, Sept. 1), Tichfield (Earl of Southampton, Sept. 2, 3), South
Stoneham? (John Caplen), Southampton (Sept. 5, 6), Fairthorne
(Francis? Serle), Bishop’s Waltham (Bp. Winchester, Sept. 8, 9),
Warnford (William Neale), Tichborne (Sir Benjamin Tichborne),
Winchester (Bp.), Abbotstone (Marquis of Winchester), Wield
(William Wallop), Farleigh (Sir Henry Wallop, Sept. 12, 13), Basing
(Marquis of Winchester, Sept. 13–16) with visit to The Vine in
Sherborne St. John? (Lord Sandys, Sept. 18), Odiham (Edward More,
Sept. 19, 20), Elvetham (Earl of Hertford, Sept. 20–23),[434] Farnham
(Bp. Winchester, Sept. 23, 24) with visit to Bagshot?, Sutton in
Woking (Sir Henry Weston, Sept. 26–27).
Sept. 27. Oatlands.[435]
Oct. 4 < > 7. Richmond, by Hampton Court.[436]
c. Nov. 11. Visit to Ely House (Sir C. Hatton).[437]
Nov. 15 < > 20. Whitehall.[438]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[439]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s.=
Dec. 28. =Strange’s.=
Essex’s horse in Covent Garden.[431]
July 29 < > Aug. 1–Sept. 27. Progress in Surrey, Sussex, and Hants.[432]
Mitcham (Margaret, Lady Blank), Nonsuch (Aug. 1, 2) with visit to
Beddington (Sir Francis Carew), Leatherhead (Edmund Tilney), East
Horsley (Thomas Cornwallis, Aug. 3), Clandon Park (Sir Henry
Weston), Guildford (Aug. 4), Loseley (Sir William More, Aug. 5–9),
Katherine Hall, Farnham (Bp. Winchester, Aug. 10–14), Bramshott
(Edmund Mervyn, Aug. 14), The Holt (Lord Delawarr), Cowdray
(Lord Montague, Aug. 14–20) with visit to Oseburn Priory (Lord
Montague, Aug. 17),[433] West Dean (Sir Richard Lewknor, Aug. 20),
Chichester (Lord Lumley, Aug. 20–22), Stanstead (Lord Lumley, Aug.
26), Portsmouth (Earl of Sussex, Aug. 26–31), Southwick (John White,
Aug. 31, Sept. 1), Tichfield (Earl of Southampton, Sept. 2, 3), South
Stoneham? (John Caplen), Southampton (Sept. 5, 6), Fairthorne
(Francis? Serle), Bishop’s Waltham (Bp. Winchester, Sept. 8, 9),
Warnford (William Neale), Tichborne (Sir Benjamin Tichborne),
Winchester (Bp.), Abbotstone (Marquis of Winchester), Wield
(William Wallop), Farleigh (Sir Henry Wallop, Sept. 12, 13), Basing
(Marquis of Winchester, Sept. 13–16) with visit to The Vine in
Sherborne St. John? (Lord Sandys, Sept. 18), Odiham (Edward More,
Sept. 19, 20), Elvetham (Earl of Hertford, Sept. 20–23),[434] Farnham
(Bp. Winchester, Sept. 23, 24) with visit to Bagshot?, Sutton in
Woking (Sir Henry Weston, Sept. 26–27).
Sept. 27. Oatlands.[435]
Oct. 4 < > 7. Richmond, by Hampton Court.[436]
c. Nov. 11. Visit to Ely House (Sir C. Hatton).[437]
Nov. 15 < > 20. Whitehall.[438]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[439]
Dec. 26. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s.=
Dec. 28. =Strange’s.=
Page 146
1592
Jan. 1. =Strange’s.=
Jan. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Jan. 6. =Hertford’s.=
Jan. 9. =Strange’s.=
Feb. 6 (S.S.). =Strange’s.=
Feb. 8. =Strange’s.=
Apr. 7–21. Visits to Hammersmith (William Payne, Apr. 7), Osterley (Lady
Gresham, Apr. 7–9), Hampton Court (Apr. 12), Wimbledon (Sir
Thomas Cecil, Apr. 14–17), Croydon (Abp. of Canterbury, Apr. 17–
21?), Beddington (Sir Francis Carew, Apr. 18), Sydenham (William
Aubrey, Apr. 21).[440]
Apr. 21. Greenwich.[441]
c. Apr.-July (?). Visit to Blackfriars (Sir George Carey).[442]
July 29–31. Nonsuch, by Mitcham (John Dent).[443]
c. Aug. 9–Oct. 9. Progress in Surrey, Middlesex, Bucks., Berks., Wilts.,
Gloucestershire, and Oxon.[444] West Molesey (Thomas Brand),
Hanworth, Eastridge in Colnbrook (Ostrich Inn?), Eton College,
Maidenhead (the Lion), Bisham (Lady Russell, Aug. 11–13),[445] John
Haynes, Hurst (Edward? Ward), Reading (Mr. Davies, Aug. 15–19),
Burghfield (Francis? Plowden, Aug. 19), Aldermaston (Sir Humphrey
Forster, Aug. 19–22), Chamberhouse in Thatcham (Nicholas Fuller),
Shaw near Newbury (Thomas Dolman, Aug. 24–26) with hunt in
Donnington Park, Hampstead Marshall (Thomas Parry, Aug. 26–27?),
Avington (Richard? Choke, Aug. 27?), Ramsbury (Earl of Pembroke,
Aug. 27–29?),[446] Burderhope (Thomas Stevens, Aug. 29), Lydiard
Tregoze (Sir John St. John, Sept. 1), Down Ampney (Anthony
Hungerford, Sept. 1–2), Cirencester (Sir John Danvers, Sept. 2–7),
Rendcombe (Sir Richard Berkeley), Whittington (John Cotton, Sept.
9), Sudeley Castle (Lord Chandos, Sept. 9–12)[447] with visit to
Alderton (Sir John Hickford), Northleach (William Dutton?),
Sherborne (William Dutton, Sept. 14–15), Taynton? (Mr. Bray?),
Jan. 1. =Strange’s.=
Jan. 2. =Sussex’s.=
Jan. 6. =Hertford’s.=
Jan. 9. =Strange’s.=
Feb. 6 (S.S.). =Strange’s.=
Feb. 8. =Strange’s.=
Apr. 7–21. Visits to Hammersmith (William Payne, Apr. 7), Osterley (Lady
Gresham, Apr. 7–9), Hampton Court (Apr. 12), Wimbledon (Sir
Thomas Cecil, Apr. 14–17), Croydon (Abp. of Canterbury, Apr. 17–
21?), Beddington (Sir Francis Carew, Apr. 18), Sydenham (William
Aubrey, Apr. 21).[440]
Apr. 21. Greenwich.[441]
c. Apr.-July (?). Visit to Blackfriars (Sir George Carey).[442]
July 29–31. Nonsuch, by Mitcham (John Dent).[443]
c. Aug. 9–Oct. 9. Progress in Surrey, Middlesex, Bucks., Berks., Wilts.,
Gloucestershire, and Oxon.[444] West Molesey (Thomas Brand),
Hanworth, Eastridge in Colnbrook (Ostrich Inn?), Eton College,
Maidenhead (the Lion), Bisham (Lady Russell, Aug. 11–13),[445] John
Haynes, Hurst (Edward? Ward), Reading (Mr. Davies, Aug. 15–19),
Burghfield (Francis? Plowden, Aug. 19), Aldermaston (Sir Humphrey
Forster, Aug. 19–22), Chamberhouse in Thatcham (Nicholas Fuller),
Shaw near Newbury (Thomas Dolman, Aug. 24–26) with hunt in
Donnington Park, Hampstead Marshall (Thomas Parry, Aug. 26–27?),
Avington (Richard? Choke, Aug. 27?), Ramsbury (Earl of Pembroke,
Aug. 27–29?),[446] Burderhope (Thomas Stevens, Aug. 29), Lydiard
Tregoze (Sir John St. John, Sept. 1), Down Ampney (Anthony
Hungerford, Sept. 1–2), Cirencester (Sir John Danvers, Sept. 2–7),
Rendcombe (Sir Richard Berkeley), Whittington (John Cotton, Sept.
9), Sudeley Castle (Lord Chandos, Sept. 9–12)[447] with visit to
Alderton (Sir John Hickford), Northleach (William Dutton?),
Sherborne (William Dutton, Sept. 14–15), Taynton? (Mr. Bray?),
Page 147
Burford (Laurence Tanfield, Sept. 15–16), Witney (James Yate, Sept.
16–18), Woodstock (Sept. 18–23) with visit to Ditchley (Sir Henry
Lee),[448] Yarnton (Sir William Spencer, Sept. 23), Oxford (Sept. 23–
28),[449] Holton (George Browne, Sept. 28), Rycote (Lord Norris, Sept.
28–Oct. 1),[450] Princes Risborough (John Reve at parsonage),
Hampden (Mrs. Hampden, Oct. 2, 3), Chequers in Elsborough?
(William Hawtrey), Amersham?, Chenies (Lady Bedford, Oct. 4, 5),
Latimer? (Edwin Sandys), Denham (John Norris, Oct. 7), Uxbridge
(Francis? Clifford), Bedfont (John Draper, Oct. 9).
Oct. 9. Hampton Court.[451]
Nov. 17. Challenge for Shrovetide tilt.[452]
Dec. 26. =Pembroke’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s.=
Dec. 31. =Strange’s.=
1593
Jan. 1. =Strange’s.=
Jan. 6. =Pembroke’s.=
c. Jan. Visit to Chelsea (Lord Admiral).[453]
Jan. 30–Feb. 1. Visit to Strand (Sir Robert Cecil), by Putney (John Lacy)?
[454]
Feb. 5–14. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[455]
Feb. 17. Somerset House.[456]
Feb. 25. St. James’s.[457]
Feb. 26 (S.M.). Tilt.[458]
Apr. 21. Whitehall.[459]
May 2–14 <. Visit to Croydon (Abp.), by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[460]
May 14 < > 22. Nonsuch.[461]
16–18), Woodstock (Sept. 18–23) with visit to Ditchley (Sir Henry
Lee),[448] Yarnton (Sir William Spencer, Sept. 23), Oxford (Sept. 23–
28),[449] Holton (George Browne, Sept. 28), Rycote (Lord Norris, Sept.
28–Oct. 1),[450] Princes Risborough (John Reve at parsonage),
Hampden (Mrs. Hampden, Oct. 2, 3), Chequers in Elsborough?
(William Hawtrey), Amersham?, Chenies (Lady Bedford, Oct. 4, 5),
Latimer? (Edwin Sandys), Denham (John Norris, Oct. 7), Uxbridge
(Francis? Clifford), Bedfont (John Draper, Oct. 9).
Oct. 9. Hampton Court.[451]
Nov. 17. Challenge for Shrovetide tilt.[452]
Dec. 26. =Pembroke’s.=
Dec. 27. =Strange’s.=
Dec. 31. =Strange’s.=
1593
Jan. 1. =Strange’s.=
Jan. 6. =Pembroke’s.=
c. Jan. Visit to Chelsea (Lord Admiral).[453]
Jan. 30–Feb. 1. Visit to Strand (Sir Robert Cecil), by Putney (John Lacy)?
[454]
Feb. 5–14. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[455]
Feb. 17. Somerset House.[456]
Feb. 25. St. James’s.[457]
Feb. 26 (S.M.). Tilt.[458]
Apr. 21. Whitehall.[459]
May 2–14 <. Visit to Croydon (Abp.), by Streatham (Dr. Robert Forth).[460]
May 14 < > 22. Nonsuch.[461]
Page 148
June 18 < > 24. Oatlands, by Hampton Court.[462]
Aug. 1 < > 4. Windsor, by Egham (Richard Kellefet).[463]
c. Aug. Visit to Sunninghill.[464]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[465]
Dec. 1. Hampton Court, by Laleham (Lawrence? Tomson).[466]
1594
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=[467]
Feb. 10–12 (S.).
March 19. Greenwich, by Richmond and Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon).
[468]
May 29 < > June 2–June 22 < > July 5. Visits to Lambeth (Abp. of
Canterbury), Sion (June 3), Wimbledon (Sir Thomas Cecil, June 3),
Richmond, Osterley (Anne, Lady Gresham), Willesden (Mr. Payne,
June 7), Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis, June 7), Hendon (Sir John
Fortescue), Friern Barnet (Sir John Popham), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, June 13–23?), Pyneste near Waltham, Enfield (Robert
Wroth), Loughborough (Francis Stonard), Hackney (Katharine, Lady
Hayward).[469]
July 12. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[470]
Oct. 1 or 2. Nonsuch, by Camberwell (Bartholomew Scott) and Mitcham
(Lady Blank).[471]
Oct. 25 < > 31. Richmond, by Combe (Thomas Vincent).[472]
Nov. 14. Whitehall?, by Battersea.[473]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[474]
Nov. 27. Somerset House.[475]
Dec. 7. Visit to Savoy (Sir Thomas Heneage).[476]
Dec. 8. Visit to Hampton Court.[477]
Aug. 1 < > 4. Windsor, by Egham (Richard Kellefet).[463]
c. Aug. Visit to Sunninghill.[464]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[465]
Dec. 1. Hampton Court, by Laleham (Lawrence? Tomson).[466]
1594
Jan. 6. =Queen’s.=[467]
Feb. 10–12 (S.).
March 19. Greenwich, by Richmond and Somerset House (Lord Hunsdon).
[468]
May 29 < > June 2–June 22 < > July 5. Visits to Lambeth (Abp. of
Canterbury), Sion (June 3), Wimbledon (Sir Thomas Cecil, June 3),
Richmond, Osterley (Anne, Lady Gresham), Willesden (Mr. Payne,
June 7), Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis, June 7), Hendon (Sir John
Fortescue), Friern Barnet (Sir John Popham), Theobalds (Lord
Burghley, June 13–23?), Pyneste near Waltham, Enfield (Robert
Wroth), Loughborough (Francis Stonard), Hackney (Katharine, Lady
Hayward).[469]
July 12. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[470]
Oct. 1 or 2. Nonsuch, by Camberwell (Bartholomew Scott) and Mitcham
(Lady Blank).[471]
Oct. 25 < > 31. Richmond, by Combe (Thomas Vincent).[472]
Nov. 14. Whitehall?, by Battersea.[473]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[474]
Nov. 27. Somerset House.[475]
Dec. 7. Visit to Savoy (Sir Thomas Heneage).[476]
Dec. 8. Visit to Hampton Court.[477]
Page 149
Dec. 11. Greenwich.[478]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Admiral’s.=
1595
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 6. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 26. Wedding of Earl of Derby and Lady Elizabeth Vere.[479]
=Chamberlain’s= (Midsummer Night’s Dream)?.
Jan. 30–Feb. 1. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[480]
Feb. 18. St. James’s, by Lambeth (Abp.).[481]
Feb. 24 < > March 3. Whitehall.[482]
March 3 (S.M.). Mask (Proteus and the Rock Adamantine) by Gray’s Inn.
[483]
March 4. Tilt and Barriers.[484]
May 3. Greenwich.[485]
Aug. 18–22. Nonsuch, by Whitehall and Mitcham (John? Dent).[486]
c. Aug.-Oct. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[487]
Oct. 19 < > 24. Richmond, by Combe (Thomas Vincent).[488]
Nov. 4. Visit to Barn Elms (Earl of Essex).[489]
Nov. 14. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[490]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[491]
Nov. 27 or 28. Richmond.[492]
Dec. 11. Visit to Kew (Sir John Puckering).[493]
Dec. 18 or 19. Whitehall.[494]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Admiral’s.=
1595
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 6. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 26. Wedding of Earl of Derby and Lady Elizabeth Vere.[479]
=Chamberlain’s= (Midsummer Night’s Dream)?.
Jan. 30–Feb. 1. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[480]
Feb. 18. St. James’s, by Lambeth (Abp.).[481]
Feb. 24 < > March 3. Whitehall.[482]
March 3 (S.M.). Mask (Proteus and the Rock Adamantine) by Gray’s Inn.
[483]
March 4. Tilt and Barriers.[484]
May 3. Greenwich.[485]
Aug. 18–22. Nonsuch, by Whitehall and Mitcham (John? Dent).[486]
c. Aug.-Oct. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[487]
Oct. 19 < > 24. Richmond, by Combe (Thomas Vincent).[488]
Nov. 4. Visit to Barn Elms (Earl of Essex).[489]
Nov. 14. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[490]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[491]
Nov. 27 or 28. Richmond.[492]
Dec. 11. Visit to Kew (Sir John Puckering).[493]
Dec. 18 or 19. Whitehall.[494]
Page 150
Dec. 20. Visit to Huntingdon House (Lady Huntingdon).[495]
Dec. 23. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[496]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Chamberlain’s.=
1596
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 4. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 22 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s= and =Admiral’s=.
Feb. 24. =Admiral’s.=
Apr. 2–3. Greenwich, by Putney (John Lacy) and Lambeth.[497]
Apr. 8. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[498]
c. Aug. Visit to Eltham.[499]
Oct. 1–2. Nonsuch, by Lambeth (Lord Burgh) and Mitcham.[500]
Oct. 12. Richmond, by Kingston (John? Cox).[501]
Nov. 17. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[502] Tilt.[503]
Dec. 23. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[504]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
1597
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s=.
Feb. 6 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 8. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 23. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[496]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Chamberlain’s.=
1596
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 4. =Admiral’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 22 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s= and =Admiral’s=.
Feb. 24. =Admiral’s.=
Apr. 2–3. Greenwich, by Putney (John Lacy) and Lambeth.[497]
Apr. 8. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[498]
c. Aug. Visit to Eltham.[499]
Oct. 1–2. Nonsuch, by Lambeth (Lord Burgh) and Mitcham.[500]
Oct. 12. Richmond, by Kingston (John? Cox).[501]
Nov. 17. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[502] Tilt.[503]
Dec. 23. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[504]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s.=
1597
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s=.
Feb. 6 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 8. =Chamberlain’s.=
Page 151
Feb. 19. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Nottingham).[505]
March. Visit to Putney (John Lacy).[506]
May 7. Greenwich.[507]
c. July 20–22. Visit to Scadbury (Sir Thomas Walsingham), by Eltham and
Chislehurst (Richard Carmarden).[508]
Aug. 17–Sept. 20. Progress in Essex, Middlesex, and Herts.[509] Hackney
(Lady Hayward), Ruckholt in Leyton (Michael Hicks, Aug. 17–19),
Claybury (Thomas Knyvett, Aug. 19), Havering (Aug. 19–30) with
visit to Pyrgo (Sir Henry Grey), Loughborough (Francis Stonard) with
hunt at Loughton (Robert Wroth), Mrs. Bracy (Sept. 5), Theobalds
(Lord Burghley, Sept. 5, 7, 9) with visit to Enfield Chase (Sir Robert
Cecil) and hunt in Waltham forest (Ralph Colston’s walk), Edmonton
(Mr. Woodward), Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis, Sept. 13, 18, 19),
Kensington (Walter Cope, Sept. 19), Putney (John Lacy, Sept. 19–20).
Sept. 20. Richmond.[510]
c. Oct. 20. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy) and Chelsea (Lord
Delawarr).[511]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[512]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1598
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.= Mask (Passions) by Middle Temple.[513]
Feb. 26 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 28. =Admiral’s.=
May 2. Greenwich.[514]
July 5. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[515]
c. July. Visit to Eltham (Hugh Miller and John Lee).[516]
March. Visit to Putney (John Lacy).[506]
May 7. Greenwich.[507]
c. July 20–22. Visit to Scadbury (Sir Thomas Walsingham), by Eltham and
Chislehurst (Richard Carmarden).[508]
Aug. 17–Sept. 20. Progress in Essex, Middlesex, and Herts.[509] Hackney
(Lady Hayward), Ruckholt in Leyton (Michael Hicks, Aug. 17–19),
Claybury (Thomas Knyvett, Aug. 19), Havering (Aug. 19–30) with
visit to Pyrgo (Sir Henry Grey), Loughborough (Francis Stonard) with
hunt at Loughton (Robert Wroth), Mrs. Bracy (Sept. 5), Theobalds
(Lord Burghley, Sept. 5, 7, 9) with visit to Enfield Chase (Sir Robert
Cecil) and hunt in Waltham forest (Ralph Colston’s walk), Edmonton
(Mr. Woodward), Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis, Sept. 13, 18, 19),
Kensington (Walter Cope, Sept. 19), Putney (John Lacy, Sept. 19–20).
Sept. 20. Richmond.[510]
c. Oct. 20. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy) and Chelsea (Lord
Delawarr).[511]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[512]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1598
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.= Mask (Passions) by Middle Temple.[513]
Feb. 26 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 28. =Admiral’s.=
May 2. Greenwich.[514]
July 5. Visit to Burghley House (Lord Burghley).[515]
c. July. Visit to Eltham (Hugh Miller and John Lee).[516]
Page 152
c. Sept. Visit to Newington (Mr. Saunderson).[517]
Sept. 12–13. Nonsuch, by Mitcham (Dr. Julius Caesar).[518]
Sept. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[519]
c. Oct. 10. Richmond, by Kingston (George? Evelyn).[520]
Nov. 13 or 14. Whitehall, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[521]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[522]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1599
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 10. Richmond, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[523]
Feb. 18 (S.S.). =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 20. Chamberlain’s.
Apr. 3. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Abp.).[524]
Apr. 7 (Easter Eve). Two Admiral’s men at court.[525]
Sept. 12–13. Nonsuch, by Mitcham (Dr. Julius Caesar).[518]
Sept. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[519]
c. Oct. 10. Richmond, by Kingston (George? Evelyn).[520]
Nov. 13 or 14. Whitehall, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[521]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[522]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1599
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 6. =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 10. Richmond, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[523]
Feb. 18 (S.S.). =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 20. Chamberlain’s.
Apr. 3. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Abp.).[524]
Apr. 7 (Easter Eve). Two Admiral’s men at court.[525]
Page 153
June 25. Visit to Alice, Countess of Derby (Holborn?), for wedding of Mary
Hemingham.[526]
c. July. Visit to Eltham.[527]
July 27–30. Visit to Wimbledon (Thomas, Lord Burghley), by Vauxhall (Sir
Noel Caron).[528]
July 30. Nonsuch.[529]
Aug. 16–17. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[530]
c. Aug. 22. Visit to Somerset House.[531]
Sept. 4–7. Visit to Hampton Court.[532]
Oct. 3. Richmond, by Kingston (George? Evelyn).[533]
c. Oct. Visit to Hampton Court.[534]
Nov. 13. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy) and Chelsea (Earl of
Nottingham and Sir Arthur Gorges).[535]
Nov. 19. Tilt.[536]
Nov. 28. Visit to Earl of Essex at York House.[537]
Dec. 7. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[538]
Christmas.[539]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s= (Old Fortunatus?).
1600
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s= (Shoemaker’s Holiday).
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 19–21. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Nottingham).[540]
Feb. 3 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 5. =Derby’s.=
Apr. 13 < > 20. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[541]
Hemingham.[526]
c. July. Visit to Eltham.[527]
July 27–30. Visit to Wimbledon (Thomas, Lord Burghley), by Vauxhall (Sir
Noel Caron).[528]
July 30. Nonsuch.[529]
Aug. 16–17. Visit to Beddington (Sir Francis Carew).[530]
c. Aug. 22. Visit to Somerset House.[531]
Sept. 4–7. Visit to Hampton Court.[532]
Oct. 3. Richmond, by Kingston (George? Evelyn).[533]
c. Oct. Visit to Hampton Court.[534]
Nov. 13. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy) and Chelsea (Earl of
Nottingham and Sir Arthur Gorges).[535]
Nov. 19. Tilt.[536]
Nov. 28. Visit to Earl of Essex at York House.[537]
Dec. 7. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[538]
Christmas.[539]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s= (Old Fortunatus?).
1600
Jan. 1. =Admiral’s= (Shoemaker’s Holiday).
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 19–21. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Nottingham).[540]
Feb. 3 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s.=
Feb. 5. =Derby’s.=
Apr. 13 < > 20. Greenwich, by Lambeth.[541]
Page 154
May 12. Activities, by Peter Bromvill.
May 13. Baiting.[542]
June 10. Visit to Lumley House (Lord Lumley), Greenwich.[543]
June 16–17. Visit to Blackfriars (Lady Russell and Lord Cobham) for
wedding of Lord Herbert and Anne Russell, with mask (The Lost
Muse).[544]
July 29. Nonsuch, by Newington (Mr. Carey).[545]
Aug. 5–6. Visit to Tooting (John Lacy).[546]
Aug. 13–16. Visit to Beddington (Sir F. Carew) and Croydon (Aug. 14).[547]
Aug.? Visit to Kingston (George Evelyn).[548]
Aug. 24 < > 26. Oatlands, by Molesey (Dorothy, Lady Edmondes).[549]
Sept. 1. Hunt at New Lodge.[550]
Sept. 4. Visit to Hanworth (William Killigrew).[551]
Sept. 9. Visit to Esher (Richard Drake).[552]
> Sept. 12. Visit to Hampton Court (Earl of Nottingham).[553]
c. Sept.-Oct. Visit to Thorpe (Mr. Bereblock).[554]
Oct. 9. Richmond, by Sunbury (Sir Philip Boteler).[555]
Nov. 13. Whitehall, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[556]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[557]
> Dec. 4. Visit to Sackville House (Lady Glemham).[558]
Dec. 22. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[559]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Admiral’s.=
1601
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= and =Derby’s=.
May 13. Baiting.[542]
June 10. Visit to Lumley House (Lord Lumley), Greenwich.[543]
June 16–17. Visit to Blackfriars (Lady Russell and Lord Cobham) for
wedding of Lord Herbert and Anne Russell, with mask (The Lost
Muse).[544]
July 29. Nonsuch, by Newington (Mr. Carey).[545]
Aug. 5–6. Visit to Tooting (John Lacy).[546]
Aug. 13–16. Visit to Beddington (Sir F. Carew) and Croydon (Aug. 14).[547]
Aug.? Visit to Kingston (George Evelyn).[548]
Aug. 24 < > 26. Oatlands, by Molesey (Dorothy, Lady Edmondes).[549]
Sept. 1. Hunt at New Lodge.[550]
Sept. 4. Visit to Hanworth (William Killigrew).[551]
Sept. 9. Visit to Esher (Richard Drake).[552]
> Sept. 12. Visit to Hampton Court (Earl of Nottingham).[553]
c. Sept.-Oct. Visit to Thorpe (Mr. Bereblock).[554]
Oct. 9. Richmond, by Sunbury (Sir Philip Boteler).[555]
Nov. 13. Whitehall, by Chelsea (Earl of Shrewsbury).[556]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[557]
> Dec. 4. Visit to Sackville House (Lady Glemham).[558]
Dec. 22. Visit to Strand (Sir R. Cecil).[559]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 28. =Admiral’s.=
1601
Jan. 1. =Paul’s= and =Derby’s=.
Page 155
Jan. 6. =Chamberlain’s=, =Admiral’s=, =Derby’s=, and =Chapel=
(‘showe’).
Feb. 2. =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 22 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 24. =Chamberlain’s.=
May 1. Visit to Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis).[560]
May 2. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Lincoln)?[561]
May 7. Greenwich.[562]
May 23. Visit by Lambeth.[563]
c. July. Visits to Eltham (Hugh Miller) and Blackwall.[564]
Aug. 6–8. Windsor, by Fulham (Bp. of London), Brentford, Hanworth
(William Killigrew), Staines (Bush Inn, Aug. 8).[565]
Aug. Visits to Old Windsor (William? Meredith), Little Park, Mote Park,
Folly John Park (Anthony? Duck), and Philberds in Bray (William?
Goddard).[566]
Aug. 13. Visit to Stoke Poges (Sir Edward Coke).[567]
Aug. 28–Sept. 28. Progress in Berks., Hants, and Surrey.[568] Hurst (Sir
Richard Ward, Aug. 28), Reading (Mr. Davies?, Aug. 28–Sept. 1) with
visit to Caversham (Sir William Knollys),[569] Englefield (Sir Edward
Norris), Aldermaston (Sir Humphrey Forster, Sept. 5), Silchester Heath
(Sept. 5), Beaurepaire (Sir Robert Remington), Basing (Marquis of
Winchester, Sept. 5–19), South Warnborough (Richard White, Sept.
20), Crondall (Mr. Paulet), Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, Sept. 22, 23),
Seale (Lady Woodruff), Loseley (Sir George More, Sept. 23), Clandon
(Sir Richard Weston), Stoke d’Abernon (Thomas? Vincent), Absey
(Epsom?) Court (Mr. Blanden).
Sept. 28. Richmond.[570]
Oct. 24. Whitehall, by Putney.[571]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[572]
(‘showe’).
Feb. 2. =Admiral’s.=
Feb. 22 (S.S.). =Chapel.=
Feb. 24. =Chamberlain’s.=
May 1. Visit to Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis).[560]
May 2. Visit to Chelsea (Earl of Lincoln)?[561]
May 7. Greenwich.[562]
May 23. Visit by Lambeth.[563]
c. July. Visits to Eltham (Hugh Miller) and Blackwall.[564]
Aug. 6–8. Windsor, by Fulham (Bp. of London), Brentford, Hanworth
(William Killigrew), Staines (Bush Inn, Aug. 8).[565]
Aug. Visits to Old Windsor (William? Meredith), Little Park, Mote Park,
Folly John Park (Anthony? Duck), and Philberds in Bray (William?
Goddard).[566]
Aug. 13. Visit to Stoke Poges (Sir Edward Coke).[567]
Aug. 28–Sept. 28. Progress in Berks., Hants, and Surrey.[568] Hurst (Sir
Richard Ward, Aug. 28), Reading (Mr. Davies?, Aug. 28–Sept. 1) with
visit to Caversham (Sir William Knollys),[569] Englefield (Sir Edward
Norris), Aldermaston (Sir Humphrey Forster, Sept. 5), Silchester Heath
(Sept. 5), Beaurepaire (Sir Robert Remington), Basing (Marquis of
Winchester, Sept. 5–19), South Warnborough (Richard White, Sept.
20), Crondall (Mr. Paulet), Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, Sept. 22, 23),
Seale (Lady Woodruff), Loseley (Sir George More, Sept. 23), Clandon
(Sir Richard Weston), Stoke d’Abernon (Thomas? Vincent), Absey
(Epsom?) Court (Mr. Blanden).
Sept. 28. Richmond.[570]
Oct. 24. Whitehall, by Putney.[571]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[572]
Page 156
Christmas.[573] There may have been barriers.[574]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s= and =Admiral’s= (with activities).
Dec. 29. Visit to Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon), with play.[575]
1602
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 3. =Worcester’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
Jan. 10. =Chapel.=
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s= and =Chapel=.
Feb. 19. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[576]
Apr. 9 or 10. Visit to Wimbledon (Lord Burghley)?[577]
Apr. 19. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Abp.) and Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon).
[578]
May 1. Visit to Sydmonscourt, Lewisham (Sir Richard Buckley).[579]
May 5. Visit to St. James’s Park (Dorothy Lady Chandos and Sir William
Knollys).[580]
c. July 15. Visit to Eltham (Sir John Stanhope, Hugh Miller, and Sir Thomas
Walsingham).[581]
July 28–Aug. 10? Progress in Middlesex and Bucks.[582] Lambeth (July
28), Chiswick (Sir William Russell, July 28), Hounslow (Mr. Whitby),
Harlington (Ambrose Copinger), Harefield (Sir Thomas Egerton, July
31–Aug. 3),[583] Hitcham (Sir William Clarke, Aug. 3–9) with visit to
Taplow (Sir Henry Guilford, Aug. 7), Riddings in Datchet (Richard?
Hanbury), Thorpe (Mr. Oglethorpe).
Aug. c. 10. Oatlands.[584]
c. Aug.-Sept. Visits to Woking, Chertsey (John Hammond), Byfleet Lodge,
New Lodge, and to Mr. Brooke in the forest, Mr. Bromley, and Mr.
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Chamberlain’s= and =Admiral’s= (with activities).
Dec. 29. Visit to Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon), with play.[575]
1602
Jan. 1. =Chamberlain’s.=
Jan. 3. =Worcester’s.=
Jan. 6. =Chapel.=
Jan. 10. =Chapel.=
Feb. 14 (S.S.). =Chamberlain’s= and =Chapel=.
Feb. 19. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[576]
Apr. 9 or 10. Visit to Wimbledon (Lord Burghley)?[577]
Apr. 19. Greenwich, by Lambeth (Abp.) and Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon).
[578]
May 1. Visit to Sydmonscourt, Lewisham (Sir Richard Buckley).[579]
May 5. Visit to St. James’s Park (Dorothy Lady Chandos and Sir William
Knollys).[580]
c. July 15. Visit to Eltham (Sir John Stanhope, Hugh Miller, and Sir Thomas
Walsingham).[581]
July 28–Aug. 10? Progress in Middlesex and Bucks.[582] Lambeth (July
28), Chiswick (Sir William Russell, July 28), Hounslow (Mr. Whitby),
Harlington (Ambrose Copinger), Harefield (Sir Thomas Egerton, July
31–Aug. 3),[583] Hitcham (Sir William Clarke, Aug. 3–9) with visit to
Taplow (Sir Henry Guilford, Aug. 7), Riddings in Datchet (Richard?
Hanbury), Thorpe (Mr. Oglethorpe).
Aug. c. 10. Oatlands.[584]
c. Aug.-Sept. Visits to Woking, Chertsey (John Hammond), Byfleet Lodge,
New Lodge, and to Mr. Brooke in the forest, Mr. Bromley, and Mr.
Page 157
Woodward.[585]
Oct. 2 <. Visit to West Drayton (Lord Hunsdon) by Bedfont (John Draper).
[586]
Oct. 8. Richmond.[587]
Nov. 15. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[588]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[589]
Dec. 6. Visit to Savoy (Sir Robert Cecil), with dialogues.[590]
Dec. 6 < > 23. Visits to Arundel House (Earl of Nottingham) and
Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon).[591]
Christmas.[592]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1603
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 6. =Hertford’s.=
Jan. 17. Visit to Charterhouse (Lord Howard de Walden).[593]
Jan. 21. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[594]
Feb. 2. =Chamberlain’s.=
March 6 (S.S.). =Admiral’s.=
March 8 (?). =Admiral’s.=
March 24. Obiit Elizabetha. Accession of James.
Apr. 5–May 11. Progress of James from Scotland.[595] Seton (Earl of
Wintoun, Apr. 5), Dunglass (Lord Home, Apr. 5, 6), Berwick (Apr. 6–
8). Fenham (Sir William Read, Apr. 8), Widdrington (Sir Robert Carey,
Apr. 8, 9), Newcastle (Robert Dudley, Apr. 9–13), Lumley Castle
(Lord Lumley, Apr. 13), Durham Castle (Bp. of Durham, Apr. 13, 14),
Walworth (Mrs. Jenison, Apr. 14, 15), Topcliffe (William Ingleby, Apr.
Oct. 2 <. Visit to West Drayton (Lord Hunsdon) by Bedfont (John Draper).
[586]
Oct. 8. Richmond.[587]
Nov. 15. Whitehall, by Putney (John Lacy).[588]
Nov. 17. Tilt.[589]
Dec. 6. Visit to Savoy (Sir Robert Cecil), with dialogues.[590]
Dec. 6 < > 23. Visits to Arundel House (Earl of Nottingham) and
Blackfriars (Lord Hunsdon).[591]
Christmas.[592]
Dec. 26. =Chamberlain’s.=
Dec. 27. =Admiral’s.=
1603
Jan. 1. =Paul’s.=
Jan. 6. =Hertford’s.=
Jan. 17. Visit to Charterhouse (Lord Howard de Walden).[593]
Jan. 21. Richmond, by Putney (John Lacy).[594]
Feb. 2. =Chamberlain’s.=
March 6 (S.S.). =Admiral’s.=
March 8 (?). =Admiral’s.=
March 24. Obiit Elizabetha. Accession of James.
Apr. 5–May 11. Progress of James from Scotland.[595] Seton (Earl of
Wintoun, Apr. 5), Dunglass (Lord Home, Apr. 5, 6), Berwick (Apr. 6–
8). Fenham (Sir William Read, Apr. 8), Widdrington (Sir Robert Carey,
Apr. 8, 9), Newcastle (Robert Dudley, Apr. 9–13), Lumley Castle
(Lord Lumley, Apr. 13), Durham Castle (Bp. of Durham, Apr. 13, 14),
Walworth (Mrs. Jenison, Apr. 14, 15), Topcliffe (William Ingleby, Apr.
Page 158
15, 16), York (Lord Burghley, Apr. 16–18), Grimston Hall (Sir Edward
Stanhope, Apr. 18, 19), Pontefract Castle (Apr. 19), Doncaster (Bear
and Sun, Apr. 19, 20), Blyth (Apr. 20), Worksop (Earl of Shrewsbury,
Apr. 20, 21),[596] Southwell (Apr. 21), Newark Castle (Apr. 21, 22),
Belvoir Castle (Earl of Rutland, Apr. 22, 23), Burley on the Hill (Sir
John Harington, Apr. 23), Burghley (Lord Burghley, Apr. 23–27) with
another visit to Burley on the Hill (Apr. 25, 26), Apethorpe (Sir
Anthony Mildmay, Apr. 27), Hinchinbrook (Sir Oliver Cromwell, Apr.
27–29), Godmanchester (Apr. 29), Royston (Robert Chester, Apr. 29,
30), Standon (Thomas Sadleir, Apr. 30–May 2), Broxbourne (Henry
Cock, May 2, 3), Theobalds (Sir Robert Cecil, May 3–7), Stamford
Hill (May 7),[597] Charterhouse (Lord Howard de Walden, May 7–11)
with visits to Whitehall and St. James’s.
May 11. Tower, by Whitehall.[598]
May 13. Greenwich.[599]
May 25–27. Visits to Nonsuch by Putney, Beddington (Sir Francis Carew),
Oatlands, and Hampton Court.[600]
c. June 12. Visits to Sion and Windsor.[601]
June 1–27. Progress of Anne from Scotland.[602] Berwick (June 3), Bishop
Auckland? (Bp. of Durham), York (June 11–15), Grimston Hall (Sir
Edward Stanhope, June 15), Worksop (Earl of Shrewsbury), Newark,
Nottingham, Wollaton (Sir Percival Willoughby, June 21), Ashby de la
Zouch (Earl of Huntingdon. June 23), Leicester (Sir William Skipwith,
June 23, 24), Dingley (Sir Thomas Griffin, June 24, 25), Holdenby
(Christopher Hatton, June 25), Althorp (Sir Robert Spencer, June 25–
27),[603] Easton Neston (Sir George Fermor, June 27).
June 24. Windsor, by Hanworth (Sir William Killigrew).[604]
June 27–30. Visits to Easton Neston (June 27) meeting Anne, Grafton (Earl
of Cumberland, June 27, 28),[605] Salden in Muresly (Sir John
Fortescue), and probably Aylesbury (Sir John Packington), Hampden
(Alexander Hampden), and Great Missenden (Sir William Fleetwood).
[606]
Stanhope, Apr. 18, 19), Pontefract Castle (Apr. 19), Doncaster (Bear
and Sun, Apr. 19, 20), Blyth (Apr. 20), Worksop (Earl of Shrewsbury,
Apr. 20, 21),[596] Southwell (Apr. 21), Newark Castle (Apr. 21, 22),
Belvoir Castle (Earl of Rutland, Apr. 22, 23), Burley on the Hill (Sir
John Harington, Apr. 23), Burghley (Lord Burghley, Apr. 23–27) with
another visit to Burley on the Hill (Apr. 25, 26), Apethorpe (Sir
Anthony Mildmay, Apr. 27), Hinchinbrook (Sir Oliver Cromwell, Apr.
27–29), Godmanchester (Apr. 29), Royston (Robert Chester, Apr. 29,
30), Standon (Thomas Sadleir, Apr. 30–May 2), Broxbourne (Henry
Cock, May 2, 3), Theobalds (Sir Robert Cecil, May 3–7), Stamford
Hill (May 7),[597] Charterhouse (Lord Howard de Walden, May 7–11)
with visits to Whitehall and St. James’s.
May 11. Tower, by Whitehall.[598]
May 13. Greenwich.[599]
May 25–27. Visits to Nonsuch by Putney, Beddington (Sir Francis Carew),
Oatlands, and Hampton Court.[600]
c. June 12. Visits to Sion and Windsor.[601]
June 1–27. Progress of Anne from Scotland.[602] Berwick (June 3), Bishop
Auckland? (Bp. of Durham), York (June 11–15), Grimston Hall (Sir
Edward Stanhope, June 15), Worksop (Earl of Shrewsbury), Newark,
Nottingham, Wollaton (Sir Percival Willoughby, June 21), Ashby de la
Zouch (Earl of Huntingdon. June 23), Leicester (Sir William Skipwith,
June 23, 24), Dingley (Sir Thomas Griffin, June 24, 25), Holdenby
(Christopher Hatton, June 25), Althorp (Sir Robert Spencer, June 25–
27),[603] Easton Neston (Sir George Fermor, June 27).
June 24. Windsor, by Hanworth (Sir William Killigrew).[604]
June 27–30. Visits to Easton Neston (June 27) meeting Anne, Grafton (Earl
of Cumberland, June 27, 28),[605] Salden in Muresly (Sir John
Fortescue), and probably Aylesbury (Sir John Packington), Hampden
(Alexander Hampden), and Great Missenden (Sir William Fleetwood).
[606]
Page 159
July 13 < > 16. Hampton Court.[607]
July 22–23. Whitehall, by Fulham (Bp. of London).[608]
July 25. Coronation.[609]
July 27. Hampton Court.[610]
Aug. 10–Sept. 20. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Berks., and Oxon.[611]
Pyrford (Sir Francis Wolley, Aug. 10), Loseley (Sir George More, Aug.
11, 12), Farnham Castle (Bp. of Winchester, Aug. 14, 17), South
Warnborough (Sir Thomas White), Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
Aug. 17, 22, 23), Salisbury (Bp. of Salisbury, Aug. 26–28), Basing
again (Aug. 31), Shaw (Thomas Dolman), Woodstock (Sept. 8–20)
with visit to Sir Henry Lee (Sept. 15).
Sept. 20. Winchester.[612]
Sept. 20 < > Oct, 6. Play.[613]
Sept. 20 < > Oct. 17. Mask on arrival of Henry.[614]
Sept. 20 < > Oct. 17. Visits to Southampton and Isle of Wight.[615]
Oct. 20 < > 24. Wilton (Earl of Pembroke).[616]
Nov. 1. Visit to Salisbury.[617]
Dec. 2. =King’s= (As You Like It?).
Dec. 12 < > 21. Hampton Court.[618]
Christmas.[619]
Dec. 26. =King’s.=
Dec. 27. =King’s.=
Dec. 28. =King’s.=
Dec. 30. =King’s.=
1604
Jan. 1. =King’s= (two plays, one of Robin Goodfellow, Midsummer Night’s
Dream?). Mask (Indian and Chinese Knights).[620]
July 22–23. Whitehall, by Fulham (Bp. of London).[608]
July 25. Coronation.[609]
July 27. Hampton Court.[610]
Aug. 10–Sept. 20. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Berks., and Oxon.[611]
Pyrford (Sir Francis Wolley, Aug. 10), Loseley (Sir George More, Aug.
11, 12), Farnham Castle (Bp. of Winchester, Aug. 14, 17), South
Warnborough (Sir Thomas White), Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
Aug. 17, 22, 23), Salisbury (Bp. of Salisbury, Aug. 26–28), Basing
again (Aug. 31), Shaw (Thomas Dolman), Woodstock (Sept. 8–20)
with visit to Sir Henry Lee (Sept. 15).
Sept. 20. Winchester.[612]
Sept. 20 < > Oct, 6. Play.[613]
Sept. 20 < > Oct. 17. Mask on arrival of Henry.[614]
Sept. 20 < > Oct. 17. Visits to Southampton and Isle of Wight.[615]
Oct. 20 < > 24. Wilton (Earl of Pembroke).[616]
Nov. 1. Visit to Salisbury.[617]
Dec. 2. =King’s= (As You Like It?).
Dec. 12 < > 21. Hampton Court.[618]
Christmas.[619]
Dec. 26. =King’s.=
Dec. 27. =King’s.=
Dec. 28. =King’s.=
Dec. 30. =King’s.=
1604
Jan. 1. =King’s= (two plays, one of Robin Goodfellow, Midsummer Night’s
Dream?). Mask (Indian and Chinese Knights).[620]
Page 160
Jan. 2. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 6. Mask.
Jan. 8. Queen’s mask (The Vision of the Twelve Goddesses).
Jan. 13. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 15. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 21. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 22. =Prince’s.=
Jan. Tilt.[621]
Feb. 2. =King’s.=
Feb. 13. Whitehall.[622]
Feb. 19 (S.S.). =King’s.=
Feb. 20. =Prince’s= and =Paul’s= (Middleton’s Phoenix?).[623]
Feb. 21. =Queen’s Revels.=
March 12. Tower.[624]
March 13. Lion baiting.[625]
March 15. Entry through London with pageants to Whitehall.[626]
March 29. Tilt.[627]
May 1. Visit to Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis) with Jonson’s Penates.
[628]
May 30 < > June 2. Greenwich.[629]
June 16. Visit to Ruckholt in Leyton (Michael Hicks).[630]
July 3 or 4. Whitehall.[631]
July 12–21. Visits to Oatlands (July 14–16) and Windsor (July 18, 21).[632]
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 6. Mask.
Jan. 8. Queen’s mask (The Vision of the Twelve Goddesses).
Jan. 13. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 15. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 21. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 22. =Prince’s.=
Jan. Tilt.[621]
Feb. 2. =King’s.=
Feb. 13. Whitehall.[622]
Feb. 19 (S.S.). =King’s.=
Feb. 20. =Prince’s= and =Paul’s= (Middleton’s Phoenix?).[623]
Feb. 21. =Queen’s Revels.=
March 12. Tower.[624]
March 13. Lion baiting.[625]
March 15. Entry through London with pageants to Whitehall.[626]
March 29. Tilt.[627]
May 1. Visit to Highgate (Sir William Cornwallis) with Jonson’s Penates.
[628]
May 30 < > June 2. Greenwich.[629]
June 16. Visit to Ruckholt in Leyton (Michael Hicks).[630]
July 3 or 4. Whitehall.[631]
July 12–21. Visits to Oatlands (July 14–16) and Windsor (July 18, 21).[632]
Page 161
July 24–Aug. 14. Progress in Herts., Hunts., and Beds., broken by Spanish
visit.[633] Theobalds (Lord Cecil, July 24–29), Somersham (Sir John
Cutts, > Aug. 2), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, Aug. 5–14).
Aug. 10. Arrival of Fernandez de Velasco, Constable of Castile, and other
Spanish and Flemish commissioners at Somerset House.
Aug. 14. Whitehall.[634]
Aug. 19. Signature of treaty and dinner to commissioners at Whitehall, with
baiting and activities.[635]
Aug. 25. Departure of Constable of Castile.
Aug. 20–Sept. 6 < > 15. Progress resumed in Herts. and Oxon.[636] Ware
(Aug. 20), Woodstock (Sept. 6), Langley.
Sept. 6 < > 15. Windsor.[637]
Sept. 21. Visit to Eton College.[638]
Sept. 22. Hampton Court.[639]
Oct. 1–6. Visit to Windsor and Easton Neston (Sir George Fermor) to meet
Charles.[640]
Oct. 16. Whitehall.[641]
Nov. 1. =King’s= (Othello).
Nov. 4. =King’s= (Merry Wives of Windsor).
Nov. 23. =Prince’s.=
Nov. 24. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 14. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 26. =King’s= (Measure for Measure).
Dec. 27. Mask for wedding of Sir Philip Herbert and Lady Susan Vere.
Dec. 28. =King’s= (Comedy of Errors).
Dec. 30. =Queen’s= (How to Learn of a Woman to Woo).
visit.[633] Theobalds (Lord Cecil, July 24–29), Somersham (Sir John
Cutts, > Aug. 2), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, Aug. 5–14).
Aug. 10. Arrival of Fernandez de Velasco, Constable of Castile, and other
Spanish and Flemish commissioners at Somerset House.
Aug. 14. Whitehall.[634]
Aug. 19. Signature of treaty and dinner to commissioners at Whitehall, with
baiting and activities.[635]
Aug. 25. Departure of Constable of Castile.
Aug. 20–Sept. 6 < > 15. Progress resumed in Herts. and Oxon.[636] Ware
(Aug. 20), Woodstock (Sept. 6), Langley.
Sept. 6 < > 15. Windsor.[637]
Sept. 21. Visit to Eton College.[638]
Sept. 22. Hampton Court.[639]
Oct. 1–6. Visit to Windsor and Easton Neston (Sir George Fermor) to meet
Charles.[640]
Oct. 16. Whitehall.[641]
Nov. 1. =King’s= (Othello).
Nov. 4. =King’s= (Merry Wives of Windsor).
Nov. 23. =Prince’s.=
Nov. 24. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 14. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 26. =King’s= (Measure for Measure).
Dec. 27. Mask for wedding of Sir Philip Herbert and Lady Susan Vere.
Dec. 28. =King’s= (Comedy of Errors).
Dec. 30. =Queen’s= (How to Learn of a Woman to Woo).
Page 162
1605
Jan. 1. =Queen’s Revels= (All Fools).
Jan. 3. =Queen’s Revels.=[642]
Jan. 6. Creation of Charles as Duke of York. Queen’s mask (Mask of
Blackness).
Jan. 7. =King’s= (Henry V).
Jan. 8. =King’s= (Every Man Out of His Humour).
Jan. 9 < > 14. =King’s= (Love’s Labour’s Lost), at the Earl of
Southampton’s or Viscount Cranborne’s for the Queen.[643]
Jan. 15. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 22. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. =King’s= (Every Man in His Humour). Mask by Duke of Holst (?).
[644]
Feb. 3. =King’s= (play ready but not shown).
Feb. 5. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 10 (S.S.). =King’s= (Merchant of Venice).
Feb. 11. =King’s= (Spanish Maze).
Feb. 12. =King’s= (Merchant of Venice).
Feb. 19. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 28 < > March 6. Greenwich.[645]
March 24. Tilt.[646]
Apr. 4. Tilt.[647]
May 20. Tilt.[648]
June 3. Lion baiting in Tower.[649]
June 26. Whitehall.[650]
July 15. Baiting for imperial ambassador.[651]
Jan. 1. =Queen’s Revels= (All Fools).
Jan. 3. =Queen’s Revels.=[642]
Jan. 6. Creation of Charles as Duke of York. Queen’s mask (Mask of
Blackness).
Jan. 7. =King’s= (Henry V).
Jan. 8. =King’s= (Every Man Out of His Humour).
Jan. 9 < > 14. =King’s= (Love’s Labour’s Lost), at the Earl of
Southampton’s or Viscount Cranborne’s for the Queen.[643]
Jan. 15. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 22. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. =King’s= (Every Man in His Humour). Mask by Duke of Holst (?).
[644]
Feb. 3. =King’s= (play ready but not shown).
Feb. 5. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 10 (S.S.). =King’s= (Merchant of Venice).
Feb. 11. =King’s= (Spanish Maze).
Feb. 12. =King’s= (Merchant of Venice).
Feb. 19. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 28 < > March 6. Greenwich.[645]
March 24. Tilt.[646]
Apr. 4. Tilt.[647]
May 20. Tilt.[648]
June 3. Lion baiting in Tower.[649]
June 26. Whitehall.[650]
July 15. Baiting for imperial ambassador.[651]
Page 163
July 16–Aug. 31. Progress in Essex, Herts., Beds., Northants., Oxon., and
Berks.[652] Havering (July 16–18), Loughton (Sir Robert Wroth, July
18–20), Theobalds (Earl of Salisbury, July 20–24), Hatfield (July 24–
26), Luton (Sir John Rotheram, July 26–27), Ampthill (July 27–Aug.
1), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, Aug. 1–3), Drayton (Lord Mordaunt, Aug.
3–6), Apethorpe (Sir Anthony Mildmay, Aug. 6–9), Rockingham (Sir
Edward Watson, Aug. 9–12), Harrowden (Lord Vaux, Aug. 12–15),
Castle Ashby (Lord Compton, Aug. 15–16), Grafton (Earl of
Cumberland, Aug. 16–20), Hanwell (Sir Anthony Cope, Aug. 20–21),
Wroxton (Sir William Pope, Aug. 21), Woodstock (Aug. 21–27),
Oxford (Aug. 27–30),[653] Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Aug. 30–31).
Aug. 31. Windsor.[654]
Sept. 10 < > 12. Hampton Court.[655]
c. Sept. 30. Whitehall.[656]
Dec. 1. =Prince’s.=
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (ten) and =Paul’s= (two).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 30. =Prince’s.=
1606
Jan. 1. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 5. Mask (Hymenaei) for wedding of Essex and Frances Howard.
Jan. 6. Barriers, with speeches (Truth and Opinion) by Jonson.
March 3 (S.M.). =Prince’s.=
March 4. =Prince’s.=
March 22. Rumoured assassination of James on visit to Woking.[657]
March 24. Tilt.[658]
March 28. Visit incognito to Guildhall for trial of Henry Garnet.[659]
Berks.[652] Havering (July 16–18), Loughton (Sir Robert Wroth, July
18–20), Theobalds (Earl of Salisbury, July 20–24), Hatfield (July 24–
26), Luton (Sir John Rotheram, July 26–27), Ampthill (July 27–Aug.
1), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, Aug. 1–3), Drayton (Lord Mordaunt, Aug.
3–6), Apethorpe (Sir Anthony Mildmay, Aug. 6–9), Rockingham (Sir
Edward Watson, Aug. 9–12), Harrowden (Lord Vaux, Aug. 12–15),
Castle Ashby (Lord Compton, Aug. 15–16), Grafton (Earl of
Cumberland, Aug. 16–20), Hanwell (Sir Anthony Cope, Aug. 20–21),
Wroxton (Sir William Pope, Aug. 21), Woodstock (Aug. 21–27),
Oxford (Aug. 27–30),[653] Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Aug. 30–31).
Aug. 31. Windsor.[654]
Sept. 10 < > 12. Hampton Court.[655]
c. Sept. 30. Whitehall.[656]
Dec. 1. =Prince’s.=
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (ten) and =Paul’s= (two).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 30. =Prince’s.=
1606
Jan. 1. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 5. Mask (Hymenaei) for wedding of Essex and Frances Howard.
Jan. 6. Barriers, with speeches (Truth and Opinion) by Jonson.
March 3 (S.M.). =Prince’s.=
March 4. =Prince’s.=
March 22. Rumoured assassination of James on visit to Woking.[657]
March 24. Tilt.[658]
March 28. Visit incognito to Guildhall for trial of Henry Garnet.[659]
Page 164
May 16. Greenwich.[660]
June 1. Challenge for tilt by Knights of the Fortunate Island, or the Lucent
Pillar.[661]
June 22–23. Birth and death of Princess Sophia.
July c. 15–17. Visits to Oatlands and Farnham.[662]
July 17–Aug. 11. Visit of Christian IV of Denmark.[663] Plays (two) by
=King’s= at Greenwich.
July 18. Kings meet at Tilbury.
July 18–24. Greenwich.
July 24–28. Visit to Theobalds (Earl of Salisbury), by Blackwall and
Stratford. Mask (Solomon and Queen of Sheba).[664]
July 24. Entertainment by Jonson.
July 28–31. Greenwich.
July 30. =Paul’s= (Abuses).[665]
July 31. Triumph through London to Somerset House, with pageants at
Great Conduit (Bower of the Muses), Little Conduit (Concord), and
Fleet Conduit (Pastoral).
Aug. 1–2. Whitehall.
Aug. 2–6. Greenwich.
Aug. 4. Ringing.
Aug. 5. Tilt.
Aug. 6. Masters of defence.
Aug. 6. Visit to Richmond.
Aug. 7. Visit to Hampton Court, with play by =King’s=.
Aug. 7–8. Visit to Windsor.
Aug. 8–9. Greenwich.
Aug. 9–11. Rochester (Bp. William Barlow).
June 1. Challenge for tilt by Knights of the Fortunate Island, or the Lucent
Pillar.[661]
June 22–23. Birth and death of Princess Sophia.
July c. 15–17. Visits to Oatlands and Farnham.[662]
July 17–Aug. 11. Visit of Christian IV of Denmark.[663] Plays (two) by
=King’s= at Greenwich.
July 18. Kings meet at Tilbury.
July 18–24. Greenwich.
July 24–28. Visit to Theobalds (Earl of Salisbury), by Blackwall and
Stratford. Mask (Solomon and Queen of Sheba).[664]
July 24. Entertainment by Jonson.
July 28–31. Greenwich.
July 30. =Paul’s= (Abuses).[665]
July 31. Triumph through London to Somerset House, with pageants at
Great Conduit (Bower of the Muses), Little Conduit (Concord), and
Fleet Conduit (Pastoral).
Aug. 1–2. Whitehall.
Aug. 2–6. Greenwich.
Aug. 4. Ringing.
Aug. 5. Tilt.
Aug. 6. Masters of defence.
Aug. 6. Visit to Richmond.
Aug. 7. Visit to Hampton Court, with play by =King’s=.
Aug. 7–8. Visit to Windsor.
Aug. 8–9. Greenwich.
Aug. 9–11. Rochester (Bp. William Barlow).
Page 165
Aug. 10. Dinner on Elizabeth James near Chatham.
Aug. 11. Farewell on Admiral of Denmark at Gravesend, with fireworks,
c. Aug. 17. Hampton Court.[666]
Aug. Progress, including Farnham (Aug. 23–24, Bp. of Winchester) and
Beaulieu (Aug. 30, Earl of Southampton).[667]
Sept. 11–c. 18. Visit to Windsor.[668]
Oct. 20 < > Nov. 1. Whitehall.[669]
Dec. 26. =King’s= (King Lear).
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 29. =King’s=.
1607
Jan. 4. =King’s.=
Jan. 6. =King’s.= Mask (by Campion) for wedding of Lord Hay and Honora
Denny.
Jan. 8. =King’s.=
Jan. 13, 24, 30. =Prince’s= (three plays).
Feb. 1. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. =King’s= (Barnes’s Devil’s Charter).
Feb. 5. =King’s.=
Feb. 11. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 15 (S.S.). =King’s.=
Feb. 27. =King’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[670]
May c. 20–24. Entry on Theobalds, with entertainment by Jonson.[671]
May 25. Tilt for Prince de Joinville. Play (Aeneas and Dido) at banquet by
Earl of Arundel for Anne.[672]
Aug. 11. Farewell on Admiral of Denmark at Gravesend, with fireworks,
c. Aug. 17. Hampton Court.[666]
Aug. Progress, including Farnham (Aug. 23–24, Bp. of Winchester) and
Beaulieu (Aug. 30, Earl of Southampton).[667]
Sept. 11–c. 18. Visit to Windsor.[668]
Oct. 20 < > Nov. 1. Whitehall.[669]
Dec. 26. =King’s= (King Lear).
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 29. =King’s=.
1607
Jan. 4. =King’s.=
Jan. 6. =King’s.= Mask (by Campion) for wedding of Lord Hay and Honora
Denny.
Jan. 8. =King’s.=
Jan. 13, 24, 30. =Prince’s= (three plays).
Feb. 1. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. =King’s= (Barnes’s Devil’s Charter).
Feb. 5. =King’s.=
Feb. 11. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 15 (S.S.). =King’s.=
Feb. 27. =King’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[670]
May c. 20–24. Entry on Theobalds, with entertainment by Jonson.[671]
May 25. Tilt for Prince de Joinville. Play (Aeneas and Dido) at banquet by
Earl of Arundel for Anne.[672]
Page 166
June 12. Visit to Lord Mayor and Clothworkers.[673]
July 16. Visit to Merchant Taylors, with speech by Jonson.[674]
July 19. Windsor, by Oatlands?[675]
Aug. Progress in Hants and Wilts.[676] Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
Aug. 5), Romsey, Beaulieu (Earl of Southampton, Aug. 10, 12),
Salisbury (Aug. 14–23), and possibly Isle of Wight.
Aug. 23 < > Sept. 7. Windsor.[677]
Sept. 23 < > 27. Hampton Court.[678]
Oct. 27 < > 29. Whitehall.[679]
Nov. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 26, 27, 28. =King’s= (three plays).
Dec. 30. =Prince’s.=
1608
Jan. 2. =King’s.=
Jan. 3. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.= Fireworks.[680]
Jan. 6. =King’s= (two plays).
Jan. 7. =King’s.=
Jan. 9. =King’s.=
Jan. 10. Queen’s mask (Mask of Beauty).
Jan. 17. =King’s= (two plays).
Jan. 26. =King’s.=
Feb. 2, 7 (S.S.). =King’s= (two plays).
Feb. 9. Mask (by Jonson) for wedding of Viscount Haddington and
Elizabeth Radcliffe.
March 24. Tilt.[681]
July 16. Visit to Merchant Taylors, with speech by Jonson.[674]
July 19. Windsor, by Oatlands?[675]
Aug. Progress in Hants and Wilts.[676] Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
Aug. 5), Romsey, Beaulieu (Earl of Southampton, Aug. 10, 12),
Salisbury (Aug. 14–23), and possibly Isle of Wight.
Aug. 23 < > Sept. 7. Windsor.[677]
Sept. 23 < > 27. Hampton Court.[678]
Oct. 27 < > 29. Whitehall.[679]
Nov. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 26, 27, 28. =King’s= (three plays).
Dec. 30. =Prince’s.=
1608
Jan. 2. =King’s.=
Jan. 3. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 4. =Prince’s.= Fireworks.[680]
Jan. 6. =King’s= (two plays).
Jan. 7. =King’s.=
Jan. 9. =King’s.=
Jan. 10. Queen’s mask (Mask of Beauty).
Jan. 17. =King’s= (two plays).
Jan. 26. =King’s.=
Feb. 2, 7 (S.S.). =King’s= (two plays).
Feb. 9. Mask (by Jonson) for wedding of Viscount Haddington and
Elizabeth Radcliffe.
March 24. Tilt.[681]
Page 167
May 13 < > 19. Greenwich.[682]
July 1. Whitehall.[683]
July 7 < > 14–Aug. 14 < > 28. Progress in Herts., Beds., and Northants.
[684]
Theobalds (July 14–20) with visit to Lamer in Wheathampstead
(Sir John Garrard, July 19), Toddington (Lady Cheyne, July 24, 25),
Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 1–3), Alderton (Sir Thomas Hesilrige,
Aug. 4), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 5–14) with visit to Bletsoe
(Lord St. John, Aug. 5).
Aug. 14 < > 28. Windsor.[685]
Sept. 4 < > 17. Hampton Court.[686]
Oct. 1 < > 21. Whitehall.[687]
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (twelve), =Queen’s= (five),
Prince’s (three), and =Children of Blackfriars= (three).[688]
1609
Jan. 1. =Children of Blackfriars= (Middleton’s Trick to catch the Old One).
Jan. 4. =Children of Blackfriars.=
Feb. 2. Queen’s mask (Mask of Queens).
Feb. 28 (S.T.). Ringing.[689]
March 24. Tilt.[690]
Apr. 11. Visit to Durham House for opening of Britain’s Burse.[691]
Apr. 18. Baiting.[692]
May 6 < > 15. Greenwich.[693]
June 23. Lion baiting in Tower.[694]
July 6. Whitehall.[695]
July 22. Windsor.[696]
July 23–Aug. 20 < > 31. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., Dorset.[697]
Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 23–26), Basing (Marquis of
July 1. Whitehall.[683]
July 7 < > 14–Aug. 14 < > 28. Progress in Herts., Beds., and Northants.
[684]
Theobalds (July 14–20) with visit to Lamer in Wheathampstead
(Sir John Garrard, July 19), Toddington (Lady Cheyne, July 24, 25),
Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 1–3), Alderton (Sir Thomas Hesilrige,
Aug. 4), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 5–14) with visit to Bletsoe
(Lord St. John, Aug. 5).
Aug. 14 < > 28. Windsor.[685]
Sept. 4 < > 17. Hampton Court.[686]
Oct. 1 < > 21. Whitehall.[687]
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (twelve), =Queen’s= (five),
Prince’s (three), and =Children of Blackfriars= (three).[688]
1609
Jan. 1. =Children of Blackfriars= (Middleton’s Trick to catch the Old One).
Jan. 4. =Children of Blackfriars.=
Feb. 2. Queen’s mask (Mask of Queens).
Feb. 28 (S.T.). Ringing.[689]
March 24. Tilt.[690]
Apr. 11. Visit to Durham House for opening of Britain’s Burse.[691]
Apr. 18. Baiting.[692]
May 6 < > 15. Greenwich.[693]
June 23. Lion baiting in Tower.[694]
July 6. Whitehall.[695]
July 22. Windsor.[696]
July 23–Aug. 20 < > 31. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., Dorset.[697]
Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 23–26), Basing (Marquis of
Page 168
Winchester, July 26), Beaulieu (Earl of Southampton, Aug. 3–7),
Salisbury (Aug. 15, 20), Cranborne (Aug. 17–19), Tarrant.
Aug. 20 < > 31. Windsor.[698]
Sept. 1 < > 7. Hampton Court.[699]
Oct. 30. Whitehall.[700]
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (thirteen) and =Children of
Whitefriars= (five).
Dec. 26. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 31. Challenge for barriers by Henry as Meliadus.
1610
Jan. 6. Henry’s barriers, with speeches by Jonson.[701]
Jan. 7. =Prince’s.=[702]
Jan. 18. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 9. Duke of York’s.
Feb. 18–20 (S.).
March 24, 27. Tilt.[703]
Apr. 20. Lion baiting in Tower.[704]
Apr. 23. Triumph for Henry at Chester.[705]
May 31–June 6. Creation of Henry as Prince of Wales.[706]
June 5. Queen’s mask (Tethys’ Festival).
June 6. Tilt, water triumph, and fireworks.[707]
June 19. Visit to Woolwich.[708]
July 24–c. Sept. 2. Progress in Northants., Oxon., Berks., and Hants.[709]
Bletsoe (Lord St. John, July 29), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 5, 6,
Salisbury (Aug. 15, 20), Cranborne (Aug. 17–19), Tarrant.
Aug. 20 < > 31. Windsor.[698]
Sept. 1 < > 7. Hampton Court.[699]
Oct. 30. Whitehall.[700]
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (thirteen) and =Children of
Whitefriars= (five).
Dec. 26. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 31. Challenge for barriers by Henry as Meliadus.
1610
Jan. 6. Henry’s barriers, with speeches by Jonson.[701]
Jan. 7. =Prince’s.=[702]
Jan. 18. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 9. Duke of York’s.
Feb. 18–20 (S.).
March 24, 27. Tilt.[703]
Apr. 20. Lion baiting in Tower.[704]
Apr. 23. Triumph for Henry at Chester.[705]
May 31–June 6. Creation of Henry as Prince of Wales.[706]
June 5. Queen’s mask (Tethys’ Festival).
June 6. Tilt, water triumph, and fireworks.[707]
June 19. Visit to Woolwich.[708]
July 24–c. Sept. 2. Progress in Northants., Oxon., Berks., and Hants.[709]
Bletsoe (Lord St. John, July 29), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 5, 6,
Page 169
11, 12, 13, 19) with visits to Apethorpe (Sir Anthony Mildmay) and
Kirby (Sir Christopher Hatton, Aug. 7) and Castle Ashby (Lord
Compton, Aug. 13, 14), Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 19),
Woodstock (Aug. 22–25), Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Aug. 28),
Aldershot (Walter Tichborne? Sept. 2).
c. Sept. 2. Hampton Court.[710]
Oct. 8 < > 18. Whitehall.[711]
Dec. 10. =Queen’s= (three plays).
Dec. 12. =Duke of York’s.=
Dec. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 20. =Duke of York’s.=
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (fifteen).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
1611
Jan. 1. Prince’s mask (Oberon).
Jan. 14. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 15. =Duke of York’s.=
Jan. 16. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. Queen’s mask (Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly).
Feb. 3–5 (S.).
Feb. 3. King’s (Mucedorus)?
Apr. 27. Greenwich.[712]
June 26 < > July 2. Windsor.[713]
July 18–21. Visit to Englefield (Sir Edward Norris).[714]
July 22 < > 25–Sept. 1 < > 10. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., and Isle of
Wight.[715] Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 25–8), Salisbury (Aug. 3,
Kirby (Sir Christopher Hatton, Aug. 7) and Castle Ashby (Lord
Compton, Aug. 13, 14), Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 19),
Woodstock (Aug. 22–25), Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Aug. 28),
Aldershot (Walter Tichborne? Sept. 2).
c. Sept. 2. Hampton Court.[710]
Oct. 8 < > 18. Whitehall.[711]
Dec. 10. =Queen’s= (three plays).
Dec. 12. =Duke of York’s.=
Dec. 19. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 20. =Duke of York’s.=
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (fifteen).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
1611
Jan. 1. Prince’s mask (Oberon).
Jan. 14. =Prince’s.=
Jan. 15. =Duke of York’s.=
Jan. 16. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 2. Queen’s mask (Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly).
Feb. 3–5 (S.).
Feb. 3. King’s (Mucedorus)?
Apr. 27. Greenwich.[712]
June 26 < > July 2. Windsor.[713]
July 18–21. Visit to Englefield (Sir Edward Norris).[714]
July 22 < > 25–Sept. 1 < > 10. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., and Isle of
Wight.[715] Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 25–8), Salisbury (Aug. 3,
Page 170
6, 10, 13), Beaulieu (Earl of Southampton, Aug. 19, 21, 26) with visit
to Isle of Wight (Aug. 22), Tichborne (Sir Benjamin Tichborne, Aug.
29), Farnham (Aug. 31), Bagshot (Sept. 1).
Sept. 1 < > 10. Hampton Court.[716]
Oct. 31. Whitehall.[717] =King’s.=
Nov. 1. King’s (Tempest).
Nov. 5. King’s (Winter’s Tale).
Nov. 9. =King’s.=
Nov. 19. =King’s.=
Dec. 16. =King’s.=
Christmas.[718]
Dec. 26. Ringing.[719] =King’s= (A King and no King).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s= (Greene’s Tu Quoque).
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 29. =Prince’s= (Almanac).
Dec. 31. =King’s.=
1612
Jan. 1. Ringing.[720] =King’s= (Twins’ Tragedy).
Jan. 5. =King’s= and/or =Children of Whitefriars= (Cupid’s Revenge).
Jan. 6. Ringing.[721] Prince’s mask (Love Restored?) by gentlemen of the
court.
Jan. 7. =King’s.=
Jan. > 12–22. Visit of Anne and Henry to Greenwich.[722]
Jan. 12. =King’s and Queen’s= (Silver Age) and/or =Duke of York’s=.
Jan. 13. =King’s and Queen’s= (Rape of Lucrece).
Jan. 15. =King’s.=
to Isle of Wight (Aug. 22), Tichborne (Sir Benjamin Tichborne, Aug.
29), Farnham (Aug. 31), Bagshot (Sept. 1).
Sept. 1 < > 10. Hampton Court.[716]
Oct. 31. Whitehall.[717] =King’s.=
Nov. 1. King’s (Tempest).
Nov. 5. King’s (Winter’s Tale).
Nov. 9. =King’s.=
Nov. 19. =King’s.=
Dec. 16. =King’s.=
Christmas.[718]
Dec. 26. Ringing.[719] =King’s= (A King and no King).
Dec. 27. =Queen’s= (Greene’s Tu Quoque).
Dec. 28. =Prince’s.=
Dec. 29. =Prince’s= (Almanac).
Dec. 31. =King’s.=
1612
Jan. 1. Ringing.[720] =King’s= (Twins’ Tragedy).
Jan. 5. =King’s= and/or =Children of Whitefriars= (Cupid’s Revenge).
Jan. 6. Ringing.[721] Prince’s mask (Love Restored?) by gentlemen of the
court.
Jan. 7. =King’s.=
Jan. > 12–22. Visit of Anne and Henry to Greenwich.[722]
Jan. 12. =King’s and Queen’s= (Silver Age) and/or =Duke of York’s=.
Jan. 13. =King’s and Queen’s= (Rape of Lucrece).
Jan. 15. =King’s.=
Page 171
Jan. 19. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=
Jan. 21. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 23. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 28. =Duke of York’s.=
Feb. 2. =Queen’s= (Greene’s Tu Quoque).
Feb. 5. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 9. =King’s.=
Feb. 13. =Duke of York’s.=
Feb. 19. =King’s.=
Feb. 20. =King’s= (two plays).
Feb. 23 (S.S.). =King’s= (Nobleman).
Feb. 24. =Duke of York’s= (Hymen’s Holiday or Cupid’s Vagaries).
Feb. 25. Ringing. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Proud Maid’s Tragedy).
Feb. 28. Visit by Henry to Marquis of Winchester, with plays.[723]
=King’s.=
Feb. 29. =Prince’s.=
March 11. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[724]
March 28. =King’s.=
Apr. 3. =King’s.=
Apr. 11. =Prince’s.=
Apr. 16. =King’s.=
Apr. 26. =King’s=, for Duc de Bouillon?[725]
May-June. Visits to Eltham, Wanstead (Sir Edward Phelips, June 17, 25),
and Havering (Lady Oxford, June 18).[726]
c. July 9. Visit to Kensington (Sir Walter Cope).[727]
Jan. 21. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 23. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 28. =Duke of York’s.=
Feb. 2. =Queen’s= (Greene’s Tu Quoque).
Feb. 5. =Prince’s.=
Feb. 9. =King’s.=
Feb. 13. =Duke of York’s.=
Feb. 19. =King’s.=
Feb. 20. =King’s= (two plays).
Feb. 23 (S.S.). =King’s= (Nobleman).
Feb. 24. =Duke of York’s= (Hymen’s Holiday or Cupid’s Vagaries).
Feb. 25. Ringing. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Proud Maid’s Tragedy).
Feb. 28. Visit by Henry to Marquis of Winchester, with plays.[723]
=King’s.=
Feb. 29. =Prince’s.=
March 11. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[724]
March 28. =King’s.=
Apr. 3. =King’s.=
Apr. 11. =Prince’s.=
Apr. 16. =King’s.=
Apr. 26. =King’s=, for Duc de Bouillon?[725]
May-June. Visits to Eltham, Wanstead (Sir Edward Phelips, June 17, 25),
and Havering (Lady Oxford, June 18).[726]
c. July 9. Visit to Kensington (Sir Walter Cope).[727]
Page 172
c. July 17–c. Sept. 1. Progress in Herts., Beds., Northants., Rutland, Notts.,
Leicester, Oxon., Berks.[728] Theobalds (July 17), St. Albans?, Wrest?
(Earl of Kent), Ampthill (July 23), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, July 24–27),
Castle Ashby (Lord Compton, July 27–30), Kirby (Sir Christopher
Hatton, July 30–Aug. 3), Apethorpe (Sir Anthony Mildmay, Aug. 3–6),
Brooke (Sir Edward Noel, Aug. 6–7), Belvoir (Earl of Rutland, Aug.
7–10), Newark Castle (Aug. 10–11), Rufford Abbey (Sir George
Saville, Aug. 11–14), Newstead Abbey (Sir John Byron, Aug. 14–17),
Nottingham (Thurland House, Aug. 17–18), Loughborough (Aug. 18–
19), Leicester (Earl of Huntingdon, Aug. 19–21), Dingley (Sir Thomas
Griffin, Aug. 21–22), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 22–24), Grafton
(Duke of Lennox, Aug. 24–26?), Hanwell? (Sir Anthony Cope),
Woodstock (Prince Henry, Aug. 26–31?),[729] Rycote (Lord Norris,
Aug. 31–Sept. 1?), Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Sept. 1?).
Sept. 1 < > 21. Whitehall.[730]
Oct. 16. Arrival of Elector Palatine.[731]
Oct. 20. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=[732]
Oct. 29. Visit of Elector to Lord Mayor’s show.[733]
Oct. 31 or Nov. 1. Play put off for Henry’s illness.[734]
Nov. 2 or 3. =Queen’s Revels= (Coxcomb)?[735]
Nov. 6. Death of Henry.
Christmas. Twenty plays by =King’s= this winter (Shakespeare’s 1, 2 Hen.
IV (?), J. C., M. Ado (twice), Oth., W. Tale, Tp.; Jonson’s Alchemist;
Beaumont and Fletcher’s Philaster (twice), Maid’s Tragedy, King and
No King, Captain; Tourneur’s Nobleman; Niccolls’s Twins; Ford’s A
Bad Beginning, and Cardenio, Merry Devil of Edmonton, Knot of
Fools).[736]
Dec. 27. Betrothal of Elector and Elizabeth.[737]
1613
Jan. 1. =Queen’s Revels= (Cupid’s Revenge).
Jan. 9. =Queen’s Revels= (Cupid’s Revenge).
Leicester, Oxon., Berks.[728] Theobalds (July 17), St. Albans?, Wrest?
(Earl of Kent), Ampthill (July 23), Bletsoe (Lord St. John, July 24–27),
Castle Ashby (Lord Compton, July 27–30), Kirby (Sir Christopher
Hatton, July 30–Aug. 3), Apethorpe (Sir Anthony Mildmay, Aug. 3–6),
Brooke (Sir Edward Noel, Aug. 6–7), Belvoir (Earl of Rutland, Aug.
7–10), Newark Castle (Aug. 10–11), Rufford Abbey (Sir George
Saville, Aug. 11–14), Newstead Abbey (Sir John Byron, Aug. 14–17),
Nottingham (Thurland House, Aug. 17–18), Loughborough (Aug. 18–
19), Leicester (Earl of Huntingdon, Aug. 19–21), Dingley (Sir Thomas
Griffin, Aug. 21–22), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 22–24), Grafton
(Duke of Lennox, Aug. 24–26?), Hanwell? (Sir Anthony Cope),
Woodstock (Prince Henry, Aug. 26–31?),[729] Rycote (Lord Norris,
Aug. 31–Sept. 1?), Bisham (Sir Edward Hoby, Sept. 1?).
Sept. 1 < > 21. Whitehall.[730]
Oct. 16. Arrival of Elector Palatine.[731]
Oct. 20. =Lady Elizabeth’s.=[732]
Oct. 29. Visit of Elector to Lord Mayor’s show.[733]
Oct. 31 or Nov. 1. Play put off for Henry’s illness.[734]
Nov. 2 or 3. =Queen’s Revels= (Coxcomb)?[735]
Nov. 6. Death of Henry.
Christmas. Twenty plays by =King’s= this winter (Shakespeare’s 1, 2 Hen.
IV (?), J. C., M. Ado (twice), Oth., W. Tale, Tp.; Jonson’s Alchemist;
Beaumont and Fletcher’s Philaster (twice), Maid’s Tragedy, King and
No King, Captain; Tourneur’s Nobleman; Niccolls’s Twins; Ford’s A
Bad Beginning, and Cardenio, Merry Devil of Edmonton, Knot of
Fools).[736]
Dec. 27. Betrothal of Elector and Elizabeth.[737]
1613
Jan. 1. =Queen’s Revels= (Cupid’s Revenge).
Jan. 9. =Queen’s Revels= (Cupid’s Revenge).
Page 173
Feb. 11. Fireworks.
Feb. 13. River triumph.
Feb. 14 (S.S.). Wedding of Elector and Elizabeth. Lords’ mask (by
Campion).
Feb. 15. Ringing. Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn mask (by Chapman).
Feb. 16. =King’s.= Mask put off.
Feb. 20. Inner Temple and Gray’s Inn mask (by Beaumont).
Feb. 21. Banquet for James and the maskers.
Feb. 25. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Dutch Courtesan).
Feb. 27. =Queen’s Revels= (Widow’s Tears).
March 1. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Raymond Duke of Lyons).
March 2. =Prince Charles’s= (1 The Knaves).
March 2–c. 4. Visit of Charles and Elector to Cambridge, with Brooke’s
Adelphe (Mar. 2) and Scyros (Mar. 3) by Trinity men.
March? Visit by Frederick to Oxford.[738]
March 10. =Prince’s= (2 The Knaves).
March 24. Tilt.[739]
Apr. 10. Departure of Elector and Elizabeth, accompanied by James to
Rochester (Apr. 13).[740]
Apr. 24–June 17. Progress of Anne.[741] Hampton Court, with James,
Windsor, Reading (the Friars), Caversham (Lord Knollys, Apr. 27–28),
[742]
Bath, Bristol (Marchioness of Winchester, June 4–8),[743] Siston
(Sir Henry Billingsley, June 8), Bishop’s Cannings (June 11).[744]
May 26. Greenwich.[745]
June 8. =King’s= (Cardenio) for Savoyard ambassador.
July 1–4. Visits to Hampton Court and Oatlands.[746]
c. July 8. Whitehall.[747]
Feb. 13. River triumph.
Feb. 14 (S.S.). Wedding of Elector and Elizabeth. Lords’ mask (by
Campion).
Feb. 15. Ringing. Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn mask (by Chapman).
Feb. 16. =King’s.= Mask put off.
Feb. 20. Inner Temple and Gray’s Inn mask (by Beaumont).
Feb. 21. Banquet for James and the maskers.
Feb. 25. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Dutch Courtesan).
Feb. 27. =Queen’s Revels= (Widow’s Tears).
March 1. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Raymond Duke of Lyons).
March 2. =Prince Charles’s= (1 The Knaves).
March 2–c. 4. Visit of Charles and Elector to Cambridge, with Brooke’s
Adelphe (Mar. 2) and Scyros (Mar. 3) by Trinity men.
March? Visit by Frederick to Oxford.[738]
March 10. =Prince’s= (2 The Knaves).
March 24. Tilt.[739]
Apr. 10. Departure of Elector and Elizabeth, accompanied by James to
Rochester (Apr. 13).[740]
Apr. 24–June 17. Progress of Anne.[741] Hampton Court, with James,
Windsor, Reading (the Friars), Caversham (Lord Knollys, Apr. 27–28),
[742]
Bath, Bristol (Marchioness of Winchester, June 4–8),[743] Siston
(Sir Henry Billingsley, June 8), Bishop’s Cannings (June 11).[744]
May 26. Greenwich.[745]
June 8. =King’s= (Cardenio) for Savoyard ambassador.
July 1–4. Visits to Hampton Court and Oatlands.[746]
c. July 8. Whitehall.[747]
Page 174
c. July 18. Windsor.[748]
July 19 < > 20–c. Aug. 21. Progress in Surrey, Hants, and Wilts.[749]
Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 20), Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
July 23), Andover (July 24, 26), Lydiard (Sir Oliver St. John?, July
27), Charlton (Earl of Suffolk, July 31), Salisbury (Aug. 5), Beaulieu
(Earl of Southampton, c. Aug. 6 < > 21).
July-Sept. Visits of Anne to Bath and Wells (Aug. 20–22).[750]
c. Aug. 21. Windsor.[751]
Sept. 8. Whitehall.[752]
c. Sept. 28. Visit to Hampton Court.[753]
Nov. 1. =King’s.=
Nov. 4. =King’s.=
Nov. 5. =King’s.=
Nov. 15. =King’s.=
Nov. 16. =King’s.=
Dec. 12. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Dutch Courtesan).
Dec. 24 or 28. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 26. Mask (by Campion) for wedding of Earl of Somerset and Frances
Howard.
Dec. 27. =King’s.= Challenge for tilt, with device by Jonson.
Dec. 29. Mask (Irish Mask) for wedding.
1614
Jan. 1. Tilt. =King’s.=
Jan. 3. Irish Mask repeated.
Jan. 4. =King’s.=
Jan. 4. Play and two masks (one Middleton’s lost Mask of Cupid) by City at Merchant
Taylors for wedding.[754]
July 19 < > 20–c. Aug. 21. Progress in Surrey, Hants, and Wilts.[749]
Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, July 20), Basing (Marquis of Winchester,
July 23), Andover (July 24, 26), Lydiard (Sir Oliver St. John?, July
27), Charlton (Earl of Suffolk, July 31), Salisbury (Aug. 5), Beaulieu
(Earl of Southampton, c. Aug. 6 < > 21).
July-Sept. Visits of Anne to Bath and Wells (Aug. 20–22).[750]
c. Aug. 21. Windsor.[751]
Sept. 8. Whitehall.[752]
c. Sept. 28. Visit to Hampton Court.[753]
Nov. 1. =King’s.=
Nov. 4. =King’s.=
Nov. 5. =King’s.=
Nov. 15. =King’s.=
Nov. 16. =King’s.=
Dec. 12. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Dutch Courtesan).
Dec. 24 or 28. =Queen’s.=
Dec. 26. Mask (by Campion) for wedding of Earl of Somerset and Frances
Howard.
Dec. 27. =King’s.= Challenge for tilt, with device by Jonson.
Dec. 29. Mask (Irish Mask) for wedding.
1614
Jan. 1. Tilt. =King’s.=
Jan. 3. Irish Mask repeated.
Jan. 4. =King’s.=
Jan. 4. Play and two masks (one Middleton’s lost Mask of Cupid) by City at Merchant
Taylors for wedding.[754]
Page 175
Jan. 5. =Queen’s.=
Jan. 6. Gray’s Inn mask (Mask of Flowers) for wedding.[755]
Jan. 10. =King’s.=
Jan. 25. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Eastward Hoe).
Feb. 2. =King’s.=
Feb. 3. Play (Daniel’s Hymen’s Triumph) for wedding of Lord Roxborough
and Jean Drummond at Somerset House.
Feb. 4. =King’s.= Play for Lord Mayor at Somerset House.[756]
Feb. 8. =King’s.=
Feb. 10. =King’s.=
Feb. 18. =King’s.=
March 6 (S.S.). =King’s.=
March 8. =King’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[757]
June 8 < > 12. Greenwich.[758]
June 21. Whitehall.[759]
June 29. Visit to Richmond.[760]
July 17–23. Progress in Herts., Essex, Beds., broken by Denmark visit.[761]
Theobalds (July 17), The Rye in Hatfield Broadoak (Richard Francke,
July 18–19), Audley End (Earl of Suffolk, July 19–21), Royston (July
21–22), Haynes (Robert Newdigate, July 22–23).
July 22. Arrival of Christian IV, King of Denmark, at Somerset House.[762]
July 24 < > 30. Plays before Christian.[763]
Aug. 1. Visit to Woolwich, Rochester, and Gravesend for departure of
Christian.[764]
Aug. 1–31. Progress resumed in Herts., Northants., Rutland, Notts.,
Leicestershire, Oxon., Berks.[765] Theobalds (Aug. 1), Apethorpe (Sir
Jan. 6. Gray’s Inn mask (Mask of Flowers) for wedding.[755]
Jan. 10. =King’s.=
Jan. 25. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Eastward Hoe).
Feb. 2. =King’s.=
Feb. 3. Play (Daniel’s Hymen’s Triumph) for wedding of Lord Roxborough
and Jean Drummond at Somerset House.
Feb. 4. =King’s.= Play for Lord Mayor at Somerset House.[756]
Feb. 8. =King’s.=
Feb. 10. =King’s.=
Feb. 18. =King’s.=
March 6 (S.S.). =King’s.=
March 8. =King’s.=
March 24. Tilt.[757]
June 8 < > 12. Greenwich.[758]
June 21. Whitehall.[759]
June 29. Visit to Richmond.[760]
July 17–23. Progress in Herts., Essex, Beds., broken by Denmark visit.[761]
Theobalds (July 17), The Rye in Hatfield Broadoak (Richard Francke,
July 18–19), Audley End (Earl of Suffolk, July 19–21), Royston (July
21–22), Haynes (Robert Newdigate, July 22–23).
July 22. Arrival of Christian IV, King of Denmark, at Somerset House.[762]
July 24 < > 30. Plays before Christian.[763]
Aug. 1. Visit to Woolwich, Rochester, and Gravesend for departure of
Christian.[764]
Aug. 1–31. Progress resumed in Herts., Northants., Rutland, Notts.,
Leicestershire, Oxon., Berks.[765] Theobalds (Aug. 1), Apethorpe (Sir
Page 176
Anthony Mildmay, Aug. 3–4), Burley on the Hill (Lord Harington,
Aug. 4–6), Belvoir (Earl of Rutland, Aug. 6–9), Newark Castle (Aug.
9–10), Rufford Abbey (Sir George Saville, Aug. 10–15), Newstead
Abbey (Sir John Byron, Aug. 15–17), Nottingham (Thurland House,
Aug. 17–18), Leicester (Earl of Huntingdon, Aug. 18–19), Dingley
(Sir Thomas Griffin, Aug. 19–20), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 20–
22), Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 22–25), Woodstock (Aug. 25–29),
Oxford (Aug. 29), Rycote (Lord Norris, Aug. 29–30), Bisham (Sir
Edward Hoby, Aug. 30–31).
> Sept. 11. Whitehall.[766]
Nov. 1. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Bartholomew Fair).
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (eight), =Queen’s= (three),
=Elector Palatine’s= (three), =Prince’s= (six).[767]
1615
Jan. 6. Household mask (Mercury Vindicated?).
Jan. 8. Mask repeated.
Feb. 19–21 (S.). Mask by Spanish ambassador?[768]
March 7–11. Visit of James and Charles to Cambridge.[769]
March 24. Tilt.[770]
May 13–15. Visit to Cambridge.
> May 21. Greenwich.[771]
c. July 2–5. Visit to Oatlands.[772]
July 20. Windsor.[773]
July 21–c. Sept. 2. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., and Dorset.[774]
Bagshot (July 22), Basing (Marquis of Winchester, July 23), Andover
(July 26), Salisbury (July 28–31, Aug. 5), Lulworth Castle (Viscount
Bindon, Aug. 15), Broadlands (Henry? St. Barbe, Aug. 27), Tichborne
(Sir Benjamin Tichborne, Aug. 29), Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, Aug.
31).
Aug. 4–6), Belvoir (Earl of Rutland, Aug. 6–9), Newark Castle (Aug.
9–10), Rufford Abbey (Sir George Saville, Aug. 10–15), Newstead
Abbey (Sir John Byron, Aug. 15–17), Nottingham (Thurland House,
Aug. 17–18), Leicester (Earl of Huntingdon, Aug. 18–19), Dingley
(Sir Thomas Griffin, Aug. 19–20), Holdenby (Duke of York, Aug. 20–
22), Grafton (Duke of Lennox, Aug. 22–25), Woodstock (Aug. 25–29),
Oxford (Aug. 29), Rycote (Lord Norris, Aug. 29–30), Bisham (Sir
Edward Hoby, Aug. 30–31).
> Sept. 11. Whitehall.[766]
Nov. 1. =Lady Elizabeth’s= (Bartholomew Fair).
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (eight), =Queen’s= (three),
=Elector Palatine’s= (three), =Prince’s= (six).[767]
1615
Jan. 6. Household mask (Mercury Vindicated?).
Jan. 8. Mask repeated.
Feb. 19–21 (S.). Mask by Spanish ambassador?[768]
March 7–11. Visit of James and Charles to Cambridge.[769]
March 24. Tilt.[770]
May 13–15. Visit to Cambridge.
> May 21. Greenwich.[771]
c. July 2–5. Visit to Oatlands.[772]
July 20. Windsor.[773]
July 21–c. Sept. 2. Progress in Surrey, Hants, Wilts., and Dorset.[774]
Bagshot (July 22), Basing (Marquis of Winchester, July 23), Andover
(July 26), Salisbury (July 28–31, Aug. 5), Lulworth Castle (Viscount
Bindon, Aug. 15), Broadlands (Henry? St. Barbe, Aug. 27), Tichborne
(Sir Benjamin Tichborne, Aug. 29), Farnham (Bp. of Winchester, Aug.
31).
Page 177
c. Sept. 2. Windsor.[775]
Sept. 2 < > Oct. 18. Whitehall.[776]
Dec. 17. =Queen’s= at Somerset House.
Dec. 21. =King’s= at Somerset House.
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (fourteen), =Queen’s= (four), and
=Prince’s= (four).
1616
Jan. 1. Household mask (Golden Age Restored?).
Jan. 6. Mask repeated.
Feb. 11–13 (S.).
March 4 < > 16. Visit to Royston, with play (Susenbrotus?) by Cambridge
men.[777]
March 25. Tilt.[778]
Apr. 23. Obiit Gulielmus Shakespeare.
Sept. 2 < > Oct. 18. Whitehall.[776]
Dec. 17. =Queen’s= at Somerset House.
Dec. 21. =King’s= at Somerset House.
Christmas. Plays this winter by =King’s= (fourteen), =Queen’s= (four), and
=Prince’s= (four).
1616
Jan. 1. Household mask (Golden Age Restored?).
Jan. 6. Mask repeated.
Feb. 11–13 (S.).
March 4 < > 16. Visit to Royston, with play (Susenbrotus?) by Cambridge
men.[777]
March 25. Tilt.[778]
Apr. 23. Obiit Gulielmus Shakespeare.
Page 178
Page 179
APPENDIX B
COURT PAYMENTS
The body of this appendix contains extracts from the accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber and
the Office of Revels, in which expenditure on plays or masks at court is recorded. But in view of the
importance of these documents as sources for the history of court entertainment, it will be well to add
something about their general nature and state of preservation to what has already been said about the
procedure of the Treasurer of the Chamber in ch. ii and that of the Revels Office in ch. iii.
THE AUDIT OF HOUSEHOLD ACCOUNTS
Most, but not all, of the accounts preserved are records of audit. There is, unfortunately, no
systematic history of the Audit Office; but the somewhat scrappy notices in F. S. Thomas, The Ancient
Exchequer of England (1848), and H. Hall, Studies in English Official Historical Documents (1908),
and A Formula Book of English Official Historical Documents, Part II (1909), may be supplemented
for the Tudor period by the valuable study of M. D. George, The Origin of the Declared Account
(1916, E. H. R. xxxi. 41). The Record Office series of Lists and Indexes includes lists of Declared
Accounts (ii) and Exchequer Accounts (xxxv). Normally the auditing of royal expenditure was a
function of the mediaeval Exchequer. The procedure was for the officer charged with incurring
expenditure to appear as accountant before the Auditor-Baron and his Clerk, and produce detailed
statements, known as ‘particulars’, together with vouchers for sums already spent out of any ‘imprest’
or advance that had been made to him, and the warrants under which his expenditure was authorized.
From these the Exchequer officers prepared a ‘compotus’ or balance sheet, signed it, when the balance
was settled, as a record that the accountant was ‘quietus’ or quit from debt to the Crown, and passed it
through the King’s Remembrancer to the Lord Treasurer’s Remembrancer, in whose office it was
enrolled by the Clerk of the Pipe on the roll of ‘foreign’ or non-revenue accounts. It was then returned
to the King’s Remembrancer, who kept it, with the particulars and vouchers as subsidiary documents.
It was a lengthy and cumbrous process. Moreover, the Lord Treasurer, like the Lord Chancellor, was
one of the high officers of state whose functions came at an early date under the control of the barons,
and the same motives, which led the sovereign (cf. ch. ii) to develop in the Wardrobe and Chamber an
executive machinery independent of the Lord Chancellor, also led him to desire that his more private
expenditure should be withdrawn from the survey of the Exchequer. Thus we find the Treasurer of the
Chamber accountable (cf. ch. ii) at the end of the fifteenth century to the King alone, and in the mid-
sixteenth century to the Court of Surveyors or to ad hoc auditors specially appointed by the King or
the Privy Council. When the Court of Augmentations absorbed the Court of Surveyors in 1553, its
establishment included two Auditors of Prests, and although this court was itself merged in the
Exchequer under Mary, the more up-to-date methods of auditing were continued by Elizabeth’s
appointment in 1560, as themselves Exchequer officers, of two ‘Auditores de lez Prestes et
Compotorum forinsecorum nostrorum’. The main difference between the methods of the Auditors of
the Prests and that of the Auditor-Baron appears to have been that the personal appearance of the
accountant was no longer necessary, who now himself prepared in duplicate a balance sheet known as
his Original Account, or Book of Account, of which one copy was signed after examination and
returned to him as evidence of his quittance, while the other was kept by the Auditors, who based
upon it a summary known as the Declared or Recorded Account, which took the place of the old
Compotus. This also was in duplicate. Apparently the Auditors kept one copy, on paper, and sent
another, on parchment, for preservation, as of record, in the Pipe Office. I understand Miss George,
however, to think that the accountant was entitled to the paper copy, if he chose to pay a fee for it,
which he very often did not. The amount of detail taken into the Declared Account from the Original
Account varied for different offices. The Revels Declared Accounts are very summary; those of the
Treasurer of the Chamber, at any rate as regards play-payments, practically duplicates of the Original
COURT PAYMENTS
The body of this appendix contains extracts from the accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber and
the Office of Revels, in which expenditure on plays or masks at court is recorded. But in view of the
importance of these documents as sources for the history of court entertainment, it will be well to add
something about their general nature and state of preservation to what has already been said about the
procedure of the Treasurer of the Chamber in ch. ii and that of the Revels Office in ch. iii.
THE AUDIT OF HOUSEHOLD ACCOUNTS
Most, but not all, of the accounts preserved are records of audit. There is, unfortunately, no
systematic history of the Audit Office; but the somewhat scrappy notices in F. S. Thomas, The Ancient
Exchequer of England (1848), and H. Hall, Studies in English Official Historical Documents (1908),
and A Formula Book of English Official Historical Documents, Part II (1909), may be supplemented
for the Tudor period by the valuable study of M. D. George, The Origin of the Declared Account
(1916, E. H. R. xxxi. 41). The Record Office series of Lists and Indexes includes lists of Declared
Accounts (ii) and Exchequer Accounts (xxxv). Normally the auditing of royal expenditure was a
function of the mediaeval Exchequer. The procedure was for the officer charged with incurring
expenditure to appear as accountant before the Auditor-Baron and his Clerk, and produce detailed
statements, known as ‘particulars’, together with vouchers for sums already spent out of any ‘imprest’
or advance that had been made to him, and the warrants under which his expenditure was authorized.
From these the Exchequer officers prepared a ‘compotus’ or balance sheet, signed it, when the balance
was settled, as a record that the accountant was ‘quietus’ or quit from debt to the Crown, and passed it
through the King’s Remembrancer to the Lord Treasurer’s Remembrancer, in whose office it was
enrolled by the Clerk of the Pipe on the roll of ‘foreign’ or non-revenue accounts. It was then returned
to the King’s Remembrancer, who kept it, with the particulars and vouchers as subsidiary documents.
It was a lengthy and cumbrous process. Moreover, the Lord Treasurer, like the Lord Chancellor, was
one of the high officers of state whose functions came at an early date under the control of the barons,
and the same motives, which led the sovereign (cf. ch. ii) to develop in the Wardrobe and Chamber an
executive machinery independent of the Lord Chancellor, also led him to desire that his more private
expenditure should be withdrawn from the survey of the Exchequer. Thus we find the Treasurer of the
Chamber accountable (cf. ch. ii) at the end of the fifteenth century to the King alone, and in the mid-
sixteenth century to the Court of Surveyors or to ad hoc auditors specially appointed by the King or
the Privy Council. When the Court of Augmentations absorbed the Court of Surveyors in 1553, its
establishment included two Auditors of Prests, and although this court was itself merged in the
Exchequer under Mary, the more up-to-date methods of auditing were continued by Elizabeth’s
appointment in 1560, as themselves Exchequer officers, of two ‘Auditores de lez Prestes et
Compotorum forinsecorum nostrorum’. The main difference between the methods of the Auditors of
the Prests and that of the Auditor-Baron appears to have been that the personal appearance of the
accountant was no longer necessary, who now himself prepared in duplicate a balance sheet known as
his Original Account, or Book of Account, of which one copy was signed after examination and
returned to him as evidence of his quittance, while the other was kept by the Auditors, who based
upon it a summary known as the Declared or Recorded Account, which took the place of the old
Compotus. This also was in duplicate. Apparently the Auditors kept one copy, on paper, and sent
another, on parchment, for preservation, as of record, in the Pipe Office. I understand Miss George,
however, to think that the accountant was entitled to the paper copy, if he chose to pay a fee for it,
which he very often did not. The amount of detail taken into the Declared Account from the Original
Account varied for different offices. The Revels Declared Accounts are very summary; those of the
Treasurer of the Chamber, at any rate as regards play-payments, practically duplicates of the Original
Page 180
Accounts, except that, unfortunately, the names of plays, which sometimes appeared in the Original
Accounts, are usually omitted. The Auditors also kept the subsidiary documents submitted with the
Original Account, and became involved in a controversy, recorded in T. Fanshawe, The Practice of the
Exchequer Court (1658), with the King’s Remembrancer, who claimed that they should come to him.
The King’s Remembrancer did apparently see the Declared Account on its way to the Pipe Office, and
enrolled it, or a further summary of it. About 1603 all the Household accounts appear to have gone
before the Auditors of the Prests, except those of the Cofferer, which still followed the old course of
the Exchequer. The procedures here described explain the provenance of such Household accounts as
belong to the official repositories now united in the Record Office; some others, preserved there or
elsewhere, come from the private archives of the accountants themselves, being either the audit
duplicates supplied to them, or office copies and drafts of their own Original Accounts, or the
journals, pay books, and ledgers from which these were prepared.
CHAMBER ACCOUNTS
The following accounts appear to be extant.
(a) Mediaeval Period.
A few accounts and subsidiary documents of the reigns of Edward II, Edward III, and Richard II
are included in the Foreign Accounts on the Great Rolls of the Exchequer (P. R. O. Lists and Indexes,
xi. 108, 109), and in the Exchequer Wardrobe and Household Accounts (L. and I. xxxv. 376, 379, 380,
382, 386, 391, 392, 396, 540). The earliest are described, with extracts, by J. C. Davies, The First
Journal of Edward II’s Chamber (E. H. R. xxx. 662).
(b) Early Tudor Period.
A number of accounts passed from the Augmentation Office to the Exchequer and were
amalgamated in 1839 with others from the office of the King’s Remembrancer in a series of
Exchequer Accounts, Various. Here they are numbered 413 to 427. They are mainly accounts of
revenue and subsidiary documents, but a few accounts of payments presented to the Record Office by
the Trevelyan family have been added to the series, and with them are listed as Wardrobe and
Household Accounts (L. and I. xxxv) some other payment accounts from the Miscellaneous Books of
the Treasury of Receipt of the Exchequer, and one from the Miscellaneous Books of the Court of
Augmentations. Other payment accounts are in the British Museum and in unofficial collections. It
may be the case, as Newton, 359, suggests, that these or some of them were abstracted from the
Records by officials of antiquarian tastes, but it must be remembered that duplicates even of audited
accounts were often kept by the accountants. These accounts are generally known as The King’s
Books of Payments. The following can be traced:
i. Accounts of John Heron.
Three Books of Payments, for 1505–9, 1509–18, and 1518–21 respectively, with many royal
signatures by way of audit, are now in the P. R. O. (Misc. Books of Treasury of Receipt, 214, 215,
216). The contents of the Henry VIII books are abstracted in Brewer, ii. 1441; iii. 1533. There must
once have been an earlier book, for Collier, i. 49, 52, 76, gives extracts from one for 1492–1505,
which he describes as ‘formerly in the Chapter-house, Westminster’, as well as from the three now
extant, which he describes as ‘in the Chapter-house’. Possibly this was Addl. MS. 21480, which has
been traced back (Newton, 359) through the hands of Craven Ord (a friend of Collier) and Thomas
Astle to those of Peter Le Neve, a Deputy-Chamberlain of the Exchequer. But Addl. MS. 21481,
which also came from Le Neve, is a duplicate of the R. O. books for 1505–18, and therefore Addl.
MS. 21480 may only have been a duplicate of the missing volume. Both the Addl. MSS. contain the
royal signatures. Craven Ord made some extracts which are now Addl. MSS. 7099, 7100, and to these
Accounts, are usually omitted. The Auditors also kept the subsidiary documents submitted with the
Original Account, and became involved in a controversy, recorded in T. Fanshawe, The Practice of the
Exchequer Court (1658), with the King’s Remembrancer, who claimed that they should come to him.
The King’s Remembrancer did apparently see the Declared Account on its way to the Pipe Office, and
enrolled it, or a further summary of it. About 1603 all the Household accounts appear to have gone
before the Auditors of the Prests, except those of the Cofferer, which still followed the old course of
the Exchequer. The procedures here described explain the provenance of such Household accounts as
belong to the official repositories now united in the Record Office; some others, preserved there or
elsewhere, come from the private archives of the accountants themselves, being either the audit
duplicates supplied to them, or office copies and drafts of their own Original Accounts, or the
journals, pay books, and ledgers from which these were prepared.
CHAMBER ACCOUNTS
The following accounts appear to be extant.
(a) Mediaeval Period.
A few accounts and subsidiary documents of the reigns of Edward II, Edward III, and Richard II
are included in the Foreign Accounts on the Great Rolls of the Exchequer (P. R. O. Lists and Indexes,
xi. 108, 109), and in the Exchequer Wardrobe and Household Accounts (L. and I. xxxv. 376, 379, 380,
382, 386, 391, 392, 396, 540). The earliest are described, with extracts, by J. C. Davies, The First
Journal of Edward II’s Chamber (E. H. R. xxx. 662).
(b) Early Tudor Period.
A number of accounts passed from the Augmentation Office to the Exchequer and were
amalgamated in 1839 with others from the office of the King’s Remembrancer in a series of
Exchequer Accounts, Various. Here they are numbered 413 to 427. They are mainly accounts of
revenue and subsidiary documents, but a few accounts of payments presented to the Record Office by
the Trevelyan family have been added to the series, and with them are listed as Wardrobe and
Household Accounts (L. and I. xxxv) some other payment accounts from the Miscellaneous Books of
the Treasury of Receipt of the Exchequer, and one from the Miscellaneous Books of the Court of
Augmentations. Other payment accounts are in the British Museum and in unofficial collections. It
may be the case, as Newton, 359, suggests, that these or some of them were abstracted from the
Records by officials of antiquarian tastes, but it must be remembered that duplicates even of audited
accounts were often kept by the accountants. These accounts are generally known as The King’s
Books of Payments. The following can be traced:
i. Accounts of John Heron.
Three Books of Payments, for 1505–9, 1509–18, and 1518–21 respectively, with many royal
signatures by way of audit, are now in the P. R. O. (Misc. Books of Treasury of Receipt, 214, 215,
216). The contents of the Henry VIII books are abstracted in Brewer, ii. 1441; iii. 1533. There must
once have been an earlier book, for Collier, i. 49, 52, 76, gives extracts from one for 1492–1505,
which he describes as ‘formerly in the Chapter-house, Westminster’, as well as from the three now
extant, which he describes as ‘in the Chapter-house’. Possibly this was Addl. MS. 21480, which has
been traced back (Newton, 359) through the hands of Craven Ord (a friend of Collier) and Thomas
Astle to those of Peter Le Neve, a Deputy-Chamberlain of the Exchequer. But Addl. MS. 21481,
which also came from Le Neve, is a duplicate of the R. O. books for 1505–18, and therefore Addl.
MS. 21480 may only have been a duplicate of the missing volume. Both the Addl. MSS. contain the
royal signatures. Craven Ord made some extracts which are now Addl. MSS. 7099, 7100, and to these
Page 181
those supplied by Astle to R. Henry, History of Great Britain, vi (1793), app., and those in S. Bentley,
Excerpta Historica (1831), 85, owe their origin. Collier, i. 49, also cites a small book for 1501–2 kept
(perhaps under Heron) by one Robert Fowler, which refers to parallel payments made by Thomas
Trollop.
ii. Accounts of Brian Tuke.
A book signed monthly by Henry VIII, with some entries from 31 Dec. 1528 to 30 June 1529, but
mainly covering the period from 17 Nov. 1529 to 29 Dec. 1532, was printed by N. H. Nicolas from a
MS. then in his possession as The Privy Purse Expenses of Henry the Eighth (1827) and misdescribed
as an account of the Treasurer of the Household. Presumably this MS. is identical with that owned by
Sir O. Bridgeman in 1634 and now Addl. MS. 20030. It overlaps with an account for 1 Oct. 1528 to
May 1531, presented by Sir W. C. Trevelyan to the P. R. O. (Exchequer Accounts, Various, 420/11);
extracts are given in Trevelyan Papers (C. S.), i. 136, and an abstract in Brewer, v. 303. Collier, i. 116,
and Nicolas (ut supra), xxviii, give extracts from an account for Feb. 1538 to June 1541 in the
possession of the Royal Society, presumably a duplicate of the account for the same period in Arundel
MS. 97, incorrectly catalogued by the B.M. as an account of the Treasurer of the Household, and
abstracted in Brewer, xiii. 2. 524; xiv. 2. 303; xvi. 178, 698. An account for May to Sept. 1542 in
Stowe MS. 554 is abstracted in Brewer, xvii. 474. Collier, i. 117, gives extracts from an account for
1543–4 in Craven Ord’s collection.
iii. Accounts of William Cavendish.
Account for 31 March 1547 to 31 Sept. 1549, of which extracts are given in Trevelyan Papers, i.
191, ii. 13, were presented by Sir W. C. Trevelyan to the P. R. O. (Exchequer Accounts, Various,
426/5, 6). Misc. Exch. Augm. 439 for 1547–8 is referred to by Newton, 359, as a Chamber account,
and is presumably a duplicate.
iv. Account of Edmund Felton.
A Declared Account for 1 Apr. to 31 Dec. 1557 is in D. A. Pipe Office, 541. Stopes, Hunnis, 145,
cites a ‘Compotus Marie Rither and Edmond Felton’ for 5 and 6 Edw. VI (Queen’s Remembrancia,
77/5) as a Chamber Account. It is doubtless a Cofferer’s Account.
(c) Elizabethan and Jacobean Periods.
i. Accounts in P. R. O.
The P. R. O. contains Chamber Accounts in four forms. Original Accounts, as submitted for audit,
are in Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3/127–9. These are no doubt the ‘very incomplete’ set from
which extracts are given by Cunningham, xxvii. So far as play-payments are concerned, they do not
appear to be more detailed than the Declared Accounts annually drawn up from them by the auditors,
of which there are duplicate sets, both nearly complete, belonging respectively to the Audit Office and
to the Pipe Office in the Lord Treasurer’s Remembrancer’s Department of the Exchequer. They cover
the terms of office of Mason (1558–66), Knollys (1566–70), Heneage (1570–95), Killigrew (1595–6),
and Stanhope (1596–1617). From the Pipe Office series I supplemented Cunningham’s extracts in M.
L. R. ii (1906), 1; iv (1909), 153, and give a complete record of play-payments below. The payments
are also given for 1558–85 from the Audit Office series in Wallace, i (1912), 210, and very
imperfectly from the Pipe Office series for 1559–97 in Stopes, Hunnis, 318. Finally, there are
Enrolled Accounts in the King’s Remembrancer’s Department (Scargill-Bird1, liv). A single book for
1569–70 is in the same Department (Exchequer Accounts, Various, 430/15). It appears to be an office
book, and has some original signatures by way of receipts for payments.
Excerpta Historica (1831), 85, owe their origin. Collier, i. 49, also cites a small book for 1501–2 kept
(perhaps under Heron) by one Robert Fowler, which refers to parallel payments made by Thomas
Trollop.
ii. Accounts of Brian Tuke.
A book signed monthly by Henry VIII, with some entries from 31 Dec. 1528 to 30 June 1529, but
mainly covering the period from 17 Nov. 1529 to 29 Dec. 1532, was printed by N. H. Nicolas from a
MS. then in his possession as The Privy Purse Expenses of Henry the Eighth (1827) and misdescribed
as an account of the Treasurer of the Household. Presumably this MS. is identical with that owned by
Sir O. Bridgeman in 1634 and now Addl. MS. 20030. It overlaps with an account for 1 Oct. 1528 to
May 1531, presented by Sir W. C. Trevelyan to the P. R. O. (Exchequer Accounts, Various, 420/11);
extracts are given in Trevelyan Papers (C. S.), i. 136, and an abstract in Brewer, v. 303. Collier, i. 116,
and Nicolas (ut supra), xxviii, give extracts from an account for Feb. 1538 to June 1541 in the
possession of the Royal Society, presumably a duplicate of the account for the same period in Arundel
MS. 97, incorrectly catalogued by the B.M. as an account of the Treasurer of the Household, and
abstracted in Brewer, xiii. 2. 524; xiv. 2. 303; xvi. 178, 698. An account for May to Sept. 1542 in
Stowe MS. 554 is abstracted in Brewer, xvii. 474. Collier, i. 117, gives extracts from an account for
1543–4 in Craven Ord’s collection.
iii. Accounts of William Cavendish.
Account for 31 March 1547 to 31 Sept. 1549, of which extracts are given in Trevelyan Papers, i.
191, ii. 13, were presented by Sir W. C. Trevelyan to the P. R. O. (Exchequer Accounts, Various,
426/5, 6). Misc. Exch. Augm. 439 for 1547–8 is referred to by Newton, 359, as a Chamber account,
and is presumably a duplicate.
iv. Account of Edmund Felton.
A Declared Account for 1 Apr. to 31 Dec. 1557 is in D. A. Pipe Office, 541. Stopes, Hunnis, 145,
cites a ‘Compotus Marie Rither and Edmond Felton’ for 5 and 6 Edw. VI (Queen’s Remembrancia,
77/5) as a Chamber Account. It is doubtless a Cofferer’s Account.
(c) Elizabethan and Jacobean Periods.
i. Accounts in P. R. O.
The P. R. O. contains Chamber Accounts in four forms. Original Accounts, as submitted for audit,
are in Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3/127–9. These are no doubt the ‘very incomplete’ set from
which extracts are given by Cunningham, xxvii. So far as play-payments are concerned, they do not
appear to be more detailed than the Declared Accounts annually drawn up from them by the auditors,
of which there are duplicate sets, both nearly complete, belonging respectively to the Audit Office and
to the Pipe Office in the Lord Treasurer’s Remembrancer’s Department of the Exchequer. They cover
the terms of office of Mason (1558–66), Knollys (1566–70), Heneage (1570–95), Killigrew (1595–6),
and Stanhope (1596–1617). From the Pipe Office series I supplemented Cunningham’s extracts in M.
L. R. ii (1906), 1; iv (1909), 153, and give a complete record of play-payments below. The payments
are also given for 1558–85 from the Audit Office series in Wallace, i (1912), 210, and very
imperfectly from the Pipe Office series for 1559–97 in Stopes, Hunnis, 318. Finally, there are
Enrolled Accounts in the King’s Remembrancer’s Department (Scargill-Bird1, liv). A single book for
1569–70 is in the same Department (Exchequer Accounts, Various, 430/15). It appears to be an office
book, and has some original signatures by way of receipts for payments.
Page 182
ii. Accounts in British Museum.
Harl. 1641 and 1642 are duplicates of Heneage’s accounts for 1585–6 and 1593–4 as prepared for
audit. Harl. 1644 is an office book, 1581–3, containing signatures by way of receipts for wages and
the like.
iii. Accounts in Bodleian.
Rawlinson MS. A. 204, ff. 212, 269, contains duplicates of Stanhope’s accounts for 1604–5 and
1610–11 as prepared for audit, and Rawlinson MSS. A. 239 and 240 (formerly Pepys MSS. 78 and 79)
are similar duplicates of his accounts for 1612–13 and 1616–17. They are possibly office drafts, with
some notes by a checking officer or an auditor, but are not signed either by accountant or auditors.
Occasionally they are slightly more detailed as regards play entries than the Declared Accounts. Thus
in 1610–11 and 1612–13 they give some dates of performances instead of the mere number for the
season, and in 1612–13 they even give the titles of the plays. Extracts of these titles are given in
Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 87, and N. S. S. Trans. (1875–6) 419, and more completely below. Similar
entries are given by P. Cunningham in Sh. Soc. Papers, ii. 123, not direct from the manuscript, but
from notes taken therefrom by Vertue and Oldys. These had passed, in the case of the Oldys notes
through Percy, to Steevens, and from him to Hazlewood, who had copied them, as Oldys and Steevens
had done, into an interleaved Langbaine. Malone had already used Vertue’s notes.
I should add that many ‘declarations’ or memoranda on the business of the Treasurer of the
Chamber and the state of his finances from time to time are to be found in the Domestic State Papers,
in Lansdowne and other B.M. MSS., and in a volume (Lord Steward’s Misc. 301) collected by Sir J.
Caesar.
REVELS ACCOUNTS
The following accounts appear to be extant:
(a) Early Tudor Period.
(i) Accounts of Richard Gibson.
Brewer, ii. 1490; iii. 35, 1548; iv. 418, 837, 1390, 1392, 1415, 1603, 3073, gives abstracts of a
series of accounts, ranging from 1510 to 1530, some or all of which are presumably taken from
Miscellaneous Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 217, 228, 229.
(ii) Accounts of John Bridges.
It appears from extracts given by Kempe, 69, that some accounts of John Bridges between 1539,
when he became Yeoman of the Revels, and 1544, when Cawarden became Master, are at Loseley.
(iii) Accounts of Sir Thomas Cawarden.
Many of these are at Loseley, often in more than one copy. Kempe, 69, gives a few extracts for the
last years of Henry VIII, and the most important documents for the next three reigns, ranging from
1547 to 1559; are printed by A. Feuillerat in Materialien, xxi and xliv, with accompanying warrants
and other subsidiary documents. From 1547 to 1550 the accounts are mainly office copies of
‘particular’ books, setting out the details and cost of each individual revel, airing, or the like; but for
1550–55, and again for 1555–9, the ‘particular paye bookes’ are brought together with summaries in
two great ‘Certificates’ (Loseley MSS. 62 and 63), which relate to the Tents as well as the Revels. The
second of these includes, as well as money accounts, inventories of the office stuff and notes of its
employment in masking and other garments during 1555–60, and a similar record for 1550–5 is in
Harl. 1641 and 1642 are duplicates of Heneage’s accounts for 1585–6 and 1593–4 as prepared for
audit. Harl. 1644 is an office book, 1581–3, containing signatures by way of receipts for wages and
the like.
iii. Accounts in Bodleian.
Rawlinson MS. A. 204, ff. 212, 269, contains duplicates of Stanhope’s accounts for 1604–5 and
1610–11 as prepared for audit, and Rawlinson MSS. A. 239 and 240 (formerly Pepys MSS. 78 and 79)
are similar duplicates of his accounts for 1612–13 and 1616–17. They are possibly office drafts, with
some notes by a checking officer or an auditor, but are not signed either by accountant or auditors.
Occasionally they are slightly more detailed as regards play entries than the Declared Accounts. Thus
in 1610–11 and 1612–13 they give some dates of performances instead of the mere number for the
season, and in 1612–13 they even give the titles of the plays. Extracts of these titles are given in
Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 87, and N. S. S. Trans. (1875–6) 419, and more completely below. Similar
entries are given by P. Cunningham in Sh. Soc. Papers, ii. 123, not direct from the manuscript, but
from notes taken therefrom by Vertue and Oldys. These had passed, in the case of the Oldys notes
through Percy, to Steevens, and from him to Hazlewood, who had copied them, as Oldys and Steevens
had done, into an interleaved Langbaine. Malone had already used Vertue’s notes.
I should add that many ‘declarations’ or memoranda on the business of the Treasurer of the
Chamber and the state of his finances from time to time are to be found in the Domestic State Papers,
in Lansdowne and other B.M. MSS., and in a volume (Lord Steward’s Misc. 301) collected by Sir J.
Caesar.
REVELS ACCOUNTS
The following accounts appear to be extant:
(a) Early Tudor Period.
(i) Accounts of Richard Gibson.
Brewer, ii. 1490; iii. 35, 1548; iv. 418, 837, 1390, 1392, 1415, 1603, 3073, gives abstracts of a
series of accounts, ranging from 1510 to 1530, some or all of which are presumably taken from
Miscellaneous Books of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 217, 228, 229.
(ii) Accounts of John Bridges.
It appears from extracts given by Kempe, 69, that some accounts of John Bridges between 1539,
when he became Yeoman of the Revels, and 1544, when Cawarden became Master, are at Loseley.
(iii) Accounts of Sir Thomas Cawarden.
Many of these are at Loseley, often in more than one copy. Kempe, 69, gives a few extracts for the
last years of Henry VIII, and the most important documents for the next three reigns, ranging from
1547 to 1559; are printed by A. Feuillerat in Materialien, xxi and xliv, with accompanying warrants
and other subsidiary documents. From 1547 to 1550 the accounts are mainly office copies of
‘particular’ books, setting out the details and cost of each individual revel, airing, or the like; but for
1550–55, and again for 1555–9, the ‘particular paye bookes’ are brought together with summaries in
two great ‘Certificates’ (Loseley MSS. 62 and 63), which relate to the Tents as well as the Revels. The
second of these includes, as well as money accounts, inventories of the office stuff and notes of its
employment in masking and other garments during 1555–60, and a similar record for 1550–5 is in
Page 183
Loseley MS. 112. These Certificates, although signed by the Clerk, Clerk Controller, and Yeoman, are
not audited. Probably they are office copies of Original Accounts prepared for audit.
(b) Elizabethan Period.
Eleven Original Accounts of the Masters or Acting Masters of the Revels, with annotations by the
Auditors, are in R. O. Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3, 907 (formerly 1213). They relate to the
periods: (i) Feb. 1571–May 1572; (ii) June 1572–Oct. 1573; (iii) Nov. 1573–Feb. 1574; (iv) March
1574–Feb. 1575; (v) March 1576–Feb. 1577; (vi) Feb. 1578–Oct. 1579; (vii) Nov. 1579–Oct. 1580;
(viii) Nov. 1580–Oct. 1581; (ix) Nov. 1582–Oct. 1583; (x) Nov. 1584–Oct. 1585; (xi) Nov. 1587–Oct.
1588. It will be seen that a regular annual system, starting with the opening of the season for revels at
All Saints in each year, was ultimately adopted. All these accounts were printed in P. Cunningham,
Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court (1842, Sh. Soc.), but (ii) imperfectly and (xi) from
an unaudited duplicate in the same bundle. These vagaries are corrected in the text of Feuillerat (1908,
Materialien, xxi), who also gives an account for Nov. 1587–Oct. 1589 from Lansd. MS. 59, f. 38,
which in part duplicates (xi), and much illustrative matter, including an estimate in some detail of the
expenditure from Christmas 1563 to Shrovetide 1565 from S. P. Dom. Eliz. xxxvi. 22. The Audit
Office series of Declared Accounts for the Revels is imperfect, but contains two, printed by Feuillerat,
for the years 1581–2 and 1583–4, for which there are no Original Accounts. The Pipe Office series
appears to be complete.
(c) Jacobean Period.
There are only two Original Accounts, for 1604–5 and 1611–12, which are printed by
Cunningham. The Pipe Office Declared Accounts are complete. I have not examined those of the
Audit Office. The Original Accounts for 1604–5 and 1611–12, and especially the former, have been
the subject of a good deal of controversy. The facts are as follows. They were printed in 1842 by Peter
Cunningham, then a clerk in the Audit Office, who described them as a separate discovery from the
Elizabethan bundle, which he also printed. Twenty-six years afterwards, in 1868, he attempted to sell
them to the British Museum, stating that he had found them some thirty years before ‘under the vaults
of Somerset House—far under the Quadrangle in a dry and lofty cellar, known by the name of the
“Charcoal Repository”’. Their official character was realized, and they were sent to the Record
Office, and placed amongst the papers known as Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3, 908 (formerly
1214), with a note that Mr. E. A. Bond, Keeper of the Manuscripts in the British Museum, ‘saw
reasons for doubting the genuineness of one, at least, of these papers, from the peculiar character of
the writing and the spelling’. It is probable that Bond had in mind, wholly or mainly, the play-list of
the 1604–5 book, which does use some spellings, such as ‘Shaxberd’ and ‘aleven’, which are unusual
although by no means unparalleled, and is, moreover, in a style of handwriting sufficiently different
from the rest of the document to have at first sight a suspicious air. But it is an integral part of the
book, occupying ff. 2, 2v of its three small folio sheets, with other matter both on ff. 1, 1v, and on ff.
5, 5v, which form the second half of its sheet, and therefore, if a forged insertion, it occupies a long
blank conveniently left by the original scribe just where, according to Revels practice, such a list
ought to come. Bond’s scepticism was shared by Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy, and although the grounds
of it did not extend beyond the play-list in the 1604–5 account, the acceptance of this as a forgery
naturally reflected some suspicion upon the corresponding list for 1611–12. The position, however,
called for some reconsideration when, in A Note on Measure for Measure (1880) and subsequently in
the fifth edition (1885) of his Outlines (ed. 9, ii. 163, 309), Halliwell-Phillipps called attention to
evidence that Malone, at some date before his death in 1812, and therefore before Cunningham was
born, was acquainted at least with the substance of the 1604–5 list. The Bodleian contains a number
of Malone’s note-books, which are believed to have been purchased from Mr. Rodd, a London
bookseller, in 1838, and contain material collected after the issue of Malone’s Shakespeare of 1790
not audited. Probably they are office copies of Original Accounts prepared for audit.
(b) Elizabethan Period.
Eleven Original Accounts of the Masters or Acting Masters of the Revels, with annotations by the
Auditors, are in R. O. Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3, 907 (formerly 1213). They relate to the
periods: (i) Feb. 1571–May 1572; (ii) June 1572–Oct. 1573; (iii) Nov. 1573–Feb. 1574; (iv) March
1574–Feb. 1575; (v) March 1576–Feb. 1577; (vi) Feb. 1578–Oct. 1579; (vii) Nov. 1579–Oct. 1580;
(viii) Nov. 1580–Oct. 1581; (ix) Nov. 1582–Oct. 1583; (x) Nov. 1584–Oct. 1585; (xi) Nov. 1587–Oct.
1588. It will be seen that a regular annual system, starting with the opening of the season for revels at
All Saints in each year, was ultimately adopted. All these accounts were printed in P. Cunningham,
Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court (1842, Sh. Soc.), but (ii) imperfectly and (xi) from
an unaudited duplicate in the same bundle. These vagaries are corrected in the text of Feuillerat (1908,
Materialien, xxi), who also gives an account for Nov. 1587–Oct. 1589 from Lansd. MS. 59, f. 38,
which in part duplicates (xi), and much illustrative matter, including an estimate in some detail of the
expenditure from Christmas 1563 to Shrovetide 1565 from S. P. Dom. Eliz. xxxvi. 22. The Audit
Office series of Declared Accounts for the Revels is imperfect, but contains two, printed by Feuillerat,
for the years 1581–2 and 1583–4, for which there are no Original Accounts. The Pipe Office series
appears to be complete.
(c) Jacobean Period.
There are only two Original Accounts, for 1604–5 and 1611–12, which are printed by
Cunningham. The Pipe Office Declared Accounts are complete. I have not examined those of the
Audit Office. The Original Accounts for 1604–5 and 1611–12, and especially the former, have been
the subject of a good deal of controversy. The facts are as follows. They were printed in 1842 by Peter
Cunningham, then a clerk in the Audit Office, who described them as a separate discovery from the
Elizabethan bundle, which he also printed. Twenty-six years afterwards, in 1868, he attempted to sell
them to the British Museum, stating that he had found them some thirty years before ‘under the vaults
of Somerset House—far under the Quadrangle in a dry and lofty cellar, known by the name of the
“Charcoal Repository”’. Their official character was realized, and they were sent to the Record
Office, and placed amongst the papers known as Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3, 908 (formerly
1214), with a note that Mr. E. A. Bond, Keeper of the Manuscripts in the British Museum, ‘saw
reasons for doubting the genuineness of one, at least, of these papers, from the peculiar character of
the writing and the spelling’. It is probable that Bond had in mind, wholly or mainly, the play-list of
the 1604–5 book, which does use some spellings, such as ‘Shaxberd’ and ‘aleven’, which are unusual
although by no means unparalleled, and is, moreover, in a style of handwriting sufficiently different
from the rest of the document to have at first sight a suspicious air. But it is an integral part of the
book, occupying ff. 2, 2v of its three small folio sheets, with other matter both on ff. 1, 1v, and on ff.
5, 5v, which form the second half of its sheet, and therefore, if a forged insertion, it occupies a long
blank conveniently left by the original scribe just where, according to Revels practice, such a list
ought to come. Bond’s scepticism was shared by Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy, and although the grounds
of it did not extend beyond the play-list in the 1604–5 account, the acceptance of this as a forgery
naturally reflected some suspicion upon the corresponding list for 1611–12. The position, however,
called for some reconsideration when, in A Note on Measure for Measure (1880) and subsequently in
the fifth edition (1885) of his Outlines (ed. 9, ii. 163, 309), Halliwell-Phillipps called attention to
evidence that Malone, at some date before his death in 1812, and therefore before Cunningham was
born, was acquainted at least with the substance of the 1604–5 list. The Bodleian contains a number
of Malone’s note-books, which are believed to have been purchased from Mr. Rodd, a London
bookseller, in 1838, and contain material collected after the issue of Malone’s Shakespeare of 1790
Page 184
with a view to a second edition ultimately produced by Boswell in 1821. With them were a bundle of
loose scraps, which have since been mounted and bound as a supplementary volume. One of these
scraps (Malone MS. 29, f. 69v) consists of a list of plays headed ‘1604 & 1605 Edd. Tylney’, which
substantially agrees with the list in the Revels book, even to the unusual spelling ‘Shaxberd’, although
it is clearly not a transcript of the Revels list, but merely an abstract of this, or a similar document, in
an unknown hand other than Malone’s. One of the plays named in the Revels book, The Spanish Maze
of Shrove Monday, is omitted. No use of the scrap had been made by Boswell, although he prints
(Variorum, iii. 360) extracts made by Malone from the Elizabethan Revels books, together with a
letter of 7 Nov. 1591 from Sir William Musgrave, of the Audit Office, inviting Malone to inspect
them, and an official memorandum on the ‘State of the Books of Accounts and Records of the Master
of the Revels, still remaining in the Office for Auditing the Public Accounts in 1791’. It is, I think,
inconceivable that, if the Jacobean as well as the Elizabethan books had then been discovered, no
reference should have been made to them either by Musgrave or Malone, and the most probable
explanation of the Bodleian scrap is that the Jacobean books turned up later, and that an abstract of the
1604–5 list was then prepared for the use of Malone. It is true that in that case the Jacobean books
would naturally have been added to the ‘proper presses’ which Musgrave says that he had provided
for the Elizabethan ones, whereas Cunningham found the two sets apart. But as Cunningham also says
that he had redeemed the Elizabethan bundle from ‘a destructive oblivion’, it is possible that
Musgrave’s successors had been neglectful. Moreover, although the 1604–5 list does not appear in the
1821 Variorum, it is difficult to see on what other grounds Malone can have stated of Othello
(Variorum, ii. 404), ‘We know that it was acted in 1604’. Probably, indeed, he had seen the list, before
he abandoned in a note of 1800 to Dryden’s Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy his earlier opinion that
Othello was one of Shakespeare’s latest plays. Further, there is similar indirect evidence that he had
also come across the 1611–12 list. In 1808 he privately printed and in 1809 published an Account of
the ... Tempest, written ‘some years ago’. The chief object of this was to fix an inferior date by
Shakespeare’s use of a pamphlet of 1610. The superior date he took for granted, saying (p. 31) ‘That it
was performed before the middle of 1611, we have already seen’, and adding the foot-note ‘Under a
former article’. There was no former article, but in the preface Malone describes the essay as making
‘a part of the Disquisition concerning the order of the plays in an enlarged form’, and no doubt the
former article would have been included in the disquisition, had Malone ever completed his own
work. Boswell, reprinting the essay in Variorum, xv. 414, altered the foot-note to refer to the essay on
the Chronological Order of Shakespeare’s Plays in ‘vol. i’. This is in fact in vol. ii, but though
Boswell here states (ii. 465) that there is evidence that the Tempest ‘was produced in 1611’, he does
not give any evidence beyond the pamphlet of 1610. Probably he did not know everything that
Malone knew. But how did Malone arrive at ‘the middle of 1611’, since the 1604–5 list does not take
us beyond 1 Nov. 1611? I suppose he assumed that public production preceded performance at court.
Later in the essay (Variorum, xv. 423) he says that the play ‘had a being and a name in the autumn of
1611’.
Since Halliwell-Phillipps’s discovery the prevalent view, suggested by him, has been that if the
lists, or at any rate that of 1604–5, are forged, the forger had before him a genuine original. More
recently, however, the matter has been fully investigated by Mr. Ernest Law, who stimulated the
Record Office to a minute examination of the 1604–5 document, including chemical and
microscopical tests of the ink conducted by Professor J. J. Dobbie at the Government Laboratories. As
a result, Mr. Law’s own view that the list is genuine is confirmed by such high palaeographical
authorities as Sir George Warner of the British Museum and Sir Henry Maxwell Lyte, Mr. Scargill-
Bird, and other officers of the Record Office, as well as by Professor Feuillerat, than whom no one
knows the Revels documents better, and Professor Wallace. Mr. Law set out the evidence and the
whole history of the case in Some Supposed Shakespeare Forgeries (1911). His view was
controverted in a review and a number of subsequent communications in the Athenaeum for 1911 (i.
loose scraps, which have since been mounted and bound as a supplementary volume. One of these
scraps (Malone MS. 29, f. 69v) consists of a list of plays headed ‘1604 & 1605 Edd. Tylney’, which
substantially agrees with the list in the Revels book, even to the unusual spelling ‘Shaxberd’, although
it is clearly not a transcript of the Revels list, but merely an abstract of this, or a similar document, in
an unknown hand other than Malone’s. One of the plays named in the Revels book, The Spanish Maze
of Shrove Monday, is omitted. No use of the scrap had been made by Boswell, although he prints
(Variorum, iii. 360) extracts made by Malone from the Elizabethan Revels books, together with a
letter of 7 Nov. 1591 from Sir William Musgrave, of the Audit Office, inviting Malone to inspect
them, and an official memorandum on the ‘State of the Books of Accounts and Records of the Master
of the Revels, still remaining in the Office for Auditing the Public Accounts in 1791’. It is, I think,
inconceivable that, if the Jacobean as well as the Elizabethan books had then been discovered, no
reference should have been made to them either by Musgrave or Malone, and the most probable
explanation of the Bodleian scrap is that the Jacobean books turned up later, and that an abstract of the
1604–5 list was then prepared for the use of Malone. It is true that in that case the Jacobean books
would naturally have been added to the ‘proper presses’ which Musgrave says that he had provided
for the Elizabethan ones, whereas Cunningham found the two sets apart. But as Cunningham also says
that he had redeemed the Elizabethan bundle from ‘a destructive oblivion’, it is possible that
Musgrave’s successors had been neglectful. Moreover, although the 1604–5 list does not appear in the
1821 Variorum, it is difficult to see on what other grounds Malone can have stated of Othello
(Variorum, ii. 404), ‘We know that it was acted in 1604’. Probably, indeed, he had seen the list, before
he abandoned in a note of 1800 to Dryden’s Grounds of Criticism in Tragedy his earlier opinion that
Othello was one of Shakespeare’s latest plays. Further, there is similar indirect evidence that he had
also come across the 1611–12 list. In 1808 he privately printed and in 1809 published an Account of
the ... Tempest, written ‘some years ago’. The chief object of this was to fix an inferior date by
Shakespeare’s use of a pamphlet of 1610. The superior date he took for granted, saying (p. 31) ‘That it
was performed before the middle of 1611, we have already seen’, and adding the foot-note ‘Under a
former article’. There was no former article, but in the preface Malone describes the essay as making
‘a part of the Disquisition concerning the order of the plays in an enlarged form’, and no doubt the
former article would have been included in the disquisition, had Malone ever completed his own
work. Boswell, reprinting the essay in Variorum, xv. 414, altered the foot-note to refer to the essay on
the Chronological Order of Shakespeare’s Plays in ‘vol. i’. This is in fact in vol. ii, but though
Boswell here states (ii. 465) that there is evidence that the Tempest ‘was produced in 1611’, he does
not give any evidence beyond the pamphlet of 1610. Probably he did not know everything that
Malone knew. But how did Malone arrive at ‘the middle of 1611’, since the 1604–5 list does not take
us beyond 1 Nov. 1611? I suppose he assumed that public production preceded performance at court.
Later in the essay (Variorum, xv. 423) he says that the play ‘had a being and a name in the autumn of
1611’.
Since Halliwell-Phillipps’s discovery the prevalent view, suggested by him, has been that if the
lists, or at any rate that of 1604–5, are forged, the forger had before him a genuine original. More
recently, however, the matter has been fully investigated by Mr. Ernest Law, who stimulated the
Record Office to a minute examination of the 1604–5 document, including chemical and
microscopical tests of the ink conducted by Professor J. J. Dobbie at the Government Laboratories. As
a result, Mr. Law’s own view that the list is genuine is confirmed by such high palaeographical
authorities as Sir George Warner of the British Museum and Sir Henry Maxwell Lyte, Mr. Scargill-
Bird, and other officers of the Record Office, as well as by Professor Feuillerat, than whom no one
knows the Revels documents better, and Professor Wallace. Mr. Law set out the evidence and the
whole history of the case in Some Supposed Shakespeare Forgeries (1911). His view was
controverted in a review and a number of subsequent communications in the Athenaeum for 1911 (i.
Page 185
638; ii. 101, 131, 421) and 1912 (i. 469, 654; ii. 142) by a writer using the signature ‘Audi Alteram
Partem’, whose rather amazing contentions Mr. Law disposed of in the same periodical (1911, ii. 297,
324, 388; 1912, i. 390, 470) and in More about Shakespeare Forgeries (1913). A recent controversy
between Mrs. C. C. Stopes, Mr. Law, and Sir E. M. Thompson (T. L. S. 2, 23, 30 Dec. 1920; 27 Jan.,
10, 24 Feb. 1921) has led to no different result.
I do not think that, in view of the palaeographical investigation, it is any longer possible to reject
the genuineness of the 1604–5 list, and although that of 1611–12 has not been so minutely tested, it is
pretty obviously of a piece with the ‘Book’ of which it forms a part, and had it stood alone, probably
no suspicion would have fallen upon it. In fact, it would really be more plausible—although this also
is not in the least plausible—to take the whole documents as forgeries, than to take the lists as forged
insertions in genuine accounts.
It must be added that there are some singular things about the substance of the books, with which
Mr. Law does not seem to me quite to grapple. On the whole, that of 1604–5 is rather less perplexing
than that of 1611–12. But the scribe has been oddly confused about his dates. On f. 1v he has written
‘iijo’, instead of ‘ijo’ for the regnal year. And at the top of f. 2 he has apparently written ‘1605’ and
then corrected it to ‘1604’. The Queen’s Revels are called by their obsolete name of ‘The Boyes of the
Chapell’, which is odd in an official document, but so they are, much later, in the Treasurer of the
Chamber’s account for 1612–13. It is more important that, while the Treasurer of the Chamber
records payments for two plays to the Queen’s Revels, one on 1 Jan. and the other on 3 Jan., the
Revels list omits the play on 3 Jan. altogether, and instead records a performance of Love’s Labour’s
Lost by the King’s men ‘betwin Newers Day and Twelfe Day’. No complete explanation of this is
possible. The most that can be said is that there is independent evidence of a performance of Love’s
Labour’s Lost in Jan. 1605, but at a date after and not before Twelfth Night. This is derived from two
letters. The first is from Sir Walter Cope to Robert Cecil, Viscount Cranborne, preserved at Hatfield
(Hist. MSS. iii. 148) and printed by Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 83:
‘I have sent and bene all thys morning huntyng for players juglers and such kinde of creaturs, but fynde them
harde to fynde; wherfore, leavinge notes for them to seeke me, Burbage ys come, and sayes ther ys no new playe
that the Quene hath not seene, but they have revyved an olde one cawled Loves Labore lost, which for wytt and
mirthe he sayes will please her excedingly. And thys ys apointed to be playd tomorowe night at my Lord of
Sowthamptons, unless yow send a wrytt to remove the corpus cum causa to your howse in Strande. Burbage ys my
messenger ready attendyng your pleasure.’
The letter is undated, but endorsed ‘1604’. Cecil’s title was Viscount Cranborne from 20 Aug. 1604
to 4 May 1605. A second letter, from Dudley Carleton to John Chamberlain on 15 Jan. 1605 (S. P. D.
Jac. I, xii. 13) gives within near limits the date of the performance. Carleton says,
‘It seems we shall have Christmas all the yeare and therefore I shall never be owt of matter. The last nights
revels were kept at my Lord of Cranbornes, where the Q. with the D. of Holst and a great part of the Court were
feasted, and the like two nights before at my Lord of Southamptons. The Temples have both of them done
somewhat since Twelftide but nothing memorable, save that it was observed on Friday last at night the greatest part
of the femal audience was the sisterhoode of Blackfriers.’
Mr. Law (More about S. F. 50) rightly rejects the suggestion of ‘Audi Alteram Partem’ that the ‘last
night’ referred to was necessarily 14 Jan., the night before the date of Carleton’s letter; but I think he
is wrong in taking it as the last night of Christmas. This, of course, was traditionally Twelfth Night,
the day in 1605 of Jonson’s Mask of Blackness. But surely Carleton’s whole point lies in the
exceptional prolongation of the Christmas festivities of this year beyond Twelfth Night, and I feel
clear that all the revels he here refers to fell between 6 and 15 Jan. On 7 and 8 Jan. came Hen. V and
E. M. O. Putting the facts together, we get a performance, either at Southampton’s house or
Cranborne’s, between 8 and 15 Jan. of Love’s Labour’s Lost, which the Queen had not seen before. It
is not therefore at all likely that there had been another performance of the same play at court between
1 and 6 Jan. It is true that the Queen might by some accident have missed such a performance. But
that would not have prevented the Treasurer of the Chamber from paying for it, whereas he would not
Partem’, whose rather amazing contentions Mr. Law disposed of in the same periodical (1911, ii. 297,
324, 388; 1912, i. 390, 470) and in More about Shakespeare Forgeries (1913). A recent controversy
between Mrs. C. C. Stopes, Mr. Law, and Sir E. M. Thompson (T. L. S. 2, 23, 30 Dec. 1920; 27 Jan.,
10, 24 Feb. 1921) has led to no different result.
I do not think that, in view of the palaeographical investigation, it is any longer possible to reject
the genuineness of the 1604–5 list, and although that of 1611–12 has not been so minutely tested, it is
pretty obviously of a piece with the ‘Book’ of which it forms a part, and had it stood alone, probably
no suspicion would have fallen upon it. In fact, it would really be more plausible—although this also
is not in the least plausible—to take the whole documents as forgeries, than to take the lists as forged
insertions in genuine accounts.
It must be added that there are some singular things about the substance of the books, with which
Mr. Law does not seem to me quite to grapple. On the whole, that of 1604–5 is rather less perplexing
than that of 1611–12. But the scribe has been oddly confused about his dates. On f. 1v he has written
‘iijo’, instead of ‘ijo’ for the regnal year. And at the top of f. 2 he has apparently written ‘1605’ and
then corrected it to ‘1604’. The Queen’s Revels are called by their obsolete name of ‘The Boyes of the
Chapell’, which is odd in an official document, but so they are, much later, in the Treasurer of the
Chamber’s account for 1612–13. It is more important that, while the Treasurer of the Chamber
records payments for two plays to the Queen’s Revels, one on 1 Jan. and the other on 3 Jan., the
Revels list omits the play on 3 Jan. altogether, and instead records a performance of Love’s Labour’s
Lost by the King’s men ‘betwin Newers Day and Twelfe Day’. No complete explanation of this is
possible. The most that can be said is that there is independent evidence of a performance of Love’s
Labour’s Lost in Jan. 1605, but at a date after and not before Twelfth Night. This is derived from two
letters. The first is from Sir Walter Cope to Robert Cecil, Viscount Cranborne, preserved at Hatfield
(Hist. MSS. iii. 148) and printed by Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 83:
‘I have sent and bene all thys morning huntyng for players juglers and such kinde of creaturs, but fynde them
harde to fynde; wherfore, leavinge notes for them to seeke me, Burbage ys come, and sayes ther ys no new playe
that the Quene hath not seene, but they have revyved an olde one cawled Loves Labore lost, which for wytt and
mirthe he sayes will please her excedingly. And thys ys apointed to be playd tomorowe night at my Lord of
Sowthamptons, unless yow send a wrytt to remove the corpus cum causa to your howse in Strande. Burbage ys my
messenger ready attendyng your pleasure.’
The letter is undated, but endorsed ‘1604’. Cecil’s title was Viscount Cranborne from 20 Aug. 1604
to 4 May 1605. A second letter, from Dudley Carleton to John Chamberlain on 15 Jan. 1605 (S. P. D.
Jac. I, xii. 13) gives within near limits the date of the performance. Carleton says,
‘It seems we shall have Christmas all the yeare and therefore I shall never be owt of matter. The last nights
revels were kept at my Lord of Cranbornes, where the Q. with the D. of Holst and a great part of the Court were
feasted, and the like two nights before at my Lord of Southamptons. The Temples have both of them done
somewhat since Twelftide but nothing memorable, save that it was observed on Friday last at night the greatest part
of the femal audience was the sisterhoode of Blackfriers.’
Mr. Law (More about S. F. 50) rightly rejects the suggestion of ‘Audi Alteram Partem’ that the ‘last
night’ referred to was necessarily 14 Jan., the night before the date of Carleton’s letter; but I think he
is wrong in taking it as the last night of Christmas. This, of course, was traditionally Twelfth Night,
the day in 1605 of Jonson’s Mask of Blackness. But surely Carleton’s whole point lies in the
exceptional prolongation of the Christmas festivities of this year beyond Twelfth Night, and I feel
clear that all the revels he here refers to fell between 6 and 15 Jan. On 7 and 8 Jan. came Hen. V and
E. M. O. Putting the facts together, we get a performance, either at Southampton’s house or
Cranborne’s, between 8 and 15 Jan. of Love’s Labour’s Lost, which the Queen had not seen before. It
is not therefore at all likely that there had been another performance of the same play at court between
1 and 6 Jan. It is true that the Queen might by some accident have missed such a performance. But
that would not have prevented the Treasurer of the Chamber from paying for it, whereas he would not
Page 186
pay for a performance ordered as part of an entertainment given by Southampton or Cranborne. Nor
would it have been the duty of the Revels Office to attend such a performance, which makes it rather
mystifying that they should have confused it with the second Queen’s Revels performance at court
some days earlier, which it would have been their duty to attend. The vagueness of the phrase ‘betwin
Newers Day and Twelfe Day’, suggesting that the list was prepared retrospectively from memory,
when the account was made up in the autumn of 1605, may perhaps help to explain an error. On the
other hand, a forger, presumably knowing nothing of Cope’s letter, which first came to light in 1872,
could hardly have guessed at a revival of Love’s Labour’s Lost in 1605.
The discrepancies between the Revels list of 1611–12 and the corresponding accounts of the
Treasurer of the Chamber are rather numerous. The Revels list records thirteen plays from 1 Nov. to
25 Feb. ‘before the Kinges Maiestie’, including two which, although, I suppose, ordered for the King,
were in fact only given before the Queen and Prince. The Treasurer paid for only ten plays as before
the King, and for many others before the younger members of the royal family only, with which the
Revels would not normally be concerned. The two records agree as to 1 and 5 Nov., 26, 27, and 29
Dec., and 2, 23, and 25 Feb. On 28 Dec. the Treasurer notes a play by the Prince’s men which the
Revels list does not. On 1 Jan. the Revels list notes a play by the King’s men, which the Treasurer
does not. The play on 5 Jan. is assigned by the Treasurer to the King’s men, and by the Revels list to
the Whitefriars. The plays on 12 and 13 Jan. appear from the Revels list to have been joint
performances by the King’s and Queen’s men, but the Treasurer notes the play on 12 Jan. only,
assigns that to the Duke of York’s men, and refers to Henry but not to the Queen as present. He also
paid for one play by the King’s men before Henry, of which he does not give the date, and which may
be that of 13 Jan. Both records note a play by the Duke of York’s men on 24 Feb., but while the
Revels list does not indicate that James was absent, the Treasurer treats the performance as one before
the royal children only. I do not know that all this is beyond the blundering of the clerks concerned,
especially perhaps the Clerk of the Revels, at a time when the functions of the office in relation to
court plays had become trivial. On the other hand, I am not clear that plays ordered by the Queen and
paid for out of her privy purse, instead of by the Treasurer of the Chamber, may not sometimes have
been produced under Revels Office auspices; if so, some of the discrepancies might be thus accounted
for. But obviously the facts necessitate some caution in the use of the 1611–12 list.
ABSTRACT OF PAYMENTS
I now give in tabular form an abstract of all entries in the Chamber and Revels accounts, which
enable us to establish the succession of court performances during 1558–1616. These are arranged
under years running from Michaelmas to Michaelmas. Four columns are devoted to the Chamber
Accounts. Col. 1 records the dates of the performances, as recorded in the Declared Accounts. Any
correction or closer information as to date derivable from other sources is added in square brackets.
For the Jacobean period I also show the personages before whom the performances were given, K.
standing for James, Q. for Anne, H. for Henry, C. for Charles, E. for the Princess Elizabeth, and F. for
the Elector Palatine. Col. 2 contains the verbatim descriptions in the accounts of the companies
performing and their payees, and in a very few cases of the nature of the performances. A few
miscellaneous entries are inserted in this column. Probably an exhaustive examination of the records
of the subordinate royal households during 1603–16 might enable a few additions to be made. It is
also possible that an occasional play, perhaps on a progress, may have been rewarded out of the Privy
Purse. But the main series of performances provided for the regular winter ‘solace’ of the sovereign
appears to be fairly complete. Col. 3 shows the amounts of the rewards. Col. 4 adds the dates of the
warrants for payment as given in the Declared Accounts and in brackets the places where they were
made out, W. for Westminster, H. for Hampton Court, G. for Greenwich, R. for Richmond, J. for St.
James’s, Wi. for Windsor. I add references to the parallel extracts of Cunningham from the Original
Chamber Accounts (C.), and to the notes of the signing of warrants in the Privy Council Register (D.)
would it have been the duty of the Revels Office to attend such a performance, which makes it rather
mystifying that they should have confused it with the second Queen’s Revels performance at court
some days earlier, which it would have been their duty to attend. The vagueness of the phrase ‘betwin
Newers Day and Twelfe Day’, suggesting that the list was prepared retrospectively from memory,
when the account was made up in the autumn of 1605, may perhaps help to explain an error. On the
other hand, a forger, presumably knowing nothing of Cope’s letter, which first came to light in 1872,
could hardly have guessed at a revival of Love’s Labour’s Lost in 1605.
The discrepancies between the Revels list of 1611–12 and the corresponding accounts of the
Treasurer of the Chamber are rather numerous. The Revels list records thirteen plays from 1 Nov. to
25 Feb. ‘before the Kinges Maiestie’, including two which, although, I suppose, ordered for the King,
were in fact only given before the Queen and Prince. The Treasurer paid for only ten plays as before
the King, and for many others before the younger members of the royal family only, with which the
Revels would not normally be concerned. The two records agree as to 1 and 5 Nov., 26, 27, and 29
Dec., and 2, 23, and 25 Feb. On 28 Dec. the Treasurer notes a play by the Prince’s men which the
Revels list does not. On 1 Jan. the Revels list notes a play by the King’s men, which the Treasurer
does not. The play on 5 Jan. is assigned by the Treasurer to the King’s men, and by the Revels list to
the Whitefriars. The plays on 12 and 13 Jan. appear from the Revels list to have been joint
performances by the King’s and Queen’s men, but the Treasurer notes the play on 12 Jan. only,
assigns that to the Duke of York’s men, and refers to Henry but not to the Queen as present. He also
paid for one play by the King’s men before Henry, of which he does not give the date, and which may
be that of 13 Jan. Both records note a play by the Duke of York’s men on 24 Feb., but while the
Revels list does not indicate that James was absent, the Treasurer treats the performance as one before
the royal children only. I do not know that all this is beyond the blundering of the clerks concerned,
especially perhaps the Clerk of the Revels, at a time when the functions of the office in relation to
court plays had become trivial. On the other hand, I am not clear that plays ordered by the Queen and
paid for out of her privy purse, instead of by the Treasurer of the Chamber, may not sometimes have
been produced under Revels Office auspices; if so, some of the discrepancies might be thus accounted
for. But obviously the facts necessitate some caution in the use of the 1611–12 list.
ABSTRACT OF PAYMENTS
I now give in tabular form an abstract of all entries in the Chamber and Revels accounts, which
enable us to establish the succession of court performances during 1558–1616. These are arranged
under years running from Michaelmas to Michaelmas. Four columns are devoted to the Chamber
Accounts. Col. 1 records the dates of the performances, as recorded in the Declared Accounts. Any
correction or closer information as to date derivable from other sources is added in square brackets.
For the Jacobean period I also show the personages before whom the performances were given, K.
standing for James, Q. for Anne, H. for Henry, C. for Charles, E. for the Princess Elizabeth, and F. for
the Elector Palatine. Col. 2 contains the verbatim descriptions in the accounts of the companies
performing and their payees, and in a very few cases of the nature of the performances. A few
miscellaneous entries are inserted in this column. Probably an exhaustive examination of the records
of the subordinate royal households during 1603–16 might enable a few additions to be made. It is
also possible that an occasional play, perhaps on a progress, may have been rewarded out of the Privy
Purse. But the main series of performances provided for the regular winter ‘solace’ of the sovereign
appears to be fairly complete. Col. 3 shows the amounts of the rewards. Col. 4 adds the dates of the
warrants for payment as given in the Declared Accounts and in brackets the places where they were
made out, W. for Westminster, H. for Hampton Court, G. for Greenwich, R. for Richmond, J. for St.
James’s, Wi. for Windsor. I add references to the parallel extracts of Cunningham from the Original
Chamber Accounts (C.), and to the notes of the signing of warrants in the Privy Council Register (D.)
Page 187
where these exist. A fifth column, for certain years, adds the relevant extracts from such Revels
Accounts as survive. The references are to Feuillerat’s edition. Any discrepancies of importance
between Chamber, Privy Council, and Revels records are dealt with in foot-notes. The variant dates of
warrants in the ill-kept Privy Council Register are not important.
Chamber Accounts. Revels Accounts.
Performance. Payees. Amount. Warrant.
=1558–60= (Pipe Office, Declared Accounts, Roll 541, mm. 17, 22).
— ‘Quenes ... enterlude players for her £6 13s. 4d.[779] F. 34 (1555–60). ‘ffurnisshinge a
hyghnes accustomed rewarde pley by the children of the
dewe vnto them at Newe yeres Chapple.’
tyde.’
— ‘to players of enterludes.’ £13 6s. 8d. F. 79 (1558–9). ‘playes and other
pastymes sett forthe and shewen
in her Maiesties presence.’
=1560–1= (D. A. 541, m. 28).
Xmas. ‘Lorde Robte Dudleyes players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 21 Jan. (W.); C.
xxvii.
Xmas. ‘Sebastiane Westcott Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 21 Jan. (W.); C.
Children of Polles.’ xxvii.
=1561–2= (D. A. 541, m. 37).
Xmas. ‘Lorde Robert Dudeleys playorrs.’ £6 13s. 4d. 6 Jan.
Xmas. ‘Sebestiane Westcote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 6 Jan.
Children of Powles.’
— ‘Sebastiane Westecote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 9 Mar. (W.); C.
Children of Powles.’ xxvii.
=1562–3= (D. A. 541, m. 47).
Xmas. ‘playores of the Lorde Robte £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.); C.
Duddeley.’ xxviii; D. vii.
134.
Xmas. ‘M. of the children of Poles.’[780] £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.); C.
xxviii; D. vii.
134.
=1563–4= (no entry in D. A.).
F. 116. ‘Charges agaynst Cristmas
and Candelmas ffor iij plays at
Wyndsor.’[781]
=1564–5= (D. A. 541, m. 67).
Xmas (2 ‘therle of Warwickes players.’ £13 6s. 8d. 18 Jan. (W.); C.
plays). xxviii; D. vii.
187.
Xmas. ‘Sebastian Westcote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d.[782] 18 Jan. (W.); C. F. 117. ‘in Ienevery ffor cayrtene
Children of Powles.’ xxviii; D. vii. playes by the gramar skolle of
187. Westmynster and the childerne of
Powles.’
2 Feb ‘Sebastian Westcott Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 9 Mar. (W.); C.
Children of Poles.’ xxviii; D. vii.
204.
F. 116. ‘Cristmas ... ffor a maske
and a showe and a play by the
childerne of the Chaple.’
[In margin] ‘Edwardes tragedy’.
F. 117. ‘The xviijth of februerie ...
for a play maid by Sir Percivall
Hartts sones with a maske of
huntars and diuers devisses and a
rocke or hill ffor the ix musses to
singe vppone with a vayne of
Accounts as survive. The references are to Feuillerat’s edition. Any discrepancies of importance
between Chamber, Privy Council, and Revels records are dealt with in foot-notes. The variant dates of
warrants in the ill-kept Privy Council Register are not important.
Chamber Accounts. Revels Accounts.
Performance. Payees. Amount. Warrant.
=1558–60= (Pipe Office, Declared Accounts, Roll 541, mm. 17, 22).
— ‘Quenes ... enterlude players for her £6 13s. 4d.[779] F. 34 (1555–60). ‘ffurnisshinge a
hyghnes accustomed rewarde pley by the children of the
dewe vnto them at Newe yeres Chapple.’
tyde.’
— ‘to players of enterludes.’ £13 6s. 8d. F. 79 (1558–9). ‘playes and other
pastymes sett forthe and shewen
in her Maiesties presence.’
=1560–1= (D. A. 541, m. 28).
Xmas. ‘Lorde Robte Dudleyes players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 21 Jan. (W.); C.
xxvii.
Xmas. ‘Sebastiane Westcott Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 21 Jan. (W.); C.
Children of Polles.’ xxvii.
=1561–2= (D. A. 541, m. 37).
Xmas. ‘Lorde Robert Dudeleys playorrs.’ £6 13s. 4d. 6 Jan.
Xmas. ‘Sebestiane Westcote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 6 Jan.
Children of Powles.’
— ‘Sebastiane Westecote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 9 Mar. (W.); C.
Children of Powles.’ xxvii.
=1562–3= (D. A. 541, m. 47).
Xmas. ‘playores of the Lorde Robte £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.); C.
Duddeley.’ xxviii; D. vii.
134.
Xmas. ‘M. of the children of Poles.’[780] £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.); C.
xxviii; D. vii.
134.
=1563–4= (no entry in D. A.).
F. 116. ‘Charges agaynst Cristmas
and Candelmas ffor iij plays at
Wyndsor.’[781]
=1564–5= (D. A. 541, m. 67).
Xmas (2 ‘therle of Warwickes players.’ £13 6s. 8d. 18 Jan. (W.); C.
plays). xxviii; D. vii.
187.
Xmas. ‘Sebastian Westcote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d.[782] 18 Jan. (W.); C. F. 117. ‘in Ienevery ffor cayrtene
Children of Powles.’ xxviii; D. vii. playes by the gramar skolle of
187. Westmynster and the childerne of
Powles.’
2 Feb ‘Sebastian Westcott Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 9 Mar. (W.); C.
Children of Poles.’ xxviii; D. vii.
204.
F. 116. ‘Cristmas ... ffor a maske
and a showe and a play by the
childerne of the Chaple.’
[In margin] ‘Edwardes tragedy’.
F. 117. ‘The xviijth of februerie ...
for a play maid by Sir Percivall
Hartts sones with a maske of
huntars and diuers devisses and a
rocke or hill ffor the ix musses to
singe vppone with a vayne of
Page 188
sarsnett dravven vpp and downe
before them.’
F. 117. ‘Shroftid [4–6 March] ...
new and diuers showes made by
the gentillmen of Greys Ine.’
[In margin] ‘Gentillmenne of ye
Innes of Court. Diana, Pallas.’
=1565–6= (D. A. 541, m. 76).
Xmas (3 ‘Sebastian Westcote Mr of the £20 3 Jan. (W.).
plays) Children of Powles ... for two
seūall playes ... at the Courte ...
and one other also before her
Matie at the Ladye Cecilias
Lodging at the Savoye.’
=1566–7= (D. A. 541, m. 92).
Xmas (2 ‘Sebastyan Westcote Mr of the £13 6s. 8d. 11 Jan. (W.); D.
plays) children of Powles.’ vii. 322 (12
Jan.).
Shrovetide ‘John Taylor Mr of the Children of £6 13s. 4d. 13 Feb. (W.); D.
(9–11 vii. 327.
Feb.). Westmr.’
Shrovetide ‘Richarde Farraunte Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 16 Feb.; D. vii.
(9–11 Feb.) children of Windsore.’ 331 (W. 17
[11 Feb.]. Feb.).
[783]
=1567–8= (D. A. 541, mm. 102–3).
Xmas. ‘John Tailer Mr of the Children at £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.). F. 119. ’ theis playes Tragides and
Maskes ... viz. ... seven playes,
Westmr.’ the firste namede as playne as
canne be, The seconde the
Xmas (2 ‘The Lord Ryches Plaiers.’ £13 6s. 8d. 11 Jan. (W.). paynfull plillgrimage, The thirde
plays). Iacke and Iyll, The forthe sixe
fooles, The fiveth callede witte
and will, The sixte callede
Xmas (2 ‘Sebastian Westcote Mr of the £13 6s. 8d. 13 Jan. (W.).
prodigallitie, The sevoenth of
plays). Children of Powles.’ Orestes and a Tragedie of the
Kinge of Scottes, to ye whiche
Shrovetide ‘William Hunnys Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 3 Mar. (W.). belonged diuers howses, ... as
(29 Feb.-2 Stratoes howse, Gobbyns howse,
Mar.). Children of the Quenes Mates Orestioes howse Rome, the
Chappell ... for ... a Tragedie’. Pallace of prosperitie Scotlande
and a gret Castell one thothere
side.’[784]
Shrovetide. ‘Richarde Ferrante Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 1 Mar. (W.).
F. 123. ‘Revelles vppon
children of Windesore.’ Shrovesonday and Shroftuisday
at nighte.’
=1568–9= (D. A. 541, m. 113).
26 Dec. ‘the Lorde Riches players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 28 Dec. (H.); C.
xxix.
1 Jan. ‘Sebastian Westecote mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 2 Jan.; C. xxix.
Children of Powles.’
22 Feb. ‘Richard Ferraunte Scole mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 25 Feb. (W.); C.
Children of Windesore.’ xxix.
=1569–70= (D. A. 541, m. 115).
27 Dec. ‘Richarde Ferrante Schole mr to the £6 13s. 4d. 2 Jan. (Wi.); C.
Children of Windesore.’ xxix.
6 Jan. ‘Willm Hun̄ ys mr of the children of £6 13s. 4d. 7 Jan. (Wi.); C.
xxix.
her mates Chappell.’
5 Feb. ‘the Lorde Riches playores.’ £6 13s. 4d. 7 Feb. (H.); C.
xxix.
before them.’
F. 117. ‘Shroftid [4–6 March] ...
new and diuers showes made by
the gentillmen of Greys Ine.’
[In margin] ‘Gentillmenne of ye
Innes of Court. Diana, Pallas.’
=1565–6= (D. A. 541, m. 76).
Xmas (3 ‘Sebastian Westcote Mr of the £20 3 Jan. (W.).
plays) Children of Powles ... for two
seūall playes ... at the Courte ...
and one other also before her
Matie at the Ladye Cecilias
Lodging at the Savoye.’
=1566–7= (D. A. 541, m. 92).
Xmas (2 ‘Sebastyan Westcote Mr of the £13 6s. 8d. 11 Jan. (W.); D.
plays) children of Powles.’ vii. 322 (12
Jan.).
Shrovetide ‘John Taylor Mr of the Children of £6 13s. 4d. 13 Feb. (W.); D.
(9–11 vii. 327.
Feb.). Westmr.’
Shrovetide ‘Richarde Farraunte Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 16 Feb.; D. vii.
(9–11 Feb.) children of Windsore.’ 331 (W. 17
[11 Feb.]. Feb.).
[783]
=1567–8= (D. A. 541, mm. 102–3).
Xmas. ‘John Tailer Mr of the Children at £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.). F. 119. ’ theis playes Tragides and
Maskes ... viz. ... seven playes,
Westmr.’ the firste namede as playne as
canne be, The seconde the
Xmas (2 ‘The Lord Ryches Plaiers.’ £13 6s. 8d. 11 Jan. (W.). paynfull plillgrimage, The thirde
plays). Iacke and Iyll, The forthe sixe
fooles, The fiveth callede witte
and will, The sixte callede
Xmas (2 ‘Sebastian Westcote Mr of the £13 6s. 8d. 13 Jan. (W.).
prodigallitie, The sevoenth of
plays). Children of Powles.’ Orestes and a Tragedie of the
Kinge of Scottes, to ye whiche
Shrovetide ‘William Hunnys Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 3 Mar. (W.). belonged diuers howses, ... as
(29 Feb.-2 Stratoes howse, Gobbyns howse,
Mar.). Children of the Quenes Mates Orestioes howse Rome, the
Chappell ... for ... a Tragedie’. Pallace of prosperitie Scotlande
and a gret Castell one thothere
side.’[784]
Shrovetide. ‘Richarde Ferrante Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 1 Mar. (W.).
F. 123. ‘Revelles vppon
children of Windesore.’ Shrovesonday and Shroftuisday
at nighte.’
=1568–9= (D. A. 541, m. 113).
26 Dec. ‘the Lorde Riches players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 28 Dec. (H.); C.
xxix.
1 Jan. ‘Sebastian Westecote mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 2 Jan.; C. xxix.
Children of Powles.’
22 Feb. ‘Richard Ferraunte Scole mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 25 Feb. (W.); C.
Children of Windesore.’ xxix.
=1569–70= (D. A. 541, m. 115).
27 Dec. ‘Richarde Ferrante Schole mr to the £6 13s. 4d. 2 Jan. (Wi.); C.
Children of Windesore.’ xxix.
6 Jan. ‘Willm Hun̄ ys mr of the children of £6 13s. 4d. 7 Jan. (Wi.); C.
xxix.
her mates Chappell.’
5 Feb. ‘the Lorde Riches playores.’ £6 13s. 4d. 7 Feb. (H.); C.
xxix.
Page 189
=1570–1= (D. A. 541, m. 127).
28 Dec. ‘Sebastian Westecote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 22 Feb.
Children of Powles.’
Shrovetide ‘Willm̄ Honnyes, Richarde £20 28 Feb.
(25–7 Feb.) Farraunte and Sebastian Westcote
(3 plays). Mrs of the Children of the Q
mates Chapple Royall Windsore
and Powles.’
=1571–2= (D. A. 541, m. 137).
27 Dec. ‘Lawrence Dutton and his £6 13s. 4d. 5 Jan. (W.); D. F. 144. ‘Lady Barbara showen on
fellowes.’[785] viii. 61 (12 Saint Iohns day at nighte by Sir
Jan.). Robert Lanes Men.’
28 Dec. ‘Sebastian Westcott Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 9 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Effiginia A Tragedye showen on
Children of Powles.’ viii. 62 (12 the Innosentes daie at nighte by
Jan.). the Children of Powles.’
1 Jan. ‘Richard Farrant gent Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 5 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Aiax and vlisses showen on New
Children of Windsor.’ viii. 62 (12 Yeares daie at nighte by the
Jan.). Children of Wynsor.’
6 Jan. ‘Willm̄ Hunnys Mr of the childer of £6 13s. 4d. n.d.; D. viii. 62 ‘Narcisses showen on Twelfe daye
the Chappell.’ (12 Jan., at Nighte by the Children of the
‘John’ Chappell.’
Hunnis).
17 Feb. ‘John Greaves and Thomas Goughe £13 6s. 8d. 26 Feb. (W.); D. ‘Cloridon and Radiamanta showen
servauntes to Sr Robt. Lane viii. 71 (29 on Shrove sundaye at Nighte by
Knighte.’[786] Feb.). Sir Robert Lanes Men.’
19 Feb. ‘John Billingesley.’[787] £13 6s. 8d. 22 Feb. (W.); D. ‘Paris and Vienna showen on
viii. 71 (29 Shrovetewsdaie at Nighte by the
Feb.). Children of Westminster.’
=1572–3= (D. A. 541, m. 150).
Xmas (3 ‘Therle of Leic. players.’ £30, ‘videlt. for eūye 1 Jan. (H.). F. 174. Scattered entries refer to all
plays). l s d
playe vj xiij iiij and these companies except Sussex’s
for a more rewarde by and to—
‘the play of Cariclia’,
hir Mates owne ‘Theagines’,
comaundemt xl In all ‘the picture of Andromadas’,
xxxl.’ ‘the monster’,
‘the playe of fortune’.
1 Jan. ‘Richarde Farrante Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 2 Jan. (H.).
children at Wyndesore.’
— ‘Sebastian Westecote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 7 Jan. (H.).
Children of Polles.’
6 Jan. ‘Elderton and the Children of £6 13s. 4d. 7 Jan. (H.).
Eyton.’
— ‘Therle of Sussex players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 7 Feb.
— ‘Laurence Dutton s runte to therle of £6 13s. 4d. 10 Feb.
Lincoln.’
3 Feb. ‘Mr Moncaster.’ £20, ‘vjl xiijs iiijd and for 10 Feb.
a more rewarde by her
Mates owne
comaundemt xiijl vjs
viijd.’
=1573–4= (D. A. 541, mm. 165–6).
Xmas (2 ‘Therle of Leicestres players.’ £20, ‘xiijl vjs viijd and by 9 Jan. (W.); D. F. 193. ‘Predor: & Lucia, played by
plays) [26, waye of speciall viii. 177 (8 Therle of Leicesters servauntes
28 Dec.] rewarde for theyre Jan.). vpon Saint stevens daye.’
[788] ‘Mamillia, playde by therle of
chardges cunyng
Leicesteres seruauntes on
and skill shewed
Innosentes daye.’
therein vjl xiijs iiijd.’
28 Dec. ‘Sebastian Westecote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 22 Feb.
Children of Powles.’
Shrovetide ‘Willm̄ Honnyes, Richarde £20 28 Feb.
(25–7 Feb.) Farraunte and Sebastian Westcote
(3 plays). Mrs of the Children of the Q
mates Chapple Royall Windsore
and Powles.’
=1571–2= (D. A. 541, m. 137).
27 Dec. ‘Lawrence Dutton and his £6 13s. 4d. 5 Jan. (W.); D. F. 144. ‘Lady Barbara showen on
fellowes.’[785] viii. 61 (12 Saint Iohns day at nighte by Sir
Jan.). Robert Lanes Men.’
28 Dec. ‘Sebastian Westcott Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 9 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Effiginia A Tragedye showen on
Children of Powles.’ viii. 62 (12 the Innosentes daie at nighte by
Jan.). the Children of Powles.’
1 Jan. ‘Richard Farrant gent Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 5 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Aiax and vlisses showen on New
Children of Windsor.’ viii. 62 (12 Yeares daie at nighte by the
Jan.). Children of Wynsor.’
6 Jan. ‘Willm̄ Hunnys Mr of the childer of £6 13s. 4d. n.d.; D. viii. 62 ‘Narcisses showen on Twelfe daye
the Chappell.’ (12 Jan., at Nighte by the Children of the
‘John’ Chappell.’
Hunnis).
17 Feb. ‘John Greaves and Thomas Goughe £13 6s. 8d. 26 Feb. (W.); D. ‘Cloridon and Radiamanta showen
servauntes to Sr Robt. Lane viii. 71 (29 on Shrove sundaye at Nighte by
Knighte.’[786] Feb.). Sir Robert Lanes Men.’
19 Feb. ‘John Billingesley.’[787] £13 6s. 8d. 22 Feb. (W.); D. ‘Paris and Vienna showen on
viii. 71 (29 Shrovetewsdaie at Nighte by the
Feb.). Children of Westminster.’
=1572–3= (D. A. 541, m. 150).
Xmas (3 ‘Therle of Leic. players.’ £30, ‘videlt. for eūye 1 Jan. (H.). F. 174. Scattered entries refer to all
plays). l s d
playe vj xiij iiij and these companies except Sussex’s
for a more rewarde by and to—
‘the play of Cariclia’,
hir Mates owne ‘Theagines’,
comaundemt xl In all ‘the picture of Andromadas’,
xxxl.’ ‘the monster’,
‘the playe of fortune’.
1 Jan. ‘Richarde Farrante Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 2 Jan. (H.).
children at Wyndesore.’
— ‘Sebastian Westecote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 7 Jan. (H.).
Children of Polles.’
6 Jan. ‘Elderton and the Children of £6 13s. 4d. 7 Jan. (H.).
Eyton.’
— ‘Therle of Sussex players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 7 Feb.
— ‘Laurence Dutton s runte to therle of £6 13s. 4d. 10 Feb.
Lincoln.’
3 Feb. ‘Mr Moncaster.’ £20, ‘vjl xiijs iiijd and for 10 Feb.
a more rewarde by her
Mates owne
comaundemt xiijl vjs
viijd.’
=1573–4= (D. A. 541, mm. 165–6).
Xmas (2 ‘Therle of Leicestres players.’ £20, ‘xiijl vjs viijd and by 9 Jan. (W.); D. F. 193. ‘Predor: & Lucia, played by
plays) [26, waye of speciall viii. 177 (8 Therle of Leicesters servauntes
28 Dec.] rewarde for theyre Jan.). vpon Saint stevens daye.’
[788] ‘Mamillia, playde by therle of
chardges cunyng
Leicesteres seruauntes on
and skill shewed
Innosentes daye.’
therein vjl xiijs iiijd.’
Page 190
27 Dec. ‘Sebastian Westcote Mr of the £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Alkmeon, played by the Children
Children of Powles.’ viii. 178. of Powles on Saint Iohns daye.’
1 Jan. ‘Willm̄ Elderton.’ £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Truth, ffaythfullnesse, & Mercye,
viii. 178. playde by the Children of
Westminster for Elderton vpon
New yeares daye.’
3 Jan. ‘Laurence Dutton and the rest of his £6 13s. 4d. 11 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Herpetulus the blew knighte &
Fellowes sruntes to the L viii. 178 (10 perobia playde by my Lorde
Clinton.’ Jan.). Klintons servantes the third of
Ianuary.’
6 Jan. r
‘Richarde Ferant Scholem .’ l s d
£10, ‘vj xiij iiij and in 10 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Quintus ffabius played by the
respecte of his chardges viii. 178. Children of Wyndsor ffor Mr
coming hyther lxvjs ffarrant on Twelfe daye.’
viijd.’
2 Feb. ‘Richarde Moncaster.’ £26 13s. 4d., ‘xiijl vjs 18 Mar. (G.); D. F. 206. ‘ffor Candellmas ... Timoclia
23 Feb. viii. 210. at the sege of Thebes by
viijd and further her
Alexander showen ... by Mr
Mates speciall rewarde Munkesters Children.’
for suche costes and F. 213. ‘Percius & Anthomiris
chardges as he was at playde by Munkesters Children
for the same xiijl vjs on Shrovetewsdaye.’
viijd.’
[789] ‘Therle of Leic his plaiers.’
21 Feb. £10, ‘vjl xiijs iiijd and 22 Feb. (H.); D. ‘Philemon & Philecia play by the
forther by waye of her viii. 198. Erle of Lecesters men on Shrove
highnes rewarde for Mundaye.’
suche chardges as they F. 227. ‘Italyan Players at
had furniture of bene at Wynsor & Reding ... the xvth of
for the the same lxvjs July 1574.’
viijd.’
=1574–5= (D. A. 541, m. 178).
26 Dec. ‘Therle of Lecesters players.’ £10. 9 Jan.; C. xxx. F. 239. 27 Dec. ‘gloves for my Lord
of Lesters boyes yt plaied at the
coorte.’
F. 244. 25 Dec. ‘my Lord of
Leicesters menns playe.’
1 Jan. ‘the Erle of Leic’ players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 9 Jan.; C. xxx. F. 239. 1 Jan. ‘chymney sweepers in
my Lord of Leycesters mennes
playe & for mosse & styckes.’
27 Dec. ‘the lord Clynton players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 11 Jan.; C. xxx. F. 244. 27 Dec. ‘the Duttons playe.’
2 Jan. ‘the lord Clinton players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 11 Jan.; C. xxx.
6 Jan. ‘Richard Farrante m of the children £13 6s. 8d.
r 23 Jan. (H.); C. F. 244. ‘King Xerxces syster in
of the chapell of Wyndsor.’ xxx. ffarrantes playe, ... cariage ... for
the playe ... on twelfe nighte.’
2 Feb. ‘Sebastian Westecote Mr of the £13 6s. 8d. 16 Feb.; C. xxxi.
Children of Powles.’
13 Feb. ‘William Hunys mr of the children £13 6s. 8d. 16 Feb. (R.); C. F. 244. 13 Feb. ‘Mr Hvnnyes his
xxxi.
of her mates Chappell.’ playe.’
13 Feb. [15 ‘Richarde Moncaster.’ £13 6s. 8d., ‘vjl. xiijs. iiijd 17 Feb. (R.). [F. 238. The following rehearsals
Feb.?]. and for a reward gyven took place:
14 Dec. ‘my Lord Chamberlens
by her heignes vjl. xiijs. players did show the history of
iiijd’. Phedrastus & Phigon and Lucia
together.’
18 Dec. ‘my Lord of Leicesters
menne showed theier matter of
Panecia.’
20 Dec. ‘my lord Clyntons
13 Feb. [14 ‘Therle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 16 Feb. (R.); C. players rehearsed a matter called
Feb.].[790] xxxi. Pretestus.’
Children of Powles.’ viii. 178. of Powles on Saint Iohns daye.’
1 Jan. ‘Willm̄ Elderton.’ £6 13s. 4d. 10 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Truth, ffaythfullnesse, & Mercye,
viii. 178. playde by the Children of
Westminster for Elderton vpon
New yeares daye.’
3 Jan. ‘Laurence Dutton and the rest of his £6 13s. 4d. 11 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Herpetulus the blew knighte &
Fellowes sruntes to the L viii. 178 (10 perobia playde by my Lorde
Clinton.’ Jan.). Klintons servantes the third of
Ianuary.’
6 Jan. r
‘Richarde Ferant Scholem .’ l s d
£10, ‘vj xiij iiij and in 10 Jan. (W.); D. ‘Quintus ffabius played by the
respecte of his chardges viii. 178. Children of Wyndsor ffor Mr
coming hyther lxvjs ffarrant on Twelfe daye.’
viijd.’
2 Feb. ‘Richarde Moncaster.’ £26 13s. 4d., ‘xiijl vjs 18 Mar. (G.); D. F. 206. ‘ffor Candellmas ... Timoclia
23 Feb. viii. 210. at the sege of Thebes by
viijd and further her
Alexander showen ... by Mr
Mates speciall rewarde Munkesters Children.’
for suche costes and F. 213. ‘Percius & Anthomiris
chardges as he was at playde by Munkesters Children
for the same xiijl vjs on Shrovetewsdaye.’
viijd.’
[789] ‘Therle of Leic his plaiers.’
21 Feb. £10, ‘vjl xiijs iiijd and 22 Feb. (H.); D. ‘Philemon & Philecia play by the
forther by waye of her viii. 198. Erle of Lecesters men on Shrove
highnes rewarde for Mundaye.’
suche chardges as they F. 227. ‘Italyan Players at
had furniture of bene at Wynsor & Reding ... the xvth of
for the the same lxvjs July 1574.’
viijd.’
=1574–5= (D. A. 541, m. 178).
26 Dec. ‘Therle of Lecesters players.’ £10. 9 Jan.; C. xxx. F. 239. 27 Dec. ‘gloves for my Lord
of Lesters boyes yt plaied at the
coorte.’
F. 244. 25 Dec. ‘my Lord of
Leicesters menns playe.’
1 Jan. ‘the Erle of Leic’ players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 9 Jan.; C. xxx. F. 239. 1 Jan. ‘chymney sweepers in
my Lord of Leycesters mennes
playe & for mosse & styckes.’
27 Dec. ‘the lord Clynton players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 11 Jan.; C. xxx. F. 244. 27 Dec. ‘the Duttons playe.’
2 Jan. ‘the lord Clinton players.’ £6 13s. 4d. 11 Jan.; C. xxx.
6 Jan. ‘Richard Farrante m of the children £13 6s. 8d.
r 23 Jan. (H.); C. F. 244. ‘King Xerxces syster in
of the chapell of Wyndsor.’ xxx. ffarrantes playe, ... cariage ... for
the playe ... on twelfe nighte.’
2 Feb. ‘Sebastian Westecote Mr of the £13 6s. 8d. 16 Feb.; C. xxxi.
Children of Powles.’
13 Feb. ‘William Hunys mr of the children £13 6s. 8d. 16 Feb. (R.); C. F. 244. 13 Feb. ‘Mr Hvnnyes his
xxxi.
of her mates Chappell.’ playe.’
13 Feb. [15 ‘Richarde Moncaster.’ £13 6s. 8d., ‘vjl. xiijs. iiijd 17 Feb. (R.). [F. 238. The following rehearsals
Feb.?]. and for a reward gyven took place:
14 Dec. ‘my Lord Chamberlens
by her heignes vjl. xiijs. players did show the history of
iiijd’. Phedrastus & Phigon and Lucia
together.’
18 Dec. ‘my Lord of Leicesters
menne showed theier matter of
Panecia.’
20 Dec. ‘my lord Clyntons
13 Feb. [14 ‘Therle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 16 Feb. (R.); C. players rehearsed a matter called
Feb.].[790] xxxi. Pretestus.’
Page 191
21 Dec. ‘the showed ij other
=1575–6= (D. A. 541, mm. 195–6). playes.’]
26 Dec. ‘John Dutton, Lawrence £20. 2 Jan. (H.); D. ix. 68.
Dutton, Jerome Savage,
etc. Thearle of
Warwickes players.’
27 Dec. ‘Richard Farraunt Mr of the £10. 30 Dec. (H.); D.
children of the Chappell at ix. 67 (29
Wyndsore.’ Dec.).
28 Dec. ‘Thearle of Leicestre players.’ £10. 30 Dec. (H.); D.
ix. 68 (29
Dec.)
6 Jan. ‘Sebasten Westcott Mr of the £10. 7 Feb. (H.); D.
children of Powles.’ ix. 71 (7 Jan.).
2 Feb. ‘John Adams and the rest of my £10. 4 Feb. (H.); D.
Lorde Chamberlaynes servaunt ix. 81 (—
players.’ Jan.).
27 Feb. ‘Alfruso Ferrabolle and the rest of £10. 12 Mar. (W.).
the Italyan players.’
4 Mar.?[791] ‘to —— Burbag and his company £10. 14 Mar. (W.).
Servauntes to thearle of
Leicester.’
5 Mar.[792] ‘Lawraunce Dutton and the rest of £10. 8 Mar. (W.); D.
his company Servauntes to ix. 95 (11
thrighte honourable Thearle of Mar.).
Warwicke.
6 Mar. ‘Richard Moulcastre to hime.’ £10. 11 Mar. (W.); D.
ix. 94.
[Sept.-Oct.] ‘Richarde Farrant, Mr of the — 11 Nov. 1577.
Children of her Mates chappell of
Winsore viz. for the chardges of
xv of the singinge men of the
said chappell and sixe of the
children repayringe thither to
Readynge at her mates laste
being there.’
=1576–7= (Audit Office, Declared Accounts, Roll xv, Bundle 382) [Pipe Office missing].
Xmas ‘Therle of Warwickes players.’ £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D. F. 256, 269. ‘The Paynters Daughter
holidays. ix. 270. ... on St Stevens daie ... by therle
[26 Dec.] of Warwickes seruauntes ... the
Duttons plaie.’
F. 256. ‘Toolie ... on St. Iohns
daie ... by the Lord Howardes
27 Dec. ‘the Lord Howardes players.’ £10. 12 Jan. (H.). seruantes.’
F. 256. ‘The historie of the
Collyer ... on the Sundaie
Xmas ‘Therle of Leicesters players.’ £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D.
folowing [30 Dec.] ... by th’ erle
holidays. ix. 270.
of Leicesters men.’
[30 Dec.]
F. 266. ‘ffor cariadge ... for the
Earle of Leicesters to the court
28o Decembris.’
F. 266. ‘for that their
Xmas ‘Sebastian Westcote mr of the £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D. [Leicester’s?] plaie was deferred
holidays [1 Children of Powles.’ ix. 270. until the Sundaie folowing [30
Jan.]
Dec.].’[793]
F. 256. ‘The historie of Error ...
on Newyeres daie ... by the
Children of Powles.’
Xmas ‘Richard Farrante mr of the children £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D. F. 256. ‘The historye of Mutius
holidays. [6 of the Chappell.’ ix. 270. Sceuola ... on Twelf daie ... by
Jan.] the Children of Windsore and the
Chappell.’
=1575–6= (D. A. 541, mm. 195–6). playes.’]
26 Dec. ‘John Dutton, Lawrence £20. 2 Jan. (H.); D. ix. 68.
Dutton, Jerome Savage,
etc. Thearle of
Warwickes players.’
27 Dec. ‘Richard Farraunt Mr of the £10. 30 Dec. (H.); D.
children of the Chappell at ix. 67 (29
Wyndsore.’ Dec.).
28 Dec. ‘Thearle of Leicestre players.’ £10. 30 Dec. (H.); D.
ix. 68 (29
Dec.)
6 Jan. ‘Sebasten Westcott Mr of the £10. 7 Feb. (H.); D.
children of Powles.’ ix. 71 (7 Jan.).
2 Feb. ‘John Adams and the rest of my £10. 4 Feb. (H.); D.
Lorde Chamberlaynes servaunt ix. 81 (—
players.’ Jan.).
27 Feb. ‘Alfruso Ferrabolle and the rest of £10. 12 Mar. (W.).
the Italyan players.’
4 Mar.?[791] ‘to —— Burbag and his company £10. 14 Mar. (W.).
Servauntes to thearle of
Leicester.’
5 Mar.[792] ‘Lawraunce Dutton and the rest of £10. 8 Mar. (W.); D.
his company Servauntes to ix. 95 (11
thrighte honourable Thearle of Mar.).
Warwicke.
6 Mar. ‘Richard Moulcastre to hime.’ £10. 11 Mar. (W.); D.
ix. 94.
[Sept.-Oct.] ‘Richarde Farrant, Mr of the — 11 Nov. 1577.
Children of her Mates chappell of
Winsore viz. for the chardges of
xv of the singinge men of the
said chappell and sixe of the
children repayringe thither to
Readynge at her mates laste
being there.’
=1576–7= (Audit Office, Declared Accounts, Roll xv, Bundle 382) [Pipe Office missing].
Xmas ‘Therle of Warwickes players.’ £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D. F. 256, 269. ‘The Paynters Daughter
holidays. ix. 270. ... on St Stevens daie ... by therle
[26 Dec.] of Warwickes seruauntes ... the
Duttons plaie.’
F. 256. ‘Toolie ... on St. Iohns
daie ... by the Lord Howardes
27 Dec. ‘the Lord Howardes players.’ £10. 12 Jan. (H.). seruantes.’
F. 256. ‘The historie of the
Collyer ... on the Sundaie
Xmas ‘Therle of Leicesters players.’ £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D.
folowing [30 Dec.] ... by th’ erle
holidays. ix. 270.
of Leicesters men.’
[30 Dec.]
F. 266. ‘ffor cariadge ... for the
Earle of Leicesters to the court
28o Decembris.’
F. 266. ‘for that their
Xmas ‘Sebastian Westcote mr of the £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D. [Leicester’s?] plaie was deferred
holidays [1 Children of Powles.’ ix. 270. until the Sundaie folowing [30
Jan.]
Dec.].’[793]
F. 256. ‘The historie of Error ...
on Newyeres daie ... by the
Children of Powles.’
Xmas ‘Richard Farrante mr of the children £16 13s. 4d. 20 Jan. (H.); D. F. 256. ‘The historye of Mutius
holidays. [6 of the Chappell.’ ix. 270. Sceuola ... on Twelf daie ... by
Jan.] the Children of Windsore and the
Chappell.’
Page 192
F. 256. ‘The historye of the
Cenofalles ... on Candelmas daie
2 Feb. ‘Therle of Sussexes players.’ £16 13s. 4d. 3 Feb. (H.); D. ... by the Lord Chamberleyn his
ix. 280. men.’
F. 270. ‘The Historie of the
Solitarie Knight ... on Shrove-
sundaie ... by the Lord Howardes
17 Feb. ‘The Lord Howardes players.’[794] £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D.
seruauntes.’
ix. 293
F. 270. ‘The Irisshe Knyght ... on
Shrovemundaie ... by the Earle of
Warwick his seruauntes.’
18 Feb. ‘Therle of Warwikes players.’ £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D. F. 270. ‘The historye of Titus and
ix. 293 Gisippus ... on Shrove-tuysdaie ...
by the Children of Pawles.’
F. 277. Probably for a rehearsal,
17 Feb. [9 ‘Sebastian Westcote.’ £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D. ‘the cariadge of the partes of ye
Feb.][795] ix. 293. well counterfeit from the Bell in
Gracious strete to St. Iohns to be
performed for the play of
Cutwell.’
April. ‘Durham Place (an Italian playe n.d.
their done before her mates Privy [‘Apparelling
Council).’ charge.’]
=1577–8= (D. A. 541, mm. 209–12).
26 Dec. ‘The Earle of Leicesters seruantes.’ £10.[796] 9 Jan. (H.); D. x.
138.
27 Dec. ‘Richarde Farrante mr of the £10. 20 Jan. (H.).
children of her mates chappell.’
8 Dec. ‘The Earle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 12 Jan. (H.).
30 Dec. ‘Sebastian Westcott.’ £10. 31 Jan. (H.).
5 Jan.[797] ‘The Lorde Howarde baron of £10. 9 Jan. (H.); D. x.
Effingham his players.’ 138.
6 Jan. ‘Earle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 12 Jan. (H.).
2 Feb. ‘The Lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 15 Mar. (G.), in
duplicate; D.
x. 185 (14
Mar.).
9 Feb. ‘The Earle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 18 Feb. (H.).
11 Feb. ‘The Countes of Essex players.’ £10. 14 Feb. (H.).
(11 Feb.) ‘The Earle of Leicesters players.’ £6 13s. 4d., ‘for makinge 18 Feb. (H.).
their repaire to the
Courte wth their whole
company and furniture
to presente a playe
before her matie uppon
Shrove-tuesdaye at
nighte in consideracon
of their chardgies for
that purpose although
the plaie by her maties
comaundement was
supplyed by others.’
— ‘for a mattres hoopes and boardes — n.d.
with tressells for the Italian [‘Apparelling
Tumblers.’ charge’]
=1578–9= (d. a. 541, m. 222).
26 Dec. ‘Therle of Warwicke srauntes.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘An Inventyon or playe of
21 (R.). the three Systers of Mantua ... on
St Stephens daie ... by thearle of
Warwick his servauntes.’
28 Dec. ‘ye lord Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘An history of the creweltie
21 (R.). of A Stepmother ... on Innocentes
Cenofalles ... on Candelmas daie
2 Feb. ‘Therle of Sussexes players.’ £16 13s. 4d. 3 Feb. (H.); D. ... by the Lord Chamberleyn his
ix. 280. men.’
F. 270. ‘The Historie of the
Solitarie Knight ... on Shrove-
sundaie ... by the Lord Howardes
17 Feb. ‘The Lord Howardes players.’[794] £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D.
seruauntes.’
ix. 293
F. 270. ‘The Irisshe Knyght ... on
Shrovemundaie ... by the Earle of
Warwick his seruauntes.’
18 Feb. ‘Therle of Warwikes players.’ £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D. F. 270. ‘The historye of Titus and
ix. 293 Gisippus ... on Shrove-tuysdaie ...
by the Children of Pawles.’
F. 277. Probably for a rehearsal,
17 Feb. [9 ‘Sebastian Westcote.’ £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D. ‘the cariadge of the partes of ye
Feb.][795] ix. 293. well counterfeit from the Bell in
Gracious strete to St. Iohns to be
performed for the play of
Cutwell.’
April. ‘Durham Place (an Italian playe n.d.
their done before her mates Privy [‘Apparelling
Council).’ charge.’]
=1577–8= (D. A. 541, mm. 209–12).
26 Dec. ‘The Earle of Leicesters seruantes.’ £10.[796] 9 Jan. (H.); D. x.
138.
27 Dec. ‘Richarde Farrante mr of the £10. 20 Jan. (H.).
children of her mates chappell.’
8 Dec. ‘The Earle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 12 Jan. (H.).
30 Dec. ‘Sebastian Westcott.’ £10. 31 Jan. (H.).
5 Jan.[797] ‘The Lorde Howarde baron of £10. 9 Jan. (H.); D. x.
Effingham his players.’ 138.
6 Jan. ‘Earle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 12 Jan. (H.).
2 Feb. ‘The Lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 15 Mar. (G.), in
duplicate; D.
x. 185 (14
Mar.).
9 Feb. ‘The Earle of Warwickes players.’ £10. 18 Feb. (H.).
11 Feb. ‘The Countes of Essex players.’ £10. 14 Feb. (H.).
(11 Feb.) ‘The Earle of Leicesters players.’ £6 13s. 4d., ‘for makinge 18 Feb. (H.).
their repaire to the
Courte wth their whole
company and furniture
to presente a playe
before her matie uppon
Shrove-tuesdaye at
nighte in consideracon
of their chardgies for
that purpose although
the plaie by her maties
comaundement was
supplyed by others.’
— ‘for a mattres hoopes and boardes — n.d.
with tressells for the Italian [‘Apparelling
Tumblers.’ charge’]
=1578–9= (d. a. 541, m. 222).
26 Dec. ‘Therle of Warwicke srauntes.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘An Inventyon or playe of
21 (R.). the three Systers of Mantua ... on
St Stephens daie ... by thearle of
Warwick his servauntes.’
28 Dec. ‘ye lord Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘An history of the creweltie
21 (R.). of A Stepmother ... on Innocentes
Page 193
daie ... by the Lord
Chamberlaynes servauntes.’
6 Jan. ‘ye sayd lord Chamblaynes £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘The historie of the Rape of
21 (R.). the second Helene ... on Twelf
srauntes.’ daie.’
F. 299. 6 Jan. ‘my Lord
Chamberleynes players second
plaie.’
1 Jan.[798] ‘ye Mr of ye Children at Pawles.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘A Morrall of the marryage
21 (R.). of Mynde and Measure ... on the
sondaie next after Newe yeares
daie ... by the children of
Pawles.’
4 Jan. ‘Therle of Leicestres players.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘A pastorell or historie of A
21 (R.). Greeke maide ... on the sondaie
next after Newe yeares daie ... by
the Earle of Leicester his
servauntes.’
6 Jan. ‘Mr Ferraunte Mr of the Children of £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘The historie of —— ... on
[27 Dec.][799] 21 (R.). St Iohns daie ... by the children of
her Mates chappell.’ the Quenes maiesties chappell.’
F. 298. 27 Dec. ‘for cariage of the
stuffe that served the plaie for the
children of the chappell to the
courte and back agayne.’
(2 Feb.) ‘Jerome Savage and his companye £6 13s. 4d., ‘in 11 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of ——
srauntes to Therle of Warwickes.’ consideracon of a playe 81 (W. 18 provided to have ben shewen ...
wch was in readynes to Mar.). on candlemas daie ... by the Earle
have bene presented of Warwickes servauntes....
before her Matie on Being in redines at ye place to
Candlemas night last have enacted the same. But the
paste’. Quenes maiestie wold not come
to heare the same and therefore
put of.’
1 Mar. ‘therle of Warwickes srauntes.’ £10. 13 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of the Knight in
75 (W.). the Burnyng Rock ... on
shrovesundaie ... by the Earle of
Warwickes servauntes.’
2 Mar. ‘Richarde Ferrante Mr of the £10. 12 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of Loyaltie and
70 (W.). bewtie ... on Shrove monday ...
children of her mates chapell.’ by the children of the Quenes
maiesties chappell.’
3 Mar.[800] ‘ye lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 13 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of murderous
75 (W.). mychaell ... on shrove-tuesdaie ...
by the Lord Chamberleynes
servauntes.’
=1579–80= (D. A. 542, m. 8).
26 Dec. ‘the Lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 25 Feb. (W.); D. F. 320. ‘A history of the Duke of
xi. 377 (25 Millayn and the Marques of
Jan.). Mantua ... on St Stephens daie ...
by the lord Chamberlaynes
seruauntes.’
27 Dec. ‘Richarde Farrant mr of the children £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D. F. 320. ‘A history of Alucius ... on
xi. 377. St Iohns daie ... by the Children
of her Mates Chappell.’
of her Maiesties Chappell.’
1 Jan. ‘ye players of the Erle of £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D. F. 320. ‘A history of the foure
Warwicke.’ xi. 377. sonnes of ffabyous ... on Newe
Yeares daie ... by the Earle of
Warwickes servauntes.’
3 Jan. ‘Sebastian Westcote master of the £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of Cipio
children of the Churche of St xi. 377. Africanus ... the sondaye night
Paules.’ after newe yeares daie ... by the
Children of Pawles.’
Chamberlaynes servauntes.’
6 Jan. ‘ye sayd lord Chamblaynes £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘The historie of the Rape of
21 (R.). the second Helene ... on Twelf
srauntes.’ daie.’
F. 299. 6 Jan. ‘my Lord
Chamberleynes players second
plaie.’
1 Jan.[798] ‘ye Mr of ye Children at Pawles.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘A Morrall of the marryage
21 (R.). of Mynde and Measure ... on the
sondaie next after Newe yeares
daie ... by the children of
Pawles.’
4 Jan. ‘Therle of Leicestres players.’ £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘A pastorell or historie of A
21 (R.). Greeke maide ... on the sondaie
next after Newe yeares daie ... by
the Earle of Leicester his
servauntes.’
6 Jan. ‘Mr Ferraunte Mr of the Children of £10. 16 Jan.; D. xi. F. 286. ‘The historie of —— ... on
[27 Dec.][799] 21 (R.). St Iohns daie ... by the children of
her Mates chappell.’ the Quenes maiesties chappell.’
F. 298. 27 Dec. ‘for cariage of the
stuffe that served the plaie for the
children of the chappell to the
courte and back agayne.’
(2 Feb.) ‘Jerome Savage and his companye £6 13s. 4d., ‘in 11 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of ——
srauntes to Therle of Warwickes.’ consideracon of a playe 81 (W. 18 provided to have ben shewen ...
wch was in readynes to Mar.). on candlemas daie ... by the Earle
have bene presented of Warwickes servauntes....
before her Matie on Being in redines at ye place to
Candlemas night last have enacted the same. But the
paste’. Quenes maiestie wold not come
to heare the same and therefore
put of.’
1 Mar. ‘therle of Warwickes srauntes.’ £10. 13 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of the Knight in
75 (W.). the Burnyng Rock ... on
shrovesundaie ... by the Earle of
Warwickes servauntes.’
2 Mar. ‘Richarde Ferrante Mr of the £10. 12 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of Loyaltie and
70 (W.). bewtie ... on Shrove monday ...
children of her mates chapell.’ by the children of the Quenes
maiesties chappell.’
3 Mar.[800] ‘ye lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 13 Mar.; D. xi. F. 303. ‘The history of murderous
75 (W.). mychaell ... on shrove-tuesdaie ...
by the Lord Chamberleynes
servauntes.’
=1579–80= (D. A. 542, m. 8).
26 Dec. ‘the Lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 25 Feb. (W.); D. F. 320. ‘A history of the Duke of
xi. 377 (25 Millayn and the Marques of
Jan.). Mantua ... on St Stephens daie ...
by the lord Chamberlaynes
seruauntes.’
27 Dec. ‘Richarde Farrant mr of the children £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D. F. 320. ‘A history of Alucius ... on
xi. 377. St Iohns daie ... by the Children
of her Mates Chappell.’
of her Maiesties Chappell.’
1 Jan. ‘ye players of the Erle of £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D. F. 320. ‘A history of the foure
Warwicke.’ xi. 377. sonnes of ffabyous ... on Newe
Yeares daie ... by the Earle of
Warwickes servauntes.’
3 Jan. ‘Sebastian Westcote master of the £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of Cipio
children of the Churche of St xi. 377. Africanus ... the sondaye night
Paules.’ after newe yeares daie ... by the
Children of Pawles.’
Page 194
6 Jan. ‘the players of the E of Leicester.’ £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of —— ... on
xi. 377. Twelve-daye ... by the Earle of
Leicesters seruauntes.’
15 Jan. ‘the Lorde Straunge his Tumblers ... £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D.
in consideracon of certen feates xi. 377.
of Tumblinge by them done
before her Matie.’
2 Feb. ‘the L. Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 23 Feb. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of Portio and
xi. 398. demorantes ... on Candlemas daie
... by the Lord Chamberleyns
seruauntes.’
16 Feb. ‘the saide L. Chamberlaynes £10. 23 Feb. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of Serpedon ...
players.’ xi. 398. on Shrovetwesdaye ... by the lord
Chamberleyns seruauntes.’
14 Feb. ‘the players of the Erle of Derbye.’ £10. 23 Feb. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of the Soldan
xi. 398. and the Duke of —— ... on
Shrovesondaye ... by the Earle of
Derby his seruauntes.’
[F. 326. ‘Examynynge and
rehersinge of dyuers plaies and
choise makinge of x of them to
be showen before her Maiestie.’
In addition to the 8 above were
the tumbling and F. 320. ‘A
historye of —— provided to haue
bene shewen ... on Innocentes
daie ... by the Earle of Leicesters
seruauntes being in readynes in
the place to haue enacted the
same.... But the Queenes
Maiestie coulde not come forth to
heare the same/therefore put of.’]
=1580–1= (D. A. 542, m. 21).
27 Dec. ‘Therle of Sussex srauntes.’ £10. 14 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Sussex men. A
xii. 321 (30 storie of —— ... on St Iohns
Jan.). daie.’
1 Jan. ‘Therle of Darbyes players.’ £10. 20 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Derbies men.
xii. 321 (30 A storie of —— ... on newe yeres
Jan.). daye.’
6 Jan.[801] ‘Sebastian Wastcote mr of the £10. 18 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The children of Pawles. A
children of Powles.’ xii. 321 (30 storie of Pompey ... on twelf
Jan.). nighte.’
2 Feb. ‘the Lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 13 Feb. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The earle of Sussex men. A
xii. 330 (14 storie of —— ... on Candlemas
Feb.). daie.’
5 Feb. (W.) ‘the Mr of the Children of the £10. 14 Feb. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The children of the Quenes
Chappell.’ xii. 330. maiesties chappell. A storie of
—— ... on shrove-sondaie.’
7 Feb. ‘Therle of Leiscesters players.’ £10. 14 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Leicesters
xii. 330 (14 men. A storie of —— ... on
Feb.). shrove-tuesdaie.’
26 Dec. ‘to them [Leicester’s] more.’ £10. 14 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Leicesters
xii. 321 (30 men. A Comodie called delighte
Jan.). ... on St Stephens daie.’
=1581–2= (D. A. 542, mm. 32–3; Harl. MS. 1644, ff. 78v, 80v, 81v).
26 Dec. ‘the Mr of the Children of Powles.’ £10. 14 Apr. (W.); D. F. 345. Table II, ‘v playes’.
xiii. 393 (G.).
28 Dec. ‘the Servauntes of the Lorde £10. 21 Jan. (W.); D.
Straunge ... for certen feates of xiii. 311.
activitie shewed her Matie.’
31 Dec. ‘the Mr of the Children of her mates £20. 1 Apr. (G.); D.
27 Feb. Chappell.’ xiii. 374.
xi. 377. Twelve-daye ... by the Earle of
Leicesters seruauntes.’
15 Jan. ‘the Lorde Straunge his Tumblers ... £10. 25 Jan. (W.); D.
in consideracon of certen feates xi. 377.
of Tumblinge by them done
before her Matie.’
2 Feb. ‘the L. Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 23 Feb. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of Portio and
xi. 398. demorantes ... on Candlemas daie
... by the Lord Chamberleyns
seruauntes.’
16 Feb. ‘the saide L. Chamberlaynes £10. 23 Feb. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of Serpedon ...
players.’ xi. 398. on Shrovetwesdaye ... by the lord
Chamberleyns seruauntes.’
14 Feb. ‘the players of the Erle of Derbye.’ £10. 23 Feb. (W.); D. F. 321. ‘The history of the Soldan
xi. 398. and the Duke of —— ... on
Shrovesondaye ... by the Earle of
Derby his seruauntes.’
[F. 326. ‘Examynynge and
rehersinge of dyuers plaies and
choise makinge of x of them to
be showen before her Maiestie.’
In addition to the 8 above were
the tumbling and F. 320. ‘A
historye of —— provided to haue
bene shewen ... on Innocentes
daie ... by the Earle of Leicesters
seruauntes being in readynes in
the place to haue enacted the
same.... But the Queenes
Maiestie coulde not come forth to
heare the same/therefore put of.’]
=1580–1= (D. A. 542, m. 21).
27 Dec. ‘Therle of Sussex srauntes.’ £10. 14 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Sussex men. A
xii. 321 (30 storie of —— ... on St Iohns
Jan.). daie.’
1 Jan. ‘Therle of Darbyes players.’ £10. 20 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Derbies men.
xii. 321 (30 A storie of —— ... on newe yeres
Jan.). daye.’
6 Jan.[801] ‘Sebastian Wastcote mr of the £10. 18 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The children of Pawles. A
children of Powles.’ xii. 321 (30 storie of Pompey ... on twelf
Jan.). nighte.’
2 Feb. ‘the Lorde Chamblaynes players.’ £10. 13 Feb. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The earle of Sussex men. A
xii. 330 (14 storie of —— ... on Candlemas
Feb.). daie.’
5 Feb. (W.) ‘the Mr of the Children of the £10. 14 Feb. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The children of the Quenes
Chappell.’ xii. 330. maiesties chappell. A storie of
—— ... on shrove-sondaie.’
7 Feb. ‘Therle of Leiscesters players.’ £10. 14 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Leicesters
xii. 330 (14 men. A storie of —— ... on
Feb.). shrove-tuesdaie.’
26 Dec. ‘to them [Leicester’s] more.’ £10. 14 Jan. (W.); D. F. 336. ‘The Earle of Leicesters
xii. 321 (30 men. A Comodie called delighte
Jan.). ... on St Stephens daie.’
=1581–2= (D. A. 542, mm. 32–3; Harl. MS. 1644, ff. 78v, 80v, 81v).
26 Dec. ‘the Mr of the Children of Powles.’ £10. 14 Apr. (W.); D. F. 345. Table II, ‘v playes’.
xiii. 393 (G.).
28 Dec. ‘the Servauntes of the Lorde £10. 21 Jan. (W.); D.
Straunge ... for certen feates of xiii. 311.
activitie shewed her Matie.’
31 Dec. ‘the Mr of the Children of her mates £20. 1 Apr. (G.); D.
27 Feb. Chappell.’ xiii. 374.
Page 195
=1582–3= (D. A. 542, mm. 44–5).
26 Dec. (Wi.) ‘William Hunnys the mr of the £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘A Comodie or Morrall
children of the chappell.’ devised on A game of the Cardes
... on St Stephens daie ... by the
Children of her maiesties
Chapple.’
27 Dec. (Wi.) ‘the Seruauntes of the Lorde of £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘A Comodie of Bewtie and
Hunsdon.’ Huswyfery ... on St Iohns daie ...
by the lord of Hundesdons
servauntes.’
30 Dec. (Wi.) ‘the Seruauntes of Thearle of £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘A Historie of Loue and
Darby.’ ffortune ... on the sondaie ... next
before newe yeares daie ... by the
Earle of Derbies servauntes.’
1 Jan. (Wi.) ‘John Simons ... for showinge c̄ ten £13 6s. 8d. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘Sundrey feates of Tumbling
ffeates of actiuitye and and Activitie were shewed before
Tomblinge.’ her maiestie on Newe yeares daie
at night by the Lord Straunge his
servauntes.’
6 Jan. (Wi.) ‘the Seruauntes of the Lorde £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 350. ‘A historie of fferrar ... on
Chamberlayne.’ Twelf daie ... by the Lord
Chamberleynes servauntes.’
10 Feb. (R.) ‘The Seruantes of Thearle of £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 350. ‘A historie of Telomo ... on
Lecester.’ Shrovesondaie ... by the Earle of
Leicesters servauntes.’
12 Feb. (R.) ‘Richarde Mulcaster ... wth his £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 350. ‘A historie of Ariodante and
Scholers.’ Geneuora ... on Shrove-tuesdaie
... by mr Mulcasters children.’
=1583–4= (D. A. 342, m. 56).
26 Dec. ‘her mates servauntes.’ £20. 12 Mar. (W.), F. 362. Table III, ‘vj histories, one
29 Dec. paid 9 May. Comedie.’
3 Mar.
6 Jan. ‘the master of the children of her £15. 12 Mar. (W.),
2 Feb. mates Chappell.’ paid 29 Mar.
1 Jan. ‘the Erle of Oxforde his servauntes £20. 12 Mar. (W.),
3 Mar. ... paide to Johon Lilie.’ paid 25 Nov.
=1584–5= (D. A. 542, mm. 66–8).
26 Dec. ‘Robte Willson to thuse of him selfe £40. 14 Mar. (G.). F. 365. ‘A pastorall of phillyda &
3 Jan. and the rest of her mates players.’ Choryn ... by her highnes
6 Jan. servauntes on St Stephens daie.’
23 Feb. ‘The history of felix &
philiomena ... by her maiesties
servauntes on the Sondaie next
after newe yeares daye.’
‘An inuention called ffiue playes
in one ... on Twelfe daie ... by her
highnes servauntes.’
‘An inuention of three playes in
one prepared to haue ben shewed
... on Shroue Sondaye ... by her
maiesties servauntes. ... But the
Quene came not abroad that
night.’
‘An Antick play & a comodye ...
on Shrouetewsdaie ... by her
maiesties servauntes.’
27 Dec. ‘Henry Evans ... for one play ... by £6 13s. 4d. 7 Apr. (G.). F. 365. ‘The history of Agamemnon
the children of Therle of & Vlisses ... by the Earle of
Oxforde.’ Oxenford his boyes on St Iohns
daie.’
1 Jan. ‘John Symons and other his £10. 14 Mar. (G.). F. 365. ‘Dyuers feates of Actyuytie
fellowes Servantes to Therle were shewed and presented ... on
26 Dec. (Wi.) ‘William Hunnys the mr of the £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘A Comodie or Morrall
children of the chappell.’ devised on A game of the Cardes
... on St Stephens daie ... by the
Children of her maiesties
Chapple.’
27 Dec. (Wi.) ‘the Seruauntes of the Lorde of £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘A Comodie of Bewtie and
Hunsdon.’ Huswyfery ... on St Iohns daie ...
by the lord of Hundesdons
servauntes.’
30 Dec. (Wi.) ‘the Seruauntes of Thearle of £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘A Historie of Loue and
Darby.’ ffortune ... on the sondaie ... next
before newe yeares daie ... by the
Earle of Derbies servauntes.’
1 Jan. (Wi.) ‘John Simons ... for showinge c̄ ten £13 6s. 8d. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 349. ‘Sundrey feates of Tumbling
ffeates of actiuitye and and Activitie were shewed before
Tomblinge.’ her maiestie on Newe yeares daie
at night by the Lord Straunge his
servauntes.’
6 Jan. (Wi.) ‘the Seruauntes of the Lorde £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 350. ‘A historie of fferrar ... on
Chamberlayne.’ Twelf daie ... by the Lord
Chamberleynes servauntes.’
10 Feb. (R.) ‘The Seruantes of Thearle of £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 350. ‘A historie of Telomo ... on
Lecester.’ Shrovesondaie ... by the Earle of
Leicesters servauntes.’
12 Feb. (R.) ‘Richarde Mulcaster ... wth his £10. 17 Feb. (R.). F. 350. ‘A historie of Ariodante and
Scholers.’ Geneuora ... on Shrove-tuesdaie
... by mr Mulcasters children.’
=1583–4= (D. A. 342, m. 56).
26 Dec. ‘her mates servauntes.’ £20. 12 Mar. (W.), F. 362. Table III, ‘vj histories, one
29 Dec. paid 9 May. Comedie.’
3 Mar.
6 Jan. ‘the master of the children of her £15. 12 Mar. (W.),
2 Feb. mates Chappell.’ paid 29 Mar.
1 Jan. ‘the Erle of Oxforde his servauntes £20. 12 Mar. (W.),
3 Mar. ... paide to Johon Lilie.’ paid 25 Nov.
=1584–5= (D. A. 542, mm. 66–8).
26 Dec. ‘Robte Willson to thuse of him selfe £40. 14 Mar. (G.). F. 365. ‘A pastorall of phillyda &
3 Jan. and the rest of her mates players.’ Choryn ... by her highnes
6 Jan. servauntes on St Stephens daie.’
23 Feb. ‘The history of felix &
philiomena ... by her maiesties
servauntes on the Sondaie next
after newe yeares daye.’
‘An inuention called ffiue playes
in one ... on Twelfe daie ... by her
highnes servauntes.’
‘An inuention of three playes in
one prepared to haue ben shewed
... on Shroue Sondaye ... by her
maiesties servauntes. ... But the
Quene came not abroad that
night.’
‘An Antick play & a comodye ...
on Shrouetewsdaie ... by her
maiesties servauntes.’
27 Dec. ‘Henry Evans ... for one play ... by £6 13s. 4d. 7 Apr. (G.). F. 365. ‘The history of Agamemnon
the children of Therle of & Vlisses ... by the Earle of
Oxforde.’ Oxenford his boyes on St Iohns
daie.’
1 Jan. ‘John Symons and other his £10. 14 Mar. (G.). F. 365. ‘Dyuers feates of Actyuytie
fellowes Servantes to Therle were shewed and presented ... on
Page 196
Oxforde ... for ... feates of newe yeares daye ... by Symons
actiuitye and vawtinge.’ and his fellowes.’
=1585–6= (D. A. 542, m. 79; Harl. MS. 1641, ff. 20v, 21).
26 Dec. ‘her Mates players.’ £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
27 Dec. ‘the Servantes of the lo admirall.’ £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
1 Jan. ‘her Mates players.’ £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
6 Jan. ‘the Servantes of the lo: admirall £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
and the lo Chamblaine.’
9 Jan. ‘John Symondes and Mr Standleyes £10. 31 Jan. (G.)
Boyes ... for Tumblinge and
shewinge other feates of
activitie.’
13 Feb. ‘her mates players.’ £10. 28 Feb. (G.); D.
xiv. 20 (6
Mar.).
=1586–7= (D. A. 542, m. 94).
26 Dec. ‘the Quenes mates players.’ £40. 18 Mar. (G.).
1 Jan.
6 Jan.
28 Feb.
27 Dec. ‘the Erle of Lecesters players.’ £10. 31 Mar. (G.).
26 Feb. ‘Thomas Giles mr of the Children £10. 9 Apr. (G.); D.
of Paules.’ xv. 24.
=1587–8= (D. A. 542, mm. 108, 115).
26 Dec. ‘the Queenes mates players.’ £20, ‘for their chardges 20 Mar. (G.); D. F. 378, 388. ‘vij playes besides
6 Jan. and paines as also by xv. 425. feattes of Activitie and other
18 Feb. waye of her mates shewes by the Childeren of Poles.
rewarde for geving their her Maiesties owne servantes &
attendaunce in recitinge the gentlemen of Grayes In.’
and playing certein
playes and enterludes
before her matie‘.
28 Dec. ‘John Simons ... for certein feates of £10. 6 Mar. (G.).
actiuitie by him and his
Companie.’
1 Jan. ‘Thomas Giles mr of the children of £20. 29 Feb. (G.).
2 Feb. Powles.’
=1588–9= (D. A. 542, mm. 125–6).
26 Dec. ‘the Quenes Mats Players.’ £20. 16 Mar. (W.); D. F.388. ‘at Christmas Newyearstide
9 Feb. xvii. 109. & Twelftide there were shewed
presented & enacted before her
27 Dec. ‘Tho Gyles mr of the children of £30. 23 Mar. (W.); D. highnes ffyve playes & ... at
1 Jan. xvii. 115. Shrovetide there were shewed &
Powles.’ presented before her twoe plaies
12 Jan.
All which playes were enacted by
her Maiesties owne servantes the
29 Dec. ‘the Lorde Admyrall his players ... £20. 29 Feb. (W.); D. children of Paules & the Lord
11 Feb.[802] for twoe Enterludes or playes ... xvii. 90. Admiralls men besides sondry
and for showinge other feates of feates of actyvity tumbling and
activity and tumblinge.’ Matichives.’... F. 390, ‘a paire of
fflannell hose for Symmons the
Tumbler’.
=1589–90= (D. A. 542, m. 142).
26 Dec. ‘John Dutton and John Lanham her £20. 15 Mar.; D.
1 Mar. mates Sruantes for themselves xviii. 420.
and their companie.’
[803] ‘the Servauntes of the Lorde £20. 10 Mar. (G.); D.
28 Dec.
Admirall ... for shewinge certen xviii. 410.
feates of activities
actiuitye and vawtinge.’ and his fellowes.’
=1585–6= (D. A. 542, m. 79; Harl. MS. 1641, ff. 20v, 21).
26 Dec. ‘her Mates players.’ £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
27 Dec. ‘the Servantes of the lo admirall.’ £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
1 Jan. ‘her Mates players.’ £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
6 Jan. ‘the Servantes of the lo: admirall £10. 31 Jan. (G.).
and the lo Chamblaine.’
9 Jan. ‘John Symondes and Mr Standleyes £10. 31 Jan. (G.)
Boyes ... for Tumblinge and
shewinge other feates of
activitie.’
13 Feb. ‘her mates players.’ £10. 28 Feb. (G.); D.
xiv. 20 (6
Mar.).
=1586–7= (D. A. 542, m. 94).
26 Dec. ‘the Quenes mates players.’ £40. 18 Mar. (G.).
1 Jan.
6 Jan.
28 Feb.
27 Dec. ‘the Erle of Lecesters players.’ £10. 31 Mar. (G.).
26 Feb. ‘Thomas Giles mr of the Children £10. 9 Apr. (G.); D.
of Paules.’ xv. 24.
=1587–8= (D. A. 542, mm. 108, 115).
26 Dec. ‘the Queenes mates players.’ £20, ‘for their chardges 20 Mar. (G.); D. F. 378, 388. ‘vij playes besides
6 Jan. and paines as also by xv. 425. feattes of Activitie and other
18 Feb. waye of her mates shewes by the Childeren of Poles.
rewarde for geving their her Maiesties owne servantes &
attendaunce in recitinge the gentlemen of Grayes In.’
and playing certein
playes and enterludes
before her matie‘.
28 Dec. ‘John Simons ... for certein feates of £10. 6 Mar. (G.).
actiuitie by him and his
Companie.’
1 Jan. ‘Thomas Giles mr of the children of £20. 29 Feb. (G.).
2 Feb. Powles.’
=1588–9= (D. A. 542, mm. 125–6).
26 Dec. ‘the Quenes Mats Players.’ £20. 16 Mar. (W.); D. F.388. ‘at Christmas Newyearstide
9 Feb. xvii. 109. & Twelftide there were shewed
presented & enacted before her
27 Dec. ‘Tho Gyles mr of the children of £30. 23 Mar. (W.); D. highnes ffyve playes & ... at
1 Jan. xvii. 115. Shrovetide there were shewed &
Powles.’ presented before her twoe plaies
12 Jan.
All which playes were enacted by
her Maiesties owne servantes the
29 Dec. ‘the Lorde Admyrall his players ... £20. 29 Feb. (W.); D. children of Paules & the Lord
11 Feb.[802] for twoe Enterludes or playes ... xvii. 90. Admiralls men besides sondry
and for showinge other feates of feates of actyvity tumbling and
activity and tumblinge.’ Matichives.’... F. 390, ‘a paire of
fflannell hose for Symmons the
Tumbler’.
=1589–90= (D. A. 542, m. 142).
26 Dec. ‘John Dutton and John Lanham her £20. 15 Mar.; D.
1 Mar. mates Sruantes for themselves xviii. 420.
and their companie.’
[803] ‘the Servauntes of the Lorde £20. 10 Mar. (G.); D.
28 Dec.
Admirall ... for shewinge certen xviii. 410.
feates of activities
Page 197
3 Mar. ‘the servauntes of the Lorde
Admirall ... for playinge.’
‘Christide.’ ‘Thomas Giles mr of the children of £30. 10 Mar.; D.
[28 Dec.][804] Powles.’ xviii. 410
1 Jan. (G.).
6 Jan.
=1590–1= (D. A. 542, m. 155).
26 Dec. ‘Lawrence Dutton and John Dutton £40. 7 Mar.; C. xxxii;
3 Jan. her mates players & there D. xx. 327
6 Jan. companye.’ (G., 5 Mar.).
14 Feb.
1 Jan. ‘John Laneham and his companye £10. 7 Mar.; C. xxxii;
her mates players.’ D. xx. 328
(G., 5 Mar.).
27 Dec. ‘George Ottewell and his companye £20. 7 Mar.; D. xx.
16 Feb. the Lorde Straunge his players 328 (G., 5
for [plays] ... and for other feates Mar.).
of Activitye then also done by
them.’[805]
=1591–2= (D. A. 542, m. 168).
26 Dec. ‘ye Queenes mates players.’ £10. 29 Feb. (W.); D.
xxii. 286 (27
Feb.).
7 Dec.
8 Dec.
24 Feb. (W.); D.
1 Jan.
9 Jan. ‘yee seruantes of ye lo: Straunge.’ £60. xxii. 264 (20
Feb.).
6 Feb.
8 Feb.
2 Jan. ‘ye servauntes of ye Earle of £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D.
Sussex.’ xxii. 264.
6 Jan. ‘ye servauntes of ye Erle of £10. 28 Feb. (W.); D.
Hartford.’ xxii. 263 (20
Feb.).
=1592–3= (D. A. 542, m. 181).
26 Dec.[806] ‘the servantes of the Erle of £20. 11 Mar. (J.); D.
6 Jan. Pembroke.’ xxiv. 113.
27 Dec. ‘Servantes of the Lorde Strange.’ £30. 7 Mar. (J.); D.
31 Dec. xxiv. 102.
1 Jan.
=1593–4= (D. A. 542, m. 194: Harl. MS. 1642, f. 19v).
6 Jan. ‘her Mates players.’ £10. 31 Jan.
=1594–5= (D. A. 542, m. 208).
26 Dec. ‘To Willm̄ Kempe Willm̄ £20. 15 Mar. (W.).
28 Dec. Shakespeare & Richarde Burbage
[27 Dec.?] seruantes to the Lord
[807] Chamƃleyne vpon the councelles
warrt dated at Whitehall xvto
Martii 1594 for twoe seuerall
comedies or Enterludes shewed
by them before her Matie in
xpmas tyme laste paste vizd vpon
St Stephens daye & Innocentes
daye xiiil vjs viijd and by waye
of her mates Rewarde vjl xiijs
iiijd.’
28 Dec. ‘Edwarde Allen, Richarde Jones & £30. 15 Mar. (W.).
1 Jan. John Synger, seruaunts to the
6 Jan. Lord Admyrall.’
Admirall ... for playinge.’
‘Christide.’ ‘Thomas Giles mr of the children of £30. 10 Mar.; D.
[28 Dec.][804] Powles.’ xviii. 410
1 Jan. (G.).
6 Jan.
=1590–1= (D. A. 542, m. 155).
26 Dec. ‘Lawrence Dutton and John Dutton £40. 7 Mar.; C. xxxii;
3 Jan. her mates players & there D. xx. 327
6 Jan. companye.’ (G., 5 Mar.).
14 Feb.
1 Jan. ‘John Laneham and his companye £10. 7 Mar.; C. xxxii;
her mates players.’ D. xx. 328
(G., 5 Mar.).
27 Dec. ‘George Ottewell and his companye £20. 7 Mar.; D. xx.
16 Feb. the Lorde Straunge his players 328 (G., 5
for [plays] ... and for other feates Mar.).
of Activitye then also done by
them.’[805]
=1591–2= (D. A. 542, m. 168).
26 Dec. ‘ye Queenes mates players.’ £10. 29 Feb. (W.); D.
xxii. 286 (27
Feb.).
7 Dec.
8 Dec.
24 Feb. (W.); D.
1 Jan.
9 Jan. ‘yee seruantes of ye lo: Straunge.’ £60. xxii. 264 (20
Feb.).
6 Feb.
8 Feb.
2 Jan. ‘ye servauntes of ye Earle of £10. 20 Feb. (W.); D.
Sussex.’ xxii. 264.
6 Jan. ‘ye servauntes of ye Erle of £10. 28 Feb. (W.); D.
Hartford.’ xxii. 263 (20
Feb.).
=1592–3= (D. A. 542, m. 181).
26 Dec.[806] ‘the servantes of the Erle of £20. 11 Mar. (J.); D.
6 Jan. Pembroke.’ xxiv. 113.
27 Dec. ‘Servantes of the Lorde Strange.’ £30. 7 Mar. (J.); D.
31 Dec. xxiv. 102.
1 Jan.
=1593–4= (D. A. 542, m. 194: Harl. MS. 1642, f. 19v).
6 Jan. ‘her Mates players.’ £10. 31 Jan.
=1594–5= (D. A. 542, m. 208).
26 Dec. ‘To Willm̄ Kempe Willm̄ £20. 15 Mar. (W.).
28 Dec. Shakespeare & Richarde Burbage
[27 Dec.?] seruantes to the Lord
[807] Chamƃleyne vpon the councelles
warrt dated at Whitehall xvto
Martii 1594 for twoe seuerall
comedies or Enterludes shewed
by them before her Matie in
xpmas tyme laste paste vizd vpon
St Stephens daye & Innocentes
daye xiiil vjs viijd and by waye
of her mates Rewarde vjl xiijs
iiijd.’
28 Dec. ‘Edwarde Allen, Richarde Jones & £30. 15 Mar. (W.).
1 Jan. John Synger, seruaunts to the
6 Jan. Lord Admyrall.’
Page 198
=1595–6= (D. A. 543, m. 12).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynge and George Bryan £50. 21 Dec. 1596
27 Dec. srvuantes to the late Lorde (W.).
28 Dec.
6 Jan. Chamƃlayneand now srvuantes to
22 Feb. the Lorde Hunsdon.’
1 Jan. ‘Edwarde Allen and Martyn Slater £40. 13 Dec. 1596
4 Jan. seruauntes to the Lorde (W.).
22 Feb. Admyrall.’
24 Feb.
=1596–7= (D. A. 543, m. 25).
26 Dec. ‘Thomas Pope & John Hemynges £60. 27 Nov. 1597
27 Dec. servauntes to the Lord (W.); D.
1 Jan. Chambleyne.’[808] xxviii. 151.
6 Jan.
6 Feb.
8 Feb.
=1597–8= (D. A. 543, m. 39).
26 Dec. ‘John Heminges and Thomas Pope £40. 3 Dec. 1598
1 Jan. servauntes to the Lorde (W.); D. xxix.
6 Jan. Chamƃleyne.’ 324.
26 Feb.
27 Dec. ‘Roƃte Shawe and Thomas £20. 3 Dec. 1598
28 Feb. Downton servauntes to the Erle (W.); D. xxix.
of Nottingham.’ 325.
=1598–9= (D. A. 543, m. 55).
26 Dec. ‘John Heminges and Thomas Pope £30. 2 Oct. 1599
1 Jan. servantes vnto the Lorde (N.); C. xxxii.
20 Feb. Chamberleyne.’
27 Dec. ‘Robert Shawe and Thomas £20. 2 Oct. 1599 (N.).
6 Jan. Downton servauntes to Therle of
18 Feb. Nottingham.’
=1599–1600= (D. A. 543, m. 57).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynge servaunt to the £30. 17 Feb. (R.); C.
6 Jan. Lorde Chamberlaine.’ xxxiii; D. xxx.
3 Feb. 89 (18 Feb.).
27 Dec. ‘Robert Shawe servaunt to Therle £20. 18 Feb. (R.); C.
1 Jan. of Nottingham.’[809] xxxiii; D. xxx.
89.
3 Feb. ‘Robert Browne servaunt to Therle £10. 18 Feb. (R.); D.
[5 Feb.] of Darby.’ xxx. 89.
[810]
=1600–1= (D. A. 543, m. 69).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynges and Richarde £30. 31 Mar. (W.); C.
6 Jan. Cowley servunts to the Lord xxxiii; D.
24 Feb. Chamƃleine.’ xxxi. 217 (11
Mar.).
28 Dec. ‘Edwarde Allen servaunte to the £30. 31 Mar. (W.); C.
6 Jan. Lord Admyrall.’ xxxiii.
2 Feb.
1 Jan. ‘Roƃte Browne.’ £20. 31 Mar. (W.).
6 Jan.
1 Jan. ‘Edwarde Peers Mr of the children £10. 24 June (G.); D.
of Poules.’ xxxi. 453.
6 Jan. ‘Nathanyell Gyles mr of the £5.
children of the Chapple, for a
4 May (W.); C.
showe wth musycke and speciall xxxiii.
songes p’pared for the purpose.’
22 Feb. [the same] ... ‘for a play’. £10.
=1601–2= (D. A. 543, m. 83).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynge and George Bryan £50. 21 Dec. 1596
27 Dec. srvuantes to the late Lorde (W.).
28 Dec.
6 Jan. Chamƃlayneand now srvuantes to
22 Feb. the Lorde Hunsdon.’
1 Jan. ‘Edwarde Allen and Martyn Slater £40. 13 Dec. 1596
4 Jan. seruauntes to the Lorde (W.).
22 Feb. Admyrall.’
24 Feb.
=1596–7= (D. A. 543, m. 25).
26 Dec. ‘Thomas Pope & John Hemynges £60. 27 Nov. 1597
27 Dec. servauntes to the Lord (W.); D.
1 Jan. Chambleyne.’[808] xxviii. 151.
6 Jan.
6 Feb.
8 Feb.
=1597–8= (D. A. 543, m. 39).
26 Dec. ‘John Heminges and Thomas Pope £40. 3 Dec. 1598
1 Jan. servauntes to the Lorde (W.); D. xxix.
6 Jan. Chamƃleyne.’ 324.
26 Feb.
27 Dec. ‘Roƃte Shawe and Thomas £20. 3 Dec. 1598
28 Feb. Downton servauntes to the Erle (W.); D. xxix.
of Nottingham.’ 325.
=1598–9= (D. A. 543, m. 55).
26 Dec. ‘John Heminges and Thomas Pope £30. 2 Oct. 1599
1 Jan. servantes vnto the Lorde (N.); C. xxxii.
20 Feb. Chamberleyne.’
27 Dec. ‘Robert Shawe and Thomas £20. 2 Oct. 1599 (N.).
6 Jan. Downton servauntes to Therle of
18 Feb. Nottingham.’
=1599–1600= (D. A. 543, m. 57).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynge servaunt to the £30. 17 Feb. (R.); C.
6 Jan. Lorde Chamberlaine.’ xxxiii; D. xxx.
3 Feb. 89 (18 Feb.).
27 Dec. ‘Robert Shawe servaunt to Therle £20. 18 Feb. (R.); C.
1 Jan. of Nottingham.’[809] xxxiii; D. xxx.
89.
3 Feb. ‘Robert Browne servaunt to Therle £10. 18 Feb. (R.); D.
[5 Feb.] of Darby.’ xxx. 89.
[810]
=1600–1= (D. A. 543, m. 69).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynges and Richarde £30. 31 Mar. (W.); C.
6 Jan. Cowley servunts to the Lord xxxiii; D.
24 Feb. Chamƃleine.’ xxxi. 217 (11
Mar.).
28 Dec. ‘Edwarde Allen servaunte to the £30. 31 Mar. (W.); C.
6 Jan. Lord Admyrall.’ xxxiii.
2 Feb.
1 Jan. ‘Roƃte Browne.’ £20. 31 Mar. (W.).
6 Jan.
1 Jan. ‘Edwarde Peers Mr of the children £10. 24 June (G.); D.
of Poules.’ xxxi. 453.
6 Jan. ‘Nathanyell Gyles mr of the £5.
children of the Chapple, for a
4 May (W.); C.
showe wth musycke and speciall xxxiii.
songes p’pared for the purpose.’
22 Feb. [the same] ... ‘for a play’. £10.
=1601–2= (D. A. 543, m. 83).
Page 199
26 Dec. ‘John Hemyng servaunte to the £40. 28 Feb. (R.).
27 Dec. Lord Chamberleyne.’
1 Jan.
14 Feb.
27 Dec. ‘Edward Allen servaunt to the Lord £10. 28 Feb. (R.).
Admyrall.’
3 Jan. ‘William Kempe and Thomas £10. 28 Feb. (R.).
Heywoode servauntes to Therle
of Worcester.’
6 Jan. ‘Nathanyell Gyles Mr of the £30. 7 Mar. (R.).
10 Jan.
14 Feb. Children of her Mates Chappell.’
=1602–3= (D. A. 543, mm. 95, 97).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynges and the rest of his £20. 20 Apr. (W.); C.
2 Feb. companie servauntes to the Lorde xxxiv.
Chamberleyne.’
27 Dec. ‘Edwarde Allen servaunte to the £30. 22 Apr. (W.); C.
6 Mar. Lorde Admyrall and the reste of xxxiv.
— his companie.’
1 Jan. ‘Edward Peirs mr of the Children of £10. 31 May (G.).
Paules.’
6 Jan. ‘Martyn Slater and his fellowes £10. 20 Apr.
servauntes to the Erle of
Hertforde.’
— ‘John Hassett ... for presentinge and £10. 29 July (H.).
makinge shewe before his
highnes of his skyll in vaultinge
wch he performed wth his mates
good lykinge.’
=1603–4= (D. A. 543, m. 115–17).
2 Dec. (K.) ‘John Hemyngs one of his mates £30. 3 Dec. (Wilton);
players ... for the paynes and C. xxxiv.
expences of himself and the rest
of the company in comming from
Mortelake in the countie of
Surrie unto the courte aforesaid
[at Wilton] and there p’senting
before his matie one playe.’
26 Dec. (K.)
27 Dec. (K.)
28 Dec. (K.) ‘John Hemynges one of his mates 18 Jan. (H.); C.
£53.
30 Dec. (H.) players.’ xxxv.
1 Jan. (K.)
1 Jan. (H.)
2 Jan. (H.) ‘John Duke one of the Queenes £13 6s. 8d. 19 Feb. (W.); C.
13 Jan. (H.) mates players.’ xxxv.
4 Jan. (H.) ‘Edward Allen and Edward Juby £30. 19 Feb. (W.); C.
15 Jan. (H.) two of the Princes Players.’ xxxv.
21 Jan. (K.)
22 Jan. (H.)
‘Richard Burbadg one of his mates £30. 8 Feb. (H.); C.
comedians ... for the xxxv.
mayntenaunce and releife of
himselfe and the rest of his
company being prohibited to
p’sente any playes publiquelie in
or neere London by reason of
greate perill that might growe
through the extraordinary
concourse and assemble of
people to a newe increase of the
plague till it shall please God to
27 Dec. Lord Chamberleyne.’
1 Jan.
14 Feb.
27 Dec. ‘Edward Allen servaunt to the Lord £10. 28 Feb. (R.).
Admyrall.’
3 Jan. ‘William Kempe and Thomas £10. 28 Feb. (R.).
Heywoode servauntes to Therle
of Worcester.’
6 Jan. ‘Nathanyell Gyles Mr of the £30. 7 Mar. (R.).
10 Jan.
14 Feb. Children of her Mates Chappell.’
=1602–3= (D. A. 543, mm. 95, 97).
26 Dec. ‘John Hemynges and the rest of his £20. 20 Apr. (W.); C.
2 Feb. companie servauntes to the Lorde xxxiv.
Chamberleyne.’
27 Dec. ‘Edwarde Allen servaunte to the £30. 22 Apr. (W.); C.
6 Mar. Lorde Admyrall and the reste of xxxiv.
— his companie.’
1 Jan. ‘Edward Peirs mr of the Children of £10. 31 May (G.).
Paules.’
6 Jan. ‘Martyn Slater and his fellowes £10. 20 Apr.
servauntes to the Erle of
Hertforde.’
— ‘John Hassett ... for presentinge and £10. 29 July (H.).
makinge shewe before his
highnes of his skyll in vaultinge
wch he performed wth his mates
good lykinge.’
=1603–4= (D. A. 543, m. 115–17).
2 Dec. (K.) ‘John Hemyngs one of his mates £30. 3 Dec. (Wilton);
players ... for the paynes and C. xxxiv.
expences of himself and the rest
of the company in comming from
Mortelake in the countie of
Surrie unto the courte aforesaid
[at Wilton] and there p’senting
before his matie one playe.’
26 Dec. (K.)
27 Dec. (K.)
28 Dec. (K.) ‘John Hemynges one of his mates 18 Jan. (H.); C.
£53.
30 Dec. (H.) players.’ xxxv.
1 Jan. (K.)
1 Jan. (H.)
2 Jan. (H.) ‘John Duke one of the Queenes £13 6s. 8d. 19 Feb. (W.); C.
13 Jan. (H.) mates players.’ xxxv.
4 Jan. (H.) ‘Edward Allen and Edward Juby £30. 19 Feb. (W.); C.
15 Jan. (H.) two of the Princes Players.’ xxxv.
21 Jan. (K.)
22 Jan. (H.)
‘Richard Burbadg one of his mates £30. 8 Feb. (H.); C.
comedians ... for the xxxv.
mayntenaunce and releife of
himselfe and the rest of his
company being prohibited to
p’sente any playes publiquelie in
or neere London by reason of
greate perill that might growe
through the extraordinary
concourse and assemble of
people to a newe increase of the
plague till it shall please God to
Page 200
settle the cittie in a more p’fecte
health by way of his maties free
gifte.’
2 Feb. (K.) ‘John Hemynges one of his mates £20. 29 Feb. (W.); C.
19 Feb. (K.) players.’ xxxvi.
20 Feb. (K.) ‘Edward Jubie to the use of £10. 17 Apr. (W.); C.
himselfe and the rest of his xxxvii.
company servauntes to the
prince.’
20 Feb. (K.) ‘Edward Pearce mr of the children £10. 17 Apr. (W.).
of Powles.’
21 Feb. (K.) ‘Edward Kircham mr of the £10. 30 Apr. (W.); C.
xxxvii.
children of the Queenes Mates
Revells.’
[Apparelling Charges]
‘To Augustine Phillippes and
John Hemynges for thallowaunce
of themselves and tenne of theire
ffellowes his mates groomes of
the chamber, and Players for
waytinge and attendinge on his
mates service by
co[~m]aundemente vppon the
Spanishe Embassador at
Som’sette howse the space of
xviij dayes vizd from the ixth day
of Auguste 1604 vntill the xxvijth
day of the same as appeareth by a
bill thereof signed by the Lord
Chamƃlayne. xxjli. xijs.’
‘To Thomas Greene for
thallowaunce of hymselfe and
tenne of his ffelowes groomes of
the chamber and the Queenes
Players for waytinge and
attendinge vppon Countye
Arrenbergh and the reste of the
comyssioners at Durham howse
by co[~m]aundmente the space
of eighteene dayes vizd from the
ixth of Auguste 1604 vntill the
xxvijth of the same as appeareth
by a bill thereof signed by the
Lord Chamberlayne. xixli, xvjs.’
Chamber Accounts. Revels Accounts.[811]
Performance. Payees. Amount. Warrant. Bodl. Malone Cunningham, 203; Halliwell-Phillipps, ii.
MS. 29, f. 162; Law, Sh. Forgeries, xvi; Audit Office,
69v. Accounts Various, 3, 907.
=1604–5= (D. A. 543, mm. 136–8; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 204).
1604 & 1605 The Plaiers. 1604. The Poets
Edd. Tylney wch mayd the
plaies.
1 Nov. (K.) ‘John £60. 21 Jan. Sunday after By the Kings Hallamas Day
4 Nov. (K.) Hemynges (W.); C. Hallowmas matis being the first
26 Dec. (K.) one of his xxxvi. —Merry plaiers. of Nouembar
28 Dec. (K.) Mates Wyves of A play in the
7 Jan. (K.) players.’ Windsor Banketinge
8 Jan. (K.) } perfd. by house att
Whithall
called The
health by way of his maties free
gifte.’
2 Feb. (K.) ‘John Hemynges one of his mates £20. 29 Feb. (W.); C.
19 Feb. (K.) players.’ xxxvi.
20 Feb. (K.) ‘Edward Jubie to the use of £10. 17 Apr. (W.); C.
himselfe and the rest of his xxxvii.
company servauntes to the
prince.’
20 Feb. (K.) ‘Edward Pearce mr of the children £10. 17 Apr. (W.).
of Powles.’
21 Feb. (K.) ‘Edward Kircham mr of the £10. 30 Apr. (W.); C.
xxxvii.
children of the Queenes Mates
Revells.’
[Apparelling Charges]
‘To Augustine Phillippes and
John Hemynges for thallowaunce
of themselves and tenne of theire
ffellowes his mates groomes of
the chamber, and Players for
waytinge and attendinge on his
mates service by
co[~m]aundemente vppon the
Spanishe Embassador at
Som’sette howse the space of
xviij dayes vizd from the ixth day
of Auguste 1604 vntill the xxvijth
day of the same as appeareth by a
bill thereof signed by the Lord
Chamƃlayne. xxjli. xijs.’
‘To Thomas Greene for
thallowaunce of hymselfe and
tenne of his ffelowes groomes of
the chamber and the Queenes
Players for waytinge and
attendinge vppon Countye
Arrenbergh and the reste of the
comyssioners at Durham howse
by co[~m]aundmente the space
of eighteene dayes vizd from the
ixth of Auguste 1604 vntill the
xxvijth of the same as appeareth
by a bill thereof signed by the
Lord Chamberlayne. xixli, xvjs.’
Chamber Accounts. Revels Accounts.[811]
Performance. Payees. Amount. Warrant. Bodl. Malone Cunningham, 203; Halliwell-Phillipps, ii.
MS. 29, f. 162; Law, Sh. Forgeries, xvi; Audit Office,
69v. Accounts Various, 3, 907.
=1604–5= (D. A. 543, mm. 136–8; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 204).
1604 & 1605 The Plaiers. 1604. The Poets
Edd. Tylney wch mayd the
plaies.
1 Nov. (K.) ‘John £60. 21 Jan. Sunday after By the Kings Hallamas Day
4 Nov. (K.) Hemynges (W.); C. Hallowmas matis being the first
26 Dec. (K.) one of his xxxvi. —Merry plaiers. of Nouembar
28 Dec. (K.) Mates Wyves of A play in the
7 Jan. (K.) players.’ Windsor Banketinge
8 Jan. (K.) } perfd. by house att
Whithall
called The
Page 201
the K’s Moor of
players. Venis.
Hallamas—in By his Matis The Sunday
the plaiers. ffollowinge
Banquetting A Play of
hos at the Merry
Whitehall Wiues of
the Moor of Winsor.
Venis—
perfd. by
the K’s
players.
On St By his Matis On St Stiuens Shaxberd.
Stephens plaiers. Night in
Night— the Hall A
Mesure for Play caled
Mesur by Mesur for
Shaxberd— Mesur.
perfd. by
the K’s
players.
On Innocents By his Matis On Inosents Shaxberd.
Night plaiers. Night The
Errors by Plaie of
Shaxberd— Errors.
perfd. by
the K’s
players.
23 Nov. (Q.) ‘Edward Jubie £16 10 Dec. On Sunday By the Queens On Sunday Hewood.
24 Nov. (H.) one of the 13s. (W.); C. following Mattis ffollowinge
princes 4d. xxxvii. “How to plaiers. A plaie
plaiors.’ Learn of a cald How
Woman to to Larne of
30 Dec. (K.) ‘John Duke one £10. 19 Feb.; wooe by a woman
of the C. Hewood, to wooe.
Quenes xxxvi.
Ma{tes} perfd. by
plaiers.’ the Q’s
players.
1 Jan. (K.) ‘Samuell £20. 24 Feb. On New Years The Boyes of On Newers By Georg
3 Jan. (K.) Daniell and (W.); C. Night—All the Chapell. Night A Chapman.
Henrie xxxvi. fools by G. playe
Evans ... for Chapman cauled: All
... the perfd. by Foulles.
Quenes the Boyes
Ma{tes} of the
Children of Chapel.
the Revells.’
14 Dec. (H.) ‘Edward Jubie £40. 22 Feb.; bet New yrs By his Matis Betwin Newers
19 Dec. (H.) one of the C. day & plaiers. Day and
15 Jan. (H.) princes xxxvi. twelfth day Twelfe day A
22 Jan. (H.) plaiers.’ —Loves Play of Loues
5 Feb. (H.) Labour Labours Lost.
19 Feb. (H.)
lost perfd.
by the K’s
plrs.
On the 7th By his Matis On the 7 of
Jan. K. plaiers. January was
Hen. the played the
d play of Henry
fifth perf . the fift.
by the K.
prs.
players. Venis.
Hallamas—in By his Matis The Sunday
the plaiers. ffollowinge
Banquetting A Play of
hos at the Merry
Whitehall Wiues of
the Moor of Winsor.
Venis—
perfd. by
the K’s
players.
On St By his Matis On St Stiuens Shaxberd.
Stephens plaiers. Night in
Night— the Hall A
Mesure for Play caled
Mesur by Mesur for
Shaxberd— Mesur.
perfd. by
the K’s
players.
On Innocents By his Matis On Inosents Shaxberd.
Night plaiers. Night The
Errors by Plaie of
Shaxberd— Errors.
perfd. by
the K’s
players.
23 Nov. (Q.) ‘Edward Jubie £16 10 Dec. On Sunday By the Queens On Sunday Hewood.
24 Nov. (H.) one of the 13s. (W.); C. following Mattis ffollowinge
princes 4d. xxxvii. “How to plaiers. A plaie
plaiors.’ Learn of a cald How
Woman to to Larne of
30 Dec. (K.) ‘John Duke one £10. 19 Feb.; wooe by a woman
of the C. Hewood, to wooe.
Quenes xxxvi.
Ma{tes} perfd. by
plaiers.’ the Q’s
players.
1 Jan. (K.) ‘Samuell £20. 24 Feb. On New Years The Boyes of On Newers By Georg
3 Jan. (K.) Daniell and (W.); C. Night—All the Chapell. Night A Chapman.
Henrie xxxvi. fools by G. playe
Evans ... for Chapman cauled: All
... the perfd. by Foulles.
Quenes the Boyes
Ma{tes} of the
Children of Chapel.
the Revells.’
14 Dec. (H.) ‘Edward Jubie £40. 22 Feb.; bet New yrs By his Matis Betwin Newers
19 Dec. (H.) one of the C. day & plaiers. Day and
15 Jan. (H.) princes xxxvi. twelfth day Twelfe day A
22 Jan. (H.) plaiers.’ —Loves Play of Loues
5 Feb. (H.) Labour Labours Lost.
19 Feb. (H.)
lost perfd.
by the K’s
plrs.
On the 7th By his Matis On the 7 of
Jan. K. plaiers. January was
Hen. the played the
d play of Henry
fifth perf . the fift.
by the K.
prs.
Page 202
On 8th Jan. By his Matis The 8 of
—Every plaiers. January A
one out of play cauled
his Euery on out
humour. of his Umor.
On By his Matis On Candelmas
Candlemas plaiers. night A playe
night Euery one In
Every one his Umor.
in his
humour.
2 Feb. (K.) On Shrove The Sunday
10 Feb. (K.) Sunday ffollowing A
11 Feb. (K.) ‘the playe
12 Feb. (K.) Marchant provided and
of Venis’ discharged.
by
‘John Shaxberd
Heminges 24 Feb.; —perfd.
one of his £40. C. by the K’s
Mates xxxvii.
Prs.—the
plaiers.’
same
repeated
on Shrove
tuesd. by
the K’s
Commd.’
By his Matis On Shaxberd.
plaiers. Shrousunday
A play of the
Marthant of
Venis.
Feb. (K.) ‘The same John £10. 28 Apr.; By his Ma tis On
Heminges.’ C. plaiers. Shroumonday
xxxvii. A Tragidye of
The Spanishe
Maz.
By his Ma tis On Shroutusday Shaxberd.
players. A play cauled
the Martchant
of Venis
againe com̃
anded By the
Kings Matie.
=1605–6= (D. A. 543, mm. 163, 176).
27 Dec. (K.) ‘John Duke one £8 6s. 30 Apr.;
of the 8d. C.
Queenes xxxviii.
Mates
players.’
Xmas and ‘John £100. 24 Mar.;
since (K. Hemynges C.
10 plays) one of his xxxviii.
Mates
players.’
1 Dec. (H.)
30 Dec. (H.) ‘Edward Jubie
30 Apr.;
1 Jan. (K.) one of the
£50. C.
4 Jan. (H.) Princes
xxxviii.
3 Mar. (K.) players.’
4 Mar. (K.)
—Every plaiers. January A
one out of play cauled
his Euery on out
humour. of his Umor.
On By his Matis On Candelmas
Candlemas plaiers. night A playe
night Euery one In
Every one his Umor.
in his
humour.
2 Feb. (K.) On Shrove The Sunday
10 Feb. (K.) Sunday ffollowing A
11 Feb. (K.) ‘the playe
12 Feb. (K.) Marchant provided and
of Venis’ discharged.
by
‘John Shaxberd
Heminges 24 Feb.; —perfd.
one of his £40. C. by the K’s
Mates xxxvii.
Prs.—the
plaiers.’
same
repeated
on Shrove
tuesd. by
the K’s
Commd.’
By his Matis On Shaxberd.
plaiers. Shrousunday
A play of the
Marthant of
Venis.
Feb. (K.) ‘The same John £10. 28 Apr.; By his Ma tis On
Heminges.’ C. plaiers. Shroumonday
xxxvii. A Tragidye of
The Spanishe
Maz.
By his Ma tis On Shroutusday Shaxberd.
players. A play cauled
the Martchant
of Venis
againe com̃
anded By the
Kings Matie.
=1605–6= (D. A. 543, mm. 163, 176).
27 Dec. (K.) ‘John Duke one £8 6s. 30 Apr.;
of the 8d. C.
Queenes xxxviii.
Mates
players.’
Xmas and ‘John £100. 24 Mar.;
since (K. Hemynges C.
10 plays) one of his xxxviii.
Mates
players.’
1 Dec. (H.)
30 Dec. (H.) ‘Edward Jubie
30 Apr.;
1 Jan. (K.) one of the
£50. C.
4 Jan. (H.) Princes
xxxviii.
3 Mar. (K.) players.’
4 Mar. (K.)
Page 203
—(H. C. ‘Edward £16 31 Mar.;
2 plays) Kirkham one 13s. C.
of the Mres 4d. xxxviii.
of the
Childeren of
Pawles.’
2 plays at G. ‘John
[July-Aug. (K. and Heminges 18 Oct.;
1606] K. one of his £30. C.
1 play at H. of tes
Ma xxxviii.
[7 Aug. Denmark)
1606] Players.’
=1606–7= (D. A. 543, m. 177).
26 Dec. (K.) ‘John £90. 30 Mar.;
29 Dec. (K.) Heminges C.
4 Jan. (K.) one of his xxxix.
6 Jan. (K.) Mates
8 Jan. (K.) Players.’
2 Feb. (K.)
5 Feb. (K.)
15 Feb. (K.)
27 Feb. (K.)
28 Dec. ‘Edwarde £60. 28 Feb.;
13, 24, 30 Jan. Jubye one of C.
1, 11 Feb. the princes xxxviii.
players.’
=1607–8= (D. A. 543, mm. 195–6).
26 Dec. (K.)
27 Dec. (K.)
28 Dec. (K.)
2 Jan. (K.)
6 Jan. (K. ‘John 8 Feb.
2 plays) Hemynges ‘1608’;
7 Jan. (K.) one of his £130. C.
9 Jan. (K.) Maties xxxviii
17 Jan. (K. Players.’ (1607’).
2 plays)
26 Jan. (K.)
2 Feb. (K.)
7 Feb. (K.)
19 Nov. ‘Edward Juby
30 Dec. (K. one of the 8 May; C.
£40.
3 Jan. H.) Princes xxxix.
4 Jan. Players.’
‘John Hassett £13 6s. 23 Sept.
& Caleb 8d.
Hassett ...
for feates of
activitie by
them
performed
upon a
vaughting
horse.’
=1608–9= (D. A. 543, m. 214).
Xmas. (K. Q. ‘John
H. C. Hemynges
12 plays) one of his 5 Apr.; C.
£120.
tes xxxix.
ma
plaiers.’
— (K. H. ‘Thomas £50. 5 Apr.
5 plays) Greene one
of the
Queenes
2 plays) Kirkham one 13s. C.
of the Mres 4d. xxxviii.
of the
Childeren of
Pawles.’
2 plays at G. ‘John
[July-Aug. (K. and Heminges 18 Oct.;
1606] K. one of his £30. C.
1 play at H. of tes
Ma xxxviii.
[7 Aug. Denmark)
1606] Players.’
=1606–7= (D. A. 543, m. 177).
26 Dec. (K.) ‘John £90. 30 Mar.;
29 Dec. (K.) Heminges C.
4 Jan. (K.) one of his xxxix.
6 Jan. (K.) Mates
8 Jan. (K.) Players.’
2 Feb. (K.)
5 Feb. (K.)
15 Feb. (K.)
27 Feb. (K.)
28 Dec. ‘Edwarde £60. 28 Feb.;
13, 24, 30 Jan. Jubye one of C.
1, 11 Feb. the princes xxxviii.
players.’
=1607–8= (D. A. 543, mm. 195–6).
26 Dec. (K.)
27 Dec. (K.)
28 Dec. (K.)
2 Jan. (K.)
6 Jan. (K. ‘John 8 Feb.
2 plays) Hemynges ‘1608’;
7 Jan. (K.) one of his £130. C.
9 Jan. (K.) Maties xxxviii
17 Jan. (K. Players.’ (1607’).
2 plays)
26 Jan. (K.)
2 Feb. (K.)
7 Feb. (K.)
19 Nov. ‘Edward Juby
30 Dec. (K. one of the 8 May; C.
£40.
3 Jan. H.) Princes xxxix.
4 Jan. Players.’
‘John Hassett £13 6s. 23 Sept.
& Caleb 8d.
Hassett ...
for feates of
activitie by
them
performed
upon a
vaughting
horse.’
=1608–9= (D. A. 543, m. 214).
Xmas. (K. Q. ‘John
H. C. Hemynges
12 plays) one of his 5 Apr.; C.
£120.
tes xxxix.
ma
plaiers.’
— (K. H. ‘Thomas £50. 5 Apr.
5 plays) Greene one
of the
Queenes
Page 204
Mates
plaiers.’
— (K. H. ‘Edwarde £30. 5 Apr.; C.
3 plays) Jubye one of xxxix.
the Princes
Players.’
Xmas. (K. 2 ‘Roƃte Keyser £20. 10 Mar.
plays) ... for ... (W.).
plaies ... by
the Children
of the
blackfriers.’
4 Jan. (H.) ‘the same £10. 10 Mar.
Roƃte
Keyser ... for
one play
presented by
the Children
of the
blackfriers
before his
highnes in
the Cockpitt
at
Whitehall.’
— — ‘John £40. 26 Apr.;
Hemynges C.
one of his xxxix.
mates plaiers
... by way of
his mates
rewarde for
their private
practise in
the time of
infecc̄ on that
thereby they
mighte be
inhabled to
performe
their service
before his
Matie in
Christmas
hollidaies
1609.’
=1609–10= (D. A. 543, mm. 233–5).
‘before xρmas (K. Q. ‘John £130 2 Mar.
and in the H. C. Heminges (W.).
tyme of the E. 13 one of the
holidayes plays) Kinges
and Mates
afterwardes.’ players.’
— (K. H. ‘Roberte £50. 10 May
5 plays) Keysar ... in (W.).
the behalfe
of himselfe
and the reste
of the
Children of
the
Whitefryars.’
27 Dec. (K.) ‘Thomas £10. 31 Mar.
Greene one (W.).
plaiers.’
— (K. H. ‘Edwarde £30. 5 Apr.; C.
3 plays) Jubye one of xxxix.
the Princes
Players.’
Xmas. (K. 2 ‘Roƃte Keyser £20. 10 Mar.
plays) ... for ... (W.).
plaies ... by
the Children
of the
blackfriers.’
4 Jan. (H.) ‘the same £10. 10 Mar.
Roƃte
Keyser ... for
one play
presented by
the Children
of the
blackfriers
before his
highnes in
the Cockpitt
at
Whitehall.’
— — ‘John £40. 26 Apr.;
Hemynges C.
one of his xxxix.
mates plaiers
... by way of
his mates
rewarde for
their private
practise in
the time of
infecc̄ on that
thereby they
mighte be
inhabled to
performe
their service
before his
Matie in
Christmas
hollidaies
1609.’
=1609–10= (D. A. 543, mm. 233–5).
‘before xρmas (K. Q. ‘John £130 2 Mar.
and in the H. C. Heminges (W.).
tyme of the E. 13 one of the
holidayes plays) Kinges
and Mates
afterwardes.’ players.’
— (K. H. ‘Roberte £50. 10 May
5 plays) Keysar ... in (W.).
the behalfe
of himselfe
and the reste
of the
Children of
the
Whitefryars.’
27 Dec. (K.) ‘Thomas £10. 31 Mar.
Greene one (W.).
Page 205
of the
Queene
Mates
players.’
26 Dec. (K.) ‘Edwarde £40. 10 Mar.
28 Dec. (K.) Jubye one of (W.).
7 Jan. (K.) the Princes
18 Jan. (K.) Players.’
9 Feb. (C. E.) ‘the sayd £6 13s. 20 Jan.
William 4d. 1613;
Rowley.’ C. xlii.
— — ‘John £30. 10 Mar.;
Heminges ... C. xl.
for himselfe
and the reste
of his
companie
beinge
restrayned
from
publique
playinge
wthin the
citie of
London in
the tyme of
infecc̄ on
duringe the
space of sixe
weekes in
which tyme
they
practised
pryvately for
his mates
service.’
=1610–11= (D. A. 543, mm. 249, 250, 267; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 204).
— (K. Q. H. ‘John £150. 12 Feb.;
15 plays) Hemynges C. xl.
one of the
Kinges
players.’
10 Dec. (H. ‘Thomas £30. 18 Mar.;
3 plays) Greene one C. xl.
27 Dec. (K.) of the
Quenes
players ... for
three seuerall
playes before
the Kinges
Matie and
the prince’
(D. A.); ‘for
presentinge
three severall
playes before
the princes
highnes
vppon the
xth of
Decemb: and
St Johns
daye at night
1610 before
Queene
Mates
players.’
26 Dec. (K.) ‘Edwarde £40. 10 Mar.
28 Dec. (K.) Jubye one of (W.).
7 Jan. (K.) the Princes
18 Jan. (K.) Players.’
9 Feb. (C. E.) ‘the sayd £6 13s. 20 Jan.
William 4d. 1613;
Rowley.’ C. xlii.
— — ‘John £30. 10 Mar.;
Heminges ... C. xl.
for himselfe
and the reste
of his
companie
beinge
restrayned
from
publique
playinge
wthin the
citie of
London in
the tyme of
infecc̄ on
duringe the
space of sixe
weekes in
which tyme
they
practised
pryvately for
his mates
service.’
=1610–11= (D. A. 543, mm. 249, 250, 267; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 204).
— (K. Q. H. ‘John £150. 12 Feb.;
15 plays) Hemynges C. xl.
one of the
Kinges
players.’
10 Dec. (H. ‘Thomas £30. 18 Mar.;
3 plays) Greene one C. xl.
27 Dec. (K.) of the
Quenes
players ... for
three seuerall
playes before
the Kinges
Matie and
the prince’
(D. A.); ‘for
presentinge
three severall
playes before
the princes
highnes
vppon the
xth of
Decemb: and
St Johns
daye at night
1610 before
Page 206
the Kinges
Matie’
(Rawl. MS.).
19 Dec. ‘Edwarde
28 Dec. Jubye one of 20 Mar.;
(K.) £40.
14 Jan. the Princes C. xl.
16 Jan. players.
12 Dec. (C. E.) 20 Jan.
‘the sayd
20 Dec. (C. E.) 1613
William £20.
15 Dec. (C. E.) (W.); C.
Rowley.’
xlii.
[Cunningham,
xiii, from
Privy Purse
Accounts of
Henry.]
‘For
makinge
readie the
Cocke pitt £2 10s.
fower 8d.
seuerall
tymes for
playes by the
space of
fower dayes
in the month
of December
1610.’
Chamber Accounts. Revels Accounts.[812]
Performance. Payees. Amount. Warrant. Cunningham, 210, from
Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3, 907.
=1611–12= (D. A. 543, mm. 267–8).
31 Oct. (K.) By the Kings Hallomas nyght was
1 Nov. (K.) Players: presented att Whithall
5 Nov. (K.) ‘John Heminges ... for ... the Kinges Mates £60.
1 June; C. before ye Kinges Matie
26 Dec. (K.) servauntes and players.’ xl. a play called the
5 Jan. (K.) Tempest.
23 Feb. (K.)
The Kings The 5th of Nouember: A
players:
play called ye winters
nightes Tayle.
The Kings On St Stiuenes night A
players:
play called A King
no King.
9 Nov. (H. C.) The Queens St John night A play
19 Nov. (H. C.) players: called the City Gallant.
16 Dec. (H. C.) The Sunday followinge
31 Dec. (H. C.) The Princes A play called the
7 Jan. (H. C.) players. Almanak.
15 Jan. (H. C.) 1 June; C. On Neweres night A
9 Feb. (H. C.)
‘the sayd John Heminges.’ £80.[813] xii. The Kings play called the Twiñes
20 Feb. (H. C.) players. Tragedie.
28 Feb. (H. C.) The Sunday following
3 Apr. (H. C.) The A play called Cupids
16 Apr. (H. C.) Childern of Reueng.
Whitfriars.
9 Feb. (H. C. ‘the sayd John Heminges.’ £26 13s. 4d. 1 June; C. By the Queens The Sunday following
E.) xli. players and [Twelfth Night] att
20 Feb. (H.) the Kings Grinwidg before the
28 Mar. (E.) Men. Queen and the Prince
26 Apr. (H. C. was playd the Siluer
E.) Aiedg: and ye next
Matie’
(Rawl. MS.).
19 Dec. ‘Edwarde
28 Dec. Jubye one of 20 Mar.;
(K.) £40.
14 Jan. the Princes C. xl.
16 Jan. players.
12 Dec. (C. E.) 20 Jan.
‘the sayd
20 Dec. (C. E.) 1613
William £20.
15 Dec. (C. E.) (W.); C.
Rowley.’
xlii.
[Cunningham,
xiii, from
Privy Purse
Accounts of
Henry.]
‘For
makinge
readie the
Cocke pitt £2 10s.
fower 8d.
seuerall
tymes for
playes by the
space of
fower dayes
in the month
of December
1610.’
Chamber Accounts. Revels Accounts.[812]
Performance. Payees. Amount. Warrant. Cunningham, 210, from
Audit Office, Accounts Various, 3, 907.
=1611–12= (D. A. 543, mm. 267–8).
31 Oct. (K.) By the Kings Hallomas nyght was
1 Nov. (K.) Players: presented att Whithall
5 Nov. (K.) ‘John Heminges ... for ... the Kinges Mates £60.
1 June; C. before ye Kinges Matie
26 Dec. (K.) servauntes and players.’ xl. a play called the
5 Jan. (K.) Tempest.
23 Feb. (K.)
The Kings The 5th of Nouember: A
players:
play called ye winters
nightes Tayle.
The Kings On St Stiuenes night A
players:
play called A King
no King.
9 Nov. (H. C.) The Queens St John night A play
19 Nov. (H. C.) players: called the City Gallant.
16 Dec. (H. C.) The Sunday followinge
31 Dec. (H. C.) The Princes A play called the
7 Jan. (H. C.) players. Almanak.
15 Jan. (H. C.) 1 June; C. On Neweres night A
9 Feb. (H. C.)
‘the sayd John Heminges.’ £80.[813] xii. The Kings play called the Twiñes
20 Feb. (H. C.) players. Tragedie.
28 Feb. (H. C.) The Sunday following
3 Apr. (H. C.) The A play called Cupids
16 Apr. (H. C.) Childern of Reueng.
Whitfriars.
9 Feb. (H. C. ‘the sayd John Heminges.’ £26 13s. 4d. 1 June; C. By the Queens The Sunday following
E.) xli. players and [Twelfth Night] att
20 Feb. (H.) the Kings Grinwidg before the
28 Mar. (E.) Men. Queen and the Prince
26 Apr. (H. C. was playd the Siluer
E.) Aiedg: and ye next
Page 207
night following
Lucrecia.
27 Dec. (K. Q.) ‘Thomas Greene ... for ... the Queenes Mates £20. 18 June; C. By the Queens Candelmas night A play
2 Feb. (K. Q.) servauntes.’ xli. players. called Tu Coque.
21 Jan.[814] (H. ‘the sayd Thomas Greene’ £13 6s. 8d. 18 June; C. By the Kings Shroue Sunday: A play
E.) xli players. called the Noblman.
23 Jan. (H. E.)
28 Dec. (K.) ‘Edward Juby ... for ... the Prince highnes £20. 18 June; C. By the Duck of Shroue Munday: A play
29 Dec. (K.) servauntes.’ xli. Yorks called Himens Haliday.
players.
7ensp;5 Feb. ‘the sayd Edward Juby.’ £13 6s. 8d. 18 June; C. By the Ladye Shrove Tuesday A play
(H.) xlii. Elizabeths called the proud Mayds
29 Feb (H.) players. Tragedie.
11 Apr. ‘Edward Jubye ... for ... the Prynce Palatynes £6 13s. 4d. 31 Mar.
‘last past’ Servants.’[815] 1613; C.
(E.) xlii.
25 Feb. (K.) ‘Alexander Foster ... for ... the Ladye Eliz. £10. 1 Apr.; C.
servauntes and players ... for ... the proud xl.
Mayde.’
19 Jan. (H. E.) ‘the sayd Alexander Foster.’ £13 6s. 8d. 1 Apr.; C.
11 Mar. (H. E.) xl.
12 Jan. (H. C. ‘Willm̄ Rowley ... for ... the Duke of Yorkes £26 13s. 4d. 20 June
E.) Servauntes and Players.’ (W.); C.
28 Jan. (H. C. xlii.
E.)
13 Feb. (H. C.
E.)
24 Feb.[816] (H.
C. E.)
[Cunningham, xiv, from Privy Purse
Accounts
of Henry.]
‘For makeinge readie the Cockepitt for a playe by £1 14s. 4d.
the space of twoe dayes in the month of
December 1611.’
‘For makinge readie the Cockepitt for playes £3 10s. 8d.
twoe severall tymes by the space of ffower
dayes in the monethes of January and February
1611.’
=1612–13= (D. A. 544, m. 14; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 239, ff. 46v-48).
8 June. ‘John Hemynges ... for ... the kinges Mates £6 13s. 4d. 9 July; C.
Players for presentinge a playe before the xliii.
Duke Savoyes Ambassadoes’; Rawl. MS. ‘a
playe ... called Cardenna’.
— (C. E. F., 14 ‘To him [Hemynges] more’; Rawl. MS. £93 6s. 8d. 20 May; C.
plays) ‘fowerteene severall playes, viz: one playe xliii.
called ffilaster, One other called the knott of
ffooles, One other Much adoe aboute nothinge,
The Mayeds Tragedy, The merye dyvell of
Edmonton, The Tempest, A kinge and no
kinge, The Twins Tragedie, The Winters Tale,
Sir John ffalstaffe, The Moore of Venice, The
Nobleman, Caesars Tragedye, And on other
called Love lyes a bleedinge’.
— (K., 6 plays) ‘the sayd John Heminges’; Rawl. MS. ‘Sixe £60. 20 May; C.
severall playes, viz: one play called a badd xliii.
beginininge makes a good endinge, One other
called ye Capteyne, One other the Alcumist.
One other Cardenno, One other the Hotspur,
And one other called Benedicte and Betteris’.
[817] ‘Willm̄ Rowley ... for ... the Prynces servantes’; £13 6s. 8d. 7 June; C.
2 Mar. (C.
E. F.) Rawl. MS. ‘One called the first parte of the xlii.
Lucrecia.
27 Dec. (K. Q.) ‘Thomas Greene ... for ... the Queenes Mates £20. 18 June; C. By the Queens Candelmas night A play
2 Feb. (K. Q.) servauntes.’ xli. players. called Tu Coque.
21 Jan.[814] (H. ‘the sayd Thomas Greene’ £13 6s. 8d. 18 June; C. By the Kings Shroue Sunday: A play
E.) xli players. called the Noblman.
23 Jan. (H. E.)
28 Dec. (K.) ‘Edward Juby ... for ... the Prince highnes £20. 18 June; C. By the Duck of Shroue Munday: A play
29 Dec. (K.) servauntes.’ xli. Yorks called Himens Haliday.
players.
7ensp;5 Feb. ‘the sayd Edward Juby.’ £13 6s. 8d. 18 June; C. By the Ladye Shrove Tuesday A play
(H.) xlii. Elizabeths called the proud Mayds
29 Feb (H.) players. Tragedie.
11 Apr. ‘Edward Jubye ... for ... the Prynce Palatynes £6 13s. 4d. 31 Mar.
‘last past’ Servants.’[815] 1613; C.
(E.) xlii.
25 Feb. (K.) ‘Alexander Foster ... for ... the Ladye Eliz. £10. 1 Apr.; C.
servauntes and players ... for ... the proud xl.
Mayde.’
19 Jan. (H. E.) ‘the sayd Alexander Foster.’ £13 6s. 8d. 1 Apr.; C.
11 Mar. (H. E.) xl.
12 Jan. (H. C. ‘Willm̄ Rowley ... for ... the Duke of Yorkes £26 13s. 4d. 20 June
E.) Servauntes and Players.’ (W.); C.
28 Jan. (H. C. xlii.
E.)
13 Feb. (H. C.
E.)
24 Feb.[816] (H.
C. E.)
[Cunningham, xiv, from Privy Purse
Accounts
of Henry.]
‘For makeinge readie the Cockepitt for a playe by £1 14s. 4d.
the space of twoe dayes in the month of
December 1611.’
‘For makinge readie the Cockepitt for playes £3 10s. 8d.
twoe severall tymes by the space of ffower
dayes in the monethes of January and February
1611.’
=1612–13= (D. A. 544, m. 14; Bodl. Rawlinson MS. A. 239, ff. 46v-48).
8 June. ‘John Hemynges ... for ... the kinges Mates £6 13s. 4d. 9 July; C.
Players for presentinge a playe before the xliii.
Duke Savoyes Ambassadoes’; Rawl. MS. ‘a
playe ... called Cardenna’.
— (C. E. F., 14 ‘To him [Hemynges] more’; Rawl. MS. £93 6s. 8d. 20 May; C.
plays) ‘fowerteene severall playes, viz: one playe xliii.
called ffilaster, One other called the knott of
ffooles, One other Much adoe aboute nothinge,
The Mayeds Tragedy, The merye dyvell of
Edmonton, The Tempest, A kinge and no
kinge, The Twins Tragedie, The Winters Tale,
Sir John ffalstaffe, The Moore of Venice, The
Nobleman, Caesars Tragedye, And on other
called Love lyes a bleedinge’.
— (K., 6 plays) ‘the sayd John Heminges’; Rawl. MS. ‘Sixe £60. 20 May; C.
severall playes, viz: one play called a badd xliii.
beginininge makes a good endinge, One other
called ye Capteyne, One other the Alcumist.
One other Cardenno, One other the Hotspur,
And one other called Benedicte and Betteris’.
[817] ‘Willm̄ Rowley ... for ... the Prynces servantes’; £13 6s. 8d. 7 June; C.
2 Mar. (C.
E. F.) Rawl. MS. ‘One called the first parte of the xlii.
Page 208
10 Mar. (C. E. Knaues ... And one other playe called the
F.) second parte of the Knaues’.
25 Feb. (C. E. ‘Josephe Taylor ... for ... the Ladie Elizabeth hir £13 6s. 8d. 28 June; C.
F.) servantes’; Rawl. MS. ‘one playe called Cockle xliii.
1 Mar. (C. E. de moye ... and one other called Raymond
F.) Duke of Lyons’.
— (C. E. F.) ‘Phillip Rosseter for ... a play by the Children of £6 13s. 4d. 24 Nov.; C.
[2 or 3 the Chappell’; Rawl. MS. ‘for ... the Children xlii.
Nov.?] of the Queens Majestys Revels, for ... a
Commedye called the Coxcombe’.
9 Jan. (C. E. ‘To him more ... for ... two other playes by the £13 6s. 8d. 31 May; C.
F.) Children of the Chappell’; Rawl. MS. ‘one xlii.
27 Feb. (C. E. called Cupidds revenge, and the other called
F.) the Widdowes Teares’.
1 Jan. ‘1613’ ‘The sayd Phillip Rosseter ... for ... a play by the £10. 31 May.
(K.) said Children’; Rawl. MS. ‘called Cupides
Revenge’.
[Sullivan, 139, from Accounts of Elizabeth 29
Sept. 1612 to 25 March 1613 in Exchequer of
Receipt Misc., Bundle 343.]
— ‘To her gracs plaiers for acting a Comedie in the £5.
[Oct. 20?] Cocke pitt wch her highnes lost to Mr Edward
[818]
Sackvile on a wager.’
=1613–14= (D. A. 544, m. 29).
4 Nov. (C.)
16 Nov. (C.)
10 Jan. (C.)
4 Feb. (C.) ‘John Heminges and the rest of his fellowes his £46 13s. 0d. 21 June; C.
8 Feb. (C.) Mates servaunts the Players.’ [819] xliii.
10 Feb. (C.)
18 Feb. (C.)
‘1614’.
1 Nov. (K.)
‘1614’.
5 Nov. (K.)
15 Nov. (K.)
27 Dec. (K.) ‘the said John Heminges and the rest of his 21 June; C.
£90.
1 Jan. (K.) fellowes.’ xliii.
4 Jan. (K.)
2 Feb. (K.)
6 Mar. (K.)
8 Mar. (K.)
24 Dec.[820] ‘Robƃte Lee and the rest of his fellowes the £20. 21 June
(K.) Queenes Mates servauntes the Playiers.’ (W.); C.
5 Jan. (K.) xliii.
25 Jan. (K.) ‘Joseph Taylor for himselfe and the rest of his £10. 21 June
fellowes servaunts to the Lady Eliz’ her grace (W.); C.
... for presenting ... a Comedy called Eastward xliv.
howe.’
12 Dec. (C.) ‘To him [Taylor] more ... for presenting ... a £6 13s. 4d. 21 June
comedy called the Dutch Curtezan.’ (W.); C.
xliv.
=1614–15= (D. A. 544, mm. 47, 48, 65).[821]
— (K. 8 plays) ‘John Hemynges ... in the behalfe of himselfe and £80. 19 May; C.
his fellowes the Kinges mates players.’ xiii (19
May
‘1613’).
— (K. 3 plays) ‘Roberte Leigh.’[822] £30. 25 Apr.
(W.).
— (K. 2 plays) ‘Edward Juby in the behalfe of himselfe and the £26 13s. 4d. 15 Apr.
(C.) reste of his fellowes the Palsgraves players.’
— (C. 6 plays) ‘Willm̄ Rowley one of the Princes players.’ £43 6s. 8d. 17 May.
F.) second parte of the Knaues’.
25 Feb. (C. E. ‘Josephe Taylor ... for ... the Ladie Elizabeth hir £13 6s. 8d. 28 June; C.
F.) servantes’; Rawl. MS. ‘one playe called Cockle xliii.
1 Mar. (C. E. de moye ... and one other called Raymond
F.) Duke of Lyons’.
— (C. E. F.) ‘Phillip Rosseter for ... a play by the Children of £6 13s. 4d. 24 Nov.; C.
[2 or 3 the Chappell’; Rawl. MS. ‘for ... the Children xlii.
Nov.?] of the Queens Majestys Revels, for ... a
Commedye called the Coxcombe’.
9 Jan. (C. E. ‘To him more ... for ... two other playes by the £13 6s. 8d. 31 May; C.
F.) Children of the Chappell’; Rawl. MS. ‘one xlii.
27 Feb. (C. E. called Cupidds revenge, and the other called
F.) the Widdowes Teares’.
1 Jan. ‘1613’ ‘The sayd Phillip Rosseter ... for ... a play by the £10. 31 May.
(K.) said Children’; Rawl. MS. ‘called Cupides
Revenge’.
[Sullivan, 139, from Accounts of Elizabeth 29
Sept. 1612 to 25 March 1613 in Exchequer of
Receipt Misc., Bundle 343.]
— ‘To her gracs plaiers for acting a Comedie in the £5.
[Oct. 20?] Cocke pitt wch her highnes lost to Mr Edward
[818]
Sackvile on a wager.’
=1613–14= (D. A. 544, m. 29).
4 Nov. (C.)
16 Nov. (C.)
10 Jan. (C.)
4 Feb. (C.) ‘John Heminges and the rest of his fellowes his £46 13s. 0d. 21 June; C.
8 Feb. (C.) Mates servaunts the Players.’ [819] xliii.
10 Feb. (C.)
18 Feb. (C.)
‘1614’.
1 Nov. (K.)
‘1614’.
5 Nov. (K.)
15 Nov. (K.)
27 Dec. (K.) ‘the said John Heminges and the rest of his 21 June; C.
£90.
1 Jan. (K.) fellowes.’ xliii.
4 Jan. (K.)
2 Feb. (K.)
6 Mar. (K.)
8 Mar. (K.)
24 Dec.[820] ‘Robƃte Lee and the rest of his fellowes the £20. 21 June
(K.) Queenes Mates servauntes the Playiers.’ (W.); C.
5 Jan. (K.) xliii.
25 Jan. (K.) ‘Joseph Taylor for himselfe and the rest of his £10. 21 June
fellowes servaunts to the Lady Eliz’ her grace (W.); C.
... for presenting ... a Comedy called Eastward xliv.
howe.’
12 Dec. (C.) ‘To him [Taylor] more ... for presenting ... a £6 13s. 4d. 21 June
comedy called the Dutch Curtezan.’ (W.); C.
xliv.
=1614–15= (D. A. 544, mm. 47, 48, 65).[821]
— (K. 8 plays) ‘John Hemynges ... in the behalfe of himselfe and £80. 19 May; C.
his fellowes the Kinges mates players.’ xiii (19
May
‘1613’).
— (K. 3 plays) ‘Roberte Leigh.’[822] £30. 25 Apr.
(W.).
— (K. 2 plays) ‘Edward Juby in the behalfe of himselfe and the £26 13s. 4d. 15 Apr.
(C.) reste of his fellowes the Palsgraves players.’
— (C. 6 plays) ‘Willm̄ Rowley one of the Princes players.’ £43 6s. 8d. 17 May.
Page 209
1 Nov. (K.) ‘Nathan ffeilde in the behalfe of himselfe and the £10. 11 June; C. [Pipe Office D. A.
rest of his fellowes ... for ... Bartholomewe xliv. (Revels), 2805.]
Fayre.’ ‘Canvas for the
Boothes and other
necessaries for a play
called Bartholmewe
Faire.’
=1615–16= (D. A. 544, mm. 66, 77).
Between 1 Nov. ‘John Heminges and the rest of his fellowes the £140. 24 Apr.
and 1 Apr. Kings Mates Players.’ 1617.[823]
(K. Q. 14
plays)
— (K. 4 ‘Roberte Lee and his fellowes the Queenes Mates £40. 20 May
plays) Servauntes.’ (G.).
— (C. 4 ‘Alexander Foster one of the Princes highnes £26 13s. 4d. 29 Apr.
plays) Players.’ (W.).
[A. F. Westcott, New Poems of James I, lxxii,
from Accounts of Anne for Apr. 1615–Jan.
1616.]
17 Dec. (Q.) ‘Ellis Worth one of her Mates plaiers for so much £10. 7 Jan.
paid vnto him in the behalfe of himselfe and
the rest of his fellowes of that companie for
one plaie acted before her matie [at] Queenes
Court.’
21 Dec. (Q.) ‘John Heminge one of the Kinge Mates plaiers £10. 22 Jan.
for so much paid vnto him in the behalfe of
himselfe and the reste of his fellowes of that
companie for one plaie acted before her Matie
at Queenes Court.’
rest of his fellowes ... for ... Bartholomewe xliv. (Revels), 2805.]
Fayre.’ ‘Canvas for the
Boothes and other
necessaries for a play
called Bartholmewe
Faire.’
=1615–16= (D. A. 544, mm. 66, 77).
Between 1 Nov. ‘John Heminges and the rest of his fellowes the £140. 24 Apr.
and 1 Apr. Kings Mates Players.’ 1617.[823]
(K. Q. 14
plays)
— (K. 4 ‘Roberte Lee and his fellowes the Queenes Mates £40. 20 May
plays) Servauntes.’ (G.).
— (C. 4 ‘Alexander Foster one of the Princes highnes £26 13s. 4d. 29 Apr.
plays) Players.’ (W.).
[A. F. Westcott, New Poems of James I, lxxii,
from Accounts of Anne for Apr. 1615–Jan.
1616.]
17 Dec. (Q.) ‘Ellis Worth one of her Mates plaiers for so much £10. 7 Jan.
paid vnto him in the behalfe of himselfe and
the rest of his fellowes of that companie for
one plaie acted before her matie [at] Queenes
Court.’
21 Dec. (Q.) ‘John Heminge one of the Kinge Mates plaiers £10. 22 Jan.
for so much paid vnto him in the behalfe of
himselfe and the reste of his fellowes of that
companie for one plaie acted before her Matie
at Queenes Court.’
Page 210
Page 211
APPENDIX C
DOCUMENTS OF CRITICISM
[There is much vain repetition in learned controversy, whether literary or ethical. I
have attempted, by extract or summary, to indicate the main critical positions taken up
by writers of different schools with regard to plays, and at the same time to preserve
the incidental information which they furnish on points of stage history. It does not
seem to me necessary to do more than cite, as of minor importance, and practically
adding nothing, T. Becon, The Catechisme (1564, Works, i, f. cccccxxxii); E. Hake,
Merry Maidens of London (1567), A Touchstone for this Time (1574), sig. G 4v; E.
Dering, Catechisme for Householders (1572); T. Brasbridge, Poor Man’s Jewel
(1578); R. Crowley, Unlawful Practises of Prelates (> 1583), sig. B 3v; N. Bownde,
Doctrine of the Sabbath (1595), 211; J. Norden, Progress of Piety (1596, ed. Parker
Soc.), 177; T. Beard, Theatre of God’s Judgments (1597), 193, 197, 374; W. Vaughan,
The Golden Grove (1600), i. 51; F. Hering, Rules for the Prevention of the Sickness
(1603), sig. A 4v; R. Knolles, Six Books of a Commonweal (1606, from J. Bodin, Six
Livres de la République, 1576–8, 1601), vi. 1; W. Perkins, Cases of Conscience (1608,
ed. T. Pickering), 118; R. Bolton, Discourse of True Happiness (1611), 73; L. Bayly,
Practice of Piety (c. 1612, ed. Webster, 1842), 182, 190; O. Lake, Probe Theologicall
upon the Commandments (1612), 267; J. Dod and R. Cleaver, Exposition of the Ten
Commandments (1612); G. Wither, Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613), ii. 3; D. Dyke,
Michael and the Dragon (1615), 216. Probably such references could be multiplied
indefinitely; they show how dread of the stage became a commonplace of pastoral
theology. Thomas Spark’s Rehearsal Sermon (1579) is only known from the citation
of it by Munday (cf. No. xxvii, infra).]
i. 1489 (?). Desiderius Erasmus.
[From Epistola 31, to an unnamed friend (P. S. Allen, Opus Epistolarum Des.
Erasmi Roterodami, i. 123), conjecturally dated by Mr. Allen in 1489. Erasmus more
briefly commends the educational use both of Terence and Plautus in De Ratione
Studii (1511, Opera, i. 521). In 1532 he edited Terence, and to the same year belongs
Epist. 1238 (Opera, iii. 2, 1457), which praises the comedies without re-arguing at
length the ethical controversy; cf. W. H. Woodward, Desiderius Erasmus concerning
the Aim and Method of Education (1904), 28, 39, 113, 164.]
Est enim in his Terentianis comoediis mirifica quaedam sermonis
puritas, proprietas, elegantia ac, vt in tam antiquo comico, horroris
minimum; lepos (sine quo rustica est omnis, quantumuis phalerata, oratio)
et vrbanus et salsus. Aut hoc igitur magistro aut nemine discere licebit quo
pacto veteres illi Latini, qui nunc vel nobis peius balbutiunt, locuti sint.
Hunc itaque tibi non modo etiam atque etiam lectitandum censeo,
verumetiam ad verbum ediscendum.
Caue autem ne homuncionum istorum imperitulorum, imo liuidulorum
garritus te quicquam permoueant, qui vbi in ineptissimis authoribus
DOCUMENTS OF CRITICISM
[There is much vain repetition in learned controversy, whether literary or ethical. I
have attempted, by extract or summary, to indicate the main critical positions taken up
by writers of different schools with regard to plays, and at the same time to preserve
the incidental information which they furnish on points of stage history. It does not
seem to me necessary to do more than cite, as of minor importance, and practically
adding nothing, T. Becon, The Catechisme (1564, Works, i, f. cccccxxxii); E. Hake,
Merry Maidens of London (1567), A Touchstone for this Time (1574), sig. G 4v; E.
Dering, Catechisme for Householders (1572); T. Brasbridge, Poor Man’s Jewel
(1578); R. Crowley, Unlawful Practises of Prelates (> 1583), sig. B 3v; N. Bownde,
Doctrine of the Sabbath (1595), 211; J. Norden, Progress of Piety (1596, ed. Parker
Soc.), 177; T. Beard, Theatre of God’s Judgments (1597), 193, 197, 374; W. Vaughan,
The Golden Grove (1600), i. 51; F. Hering, Rules for the Prevention of the Sickness
(1603), sig. A 4v; R. Knolles, Six Books of a Commonweal (1606, from J. Bodin, Six
Livres de la République, 1576–8, 1601), vi. 1; W. Perkins, Cases of Conscience (1608,
ed. T. Pickering), 118; R. Bolton, Discourse of True Happiness (1611), 73; L. Bayly,
Practice of Piety (c. 1612, ed. Webster, 1842), 182, 190; O. Lake, Probe Theologicall
upon the Commandments (1612), 267; J. Dod and R. Cleaver, Exposition of the Ten
Commandments (1612); G. Wither, Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613), ii. 3; D. Dyke,
Michael and the Dragon (1615), 216. Probably such references could be multiplied
indefinitely; they show how dread of the stage became a commonplace of pastoral
theology. Thomas Spark’s Rehearsal Sermon (1579) is only known from the citation
of it by Munday (cf. No. xxvii, infra).]
i. 1489 (?). Desiderius Erasmus.
[From Epistola 31, to an unnamed friend (P. S. Allen, Opus Epistolarum Des.
Erasmi Roterodami, i. 123), conjecturally dated by Mr. Allen in 1489. Erasmus more
briefly commends the educational use both of Terence and Plautus in De Ratione
Studii (1511, Opera, i. 521). In 1532 he edited Terence, and to the same year belongs
Epist. 1238 (Opera, iii. 2, 1457), which praises the comedies without re-arguing at
length the ethical controversy; cf. W. H. Woodward, Desiderius Erasmus concerning
the Aim and Method of Education (1904), 28, 39, 113, 164.]
Est enim in his Terentianis comoediis mirifica quaedam sermonis
puritas, proprietas, elegantia ac, vt in tam antiquo comico, horroris
minimum; lepos (sine quo rustica est omnis, quantumuis phalerata, oratio)
et vrbanus et salsus. Aut hoc igitur magistro aut nemine discere licebit quo
pacto veteres illi Latini, qui nunc vel nobis peius balbutiunt, locuti sint.
Hunc itaque tibi non modo etiam atque etiam lectitandum censeo,
verumetiam ad verbum ediscendum.
Caue autem ne homuncionum istorum imperitulorum, imo liuidulorum
garritus te quicquam permoueant, qui vbi in ineptissimis authoribus
Page 212
Florista, Ebrardo Graecista, Huguitione se senuisse viderunt, nec tantis
ambagibus ex imperitiae labyrintho potuisse emergere, id vnicum suae
stulticiae solatium proponunt, si in eundem errorem suum iuniores omnes
pelliciant. Nefas aiunt a Christianis lectitari Terentianas fabulas. Quam ob
rem tandem quaeso? Nihil, inquiunt, praeter lasciuiam ac turpissimos
adolescentum amores habent, quibus lectoris animum corrumpi necesse sit.
Facile vnde libet corrumpitur qui corruptus accesserit. Syncerum nisi vas,
quodcunque infundis acescit. Itane isti religiosuli ad caetera vel vtilissima
talpis caeciores, ad vnam, si qua est, lasciuiam capreae sunt? Imo capri ac
stolidi nihil sibi praeter nequitiam, qua sola imbuti sunt (indocti quippe
iidemque mali), rapientes, non vident quanta illic sit moralitas, quanta vitae
instituendae tacita exhortatio, quanta sententiarum venustas. Neque
intelligunt totum hoc scripti genus ad coarguenda mortalium vitia
accommodatum, imo adeo inuentum. Quid enim sunt comoediae, nisi
seruus nugator, adolescens amore insanus, meretrix blanda ac procax, senex
difficilis, morosus, auarus? Haec nobis in fabulis, perinde atque in tabula,
proponuntur depicta; vt, quum in moribus hominum quid deceat, quid
dedeceat, viderimus, alterum amemus alterum castigemus. En, in Eunucho
Phaedria ille ex summa continentia in summam ineptiam amore, tanquam
morbo validissimo, immutatus, adeo vt eundem esse non cognoscas; quam
pulchro exemplo docet amorem rem esse et miserrimam et anxiam,
instabilem et prorsus insaniae turpissimae plenam. Assentatores istos,
pestilens hominum genus, Gnatonem suum, artis suae principem, spectare
iubeto. Iactabundi et sibi placentes, quales diuitum plerosque imperitos
videmus, Thrasonem suum spectent ac tandem cum sua magnificentia quam
ridiculi sint intelligant.
Sed de his latius (quum [quae] de litteris scripsimus edemus) nostra
leges, volente quidem Deo. Ad praesentem locum satis fuerit tetigisse
comoedias Terentianas; modo recte legantur, non modo non ad
subuertendos mores, verum etiam ad corrigendos maximopere valere, certe
ad Latine discendum plane necessarias iudicauerim. An potius istud ex
Catholicon, Huguitione, Ebrardo, Papia caeterisque ineptioribus sperare
iubebunt? Mirum vero si his authoribus quis quid Latine dicat, cum ipsi
nihil non barbare locuti sint. Huiusmodi amplectatur, qui balbutire volet;
qui loqui cupiet, Terentium dicat, quem Cicero, quem Quintilianus, quem
Hieronymus, quem Augustinus, quem Ambrosius et iuuenes didicere et
senes vsi sunt; quem denique nemo, nisi barbarus, non amauit.
ambagibus ex imperitiae labyrintho potuisse emergere, id vnicum suae
stulticiae solatium proponunt, si in eundem errorem suum iuniores omnes
pelliciant. Nefas aiunt a Christianis lectitari Terentianas fabulas. Quam ob
rem tandem quaeso? Nihil, inquiunt, praeter lasciuiam ac turpissimos
adolescentum amores habent, quibus lectoris animum corrumpi necesse sit.
Facile vnde libet corrumpitur qui corruptus accesserit. Syncerum nisi vas,
quodcunque infundis acescit. Itane isti religiosuli ad caetera vel vtilissima
talpis caeciores, ad vnam, si qua est, lasciuiam capreae sunt? Imo capri ac
stolidi nihil sibi praeter nequitiam, qua sola imbuti sunt (indocti quippe
iidemque mali), rapientes, non vident quanta illic sit moralitas, quanta vitae
instituendae tacita exhortatio, quanta sententiarum venustas. Neque
intelligunt totum hoc scripti genus ad coarguenda mortalium vitia
accommodatum, imo adeo inuentum. Quid enim sunt comoediae, nisi
seruus nugator, adolescens amore insanus, meretrix blanda ac procax, senex
difficilis, morosus, auarus? Haec nobis in fabulis, perinde atque in tabula,
proponuntur depicta; vt, quum in moribus hominum quid deceat, quid
dedeceat, viderimus, alterum amemus alterum castigemus. En, in Eunucho
Phaedria ille ex summa continentia in summam ineptiam amore, tanquam
morbo validissimo, immutatus, adeo vt eundem esse non cognoscas; quam
pulchro exemplo docet amorem rem esse et miserrimam et anxiam,
instabilem et prorsus insaniae turpissimae plenam. Assentatores istos,
pestilens hominum genus, Gnatonem suum, artis suae principem, spectare
iubeto. Iactabundi et sibi placentes, quales diuitum plerosque imperitos
videmus, Thrasonem suum spectent ac tandem cum sua magnificentia quam
ridiculi sint intelligant.
Sed de his latius (quum [quae] de litteris scripsimus edemus) nostra
leges, volente quidem Deo. Ad praesentem locum satis fuerit tetigisse
comoedias Terentianas; modo recte legantur, non modo non ad
subuertendos mores, verum etiam ad corrigendos maximopere valere, certe
ad Latine discendum plane necessarias iudicauerim. An potius istud ex
Catholicon, Huguitione, Ebrardo, Papia caeterisque ineptioribus sperare
iubebunt? Mirum vero si his authoribus quis quid Latine dicat, cum ipsi
nihil non barbare locuti sint. Huiusmodi amplectatur, qui balbutire volet;
qui loqui cupiet, Terentium dicat, quem Cicero, quem Quintilianus, quem
Hieronymus, quem Augustinus, quem Ambrosius et iuuenes didicere et
senes vsi sunt; quem denique nemo, nisi barbarus, non amauit.
Page 213
ii. 1523–31. Iohannes Ludovicus Vives.
(a)
[From Commentary on St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei (1522), viii. 27. The book
was placed on the Index Expurgatorius, ‘donec corrigatur’, and Rainolds, Th’
Overthrow of Stage-Playes, 161, says that this was one of the offending passages.
Vives, a Spaniard by birth, was lecturer at Louvain 1520–3, mainly in England 1523–
8, and at Bruges 1528–31.]
At qui mos nunc est, quo tempore sacrum celebratur Christi morte sua
genus humanum liberantis, ludos nihil prope a scenicis illis veteribus
differentes populo exhibere, etiam si aliud non dixero satis turpe existimabit
quisquis audiet, ludos fieri in re maxime seria. Ibi ridetur Iudas, quam
potest ineptissima iactans, dum Christum prodit: ibi discipuli fugiunt
militibus persequentibus, nec sine cachinnis et actorum et spectatorum: ibi
Petrus auriculam rescindit Malcho, applaudente pullata turba, ceu ita
vindicetur Christi captiuitas. Et post paulum, qui tam strenue modo
dimicarat, rogationibus unius ancillulae territus abnegat magistrum, ridente
multitudine ancillam interrogantem, et exibilante Petrum negantem. Inter
tot ludentes, inter tot cachinnos et ineptias solus Christus est serius et
seuerus. Quumque affectus conatur moestos elicere, nescio quo pacto non
ibi tantum, sed etiam ad sacra frigefacit, magno scelere atque impietate, non
tam eorum qui vel spectant vel agunt, quam sacerdotum, qui eiusmodi fieri
curant. Sed hisce de rebus loquemur forsan commodiore loco.
(b)
[From De Tradendis Disciplinis, iii. 6 (1531, Opera, vi. 328).]
After comparing the Latinity of Plautus and Terence for school purposes,
he adds:
Ex vtroque cuperem resecta quae pueriles animos iis vitiis possent
polluere ad quae naturae quasi nutu quodam vergimus.
(c)
[From De Causis Corruptarum Artium, ii. 4 (1531, Opera, vi. 99).]
Venit in scenam poesis, populo ad spectandum congregato, et ibi sicut
pictor tabulam proponit multitudini spectandam, ita poeta imaginem
quandam vitae; vt merito Plutarchus de his dixerit, Poema esse picturam
loquentem, et picturam poema tacens, ita magister est populi, et pictor, et
poeta: corrupta est haec ars, quod ab insectatione flagitiorum et scelerum
(a)
[From Commentary on St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei (1522), viii. 27. The book
was placed on the Index Expurgatorius, ‘donec corrigatur’, and Rainolds, Th’
Overthrow of Stage-Playes, 161, says that this was one of the offending passages.
Vives, a Spaniard by birth, was lecturer at Louvain 1520–3, mainly in England 1523–
8, and at Bruges 1528–31.]
At qui mos nunc est, quo tempore sacrum celebratur Christi morte sua
genus humanum liberantis, ludos nihil prope a scenicis illis veteribus
differentes populo exhibere, etiam si aliud non dixero satis turpe existimabit
quisquis audiet, ludos fieri in re maxime seria. Ibi ridetur Iudas, quam
potest ineptissima iactans, dum Christum prodit: ibi discipuli fugiunt
militibus persequentibus, nec sine cachinnis et actorum et spectatorum: ibi
Petrus auriculam rescindit Malcho, applaudente pullata turba, ceu ita
vindicetur Christi captiuitas. Et post paulum, qui tam strenue modo
dimicarat, rogationibus unius ancillulae territus abnegat magistrum, ridente
multitudine ancillam interrogantem, et exibilante Petrum negantem. Inter
tot ludentes, inter tot cachinnos et ineptias solus Christus est serius et
seuerus. Quumque affectus conatur moestos elicere, nescio quo pacto non
ibi tantum, sed etiam ad sacra frigefacit, magno scelere atque impietate, non
tam eorum qui vel spectant vel agunt, quam sacerdotum, qui eiusmodi fieri
curant. Sed hisce de rebus loquemur forsan commodiore loco.
(b)
[From De Tradendis Disciplinis, iii. 6 (1531, Opera, vi. 328).]
After comparing the Latinity of Plautus and Terence for school purposes,
he adds:
Ex vtroque cuperem resecta quae pueriles animos iis vitiis possent
polluere ad quae naturae quasi nutu quodam vergimus.
(c)
[From De Causis Corruptarum Artium, ii. 4 (1531, Opera, vi. 99).]
Venit in scenam poesis, populo ad spectandum congregato, et ibi sicut
pictor tabulam proponit multitudini spectandam, ita poeta imaginem
quandam vitae; vt merito Plutarchus de his dixerit, Poema esse picturam
loquentem, et picturam poema tacens, ita magister est populi, et pictor, et
poeta: corrupta est haec ars, quod ab insectatione flagitiorum et scelerum
Page 214
transiit ad obsequium prauae affectionis, vt quaecunque odisset poeta, in
eum linguae ac stili intemperantia abuteretur: cui iniuriae atque insolentiae
itum est obuiam, primum a diuitibus potentia sua, et opibus, hinc legibus,
quibus cauebatur, ne quis in alium noxium carmen pangeret: tum inuolucris
coepit tegi fabula; paullatim res tota ad ludicra, et in vulgum plausibilia, est
traducta, ad amores, ad fraudes meretricum, ad periuria lenonis, ad militis
ferociam et glorias; quae quum dicerentur cuneis refertis puerorum,
puellarum, mulierum, turba opificum hominum, et rudium, mirum quam
vitiabantur mores ciuitatis admonitione illa, et quasi incitatione ad flagitia,
praesertim quum comici semper catastrophen laetam adderent amoribus, et
impudicitiae; nam si quando addidissent tristes exitus, deterruissent ab iis
actibus spectatores, quibus euentus esset paratus acerbissimus. In quo
sapientior fuit qui nostra lingua scripsit Celestinam tragicomoediam; nam
progressui amorum, et illis gaudiis voluptatis, exitum annexuit
amarissimum, nempe amatorum, lenae, lenonum casus et neces violentas:
neque vero ignorarunt olim fabularum scriptores turpia esse quae scriberent,
et moribus iuuentutis damnosa ... Recentiores in linguis vernaculis multo,
mea quidem sententia, excellunt veteres in argumento deligendo. Nullae
fere exhibentur nunc publicae fabulae quae non delectationem vtilitate
coniungant.
iii. 1531. Sir Thomas Elyot.
[From The Governour, i. 13 (ed. H. H. S. Croft, i. 123).]
‘They whiche be ignoraunt in poetes wyll perchaunce obiecte, as is their
maner, agayne these verses [Horace, Epist. ii. 1. 126–31], sayeng that in
Therence and other that were writers of comedies, also Ouide, Catullus,
Martialis, and all that route of lasciuious poetes that wrate epistles and
ditties of loue, some called in latine Elegiæ and some Epigrammata, is
nothyng contayned but incitation to lechery.
First, comedies, whiche they suppose to be a doctrinall of rybaudrie, they
be undoutedly a picture or as it were a mirrour of man’s life, wherin iuell is
nat taught but discouered; to the intent that men beholdynge the promptnes
of youth unto vice, the snares of harlotts and baudes laid for yonge myndes,
the disceipte of seruantes, the chaunces of fortune contrary to mennes
expectation, they beinge therof warned may prepare them selfe to resist or
preuente occasion. Semblably remembring the wisedomes, aduertisements,
counsailes, dissuasion from vice, and other profitable sentences, most
eum linguae ac stili intemperantia abuteretur: cui iniuriae atque insolentiae
itum est obuiam, primum a diuitibus potentia sua, et opibus, hinc legibus,
quibus cauebatur, ne quis in alium noxium carmen pangeret: tum inuolucris
coepit tegi fabula; paullatim res tota ad ludicra, et in vulgum plausibilia, est
traducta, ad amores, ad fraudes meretricum, ad periuria lenonis, ad militis
ferociam et glorias; quae quum dicerentur cuneis refertis puerorum,
puellarum, mulierum, turba opificum hominum, et rudium, mirum quam
vitiabantur mores ciuitatis admonitione illa, et quasi incitatione ad flagitia,
praesertim quum comici semper catastrophen laetam adderent amoribus, et
impudicitiae; nam si quando addidissent tristes exitus, deterruissent ab iis
actibus spectatores, quibus euentus esset paratus acerbissimus. In quo
sapientior fuit qui nostra lingua scripsit Celestinam tragicomoediam; nam
progressui amorum, et illis gaudiis voluptatis, exitum annexuit
amarissimum, nempe amatorum, lenae, lenonum casus et neces violentas:
neque vero ignorarunt olim fabularum scriptores turpia esse quae scriberent,
et moribus iuuentutis damnosa ... Recentiores in linguis vernaculis multo,
mea quidem sententia, excellunt veteres in argumento deligendo. Nullae
fere exhibentur nunc publicae fabulae quae non delectationem vtilitate
coniungant.
iii. 1531. Sir Thomas Elyot.
[From The Governour, i. 13 (ed. H. H. S. Croft, i. 123).]
‘They whiche be ignoraunt in poetes wyll perchaunce obiecte, as is their
maner, agayne these verses [Horace, Epist. ii. 1. 126–31], sayeng that in
Therence and other that were writers of comedies, also Ouide, Catullus,
Martialis, and all that route of lasciuious poetes that wrate epistles and
ditties of loue, some called in latine Elegiæ and some Epigrammata, is
nothyng contayned but incitation to lechery.
First, comedies, whiche they suppose to be a doctrinall of rybaudrie, they
be undoutedly a picture or as it were a mirrour of man’s life, wherin iuell is
nat taught but discouered; to the intent that men beholdynge the promptnes
of youth unto vice, the snares of harlotts and baudes laid for yonge myndes,
the disceipte of seruantes, the chaunces of fortune contrary to mennes
expectation, they beinge therof warned may prepare them selfe to resist or
preuente occasion. Semblably remembring the wisedomes, aduertisements,
counsailes, dissuasion from vice, and other profitable sentences, most
Page 215
eloquently and familiarely shewed in those comedies, undoubtedly there
shall be no litle frute out of them gathered. And if the vices in them
expressed shulde be cause that myndes of the reders shulde be corrupted:
than by the same argumente nat only entreludes in englisshe, but also
sermones, wherin some vice is declared, shulde be to the beholders and
herers like occasion to encreace sinners.’ Quotes Terence, Eunuchus, v. 4.
8–18, on the moral end of comedy and virtuous counsel from Plautus,
Amphitruo, ii. 2. 17–21; Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 131–6; and Martial, Epigr.
xii. 34. ‘Wherfore sens good and wise mater may be picked out of these
poetes, it were no reason, for some lite mater that is in their verses, to
abandone therefore al their warkes, no more than it were to forbeare or
prohibite a man to come into a faire gardein, leste the redolent sauours of
swete herbes and floures shall meue him to wanton courage, or leste in
gadringe good and holsome herbes he may happen to be stunge with a
nettile. No wyse man entreth in to a gardein but he sone espiethe good
herbes from nettiles, and treadeth the nettiles under his feete whiles he
gadreth good herbes. Wherby he taketh no damage, or if he be stungen he
maketh lite of it and shortly forgetteth it. Semblablye if he do rede wanton
mater mixte with wisedome, he putteth the warst under foote and sorteth out
the beste, or, if his courage be stered or prouoked, he remembreth the litel
pleasure and gret detriment that shulde ensue of it, and withdrawynge his
minde to some other studie or exercise shortly forgetteth it.... So all thoughe
I do nat approue the lesson of wanton poetes to be taughte unto all children,
yet thynke I conuenient and necessary that, when the mynde is become
constante and courage is asswaged, or that children of their naturall
disposition be shamfaste and continent, none auncient poete wolde be
excluded from the leesson of suche one as desireth to come to the perfection
of wysedome.’
iv. c. 1538 (?). Nicholas Udall.
[From Prologue to Roister Doister (? 1566–7).]
What Creature is in health, eyther yong or olde,
But som mirth with modestie wil be glad to use
As we in thys Enterlude shall now unfolde,
Wherin all scurilitie we utterly refuse,
Avoiding such mirth wherin is abuse:
Knowing nothing more comendable for a mans recreation
Than Mirth which is used in an honest fashion:
shall be no litle frute out of them gathered. And if the vices in them
expressed shulde be cause that myndes of the reders shulde be corrupted:
than by the same argumente nat only entreludes in englisshe, but also
sermones, wherin some vice is declared, shulde be to the beholders and
herers like occasion to encreace sinners.’ Quotes Terence, Eunuchus, v. 4.
8–18, on the moral end of comedy and virtuous counsel from Plautus,
Amphitruo, ii. 2. 17–21; Ovid, Remedia Amoris, 131–6; and Martial, Epigr.
xii. 34. ‘Wherfore sens good and wise mater may be picked out of these
poetes, it were no reason, for some lite mater that is in their verses, to
abandone therefore al their warkes, no more than it were to forbeare or
prohibite a man to come into a faire gardein, leste the redolent sauours of
swete herbes and floures shall meue him to wanton courage, or leste in
gadringe good and holsome herbes he may happen to be stunge with a
nettile. No wyse man entreth in to a gardein but he sone espiethe good
herbes from nettiles, and treadeth the nettiles under his feete whiles he
gadreth good herbes. Wherby he taketh no damage, or if he be stungen he
maketh lite of it and shortly forgetteth it. Semblablye if he do rede wanton
mater mixte with wisedome, he putteth the warst under foote and sorteth out
the beste, or, if his courage be stered or prouoked, he remembreth the litel
pleasure and gret detriment that shulde ensue of it, and withdrawynge his
minde to some other studie or exercise shortly forgetteth it.... So all thoughe
I do nat approue the lesson of wanton poetes to be taughte unto all children,
yet thynke I conuenient and necessary that, when the mynde is become
constante and courage is asswaged, or that children of their naturall
disposition be shamfaste and continent, none auncient poete wolde be
excluded from the leesson of suche one as desireth to come to the perfection
of wysedome.’
iv. c. 1538 (?). Nicholas Udall.
[From Prologue to Roister Doister (? 1566–7).]
What Creature is in health, eyther yong or olde,
But som mirth with modestie wil be glad to use
As we in thys Enterlude shall now unfolde,
Wherin all scurilitie we utterly refuse,
Avoiding such mirth wherin is abuse:
Knowing nothing more comendable for a mans recreation
Than Mirth which is used in an honest fashion:
Page 216
For Myrth prolongeth lyfe, and causeth health.
Mirth recreates our spirites and voydeth pensivenesse,
Mirth increaseth amitie, not hindring our wealth,
Mirth is to be used both of more and lesse,
Being mixed with vertue in decent comlynesse.
As we trust no good nature can gainsay the same:
Which mirth we intende to use, avoidyng all blame.
The wyse Poets long time heretofore,
Under merrie Comedies secretes did declare,
Wherein was contained very vertuous lore,
With mysteries and forewarnings very rare.
Suche to write neither Plautus nor Terence dyd spare,
Whiche among the learned at this day beares the bell:
These with such other therein dyd excell.
v. 1551. Martin Bucer.
[From De honestis ludis, a section of De Regno Christi, presented to Edward VI by
Bucer, who was then Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, on 1 Jan. 1551,
printed in 1557, and again in Scripta Anglicana (1577), ii. 54.]
Poterit iuuentus etiam exerceri agendo comoedias et tragoedias:
populisque his honesta, et ad augendam pietatem non inutilis exhiberi
oblectatio: sed piis, et ad regnum Christi doctis atque sapientibus viris opus
fuerit, qui comoedias eas atque tragoedias componant: in quibus nimirum
eiusmodi imitatio repraesentetur, consiliorum, actionum, atque euentuum
humanorum, siue communium et vulgarium, vt fit in comoediis: sive
singularium et qui sint maioris admirationis, quod proprium est tragoediae,
quae ad certam morum correctionem, et piam conserat vitae institutionem.
Vt si comoedia repraesentetur iurgium pastorum Abrahae et Lot, atque
horum a se inuicem discessio.... In huiusmodi comoedia tractari possent, et
vtili ad piam institutionem oblectatione repraesentari, hi loci.... Ad eundem
modum suppeditet piae comoediae vberem sane et aedificandae pietati
peridoneam materiam, historia quaesitae, obtentae et adductae Isaaco
sponsae Ribkae: ex hac enim historia queat describi pia parentum cura,
quaerendi liberis suis religiosa connubia: fides bona et officiositas
proborum seruorum.... Non dissimile argumentum desumi queat et ex ea
historiae de Iacobo parti qua describitur, vt metu fratris, relictis parentibus,
ad Labam auunculum suum concesserit....
Tragoediis, Scripturae vbique perquam copiosam offerunt materiam,
historiis prope omnibus S. Patrum, regum, Prophetarum et Apostolorum
Mirth recreates our spirites and voydeth pensivenesse,
Mirth increaseth amitie, not hindring our wealth,
Mirth is to be used both of more and lesse,
Being mixed with vertue in decent comlynesse.
As we trust no good nature can gainsay the same:
Which mirth we intende to use, avoidyng all blame.
The wyse Poets long time heretofore,
Under merrie Comedies secretes did declare,
Wherein was contained very vertuous lore,
With mysteries and forewarnings very rare.
Suche to write neither Plautus nor Terence dyd spare,
Whiche among the learned at this day beares the bell:
These with such other therein dyd excell.
v. 1551. Martin Bucer.
[From De honestis ludis, a section of De Regno Christi, presented to Edward VI by
Bucer, who was then Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge, on 1 Jan. 1551,
printed in 1557, and again in Scripta Anglicana (1577), ii. 54.]
Poterit iuuentus etiam exerceri agendo comoedias et tragoedias:
populisque his honesta, et ad augendam pietatem non inutilis exhiberi
oblectatio: sed piis, et ad regnum Christi doctis atque sapientibus viris opus
fuerit, qui comoedias eas atque tragoedias componant: in quibus nimirum
eiusmodi imitatio repraesentetur, consiliorum, actionum, atque euentuum
humanorum, siue communium et vulgarium, vt fit in comoediis: sive
singularium et qui sint maioris admirationis, quod proprium est tragoediae,
quae ad certam morum correctionem, et piam conserat vitae institutionem.
Vt si comoedia repraesentetur iurgium pastorum Abrahae et Lot, atque
horum a se inuicem discessio.... In huiusmodi comoedia tractari possent, et
vtili ad piam institutionem oblectatione repraesentari, hi loci.... Ad eundem
modum suppeditet piae comoediae vberem sane et aedificandae pietati
peridoneam materiam, historia quaesitae, obtentae et adductae Isaaco
sponsae Ribkae: ex hac enim historia queat describi pia parentum cura,
quaerendi liberis suis religiosa connubia: fides bona et officiositas
proborum seruorum.... Non dissimile argumentum desumi queat et ex ea
historiae de Iacobo parti qua describitur, vt metu fratris, relictis parentibus,
ad Labam auunculum suum concesserit....
Tragoediis, Scripturae vbique perquam copiosam offerunt materiam,
historiis prope omnibus S. Patrum, regum, Prophetarum et Apostolorum
Page 217
inde ab Adam vsque, primo humani generis parente. Omnino enim refertae
sunt hae historiae diuinis et heroicis personis, affectionibus, moribus,
actionibus, euentibus quoque inexpectatis, atque in contrarium quam
expectarentur cadentibus, quae Aristoteles vocat περιπετείας. Quae omnia
cum mirificam vim habeant fidem in Deum confirmandi, et amorem
studiumque Dei accendendi admirationem item pietatis atque iusticiae, et
horrorem impietatis, omnisque peruersitatis ingenerandi atque augendi:
quanto magis deceat Christianos, ut ex his sua poemata sumant, quibus
magna et illustria hominum consilia, conatus, ingenium, affectus atque
casus repraesentent, quam ex impiis ethnicorum vel fabulis vel historiis!
Adhibendae autem sunt in vtroque genere poematum, comico et tragico, vt
cum hominum vitia et peccata describuntur, et actione quasi oculis
conspicienda exhibentur, id fiat ea ratione, vt quamuis perditorum hominum
referantur scelera, tamen terror quidam in his diuini iudicii, et horror
appareat peccati: non exprimantur exultans in scelere oblectatio, atque
confidens audacia. Praestat hinc detrahere aliquid decoro poetico, quam
curae aedificandi pietate spectatores; quae poscit vt in omni peccati
repraesentatione sentiantur, conscientiae propriae condemnatio, et a iudicio
Dei horrenda trepidatio.
At dum piae et probae exhibentur actiones, in his debet exprimi quam
clarissime sensus divinae misericordiae laetus, securaque et confidens,
moderata tamen, et diffidens sibi exultansque in Deo fiducia promissionum
Dei cum sancta et spirituali in recte faciendo voluptate. Hac enim ratione
sanctorum et ingenia, et mores, et affectus, ad instaurandam in populo
omnem pietatem ac virtutem, quam scitissima imitatione repraesentantur.
Eum autem fructum vt Christi populus ex sanctis comoediis et tragoediis
percipiant praeficiendi et huic rei erunt viri, vt horum poematum
singulariter intelligentes, ita etiam explorati et constantis studii in regnum
Christi: ne qua omnino agatur comoedia, aut tragoedia, quam hi non ante
perspectam decreuerint agendam.
Hi quoque curabunt, ne quid leue aut histrionicum in agendo admittatur:
sed omnia exhibeantur sancta quadam, et graui, iucunda tamen, sanctis
duntaxat, actione: qua repraesententur non tam res ipsae, et actiones
hominum, affectus et perturbationes, quam mores et ingenia: ac ita
repraesententur, vt excitetur in spectatoribus studiosa imitatio: eorum autem
sunt hae historiae diuinis et heroicis personis, affectionibus, moribus,
actionibus, euentibus quoque inexpectatis, atque in contrarium quam
expectarentur cadentibus, quae Aristoteles vocat περιπετείας. Quae omnia
cum mirificam vim habeant fidem in Deum confirmandi, et amorem
studiumque Dei accendendi admirationem item pietatis atque iusticiae, et
horrorem impietatis, omnisque peruersitatis ingenerandi atque augendi:
quanto magis deceat Christianos, ut ex his sua poemata sumant, quibus
magna et illustria hominum consilia, conatus, ingenium, affectus atque
casus repraesentent, quam ex impiis ethnicorum vel fabulis vel historiis!
Adhibendae autem sunt in vtroque genere poematum, comico et tragico, vt
cum hominum vitia et peccata describuntur, et actione quasi oculis
conspicienda exhibentur, id fiat ea ratione, vt quamuis perditorum hominum
referantur scelera, tamen terror quidam in his diuini iudicii, et horror
appareat peccati: non exprimantur exultans in scelere oblectatio, atque
confidens audacia. Praestat hinc detrahere aliquid decoro poetico, quam
curae aedificandi pietate spectatores; quae poscit vt in omni peccati
repraesentatione sentiantur, conscientiae propriae condemnatio, et a iudicio
Dei horrenda trepidatio.
At dum piae et probae exhibentur actiones, in his debet exprimi quam
clarissime sensus divinae misericordiae laetus, securaque et confidens,
moderata tamen, et diffidens sibi exultansque in Deo fiducia promissionum
Dei cum sancta et spirituali in recte faciendo voluptate. Hac enim ratione
sanctorum et ingenia, et mores, et affectus, ad instaurandam in populo
omnem pietatem ac virtutem, quam scitissima imitatione repraesentantur.
Eum autem fructum vt Christi populus ex sanctis comoediis et tragoediis
percipiant praeficiendi et huic rei erunt viri, vt horum poematum
singulariter intelligentes, ita etiam explorati et constantis studii in regnum
Christi: ne qua omnino agatur comoedia, aut tragoedia, quam hi non ante
perspectam decreuerint agendam.
Hi quoque curabunt, ne quid leue aut histrionicum in agendo admittatur:
sed omnia exhibeantur sancta quadam, et graui, iucunda tamen, sanctis
duntaxat, actione: qua repraesententur non tam res ipsae, et actiones
hominum, affectus et perturbationes, quam mores et ingenia: ac ita
repraesententur, vt excitetur in spectatoribus studiosa imitatio: eorum autem
Page 218
quae secus sunt instituta et facta, confirmetur detestatio, et excitetur
declinatio vigilantior.
His observatis cautionibus, poterit sane multa, nec minus ad virtutem
alendam prouehendamque, vtilis ludendi materia iuuentuti praeberi,
maxime cum studium et cura eiusmodi et comoediarum et tragoediarum
excitata fuerit, cum lingua vernacula, tum etiam lingua Latina et Graeca.
Extant nunc aliquot non poenitendae huius generis comoediae et tragoediae,
in quibus, etiamsi docti mundi huius desiderent in comoediis illud acumen,
eumque leporem, et sermonis venustatem, quem admirantur in Aristophanis,
Terentii, Plautique fabulis: in tragoediis, grauitatem, versutiam, orationisque
elegantiam, Sophoclis, Euripidis, Senecae: docti tamen ad regnum Dei, et
qui viuendi Deo sapientiam discere student, non desiderant in his nostrorum
hominum poematis doctrinam coelestem, affectus, mores, orationem,
casusque dignos filiis Dei. Optandum tamen, vt quibus Deus plus dedit in
his rebus praestare, vt id mallent ad eius gloriam explicare, quam aliorum
pia studia intempestiuis reprehensionibus suis retardare: atque ducere satius,
comoedias atque tragoedias exhibere, quibus si minus ars poetica, scientia
tamen vitae aeternae praeclare exhibetur, quam quibus vt ingenii linguaeque
cultus aliquid iuuatur, ita animus et mores impia atque foeda et scurrili
mutatione conspurcantur.
vi. 1559. William Bavande.
[From A Woork of Ioannes Ferrarius Montanus touchynge the good orderynge of a
Common-weale, translated from the De Republica bene instituenda Paraenesis,
published by Ferrarius, a Marburg jurist, in 1556.]
[Extracts] f. 81. ‘The laste of all [the seven handicrafts in a
commonweal] is the exercise of stage plaiyng, where the people use to
repaire to beholde plaies, as well priuate as publique, whiche be set forthe
partlie to delight, partlie to move us to embrace ensamples of vertue and
goodnesse, and to eschue vice and filthie liuyng’ ... f. 100v. ‘Chapter viii,
Concernyng Scaffolds and Pageauntes of divers games and plaies and how
farre thei be to be allowed, and set forthe in a Citee.... Plaies, set foorthe
either upon stages, or in open Merket places, or els where, for menne to
beholde. Whiche, as thei doe sometime profite, so likewise thei tourne to
great harme, if thei be not used in such sorte, as is bothe ciuill and semely
in a citee, whiche wee dooe abuse, when anythyng is set foorthe openly,
that is uncleanlie, unchaste, shamefull, cruell, wicked, and not standyng
declinatio vigilantior.
His observatis cautionibus, poterit sane multa, nec minus ad virtutem
alendam prouehendamque, vtilis ludendi materia iuuentuti praeberi,
maxime cum studium et cura eiusmodi et comoediarum et tragoediarum
excitata fuerit, cum lingua vernacula, tum etiam lingua Latina et Graeca.
Extant nunc aliquot non poenitendae huius generis comoediae et tragoediae,
in quibus, etiamsi docti mundi huius desiderent in comoediis illud acumen,
eumque leporem, et sermonis venustatem, quem admirantur in Aristophanis,
Terentii, Plautique fabulis: in tragoediis, grauitatem, versutiam, orationisque
elegantiam, Sophoclis, Euripidis, Senecae: docti tamen ad regnum Dei, et
qui viuendi Deo sapientiam discere student, non desiderant in his nostrorum
hominum poematis doctrinam coelestem, affectus, mores, orationem,
casusque dignos filiis Dei. Optandum tamen, vt quibus Deus plus dedit in
his rebus praestare, vt id mallent ad eius gloriam explicare, quam aliorum
pia studia intempestiuis reprehensionibus suis retardare: atque ducere satius,
comoedias atque tragoedias exhibere, quibus si minus ars poetica, scientia
tamen vitae aeternae praeclare exhibetur, quam quibus vt ingenii linguaeque
cultus aliquid iuuatur, ita animus et mores impia atque foeda et scurrili
mutatione conspurcantur.
vi. 1559. William Bavande.
[From A Woork of Ioannes Ferrarius Montanus touchynge the good orderynge of a
Common-weale, translated from the De Republica bene instituenda Paraenesis,
published by Ferrarius, a Marburg jurist, in 1556.]
[Extracts] f. 81. ‘The laste of all [the seven handicrafts in a
commonweal] is the exercise of stage plaiyng, where the people use to
repaire to beholde plaies, as well priuate as publique, whiche be set forthe
partlie to delight, partlie to move us to embrace ensamples of vertue and
goodnesse, and to eschue vice and filthie liuyng’ ... f. 100v. ‘Chapter viii,
Concernyng Scaffolds and Pageauntes of divers games and plaies and how
farre thei be to be allowed, and set forthe in a Citee.... Plaies, set foorthe
either upon stages, or in open Merket places, or els where, for menne to
beholde. Whiche, as thei doe sometime profite, so likewise thei tourne to
great harme, if thei be not used in such sorte, as is bothe ciuill and semely
in a citee, whiche wee dooe abuse, when anythyng is set foorthe openly,
that is uncleanlie, unchaste, shamefull, cruell, wicked, and not standyng
Page 219
with honestie.... Soche pastimes therefore muste bee set foorthe in a
commonweale, as doe minister unto us good ensamples, wherin delight and
profite be matched togither.... It is a commendable and lawfull thing to bee
at plaies, but at soche tymes as when we be unoccupied with grave and
seuere affaires, not onely for our pleasure and minde sake, but that hauyng
little to doe, we maie learne that, whiche shall bee our furtheraunce in
vertue.... There shall be no Tragedie, no Comedie, nor any other kinde of
plaie, but it maie encrease the discipline of good maners, if by the helpe of
reason and zeale of honestie, it bee well emploied. Which then is doen,
when, if thou either hearest, or seest anything committed that is euill, cruell,
vilanous, and unseamely for a good manne, thou learnest thereby to beware
and understandest that it is not onely a shame to committe any soche thinge
but also that it shall be reuenged with euerlasting death. Contrariwise, if
thou doest espie any thing dooen or saied well, manfully, temperatly,
soberly, iustly, godlilye, & vertuously, thou ... maiest labour to doe that
thyself, whiche thou likest in another.... With whiche discrecion, who so
beholdeth Tragedies, Comedies, ... plaies of histories, holie or prophane, or
any pageaunt, on stage or on grounde, shall not mispende his time. But like
as a Bee of diuers floures, that be of theire owne nature of smalle use,
gathereth the swetenes of her honie: so thence gathereth he that which is
commodious for the trade of his life, ioigneth it with his painfull trauaile,
and declareth that soche histories and exercises bee the eloquence of the
bodie.’
vii. 1563–8. Roger Ascham.
[From The Scholemaster (1570), as reprinted in W. A. Wright, English Works of
Roger Ascham (1904), 171. The tract, which was largely based on the teaching of
Ascham’s friend John Sturm, was begun as a New Year gift for Elizabeth in December
1563, and left unfinished at the author’s death in 1568. The best modern edition is by
J. E. B. Mayor (1863).]
The first booke teachyng the brynging vp of youth.... P. 185. In the
earliest stage of Latin, Ascham ‘would haue the Scholer brought vp withall,
till he had red, & translated ouer ye first booke of [Cicero’s] Epistles chosen
out by Sturmius, with a good peece of a Comedie of Terence also.... P. 208.
There be som seruing men do but ill seruice to their yong masters. Yea, rede
Terence and Plaut. aduisedlie ouer, and ye shall finde in those two wise
writers, almost in euery commedie, no vnthriftie yong man, that is not
brought there vnto, by the sotle inticement of som lewd seruant. And euen
commonweale, as doe minister unto us good ensamples, wherin delight and
profite be matched togither.... It is a commendable and lawfull thing to bee
at plaies, but at soche tymes as when we be unoccupied with grave and
seuere affaires, not onely for our pleasure and minde sake, but that hauyng
little to doe, we maie learne that, whiche shall bee our furtheraunce in
vertue.... There shall be no Tragedie, no Comedie, nor any other kinde of
plaie, but it maie encrease the discipline of good maners, if by the helpe of
reason and zeale of honestie, it bee well emploied. Which then is doen,
when, if thou either hearest, or seest anything committed that is euill, cruell,
vilanous, and unseamely for a good manne, thou learnest thereby to beware
and understandest that it is not onely a shame to committe any soche thinge
but also that it shall be reuenged with euerlasting death. Contrariwise, if
thou doest espie any thing dooen or saied well, manfully, temperatly,
soberly, iustly, godlilye, & vertuously, thou ... maiest labour to doe that
thyself, whiche thou likest in another.... With whiche discrecion, who so
beholdeth Tragedies, Comedies, ... plaies of histories, holie or prophane, or
any pageaunt, on stage or on grounde, shall not mispende his time. But like
as a Bee of diuers floures, that be of theire owne nature of smalle use,
gathereth the swetenes of her honie: so thence gathereth he that which is
commodious for the trade of his life, ioigneth it with his painfull trauaile,
and declareth that soche histories and exercises bee the eloquence of the
bodie.’
vii. 1563–8. Roger Ascham.
[From The Scholemaster (1570), as reprinted in W. A. Wright, English Works of
Roger Ascham (1904), 171. The tract, which was largely based on the teaching of
Ascham’s friend John Sturm, was begun as a New Year gift for Elizabeth in December
1563, and left unfinished at the author’s death in 1568. The best modern edition is by
J. E. B. Mayor (1863).]
The first booke teachyng the brynging vp of youth.... P. 185. In the
earliest stage of Latin, Ascham ‘would haue the Scholer brought vp withall,
till he had red, & translated ouer ye first booke of [Cicero’s] Epistles chosen
out by Sturmius, with a good peece of a Comedie of Terence also.... P. 208.
There be som seruing men do but ill seruice to their yong masters. Yea, rede
Terence and Plaut. aduisedlie ouer, and ye shall finde in those two wise
writers, almost in euery commedie, no vnthriftie yong man, that is not
brought there vnto, by the sotle inticement of som lewd seruant. And euen
Page 220
now in our dayes Getae and Daui, Gnatos and manie bold bawdie Phormios
to, be preasing in, to pratle on euerie stage, to medle in euerie matter, when
honest Parmenos shall not be hard, but beare small swing with their
masters.... The second booke teachyng the ready way to the Latin tong.... P.
238. Read dayly vnto him ... some Comedie of Terence or Plautus: but in
Plautus, skilfull choice must be vsed by the master, to traine his Scholler to
a iudgement, in cutting out perfitelie ouer old and vnproper wordes.... On
Imitatio ... P. 266. The whole doctrine of Comedies and Tragedies, is a
perfite imitation, or faire liuelie painted picture of the life of euerie degree
of man.... One of the best examples, for right Imitation we lacke, and that is
Menander, whom our Terence (as the matter required) in like argument, in
the same Persons, with equall eloquence, foote by foote did follow. Som
peeces remaine, like broken Iewelles, whereby men may rightlie esteme,
and iustlie lament, the losse of the whole.... P. 276. In Tragedies, (the
goodliest Argument of all, and for the vse, either of a learned preacher, or a
Ciuill Ientleman, more profitable than Homer, Pindar, Vergill, and Horace:
yea comparable in myne opinion, with the doctrine of Aristotle, Plato, and
Xenophon,) the Grecians, Sophocles and Euripides far ouer match our
Seneca, in Latin, namely in οἱκονομία et Decoro, although Senecaes
elocution and verse be verie commendable for his tyme.’ ... P. 284. Ascham
describes some contemporary Latin tragedies.... P. 286. ‘Of this short tyme
of any pureness of the Latin tong, for the first fortie yeare of it, and all the
tyme before, we haue no peece of learning left, saue Plautus and Terence,
with a litle rude vnperfit pamflet of the elder Cato. And as for Plautus,
except the scholemaster be able to make wise and ware choice, first in
proprietie of wordes, then in framing of phrases and sentences, and chieflie
in choice of honestie of matter, your scholer were better to play, then learne
all that is in him. But surelie, if iudgement for the tong, and direction for the
maners, be wisely ioyned with the diligent reading of Plautus, than trewlie
Plautus, for that purenesse of the Latin tong in Rome, whan Rome did most
florish in wel doing, and so thereby, in well speaking also, is soch a
plentifull storehouse, for common eloquence, in meane matters, and all
priuate mens affaires, as the Latin tong, for that respect, hath not the like
agayne. Whan I remember the worthy tyme of Rome, wherein Plautus did
liue, I must nedes honor the talke of that tyme, which we see Plautus doth
vse. Terence is also a storehouse of the same tong, for an other tyme,
following soone after, & although he be not so full & plentiful as Plautus is,
to, be preasing in, to pratle on euerie stage, to medle in euerie matter, when
honest Parmenos shall not be hard, but beare small swing with their
masters.... The second booke teachyng the ready way to the Latin tong.... P.
238. Read dayly vnto him ... some Comedie of Terence or Plautus: but in
Plautus, skilfull choice must be vsed by the master, to traine his Scholler to
a iudgement, in cutting out perfitelie ouer old and vnproper wordes.... On
Imitatio ... P. 266. The whole doctrine of Comedies and Tragedies, is a
perfite imitation, or faire liuelie painted picture of the life of euerie degree
of man.... One of the best examples, for right Imitation we lacke, and that is
Menander, whom our Terence (as the matter required) in like argument, in
the same Persons, with equall eloquence, foote by foote did follow. Som
peeces remaine, like broken Iewelles, whereby men may rightlie esteme,
and iustlie lament, the losse of the whole.... P. 276. In Tragedies, (the
goodliest Argument of all, and for the vse, either of a learned preacher, or a
Ciuill Ientleman, more profitable than Homer, Pindar, Vergill, and Horace:
yea comparable in myne opinion, with the doctrine of Aristotle, Plato, and
Xenophon,) the Grecians, Sophocles and Euripides far ouer match our
Seneca, in Latin, namely in οἱκονομία et Decoro, although Senecaes
elocution and verse be verie commendable for his tyme.’ ... P. 284. Ascham
describes some contemporary Latin tragedies.... P. 286. ‘Of this short tyme
of any pureness of the Latin tong, for the first fortie yeare of it, and all the
tyme before, we haue no peece of learning left, saue Plautus and Terence,
with a litle rude vnperfit pamflet of the elder Cato. And as for Plautus,
except the scholemaster be able to make wise and ware choice, first in
proprietie of wordes, then in framing of phrases and sentences, and chieflie
in choice of honestie of matter, your scholer were better to play, then learne
all that is in him. But surelie, if iudgement for the tong, and direction for the
maners, be wisely ioyned with the diligent reading of Plautus, than trewlie
Plautus, for that purenesse of the Latin tong in Rome, whan Rome did most
florish in wel doing, and so thereby, in well speaking also, is soch a
plentifull storehouse, for common eloquence, in meane matters, and all
priuate mens affaires, as the Latin tong, for that respect, hath not the like
agayne. Whan I remember the worthy tyme of Rome, wherein Plautus did
liue, I must nedes honor the talke of that tyme, which we see Plautus doth
vse. Terence is also a storehouse of the same tong, for an other tyme,
following soone after, & although he be not so full & plentiful as Plautus is,
Page 221
for multitude of matters, & diuersitie of wordes, yet his wordes, be chosen
so purelie, placed so orderly, and all his stuffe so neetlie packed vp, and
wittely compassed in euerie place, as, by all wise mens iudgement, he is
counted the cunninger workeman, and to haue his shop, for the rowme that
is in it, more finely appointed, and trimlier ordered, than Plautus is.... The
matter in both, is altogether within the compasse of the meanest mens
maners, and doth not stretch to any thing of any great weight at all, but
standeth chiefly in vtteryng the thoughtes and conditions of hard fathers,
foolish mothers, vnthrifty yong men, craftie seruantes, sotle bawdes, and
wilie harlots, and so, is moch spent, in finding out fine fetches, and packing
vp pelting matters, soch as in London commonlie cum to the hearing of the
Masters of Bridewell. Here is base stuffe for that scholer, that should becum
hereafter, either a good minister in Religion, or a Ciuill Ientleman in seruice
of his Prince and contrie: except the preacher do know soch matters to
confute them, whan ignorance surelie in all soch thinges were better for a
Ciuill Ientleman, than knowledge. And thus, for matter, both Plautus and
Terence, be like meane painters, that worke by halfes, and be cunning
onelie, in making the worst part of the picture, as if one were skilfull in
painting the bodie of a naked person, from the nauell downward, but
nothing else.’
viii. 1565. William Alley.
[From Miscellanea of notes to a Praelectio of 1561 in Πτωχὸμυσεȋον: The Poore
Mans Librarie (1565). On Alley, v. ch. xxiii, s.v.]
Alas, are not almost al places in these daies replenished with iuglers,
scoffers, iesters, plaiers, which may say and do what they lust, be it neuer so
fleshly and filthy? and yet suffred and heard with laughing and clapping of
handes.
ix. 1565–71. Richard Edwardes.
[The Prologue to Damon and Pithias. It appears from the title-page that this had
been ‘somewhat altered’ between the production of the play in 1565 and its
publication in 1571; cf. ch. xxiii.]
On euerie syde, wheras I glaunce my rouyng eye,
Silence in all eares bent I playnty do espie:
But if your egre lookes doo longe suche toyes to see,
As heretofore in commycall wise, were wont abroade to bee:
Your lust is lost, and all the pleasures that you sought,
Is frustrate quite of toying Playes. A soden change is wrought.
so purelie, placed so orderly, and all his stuffe so neetlie packed vp, and
wittely compassed in euerie place, as, by all wise mens iudgement, he is
counted the cunninger workeman, and to haue his shop, for the rowme that
is in it, more finely appointed, and trimlier ordered, than Plautus is.... The
matter in both, is altogether within the compasse of the meanest mens
maners, and doth not stretch to any thing of any great weight at all, but
standeth chiefly in vtteryng the thoughtes and conditions of hard fathers,
foolish mothers, vnthrifty yong men, craftie seruantes, sotle bawdes, and
wilie harlots, and so, is moch spent, in finding out fine fetches, and packing
vp pelting matters, soch as in London commonlie cum to the hearing of the
Masters of Bridewell. Here is base stuffe for that scholer, that should becum
hereafter, either a good minister in Religion, or a Ciuill Ientleman in seruice
of his Prince and contrie: except the preacher do know soch matters to
confute them, whan ignorance surelie in all soch thinges were better for a
Ciuill Ientleman, than knowledge. And thus, for matter, both Plautus and
Terence, be like meane painters, that worke by halfes, and be cunning
onelie, in making the worst part of the picture, as if one were skilfull in
painting the bodie of a naked person, from the nauell downward, but
nothing else.’
viii. 1565. William Alley.
[From Miscellanea of notes to a Praelectio of 1561 in Πτωχὸμυσεȋον: The Poore
Mans Librarie (1565). On Alley, v. ch. xxiii, s.v.]
Alas, are not almost al places in these daies replenished with iuglers,
scoffers, iesters, plaiers, which may say and do what they lust, be it neuer so
fleshly and filthy? and yet suffred and heard with laughing and clapping of
handes.
ix. 1565–71. Richard Edwardes.
[The Prologue to Damon and Pithias. It appears from the title-page that this had
been ‘somewhat altered’ between the production of the play in 1565 and its
publication in 1571; cf. ch. xxiii.]
On euerie syde, wheras I glaunce my rouyng eye,
Silence in all eares bent I playnty do espie:
But if your egre lookes doo longe suche toyes to see,
As heretofore in commycall wise, were wont abroade to bee:
Your lust is lost, and all the pleasures that you sought,
Is frustrate quite of toying Playes. A soden change is wrought.
Page 222
For loe, our Authors Muse, that masked in delight,
Hath forst his Penne agaynst his kinde, no more suche sportes to write.
Muse he that lust, (right worshipfull) for chaunce hath made this change,
For that to some he seemed too muche, in yonge desires to range:
In whiche, right glad to please, seyng that he did offende,
Of all he humblie pardon craues: his Pen that shall amende:
And yet (worshipfull Audience,) thus much I dare aduouche.
In Commedies, the greatest Skyll is this, rightly to touche
All thynges to the quicke: and eke to frame eche person so,
That by his common talke, you may his nature rightly knowe:
A Royster ought not preache, that were to straunge to heare,
But as from vertue he doth swerue, so ought his woordes appeare:
The olde man is sober, the yonge man rashe, the Louer triumphyng in ioyes,
The Matron graue, the Harlot wilde and full of wanton toyes.
Whiche all in one course they [in] no wise doo agree:
So correspondent to their kinde their speeches ought to bee.
Which speeches well pronounste, with action liuely framed,
If this offende the lookers on, let Horace then be blamed,
Which hath our Author taught at Schole, from whom he doth not swarue,
In all suche kinde of exercise decorum to obserue,
Thus much for his defence (he sayth) as Poetes earst haue donne,
Which heretofore in Commedies the selfe same rase did ronne:
But now for to be briefe, the matter to expresse,
Which here wee shall present: is this Damon and Pithias,
A rare ensample of Friendship true, it is no Legend lie,
But a thinge once donne in deede as Hystories doo discrie,
Whiche doone of yore in longe time past, yet present shalbe here,
Euen as it were in dooynge now, so liuely it shall appeare:
Lo here in Siracusae thauncient Towne, which once the Romaines wonne,
Here Dionysius Pallace, within whose Courte this thing most strange was donne,
Which matter mixt with myrth and care, a iust name to applie,
As seemes most fit wee haue it termed, a Tragicall Commedie,
Wherein talkyng of Courtly toyes, wee doo protest this flat,
Wee talke of Dionysius Courte, wee meane no Court but that,
And that wee doo so meane, who wysely calleth to minde.
The time, the place, the Authours here most plainely shall it finde,
Loe this I speake for our defence, lest of others wee should be shent:
But worthy Audience, wee you pray, take thinges as they be ment,
Whose vpright Judgement wee doo craue, with heedefull eare and eye,
To here the cause, and see theffect of this newe Tragicall Commedie.
x. 1566. Lewis Wager.
[From Prologue to The Life and Repentance of Marie Magdalene (1566). cf. ch.
xxiii.]
l. 10. We and other persons haue exercised
This comely and good facultie a long season,
Which of some haue bene spitefully despised;
Hath forst his Penne agaynst his kinde, no more suche sportes to write.
Muse he that lust, (right worshipfull) for chaunce hath made this change,
For that to some he seemed too muche, in yonge desires to range:
In whiche, right glad to please, seyng that he did offende,
Of all he humblie pardon craues: his Pen that shall amende:
And yet (worshipfull Audience,) thus much I dare aduouche.
In Commedies, the greatest Skyll is this, rightly to touche
All thynges to the quicke: and eke to frame eche person so,
That by his common talke, you may his nature rightly knowe:
A Royster ought not preache, that were to straunge to heare,
But as from vertue he doth swerue, so ought his woordes appeare:
The olde man is sober, the yonge man rashe, the Louer triumphyng in ioyes,
The Matron graue, the Harlot wilde and full of wanton toyes.
Whiche all in one course they [in] no wise doo agree:
So correspondent to their kinde their speeches ought to bee.
Which speeches well pronounste, with action liuely framed,
If this offende the lookers on, let Horace then be blamed,
Which hath our Author taught at Schole, from whom he doth not swarue,
In all suche kinde of exercise decorum to obserue,
Thus much for his defence (he sayth) as Poetes earst haue donne,
Which heretofore in Commedies the selfe same rase did ronne:
But now for to be briefe, the matter to expresse,
Which here wee shall present: is this Damon and Pithias,
A rare ensample of Friendship true, it is no Legend lie,
But a thinge once donne in deede as Hystories doo discrie,
Whiche doone of yore in longe time past, yet present shalbe here,
Euen as it were in dooynge now, so liuely it shall appeare:
Lo here in Siracusae thauncient Towne, which once the Romaines wonne,
Here Dionysius Pallace, within whose Courte this thing most strange was donne,
Which matter mixt with myrth and care, a iust name to applie,
As seemes most fit wee haue it termed, a Tragicall Commedie,
Wherein talkyng of Courtly toyes, wee doo protest this flat,
Wee talke of Dionysius Courte, wee meane no Court but that,
And that wee doo so meane, who wysely calleth to minde.
The time, the place, the Authours here most plainely shall it finde,
Loe this I speake for our defence, lest of others wee should be shent:
But worthy Audience, wee you pray, take thinges as they be ment,
Whose vpright Judgement wee doo craue, with heedefull eare and eye,
To here the cause, and see theffect of this newe Tragicall Commedie.
x. 1566. Lewis Wager.
[From Prologue to The Life and Repentance of Marie Magdalene (1566). cf. ch.
xxiii.]
l. 10. We and other persons haue exercised
This comely and good facultie a long season,
Which of some haue bene spitefully despised;
Page 223
Wherefore, I thinke, they can alleage no reason.
Where affect ruleth, there good iudgement is geason.
They neuer learned the verse of Horace doubtles,
Nec tua laudabis studia, aut aliena reprehendes....
l. 24. I maruell why they should detract our facultie:
We haue ridden and gone many sundry waies;
Yea, we haue vsed this feate at the vniuersitie;
Yet neither wise nor learned would it dispraise: ...
l. 31. Doth not our facultie learnedly extoll vertue?
Doth it not teache, God to be praised aboue al thing?
What facultie doth vice more earnestly subdue?
Doth it not teache true obedience to the kyng?
What godly sentences to the mynde doth it bryng!
I saie, there was neuer thyng inuented,
More worth for man’s solace to be frequented.
Hipocrites that wold not haue their fautes reueled
Imagine slaunder our facultie to let;
Faine wold they haue their wickednes still concealed;
Therfore maliciously against vs they be set;
O (say they) muche money they doe get.
Truely, I say, whether you geue halfpence or pence,
Your gayne shalbe double, before you depart hence....
l. 80. We desire no man in this poynt to be offended,
In that vertues with vice we shall here introduce;
For in men and women they haue depended:
And therfore figuratiuely to speake, it is the vse.
I trust that all wise men will accept our excuse.
Of the Preface for this season here I make an ende;
In godly myrth to spend the tyme we doe intende.
xi. 1569. Anon.
[T. Warton, History of Poetry, iii (1781) 288 (ed. Hazlitt, iv. 217), ascribes to this
year a ‘Puritanical pamphlet without name’, The Children of the Chapel stript and
whipt, which he says was ‘among Bishop Tanner’s books at Oxford’. It is not,
however, now traceable in the Bodleian. Warton’s extracts are quoted in ch. xii, s.v.
Chapel.]
xii. 1569. Henry Cornelius Agrippa.
[From Henry Cornelius Agrippa, of the Vanitie and uncertaintie of Artes and
Sciences, Englished by Ja[mes] San[ford] Gent. (1569), a translation of De
incertitudine et vanitate scientiarium et artium atque excellentia Verbi Dei declamatio
(1530), written in 1526 (Opera, ii. 1).]
Where affect ruleth, there good iudgement is geason.
They neuer learned the verse of Horace doubtles,
Nec tua laudabis studia, aut aliena reprehendes....
l. 24. I maruell why they should detract our facultie:
We haue ridden and gone many sundry waies;
Yea, we haue vsed this feate at the vniuersitie;
Yet neither wise nor learned would it dispraise: ...
l. 31. Doth not our facultie learnedly extoll vertue?
Doth it not teache, God to be praised aboue al thing?
What facultie doth vice more earnestly subdue?
Doth it not teache true obedience to the kyng?
What godly sentences to the mynde doth it bryng!
I saie, there was neuer thyng inuented,
More worth for man’s solace to be frequented.
Hipocrites that wold not haue their fautes reueled
Imagine slaunder our facultie to let;
Faine wold they haue their wickednes still concealed;
Therfore maliciously against vs they be set;
O (say they) muche money they doe get.
Truely, I say, whether you geue halfpence or pence,
Your gayne shalbe double, before you depart hence....
l. 80. We desire no man in this poynt to be offended,
In that vertues with vice we shall here introduce;
For in men and women they haue depended:
And therfore figuratiuely to speake, it is the vse.
I trust that all wise men will accept our excuse.
Of the Preface for this season here I make an ende;
In godly myrth to spend the tyme we doe intende.
xi. 1569. Anon.
[T. Warton, History of Poetry, iii (1781) 288 (ed. Hazlitt, iv. 217), ascribes to this
year a ‘Puritanical pamphlet without name’, The Children of the Chapel stript and
whipt, which he says was ‘among Bishop Tanner’s books at Oxford’. It is not,
however, now traceable in the Bodleian. Warton’s extracts are quoted in ch. xii, s.v.
Chapel.]
xii. 1569. Henry Cornelius Agrippa.
[From Henry Cornelius Agrippa, of the Vanitie and uncertaintie of Artes and
Sciences, Englished by Ja[mes] San[ford] Gent. (1569), a translation of De
incertitudine et vanitate scientiarium et artium atque excellentia Verbi Dei declamatio
(1530), written in 1526 (Opera, ii. 1).]
Page 224
‘Cap. 4. Of Poetrie’ condemns it as lying. ‘Cap. 20. Of the Science of
stage Plaiers.’ After defining the player’s art and citing the discussion
between Cicero and Roscius recorded by Macrobius (cf. no. xliii and ch. xi)
and the banishment of players by the City of Marseilles (cf. Mediaeval
Stage, i. 7), Agrippa concludes, ‘And therefore to exercise this Arte, is not
onely a dishonest and wicked occupation, but also to behold it, and therein
to delite is a shameful thinge, bicause that the delite of a wanton minde is
an offence. And to conclude, there was in times paste no name more
infamous then stage players, and moreouer, al they that had plaide an
Enterlude in the Theater, were by the lawes depriued from all honour.’ Plays
are briefly referred to in ‘Cap. 59. Of Holy daies’ and ‘Cap. 63. Of the
whoorishe Arte’.
xiii. 1574. Geoffrey Fenton.
[From A Forme of Christian Pollicie gathered out of French (1574). No single
source has been traced and the treatise is probably a compilation.]
Book iii, ch. 7. ‘Players ... corrupt good moralities by wanton shewes
and playes: they ought not to be suffred to prophane the Sabboth day in
such sportes, and much lesse to lose time on the dayes of trauayle. All
dissolute playes ought to be forbidden: All comicall and tragicall showes of
schollers in morall doctrines, and declamations in causes made to reprooue
and accuse vice and extoll vertue are very profitable.’ The 7 Chapter
expands the foregoing.... ‘Great then is the errour of the magistrate to geue
sufferance to these players, whether they bee minstrels, or enterludours who
on a scaffold, babling vaine newes to the sclander of the world, put there in
scoffing the vertues of honest men.... There often times are blowen abroade
the publike and secreete vices of men, sometimes shrowded under
honourable personage, withe infinite other offences.... How often is the
maiestie of God offended in those twoo or three howres that those playes
endure, both by wicked wordes, and blasphemye, impudent jestures,
doubtful sclaunders, unchaste songes, and also by corruption of the willes
of the players and the assistauntes. Let no man obiect heare that by these
publike plaies, many forbeare to doo euill, for feare to bee publikely
reprehended ... for it may be aunswered first, that in such disguised plaiers
geuen over to all sortes of dissolucion, is not found a wil to do good, seeing
they care for nothing lesse than vertue: secondlye that is not the meane to
correct sinne.... Heare I reprooue not the plaies of scollers ... Ch. 6. I wish
stage Plaiers.’ After defining the player’s art and citing the discussion
between Cicero and Roscius recorded by Macrobius (cf. no. xliii and ch. xi)
and the banishment of players by the City of Marseilles (cf. Mediaeval
Stage, i. 7), Agrippa concludes, ‘And therefore to exercise this Arte, is not
onely a dishonest and wicked occupation, but also to behold it, and therein
to delite is a shameful thinge, bicause that the delite of a wanton minde is
an offence. And to conclude, there was in times paste no name more
infamous then stage players, and moreouer, al they that had plaide an
Enterlude in the Theater, were by the lawes depriued from all honour.’ Plays
are briefly referred to in ‘Cap. 59. Of Holy daies’ and ‘Cap. 63. Of the
whoorishe Arte’.
xiii. 1574. Geoffrey Fenton.
[From A Forme of Christian Pollicie gathered out of French (1574). No single
source has been traced and the treatise is probably a compilation.]
Book iii, ch. 7. ‘Players ... corrupt good moralities by wanton shewes
and playes: they ought not to be suffred to prophane the Sabboth day in
such sportes, and much lesse to lose time on the dayes of trauayle. All
dissolute playes ought to be forbidden: All comicall and tragicall showes of
schollers in morall doctrines, and declamations in causes made to reprooue
and accuse vice and extoll vertue are very profitable.’ The 7 Chapter
expands the foregoing.... ‘Great then is the errour of the magistrate to geue
sufferance to these players, whether they bee minstrels, or enterludours who
on a scaffold, babling vaine newes to the sclander of the world, put there in
scoffing the vertues of honest men.... There often times are blowen abroade
the publike and secreete vices of men, sometimes shrowded under
honourable personage, withe infinite other offences.... How often is the
maiestie of God offended in those twoo or three howres that those playes
endure, both by wicked wordes, and blasphemye, impudent jestures,
doubtful sclaunders, unchaste songes, and also by corruption of the willes
of the players and the assistauntes. Let no man obiect heare that by these
publike plaies, many forbeare to doo euill, for feare to bee publikely
reprehended ... for it may be aunswered first, that in such disguised plaiers
geuen over to all sortes of dissolucion, is not found a wil to do good, seeing
they care for nothing lesse than vertue: secondlye that is not the meane to
correct sinne.... Heare I reprooue not the plaies of scollers ... Ch. 6. I wish
Page 225
that in place of daunses at mariage, the time were supplied with some
comical or historical show of the auncient manages of Abraham and Sara,
of Isaac and Rebecca, and of the two Tobies and theyr wiues, matters honest
and tending much to edify the assistauntes.’
xiv. 1575. George Gascoigne.
[Prologue to The Glasse of Governement (cf. ch. xxiii).]
What man hath minde to heare a worthie Jest,
Or seekes to feede his eye with vayne delight:
That man is much unmeete to be a guest,
At such a feaste as I prepare this night.
Who list laye out some pence in such a Marte,
Bellsavage fayre were fittest for his purse,
I lyst not so to misbestowe mine arte,
I have best wares, what neede I then shewe woorse?
An Enterlude may make you laugh your fill,
Italian toyes are full of pleasaunt sporte:
Playne speache to use, if wanton be your wyll,
You may be gone, wyde open standes the porte.
But if you can contented be to heare,
In true discourse howe hygh the vertuous clyme,
Howe low they fall which lyve withouten feare
Of God or man, and much mispende theyr tyme:
What ryght rewardes a trustie servaunt earnes,
What subtile snares these Sycophantes can use,
Howe soone the wise such crooked guyles discernes,
Then stay a whyle: gyve eare unto my Muse.
A Comedie, I meane for to present,
No Terence phrase: his tyme and myne are twaine:
The verse that pleasde a Romaine rashe intent,
Myght well offend the godly Preachers vayne.
Deformed shewes were then esteemed muche,
Reformed speeche doth now become us best,
Mens wordes muste weye and tryed be by touche
Of Gods owne worde, wherein the truth doth rest.
Content you then (my Lordes) with good intent,
Grave Citizens, you people greate and small,
To see your selves in Glasse of Governement:
Beholde rashe youth, which daungerously doth fall
On craggy rockes of sorrowes nothing softe,
When sober wittes by Vertue clymes alofte.
xv. 1577. Thomas White.
[From A Sermon preached at Pawles Crosse on Sunday the thirde of November
1577 in the time of the Plague. By T. W. This was printed, according to the colophon,
comical or historical show of the auncient manages of Abraham and Sara,
of Isaac and Rebecca, and of the two Tobies and theyr wiues, matters honest
and tending much to edify the assistauntes.’
xiv. 1575. George Gascoigne.
[Prologue to The Glasse of Governement (cf. ch. xxiii).]
What man hath minde to heare a worthie Jest,
Or seekes to feede his eye with vayne delight:
That man is much unmeete to be a guest,
At such a feaste as I prepare this night.
Who list laye out some pence in such a Marte,
Bellsavage fayre were fittest for his purse,
I lyst not so to misbestowe mine arte,
I have best wares, what neede I then shewe woorse?
An Enterlude may make you laugh your fill,
Italian toyes are full of pleasaunt sporte:
Playne speache to use, if wanton be your wyll,
You may be gone, wyde open standes the porte.
But if you can contented be to heare,
In true discourse howe hygh the vertuous clyme,
Howe low they fall which lyve withouten feare
Of God or man, and much mispende theyr tyme:
What ryght rewardes a trustie servaunt earnes,
What subtile snares these Sycophantes can use,
Howe soone the wise such crooked guyles discernes,
Then stay a whyle: gyve eare unto my Muse.
A Comedie, I meane for to present,
No Terence phrase: his tyme and myne are twaine:
The verse that pleasde a Romaine rashe intent,
Myght well offend the godly Preachers vayne.
Deformed shewes were then esteemed muche,
Reformed speeche doth now become us best,
Mens wordes muste weye and tryed be by touche
Of Gods owne worde, wherein the truth doth rest.
Content you then (my Lordes) with good intent,
Grave Citizens, you people greate and small,
To see your selves in Glasse of Governement:
Beholde rashe youth, which daungerously doth fall
On craggy rockes of sorrowes nothing softe,
When sober wittes by Vertue clymes alofte.
xv. 1577. Thomas White.
[From A Sermon preached at Pawles Crosse on Sunday the thirde of November
1577 in the time of the Plague. By T. W. This was printed, according to the colophon,
Page 226
by F. Coldocke on 10 Feb. 1578. There are two copies in the B.M., but one has been
bound in error with the title-page of an earlier sermon of 9 Dec. 1576, by the same
author. T. W. was probably Thomas White, vicar of St. Dunstan-in-the-West, and later
founder of Sion College and of White’s Professorship of Moral Philosophy at Oxford.
The sermon is sometimes claimed for Thomas Wilcox; but he was in ecclesiastical
disgrace in 1577 and unlikely to have access to Paul’s Cross.]
P. 46. ‘Looke but vppon the common playes in London, and see the
multitude that flocketh to them and followeth them: beholde the sumptuous
Theatre houses, a continuall monument of Londons prodigalitie and folly.
But I vnderstande they are nowe forbidden bycause of the plague. I like the
pollicye well if it holde still, for a disease is but bodged or patched vp that
is not cured in the cause, and the cause of plagues is sinne, if you looke to it
well: and the cause of sinne are playes: therefore the cause of plagues are
playes.... Shall I reckon vp the monstrous birds that brede in this nest?
without doubt I am ashamed, and I should surely offende your chast eares:
but the olde world is matched, and Sodome ouercome, for more horrible
enormities and swelling sins are set out by those stages, than euery man
thinks for, or some would beleeue, if I shold paint them out in their colours:
without doubt you can scantly name me a sinne, that by that sincke is not
set a gogge: theft and whoredome; pride and prodigality; villanie and
blasphemie; these three couples of helhoundes neuer cease barking there,
and bite manye, so as they are vncurable euer after, so that many a man hath
the leuder wife, and many a wife the shreuder husband by it: and it can not
otherwise be, but that whiche robbeth flatlye the Lord of all his honor, and
is directly against the whole first table of his law, should make no bones of
breache of the second also, which is toward our neighbour only. Wherefore
if thou be a father, thou losest thy child: if thou be a maister, thou losest thy
seruaunt; and thou be what thou canst be, thou losest thy selfe that hauntest
those scholes of vice, dennes of theeues, and Theatres of all leudnesse: and
if it be not suppressed in time, it will make such a Tragedie, that London
may well mourne whyle it is London, for it is no playing time.’
xvi. 1577. John Northbrooke.
[From A Treatise wherein Dicing, Dauncing, Vaine playes, or Enterluds, with other
idle pastimes, &c., commonly used on the Sabboth day, are reproued by the Authoritie
of the word of God and auntient writers. n.d. H. Bynneman for George Byshop. This
is doubtless the ‘booke wherein Dycinge, dauncinge, vaine playenge and Interludes,
with other idle pastimes, &c., comonlie used on the Saboth daie are reproved’, entered
for Bishop in S. R. on 2 Dec. 1577 (Arber, ii. 321). A second edition was printed in
1579. Northbrooke was a Gloucester minister. The book was edited by J. P. Collier
(1843, Sh. Soc.).]
bound in error with the title-page of an earlier sermon of 9 Dec. 1576, by the same
author. T. W. was probably Thomas White, vicar of St. Dunstan-in-the-West, and later
founder of Sion College and of White’s Professorship of Moral Philosophy at Oxford.
The sermon is sometimes claimed for Thomas Wilcox; but he was in ecclesiastical
disgrace in 1577 and unlikely to have access to Paul’s Cross.]
P. 46. ‘Looke but vppon the common playes in London, and see the
multitude that flocketh to them and followeth them: beholde the sumptuous
Theatre houses, a continuall monument of Londons prodigalitie and folly.
But I vnderstande they are nowe forbidden bycause of the plague. I like the
pollicye well if it holde still, for a disease is but bodged or patched vp that
is not cured in the cause, and the cause of plagues is sinne, if you looke to it
well: and the cause of sinne are playes: therefore the cause of plagues are
playes.... Shall I reckon vp the monstrous birds that brede in this nest?
without doubt I am ashamed, and I should surely offende your chast eares:
but the olde world is matched, and Sodome ouercome, for more horrible
enormities and swelling sins are set out by those stages, than euery man
thinks for, or some would beleeue, if I shold paint them out in their colours:
without doubt you can scantly name me a sinne, that by that sincke is not
set a gogge: theft and whoredome; pride and prodigality; villanie and
blasphemie; these three couples of helhoundes neuer cease barking there,
and bite manye, so as they are vncurable euer after, so that many a man hath
the leuder wife, and many a wife the shreuder husband by it: and it can not
otherwise be, but that whiche robbeth flatlye the Lord of all his honor, and
is directly against the whole first table of his law, should make no bones of
breache of the second also, which is toward our neighbour only. Wherefore
if thou be a father, thou losest thy child: if thou be a maister, thou losest thy
seruaunt; and thou be what thou canst be, thou losest thy selfe that hauntest
those scholes of vice, dennes of theeues, and Theatres of all leudnesse: and
if it be not suppressed in time, it will make such a Tragedie, that London
may well mourne whyle it is London, for it is no playing time.’
xvi. 1577. John Northbrooke.
[From A Treatise wherein Dicing, Dauncing, Vaine playes, or Enterluds, with other
idle pastimes, &c., commonly used on the Sabboth day, are reproued by the Authoritie
of the word of God and auntient writers. n.d. H. Bynneman for George Byshop. This
is doubtless the ‘booke wherein Dycinge, dauncinge, vaine playenge and Interludes,
with other idle pastimes, &c., comonlie used on the Saboth daie are reproved’, entered
for Bishop in S. R. on 2 Dec. 1577 (Arber, ii. 321). A second edition was printed in
1579. Northbrooke was a Gloucester minister. The book was edited by J. P. Collier
(1843, Sh. Soc.).]
Page 227
[Summary and Extracts.] The treatise is ‘made dialogue-wise’ between
Youth and Age. Epistles to Sir John Yong and to The Christian and Faithful
Reader, dated respectively from Bristol and Henbury. A Treatise against
Idlenes, Idle Pastimes, and Playes. The greater part deals generally with
‘ydle playes and vaine pastimes’ and their relation to the Christian life. P.
82. Youth asks Age his opinion of ‘playes and players, which are commonly
vsed and much frequented in most places in these dayes, especiallye here in
this noble and honourable citie of London’. Age condemns ‘stage playes
and enterludes’ as ‘not tollerable, nor sufferable in any common weale,
especially where the Gospell is preached; for it is right prodigalitie, which
is opposite to liberalitie’. Considers ‘the giftes, buildings, and maintenance
of such places for players a spectacle and schoole for all wickednesse and
vice to be learned in’, and particularly applies this to ‘those places also,
whiche are made vppe and builded for such playes and enterludes, as the
Theatre and Curtaine is, and other such lyke places.... Satan hath not a more
speedie way, and fitter schoole to work and teach his desire, to bring men
and women into his snare of concupiscence and filthie lustes of wicked
whoredome, than those places, and playes, and theatres are; and therefore
necessarie that those places, and players, shoulde be forbidden, and
dissolued, and put downe by authoritie, as the brothell houses and stewes
are’. Quotes the Fathers on the offences to chastity at theatres. P. 92.
Condemns the playing of ‘histories out of the scriptures. By the long
suffering and permitting of these vaine plays, it hath stricken such a blinde
zeale into the heartes of the people, that they shame not to say, and affirme
openly, that playes are as good as sermons, and that they learne as much or
more at a playe, than they do at God’s worde preached.... Many can tarie at
a vayne playe two or three houres, when as they will not abide scarce one
houre at a sermon.... I speake (alas! with griefe and sorowe of heart) against
those people that are so fleshlye ledde, to see what rewarde there is giuen to
such crocodiles, whiche deuoure the pure chastitie bothe of single and
maried persons, men and women, when as in their playes you shall learne
all things that appertayne to craft, mischiefe, deceytes, and filthinesse, &c.
If you will learne howe to bee false and deceyue your husbandes, or
husbandes their wyues, howe to playe the harlottes, to obtayne one’s loue,
howe to rauishe, howe to beguyle, howe to betraye, to flatter, lye, sweare,
forsweare, how to allure to whoredome, howe to murther, howe to poyson,
howe to disobey and rebell against princes, to consume treasures prodigally,
Youth and Age. Epistles to Sir John Yong and to The Christian and Faithful
Reader, dated respectively from Bristol and Henbury. A Treatise against
Idlenes, Idle Pastimes, and Playes. The greater part deals generally with
‘ydle playes and vaine pastimes’ and their relation to the Christian life. P.
82. Youth asks Age his opinion of ‘playes and players, which are commonly
vsed and much frequented in most places in these dayes, especiallye here in
this noble and honourable citie of London’. Age condemns ‘stage playes
and enterludes’ as ‘not tollerable, nor sufferable in any common weale,
especially where the Gospell is preached; for it is right prodigalitie, which
is opposite to liberalitie’. Considers ‘the giftes, buildings, and maintenance
of such places for players a spectacle and schoole for all wickednesse and
vice to be learned in’, and particularly applies this to ‘those places also,
whiche are made vppe and builded for such playes and enterludes, as the
Theatre and Curtaine is, and other such lyke places.... Satan hath not a more
speedie way, and fitter schoole to work and teach his desire, to bring men
and women into his snare of concupiscence and filthie lustes of wicked
whoredome, than those places, and playes, and theatres are; and therefore
necessarie that those places, and players, shoulde be forbidden, and
dissolued, and put downe by authoritie, as the brothell houses and stewes
are’. Quotes the Fathers on the offences to chastity at theatres. P. 92.
Condemns the playing of ‘histories out of the scriptures. By the long
suffering and permitting of these vaine plays, it hath stricken such a blinde
zeale into the heartes of the people, that they shame not to say, and affirme
openly, that playes are as good as sermons, and that they learne as much or
more at a playe, than they do at God’s worde preached.... Many can tarie at
a vayne playe two or three houres, when as they will not abide scarce one
houre at a sermon.... I speake (alas! with griefe and sorowe of heart) against
those people that are so fleshlye ledde, to see what rewarde there is giuen to
such crocodiles, whiche deuoure the pure chastitie bothe of single and
maried persons, men and women, when as in their playes you shall learne
all things that appertayne to craft, mischiefe, deceytes, and filthinesse, &c.
If you will learne howe to bee false and deceyue your husbandes, or
husbandes their wyues, howe to playe the harlottes, to obtayne one’s loue,
howe to rauishe, howe to beguyle, howe to betraye, to flatter, lye, sweare,
forsweare, how to allure to whoredome, howe to murther, howe to poyson,
howe to disobey and rebell against princes, to consume treasures prodigally,
Page 228
to mooue to lustes, to ransacke and spoyle cities and townes, to bee ydle, to
blaspheme, to sing filthie songs of loue, to speake filthily, to be prowde,
howe to mocke, scoffe, and deryde any nation ... shall not you learne, then,
at such enterludes howe to practise them?... Therefore, great reason it is that
women (especiallye) shoulde absent themselues from such playes.’ Notes
the infamia of histriones, which he translates ‘enterlude players’, and refers
to the statute of 1572. Expounds the heathen origin of plays. P. 101. Youth
admits ‘that they ought to be ouerthrowne and put downe.... Yet I see little
sayd, and lesse done vnto them; great resort there is daily vnto them, and
thereout sucke they no small aduantage’. P. 102. ‘They vse to set vp their
billes vpon postes certain dayes before, to admonishe the people to make
their resort vnto their theatres, that they may thereby be the better furnished,
and the people prepared to fill their purses with their treasures.’ P. 102.
Youth concludes: ‘I maruaile the magistrates suffer them thus to continue,
and to haue houses builded for such exercises.... I maruaile much, sithe the
rulers are not onely negligent and slowe herein to doe, but the preachers are
as dumme to speake and saye in a pulpitte against it’; and Age: ‘I doubt not
but God will so moue the hearts of magistrates, and loose the tongue of the
preachers in such godly sort (by the good deuout prayers of the faithfull)
that both with the sworde and the worde such vnfruitfull and barren trees
shall be cut downe’. P. 103. Youth then raises the question of scholastic
plays. These Age admits. ‘I thinke it is lawefull for a schoolmaster to
practise his schollers to playe comedies, obseruing these and the like
cautions: first, that those comedies which they shall play be not mixt with
anye ribaudrie and filthie termes and wordes (which corrupt good manners).
Secondly, that it be for learning and vtterance sake, in Latine, and very
seldome in Englishe. Thirdly, that they vse not to play commonly and often,
but verye rare and seldome. Fourthlye, that they be not pranked and decked
vp in gorgious and sumptious apparell in their play. Fiftly, that it be not
made a common exercise, publickly, for profit and gaine of money, but for
learning and exercise sake. And lastly, that their comedies be not mixte with
vaine and wanton toyes of loue. These being obserued, I iudge it tollerable
for schollers.’ An Inuectiue against Dice-Playing and A Treatise against
Dauncing.
xvii. 1578. John Stockwood.
[From A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse on 24 Aug. 1578. A reprint is in
Harrison, iv. 329. John Stockwood was Master of Tonbridge Grammar School.]
blaspheme, to sing filthie songs of loue, to speake filthily, to be prowde,
howe to mocke, scoffe, and deryde any nation ... shall not you learne, then,
at such enterludes howe to practise them?... Therefore, great reason it is that
women (especiallye) shoulde absent themselues from such playes.’ Notes
the infamia of histriones, which he translates ‘enterlude players’, and refers
to the statute of 1572. Expounds the heathen origin of plays. P. 101. Youth
admits ‘that they ought to be ouerthrowne and put downe.... Yet I see little
sayd, and lesse done vnto them; great resort there is daily vnto them, and
thereout sucke they no small aduantage’. P. 102. ‘They vse to set vp their
billes vpon postes certain dayes before, to admonishe the people to make
their resort vnto their theatres, that they may thereby be the better furnished,
and the people prepared to fill their purses with their treasures.’ P. 102.
Youth concludes: ‘I maruaile the magistrates suffer them thus to continue,
and to haue houses builded for such exercises.... I maruaile much, sithe the
rulers are not onely negligent and slowe herein to doe, but the preachers are
as dumme to speake and saye in a pulpitte against it’; and Age: ‘I doubt not
but God will so moue the hearts of magistrates, and loose the tongue of the
preachers in such godly sort (by the good deuout prayers of the faithfull)
that both with the sworde and the worde such vnfruitfull and barren trees
shall be cut downe’. P. 103. Youth then raises the question of scholastic
plays. These Age admits. ‘I thinke it is lawefull for a schoolmaster to
practise his schollers to playe comedies, obseruing these and the like
cautions: first, that those comedies which they shall play be not mixt with
anye ribaudrie and filthie termes and wordes (which corrupt good manners).
Secondly, that it be for learning and vtterance sake, in Latine, and very
seldome in Englishe. Thirdly, that they vse not to play commonly and often,
but verye rare and seldome. Fourthlye, that they be not pranked and decked
vp in gorgious and sumptious apparell in their play. Fiftly, that it be not
made a common exercise, publickly, for profit and gaine of money, but for
learning and exercise sake. And lastly, that their comedies be not mixte with
vaine and wanton toyes of loue. These being obserued, I iudge it tollerable
for schollers.’ An Inuectiue against Dice-Playing and A Treatise against
Dauncing.
xvii. 1578. John Stockwood.
[From A Sermon Preached at Paules Crosse on 24 Aug. 1578. A reprint is in
Harrison, iv. 329. John Stockwood was Master of Tonbridge Grammar School.]
Page 229
P. 23. ‘Wyll not a fylthye playe, wyth the blast of a Trumpette, sooner
call thyther a thousande, than an houres tolling of a Bell, bring to the
Sermon a hundred? nay euen heere in the Citie, without it be at this place,
and some other certaine ordinarie audience, where shall you finde a
reasonable company? whereas, if you resorte to the Theatre, the Curtayne,
and other places of Playes in the Citie, you shall on the Lords day haue
these places, with many other that I can not recken, so full, as possible they
can throng.’ P. 50. ‘We notwithstanding on the Lordes daye must haue
Fayers kept, must haue Beare bayting, Bulbayting (as if it wer a thing of
necessity for the Beares of Paris garden to be bayted on the Sunnedaye)
must haue baudie Enterludes.’ P. 85. Calls on the Mayor, Sheriffs and
Aldermen as ‘publike magistrates’ to keep watch against ‘flocking and
thronging to baudie playes by thousandes’ on the Lord’s Day, and notes
‘resorting to playes in the time of sermons a thing too manifest’. P. 133.
‘There be not many places where ye word is preached besides the Lords day
(I woulde to God there were) yet euen that day the better parte of it is
horriblie prophaned by diuellishe inuentions, as with Lords of Misserule,
Morice dauncers, May-games, insomuch that in some places, they shame
not in ye time of diuine seruice, to come and daunce aboute the Church, and
without to haue men naked dauncing in nettes, which is most filthie: for the
heathen that neuer hadde further knowledge, than the lighte of nature, haue
counted it shamefull for a Player to come on the stage without a slop, and
therefore amongest Christians I hope suche beastly brutishnesse shal not be
let escape vnpunished, for whiche ende I recite it, and can tell, if I be called,
where it was committed within these fewe weekes. What should I speake of
beastlye Playes, againste which out of this place euery man crieth out? haue
we not houses of purpose built with great charges for the maintenance of
them, and that without the liberties, as who woulde say, there, let them saye
what they will say, we will play. I know not how I might with the godly
learned especially more discommende the gorgeous Playing place erected in
the fieldes, than to terme it, as they please to haue it called, a Theatre ... I
will not here enter this disputation, whether it be vtterly vnlawfull to haue
any playes, but will onelye ioine in this issue, whether in a Christian
common wealth they be tolerable on the Lords day.... If playing in the
Theatre or any other place in London, as there are by sixe that I know to
many, be any of the Lordes wayes (which I suppose there is none so voide
of knowledge in the world wil graunt) then not only it may, but ought to be
call thyther a thousande, than an houres tolling of a Bell, bring to the
Sermon a hundred? nay euen heere in the Citie, without it be at this place,
and some other certaine ordinarie audience, where shall you finde a
reasonable company? whereas, if you resorte to the Theatre, the Curtayne,
and other places of Playes in the Citie, you shall on the Lords day haue
these places, with many other that I can not recken, so full, as possible they
can throng.’ P. 50. ‘We notwithstanding on the Lordes daye must haue
Fayers kept, must haue Beare bayting, Bulbayting (as if it wer a thing of
necessity for the Beares of Paris garden to be bayted on the Sunnedaye)
must haue baudie Enterludes.’ P. 85. Calls on the Mayor, Sheriffs and
Aldermen as ‘publike magistrates’ to keep watch against ‘flocking and
thronging to baudie playes by thousandes’ on the Lord’s Day, and notes
‘resorting to playes in the time of sermons a thing too manifest’. P. 133.
‘There be not many places where ye word is preached besides the Lords day
(I woulde to God there were) yet euen that day the better parte of it is
horriblie prophaned by diuellishe inuentions, as with Lords of Misserule,
Morice dauncers, May-games, insomuch that in some places, they shame
not in ye time of diuine seruice, to come and daunce aboute the Church, and
without to haue men naked dauncing in nettes, which is most filthie: for the
heathen that neuer hadde further knowledge, than the lighte of nature, haue
counted it shamefull for a Player to come on the stage without a slop, and
therefore amongest Christians I hope suche beastly brutishnesse shal not be
let escape vnpunished, for whiche ende I recite it, and can tell, if I be called,
where it was committed within these fewe weekes. What should I speake of
beastlye Playes, againste which out of this place euery man crieth out? haue
we not houses of purpose built with great charges for the maintenance of
them, and that without the liberties, as who woulde say, there, let them saye
what they will say, we will play. I know not how I might with the godly
learned especially more discommende the gorgeous Playing place erected in
the fieldes, than to terme it, as they please to haue it called, a Theatre ... I
will not here enter this disputation, whether it be vtterly vnlawfull to haue
any playes, but will onelye ioine in this issue, whether in a Christian
common wealth they be tolerable on the Lords day.... If playing in the
Theatre or any other place in London, as there are by sixe that I know to
many, be any of the Lordes wayes (which I suppose there is none so voide
of knowledge in the world wil graunt) then not only it may, but ought to be
Page 230
vsed, but if it be any of the wayes of man, it is no work for ye Lords
Sabaoth, and therfore in no respecte tollerable on that daye.’ P. 137. ‘For
reckening with the leaste, the gaine that is reaped of eighte ordinarie places
in the Citie whiche I knowe, by playing but once a weeke (whereas many
times they play twice and somtimes thrice) it amounteth to 2000 pounds by
the yeare.’
xviii. 1578. John Florio.
[From First Fruites (1578), A_{1}, an Anglo-Italian phrase book.]
Where shal we goe?
To a playe at the Bull, or els to some other place.
Doo Comedies like you wel?
Yea sir, on holy dayes.
They please me also wel, but the preachers wyll not allowe them.
Wherefore, knowe you it:
They say, they are not good.
And wherfore are they vsed?
Because euery man delites in them.
I beleeue there is much knauerie vsed at those Comedies: what thinke you?
So beleeue I also.
xix. 1578. George Whetstone.
[From Epistle to William Fleetwood, dated 29 July 1578, prefixed to Promos and
Cassandra; cf. ch. xxiii.]
... I devided the whole history into two Commedies: for that, Decorum
used, it would not be convayde in one. The effects of both, are good and
bad: vertue intermyxt with vice, unlawful desyres (yf it were possible)
queancht with chaste denyals: al needefull action (I thinke) for publike
vewe. For by the rewarde of the good, the good are encowraged in wel
doinge: and with the scowrge of the lewde, the lewde are feared from evil
attempts: mainetayning this my oppinion with Platoes auctority.
‘Nawghtinesse commes of the corruption of nature, and not by readinge or
hearinge the lives of the good or lewde (for such publication is necessarye),
but goodnesse (sayth he) is beawtifyed by either action.’ And to these ends
Menander Plautus and Terence, themselves many yeares since intombed,
(by their Commedies) in honour live at this daye. The auncient Romanes
heald these showes of suche prise, that they not onely allowde the publike
exercise of them, but the grave Senators themselves countenaunced the
Actors with their presence: who from these trifles wonne morallyte, as the
Bee suckes the honny from weedes. But the advised devises of auncient
Sabaoth, and therfore in no respecte tollerable on that daye.’ P. 137. ‘For
reckening with the leaste, the gaine that is reaped of eighte ordinarie places
in the Citie whiche I knowe, by playing but once a weeke (whereas many
times they play twice and somtimes thrice) it amounteth to 2000 pounds by
the yeare.’
xviii. 1578. John Florio.
[From First Fruites (1578), A_{1}, an Anglo-Italian phrase book.]
Where shal we goe?
To a playe at the Bull, or els to some other place.
Doo Comedies like you wel?
Yea sir, on holy dayes.
They please me also wel, but the preachers wyll not allowe them.
Wherefore, knowe you it:
They say, they are not good.
And wherfore are they vsed?
Because euery man delites in them.
I beleeue there is much knauerie vsed at those Comedies: what thinke you?
So beleeue I also.
xix. 1578. George Whetstone.
[From Epistle to William Fleetwood, dated 29 July 1578, prefixed to Promos and
Cassandra; cf. ch. xxiii.]
... I devided the whole history into two Commedies: for that, Decorum
used, it would not be convayde in one. The effects of both, are good and
bad: vertue intermyxt with vice, unlawful desyres (yf it were possible)
queancht with chaste denyals: al needefull action (I thinke) for publike
vewe. For by the rewarde of the good, the good are encowraged in wel
doinge: and with the scowrge of the lewde, the lewde are feared from evil
attempts: mainetayning this my oppinion with Platoes auctority.
‘Nawghtinesse commes of the corruption of nature, and not by readinge or
hearinge the lives of the good or lewde (for such publication is necessarye),
but goodnesse (sayth he) is beawtifyed by either action.’ And to these ends
Menander Plautus and Terence, themselves many yeares since intombed,
(by their Commedies) in honour live at this daye. The auncient Romanes
heald these showes of suche prise, that they not onely allowde the publike
exercise of them, but the grave Senators themselves countenaunced the
Actors with their presence: who from these trifles wonne morallyte, as the
Bee suckes the honny from weedes. But the advised devises of auncient
Page 231
Poets, discredited with the tryfels of yonge, unadvised, and rashe witted
wryters, hath brought this commendable exercise in mislike. For at this
daye, the Italian is so lascivious in his commedies, that honest hearers are
greeved at his actions: the Frenchman and Spaniarde folowes the Italians
humor: the Germaine is too holye: for he presentes on everye common
Stage, what Preachers should pronounce in Pulpets. The Englishman in this
quallitie, is most vaine, indiscreete, and out of order: he fyrst groundes his
worke, on impossibilities: then in three howers ronnes he throwe the
worlde: marryes, gets Children, makes Children men, men to conquer
kingdomes, murder monsters, and bringeth Gods from Heaven, and fetcheth
Divels from Hel. And (that which is worst) their ground is not so unperfect,
as their working indiscreete: not waying, so the people laugh, though they
laugh them (for theyr folleys) to scorne: Manye tymes (to make mirthe)
they make a Clowne companion with a Kinge: in theyr grave Counsels, they
allow the advise of fooles: yea they use one order of speach for all
persones: a grose Indecorum, for a Crowe wyll yll counterfet the
Nightingales sweete voice: even so, affected Speeche doth misbecome a
Clowne. For to work a Commedie kindly, grave olde men should instruct:
yonge men should showe the imperfections of youth: Strumpets should be
lascivious: Boyes unhappy: and Clownes should be disorderly:
entermingling all these actions, in suche sorte, as the grave matter may
instruct, and the pleasant delight: for without this chaunge, the attention
would be small, and the likinge, lesse. But leave I this rehearsall, of the use,
and abuse of Commedies: least that I check that in others, which I cannot
amend in my selfe. But this I am assured, what actions so ever passeth in
this History, either merry, or morneful: grave or lascivious; the conclusion
showes the confusion of Vice, and cherishing of Vertue....
xx. 1579. T. F.
[From Newes from the North. Otherwise called a Conference between Simon
Certen and Pierce Plowman. Faithfully collected and gathered by T. F. Student (1579,
1585), F4, quoted from 1585 ed. in Stubbes, 299. There seems to be no justification
for Collier’s identification of T. F. with Francis Thynne.]
I call to witnesse the Theaters, Curtines, Heauing houses, Rifling
boothes, Bowling alleyes, and such places, where the time is so shamefully
mispent, namely the Sabaoth daies, vnto the great dishonor of God, and the
corruption and vtter distruction of youth.
wryters, hath brought this commendable exercise in mislike. For at this
daye, the Italian is so lascivious in his commedies, that honest hearers are
greeved at his actions: the Frenchman and Spaniarde folowes the Italians
humor: the Germaine is too holye: for he presentes on everye common
Stage, what Preachers should pronounce in Pulpets. The Englishman in this
quallitie, is most vaine, indiscreete, and out of order: he fyrst groundes his
worke, on impossibilities: then in three howers ronnes he throwe the
worlde: marryes, gets Children, makes Children men, men to conquer
kingdomes, murder monsters, and bringeth Gods from Heaven, and fetcheth
Divels from Hel. And (that which is worst) their ground is not so unperfect,
as their working indiscreete: not waying, so the people laugh, though they
laugh them (for theyr folleys) to scorne: Manye tymes (to make mirthe)
they make a Clowne companion with a Kinge: in theyr grave Counsels, they
allow the advise of fooles: yea they use one order of speach for all
persones: a grose Indecorum, for a Crowe wyll yll counterfet the
Nightingales sweete voice: even so, affected Speeche doth misbecome a
Clowne. For to work a Commedie kindly, grave olde men should instruct:
yonge men should showe the imperfections of youth: Strumpets should be
lascivious: Boyes unhappy: and Clownes should be disorderly:
entermingling all these actions, in suche sorte, as the grave matter may
instruct, and the pleasant delight: for without this chaunge, the attention
would be small, and the likinge, lesse. But leave I this rehearsall, of the use,
and abuse of Commedies: least that I check that in others, which I cannot
amend in my selfe. But this I am assured, what actions so ever passeth in
this History, either merry, or morneful: grave or lascivious; the conclusion
showes the confusion of Vice, and cherishing of Vertue....
xx. 1579. T. F.
[From Newes from the North. Otherwise called a Conference between Simon
Certen and Pierce Plowman. Faithfully collected and gathered by T. F. Student (1579,
1585), F4, quoted from 1585 ed. in Stubbes, 299. There seems to be no justification
for Collier’s identification of T. F. with Francis Thynne.]
I call to witnesse the Theaters, Curtines, Heauing houses, Rifling
boothes, Bowling alleyes, and such places, where the time is so shamefully
mispent, namely the Sabaoth daies, vnto the great dishonor of God, and the
corruption and vtter distruction of youth.
Page 232
xxi. 1579. Thomas Twyne.
[From Physic against Fortune (1579), i. 30. This is a translation from Petrarch’s
De remediis utriusque Fortunae; but Twyne has adapted the wording to bring in the
names of the London theatres.]
Joy. I am delighted with sundrie Shewes.
Reason. Perhaps with the Curteine or Theater: which two places are well
knowen to be enimies to good manners: for looke who goeth thyther evyl,
returneth worse. For that iourney is unknowen to the good, whiche yf any
undertake uppon ignoraunce, he cannot choose but be defyled.
xxii. 1579. Stephen Gosson.
[From The Schoole of Abuse, Containing a pleasaunt inuectiue against Poets,
Pipers, Plaiers, Iesters and such like Caterpillers of a Commonwelth ... (1579; S. R.
22 July 1579). A second edition appeared in 1587. There are modern reprints in
Somers Tracts, iii (1810), 552, and by J. P. Collier (1841, Sh. Soc.) and E. Arber
(1868, English Reprints). On 5 (or 16) Oct. 1579 Spenser wrote to Gabriel Harvey
(Gregory Smith, i. 89, from Two Other very Commendable Letters, 1580): ‘Newe
Bookes I heare of none, but only of one, that writing a certaine Booke, called The
Schoole of Abuse, and dedicating it to Maister Sidney, was for hys labor scorned, if at
leaste it be in the goodnesse of that nature to scorne. Suche follie is it not to regarde
aforehande the inclination and qualitie of him to whome wee dedicate oure Bookes.’]
[Summary and Extracts.] Epistle to Sidney. Epistle to the Reader.... ‘I
take vpon mee to driue you from playes, when mine owne woorkes are
dayly to be seene vpon stages, as sufficient witnesses of mine owne folly,
and seuere iudges againste my selfe.’ Poetry and Music are first attacked; an
apologist for Homer being likened (p. 21) ‘to some of those players, that
come to the scaffold with drum and trumpet to profer skirmishe, and when
they haue sounded allarme, off go the peeces to encounter a shadow, or
conquere a paper monster.’ P. 28. ‘As poetrie and piping are cosen germans:
so piping and playing are of great affinity, and all three chayned in linkes of
abuse.’ P. 29. ‘I was first instructed in the university, after drawne like a
nouice to these abuses.’ Criticism of the theatre by the graver Greeks and
Romans and its abuses in Rome. Similar abuses have replaced ‘the olde
discipline of Englande’. P. 35. ‘In our assemblies at playes in London, you
shall see suche heauing, and shoouing, suche ytching and shouldring, too
sitte by the women; suche care for their garments, that they bee not trode
on: such eyes to their lappes, that no chippes light in them: such pillowes to
ther backes, that they take no hurte: such masking in their eares, I knowe
not what: such giuing them pippins to passe the time: suche playing at foote
[From Physic against Fortune (1579), i. 30. This is a translation from Petrarch’s
De remediis utriusque Fortunae; but Twyne has adapted the wording to bring in the
names of the London theatres.]
Joy. I am delighted with sundrie Shewes.
Reason. Perhaps with the Curteine or Theater: which two places are well
knowen to be enimies to good manners: for looke who goeth thyther evyl,
returneth worse. For that iourney is unknowen to the good, whiche yf any
undertake uppon ignoraunce, he cannot choose but be defyled.
xxii. 1579. Stephen Gosson.
[From The Schoole of Abuse, Containing a pleasaunt inuectiue against Poets,
Pipers, Plaiers, Iesters and such like Caterpillers of a Commonwelth ... (1579; S. R.
22 July 1579). A second edition appeared in 1587. There are modern reprints in
Somers Tracts, iii (1810), 552, and by J. P. Collier (1841, Sh. Soc.) and E. Arber
(1868, English Reprints). On 5 (or 16) Oct. 1579 Spenser wrote to Gabriel Harvey
(Gregory Smith, i. 89, from Two Other very Commendable Letters, 1580): ‘Newe
Bookes I heare of none, but only of one, that writing a certaine Booke, called The
Schoole of Abuse, and dedicating it to Maister Sidney, was for hys labor scorned, if at
leaste it be in the goodnesse of that nature to scorne. Suche follie is it not to regarde
aforehande the inclination and qualitie of him to whome wee dedicate oure Bookes.’]
[Summary and Extracts.] Epistle to Sidney. Epistle to the Reader.... ‘I
take vpon mee to driue you from playes, when mine owne woorkes are
dayly to be seene vpon stages, as sufficient witnesses of mine owne folly,
and seuere iudges againste my selfe.’ Poetry and Music are first attacked; an
apologist for Homer being likened (p. 21) ‘to some of those players, that
come to the scaffold with drum and trumpet to profer skirmishe, and when
they haue sounded allarme, off go the peeces to encounter a shadow, or
conquere a paper monster.’ P. 28. ‘As poetrie and piping are cosen germans:
so piping and playing are of great affinity, and all three chayned in linkes of
abuse.’ P. 29. ‘I was first instructed in the university, after drawne like a
nouice to these abuses.’ Criticism of the theatre by the graver Greeks and
Romans and its abuses in Rome. Similar abuses have replaced ‘the olde
discipline of Englande’. P. 35. ‘In our assemblies at playes in London, you
shall see suche heauing, and shoouing, suche ytching and shouldring, too
sitte by the women; suche care for their garments, that they bee not trode
on: such eyes to their lappes, that no chippes light in them: such pillowes to
ther backes, that they take no hurte: such masking in their eares, I knowe
not what: such giuing them pippins to passe the time: suche playing at foote
Page 233
saunt without cardes: such ticking, such toying, such smiling, such winking,
and such manning them home, when the sportes are ended, that it is a right
comedie, to marke their behauiour, to watche their conceites, as the catte for
the mouse, and as good as a course at the game it selfe, to dogge them a
little, or followe aloofe by the printe of their feete, and so discouer by slotte
where the deare taketh soyle. If this were as well noted, as ill seene: or as
openly punished, as secretly practised: I haue no doubte but the cause
would be seared to dry vp the effect, and these prettie rabbets very
cunningly ferretted from their borrowes. For they that lack customers al the
weeke, either because their haunte is vnknowen, or the constables and
officers of their parishe watch them so narrowly, that they dare not
queatche, to celebrate the Sabboth, flock to theaters, and there keepe a
generall market of bawdrie: not that any filthynesse in deede is committed
within the compasse of that grounde, as was doone in Rome, but that euery
wanton and his paramour, euery man and his mistresse, euery John and his
Joan, euery knaue and his queane, are there first acquainted and cheapen the
merchandise in that place, which they pay for elsewhere as they can agree.’
Players at least indirectly to blame for London’s wantonness. P. 37. ‘They
seeke not to hurte, but desire too please: they haue purged their comedyes
of wanton speaches, yet the corne whiche they sell, is full of cockle, and the
drinke that they drawe, ouercharged with dregges.’ Advises those who
would avoid offence to avoid the theatre. The abuses are contrary to the
Queen’s will. P. 39. ‘How often hath her Maiestie, with the graue aduise of
her honorable Councell, sette downe the limits of apparell to euery degree,
and how soone againe hath the pride of our harts ouerflowen the chanel?
How many times hath accesse to theaters beene restrayned, and how boldly
againe haue we reentred. Ouerlashing in apparel is so common a fault, that
the very hyerlings of some of our players, which stand at reuersion of vi.s
by the weeke, iet vnder gentlemens noses in sutes of silke, exercising
themselues too prating on the stage, and common scoffing when they come
abrode, where they looke askance ouer the shoulder at euery man, of whom
the Sunday before they begged an almes. I speake not this, as though euerye
one that professeth the qualitie so abused him selfe, for it is well knowen,
that some of them are sober, discreete, properly learned honest housholders
and citizens well thought on amonge their neighbours at home, though the
pryde of their shadowes (I meane those hangebyes whome they succour
with stipend) cause them to bee somewhat il talked of abroade. And as
and such manning them home, when the sportes are ended, that it is a right
comedie, to marke their behauiour, to watche their conceites, as the catte for
the mouse, and as good as a course at the game it selfe, to dogge them a
little, or followe aloofe by the printe of their feete, and so discouer by slotte
where the deare taketh soyle. If this were as well noted, as ill seene: or as
openly punished, as secretly practised: I haue no doubte but the cause
would be seared to dry vp the effect, and these prettie rabbets very
cunningly ferretted from their borrowes. For they that lack customers al the
weeke, either because their haunte is vnknowen, or the constables and
officers of their parishe watch them so narrowly, that they dare not
queatche, to celebrate the Sabboth, flock to theaters, and there keepe a
generall market of bawdrie: not that any filthynesse in deede is committed
within the compasse of that grounde, as was doone in Rome, but that euery
wanton and his paramour, euery man and his mistresse, euery John and his
Joan, euery knaue and his queane, are there first acquainted and cheapen the
merchandise in that place, which they pay for elsewhere as they can agree.’
Players at least indirectly to blame for London’s wantonness. P. 37. ‘They
seeke not to hurte, but desire too please: they haue purged their comedyes
of wanton speaches, yet the corne whiche they sell, is full of cockle, and the
drinke that they drawe, ouercharged with dregges.’ Advises those who
would avoid offence to avoid the theatre. The abuses are contrary to the
Queen’s will. P. 39. ‘How often hath her Maiestie, with the graue aduise of
her honorable Councell, sette downe the limits of apparell to euery degree,
and how soone againe hath the pride of our harts ouerflowen the chanel?
How many times hath accesse to theaters beene restrayned, and how boldly
againe haue we reentred. Ouerlashing in apparel is so common a fault, that
the very hyerlings of some of our players, which stand at reuersion of vi.s
by the weeke, iet vnder gentlemens noses in sutes of silke, exercising
themselues too prating on the stage, and common scoffing when they come
abrode, where they looke askance ouer the shoulder at euery man, of whom
the Sunday before they begged an almes. I speake not this, as though euerye
one that professeth the qualitie so abused him selfe, for it is well knowen,
that some of them are sober, discreete, properly learned honest housholders
and citizens well thought on amonge their neighbours at home, though the
pryde of their shadowes (I meane those hangebyes whome they succour
with stipend) cause them to bee somewhat il talked of abroade. And as
Page 234
some of the players are farre frome abuse: so some of their playes are
without rebuke: which are as easily remembered as quickly reckoned. The
twooe prose bookes plaied at the Belsauage, where you shall finde neuer a
woorde without wit, neuer a line without pith, neuer a letter placed in vaine.
The Iew and Ptolome, showne at the Bull, the one representing the
greedinesse of worldly chusers, and bloody mindes of usurers: the other
very liuely descrybing how seditious estates, with their owne deuises, false
friendes, with their owne swoordes, and rebellious commons in their owne
snares are owerthrowne: neither with amorous gesture wounding the eye:
nor with slouenly talke hurting the eares of the chast hearers. The Blacke
Smiths daughter, and Catilins Conspiracies vsually brought in to the
Theater: the first contayning the trechery of Turkes, the honourable bountye
of a noble minde, and the shining of vertue in distresse: the last, because it
is knowen too be a pig of myne owne sow, I will speake the lesse of it;
onely giuing you to vnderstand, that the whole marke which I shot at in that
woorke, was too showe the rewarde of traytors in Catilin, and the necessary
gouernment of learned men, in the person of Cicero, which forsees euery
danger that is likely to happen, and forstalles it continually ere it take
effect.... These playes are good playes and sweete playes, and of al playes
the best playes and most to be liked, woorthy to bee soung of the Muses, or
set out with the cunning of Roscius himself, yet are they not fit for euery
mans dyet: neither ought they commonly to bee shewen. Now if any man
aske me why my selfe haue penned comedyes in time paste, and inueigh so
egerly against them here, let him knowe that Semel insaniuimus omnes: I
have sinned, and am sorry for my fault: hee runnes farre that neuer turnes,
better late than neuer. I gaue my self to that exercise in hope to thriue but I
burnt one candle to seek another, and lost bothe my time and my trauell,
when I had doone.’ Deprecates the excuse that plays keep idle heads
occupied. P. 42. ‘These because they are allowed to play euery Sunday,
make iiii or v Sundayes at least euery weeke, and all that is doone is good
for Augustus, to busy the wittes of his people, for running a wool-gathering,
and emptie their purses for thriuing to fast.’ Has shown the abuses of
players out of profane writers rather than out of the Scriptures. Exhorts
against vanity; but, p. 44, ‘if players can promise in woordes, and performe
it in deedes, proclame it in their billes, and make it good in theaters; that
there is nothing there noysome too the body, nor hurtfull to the soule: and
that euerye one which comes to buye their iestes, shall haue an honest
without rebuke: which are as easily remembered as quickly reckoned. The
twooe prose bookes plaied at the Belsauage, where you shall finde neuer a
woorde without wit, neuer a line without pith, neuer a letter placed in vaine.
The Iew and Ptolome, showne at the Bull, the one representing the
greedinesse of worldly chusers, and bloody mindes of usurers: the other
very liuely descrybing how seditious estates, with their owne deuises, false
friendes, with their owne swoordes, and rebellious commons in their owne
snares are owerthrowne: neither with amorous gesture wounding the eye:
nor with slouenly talke hurting the eares of the chast hearers. The Blacke
Smiths daughter, and Catilins Conspiracies vsually brought in to the
Theater: the first contayning the trechery of Turkes, the honourable bountye
of a noble minde, and the shining of vertue in distresse: the last, because it
is knowen too be a pig of myne owne sow, I will speake the lesse of it;
onely giuing you to vnderstand, that the whole marke which I shot at in that
woorke, was too showe the rewarde of traytors in Catilin, and the necessary
gouernment of learned men, in the person of Cicero, which forsees euery
danger that is likely to happen, and forstalles it continually ere it take
effect.... These playes are good playes and sweete playes, and of al playes
the best playes and most to be liked, woorthy to bee soung of the Muses, or
set out with the cunning of Roscius himself, yet are they not fit for euery
mans dyet: neither ought they commonly to bee shewen. Now if any man
aske me why my selfe haue penned comedyes in time paste, and inueigh so
egerly against them here, let him knowe that Semel insaniuimus omnes: I
have sinned, and am sorry for my fault: hee runnes farre that neuer turnes,
better late than neuer. I gaue my self to that exercise in hope to thriue but I
burnt one candle to seek another, and lost bothe my time and my trauell,
when I had doone.’ Deprecates the excuse that plays keep idle heads
occupied. P. 42. ‘These because they are allowed to play euery Sunday,
make iiii or v Sundayes at least euery weeke, and all that is doone is good
for Augustus, to busy the wittes of his people, for running a wool-gathering,
and emptie their purses for thriuing to fast.’ Has shown the abuses of
players out of profane writers rather than out of the Scriptures. Exhorts
against vanity; but, p. 44, ‘if players can promise in woordes, and performe
it in deedes, proclame it in their billes, and make it good in theaters; that
there is nothing there noysome too the body, nor hurtfull to the soule: and
that euerye one which comes to buye their iestes, shall haue an honest
Page 235
neighbour, tagge and ragge, cutte and longe tayle, goe thither and spare not,
otherwise I aduise you to keepe you thence, my selfe will beginne too leade
the daunce’. Briefly reprehends dancers, tumblers, dicers, carders, and
bowlers, and more at length fencers. Epistle to Sir Richard Pipe, Lord
Mayor, and the Aldermen.... P. 56. ‘I woulde the abuses of my Schoole were
as wel knowen of you, to reformation: as they are found out by other to
their owne peril. But the fishe Sepia can trouble the water to shun the
nettes, that are shot to catch her: Torpedo hath craft inough at the first touch
to inchant the hooke, to coniure the line, to bewitch the rod, and to
benumme the handes of him that angleth. Whether our players be the
spawnes of such fishes, I know not wel, yet I am sure that how many nets
so euer ther be layde to take them, or hookes to choke them, they haue ynke
in their bowels to darken the water, and sleights in their budgets, to dry vp
the arme of euery magistrate. If their letters of commendations were once
stayed, it were easie for you to ouerthrow them.... I doubte not but the
gouernours of London will vexe mee for speaking my minde, when they are
out of their wittes, and banishe their players, when they are beste aduised.’
Epistle to the Gentlewomen Citizens of London.... P. 58. ‘It is not ... your
sober countenance, that defendeth your credite; nor your friends which
accompany your person, that excuse your folly; nor your modestie at home,
that couereth your lightnesse, if you present your selues in open theaters....
Though you go to theaters to se sport, Cupid may catche you ere you
departe.... In deede I muste confesse there comes to playes of all sortes, old
and young; it is hard to say that all offend, yet I promise you, I wil sweare
for none.’
xxiii. c. 1579. Thomas Lodge.
[From a print without title-page edited by D. Laing (1853, Sh. Soc.) under the title
of A Defence of Poetry, Music and Stage Plays; part in Gregory Smith, i. 61. There
can be little doubt that this is the Honest Excuses of Gosson’s Apology and the
suppressed work of Lodge referred to in his Alarum and Gosson, P. C. (Nos. xxx,
xxxv, infra); cf. J. D. Wilson in M. L. R. iii. 166.]
[Summary and Extracts.] P. 3. ‘There came to my hands lately a litle
(would God a wittye) pamphelet, baring a fayre face as though it were the
Scoole of Abuse.’ Defends against Gosson poetry, music, and thirdly
players, for whose art he claims both ‘antiquity’ and ‘use and comoditye’ as
an instrument of moral criticism. P. 24. Of comedies he says, ‘Tulley
defines them thus, Comedia (saith he) is imitatio vitae, speculum
otherwise I aduise you to keepe you thence, my selfe will beginne too leade
the daunce’. Briefly reprehends dancers, tumblers, dicers, carders, and
bowlers, and more at length fencers. Epistle to Sir Richard Pipe, Lord
Mayor, and the Aldermen.... P. 56. ‘I woulde the abuses of my Schoole were
as wel knowen of you, to reformation: as they are found out by other to
their owne peril. But the fishe Sepia can trouble the water to shun the
nettes, that are shot to catch her: Torpedo hath craft inough at the first touch
to inchant the hooke, to coniure the line, to bewitch the rod, and to
benumme the handes of him that angleth. Whether our players be the
spawnes of such fishes, I know not wel, yet I am sure that how many nets
so euer ther be layde to take them, or hookes to choke them, they haue ynke
in their bowels to darken the water, and sleights in their budgets, to dry vp
the arme of euery magistrate. If their letters of commendations were once
stayed, it were easie for you to ouerthrow them.... I doubte not but the
gouernours of London will vexe mee for speaking my minde, when they are
out of their wittes, and banishe their players, when they are beste aduised.’
Epistle to the Gentlewomen Citizens of London.... P. 58. ‘It is not ... your
sober countenance, that defendeth your credite; nor your friends which
accompany your person, that excuse your folly; nor your modestie at home,
that couereth your lightnesse, if you present your selues in open theaters....
Though you go to theaters to se sport, Cupid may catche you ere you
departe.... In deede I muste confesse there comes to playes of all sortes, old
and young; it is hard to say that all offend, yet I promise you, I wil sweare
for none.’
xxiii. c. 1579. Thomas Lodge.
[From a print without title-page edited by D. Laing (1853, Sh. Soc.) under the title
of A Defence of Poetry, Music and Stage Plays; part in Gregory Smith, i. 61. There
can be little doubt that this is the Honest Excuses of Gosson’s Apology and the
suppressed work of Lodge referred to in his Alarum and Gosson, P. C. (Nos. xxx,
xxxv, infra); cf. J. D. Wilson in M. L. R. iii. 166.]
[Summary and Extracts.] P. 3. ‘There came to my hands lately a litle
(would God a wittye) pamphelet, baring a fayre face as though it were the
Scoole of Abuse.’ Defends against Gosson poetry, music, and thirdly
players, for whose art he claims both ‘antiquity’ and ‘use and comoditye’ as
an instrument of moral criticism. P. 24. Of comedies he says, ‘Tulley
defines them thus, Comedia (saith he) is imitatio vitae, speculum
Page 236
consuetudinis, et imago veritatis’. P. 27. He has concessions to make. ‘I
wish as zealously as the best that all abuse of playinge weare abolished, but
for the thing, the antiquitie causeth me to allow it, so it be used as it should
be. I cannot allow the prophaning of the Sabaoth. I praise your reprehension
in that; you did well in discommending the abuse, and surely I wysh that
folly wer disclaymed; it is not to be admitted, it maks those sinne, which
perhaps if it were not, would have binne present at a good sermon. It is in
the magistrate to take away that order, and appoynt it otherwyse. But sure it
were pittie to abolish that which hath so great vertue in it, because it is
abused.’ P. 28. He turns on the critic. ‘But, after your discrediting of
playmaking, you salue upon the sore somewhat, and among many wise
workes there be some that fitte your vaine: The Practice of Parasites is one,
which I meruel it likes you so well, since it bites you so sore. But sure in
that I like your judgement, and for the rest to, I approue your wit, but for the
pigg of your owne sow, (as you terme it) assuredly I must discommend your
verdit: Tell me, Gosson, was all your owne you wrote there? did you borow
nothing of your neyghbours? Out of what booke patched you out Cicero’s
Oration? Whence fet you Catilin’s Inuectiue?.... Beleue me I should preferr
Wilson’s Shorte and sweete if I were judge, a peece surely worthe prayse,
the practice of a good scholler; would the wiser would ouerlooke that, they
may perhaps cull some wisedome out of a player’s toye.’ Assents to
Gosson’s rebuke of carders, dicers, fencers, bowlers, dancers, and tumblers.
xxiv. 1579. Stephen Gosson.
[From The Ephemerides of Phialo and a short Apologie of the Schoole of Abuse
(1579; S. R. 7 Nov. 1579). A second edition appeared in 1586. The Apologie is
reprinted by E. Arber with The Schoole of Abuse (1868).]
[Extracts.] Epistle to Sidney.... Sith it hath beene my fortune to bear
sayle in a storme, since my first publishing the Schoole of Abuse ... I can not
but acknowledge my safetie, in your Worships patronage. The Ephemerides
of Phialo.... I think it necessary, before I set downe the discourses of Phialo
... to whippe out those Doggs, which haue barked ... at mee for writinge the
Schoole of Abuse.... It is not long since, a friend of mine presented me with
straunge newes out of Affrick [in margin, ‘A Libell cast out against the
Schoole of Abuse’] requesting me earnestly to shape them an answere.... I
... unfolded the Paper, and found nothing within but guttes and garbage....
And had not the writer himself, which sent these newes into England,
reuealed his name to some of his friends by whom I hearde it, I would haue
wish as zealously as the best that all abuse of playinge weare abolished, but
for the thing, the antiquitie causeth me to allow it, so it be used as it should
be. I cannot allow the prophaning of the Sabaoth. I praise your reprehension
in that; you did well in discommending the abuse, and surely I wysh that
folly wer disclaymed; it is not to be admitted, it maks those sinne, which
perhaps if it were not, would have binne present at a good sermon. It is in
the magistrate to take away that order, and appoynt it otherwyse. But sure it
were pittie to abolish that which hath so great vertue in it, because it is
abused.’ P. 28. He turns on the critic. ‘But, after your discrediting of
playmaking, you salue upon the sore somewhat, and among many wise
workes there be some that fitte your vaine: The Practice of Parasites is one,
which I meruel it likes you so well, since it bites you so sore. But sure in
that I like your judgement, and for the rest to, I approue your wit, but for the
pigg of your owne sow, (as you terme it) assuredly I must discommend your
verdit: Tell me, Gosson, was all your owne you wrote there? did you borow
nothing of your neyghbours? Out of what booke patched you out Cicero’s
Oration? Whence fet you Catilin’s Inuectiue?.... Beleue me I should preferr
Wilson’s Shorte and sweete if I were judge, a peece surely worthe prayse,
the practice of a good scholler; would the wiser would ouerlooke that, they
may perhaps cull some wisedome out of a player’s toye.’ Assents to
Gosson’s rebuke of carders, dicers, fencers, bowlers, dancers, and tumblers.
xxiv. 1579. Stephen Gosson.
[From The Ephemerides of Phialo and a short Apologie of the Schoole of Abuse
(1579; S. R. 7 Nov. 1579). A second edition appeared in 1586. The Apologie is
reprinted by E. Arber with The Schoole of Abuse (1868).]
[Extracts.] Epistle to Sidney.... Sith it hath beene my fortune to bear
sayle in a storme, since my first publishing the Schoole of Abuse ... I can not
but acknowledge my safetie, in your Worships patronage. The Ephemerides
of Phialo.... I think it necessary, before I set downe the discourses of Phialo
... to whippe out those Doggs, which haue barked ... at mee for writinge the
Schoole of Abuse.... It is not long since, a friend of mine presented me with
straunge newes out of Affrick [in margin, ‘A Libell cast out against the
Schoole of Abuse’] requesting me earnestly to shape them an answere.... I
... unfolded the Paper, and found nothing within but guttes and garbage....
And had not the writer himself, which sent these newes into England,
reuealed his name to some of his friends by whom I hearde it, I would haue
Page 237
iudged such a Daw to bee hacht in Barbary, and the tydinges that came, to
be scribled in post.... This Doctour of Affrike with a straunge kinde of style
begins to write thus: To his frinds the Plaiers ... If Players get no better
Atturnie to pleade their case, I will holde mee contented where the Haruest
is harde, too take Otes of yl debters in parte of payment.... I intende not to
aunswere him.... An Apologie of the Schoole of Abuse.... Such is the
skirmishe of our players, who perceiuing the truthe to stand on my side as
an armour of proofe; and finding them selues vnappointed for the fielde,
keepe a farre off, biting me in corners, casting out libels which are but clay,
and rattle on mine armour, or tippe me on the shinnes, without farther
hurt.... If plaiers take a little more counsel of their pillowe, they shall finde
them selues to be the worste and the daungerousest people in the world.... If
Diogenes were nowe aliue, to see the abuses that growe by playes, I beleeue
hee would wyshe rather to bee a Londoners hounde than his apprentice,
bicause hee rateth his dogge, for wallowing in carrion; but rebukes not his
seruaunt for resorting to playes, that are ranke poyson.... We perceiue not ...
that players counterfaiting a shewe to make vs merry, shoote their nettes to
worke our misery; that when Comedie comes vpon the stage, Cupide sets
vpp a Springe for Woodcockes, which are entangled ere they descrie the
line, and caught before they mistruste the snare.... Our players, since I set
out the Schole of abuse, haue trauailed to some of mine acquaintance of
both Vniuersities, with fayre profers, and greater promises of rewardes, yf
they woulde take so much paine as too write agaynst mee.... When neither
of both Vniuersities would heare their plea, they were driuen to flie to a
weake hedge, and fight for themselues with a rotten stake.... It is tolde mee
that they haue got one in London to write certaine Honest Excuses, for so
they tearme it, to their dishonest abuses which I reuealed.... How he frames
his excuses, I knowe not yet, because it is doone in hudder mudder. Trueth
can neuer be Falsehods Visarde, which maketh him maske without a torche
and keepe his papers very secret.... If the Excuser be the man that is named
to me, he is as famous a Clarke as Clauitius Sabinus, which was so troubled
with a grosse conceite, and as short a memory, that euery minute he forgote
the names of Vlisses, Achilles, Priamus, and such as he knew as well as the
Begger his dishe.... I was determined to send you greater matters, touching
the saleable toung of Curio, but I stay my handes till I see his booke, when I
haue perusd it I will tel you more.
xxv. 1580. Anon.
be scribled in post.... This Doctour of Affrike with a straunge kinde of style
begins to write thus: To his frinds the Plaiers ... If Players get no better
Atturnie to pleade their case, I will holde mee contented where the Haruest
is harde, too take Otes of yl debters in parte of payment.... I intende not to
aunswere him.... An Apologie of the Schoole of Abuse.... Such is the
skirmishe of our players, who perceiuing the truthe to stand on my side as
an armour of proofe; and finding them selues vnappointed for the fielde,
keepe a farre off, biting me in corners, casting out libels which are but clay,
and rattle on mine armour, or tippe me on the shinnes, without farther
hurt.... If plaiers take a little more counsel of their pillowe, they shall finde
them selues to be the worste and the daungerousest people in the world.... If
Diogenes were nowe aliue, to see the abuses that growe by playes, I beleeue
hee would wyshe rather to bee a Londoners hounde than his apprentice,
bicause hee rateth his dogge, for wallowing in carrion; but rebukes not his
seruaunt for resorting to playes, that are ranke poyson.... We perceiue not ...
that players counterfaiting a shewe to make vs merry, shoote their nettes to
worke our misery; that when Comedie comes vpon the stage, Cupide sets
vpp a Springe for Woodcockes, which are entangled ere they descrie the
line, and caught before they mistruste the snare.... Our players, since I set
out the Schole of abuse, haue trauailed to some of mine acquaintance of
both Vniuersities, with fayre profers, and greater promises of rewardes, yf
they woulde take so much paine as too write agaynst mee.... When neither
of both Vniuersities would heare their plea, they were driuen to flie to a
weake hedge, and fight for themselues with a rotten stake.... It is tolde mee
that they haue got one in London to write certaine Honest Excuses, for so
they tearme it, to their dishonest abuses which I reuealed.... How he frames
his excuses, I knowe not yet, because it is doone in hudder mudder. Trueth
can neuer be Falsehods Visarde, which maketh him maske without a torche
and keepe his papers very secret.... If the Excuser be the man that is named
to me, he is as famous a Clarke as Clauitius Sabinus, which was so troubled
with a grosse conceite, and as short a memory, that euery minute he forgote
the names of Vlisses, Achilles, Priamus, and such as he knew as well as the
Begger his dishe.... I was determined to send you greater matters, touching
the saleable toung of Curio, but I stay my handes till I see his booke, when I
haue perusd it I will tel you more.
xxv. 1580. Anon.
Page 238
[From Stationers’ Register, 8 April 1580 (Arber, ii. 368). This is one of a number of
ballads and pamphlets entered in April-June 1580 as a result of the earthquake on 6
April; Abraham Fleming, in his A Bright Burning Beacon, names eight writers on the
subject besides himself, including Thomas Churchyard and Richard Tarlton. It may be
that several of these improved the occasion by reproving bear-baitings and plays, as
did Arthur Golding in his A Discourse Upon the Earthquake, but it does not appear
from Golding’s ‘reporte’ that any playhouses suffered serious damage, although
Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 369, quotes Munday, View of Sundry Examples (1580), ‘At the
playhouses the people came running foorth, supprised with great astonishment’, and
S. Gardiner, Doomes-day Booke (1606), ‘The earthquake ... shaked not only the
scenicall Theatre, but the great stage and theatre of the whole land’. On the contrary,
the only deaths were those of two children killed ‘while they were hearing a sermon’
at Christ Church, Newgate, a detail which is omitted in the reprint of the ‘reporte’ and
of some of Golding’s moralizing, with an official Order of Prayer issued for use in
parish churches (Liturgical Services, Parker Soc., 573).]
H. Carr, ‘a ballat intituled comme from the plaie, comme from the playe:
the house will fall, so people saye: the earth quakes, lett us hast awaye’.
xxvi. 1580. Anthony Munday (?).
[Entry in S. R. for Edward White on 10 Nov. 1580 (Arber, ii. 381). Collier, S. R. ii.
125, prints a ballad, probably forged, ‘which has come down to us in MS.’, and
suggests that it may be the one in question. Fleay, 52, Thompson, 86, and J. D. Wilson
in M. L. R. iv. 486, suppose the entry to refer to the ‘balat against plays’ ascribed to
Munday (cf. ch. xxiii).]
A Ringinge Retraite Couragiouslie sounded, wherein Plaies and Players
are fytlie Confounded.
xxvii. 1580. Anthony Munday (?).
[From A second and third blast of retrait from plaies and Theaters: the one
whereof was sounded by a reuerend Byshop dead long since: the other by a
worshipful and zealous Gentleman now aliue: ... Set forth by Anglo-phile Eutheo
(1580; S. R. 18 Oct. 1580) in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 97. It bears the City arms. The title
recalls that of No. xxvi. J. D. Wilson (M. L. R. iv. 484) supports the conjectural
attribution of Fleay, 51, to Munday, on the ground that the author is a converted
playwright, probably identical with the one referred to in Gosson, P. C., in terms
resembling those applied to Munday in A True Report of ... M. Campion (cf. ch.
xxiii).]
[Summary and Extracts.] Anglo-phile Eutheo to the Reader.... P. 99. ‘The
first blast in my compt is The Schoole of abuse: a title not vnfitlie ascribed
vnto plaies. For what is there which is not abused thereby?... that not
vnfitlie they are tearmed, as of late The schoole of abuse, by one; The
schoole of Bauderie, by another; The nest of the Diuel, and sinke of al
sinne, by a third’ [in margin, ‘Mr Spark in his rehersal sermon at Paules
Crosse, 29 of April, Ann. 1579’].... ‘I cal them, A second and third blast ...
ballads and pamphlets entered in April-June 1580 as a result of the earthquake on 6
April; Abraham Fleming, in his A Bright Burning Beacon, names eight writers on the
subject besides himself, including Thomas Churchyard and Richard Tarlton. It may be
that several of these improved the occasion by reproving bear-baitings and plays, as
did Arthur Golding in his A Discourse Upon the Earthquake, but it does not appear
from Golding’s ‘reporte’ that any playhouses suffered serious damage, although
Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 369, quotes Munday, View of Sundry Examples (1580), ‘At the
playhouses the people came running foorth, supprised with great astonishment’, and
S. Gardiner, Doomes-day Booke (1606), ‘The earthquake ... shaked not only the
scenicall Theatre, but the great stage and theatre of the whole land’. On the contrary,
the only deaths were those of two children killed ‘while they were hearing a sermon’
at Christ Church, Newgate, a detail which is omitted in the reprint of the ‘reporte’ and
of some of Golding’s moralizing, with an official Order of Prayer issued for use in
parish churches (Liturgical Services, Parker Soc., 573).]
H. Carr, ‘a ballat intituled comme from the plaie, comme from the playe:
the house will fall, so people saye: the earth quakes, lett us hast awaye’.
xxvi. 1580. Anthony Munday (?).
[Entry in S. R. for Edward White on 10 Nov. 1580 (Arber, ii. 381). Collier, S. R. ii.
125, prints a ballad, probably forged, ‘which has come down to us in MS.’, and
suggests that it may be the one in question. Fleay, 52, Thompson, 86, and J. D. Wilson
in M. L. R. iv. 486, suppose the entry to refer to the ‘balat against plays’ ascribed to
Munday (cf. ch. xxiii).]
A Ringinge Retraite Couragiouslie sounded, wherein Plaies and Players
are fytlie Confounded.
xxvii. 1580. Anthony Munday (?).
[From A second and third blast of retrait from plaies and Theaters: the one
whereof was sounded by a reuerend Byshop dead long since: the other by a
worshipful and zealous Gentleman now aliue: ... Set forth by Anglo-phile Eutheo
(1580; S. R. 18 Oct. 1580) in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 97. It bears the City arms. The title
recalls that of No. xxvi. J. D. Wilson (M. L. R. iv. 484) supports the conjectural
attribution of Fleay, 51, to Munday, on the ground that the author is a converted
playwright, probably identical with the one referred to in Gosson, P. C., in terms
resembling those applied to Munday in A True Report of ... M. Campion (cf. ch.
xxiii).]
[Summary and Extracts.] Anglo-phile Eutheo to the Reader.... P. 99. ‘The
first blast in my compt is The Schoole of abuse: a title not vnfitlie ascribed
vnto plaies. For what is there which is not abused thereby?... that not
vnfitlie they are tearmed, as of late The schoole of abuse, by one; The
schoole of Bauderie, by another; The nest of the Diuel, and sinke of al
sinne, by a third’ [in margin, ‘Mr Spark in his rehersal sermon at Paules
Crosse, 29 of April, Ann. 1579’].... ‘I cal them, A second and third blast ...
Page 239
in respect of the time present, wherein none, that I knowe, besides these
Autors haue written, though manie, thanked be God, in the principal places
of this land haue, and dailie, yea and openlie do speake against plaies and
Theaters.... Touching the Autor of the latter blast, thou maist coniecture who
he was, but I maie not name him at this time for my promise sake; yet this
do I saie of him, that he hath bine, to vse his verie wordes, A great affecter
of that vaine Art of plaie making, &c. Yea, which I ad, as excellent an Autor
of those vanities, as who was best.... Praise God, I beseech you, for bringing
this Autor, and Maister Gosson, who made the Schoole of Abuse, out of
Babylon.’ A second blast of retrait. This is translated from Salvian, De
Gubernatione Dei, lib. vi. A third blast of retrait. P. 120. ‘Such doubtles is
mine opinion of common plaies, vsual iesting, and riming extempore that in
a Christian-weale they are not sufferable. My reason is, because they are
publike enimies to virtue, & religion: allurements vnto sinne; corrupters of
good manners; the cause of securitie and carelesnes; meere brothel houses
of Bauderie: and bring both the Gospel into slander; the Sabboth into
contempt; mens soules into danger; and finalie the whole Common-weale
into disorder.’ Offers his judgement for what it is worth; describes his
experience of plays and the reasons that led him to turn from them. P. 123.
‘I confess that ere this I haue bene a great affecter of that vaine art of Plaie-
making, insomuch that I haue thought no time so wel bestowed, as when
my wits were exercised in the inuention of those follies.’ P. 125. ‘What I
shal speake of the abuse of plaies by my owne knowledge, I know maie be
affirmed by hundreds, to whom those matters are as wel knowen as to my
selfe. Some citizens wiues, vpon whom the Lord for ensample to others
hath laide his hands, haue euen on their death beds with teares confessed,
that they haue receiued at those spectacles such filthie infections, as haue
turned their minds from chast cogitations, and made them of honest women
light huswiues; by them they haue dishonored the vessels of holines; and
brought their husbandes into contempt, their children into question, their
bodies into sicknes, and their soules to the state of euerlasting damnation....
When I gaue my selfe first to note the abuse of common plaies ... the
Theater I found to be an appointed place of Bauderie; mine owne eares haue
heard honest women allured with abhominable speeches. Sometime I haue
seen two knaues at once importunate vpon one light huswife; whereby
much quarel hath growen to the disquieting of manie. There seruants, as it
is manifestlie to be prooued, haue consented to rob their maisters, to supplie
Autors haue written, though manie, thanked be God, in the principal places
of this land haue, and dailie, yea and openlie do speake against plaies and
Theaters.... Touching the Autor of the latter blast, thou maist coniecture who
he was, but I maie not name him at this time for my promise sake; yet this
do I saie of him, that he hath bine, to vse his verie wordes, A great affecter
of that vaine Art of plaie making, &c. Yea, which I ad, as excellent an Autor
of those vanities, as who was best.... Praise God, I beseech you, for bringing
this Autor, and Maister Gosson, who made the Schoole of Abuse, out of
Babylon.’ A second blast of retrait. This is translated from Salvian, De
Gubernatione Dei, lib. vi. A third blast of retrait. P. 120. ‘Such doubtles is
mine opinion of common plaies, vsual iesting, and riming extempore that in
a Christian-weale they are not sufferable. My reason is, because they are
publike enimies to virtue, & religion: allurements vnto sinne; corrupters of
good manners; the cause of securitie and carelesnes; meere brothel houses
of Bauderie: and bring both the Gospel into slander; the Sabboth into
contempt; mens soules into danger; and finalie the whole Common-weale
into disorder.’ Offers his judgement for what it is worth; describes his
experience of plays and the reasons that led him to turn from them. P. 123.
‘I confess that ere this I haue bene a great affecter of that vaine art of Plaie-
making, insomuch that I haue thought no time so wel bestowed, as when
my wits were exercised in the inuention of those follies.’ P. 125. ‘What I
shal speake of the abuse of plaies by my owne knowledge, I know maie be
affirmed by hundreds, to whom those matters are as wel knowen as to my
selfe. Some citizens wiues, vpon whom the Lord for ensample to others
hath laide his hands, haue euen on their death beds with teares confessed,
that they haue receiued at those spectacles such filthie infections, as haue
turned their minds from chast cogitations, and made them of honest women
light huswiues; by them they haue dishonored the vessels of holines; and
brought their husbandes into contempt, their children into question, their
bodies into sicknes, and their soules to the state of euerlasting damnation....
When I gaue my selfe first to note the abuse of common plaies ... the
Theater I found to be an appointed place of Bauderie; mine owne eares haue
heard honest women allured with abhominable speeches. Sometime I haue
seen two knaues at once importunate vpon one light huswife; whereby
much quarel hath growen to the disquieting of manie. There seruants, as it
is manifestlie to be prooued, haue consented to rob their maisters, to supplie
Page 240
the want of their harlots; there is the practising with married wiues to traine
them from their husbands, and places appointed for meeting and
conference. When I had taken a note of all these abuses, & sawe that the
Theater was become a consultorie house of Satan, I concluded with my
selfe, neuer to imploie my pen to so vile a purpose, nor to be an instrument
of gathering the wicked together.’ Apologizes for pressing forward in the
cause. The abuse of the Sabbath is the first thing to be put down. P. 128.
‘Let therefore the Magistrate but repel them from the libertie of plaieng on
the Sabboth daie, For that is the abuse which is generalie found fault withal,
& allowed of none but those who are altogether destitute of the feare of
God, and without conscience. To plaie on the Sabboth is but a priuiledge of
sufferance, and might with ease be repelled, were it throughlie followed.
The warrant which Magistrats have to forbid plaies is great, and passed vnto
them by such a Prince, whose auctoritie is aboue al auctorities of earthlie
gouernors.... Is not the Sabboth of al other daies the most abused?... Are not
our eies (there) carried awaie with the pride of vanitie? our eares abused
with amorous, that is lecherous, filthie and abhominable speech? Is not our
tong, which was giuen vs onelie to glorifie God withal, is not our tong there
imploied to the blaspheming of Gods holie Name; or the commendation of
that is wicked? Are not our hartes through the pleasure of the flesh; the
delight of the eie; and the fond motions of the mind, withdrawen from the
seruice of the Lord, & meditation of his goodnes? So that albe it is a shame
to saie it, yet doubtles whosoeuer wil mark with what multitudes those idle
places are replenished, & how emptie the Lordes sanctuarie is of his people,
may wel perceaue what deuotion we haue.... Alas, what folie is in you, to
purchase with a penie damnation to your selues?... The Magistrate is
therefore to prouide in time a remedie to redresse the mischiefes that are
like to ensue by this common plague.... The Magistrates hart must be as the
hart of a Lion. He is not to shrinke in the Lordes cause, or to stand in feare
to reforme abuses of the Common-weale, because of some particular men
of auctoritie.... Alas, that priuate affection should so raigne in the Nobilitie,
that to pleasure, as they thinke, their seruants, and to vphold them in their
vanitie, they should restraine the Magistrates from executing their office!
What credite can returne to the Noble, to countenance his men to exercise
that qualitie which is not sufferable in anie Common-weale? wheras it was
an ancient custome, that no man of Honor should reteine anie man, but such
as was excellent in some one good qualitie or other, whereby if occasion so
them from their husbands, and places appointed for meeting and
conference. When I had taken a note of all these abuses, & sawe that the
Theater was become a consultorie house of Satan, I concluded with my
selfe, neuer to imploie my pen to so vile a purpose, nor to be an instrument
of gathering the wicked together.’ Apologizes for pressing forward in the
cause. The abuse of the Sabbath is the first thing to be put down. P. 128.
‘Let therefore the Magistrate but repel them from the libertie of plaieng on
the Sabboth daie, For that is the abuse which is generalie found fault withal,
& allowed of none but those who are altogether destitute of the feare of
God, and without conscience. To plaie on the Sabboth is but a priuiledge of
sufferance, and might with ease be repelled, were it throughlie followed.
The warrant which Magistrats have to forbid plaies is great, and passed vnto
them by such a Prince, whose auctoritie is aboue al auctorities of earthlie
gouernors.... Is not the Sabboth of al other daies the most abused?... Are not
our eies (there) carried awaie with the pride of vanitie? our eares abused
with amorous, that is lecherous, filthie and abhominable speech? Is not our
tong, which was giuen vs onelie to glorifie God withal, is not our tong there
imploied to the blaspheming of Gods holie Name; or the commendation of
that is wicked? Are not our hartes through the pleasure of the flesh; the
delight of the eie; and the fond motions of the mind, withdrawen from the
seruice of the Lord, & meditation of his goodnes? So that albe it is a shame
to saie it, yet doubtles whosoeuer wil mark with what multitudes those idle
places are replenished, & how emptie the Lordes sanctuarie is of his people,
may wel perceaue what deuotion we haue.... Alas, what folie is in you, to
purchase with a penie damnation to your selues?... The Magistrate is
therefore to prouide in time a remedie to redresse the mischiefes that are
like to ensue by this common plague.... The Magistrates hart must be as the
hart of a Lion. He is not to shrinke in the Lordes cause, or to stand in feare
to reforme abuses of the Common-weale, because of some particular men
of auctoritie.... Alas, that priuate affection should so raigne in the Nobilitie,
that to pleasure, as they thinke, their seruants, and to vphold them in their
vanitie, they should restraine the Magistrates from executing their office!
What credite can returne to the Noble, to countenance his men to exercise
that qualitie which is not sufferable in anie Common-weale? wheras it was
an ancient custome, that no man of Honor should reteine anie man, but such
as was excellent in some one good qualitie or other, whereby if occasion so
Page 241
serued, he might get his owne liuing? Then was euerie noble mans house a
Common-weale in it selfe: but since the reteining of these Caterpillers, the
credite of noble men hath decaied, they are thought to be couetous by
permitting their seruants, which cannot liue of them selues, and whome for
neerenes they wil not maintaine, to liue at the deuotion or almes of other
men, passing from countrie to countrie, from one Gentlemans house to
another, offering their seruice, which is a kind of beggerie. Who in deede, to
speake more trulie, are become beggers for their seruants. For commonlie
the goodwil men beare to their lordes, makes them drawe the stringes of
their purses to extend their liberalitie to them; where otherwise they would
not.... Such like men, vnder the title of their maisters or as reteiners, are
priuiledged to roaue abroad, and permitted to publish their mametree in
euerie Temple of God, and that through England, vnto the horrible contempt
of praier. So that now the Sanctuarie is become a plaiers stage, and a den of
theeues and adulterers.... And trust me I am of that opinion, that the Lord is
neuer so il serued as on the holie-daies. For then hel breakes loase. Then
wee permit our youth to haue their swinge; and when they are out of the
sight of their maisters, such gouernment haue they of themselues, that what
by il companie they meete withal, & il examples they learne at plaies, I
feare me, I feare me their harts are more alienated in two houres from
virtue, than againe maie wel be amended in a whole yeare.’ P. 135. Players
break the first commandment by profanity. P. 137. Appeal against vanities.
‘Those pleasures of the stage, what are they, but the drifts of Satan?... The
foole no sooner showeth himselfe in his colors to make men merrie, but
straight-waie lightlie there foloweth some vanitie, not onlie superfluous, but
beastlie and wicked. P. 139. Whosoeuer shal visit the chappel of Satan, I
meane the Theater, shal finde there no want of yong ruffins, nor lacke of
harlots, vtterlie past al shame: who presse to the fore-frunt of the scaffoldes,
to the end to showe their impudencie, and to be as an obiect to al mens eies.
Yea, such is their open shameles behauior, as euerie man maie perceaue by
their wanton gestures, wherevnto they are giuen; yea, they seeme there to
be like brothels of the stewes. For often without respect of the place and
company which behold them, they commit that filthines openlie, which is
horrible to be done in secret; as if whatsoeuer they did, were warranted. For
neither reuerence, iustice, nor anie thing beside can gouerne them.’ The
shamelessness of young men. ‘Seeke to withdrawe these felowes from the
Theater vnto the sermon, they wil saie, By the preacher they maie be
Common-weale in it selfe: but since the reteining of these Caterpillers, the
credite of noble men hath decaied, they are thought to be couetous by
permitting their seruants, which cannot liue of them selues, and whome for
neerenes they wil not maintaine, to liue at the deuotion or almes of other
men, passing from countrie to countrie, from one Gentlemans house to
another, offering their seruice, which is a kind of beggerie. Who in deede, to
speake more trulie, are become beggers for their seruants. For commonlie
the goodwil men beare to their lordes, makes them drawe the stringes of
their purses to extend their liberalitie to them; where otherwise they would
not.... Such like men, vnder the title of their maisters or as reteiners, are
priuiledged to roaue abroad, and permitted to publish their mametree in
euerie Temple of God, and that through England, vnto the horrible contempt
of praier. So that now the Sanctuarie is become a plaiers stage, and a den of
theeues and adulterers.... And trust me I am of that opinion, that the Lord is
neuer so il serued as on the holie-daies. For then hel breakes loase. Then
wee permit our youth to haue their swinge; and when they are out of the
sight of their maisters, such gouernment haue they of themselues, that what
by il companie they meete withal, & il examples they learne at plaies, I
feare me, I feare me their harts are more alienated in two houres from
virtue, than againe maie wel be amended in a whole yeare.’ P. 135. Players
break the first commandment by profanity. P. 137. Appeal against vanities.
‘Those pleasures of the stage, what are they, but the drifts of Satan?... The
foole no sooner showeth himselfe in his colors to make men merrie, but
straight-waie lightlie there foloweth some vanitie, not onlie superfluous, but
beastlie and wicked. P. 139. Whosoeuer shal visit the chappel of Satan, I
meane the Theater, shal finde there no want of yong ruffins, nor lacke of
harlots, vtterlie past al shame: who presse to the fore-frunt of the scaffoldes,
to the end to showe their impudencie, and to be as an obiect to al mens eies.
Yea, such is their open shameles behauior, as euerie man maie perceaue by
their wanton gestures, wherevnto they are giuen; yea, they seeme there to
be like brothels of the stewes. For often without respect of the place and
company which behold them, they commit that filthines openlie, which is
horrible to be done in secret; as if whatsoeuer they did, were warranted. For
neither reuerence, iustice, nor anie thing beside can gouerne them.’ The
shamelessness of young men. ‘Seeke to withdrawe these felowes from the
Theater vnto the sermon, they wil saie, By the preacher they maie be
Page 242
edified, but by the plaier both edified and delighted.’ P. 142. Plays are a
snare to chastity, both through the examples shown on the stage, and the
comments of companions on the scaffolds. ‘The nature of these Comedies
are, for the most part, after one manner of nature, like the tragical comedie
of Calistus; where the bawdresse Scelestina inflamed the maiden Melibeia
with her sorceries.’ P. 144. Examples of the intrigues ‘aptlie taught in the
Schoole of abuse.... I am sorie this schoole is not pluckt downe by the
magistrate; and the schoole-maisters banished this citie.... The reuerend
word of God & histories of the Bible, set forth on the stage by these
blasphemous plaiers, are so corrupted with their gestures of scurrilitie, and
so interlaced with vncleane, and whorish speeches, that it is not possible to
drawe anie profite out of the doctrine of their spiritual moralities.’ P. 145.
Attacks the authors of plays. ‘The notablest lier is become the best Poet....
Our nature is led awaie with vanitie, which the auctor perceauing frames
himself with nouelties and strange trifles to content the vaine humors of his
rude auditors, faining countries neuer heard of; monsters and prodigious
creatures that are not; as of the Arimaspie, of the Grips, the Pigmeies, the
Cranes, & other such notorious lies. And if they write of histories that are
knowen, as the life of Pompeie; the martial affaires of Caesar, and other
worthies, they giue them a newe face, and turne them out like counterfeites
to showe themselues on the stage.... What doe they leaue behind them?
monumentes of wanton wicked life, and doting things for men of these
latter daies.... But some perhaps wil saie, The noble man delighteth in such
things, whose humors must be contented, partlie for feare, & partlie for
commoditie: and if they write matters pleasant, they are best preferred in
court among the cunning heads.... Those goodlie persons, if they be voide
of virtue, maie wel be counted like faire clothes ouer a foule wal; big
bladers ful of wind, yet of no waight.’ P. 147. Attacks the actors. ‘When I
see by them yong boies, inclining of themselues vnto wickednes, trained vp
in filthie speeches, vnnatural and vnseemlie gestures, to be brought vp by
these Schoole-masters in bawderie, and in idlenes, I cannot chuse but with
teares and griefe of hart lament.... And as for those stagers themselues, are
they not commonlie such kind of men in their conuersation, as they are in
profession? Are they not as variable in hart, as they are in their partes? Are
they not as good practisers of Bawderie, as inactors? Liue they not in such
sort themselues, as they giue precepts vnto others? doth not their talke on
the stage declare the nature of their disposition?’ Meets divers objections. P.
snare to chastity, both through the examples shown on the stage, and the
comments of companions on the scaffolds. ‘The nature of these Comedies
are, for the most part, after one manner of nature, like the tragical comedie
of Calistus; where the bawdresse Scelestina inflamed the maiden Melibeia
with her sorceries.’ P. 144. Examples of the intrigues ‘aptlie taught in the
Schoole of abuse.... I am sorie this schoole is not pluckt downe by the
magistrate; and the schoole-maisters banished this citie.... The reuerend
word of God & histories of the Bible, set forth on the stage by these
blasphemous plaiers, are so corrupted with their gestures of scurrilitie, and
so interlaced with vncleane, and whorish speeches, that it is not possible to
drawe anie profite out of the doctrine of their spiritual moralities.’ P. 145.
Attacks the authors of plays. ‘The notablest lier is become the best Poet....
Our nature is led awaie with vanitie, which the auctor perceauing frames
himself with nouelties and strange trifles to content the vaine humors of his
rude auditors, faining countries neuer heard of; monsters and prodigious
creatures that are not; as of the Arimaspie, of the Grips, the Pigmeies, the
Cranes, & other such notorious lies. And if they write of histories that are
knowen, as the life of Pompeie; the martial affaires of Caesar, and other
worthies, they giue them a newe face, and turne them out like counterfeites
to showe themselues on the stage.... What doe they leaue behind them?
monumentes of wanton wicked life, and doting things for men of these
latter daies.... But some perhaps wil saie, The noble man delighteth in such
things, whose humors must be contented, partlie for feare, & partlie for
commoditie: and if they write matters pleasant, they are best preferred in
court among the cunning heads.... Those goodlie persons, if they be voide
of virtue, maie wel be counted like faire clothes ouer a foule wal; big
bladers ful of wind, yet of no waight.’ P. 147. Attacks the actors. ‘When I
see by them yong boies, inclining of themselues vnto wickednes, trained vp
in filthie speeches, vnnatural and vnseemlie gestures, to be brought vp by
these Schoole-masters in bawderie, and in idlenes, I cannot chuse but with
teares and griefe of hart lament.... And as for those stagers themselues, are
they not commonlie such kind of men in their conuersation, as they are in
profession? Are they not as variable in hart, as they are in their partes? Are
they not as good practisers of Bawderie, as inactors? Liue they not in such
sort themselues, as they giue precepts vnto others? doth not their talke on
the stage declare the nature of their disposition?’ Meets divers objections. P.
Page 243
148. ‘But they perhaps wil saie, that such abuses as are handled on the
stage, others by their examples, are warned to beware of such euils, to
amendment.... I cannot by anie means beleeue that the wordes proceeding
from a prophane plaier, and vttered in scorning sort, interlaced with filthie,
lewde, & vngodlie speeches, haue greater force to mooue men vnto virtue,
than the wordes of truth vttered by the godlie Preacher.... If the good life of
a man be a better instruction to repentance than the tong, or words, why do
not plaiers, I beseech you, leaue examples of goodnes to their posteritie?...
Are they not notoriouslie knowen to be those men in their life abroade, as
they are on the stage, roisters, brallers, il-dealers, bosters, louers, loiterers,
ruffins?... To conclude, the principal end of all their interludes is to feede
the world with sights, & fond pastimes; to iuggle in good earnest the monie
out of other mens purses into their owne handes.’ P. 150. ‘Some haue
obiected, that by these publique places manie forbeare to do euil for feare to
be publiquelie reprehended. And for that cause they wil saie it was tolerated
in Rome, wherein Emperors were touched, though they were present. But to
such it maie be answered, first that in disguised plaiers giuen ouer to al
sortes of dissolutenes, is not found so much as a wil to do good, seing they
care for nothing lesse than for virtue. Secondlie, that is not a good meanes
to correct sinne. For that if it be secret, it ought not to be reuealed openlie,
but by such meanes to be reformed as Christ himselfe alloweth in his
Gospel.’ P. 151. ‘The antiquitie of plaieng is likewise often vsed for an
argument to proue it allowable. But the custome of euil is not to be
maintained, because of antiquitie.’ P. 152. A final appeal. ‘The citie Marsiles
... would receaue into it no stage-plaiers.... I would to God the Magistrates
of our citie of London would haue the like foresight. The permission of
plaies so long a time hath alreadie corrupted this citie; and brought the
name of the citizens into slander; the examples of Gods iudgement is at this
present an example in this citie.’
xxviii. 1581. Anon.
[Only known to me from the entry in Catalogue of Chatsworth Library, iv. 49.]
A Treatise of Daunses, wherein it is showed, that they are as it were
accessories and dependants (or things annexed) to whoredom: where also
by the way is touched and proved, that Playes are ioyned and knit together
in a ranck or rowe with them.
xxix. 1581. John Rainolds.
stage, others by their examples, are warned to beware of such euils, to
amendment.... I cannot by anie means beleeue that the wordes proceeding
from a prophane plaier, and vttered in scorning sort, interlaced with filthie,
lewde, & vngodlie speeches, haue greater force to mooue men vnto virtue,
than the wordes of truth vttered by the godlie Preacher.... If the good life of
a man be a better instruction to repentance than the tong, or words, why do
not plaiers, I beseech you, leaue examples of goodnes to their posteritie?...
Are they not notoriouslie knowen to be those men in their life abroade, as
they are on the stage, roisters, brallers, il-dealers, bosters, louers, loiterers,
ruffins?... To conclude, the principal end of all their interludes is to feede
the world with sights, & fond pastimes; to iuggle in good earnest the monie
out of other mens purses into their owne handes.’ P. 150. ‘Some haue
obiected, that by these publique places manie forbeare to do euil for feare to
be publiquelie reprehended. And for that cause they wil saie it was tolerated
in Rome, wherein Emperors were touched, though they were present. But to
such it maie be answered, first that in disguised plaiers giuen ouer to al
sortes of dissolutenes, is not found so much as a wil to do good, seing they
care for nothing lesse than for virtue. Secondlie, that is not a good meanes
to correct sinne. For that if it be secret, it ought not to be reuealed openlie,
but by such meanes to be reformed as Christ himselfe alloweth in his
Gospel.’ P. 151. ‘The antiquitie of plaieng is likewise often vsed for an
argument to proue it allowable. But the custome of euil is not to be
maintained, because of antiquitie.’ P. 152. A final appeal. ‘The citie Marsiles
... would receaue into it no stage-plaiers.... I would to God the Magistrates
of our citie of London would haue the like foresight. The permission of
plaies so long a time hath alreadie corrupted this citie; and brought the
name of the citizens into slander; the examples of Gods iudgement is at this
present an example in this citie.’
xxviii. 1581. Anon.
[Only known to me from the entry in Catalogue of Chatsworth Library, iv. 49.]
A Treatise of Daunses, wherein it is showed, that they are as it were
accessories and dependants (or things annexed) to whoredom: where also
by the way is touched and proved, that Playes are ioyned and knit together
in a ranck or rowe with them.
xxix. 1581. John Rainolds.
Page 244
[From Praefatio ad Academiam Oxoniensem, dated ‘Febr. 2. 1580’, to Sex Theses
de Sacra Scriptura et Ecclesia (1580), 30. A translation is on p. 678 of The Summe of
the Conference between John Rainolds and John Hart (1584). Rainolds was Fellow of
C.C.C., Oxford, 1566–86, then retired to Queens, became Dean of Lincoln in 1593
and President of C.C.C. in 1598; for his share in later stage controversy cf. No. 1.]
Excitate studia, paene dixeram iacentia, sed spero meliora. Extinguite
Sirenes a studiis auocantes, desidiam, dulce malum: delicias, escam
Veneris: conuiuiorum luxum, vanitatem vestium, ludos illiberales, symposia
intempestiua, pestes scenicorum, Theatralia spectacula.
xxx. 1582. Stephen Gosson.
[From Playes Confuted in fiue Actions, Prouing that they are not to be suffred in a
Christian common weale, by the waye both the Cauils of Thomas Lodge, and the Play
of Playes, written in their defence, and other obiections of Players frendes, are truely
set downe and directlye aunsweared (n.d.; S. R. 6 Apr. 1582), reprinted by Hazlitt, E.
D. S. 157.]
[Summary and Extracts.] Epistle to Sir Frances Walsingham. ‘So fareth
it this present time with me, which giuing forth my Defiaunce vnto Playes,
am mightily beset with heapes of aduersaries.... I thought it necessarye to
nettle one of their Orators aboue the rest, not of any set purpose to deface
hym, because hee hath dealt very grossely, homely, and vncharitably with
me, but like a good Surgeon to cut, & to seare, when the place requireth, for
his owne amendment. Which thinge I trust shall neither displease your
honor, nor any of the godly, in the reading, so long as the person whom I
touch is (as I heare by hys owne frendes, to hys repentance if he can
perceiue it) hunted by the heauy hand of God, and become little better than
a vagarant, looser than liberty, lighter than vanitie it selfe.’ Plays are an
Augean stable to be cleansed. ‘If euer so notable a thinge bee brought to
passe it must bee done by some Hercules in the Court, whom the roare of
the enimy can neuer daunt.’ Hints that this should be Walsingham. ‘The
Gentlemen Players in the citie of London, are growen in such a heate, that
by their foming, their fretting, their stampinge, my frendes do perceiue how
their harts woorke, and enforce me to bring to your honor no common
fraighte, but as much as my life and securitie hereafter shall be woorth. If
the prouidence of God, who many times scourgeth a man with the sinne that
he loued, haue ordeined those players whom I fed with fancies, to be a
whippe to my back, and a dagger to my brest, the fault is mine owne, the
punishmente due.’ Epistle to the Universities and Inns of Court. P. 165. ‘I
was very willing to write at this time, because I was enformed by some of
de Sacra Scriptura et Ecclesia (1580), 30. A translation is on p. 678 of The Summe of
the Conference between John Rainolds and John Hart (1584). Rainolds was Fellow of
C.C.C., Oxford, 1566–86, then retired to Queens, became Dean of Lincoln in 1593
and President of C.C.C. in 1598; for his share in later stage controversy cf. No. 1.]
Excitate studia, paene dixeram iacentia, sed spero meliora. Extinguite
Sirenes a studiis auocantes, desidiam, dulce malum: delicias, escam
Veneris: conuiuiorum luxum, vanitatem vestium, ludos illiberales, symposia
intempestiua, pestes scenicorum, Theatralia spectacula.
xxx. 1582. Stephen Gosson.
[From Playes Confuted in fiue Actions, Prouing that they are not to be suffred in a
Christian common weale, by the waye both the Cauils of Thomas Lodge, and the Play
of Playes, written in their defence, and other obiections of Players frendes, are truely
set downe and directlye aunsweared (n.d.; S. R. 6 Apr. 1582), reprinted by Hazlitt, E.
D. S. 157.]
[Summary and Extracts.] Epistle to Sir Frances Walsingham. ‘So fareth
it this present time with me, which giuing forth my Defiaunce vnto Playes,
am mightily beset with heapes of aduersaries.... I thought it necessarye to
nettle one of their Orators aboue the rest, not of any set purpose to deface
hym, because hee hath dealt very grossely, homely, and vncharitably with
me, but like a good Surgeon to cut, & to seare, when the place requireth, for
his owne amendment. Which thinge I trust shall neither displease your
honor, nor any of the godly, in the reading, so long as the person whom I
touch is (as I heare by hys owne frendes, to hys repentance if he can
perceiue it) hunted by the heauy hand of God, and become little better than
a vagarant, looser than liberty, lighter than vanitie it selfe.’ Plays are an
Augean stable to be cleansed. ‘If euer so notable a thinge bee brought to
passe it must bee done by some Hercules in the Court, whom the roare of
the enimy can neuer daunt.’ Hints that this should be Walsingham. ‘The
Gentlemen Players in the citie of London, are growen in such a heate, that
by their foming, their fretting, their stampinge, my frendes do perceiue how
their harts woorke, and enforce me to bring to your honor no common
fraighte, but as much as my life and securitie hereafter shall be woorth. If
the prouidence of God, who many times scourgeth a man with the sinne that
he loued, haue ordeined those players whom I fed with fancies, to be a
whippe to my back, and a dagger to my brest, the fault is mine owne, the
punishmente due.’ Epistle to the Universities and Inns of Court. P. 165. ‘I
was very willing to write at this time, because I was enformed by some of
Page 245
you which heard it with your ears, that since my publishing the Schole of
Abuse, two Playes of my making were brought to the Stage: the one was a
cast of Italian deuises, called, The Comedie of Captaine Mario: the other a
Moral, Praise at parting. These they very impudently affirme to be written
by me since I had set out my inuectiue against them. I can not denie, they
were both mine, but they were both penned two yeeres at the least before I
forsoke them, as by their owne friends I am able to proue: but they haue got
suche a custome of counterfaiting vpon the Stage, that it is growen to a
habite, & will not be lefte. God knoweth, before whom to you all I doe
protest, as I shall answer to him at the last day, when al hidden secrets shal
be discouered, since the first printing of my Inuectiue, to this day, I neuer
made Playe for them nor any other.... I departed from the City of London,
and bestowed my time in teaching yong Gentlemen in the Countrie, where I
continue with a very worshipfull Gentleman, and reade to his sonnes in his
owne house.... As sonne as I had inueighed against Playes, I withdrewe my
selfe from them to better studies, which so long as I liue I trust to follow.’
The Confutation of Playes. The First Action. The Efficient Cause of Plays.
Defends his own change of mind. P. 167. ‘When I firste gaue my selfe to
the studie of Poetrie, and to set my cunning abroache, by penning Tragedies
and Comedies in the Citte of London: perceiuing such a Gordians knot of
disorder in euery play house, as woulde neuer bee loosed without
extremitie, I thought it better with Alexander to draw ye sword that should
knappe it a sunder at one stroke, than to seeke ouernisely or gingerly to
vndoe it, with the losse of my time and wante of successe. This caused mee
to bidde them the base at their owne gole, and to geue them a volley of
heathen writers: that our diuines considering the danger of suche houses as
are set vp in London against the Lord, might better them thoroughly with
greater shotts.’ An incomplete remedy. ‘Acknowledging the mischiefe bred
by playes wee hope to auoid yt by changing their day yet suffer them still to
remaine amonge vs.... The abhominable practises of playes in London haue
bene by godly preachers, both at Paules crosse, and else where so zealously,
so learnedly, so loudly cried out vpon to small redresse; that I may well say
of them, as the Philosophers reporte of the moouing of the heauens, we
neuer heare them, because we euer heare them.’ Notes an answer to him. P.
169. ‘Amongest all the fauorers of these vncircumcised Philistines, I meane
the Plaiers, whose heartes are not right, no man til of late durst thrust out his
heade to mayntaine there quarrell, but one, in witt, simple; in learning,
Abuse, two Playes of my making were brought to the Stage: the one was a
cast of Italian deuises, called, The Comedie of Captaine Mario: the other a
Moral, Praise at parting. These they very impudently affirme to be written
by me since I had set out my inuectiue against them. I can not denie, they
were both mine, but they were both penned two yeeres at the least before I
forsoke them, as by their owne friends I am able to proue: but they haue got
suche a custome of counterfaiting vpon the Stage, that it is growen to a
habite, & will not be lefte. God knoweth, before whom to you all I doe
protest, as I shall answer to him at the last day, when al hidden secrets shal
be discouered, since the first printing of my Inuectiue, to this day, I neuer
made Playe for them nor any other.... I departed from the City of London,
and bestowed my time in teaching yong Gentlemen in the Countrie, where I
continue with a very worshipfull Gentleman, and reade to his sonnes in his
owne house.... As sonne as I had inueighed against Playes, I withdrewe my
selfe from them to better studies, which so long as I liue I trust to follow.’
The Confutation of Playes. The First Action. The Efficient Cause of Plays.
Defends his own change of mind. P. 167. ‘When I firste gaue my selfe to
the studie of Poetrie, and to set my cunning abroache, by penning Tragedies
and Comedies in the Citte of London: perceiuing such a Gordians knot of
disorder in euery play house, as woulde neuer bee loosed without
extremitie, I thought it better with Alexander to draw ye sword that should
knappe it a sunder at one stroke, than to seeke ouernisely or gingerly to
vndoe it, with the losse of my time and wante of successe. This caused mee
to bidde them the base at their owne gole, and to geue them a volley of
heathen writers: that our diuines considering the danger of suche houses as
are set vp in London against the Lord, might better them thoroughly with
greater shotts.’ An incomplete remedy. ‘Acknowledging the mischiefe bred
by playes wee hope to auoid yt by changing their day yet suffer them still to
remaine amonge vs.... The abhominable practises of playes in London haue
bene by godly preachers, both at Paules crosse, and else where so zealously,
so learnedly, so loudly cried out vpon to small redresse; that I may well say
of them, as the Philosophers reporte of the moouing of the heauens, we
neuer heare them, because we euer heare them.’ Notes an answer to him. P.
169. ‘Amongest all the fauorers of these vncircumcised Philistines, I meane
the Plaiers, whose heartes are not right, no man til of late durst thrust out his
heade to mayntaine there quarrell, but one, in witt, simple; in learning,
Page 246
ignorant; in attempt, rash; in name, Lodge: whose booke, as it came not to
my handes in one whole yeere after the priuy printing thereof, so I confesse,
that to it, before this time, I aunswered nothing, partlie because he brought
nothing; partlie because my hearte was to bigge, to wrastle with him, that
wanteth armes. Therefore considering with my selfe that such kinde of sores
might bee launced to sone, I chose rather to let him ripen and breake of him
selfe, that vomiting out his owne disgrace, & being worne out of fauour
among his own friends, I might triumph in the cause & shedde no blood....
Some of his acquaintance haue vaunted to cut and hewe mee, I knowe not
howe.’ The Devil is the efficient cause of plays, as noted by Tertullian. P.
171. ‘And William [‘Thomas’ on a cancel in some copies] Lodge in that
patchte pamphlet of his ... confesseth openly that playes were consecrated
by the heathens to ye honour of their gods.’ Expounds the policy of the
Devil in the matter. P. 172. ‘First hee sente ouer many wanton Italian
bookes.... Not contented with the number he hath corrupted with reading
Italian baudery, because all cannot reade, [he] presenteth vs Comedies cut
by the same paterne, which drag such a monstrous taile after them, as is
able to sweep whole Cities into his lap.’ Argues that plays are of idolatrous
origin, and disliked by Scipio Nasica and other severer Romans. Rome held
players infamous. P. 178. ‘Wherefore I beseech God so to touch the heartes
of our Magistrates with a perfite hatred of sinne, and feare of Iudgement; so
to stirr vp some noble Scipio in the Courte, that these daunsing Chaplines of
Bacchus and all such as set vp these wicked artes, may be driuen out of
Englande.’ The Second Action. The Material Cause of Plays. P. 179. ‘Yonge
Master Lodge thinking to iett vpon startoppes, and steale an ynche of his
hight by the bare name of Cicero, allegeth from him, yt a Play is the
Schoolmistresse of life; the lookinge glasse of manners; and the image of
trueth.... It seemeth that Master Lodge saw this in Tullie with other folkes
eyes, and not his owne. For to my remembrance I neuer read it in him,
neither doe I thinke that Master Lodge can shewe it me.’ Cites passages of
Cicero against spectacula. Sets down the matter of plays. P. 180. ‘The
argument of Tragedies is wrath, crueltie, incest, iniurie, murther eyther
violent by sworde, or voluntary by poyson. The persons, Gods, Goddesses,
furies, fiendes, Kinges, Quenes, and mightie men. The grounde worke of
Commedies, is loue, cosenedge, flatterie, bawderie, slye conueighance of
whoredome; The persons, cookes, queanes, knaues, baudes, parasites,
courtezannes, lecherous olde men, amorous yong men.’ Criticizes the
my handes in one whole yeere after the priuy printing thereof, so I confesse,
that to it, before this time, I aunswered nothing, partlie because he brought
nothing; partlie because my hearte was to bigge, to wrastle with him, that
wanteth armes. Therefore considering with my selfe that such kinde of sores
might bee launced to sone, I chose rather to let him ripen and breake of him
selfe, that vomiting out his owne disgrace, & being worne out of fauour
among his own friends, I might triumph in the cause & shedde no blood....
Some of his acquaintance haue vaunted to cut and hewe mee, I knowe not
howe.’ The Devil is the efficient cause of plays, as noted by Tertullian. P.
171. ‘And William [‘Thomas’ on a cancel in some copies] Lodge in that
patchte pamphlet of his ... confesseth openly that playes were consecrated
by the heathens to ye honour of their gods.’ Expounds the policy of the
Devil in the matter. P. 172. ‘First hee sente ouer many wanton Italian
bookes.... Not contented with the number he hath corrupted with reading
Italian baudery, because all cannot reade, [he] presenteth vs Comedies cut
by the same paterne, which drag such a monstrous taile after them, as is
able to sweep whole Cities into his lap.’ Argues that plays are of idolatrous
origin, and disliked by Scipio Nasica and other severer Romans. Rome held
players infamous. P. 178. ‘Wherefore I beseech God so to touch the heartes
of our Magistrates with a perfite hatred of sinne, and feare of Iudgement; so
to stirr vp some noble Scipio in the Courte, that these daunsing Chaplines of
Bacchus and all such as set vp these wicked artes, may be driuen out of
Englande.’ The Second Action. The Material Cause of Plays. P. 179. ‘Yonge
Master Lodge thinking to iett vpon startoppes, and steale an ynche of his
hight by the bare name of Cicero, allegeth from him, yt a Play is the
Schoolmistresse of life; the lookinge glasse of manners; and the image of
trueth.... It seemeth that Master Lodge saw this in Tullie with other folkes
eyes, and not his owne. For to my remembrance I neuer read it in him,
neither doe I thinke that Master Lodge can shewe it me.’ Cites passages of
Cicero against spectacula. Sets down the matter of plays. P. 180. ‘The
argument of Tragedies is wrath, crueltie, incest, iniurie, murther eyther
violent by sworde, or voluntary by poyson. The persons, Gods, Goddesses,
furies, fiendes, Kinges, Quenes, and mightie men. The grounde worke of
Commedies, is loue, cosenedge, flatterie, bawderie, slye conueighance of
whoredome; The persons, cookes, queanes, knaues, baudes, parasites,
courtezannes, lecherous olde men, amorous yong men.’ Criticizes the
Page 247
Lodge-Cicero metaphor in detail. Plays no schoolmistress of life. ‘The
beholding of troubles and miserable slaughters that are in Tragedies, driue
vs to immoderate sorrow, heauines, womanish weeping and mourning,
whereby we become louers of dumpes, and lamentation, both enemies to
fortitude. Comedies so tickle our senses with a pleasanter vaine, that they
make vs louers of laughter, and pleasure, without any meane, both foes to
temperance. What schooling is this? Sometime you shall see nothing but the
aduentures of an amorous knight, passing from countrie to countrie for the
loue of his lady, encountring many a terible monster made of broune paper,
& at his retorne, is so wonderfully changed, that he can not be knowne but
by some posie in his tablet, or by a broken ring, or a handkircher, or a piece
of a cockle shell. What learne you by that? When ye soule of your playes is
eyther meere trifles, or Italian baudery, or wooing of gentlewomen, what are
we taught?’ Aristotle forbade plays to the young. P. 182. ‘If any goodnes
were to be learned at Playes it is likely that the Players them selues which
committ euery sillable to memory shoulde profitte most ... but the dayly
experience of their behauiour sheweth, that they reape no profit by the
discipline them selues.’ Thinks Master Lodge found ‘some peeuish index or
gatherer of Tullie to be a sleepe.... Wherein I perceiue hee is no changeling,
for he disputeth as soundly being from the vniuersitie and out of exercise,
as he did when hee was there, and at his booke.’ P. 183. Plays no glass of
behaviour. Manners should not be rebuked where no reply is possible, or
before such judges as ‘the common people which resorte to Theaters being
but an assemblie of Tailers, Tinkers, Cordwayners, Saylers, olde Men, yong
Men, Women, Boyes, Girles, and such like’. The Roman law of libel
restrained ‘the ouer-lashing of players’. P. 185. Criticizes [Wilson’s] The
Three Ladies of London [cf. ch. xxiii] for making Love detest and
Conscience allow plays; also a rival play of London against the Three
Ladies. Denies that intention either of poets or players is to profit those they
rebuke. P. 187. Plays not the image of truth. P. 188. ‘In Playes either those
thinges are fained that neuer were, as Cupid and Psyche plaid at Paules; and
a greate many Comedies more at ye Blacke friers and in euery Playe house
in London, which for breuities sake I ouer skippe: of if a true Historie be
taken in hand, it is made like our shadows, longest at the rising and falling
of the Sunne, shortest of all at hie noone. For the Poets driue it most
commonly vnto such pointes as may best showe the maiestie of their pen in
Tragicall speaches; or set the hearers a gogge with discourses of loue; or
beholding of troubles and miserable slaughters that are in Tragedies, driue
vs to immoderate sorrow, heauines, womanish weeping and mourning,
whereby we become louers of dumpes, and lamentation, both enemies to
fortitude. Comedies so tickle our senses with a pleasanter vaine, that they
make vs louers of laughter, and pleasure, without any meane, both foes to
temperance. What schooling is this? Sometime you shall see nothing but the
aduentures of an amorous knight, passing from countrie to countrie for the
loue of his lady, encountring many a terible monster made of broune paper,
& at his retorne, is so wonderfully changed, that he can not be knowne but
by some posie in his tablet, or by a broken ring, or a handkircher, or a piece
of a cockle shell. What learne you by that? When ye soule of your playes is
eyther meere trifles, or Italian baudery, or wooing of gentlewomen, what are
we taught?’ Aristotle forbade plays to the young. P. 182. ‘If any goodnes
were to be learned at Playes it is likely that the Players them selues which
committ euery sillable to memory shoulde profitte most ... but the dayly
experience of their behauiour sheweth, that they reape no profit by the
discipline them selues.’ Thinks Master Lodge found ‘some peeuish index or
gatherer of Tullie to be a sleepe.... Wherein I perceiue hee is no changeling,
for he disputeth as soundly being from the vniuersitie and out of exercise,
as he did when hee was there, and at his booke.’ P. 183. Plays no glass of
behaviour. Manners should not be rebuked where no reply is possible, or
before such judges as ‘the common people which resorte to Theaters being
but an assemblie of Tailers, Tinkers, Cordwayners, Saylers, olde Men, yong
Men, Women, Boyes, Girles, and such like’. The Roman law of libel
restrained ‘the ouer-lashing of players’. P. 185. Criticizes [Wilson’s] The
Three Ladies of London [cf. ch. xxiii] for making Love detest and
Conscience allow plays; also a rival play of London against the Three
Ladies. Denies that intention either of poets or players is to profit those they
rebuke. P. 187. Plays not the image of truth. P. 188. ‘In Playes either those
thinges are fained that neuer were, as Cupid and Psyche plaid at Paules; and
a greate many Comedies more at ye Blacke friers and in euery Playe house
in London, which for breuities sake I ouer skippe: of if a true Historie be
taken in hand, it is made like our shadows, longest at the rising and falling
of the Sunne, shortest of all at hie noone. For the Poets driue it most
commonly vnto such pointes as may best showe the maiestie of their pen in
Tragicall speaches; or set the hearers a gogge with discourses of loue; or
Page 248
painte a fewe antickes to fitt their owne humors with scoffes & tauntes; or
wring in a shewe to furnish the Stage when it is to bare; when the matter of
it selfe comes shorte of this, they followe the practise of the cobler, and set
their teeth to the leather to pull it out. So was the history of Caesar and
Pompey, and the Playe of the Fabii at the Theater, both amplified there,
where the Drummes might walke, or the pen ruffle; when the history
swelled and ran to hye for the number of ye persons that should playe it, the
Poet with Proteus [? Procrustes] cut the same fit to his owne measure; when
it afoorded no pompe at al, he brought it to the racke to make it serue.... I
may boldely say it because I haue seene it, that the Palace of pleasure, the
Golden Asse, the Œthiopian historie, Amadis of Fraunce, the Rounde Table,
baudie Comedies in Latine, French, Italian, and Spanish, haue beene
throughly ransackt to furnish the Playe houses in London.... Forsooth saith
the Authour of the Playe of plays showen at the Theater, the three and
twentieth of Februarie last: They shalbe nowe purged, the matter shalbe
good.... As for that glosing plaie at ye Theater which profers you so faire,
there is enterlaced in it a baudie song of a maide of Kent, and a little beastly
speech of the new stawled roge, both which I am compelled to burie in
silence, being more ashamed to vtter them than they.’ Thinks the minority
of honest plays a trick of the devil. Repeats his points as to the idolatrous
origin of plays and the infamy of players at Rome. The devil makes them
alluring. P. 192. ‘For the eye, beeside the beautie of the houses and the
Stages, hee sendeth in Gearish apparell, maskes, vauting, tumbling,
daunsing of gigges, galiardes, morisces, hobbihorses, showing of iudgeling
castes.’ The Third Action. The Formal Cause of Plays. P. 195. ‘The Law of
God very straightly forbids men to put on womens garments.’ This is not to
be explained away as a prohibition of disguises meant to facilitate adultery,
but is absolute. P. 197. ‘In Stage Playes for a boy to put one the attyre, the
gesture, the passions of a woman; for a meane person to take vpon him the
title of a Prince with counterfeit porte, and traine, is by outwarde signes to
shewe them selues otherwise then they are, and so with in the compasse of a
lye, which by Aristotles iudgement is naught of it selfe and to be fledde.’
Admits that Gregory Nazianzen and Buchanan wrote plays. ‘To what ende?
To be Plaied vpon Stages? neither Players nor their friendes are able to
proue it.’ Refutes another objection. P. 198. ‘Let the Author of the playe of
playes & pastimes, take heede how he reason yt action, pronuntiation,
agility of body are ye good gifts of God. Ergo, plaies consisting of these
wring in a shewe to furnish the Stage when it is to bare; when the matter of
it selfe comes shorte of this, they followe the practise of the cobler, and set
their teeth to the leather to pull it out. So was the history of Caesar and
Pompey, and the Playe of the Fabii at the Theater, both amplified there,
where the Drummes might walke, or the pen ruffle; when the history
swelled and ran to hye for the number of ye persons that should playe it, the
Poet with Proteus [? Procrustes] cut the same fit to his owne measure; when
it afoorded no pompe at al, he brought it to the racke to make it serue.... I
may boldely say it because I haue seene it, that the Palace of pleasure, the
Golden Asse, the Œthiopian historie, Amadis of Fraunce, the Rounde Table,
baudie Comedies in Latine, French, Italian, and Spanish, haue beene
throughly ransackt to furnish the Playe houses in London.... Forsooth saith
the Authour of the Playe of plays showen at the Theater, the three and
twentieth of Februarie last: They shalbe nowe purged, the matter shalbe
good.... As for that glosing plaie at ye Theater which profers you so faire,
there is enterlaced in it a baudie song of a maide of Kent, and a little beastly
speech of the new stawled roge, both which I am compelled to burie in
silence, being more ashamed to vtter them than they.’ Thinks the minority
of honest plays a trick of the devil. Repeats his points as to the idolatrous
origin of plays and the infamy of players at Rome. The devil makes them
alluring. P. 192. ‘For the eye, beeside the beautie of the houses and the
Stages, hee sendeth in Gearish apparell, maskes, vauting, tumbling,
daunsing of gigges, galiardes, morisces, hobbihorses, showing of iudgeling
castes.’ The Third Action. The Formal Cause of Plays. P. 195. ‘The Law of
God very straightly forbids men to put on womens garments.’ This is not to
be explained away as a prohibition of disguises meant to facilitate adultery,
but is absolute. P. 197. ‘In Stage Playes for a boy to put one the attyre, the
gesture, the passions of a woman; for a meane person to take vpon him the
title of a Prince with counterfeit porte, and traine, is by outwarde signes to
shewe them selues otherwise then they are, and so with in the compasse of a
lye, which by Aristotles iudgement is naught of it selfe and to be fledde.’
Admits that Gregory Nazianzen and Buchanan wrote plays. ‘To what ende?
To be Plaied vpon Stages? neither Players nor their friendes are able to
proue it.’ Refutes another objection. P. 198. ‘Let the Author of the playe of
playes & pastimes, take heede how he reason yt action, pronuntiation,
agility of body are ye good gifts of God. Ergo, plaies consisting of these
Page 249
cannot be euill.’ Even the heathens condemned the waste of money in
spectacles. The Fourth Action. The Final Cause of Plays. P. 201. The end of
plays is sinful delight, as is proved by the admissions of Menander and
Terence, ‘By the manner of penning in these dayes, because the Poets send
theire verses to the Stage vpon such feete as continually are rowled vp in
rime at the fingers endes, which is plaucible to the barbarous, and carrieth a
stinge into the eares of the common people. By the obiect, because
Tragedies and Commedies stirre vp affections, and affections are naturally
planted in that part of the minde that is common to vs with brute beastes.’
Analyses the argument of the Author of the Play of Plays, ‘spreading out his
battel to hemme me in’. P. 202. ‘He tyeth Life and Delight so fast together,
that if Delight be restrained, Life presently perisheth; there, zeale
perceyuing Delight to be embraced of Life, puttes a snafle in his mouth, to
keepe him vnder. Delight beinge bridled, Zeale leadeth life through a
wildernesse of lothsomenesse, where Glutte scarreth them all, chafing both
Zeale and Delight from Life, and with the clubbe of amasednesse strikes
such a pegge into the heade of Life, that he falles downe for dead vpon the
Stage. Life beinge thus fainte, and ouertrauailed, destitute of his guyde,
robbed of Delight, is readie to giue vp the Ghost, in the same place; then
entereth Recreation, which with music and singing rockes Life a sleepe to
recouer his strength. By this meanes Tediousnesse is driuen from Life, and
the teinte is drawne out of his heade, which the club of amasednes left
behinde. At last Recreation setteth vp the Gentleman vpon his feete, Delight
is restored to him againe, and such kinde of sportes for cullices are brought
in to nourishe him, as none but Delighte must applye to his stomache. Then
time beinge made for the benefite of Life, and Life being allowed to
followe his appetite, amongst all manner of pastimes, Life chooseth
Commedies, for his Delight, partly because Commedies are neither
chargable to ye beholders purse, nor painful to his body; partly, because he
may sit out of the raine to veiwe the same, when many other pastimes are
hindred by wether. Zeale is no more admitted to Life before he be
somewhat pinchte in the waste, to auoyde extremitie, and being not in the
end simply called Zeale but Moderate Zeale a fewe conditions are
prescribed to Comedies, that the matter be purged, deformities blazed, sinne
rebuked, honest mirth intermingled, and fitte time for the hearing of the
same appointed. Moderate Zeale is contented to suffer them, who wyneth
with delight to direct life againe, after which he triumphes ouer Death & is
spectacles. The Fourth Action. The Final Cause of Plays. P. 201. The end of
plays is sinful delight, as is proved by the admissions of Menander and
Terence, ‘By the manner of penning in these dayes, because the Poets send
theire verses to the Stage vpon such feete as continually are rowled vp in
rime at the fingers endes, which is plaucible to the barbarous, and carrieth a
stinge into the eares of the common people. By the obiect, because
Tragedies and Commedies stirre vp affections, and affections are naturally
planted in that part of the minde that is common to vs with brute beastes.’
Analyses the argument of the Author of the Play of Plays, ‘spreading out his
battel to hemme me in’. P. 202. ‘He tyeth Life and Delight so fast together,
that if Delight be restrained, Life presently perisheth; there, zeale
perceyuing Delight to be embraced of Life, puttes a snafle in his mouth, to
keepe him vnder. Delight beinge bridled, Zeale leadeth life through a
wildernesse of lothsomenesse, where Glutte scarreth them all, chafing both
Zeale and Delight from Life, and with the clubbe of amasednesse strikes
such a pegge into the heade of Life, that he falles downe for dead vpon the
Stage. Life beinge thus fainte, and ouertrauailed, destitute of his guyde,
robbed of Delight, is readie to giue vp the Ghost, in the same place; then
entereth Recreation, which with music and singing rockes Life a sleepe to
recouer his strength. By this meanes Tediousnesse is driuen from Life, and
the teinte is drawne out of his heade, which the club of amasednes left
behinde. At last Recreation setteth vp the Gentleman vpon his feete, Delight
is restored to him againe, and such kinde of sportes for cullices are brought
in to nourishe him, as none but Delighte must applye to his stomache. Then
time beinge made for the benefite of Life, and Life being allowed to
followe his appetite, amongst all manner of pastimes, Life chooseth
Commedies, for his Delight, partly because Commedies are neither
chargable to ye beholders purse, nor painful to his body; partly, because he
may sit out of the raine to veiwe the same, when many other pastimes are
hindred by wether. Zeale is no more admitted to Life before he be
somewhat pinchte in the waste, to auoyde extremitie, and being not in the
end simply called Zeale but Moderate Zeale a fewe conditions are
prescribed to Comedies, that the matter be purged, deformities blazed, sinne
rebuked, honest mirth intermingled, and fitte time for the hearing of the
same appointed. Moderate Zeale is contented to suffer them, who wyneth
with delight to direct life againe, after which he triumphes ouer Death & is
Page 250
crowned with eternitie.’ P. 203. As Fathers and Councils ‘and ye skilfulst
Deuines at this day in England which are compelled in Sermons to cry out
against them’ are challenged by this playmaker, will answer him.
Distinguishes between carnal and spiritual delight. Plays bring carnal
delight, which is contrary to reason and comes of corruption. The Fifth
Action. The Effects of Plays. P. 211. Why should he write against plays,
when, although famous men in both universities cry out against plays, ‘none
of them by printing haue taken the paines to write any full discouery against
them’? Partly because, being young, he will be better excused than they if
he ‘shoulde speake but one worde against ye sleepines of Magistrats which
in this case is necessary to be toucht’; partly because, ‘hauing once already
written against playes, which no man that euer wrote playes, did, but one,
who hath changed his coppy, and turned himself like ye dog to his vomite,
to plays againe, and being falsly accused my selfe to do ye like, it is
needfull for me to write againe’. Declares the effects of plays. Wantonness
on the stage excites the passions of the spectators. Theatres are ‘markets of
bawdry’. P. 215. ‘Our Theaters, and play houses in London, are as full of
secrete adulterie as they were in Rome.... In the playhouses at London, it is
the fashion of youthes to go first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye
through euery gallery, then like vnto rauens where they spye the carion
thither they flye, and presse as nere to ye fairest as they can.... They giue
them pippines, they dally with their garmentes to passe ye time, they
minister talke vpon al occasions, & eyther bring them home to their houses
on small acquaintance, or slip into tauerns when ye plaies are done. He
thinketh best of his painted sheath, & taketh himselfe for a iolly fellow, yt is
noted of most, to be busyest with women in all such places.’ The players are
an evil in the commonwealth. P. 215. ‘Most of the Players haue bene eyther
men of occupations, which they haue forsaken to lyue by playing, or
common minstrels, or trayned vp from theire childehood to this
abhominable exercise & haue now no other way to get theire liuinge.... In a
commonweale, if priuat men be suffered to forsake theire calling because
they desire to walke gentleman like in sattine & veluet, with a buckler at
their heeles, proportion is so broken, vnitie dissolued, harmony confounded,
that the whole body must be dismembred and the prince or the heade cannot
chuse but sicken.... Let them not looke to liue by playes; the little thrift that
followeth theire greate gaine, is a manifest token that God hath cursed it.’ A
Deuines at this day in England which are compelled in Sermons to cry out
against them’ are challenged by this playmaker, will answer him.
Distinguishes between carnal and spiritual delight. Plays bring carnal
delight, which is contrary to reason and comes of corruption. The Fifth
Action. The Effects of Plays. P. 211. Why should he write against plays,
when, although famous men in both universities cry out against plays, ‘none
of them by printing haue taken the paines to write any full discouery against
them’? Partly because, being young, he will be better excused than they if
he ‘shoulde speake but one worde against ye sleepines of Magistrats which
in this case is necessary to be toucht’; partly because, ‘hauing once already
written against playes, which no man that euer wrote playes, did, but one,
who hath changed his coppy, and turned himself like ye dog to his vomite,
to plays againe, and being falsly accused my selfe to do ye like, it is
needfull for me to write againe’. Declares the effects of plays. Wantonness
on the stage excites the passions of the spectators. Theatres are ‘markets of
bawdry’. P. 215. ‘Our Theaters, and play houses in London, are as full of
secrete adulterie as they were in Rome.... In the playhouses at London, it is
the fashion of youthes to go first into the yarde, and to carry theire eye
through euery gallery, then like vnto rauens where they spye the carion
thither they flye, and presse as nere to ye fairest as they can.... They giue
them pippines, they dally with their garmentes to passe ye time, they
minister talke vpon al occasions, & eyther bring them home to their houses
on small acquaintance, or slip into tauerns when ye plaies are done. He
thinketh best of his painted sheath, & taketh himselfe for a iolly fellow, yt is
noted of most, to be busyest with women in all such places.’ The players are
an evil in the commonwealth. P. 215. ‘Most of the Players haue bene eyther
men of occupations, which they haue forsaken to lyue by playing, or
common minstrels, or trayned vp from theire childehood to this
abhominable exercise & haue now no other way to get theire liuinge.... In a
commonweale, if priuat men be suffered to forsake theire calling because
they desire to walke gentleman like in sattine & veluet, with a buckler at
their heeles, proportion is so broken, vnitie dissolued, harmony confounded,
that the whole body must be dismembred and the prince or the heade cannot
chuse but sicken.... Let them not looke to liue by playes; the little thrift that
followeth theire greate gaine, is a manifest token that God hath cursed it.’ A
Page 251
final appeal to his countrymen, ending, ‘God is iust, his bow is bent & his
arrowe drawen, to send you a plague, if you staye too long’.
xxxi. 1583. John Field.
[From A godly exhortation, by occasion of the late iudgement of God, shewed at
Parris-garden, the thirteenth day of Ianuarie: where were assembled by estimation
aboue a thousand persons, whereof some were slaine; & of that number, at the least,
as is crediblie reported, the thirde person maimed and hurt. Giuen to all estates for
their instruction, concerning the keeping of the Sabboth day. By Iohn Field, Minister
of the word of God.... Robert Waldegrave for Henry Carre, 1583. There is no entry in
S. R., but on 21 Jan. Richard Jones and William Bartlett were imprisoned and fined
for printing ‘a thing of the fall of the gallories at Paris Garden’ without licence (Arber,
ii. 853). On 19 Jan. Fleetwood wrote to Lord Burghley (M. S. C. i. 160, from
Lansdowne MS. 37, f. 10; also in Wright, ii. 184), ‘Vpon the same day [13 Jan.] the
violaters of the Sabothe were punished by Godes providens at Paris garden and as I
was writing of these last wordes loo here is a booke sett downe vpon the same
matter’.]
Epistle to the Lord Mayor, William Fleetwood, the Recorder, and the
Aldermen. Explains the address to them. A 2v. ‘Is it not a lamentable thing,
that after so long preaching of the Gospell, there should bee so great
prophanation amongst vs? that Theaters should be full and churches be
emptie? that the streetes shoulde be replenished, and the places of holy
exercises, left destitute? I write not this simplie but in respect, and by
comparison.... If you say that this thing belongeth not vnto you, because
that Parris garden is out of your iurisdiction, yet why are these men suffered
to bring their Beares into the citie, that thereby they may gather your
company vnto them? It were duety in you to hinder these and to take order
that none of the citie should repaire vnto such places.... 18th January 1583.
Iohn Feild.’ The exhortation is mainly a general call to repentance and fear
of judgement, without special reference to the occasion. B 3. Stress is laid
on abuse of the Sabbath. B 4. ‘There is no Dicing house, Bowling alley,
Cock pit, or Theater, that can be found empty. Those flagges of defiance
against God, & trumpets that are blown to gather together such company,
will sooner preuail to fil those places, then the preaching of the holy worde
of God ... to fill Churches. Nothing can stoppe them from the same: neyther
feare of danger, losse of tyme, corruption of maners, infection of diseases,
expence of money, suspition of honestie and such like.... Pounds and
hundreds can be well ynough afforded, in following these least pleasures,
though euery dore hath a payment, & euery gallerie maketh a yearely
stipend: thogh euery dog hath a coller, & euery Beare a prize, and euery
arrowe drawen, to send you a plague, if you staye too long’.
xxxi. 1583. John Field.
[From A godly exhortation, by occasion of the late iudgement of God, shewed at
Parris-garden, the thirteenth day of Ianuarie: where were assembled by estimation
aboue a thousand persons, whereof some were slaine; & of that number, at the least,
as is crediblie reported, the thirde person maimed and hurt. Giuen to all estates for
their instruction, concerning the keeping of the Sabboth day. By Iohn Field, Minister
of the word of God.... Robert Waldegrave for Henry Carre, 1583. There is no entry in
S. R., but on 21 Jan. Richard Jones and William Bartlett were imprisoned and fined
for printing ‘a thing of the fall of the gallories at Paris Garden’ without licence (Arber,
ii. 853). On 19 Jan. Fleetwood wrote to Lord Burghley (M. S. C. i. 160, from
Lansdowne MS. 37, f. 10; also in Wright, ii. 184), ‘Vpon the same day [13 Jan.] the
violaters of the Sabothe were punished by Godes providens at Paris garden and as I
was writing of these last wordes loo here is a booke sett downe vpon the same
matter’.]
Epistle to the Lord Mayor, William Fleetwood, the Recorder, and the
Aldermen. Explains the address to them. A 2v. ‘Is it not a lamentable thing,
that after so long preaching of the Gospell, there should bee so great
prophanation amongst vs? that Theaters should be full and churches be
emptie? that the streetes shoulde be replenished, and the places of holy
exercises, left destitute? I write not this simplie but in respect, and by
comparison.... If you say that this thing belongeth not vnto you, because
that Parris garden is out of your iurisdiction, yet why are these men suffered
to bring their Beares into the citie, that thereby they may gather your
company vnto them? It were duety in you to hinder these and to take order
that none of the citie should repaire vnto such places.... 18th January 1583.
Iohn Feild.’ The exhortation is mainly a general call to repentance and fear
of judgement, without special reference to the occasion. B 3. Stress is laid
on abuse of the Sabbath. B 4. ‘There is no Dicing house, Bowling alley,
Cock pit, or Theater, that can be found empty. Those flagges of defiance
against God, & trumpets that are blown to gather together such company,
will sooner preuail to fil those places, then the preaching of the holy worde
of God ... to fill Churches. Nothing can stoppe them from the same: neyther
feare of danger, losse of tyme, corruption of maners, infection of diseases,
expence of money, suspition of honestie and such like.... Pounds and
hundreds can be well ynough afforded, in following these least pleasures,
though euery dore hath a payment, & euery gallerie maketh a yearely
stipend: thogh euery dog hath a coller, & euery Beare a prize, and euery
Page 252
cracke bring a great aduenture.’ Enforces the warning of Paris Garden. B
viiv. ‘I wil set it down as plainly as I can, and as truly as can be gathered
from the examination of those same common euidences, that haue fallen
out.... You shal vnderstand therfore (beloued Christians) that vpon the last
Lords day being the thirteen day of the first month, that cruell and lothsome
exercise of bayting Beares being kept at Parris-garden, in the after-noone,
in the time of common praiers, and when many other exercises of Religion,
both of preaching and Catechizing were had in sundry places of the City,
diuers Preachers hauing not long before also cryed out against such
prophanations: yet (the more pitty) there resorted thither a great company of
people of al sorts and conditions, that the like nomber, in euery respect (as
they say) had not beene seene there a long time before. Beeing thus vngodly
assembled, to so vnholy a spectacle and specially considering the time; the
yeard, standings, and Galleries being ful fraught, being now amidest their
iolity, when the dogs and Bear were in the chiefest Battel, Lo the mighty
hand of God vppon them. This gallery that was double, and compassed the
yeard round about, was so shaken at the foundation, that it fell (as it were in
a moment) flat to the ground, without post or peere, that was left standing,
so high as the stake whervnto the Beare was tied. Although some wil say
(and as it may be truly) that it was very old and rotten and therefore a great
waight of people, being planted vpon it then was wont, that it was no
maruaile that it fayled: and would make it but a light matter. Yet surely if
this be considered, that no peece of post, boord, or stake was left standing:
though we vrge it not as a miracle, yet it must needes be considered as an
extraordinary iudgement of God, both for the punishment of those present
prophaners of the Lordes day that were then, & also informe and warne vs
that were abroad. In the fal of it, there were slaine fiue men and two
women, that are come to knowledge, who they were and where they
dwelled, to wit, Adam Spencer a Felmonger, in Southwarke, William
Cockram a Baker, dwelling in Shordich, Iohn Burton Cleark, of S. Marie
Wolmers in Lombard streat, Mathew Mason, seruant with Master Garland,
dwelling in Southwarke, Thomas Peace, seruant with Robert Tasker,
dwelling in Clerken well. The maydens names, Alice White, seruant to a
Pursemaker without Cripplegate, and Marie Harrison, daughter to Iohn
Harrison, being a waterbearer, dwelling in Lombard streat.’ C iv. Nowe
beside these that were thus killed out right, with the flat fal of the Galleries,
strangely wrunge in peeces as it were by God himselfe, it could not bee but
viiv. ‘I wil set it down as plainly as I can, and as truly as can be gathered
from the examination of those same common euidences, that haue fallen
out.... You shal vnderstand therfore (beloued Christians) that vpon the last
Lords day being the thirteen day of the first month, that cruell and lothsome
exercise of bayting Beares being kept at Parris-garden, in the after-noone,
in the time of common praiers, and when many other exercises of Religion,
both of preaching and Catechizing were had in sundry places of the City,
diuers Preachers hauing not long before also cryed out against such
prophanations: yet (the more pitty) there resorted thither a great company of
people of al sorts and conditions, that the like nomber, in euery respect (as
they say) had not beene seene there a long time before. Beeing thus vngodly
assembled, to so vnholy a spectacle and specially considering the time; the
yeard, standings, and Galleries being ful fraught, being now amidest their
iolity, when the dogs and Bear were in the chiefest Battel, Lo the mighty
hand of God vppon them. This gallery that was double, and compassed the
yeard round about, was so shaken at the foundation, that it fell (as it were in
a moment) flat to the ground, without post or peere, that was left standing,
so high as the stake whervnto the Beare was tied. Although some wil say
(and as it may be truly) that it was very old and rotten and therefore a great
waight of people, being planted vpon it then was wont, that it was no
maruaile that it fayled: and would make it but a light matter. Yet surely if
this be considered, that no peece of post, boord, or stake was left standing:
though we vrge it not as a miracle, yet it must needes be considered as an
extraordinary iudgement of God, both for the punishment of those present
prophaners of the Lordes day that were then, & also informe and warne vs
that were abroad. In the fal of it, there were slaine fiue men and two
women, that are come to knowledge, who they were and where they
dwelled, to wit, Adam Spencer a Felmonger, in Southwarke, William
Cockram a Baker, dwelling in Shordich, Iohn Burton Cleark, of S. Marie
Wolmers in Lombard streat, Mathew Mason, seruant with Master Garland,
dwelling in Southwarke, Thomas Peace, seruant with Robert Tasker,
dwelling in Clerken well. The maydens names, Alice White, seruant to a
Pursemaker without Cripplegate, and Marie Harrison, daughter to Iohn
Harrison, being a waterbearer, dwelling in Lombard streat.’ C iv. Nowe
beside these that were thus killed out right, with the flat fal of the Galleries,
strangely wrunge in peeces as it were by God himselfe, it could not bee but
Page 253
in such confusion, there must needes come great hurt to many. Howe many
carried away death, as it were in theyr bosomes, that died the same night, or
some little tyme after, the Lorde knoweth. And we heare since, though we
know not the iust number, that many of them are dead & buried, and
namely one Web a Pewterer his wife that dwelt in Limestreete who being
there sore wounded, is now gon with diuers others. Of all the multitude
there, which must needes be farre aboue a thousande, it is thought by the
iudgement of most people, that not the third personne escaped vnhurt; and
by some that haue made search, they esteme that there were sore hurt and
maimed, aboue one hundred and fiftye persons, some hauing theyr legs and
armes broken, some theyr backes, theyr bodies beeing sore brused, so that
euery way into the cittie from that time tyll towardes nine of the clocke and
past: and specially ouer London bridge, many were carried in Chayres, &
led betwixt their freendes, and so brought home wyth sorrowfull and heauy
heartes lyke lame cripples. They say also that at the first, when the
Scaffolde cracked (as it did once or twise) there was a crye of fire fire,
which set them in such a maze as was wonderfull, so that as destitute of
their wits they stood styll, and could make no shifte for them selues, till the
Scaffold was made euen with the ground.... Amongst the rest it is credibly
reported that there was one Woman, that beeing in the Gallery, threw downe
her childe before her, & leaped after herselfe; and yet thankes bee to God
neyther of both had any maner of hurt, so was it with diuers others. But it
shoulde appere that they were most hurt and in danger, which stoode vnder
the Galleries on the grounde, vpon whom both the waight of Timbre and
people fel. And sure it was a miraculous worke of God, that any one of
those should haue escaped. But heere also God shewed his power for one
man falling downe into an hole as if it had beene some sawpit, it pleased
God that it was the meane of his deliuerance, so as all things that fell vpon
him did not touch him, and by that hee was preserued, wheras two of
th’other were slaine of either side of him.’ C. iii. Urges the magistrates to
‘take order especially on the Sabaoth dayes that no Cittizen or Cittizens
seruauntes haue libertie to repaire vnto any of those abuse places, that albeit
the place be without the Cittie, and by that meanes they haue not to deale
with them, yet that they keepe theyr Beares out, and their straggling
Wantons in, that they may be better occupied. And as they haue with good
commendation so far preuailed, that vppon Sabaoth dayes these
Heathenishe Enterludes and Playes are banished, so it wyll please them to
carried away death, as it were in theyr bosomes, that died the same night, or
some little tyme after, the Lorde knoweth. And we heare since, though we
know not the iust number, that many of them are dead & buried, and
namely one Web a Pewterer his wife that dwelt in Limestreete who being
there sore wounded, is now gon with diuers others. Of all the multitude
there, which must needes be farre aboue a thousande, it is thought by the
iudgement of most people, that not the third personne escaped vnhurt; and
by some that haue made search, they esteme that there were sore hurt and
maimed, aboue one hundred and fiftye persons, some hauing theyr legs and
armes broken, some theyr backes, theyr bodies beeing sore brused, so that
euery way into the cittie from that time tyll towardes nine of the clocke and
past: and specially ouer London bridge, many were carried in Chayres, &
led betwixt their freendes, and so brought home wyth sorrowfull and heauy
heartes lyke lame cripples. They say also that at the first, when the
Scaffolde cracked (as it did once or twise) there was a crye of fire fire,
which set them in such a maze as was wonderfull, so that as destitute of
their wits they stood styll, and could make no shifte for them selues, till the
Scaffold was made euen with the ground.... Amongst the rest it is credibly
reported that there was one Woman, that beeing in the Gallery, threw downe
her childe before her, & leaped after herselfe; and yet thankes bee to God
neyther of both had any maner of hurt, so was it with diuers others. But it
shoulde appere that they were most hurt and in danger, which stoode vnder
the Galleries on the grounde, vpon whom both the waight of Timbre and
people fel. And sure it was a miraculous worke of God, that any one of
those should haue escaped. But heere also God shewed his power for one
man falling downe into an hole as if it had beene some sawpit, it pleased
God that it was the meane of his deliuerance, so as all things that fell vpon
him did not touch him, and by that hee was preserued, wheras two of
th’other were slaine of either side of him.’ C. iii. Urges the magistrates to
‘take order especially on the Sabaoth dayes that no Cittizen or Cittizens
seruauntes haue libertie to repaire vnto any of those abuse places, that albeit
the place be without the Cittie, and by that meanes they haue not to deale
with them, yet that they keepe theyr Beares out, and their straggling
Wantons in, that they may be better occupied. And as they haue with good
commendation so far preuailed, that vppon Sabaoth dayes these
Heathenishe Enterludes and Playes are banished, so it wyll please them to
Page 254
followe the matter still, that they may be vtterly rid and taken away. For
surely it is to be feared, beesides the distruction bothe of bodye and soule,
that many are brought vnto, by frequenting the Theater, the Curtin and such
like, that one day those places will likewise be cast downe by God himselfe,
& being drawen with them a huge heape of such contempners and prophane
persons vtterly to be killed and spoyled in their bodyes. God hath giuen
them as I haue heard manye faire warninges already.... January 17, 1583.’
xxxii. 1583. Phillip Stubbes.
[From The Anatomie of Abuses: Contayning a Discoverie, or briefe Summarie of
such Notable Vices and Imperfections, as now raigne in many Christian Countreyes of
the Worlde: but (especiallie) in a verie famous Ilande called Ailgna (S. R. 1 Mar.
1583; eds. 1 May 1583, 16 Aug. 1583, 1584, 1585, 1595), as reprinted by F. J.
Furnivall (1877–9, N. S. S.); other reprints are by W. D. Turnbull (1836, from 1585)
and J. P. Collier (1870). Stubbes, a layman and Londoner, was author of various
ballads and pamphlets during 1581–93. A second part of The Anatomie of Abuses (S.
R. 7 Nov. 1583) has not been reprinted.]
[Summary and Extracts.] The book, which is ‘made dialogue-wise’
between Spudeus and Philoponus, who does most of the denunciation, is
not confined to the stage, but is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary
frailty. Epistle to Phillip Earl of Arundel. Preface to the Reader. P. x.
‘Wheras in the processe of this my booke, I haue intreated of certen
exercyses vsually practised amongest vs, as namely of Playes and
Enterludes.... I would not haue thee so to take mee, as though my speaches
tended to the overthrowe and vtter disliking of all kynd of exercyses in
generall: that is nothing my simple meaning. But the particulare Abuses
which are crept into euery one of these seuerall exercyses is the only thing
which I think worthie of reprobation. For otherwise (all Abuses cut away)
who seeth not that some kind of playes, tragedies and enterluds, in their
own nature are not only of great ancientie, but also very honest and very
commendable exercyses, being vsed and practised in most Christian
common weales, as which containe matter (such they may be) both of
doctrine, erudition, good example, and wholsome instruction; and may be
vsed, in tyme and place conuenient, as conducible to example of life and
reformation of maners. For such is our grosse and dull nature, that what
thing we see opposite before our eyes, do pearce further and printe deeper
in our harts and minds, than that thing which is hard onely with the eares....
But being vsed (as now commonly they be) to the prophanation of the Lord
his sabaoth, to the alluring and inuegling of the People from the blessed
surely it is to be feared, beesides the distruction bothe of bodye and soule,
that many are brought vnto, by frequenting the Theater, the Curtin and such
like, that one day those places will likewise be cast downe by God himselfe,
& being drawen with them a huge heape of such contempners and prophane
persons vtterly to be killed and spoyled in their bodyes. God hath giuen
them as I haue heard manye faire warninges already.... January 17, 1583.’
xxxii. 1583. Phillip Stubbes.
[From The Anatomie of Abuses: Contayning a Discoverie, or briefe Summarie of
such Notable Vices and Imperfections, as now raigne in many Christian Countreyes of
the Worlde: but (especiallie) in a verie famous Ilande called Ailgna (S. R. 1 Mar.
1583; eds. 1 May 1583, 16 Aug. 1583, 1584, 1585, 1595), as reprinted by F. J.
Furnivall (1877–9, N. S. S.); other reprints are by W. D. Turnbull (1836, from 1585)
and J. P. Collier (1870). Stubbes, a layman and Londoner, was author of various
ballads and pamphlets during 1581–93. A second part of The Anatomie of Abuses (S.
R. 7 Nov. 1583) has not been reprinted.]
[Summary and Extracts.] The book, which is ‘made dialogue-wise’
between Spudeus and Philoponus, who does most of the denunciation, is
not confined to the stage, but is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary
frailty. Epistle to Phillip Earl of Arundel. Preface to the Reader. P. x.
‘Wheras in the processe of this my booke, I haue intreated of certen
exercyses vsually practised amongest vs, as namely of Playes and
Enterludes.... I would not haue thee so to take mee, as though my speaches
tended to the overthrowe and vtter disliking of all kynd of exercyses in
generall: that is nothing my simple meaning. But the particulare Abuses
which are crept into euery one of these seuerall exercyses is the only thing
which I think worthie of reprobation. For otherwise (all Abuses cut away)
who seeth not that some kind of playes, tragedies and enterluds, in their
own nature are not only of great ancientie, but also very honest and very
commendable exercyses, being vsed and practised in most Christian
common weales, as which containe matter (such they may be) both of
doctrine, erudition, good example, and wholsome instruction; and may be
vsed, in tyme and place conuenient, as conducible to example of life and
reformation of maners. For such is our grosse and dull nature, that what
thing we see opposite before our eyes, do pearce further and printe deeper
in our harts and minds, than that thing which is hard onely with the eares....
But being vsed (as now commonly they be) to the prophanation of the Lord
his sabaoth, to the alluring and inuegling of the People from the blessed
Page 255
word of God preached, to Theaters and vnclean assemblies, to ydlenes,
vnthriftynes, whordome, wantonnes, drunkennes, and what not; and which
is more, when they are vsed to this end, to maintaine a great sort of ydle
Persons, doing nothing but playing and loytring, hauing their lyuings of the
sweat of other Mens browes, much like vnto dronets deuouring the sweet
honie of the poore labouring bees, than are they exercyses (at no hand)
sufferable. But being vsed to the ends that I haue said, they are not to be
disliked of any sober and wise Christian.’ The Maner of Sanctifiyng the
Sabaoth in Ailgna. P. 137. ‘Some spend the Sabaoth day (for the most part)
in frequenting of baudie Stage-playes and enterludes.’ P. 140. Of Stage-
playes and Enterluds, with their wickednes. ‘All Stage-playes, Enterluds,
and Commedies are either of diuyne or prophane matter: If they be of
diuine matter, then are they most intollerable, or rather Sacrilegious; for that
the blessed word of God is to be handled reuerently, grauely, and sagely,
with veneration to the glorious Maiestie of God, which shineth therin, and
not scoffingly, flowtingly, and iybingly, as it is vpon stages in Playes and
Enterluds, without any reuerence, worship, or veneration to the same. The
word of our Saluation, the price of Christ his bloud, & the merits of his
passion, were not giuen to be derided and iested at, as they be in these
filthie playes and enterluds on stages & scaffolds, or to be mixt and
interlaced with bawdry, wanton shewes, & vncomely gestures, as is vsed
(euery Man knoweth) in these playes and enterludes.... Doo these Mockers
and Flowters of his Maiesty, these dissembling Hipocrites, and flattering
Gnatoes, think to escape vnpunished? beware, therfore, you masking
Players, you painted sepulchres, you doble dealing ambodexters, be warned
betymes, and, lik good computistes, cast your accompts before, what wil be
the reward therof in the end, least God destroy you in his wrath: abuse God
no more, corrupt his people no longer with your dregges, and intermingle
not his blessed word with such prophane vanities. For at no hand it is not
lawfull to mixt scurrilitie with diuinitie, nor diuinitie with scurrilitie....
Vpon the other side, if their playes be of prophane matters, than tend they to
the dishonor of God, and norishing of vice, both which are damnable. So
that whither they be the one or the other, they are quite contrarie to the
Word of grace, and sucked out of the Deuills teates to nourish vs in
ydolatrie, hethenrie, and sinne. And therfore they, cariyng the note, or
brand, of God his curse vppon their backs, which way soeuer they goe, are
to be hissed out of all Christian kingdomes, if they wil haue Christ to dwell
vnthriftynes, whordome, wantonnes, drunkennes, and what not; and which
is more, when they are vsed to this end, to maintaine a great sort of ydle
Persons, doing nothing but playing and loytring, hauing their lyuings of the
sweat of other Mens browes, much like vnto dronets deuouring the sweet
honie of the poore labouring bees, than are they exercyses (at no hand)
sufferable. But being vsed to the ends that I haue said, they are not to be
disliked of any sober and wise Christian.’ The Maner of Sanctifiyng the
Sabaoth in Ailgna. P. 137. ‘Some spend the Sabaoth day (for the most part)
in frequenting of baudie Stage-playes and enterludes.’ P. 140. Of Stage-
playes and Enterluds, with their wickednes. ‘All Stage-playes, Enterluds,
and Commedies are either of diuyne or prophane matter: If they be of
diuine matter, then are they most intollerable, or rather Sacrilegious; for that
the blessed word of God is to be handled reuerently, grauely, and sagely,
with veneration to the glorious Maiestie of God, which shineth therin, and
not scoffingly, flowtingly, and iybingly, as it is vpon stages in Playes and
Enterluds, without any reuerence, worship, or veneration to the same. The
word of our Saluation, the price of Christ his bloud, & the merits of his
passion, were not giuen to be derided and iested at, as they be in these
filthie playes and enterluds on stages & scaffolds, or to be mixt and
interlaced with bawdry, wanton shewes, & vncomely gestures, as is vsed
(euery Man knoweth) in these playes and enterludes.... Doo these Mockers
and Flowters of his Maiesty, these dissembling Hipocrites, and flattering
Gnatoes, think to escape vnpunished? beware, therfore, you masking
Players, you painted sepulchres, you doble dealing ambodexters, be warned
betymes, and, lik good computistes, cast your accompts before, what wil be
the reward therof in the end, least God destroy you in his wrath: abuse God
no more, corrupt his people no longer with your dregges, and intermingle
not his blessed word with such prophane vanities. For at no hand it is not
lawfull to mixt scurrilitie with diuinitie, nor diuinitie with scurrilitie....
Vpon the other side, if their playes be of prophane matters, than tend they to
the dishonor of God, and norishing of vice, both which are damnable. So
that whither they be the one or the other, they are quite contrarie to the
Word of grace, and sucked out of the Deuills teates to nourish vs in
ydolatrie, hethenrie, and sinne. And therfore they, cariyng the note, or
brand, of God his curse vppon their backs, which way soeuer they goe, are
to be hissed out of all Christian kingdomes, if they wil haue Christ to dwell
Page 256
amongst them.’ Quotes the Fathers and ancients against histriones. P. 143.
‘Then, seeing that Playes were first inuented by the Deuil, practised by the
heathen gentiles, and dedicat to their false ydols, Goddes and Goddesses, as
the howse, stage, and apparell to Venus, the musicke to Appollo, the
penning to Minerua and the Muses, the action and pronuntiation to
Mercurie and the rest, it is more than manifest that they are no fit exercyses
for a Christen Man to follow. But if there were no euill in them saue this,
namely, that the arguments of tragedies is anger, wrath, immunitie, crueltie,
iniurie, incest, murther, & such like, the Persons or Actors are Goddes,
Goddesses, Furies, Fyends, Hagges, Kings, Queenes, or Potentates. Of
Commedies the matter and ground is loue, bawdrie, cosenage, flattery,
whordome, adulterie; the Persons, or agents, whores, queanes, bawdes,
scullions, knaues, Curtezans, lecherous old men, amorous yong men, with
such like of infinit varietie. If, I say, there were nothing els but this, it were
sufficient to withdraw a good christian from the vsing of them; For so often
as they goe to those howses where Players frequent, thei go to Venus
pallace, & sathans synagogue [in margin, ‘Theaters and curtaines Venus
pallaces’], to worship deuils, & betray Christ Iesus.’ To say that plays are
‘as good as sermons’ is to say that ‘the Deuill is equipolent with the Lord’.
P. 144. ‘There is no mischief which these plaies maintain not. For do they
not norish ydlenes? and otia dant vitia, ydlenes is the Mother of vice. Doo
they not draw the people from hering the word of God, from godly Lectures
and sermons? for you shall haue them flocke thither, thick & threefould,
when the church of God shalbe bare & emptie.... Do they not maintaine
bawdrie, infinit folery, & renue the remembrance of hethen ydolatrie? Do
they not induce whordom & vnclennes? nay, are they not rather plaine
deuourers of maydenly virginitie and chastitie? For proofe wherof, but
marke the flocking and running to Theaters & curtens, daylie and hourely,
night and daye, tyme and tyde, to see Playes and Enterludes; where such
wanton gestures, such bawdie speaches, such laughing and fleering, such
kissing and bussing, such clipping and culling, Suche winckinge and
glancinge of wanton eyes, and the like, is vsed, as is wonderfull to behold.
Then, these goodly pageants being done, euery mate sorts to his mate, euery
one bringes another homeward of their way verye freendly, and in their
secret conclaues (couertly) they play the Sodomits, or worse. And these be
the fruits of Playes or Enterluds for the most part. And wheras you say there
are good Examples to be learned in them, Trulie so there are: if you will
‘Then, seeing that Playes were first inuented by the Deuil, practised by the
heathen gentiles, and dedicat to their false ydols, Goddes and Goddesses, as
the howse, stage, and apparell to Venus, the musicke to Appollo, the
penning to Minerua and the Muses, the action and pronuntiation to
Mercurie and the rest, it is more than manifest that they are no fit exercyses
for a Christen Man to follow. But if there were no euill in them saue this,
namely, that the arguments of tragedies is anger, wrath, immunitie, crueltie,
iniurie, incest, murther, & such like, the Persons or Actors are Goddes,
Goddesses, Furies, Fyends, Hagges, Kings, Queenes, or Potentates. Of
Commedies the matter and ground is loue, bawdrie, cosenage, flattery,
whordome, adulterie; the Persons, or agents, whores, queanes, bawdes,
scullions, knaues, Curtezans, lecherous old men, amorous yong men, with
such like of infinit varietie. If, I say, there were nothing els but this, it were
sufficient to withdraw a good christian from the vsing of them; For so often
as they goe to those howses where Players frequent, thei go to Venus
pallace, & sathans synagogue [in margin, ‘Theaters and curtaines Venus
pallaces’], to worship deuils, & betray Christ Iesus.’ To say that plays are
‘as good as sermons’ is to say that ‘the Deuill is equipolent with the Lord’.
P. 144. ‘There is no mischief which these plaies maintain not. For do they
not norish ydlenes? and otia dant vitia, ydlenes is the Mother of vice. Doo
they not draw the people from hering the word of God, from godly Lectures
and sermons? for you shall haue them flocke thither, thick & threefould,
when the church of God shalbe bare & emptie.... Do they not maintaine
bawdrie, infinit folery, & renue the remembrance of hethen ydolatrie? Do
they not induce whordom & vnclennes? nay, are they not rather plaine
deuourers of maydenly virginitie and chastitie? For proofe wherof, but
marke the flocking and running to Theaters & curtens, daylie and hourely,
night and daye, tyme and tyde, to see Playes and Enterludes; where such
wanton gestures, such bawdie speaches, such laughing and fleering, such
kissing and bussing, such clipping and culling, Suche winckinge and
glancinge of wanton eyes, and the like, is vsed, as is wonderfull to behold.
Then, these goodly pageants being done, euery mate sorts to his mate, euery
one bringes another homeward of their way verye freendly, and in their
secret conclaues (couertly) they play the Sodomits, or worse. And these be
the fruits of Playes or Enterluds for the most part. And wheras you say there
are good Examples to be learned in them, Trulie so there are: if you will
Page 257
learne falshood; if you will learn cosenage; if you will learn to deceiue; if
you will learn to play the Hipocrit, to cogge, lye, and falsifie; if you will
learne to iest, laugh, and fleer, to grin, to nodd, and mow; if you will learn
to playe the vice, to swear, teare, and blaspheme both Heauen and Earth: If
you will learn to become a bawde, vncleane, and to deuerginat Maydes, to
deflour honest Wyues: if you will learne to murther, slaie, kill, picke, steal,
robbe, and roue: If you will learn to rebel against Princes, to commit
treasons, to consume treasurs, to practise ydlenes, to sing and talke of
bawdie loue and venery; if you will lerne to deride, scoffe, mock, & flowt,
to flatter & smooth: If you will learn to play the whore-maister, the glutton,
Drunkard, or incestuous person: if you will learn to become proude, hawtie,
& arrogant; and, finally, if you will learne to contemne God and al his
lawes, to care nither for heauen nor hel, and to commit al kinde of sinne and
mischeef, you need to goe to no other schoole, for all these good Examples
may you see painted before your eyes in enterludes and playes: wherfore
that man who giueth money for the maintenance of them must needs incurre
the damage of premunire, that is, eternall damnation, except they repent.
For the Apostle biddeth vs beware, least wee communicat with other mens
sinnes; & this their dooing is not only to communicat with other mens
sinnes, & maintain euil to the destruction of them selues & many others, but
also a maintaining of a great sorte of idle lubbers, and buzzing dronets, to
suck vp and deuoure the good honie, wherupon the poor bees should liue.’
Exhorts ‘all players & Founders of plaies and enterluds’ to leave their life.
P. 146. ‘Away therfore with this so infamous an art! for goe they neuer so
braue, yet are they counted and taken but for beggers. And is it not true?
liue they not vpon begging of euery one that comes? Are they not taken by
the lawes of the Realm for roagues and vacaboundes? I speak of such as
trauaile the Cuntries with playes & enterludes, making an occupation of it,
and ought so to be punished, if they had their deserts.’ Lords of Misrule in
Ailgna.... The Manner of Church-ales in Ailgna.... The maner of keeping of
Wakesses, and feasts in Ailgna.... The horrible Vice of pestiferous Dauncing,
vsed in Ailgna.... Of Musick in Ailgna, and how it allureth to vanitie....
Beare baiting and other exercyses, vsed unlawfully in Ailgna. P. 177. ‘These
Hethnicall exercyses vpon the Sabaoth day, which the Lord hath consecrat
to holy vses, for the glory of his Name, and our spirituall comfort, are not in
any respect tollerable, or to be suffered. For is not the baiting of a Bear,
besides that it is a filthie, stinking, and lothsome game, a daungerous &
you will learn to play the Hipocrit, to cogge, lye, and falsifie; if you will
learne to iest, laugh, and fleer, to grin, to nodd, and mow; if you will learn
to playe the vice, to swear, teare, and blaspheme both Heauen and Earth: If
you will learn to become a bawde, vncleane, and to deuerginat Maydes, to
deflour honest Wyues: if you will learne to murther, slaie, kill, picke, steal,
robbe, and roue: If you will learn to rebel against Princes, to commit
treasons, to consume treasurs, to practise ydlenes, to sing and talke of
bawdie loue and venery; if you will lerne to deride, scoffe, mock, & flowt,
to flatter & smooth: If you will learn to play the whore-maister, the glutton,
Drunkard, or incestuous person: if you will learn to become proude, hawtie,
& arrogant; and, finally, if you will learne to contemne God and al his
lawes, to care nither for heauen nor hel, and to commit al kinde of sinne and
mischeef, you need to goe to no other schoole, for all these good Examples
may you see painted before your eyes in enterludes and playes: wherfore
that man who giueth money for the maintenance of them must needs incurre
the damage of premunire, that is, eternall damnation, except they repent.
For the Apostle biddeth vs beware, least wee communicat with other mens
sinnes; & this their dooing is not only to communicat with other mens
sinnes, & maintain euil to the destruction of them selues & many others, but
also a maintaining of a great sorte of idle lubbers, and buzzing dronets, to
suck vp and deuoure the good honie, wherupon the poor bees should liue.’
Exhorts ‘all players & Founders of plaies and enterluds’ to leave their life.
P. 146. ‘Away therfore with this so infamous an art! for goe they neuer so
braue, yet are they counted and taken but for beggers. And is it not true?
liue they not vpon begging of euery one that comes? Are they not taken by
the lawes of the Realm for roagues and vacaboundes? I speak of such as
trauaile the Cuntries with playes & enterludes, making an occupation of it,
and ought so to be punished, if they had their deserts.’ Lords of Misrule in
Ailgna.... The Manner of Church-ales in Ailgna.... The maner of keeping of
Wakesses, and feasts in Ailgna.... The horrible Vice of pestiferous Dauncing,
vsed in Ailgna.... Of Musick in Ailgna, and how it allureth to vanitie....
Beare baiting and other exercyses, vsed unlawfully in Ailgna. P. 177. ‘These
Hethnicall exercyses vpon the Sabaoth day, which the Lord hath consecrat
to holy vses, for the glory of his Name, and our spirituall comfort, are not in
any respect tollerable, or to be suffered. For is not the baiting of a Bear,
besides that it is a filthie, stinking, and lothsome game, a daungerous &
Page 258
perilous exercyse? wherein a man is in daunger of his life euery minut of an
houre; which thing, though it weare not so, yet what exercyse is this meet
for any Christian? what christen heart can take pleasure to see one poore
beast to rent, teare, and kill another, and all for his foolish pleasure?... And,
to be plaine, I thinke the Deuill is the Maister of the game, bearward and
all.’ A Fearfull Example of God his Iudgement vpon the prophaners of his
Sabaoth. P. 179. Describes the accident of 13 Jan. 1583, with the page-
heading, ‘A wofull cry at Syrap garden’. ‘So that either two or three
hundred men, women, and children (by estimation), wherof seuen were
killed dead, some were wounded, some lamed, and othersome brused and
crushed almost to the death.’ A fearfull Iudgement of God, shewed at the
Theaters. P. 180. ‘The like Iudgement (almost) did the Lord shew vnto them
a litle befor, being assembled at their Theaters, to see their bawdie enterluds
and other trumperies practised: For he caused the earth mightely to shak
and quauer, as though all would haue fallen down; wherat the People, sore
amazed, some leapt down (from the top of the turrets, pinacles, and towres,
wher they stood) to the ground; wherof some had their legs broke, some
their arms, some their backs, some hurt one where, some another, and many
sore crusht and brused; but not any but they went away sore affraid, &
wounded in conscience. And yet can neither the one nor the other fray them
from these diuelish exercyses, vntill the Lorde consume them all in his
wrath; which God forbid! The Lord of his mercie open the eyes of the
maiestrats to pluck down these places of abuse, that god may be honored
and their consciences disburthened.’
xxxiii. 1583. Gervase Babington.
[From A very Fruitful Exposition of the Commandements by way of Questions and
Answers (1583), 316. More general references to the evils of plays and bear-baiting
are on pp. 190, 385. Babington was Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and tutor
in the Earl of Pembroke’s house at Wilton; he afterwards became Bishop successively
of Llandaff, Exeter, and Worcester.]
These prophane & wanton stage playes or interludes: what an occasion
they are of adulterie and vncleanenesse, by gesture, by speech, by
conueyances, and deuices to attaine to so vngodly desires, the world
knoweth with too much hurt by long experience. Vanities they are if we
make the best of them.... But I referre you to them, that vpon good
knowledge of the abominations of them, haue written largely & wel against
them. If they be dangerous on the day time, more daungerous on the night
houre; which thing, though it weare not so, yet what exercyse is this meet
for any Christian? what christen heart can take pleasure to see one poore
beast to rent, teare, and kill another, and all for his foolish pleasure?... And,
to be plaine, I thinke the Deuill is the Maister of the game, bearward and
all.’ A Fearfull Example of God his Iudgement vpon the prophaners of his
Sabaoth. P. 179. Describes the accident of 13 Jan. 1583, with the page-
heading, ‘A wofull cry at Syrap garden’. ‘So that either two or three
hundred men, women, and children (by estimation), wherof seuen were
killed dead, some were wounded, some lamed, and othersome brused and
crushed almost to the death.’ A fearfull Iudgement of God, shewed at the
Theaters. P. 180. ‘The like Iudgement (almost) did the Lord shew vnto them
a litle befor, being assembled at their Theaters, to see their bawdie enterluds
and other trumperies practised: For he caused the earth mightely to shak
and quauer, as though all would haue fallen down; wherat the People, sore
amazed, some leapt down (from the top of the turrets, pinacles, and towres,
wher they stood) to the ground; wherof some had their legs broke, some
their arms, some their backs, some hurt one where, some another, and many
sore crusht and brused; but not any but they went away sore affraid, &
wounded in conscience. And yet can neither the one nor the other fray them
from these diuelish exercyses, vntill the Lorde consume them all in his
wrath; which God forbid! The Lord of his mercie open the eyes of the
maiestrats to pluck down these places of abuse, that god may be honored
and their consciences disburthened.’
xxxiii. 1583. Gervase Babington.
[From A very Fruitful Exposition of the Commandements by way of Questions and
Answers (1583), 316. More general references to the evils of plays and bear-baiting
are on pp. 190, 385. Babington was Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and tutor
in the Earl of Pembroke’s house at Wilton; he afterwards became Bishop successively
of Llandaff, Exeter, and Worcester.]
These prophane & wanton stage playes or interludes: what an occasion
they are of adulterie and vncleanenesse, by gesture, by speech, by
conueyances, and deuices to attaine to so vngodly desires, the world
knoweth with too much hurt by long experience. Vanities they are if we
make the best of them.... But I referre you to them, that vpon good
knowledge of the abominations of them, haue written largely & wel against
them. If they be dangerous on the day time, more daungerous on the night
Page 259
certainely: if on a stage, & in open courtes, much more in chambers and
priuate houses. For there are manie roumes beside that where the play is, &
peraduenture the strangenes of the place & lacke of light to guide them,
causeth errour in their way, more than good Christians should in their
houses suffer.
xxxiv. 1583 (?). Philip Sidney.
[From The Defence of Poesie (1595, William Ponsonby; S. R. 29 Nov. 1594),
reprinted as An Apologie for Poetrie (1595, Henry Olney), and with 1598 and later
editions of Arcadia. Among many modern editions are those by E. Arber (1868), E.
Flügel (1889), A. S. Cook (1890), E. S. Schuckburgh (1891), J. C. Collins (1907), and
in Gregory Smith (1904), i. 148. The date 1583 is conjecturally assigned by Cook on
the ground of the stylistic development since the Arcadia (1580–3). But any date is
possible between 1579, when Gosson’s School of Abuse, which probably stimulated it,
and Spenser’s Faerie Queene, which it mentions, appeared, and Nov. 1585, when
Sidney went to the Low Countries. The book contains a general valuation of poetry,
on humanistic lines, together with a criticism of English poetry in particular. Only a
few pages are devoted to the drama.]
P. 44. ‘Perchance it is the Comick, whom naughtie Playmakers and
Stagekeepers, have iustly made odious. To the argument of abuse, I will
answer after. Onely thus much now is to be said, that the Comedy is an
imitation of the common errors of our life, which he representeth, in the
most ridiculous and scornefull sort that may be. So as it is impossible, that
any beholder can be content to be such a one.... So that the right vse of
Comedy will (I thinke) by no body be blamed, and much lesse of the high
and excellent Tragedy, that openeth the greatest wounds, and sheweth forth
the Vlcers, that are couered with Tissue: that maketh Kinges feare to be
Tyrants, and Tyrants manifest their tirannicall humors: that with sturring the
affects of admiration and commiseration, teacheth, the vncertainety of this
world, and vpon how weake foundations guilden roofes are builded.... But it
is not the Tragedy they doe mislike: For it were too absurd to cast out so
excellent a representation of whatsoeuer is most worthy to be learned.’ P.
50. Answers criticisms of poetry as the ‘Nurse of abuse’, &c. P. 63.
Criticizes ‘Our Tragedies and Comedies (not without cause cried out
against)’. Even in Gorboduc, much more in other plays, the unities are
disregarded (cf. quotations in ch. xix). ‘Besides these gross absurdities, how
all theyr Playes be neither right Tragedies, nor right Comedies: mingling
Kings and Clownes’ in a ‘mungrell Tragy-comedie.... Our Comedians
thinke there is no delight without laughter.... Delight hath a ioy in it, either
permanent, or present. Laughter, hath onely a scornful tickling.... But I haue
priuate houses. For there are manie roumes beside that where the play is, &
peraduenture the strangenes of the place & lacke of light to guide them,
causeth errour in their way, more than good Christians should in their
houses suffer.
xxxiv. 1583 (?). Philip Sidney.
[From The Defence of Poesie (1595, William Ponsonby; S. R. 29 Nov. 1594),
reprinted as An Apologie for Poetrie (1595, Henry Olney), and with 1598 and later
editions of Arcadia. Among many modern editions are those by E. Arber (1868), E.
Flügel (1889), A. S. Cook (1890), E. S. Schuckburgh (1891), J. C. Collins (1907), and
in Gregory Smith (1904), i. 148. The date 1583 is conjecturally assigned by Cook on
the ground of the stylistic development since the Arcadia (1580–3). But any date is
possible between 1579, when Gosson’s School of Abuse, which probably stimulated it,
and Spenser’s Faerie Queene, which it mentions, appeared, and Nov. 1585, when
Sidney went to the Low Countries. The book contains a general valuation of poetry,
on humanistic lines, together with a criticism of English poetry in particular. Only a
few pages are devoted to the drama.]
P. 44. ‘Perchance it is the Comick, whom naughtie Playmakers and
Stagekeepers, have iustly made odious. To the argument of abuse, I will
answer after. Onely thus much now is to be said, that the Comedy is an
imitation of the common errors of our life, which he representeth, in the
most ridiculous and scornefull sort that may be. So as it is impossible, that
any beholder can be content to be such a one.... So that the right vse of
Comedy will (I thinke) by no body be blamed, and much lesse of the high
and excellent Tragedy, that openeth the greatest wounds, and sheweth forth
the Vlcers, that are couered with Tissue: that maketh Kinges feare to be
Tyrants, and Tyrants manifest their tirannicall humors: that with sturring the
affects of admiration and commiseration, teacheth, the vncertainety of this
world, and vpon how weake foundations guilden roofes are builded.... But it
is not the Tragedy they doe mislike: For it were too absurd to cast out so
excellent a representation of whatsoeuer is most worthy to be learned.’ P.
50. Answers criticisms of poetry as the ‘Nurse of abuse’, &c. P. 63.
Criticizes ‘Our Tragedies and Comedies (not without cause cried out
against)’. Even in Gorboduc, much more in other plays, the unities are
disregarded (cf. quotations in ch. xix). ‘Besides these gross absurdities, how
all theyr Playes be neither right Tragedies, nor right Comedies: mingling
Kings and Clownes’ in a ‘mungrell Tragy-comedie.... Our Comedians
thinke there is no delight without laughter.... Delight hath a ioy in it, either
permanent, or present. Laughter, hath onely a scornful tickling.... But I haue
Page 260
lauished out too many wordes of this play matter. I doe it because as they
are excelling parts of Poesie, so is there none so much vsed in England, and
none can be more pittifully abused.’
xxxv. 1584. Thomas Lodge.
[From An Alarum against Usurers (1584; S. R. 4 Nov. 1583), edited with Defence
of Poetry by D. Laing (1853, Sh. Soc.).]
[Extract from Epistle to Inns of Court.] ‘About three yeres ago, one
Stephen Gosson published a booke, intituled The Schoole of Abuse, in
which having escaped in many and sundry conclusions, I, as the occasion
then fitted me, shapt him such an answere as beseemed his discourse; which
by reason of the slendernes of the subject, (because it was in defence of
plaies and play makers) the godly and reverent that had to deale in the
cause, misliking it, forbad the publishing: notwithstanding he, comming by
a private unperfect coppye, about two yeres since made a reply, dividing it
into five sections, and in his Epistle dedicatory, to the right honorable, Sir
Frances Walsingham, he impugneth me with these reproches, that I am
become a vagarant person, visited by the hevy hand of God, lighter than
libertie, and looser than vanitie.’ He proceeds to call Gosson an ‘untamed
curtail’ and an ‘injurious Asinius’.
xxxvi. 1584. George Whetstone.
[From A Touchstone for the Time, printed as an ‘Addition’ to A Mirour for
Magestrates of Cyties (1584).]
The tract is mainly on gaming. P. 24. ‘The godly Divines, in public
sermons, and others in printed books, have (of late) very sharply inveighed
against Stage-plays (unproperly called, Tragedies, Comedies, and Morals),
as the springs of many vices, and the stumbling-blocks of godliness and
virtue. Truly the use of them upon the Sabbath day, and the abuse of them at
all times, with scurrility and unchaste conveyance, ministred matter
sufficient for them to blame, and the Magistrate to reforme.’
xxxvii. 1586. William Webbe.
[From A Discourse of English Poetrie (1586), ed. Arber, 27; also in Gregory
Smith, i. 226. The promised expression of opinion (p. 42) is on humanist lines.]
The profitte or discommoditie which aryseth by the vse of these
Comedies and Tragedies, which is most, hath beene long in controversie,
are excelling parts of Poesie, so is there none so much vsed in England, and
none can be more pittifully abused.’
xxxv. 1584. Thomas Lodge.
[From An Alarum against Usurers (1584; S. R. 4 Nov. 1583), edited with Defence
of Poetry by D. Laing (1853, Sh. Soc.).]
[Extract from Epistle to Inns of Court.] ‘About three yeres ago, one
Stephen Gosson published a booke, intituled The Schoole of Abuse, in
which having escaped in many and sundry conclusions, I, as the occasion
then fitted me, shapt him such an answere as beseemed his discourse; which
by reason of the slendernes of the subject, (because it was in defence of
plaies and play makers) the godly and reverent that had to deale in the
cause, misliking it, forbad the publishing: notwithstanding he, comming by
a private unperfect coppye, about two yeres since made a reply, dividing it
into five sections, and in his Epistle dedicatory, to the right honorable, Sir
Frances Walsingham, he impugneth me with these reproches, that I am
become a vagarant person, visited by the hevy hand of God, lighter than
libertie, and looser than vanitie.’ He proceeds to call Gosson an ‘untamed
curtail’ and an ‘injurious Asinius’.
xxxvi. 1584. George Whetstone.
[From A Touchstone for the Time, printed as an ‘Addition’ to A Mirour for
Magestrates of Cyties (1584).]
The tract is mainly on gaming. P. 24. ‘The godly Divines, in public
sermons, and others in printed books, have (of late) very sharply inveighed
against Stage-plays (unproperly called, Tragedies, Comedies, and Morals),
as the springs of many vices, and the stumbling-blocks of godliness and
virtue. Truly the use of them upon the Sabbath day, and the abuse of them at
all times, with scurrility and unchaste conveyance, ministred matter
sufficient for them to blame, and the Magistrate to reforme.’
xxxvii. 1586. William Webbe.
[From A Discourse of English Poetrie (1586), ed. Arber, 27; also in Gregory
Smith, i. 226. The promised expression of opinion (p. 42) is on humanist lines.]
The profitte or discommoditie which aryseth by the vse of these
Comedies and Tragedies, which is most, hath beene long in controversie,
Page 261
and is sore urged among us at these dayes: what I think of the same, perhaps
I shall breefely declare anon.
xxxviii. 1587. William Rankins.
[From A Mirrour of Monsters: Wherein is plainely described the manifold vices &
spotted enormities, that are caused by the infectious sight of Playes, with the
description of the subtile slights of Sathan, making them his instruments. Compiled by
Wil. Rankins. Magna spes est inferni. Seene and allowed. I. C. for T. H. 1587. The
reference to Holywell suggests that the author was the dramatist (cf. ch. xxiii).]
Describes the wedding of Fastus and Luxuria at the ‘Chapell
Adulterinum’, near to Κοȋλοφρἑαρ ‘by interpretation from the Greeks
Hollow well [i.e. Holywell] where my selfe lulled in the lap of Securitie,
not long since was brought a sleepe by carelesse cogitations’. The Chapel
Adulterinum is ‘the Theater and Curtine’ (4v). A banquet and mask with
torchbearers furnish an allegory of the vices of players, and various
allusions, to the fall of the Bear-garden (3), to the 2d. payment for entrance
(3v), to advertisements by drums and trumpets (5) and bills (5v), to
doorkeepers and boxholders (6v), are commented on in marginal notes.
xxxix. 1588. John Case.
[From Sphaera Civitatis (1588), a commentary on Aristotle’s Politics (ad v. 8; vii.
17). A similar passage from the commentary on the Ethics (iv. 8) in Speculum
Moralium Quaestionum (1586), 183, is quoted by Boas, 228. It is interesting to find
from The Christmas Prince, 12 (cf. ch. xxiv), that Case once served as lord of misrule
at St. John’s, Oxford.]
(a) Lib. v, c. 8.
Alia nunc dubitatio sequitur, Vtrum ludi chorique permittendi sunt in
ciuitate? Memini me olim in Ethicis de his rebus obiter disputasse, verum
quoniam opportune se offert quaestio, abs re non erit eandem paucissimis
demonstrare: censeo ergo quibusdam adhibitis circumstantiis haec tolerari
ac permitti debere; non quod per se et vi sua res vtiles, sed quod in
moderato illorum vsu splendor comitatis (quae virtus minima non est)
manifeste apparet. Sunt igitur ludi non inanes et histrionicae fabulae,
veneris illecebrae, sed facetae comoediae magnificaeque tragaediae, in
quibus expressa imago vitae morumque cernitur.... Adhuc in his mores
hominum depictos discere, praeclara inuenta doctorum obseruare,
temporum antiquorum caniciem cernere, vocem, vultum, gestumque
splendide componere, varios affectus et passiones mouere, famam acquirere
I shall breefely declare anon.
xxxviii. 1587. William Rankins.
[From A Mirrour of Monsters: Wherein is plainely described the manifold vices &
spotted enormities, that are caused by the infectious sight of Playes, with the
description of the subtile slights of Sathan, making them his instruments. Compiled by
Wil. Rankins. Magna spes est inferni. Seene and allowed. I. C. for T. H. 1587. The
reference to Holywell suggests that the author was the dramatist (cf. ch. xxiii).]
Describes the wedding of Fastus and Luxuria at the ‘Chapell
Adulterinum’, near to Κοȋλοφρἑαρ ‘by interpretation from the Greeks
Hollow well [i.e. Holywell] where my selfe lulled in the lap of Securitie,
not long since was brought a sleepe by carelesse cogitations’. The Chapel
Adulterinum is ‘the Theater and Curtine’ (4v). A banquet and mask with
torchbearers furnish an allegory of the vices of players, and various
allusions, to the fall of the Bear-garden (3), to the 2d. payment for entrance
(3v), to advertisements by drums and trumpets (5) and bills (5v), to
doorkeepers and boxholders (6v), are commented on in marginal notes.
xxxix. 1588. John Case.
[From Sphaera Civitatis (1588), a commentary on Aristotle’s Politics (ad v. 8; vii.
17). A similar passage from the commentary on the Ethics (iv. 8) in Speculum
Moralium Quaestionum (1586), 183, is quoted by Boas, 228. It is interesting to find
from The Christmas Prince, 12 (cf. ch. xxiv), that Case once served as lord of misrule
at St. John’s, Oxford.]
(a) Lib. v, c. 8.
Alia nunc dubitatio sequitur, Vtrum ludi chorique permittendi sunt in
ciuitate? Memini me olim in Ethicis de his rebus obiter disputasse, verum
quoniam opportune se offert quaestio, abs re non erit eandem paucissimis
demonstrare: censeo ergo quibusdam adhibitis circumstantiis haec tolerari
ac permitti debere; non quod per se et vi sua res vtiles, sed quod in
moderato illorum vsu splendor comitatis (quae virtus minima non est)
manifeste apparet. Sunt igitur ludi non inanes et histrionicae fabulae,
veneris illecebrae, sed facetae comoediae magnificaeque tragaediae, in
quibus expressa imago vitae morumque cernitur.... Adhuc in his mores
hominum depictos discere, praeclara inuenta doctorum obseruare,
temporum antiquorum caniciem cernere, vocem, vultum, gestumque
splendide componere, varios affectus et passiones mouere, famam acquirere
Page 262
et comparare possumus [in margin: scenae trigemina corona]. Cum ergo ex
iis tot commoda existant, non solum toleranda sed etiam iuste approbanda
videntur. Insuper antiquissimis olim temporibus in omni praeclare instituta
republica floruerunt ista: ergo sunt licita.... Postremo his addi potest ratio
quae est in textu, nempe quod hoc modo potentiores viri quos timet ciuitas
(coacti ad ista edenda populo) elumbentur sedatioresque fiant.
(b) Lib. vii, c. 17.
Tertium est vt parentes suos liberos diligenter custodiant, et arceant ab
audiendis, videndis, spectandis, malis sermonibus, obscoenis idolis Veneris,
vanis spectaculis leuissimorum histrionum, qui plusquam ridiculas ne dicam
impias fabellas huc illuc vagabundi agunt. Hic opportunè monendi sunt illi,
qui suos infantulos iurare et conuitiari docent, qui simulachra Veneris
intuenda, artemque amandi perdiscendam suis filiolis proponunt, qui
denique ad theatra plena Veneris, plena vanitatis illos non solum ire
permittunt sed etiam alliciunt. Non hic omnes ludos omnesque histriones
praesertim hystoricos, tragicos, et si placet comicos (modò sint verè faceti)
condemno: quippè Aristoteles hoc loco Theodorum quendam peritum
tragoediarum actorem laudat, Cicero suum laudauit Roscium, nos Angli
Tarletonum, in cuius voce et vultu omnes iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso
capite lepidae facetiae habitant.
xl. 1588–90. Martin Marprelate Controversy.
iis tot commoda existant, non solum toleranda sed etiam iuste approbanda
videntur. Insuper antiquissimis olim temporibus in omni praeclare instituta
republica floruerunt ista: ergo sunt licita.... Postremo his addi potest ratio
quae est in textu, nempe quod hoc modo potentiores viri quos timet ciuitas
(coacti ad ista edenda populo) elumbentur sedatioresque fiant.
(b) Lib. vii, c. 17.
Tertium est vt parentes suos liberos diligenter custodiant, et arceant ab
audiendis, videndis, spectandis, malis sermonibus, obscoenis idolis Veneris,
vanis spectaculis leuissimorum histrionum, qui plusquam ridiculas ne dicam
impias fabellas huc illuc vagabundi agunt. Hic opportunè monendi sunt illi,
qui suos infantulos iurare et conuitiari docent, qui simulachra Veneris
intuenda, artemque amandi perdiscendam suis filiolis proponunt, qui
denique ad theatra plena Veneris, plena vanitatis illos non solum ire
permittunt sed etiam alliciunt. Non hic omnes ludos omnesque histriones
praesertim hystoricos, tragicos, et si placet comicos (modò sint verè faceti)
condemno: quippè Aristoteles hoc loco Theodorum quendam peritum
tragoediarum actorem laudat, Cicero suum laudauit Roscium, nos Angli
Tarletonum, in cuius voce et vultu omnes iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso
capite lepidae facetiae habitant.
xl. 1588–90. Martin Marprelate Controversy.
Page 263
[The texts of the Marprelate pamphlets have been edited by W. Pierce, The
Marprelate Tracts (1911); some were reprinted earlier by E. Arber and in J. Petheram,
Puritan Discipline Tracts (1842–60). The best accounts of this ribald controversy on
Church government are E. Arber, An Introductory Sketch to the Martin Marprelate
Controversy (1879); W. Pierce, Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts
(1908); J. D. Wilson, The Marprelate Controversy (1909, C. H. iii. 374), and Martin
Marprelate and Shakespeare’s Fluellen (1912); R. B. McKerrow, Works of Nashe, v
(1910), 34, 184; G. Bonnard, La Controverse de Martin Marprelate (1916). It seems
probable that Martin was a composite personality; Sir Roger Williams, John Penry,
and Job Throckmorton may all have had a share in the pamphlets. The replies were
inspired by Richard Bancroft, then Canon of Westminster and a member of the High
Commission. It seems clear that both Lyly and Nashe took part in them, and Pappe
with an Hatchet may reasonably be ascribed to Lyly. Nashe has often been regarded
as Pasquil, but Mr. McKerrow does not think that any of the pamphlets can be
supposed with any certainty to be his; he probably contributed to the lost plays. Of
these Bonnard, 92, would distinguish five—(a) Martin anatomized, (b) the May Game
of Martinism, (c) Martin carried to hell, as a vice, (d) Martin as cock, ape, and wolf,
(e) Martin ravishing Divinity; but (b) seems to be referred to as a forthcoming
pamphlet rather than as a play, and of the others (d) and (e) almost certainly, and
possibly all four, were episodes in the same piece. F. Bacon in his Advertisement
Touching the Controversies (Works, viii. 74), written in the summer of 1589, criticizes
the episcopal policy of answering like by like, and ‘this immodest and deformed
manner of writing lately entertained, whereby matters of religion are handled in the
style of the stage’.]
(a)
[From The Epistle to the Terrible Priests of the Confocation House (Oct.-Nov.
1588), 11, 19, reprinted by E. Arber (1880); also by J. Petheram (1842) in Puritan
Discipline Tracts (Martinist).]
Sohow, brother Bridges [John Bridges, Dean of Salisbury] ... you haue
bin a worthy writer as they say of a long time, your first book was a proper
Enterlude, called Gammar Gurtons needle. But I think that this trifle, which
sheweth the author to haue had some witte and inuention in him, was none
of your doing: Because your bookes seeme to proceede from the braynes of
a woodcocke as hauing neyther wit nor learning.... What if I should report
abroad, that cleargie men come vnto their promotions by Simonie? haue not
you giuen me iuste cause? I thinke Simonie be the bishops lacky. Tarleton
tooke him not long since in Don Iohn [Aylmer] of Londons cellor.
(b)
[From A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied (Apr. 1589), 53, 133, in Bond, Lyly,
iii. 417 (Anti-Martinist).]
Now Tarleton’s dead, the Consort lackes a vice:
For knaue and foole thou maist beare pricke and price.
Marprelate Tracts (1911); some were reprinted earlier by E. Arber and in J. Petheram,
Puritan Discipline Tracts (1842–60). The best accounts of this ribald controversy on
Church government are E. Arber, An Introductory Sketch to the Martin Marprelate
Controversy (1879); W. Pierce, Historical Introduction to the Marprelate Tracts
(1908); J. D. Wilson, The Marprelate Controversy (1909, C. H. iii. 374), and Martin
Marprelate and Shakespeare’s Fluellen (1912); R. B. McKerrow, Works of Nashe, v
(1910), 34, 184; G. Bonnard, La Controverse de Martin Marprelate (1916). It seems
probable that Martin was a composite personality; Sir Roger Williams, John Penry,
and Job Throckmorton may all have had a share in the pamphlets. The replies were
inspired by Richard Bancroft, then Canon of Westminster and a member of the High
Commission. It seems clear that both Lyly and Nashe took part in them, and Pappe
with an Hatchet may reasonably be ascribed to Lyly. Nashe has often been regarded
as Pasquil, but Mr. McKerrow does not think that any of the pamphlets can be
supposed with any certainty to be his; he probably contributed to the lost plays. Of
these Bonnard, 92, would distinguish five—(a) Martin anatomized, (b) the May Game
of Martinism, (c) Martin carried to hell, as a vice, (d) Martin as cock, ape, and wolf,
(e) Martin ravishing Divinity; but (b) seems to be referred to as a forthcoming
pamphlet rather than as a play, and of the others (d) and (e) almost certainly, and
possibly all four, were episodes in the same piece. F. Bacon in his Advertisement
Touching the Controversies (Works, viii. 74), written in the summer of 1589, criticizes
the episcopal policy of answering like by like, and ‘this immodest and deformed
manner of writing lately entertained, whereby matters of religion are handled in the
style of the stage’.]
(a)
[From The Epistle to the Terrible Priests of the Confocation House (Oct.-Nov.
1588), 11, 19, reprinted by E. Arber (1880); also by J. Petheram (1842) in Puritan
Discipline Tracts (Martinist).]
Sohow, brother Bridges [John Bridges, Dean of Salisbury] ... you haue
bin a worthy writer as they say of a long time, your first book was a proper
Enterlude, called Gammar Gurtons needle. But I think that this trifle, which
sheweth the author to haue had some witte and inuention in him, was none
of your doing: Because your bookes seeme to proceede from the braynes of
a woodcocke as hauing neyther wit nor learning.... What if I should report
abroad, that cleargie men come vnto their promotions by Simonie? haue not
you giuen me iuste cause? I thinke Simonie be the bishops lacky. Tarleton
tooke him not long since in Don Iohn [Aylmer] of Londons cellor.
(b)
[From A Whip for an Ape: Or Martin displaied (Apr. 1589), 53, 133, in Bond, Lyly,
iii. 417 (Anti-Martinist).]
Now Tarleton’s dead, the Consort lackes a vice:
For knaue and foole thou maist beare pricke and price.
Page 264
* * * * *
And ye graue men that answer Martins mowes,
He mockes the more, and you in vaine loose times:
Leaue Apes to dogges to baite, their skins to crowes,
And let old Lanam lash him with his rimes.
(c)
[From Anti-Martinus, sive Monitio cuiusdam Londinensis, ad Adolescentes
utriusque Academiae, signed A. L. (1589; S. R. 3 July 1589), 59 (Anti-Martinist).]
Libros autem Martini qui legit, nihil aliud reperiet, quam perpetuatum
conuitium; sic autem vibratum, vt facile videas ad huiusmodi scurrilitates
conquirendas, totam eius vitam theatris illis Londinensibus, & leuissimis
scenis, vel scurrarum & nepotum circulis insidiatam.
(d)
[From Theses Martinianae, or Martin Junior (c. 22 July 1589), sig. D ij
(Martinist).]
‘There bee that affirme the rimers and stage-players to haue cleane putte
you out of countenaunce ... the stage-players, poore rogues, are not so much
to be blamed, if being stage-players, that is plaine rogues (saue onely for
their liueries) they in the action of dealing against Maister Martin, have
gotten them many thousande eie witnesses, of their wittelesse and pittifull
conceites.’ The writer condoles with those who ‘for one poor penny’ play
‘ignominious fools for an hour or two together’. Martin may ‘contemn such
kennel-rakers and scullions as have sold themselves’ to be laughed at as ‘a
company of disguised asses’.
(e)
[From Martins Months Minde (Aug. 1589), in Grosart, Nashe, i. 164, 166, 175,
177, 180, 189 (Anti-Martinist).]
To the Reader. ‘Roscius pleades in the Senate house; Asses play vpon
harpes; the Stage is brought into the Church; and vices make plaies of
Churche matters.... These Iigges and Rimes, haue nipt the father [Martin] in
the head & kild him cleane, seeing that hee is ouertaken in his owne
foolerie. And this hath made the yong youthes his sonnes, to chafe and fret
aboue measure, especiallie with the Plaiers, (their betters in all respects,
both in wit, and honestie) whom sauing their liueries (for indeede they are
hir Maiesties men, and these not so much as hir good subiects) they call
And ye graue men that answer Martins mowes,
He mockes the more, and you in vaine loose times:
Leaue Apes to dogges to baite, their skins to crowes,
And let old Lanam lash him with his rimes.
(c)
[From Anti-Martinus, sive Monitio cuiusdam Londinensis, ad Adolescentes
utriusque Academiae, signed A. L. (1589; S. R. 3 July 1589), 59 (Anti-Martinist).]
Libros autem Martini qui legit, nihil aliud reperiet, quam perpetuatum
conuitium; sic autem vibratum, vt facile videas ad huiusmodi scurrilitates
conquirendas, totam eius vitam theatris illis Londinensibus, & leuissimis
scenis, vel scurrarum & nepotum circulis insidiatam.
(d)
[From Theses Martinianae, or Martin Junior (c. 22 July 1589), sig. D ij
(Martinist).]
‘There bee that affirme the rimers and stage-players to haue cleane putte
you out of countenaunce ... the stage-players, poore rogues, are not so much
to be blamed, if being stage-players, that is plaine rogues (saue onely for
their liueries) they in the action of dealing against Maister Martin, have
gotten them many thousande eie witnesses, of their wittelesse and pittifull
conceites.’ The writer condoles with those who ‘for one poor penny’ play
‘ignominious fools for an hour or two together’. Martin may ‘contemn such
kennel-rakers and scullions as have sold themselves’ to be laughed at as ‘a
company of disguised asses’.
(e)
[From Martins Months Minde (Aug. 1589), in Grosart, Nashe, i. 164, 166, 175,
177, 180, 189 (Anti-Martinist).]
To the Reader. ‘Roscius pleades in the Senate house; Asses play vpon
harpes; the Stage is brought into the Church; and vices make plaies of
Churche matters.... These Iigges and Rimes, haue nipt the father [Martin] in
the head & kild him cleane, seeing that hee is ouertaken in his owne
foolerie. And this hath made the yong youthes his sonnes, to chafe and fret
aboue measure, especiallie with the Plaiers, (their betters in all respects,
both in wit, and honestie) whom sauing their liueries (for indeede they are
hir Maiesties men, and these not so much as hir good subiects) they call
Page 265
Rogues, for playing their enterludes, and Asses for trauelling all daie for a
pennie [in margin, Martin the vice condemneth the Plaiers, Eigulus,
sigulum].... A true report of the death and buriall of Martin Marprelate. ...
Martin ... being ... sundrie waies verie curstlie handled; as ... wormd and
launced, that he tooke verie grieuouslie, to be made a May-game vpon the
Stage [in margin, The Theater] ... as he saw that ... euerie stage Plaier made
a iest of him ... fell into a feauer.... Martin, ... calling his sonnes ... said ... I
perceiue that euerie stage plaier, if he play the foole but two houres
together, hath somewhat for his labour: and I ... nothing.... [The common
people are] now wearie of our state mirth, that for a penie, may haue farre
better by oddes at the Theater and Curtaine, and any blind playing house
euerie day.... In lept I ... with ... twittle tattles; that indeede I had learned in
Alehouses, and at the Theater of Lanam and his fellowes.* ... These
gambols (my sonnes) are implements for the Stage, and beseeme Iesters,
and Plaiers, but are not fit for Church plotters.... Afterwards ensued his
bequestes, in manner and forme following ... Item, all my foolerie I
bequeath to my good friend Lanam; and his consort, of whom I first had it.’
(f)
[From A Countercuffe giuen to Martin Iunior: ... by Pasquill of England (Aug.
1589), in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 59 (Anti-Martinist).]
The Anotamie latelie taken of him, the blood and the humors that were
taken from him, by launcing and worming him at London vpon the common
Stage ... are euident tokens, that beeing thorow soust in so many showres,
hee had no other refuge but to runne into a hole, and die as he liued,
belching.
(g)
[From The Protestatyon of Martin Marprelat (1589, before 20 Oct.), 25
(Martinist).]
Then among al the rimers and stage plaiers, which my Ll. of the cleargy
had suborned against me I remember Mar-Martin, Iohn a Cant. his hobbie-
horse, was to his reproche, newly put out of the Morris, take it how he will;
with a flat discharge for euer shaking his shins about a May-pole againe
while he liued.
(h)
pennie [in margin, Martin the vice condemneth the Plaiers, Eigulus,
sigulum].... A true report of the death and buriall of Martin Marprelate. ...
Martin ... being ... sundrie waies verie curstlie handled; as ... wormd and
launced, that he tooke verie grieuouslie, to be made a May-game vpon the
Stage [in margin, The Theater] ... as he saw that ... euerie stage Plaier made
a iest of him ... fell into a feauer.... Martin, ... calling his sonnes ... said ... I
perceiue that euerie stage plaier, if he play the foole but two houres
together, hath somewhat for his labour: and I ... nothing.... [The common
people are] now wearie of our state mirth, that for a penie, may haue farre
better by oddes at the Theater and Curtaine, and any blind playing house
euerie day.... In lept I ... with ... twittle tattles; that indeede I had learned in
Alehouses, and at the Theater of Lanam and his fellowes.* ... These
gambols (my sonnes) are implements for the Stage, and beseeme Iesters,
and Plaiers, but are not fit for Church plotters.... Afterwards ensued his
bequestes, in manner and forme following ... Item, all my foolerie I
bequeath to my good friend Lanam; and his consort, of whom I first had it.’
(f)
[From A Countercuffe giuen to Martin Iunior: ... by Pasquill of England (Aug.
1589), in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 59 (Anti-Martinist).]
The Anotamie latelie taken of him, the blood and the humors that were
taken from him, by launcing and worming him at London vpon the common
Stage ... are euident tokens, that beeing thorow soust in so many showres,
hee had no other refuge but to runne into a hole, and die as he liued,
belching.
(g)
[From The Protestatyon of Martin Marprelat (1589, before 20 Oct.), 25
(Martinist).]
Then among al the rimers and stage plaiers, which my Ll. of the cleargy
had suborned against me I remember Mar-Martin, Iohn a Cant. his hobbie-
horse, was to his reproche, newly put out of the Morris, take it how he will;
with a flat discharge for euer shaking his shins about a May-pole againe
while he liued.
(h)
Page 266
[From The Returne of the renowned Caualiero Pasquill of England (c. 20 Oct.
1589) in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 82, 92, 100 (Anti-Martinist).]
Howe whorishlie Scriptures are alleaged by them, I will discouer (by
Gods helpe) in another new worke which I haue in hand, and intituled it,
The May-game of Martinisme. Verie defflie set out, with Pompes, Pagents,
Motions, Maskes, Scutchions, Emblems, Impreases, strange trickes, and
deuises, betweene the Ape and the Owle, the like was neuer yet seene in
Paris-garden. Penry the welchman is the foregallant of the Morrice, with the
treble belles, shot through the wit with a Woodcocks bill: I woulde not for
the fayrest horne-beast in all his Countrey, that the Church of England were
a cup of Metheglin, and came in his way when he is ouer-heated; euery
Bishopricke woulde prooue but a draught, when the Mazer is at his nose.
Martin himselfe is the Mayd-marian, trimlie drest vppe in a cast Gowne,
and a Kercher of Dame Lawsons, his face handsomlie muffled with a
Diaper-napkin to couer his beard, and a great Nosegay in his hande, of the
principalest flowers I could gather out of all hys works. Wiggenton daunces
round about him in a Cotten-coate, to court him with a Leatherne pudding,
and a woodden Ladle. Paget marshalleth the way, with a couple of great
clubbes, one in his foote, another in his head, & he cryes to the people with
a loude voice, Beware of the Man whom God hath markt. I can not yet find
any so fitte to come lagging behind, with a budget on his necke, to gather
the deuotion of the lookers on, as the stocke-keeper of the Bridewel-house
of Canterburie; he must carrie the purse, to defray their charges, and then
hee may be sure to serue himselfe.... Methought Vetus Comœdia beganne to
pricke him at London in the right vaine, when shee brought foorth Diuinitie
wyth a scratcht face, holding of her hart as if she were sicke, because
Martin would haue forced her, but myssing of his purpose, he left the print
of his nayles vppon her cheekes, and poysoned her with a vomit which he
ministred vnto her, to make her cast vppe her dignities and promotions....
Who commeth yonder Marforius, can you tell me? Marforius. By her gate
and her Garland I knowe her well, it is Vetus Comœdia. She hath been so
long in the Country, that she is somewhat altred: this is she that called in a
counsell of Phisitians about Martin, and found by the sharpnes of his
humour, when they had opened the vaine that feedes his head, that hee
would spit out his lunges within one yeere.... Pasquil. I haue a tale to tell
her in her eare, of the slye practise that was vsed in restraining of her.
(i)
1589) in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 82, 92, 100 (Anti-Martinist).]
Howe whorishlie Scriptures are alleaged by them, I will discouer (by
Gods helpe) in another new worke which I haue in hand, and intituled it,
The May-game of Martinisme. Verie defflie set out, with Pompes, Pagents,
Motions, Maskes, Scutchions, Emblems, Impreases, strange trickes, and
deuises, betweene the Ape and the Owle, the like was neuer yet seene in
Paris-garden. Penry the welchman is the foregallant of the Morrice, with the
treble belles, shot through the wit with a Woodcocks bill: I woulde not for
the fayrest horne-beast in all his Countrey, that the Church of England were
a cup of Metheglin, and came in his way when he is ouer-heated; euery
Bishopricke woulde prooue but a draught, when the Mazer is at his nose.
Martin himselfe is the Mayd-marian, trimlie drest vppe in a cast Gowne,
and a Kercher of Dame Lawsons, his face handsomlie muffled with a
Diaper-napkin to couer his beard, and a great Nosegay in his hande, of the
principalest flowers I could gather out of all hys works. Wiggenton daunces
round about him in a Cotten-coate, to court him with a Leatherne pudding,
and a woodden Ladle. Paget marshalleth the way, with a couple of great
clubbes, one in his foote, another in his head, & he cryes to the people with
a loude voice, Beware of the Man whom God hath markt. I can not yet find
any so fitte to come lagging behind, with a budget on his necke, to gather
the deuotion of the lookers on, as the stocke-keeper of the Bridewel-house
of Canterburie; he must carrie the purse, to defray their charges, and then
hee may be sure to serue himselfe.... Methought Vetus Comœdia beganne to
pricke him at London in the right vaine, when shee brought foorth Diuinitie
wyth a scratcht face, holding of her hart as if she were sicke, because
Martin would haue forced her, but myssing of his purpose, he left the print
of his nayles vppon her cheekes, and poysoned her with a vomit which he
ministred vnto her, to make her cast vppe her dignities and promotions....
Who commeth yonder Marforius, can you tell me? Marforius. By her gate
and her Garland I knowe her well, it is Vetus Comœdia. She hath been so
long in the Country, that she is somewhat altred: this is she that called in a
counsell of Phisitians about Martin, and found by the sharpnes of his
humour, when they had opened the vaine that feedes his head, that hee
would spit out his lunges within one yeere.... Pasquil. I haue a tale to tell
her in her eare, of the slye practise that was vsed in restraining of her.
(i)
Page 267
[From Pappe with an Hatchet (1589, end of Oct.) in Bond, Lyly, iii. 408 (Anti-
Martinist).]
Sed heus tu, dic sodes, will they not bee discouraged for the common
players? Would these Comedies might be allowed to be plaid that are pend,
and then I am sure he would be decyphered, and so perhaps discouraged.
He shall not bee brought in as whilom he was, and yet verie well, with a
cocks combe, an apes face, a wolfs bellie, cats clawes, &c. but in a cap’de
cloake, and all the best apparell he ware the highest day in the yeare....
... Would it not bee a fine Tragedie, when Mardocheus shall play a
Bishoppe in a Play, and Martin Hamman, and that he that seekes to pull
downe those that are set in authoritie aboue him, should be hoysted vpon a
tree aboue all other. [In margin] If it be shewed at Paules, it will cost you
foure pence: at the Theater two pence: at Sainct Thomas a Watrings
nothing.
(k)
[From G. Harvey, An Advertisement for Papp-Hatchett (1589, Nov. 5), printed with
Pierces Supererogation (1593) and in Grosart, Harvey, ii. 131, 213 (Philo-Martinist).]
Had I bene Martin ... it should haue beene one of my May-games, or
August triumphes, to haue driuen Officials, Commissaries, Archdeacons,
Deanes, Chauncellors, Suffraganes, Bishops and Archbishops, (so Martin
would have florished at the least) to entertaine such an odd, light-headded
fellow for their defence; a professed iester, a Hickscorner, a scoff-maister, a
playmunger, an Interluder; once the foile of Oxford, now the stale of
London, and ever the Apesclogge of the presse, Cum Priuilegio
perennitatis.... I am threatened with a Bable, and Martin menaced with a
Comedie: ... All you, that tender the preseruation of your good names, were
best to please Pap-hatchet, and fee Euphues betimes, for feare lesse he be
mooued, or some One of his Apes hired, to make a Playe of you; and then is
your credit quite vndone for euer, and euer: Such is the publique reputation
of their Playes. He must needes be discouraged, whom they decipher.
Better, anger an hundred other, then two such; that haue the Stage at
commaundement, and can furnish-out Vices, and Diuels at their pleasure.
(l)
[From An Almond for a Parrat, Or Cutbert Curry-knaues Almes (1590, early), in
McKerrow, Nashe, iii. 354 (Anti-Martinist).]
Martinist).]
Sed heus tu, dic sodes, will they not bee discouraged for the common
players? Would these Comedies might be allowed to be plaid that are pend,
and then I am sure he would be decyphered, and so perhaps discouraged.
He shall not bee brought in as whilom he was, and yet verie well, with a
cocks combe, an apes face, a wolfs bellie, cats clawes, &c. but in a cap’de
cloake, and all the best apparell he ware the highest day in the yeare....
... Would it not bee a fine Tragedie, when Mardocheus shall play a
Bishoppe in a Play, and Martin Hamman, and that he that seekes to pull
downe those that are set in authoritie aboue him, should be hoysted vpon a
tree aboue all other. [In margin] If it be shewed at Paules, it will cost you
foure pence: at the Theater two pence: at Sainct Thomas a Watrings
nothing.
(k)
[From G. Harvey, An Advertisement for Papp-Hatchett (1589, Nov. 5), printed with
Pierces Supererogation (1593) and in Grosart, Harvey, ii. 131, 213 (Philo-Martinist).]
Had I bene Martin ... it should haue beene one of my May-games, or
August triumphes, to haue driuen Officials, Commissaries, Archdeacons,
Deanes, Chauncellors, Suffraganes, Bishops and Archbishops, (so Martin
would have florished at the least) to entertaine such an odd, light-headded
fellow for their defence; a professed iester, a Hickscorner, a scoff-maister, a
playmunger, an Interluder; once the foile of Oxford, now the stale of
London, and ever the Apesclogge of the presse, Cum Priuilegio
perennitatis.... I am threatened with a Bable, and Martin menaced with a
Comedie: ... All you, that tender the preseruation of your good names, were
best to please Pap-hatchet, and fee Euphues betimes, for feare lesse he be
mooued, or some One of his Apes hired, to make a Playe of you; and then is
your credit quite vndone for euer, and euer: Such is the publique reputation
of their Playes. He must needes be discouraged, whom they decipher.
Better, anger an hundred other, then two such; that haue the Stage at
commaundement, and can furnish-out Vices, and Diuels at their pleasure.
(l)
[From An Almond for a Parrat, Or Cutbert Curry-knaues Almes (1590, early), in
McKerrow, Nashe, iii. 354 (Anti-Martinist).]
Page 268
Therefore we must not measure of Martin as he is allied to Elderton or
tongd like Will Tony, as he was attired like an Ape on the Stage, or sits
writing of Pamphlets in some spare outhouse, but as he is Mar-Prelat of
England.
(m)
[From The First parte of Pasquils Apologie ... Printed where I was, and where I
will bee readie by the helpe of God and my Muse, to send you the May-game of
Martinisme for an intermedium, betweene the first and seconde parte of the Apologie
(2 July 1590), in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 135 (Anti-Martinist). It may be doubted
whether The May-game of Martinism ever had an existence outside the allusions to it
in these pamphlets.]
And when I haue sent you the May-game of Martinisme, at the next
setting my foote into the styrroppe after it, the signet shall be giuen, and the
fielde fought.
xli. 1589. Richard (?) Puttenham.
[From The Arte of English Poesie (1589; S. R. 9 Nov. 1588), edited by E. Arber
(1869); also in J. Haslewood, Ancient Critical Essays, vol. i (1811), and in part in
Gregory Smith, ii. 1. On the author, cf. ch. xxiii.]
Most of the treatise (bks. ii, iii) deals with the technicalities of poetic
structure and style, which the author sometimes illustrates from interludes
and verses of his own. Bk. i praises poetry in general, on familiar but non-
controversial humanist lines, and discusses with some classical erudition
the origin of various types of poetry, as tragedy, comedy, and pantomime (c.
11), comedy (c. 14), tragedy (c. 15), staging (c. 17), pastoral (c. 18). In a
brief account of English poets (c. 31) occurs: ‘But the principall man in this
profession at the same time [Edward’s] was Maister Edward [sic] Ferrys a
man of no lesse mirth and felicitie that way, but of much more skil, and
magnificence in his meeter, and therefore wrate for the most part to the
stage, in Tragedie and sometimes in Comedie or Enterlude, wherein he gaue
the king so much good recreation, as he had thereby many good rewardes....
Of the later sort I thinke thus. That for Tragedie, the Lord of Buckhurst and
Maister Edward Ferrys for such doings as I haue sene of theirs do deserue
the hyest price: Th’ Earle of Oxford and Maister Edwardes of her Maiesties
Chappell for Comedy and Enterlude.’
xlii. 1589. Thomas Nashe.
[From an epistle To the Gentlemen Students of Both Universities, prefixed to
Robert Greene’s Menaphon (1589; S. R. 23 Aug. 1589), reprinted from ed. 1610,
tongd like Will Tony, as he was attired like an Ape on the Stage, or sits
writing of Pamphlets in some spare outhouse, but as he is Mar-Prelat of
England.
(m)
[From The First parte of Pasquils Apologie ... Printed where I was, and where I
will bee readie by the helpe of God and my Muse, to send you the May-game of
Martinisme for an intermedium, betweene the first and seconde parte of the Apologie
(2 July 1590), in McKerrow, Nashe, i. 135 (Anti-Martinist). It may be doubted
whether The May-game of Martinism ever had an existence outside the allusions to it
in these pamphlets.]
And when I haue sent you the May-game of Martinisme, at the next
setting my foote into the styrroppe after it, the signet shall be giuen, and the
fielde fought.
xli. 1589. Richard (?) Puttenham.
[From The Arte of English Poesie (1589; S. R. 9 Nov. 1588), edited by E. Arber
(1869); also in J. Haslewood, Ancient Critical Essays, vol. i (1811), and in part in
Gregory Smith, ii. 1. On the author, cf. ch. xxiii.]
Most of the treatise (bks. ii, iii) deals with the technicalities of poetic
structure and style, which the author sometimes illustrates from interludes
and verses of his own. Bk. i praises poetry in general, on familiar but non-
controversial humanist lines, and discusses with some classical erudition
the origin of various types of poetry, as tragedy, comedy, and pantomime (c.
11), comedy (c. 14), tragedy (c. 15), staging (c. 17), pastoral (c. 18). In a
brief account of English poets (c. 31) occurs: ‘But the principall man in this
profession at the same time [Edward’s] was Maister Edward [sic] Ferrys a
man of no lesse mirth and felicitie that way, but of much more skil, and
magnificence in his meeter, and therefore wrate for the most part to the
stage, in Tragedie and sometimes in Comedie or Enterlude, wherein he gaue
the king so much good recreation, as he had thereby many good rewardes....
Of the later sort I thinke thus. That for Tragedie, the Lord of Buckhurst and
Maister Edward Ferrys for such doings as I haue sene of theirs do deserue
the hyest price: Th’ Earle of Oxford and Maister Edwardes of her Maiesties
Chappell for Comedy and Enterlude.’
xlii. 1589. Thomas Nashe.
[From an epistle To the Gentlemen Students of Both Universities, prefixed to
Robert Greene’s Menaphon (1589; S. R. 23 Aug. 1589), reprinted from ed. 1610,
Page 269
which has some corrections possibly by Nashe, in McKerrow, iii. 311, with valuable
notes (iv. 444) upon the allusions and supposed allusions. The suggestion of Collier
that Menaphon was originally printed in 1587 appears to be baseless. Outside the
three passages quoted, Nashe praises Watson’s translation of Antigone. McKerrow’s
collection of material for the critical discussion of the epistle is so full that I need only
compare briefly my conclusions with his. In (i) Nashe seems to me to be criticizing
(a) ‘tragedians’, which for me are clearly ‘tragic actors’, while McKerrow inclines to
make them ‘writers of tragedy’, and (b) their dramatists, who include blank-verse
‘Art-masters’, which I agree with McKerrow is more likely, in view of the fact that
Greene above all flourished his University degree, to mean ‘masters of their art’ than
‘masters of Arts’, and translating tradesmen or serving-men with no education beyond
a grammar-school. The slight suggestions that Nashe may have had Marlowe
especially in mind are perhaps hardly sufficient to outweigh his statement in Have
with you to Saffron Walden (1596) that he ‘neuer abusd Marloe’; and Marlowe was a
University man, and no tradesman or serving-man. On the other hand, there is no
specific praise of Marlowe with other University poets in the epistle. The whole of (i)
is a precise parallel to the following lines by Thomas Brabine, also prefixed to
Menaphon:
‘Come foorth you witts that vaunt the pompe of speach,
And striue to thunder from a Stage-mans throate:
View Menaphon a note beyond your reach;
Whose sight will make your drumming descant doate:
Players auaunt, you know not to delight;
Welcome sweete Shepheard; worth a Schollers sight.’
In (ii) I am rather more inclined than McKerrow to think that the ‘Nouerint’ and the
‘Kidde in Æsop’ may glance at Kyd, who was not one of the University group, and
was a grammarian, a translator, and very likely already a serving-man. But the
attempts to trace him elsewhere in the passage come to very little; nor is one
playwright only necessarily in question, so that, although the ‘handfuls of Tragicall
speeches’ may point to a play of Hamlet as already extant in 1589, the inference that
Kyd was its author becomes extremely thin. In (iii) Nashe attacks the players as
parasitic on the poets, in terms closely resembling those used later by Greene in his
Groatsworth of Wit (No. xlviii). Probably Roscius is here Alleyn, and Caesar stands
for the poets in general. I do not agree with Fleay, L. of S. 10, 99, that the epistle
reflects a rivalry between the poets of the Queen’s men and those of Pembroke’s, who
indeed did not yet exist, or any other company. The issue is between the University
poets on the one hand and the players and illiterate poets on the other.]
P. 311. ‘I am not ignorant how eloquent our gowned age is grown of late;
so that euery mechanicall mate abhorres the English he was borne too, and
plucks, with a solemne periphrasis, his vt vales from the inkehorne: which I
impute, not so much to the perfection of Arts, as to the seruile imitation of
vainglorious Tragedians, who contend not so seriously to excell in action, as
to embowell the cloudes in a speech of comparison, thinking themselues
more than initiated in Poets immortality, if they but once get Boreas by the
beard and the heauenly Bull by the deaw-lap. But heerein I cannot so fully
notes (iv. 444) upon the allusions and supposed allusions. The suggestion of Collier
that Menaphon was originally printed in 1587 appears to be baseless. Outside the
three passages quoted, Nashe praises Watson’s translation of Antigone. McKerrow’s
collection of material for the critical discussion of the epistle is so full that I need only
compare briefly my conclusions with his. In (i) Nashe seems to me to be criticizing
(a) ‘tragedians’, which for me are clearly ‘tragic actors’, while McKerrow inclines to
make them ‘writers of tragedy’, and (b) their dramatists, who include blank-verse
‘Art-masters’, which I agree with McKerrow is more likely, in view of the fact that
Greene above all flourished his University degree, to mean ‘masters of their art’ than
‘masters of Arts’, and translating tradesmen or serving-men with no education beyond
a grammar-school. The slight suggestions that Nashe may have had Marlowe
especially in mind are perhaps hardly sufficient to outweigh his statement in Have
with you to Saffron Walden (1596) that he ‘neuer abusd Marloe’; and Marlowe was a
University man, and no tradesman or serving-man. On the other hand, there is no
specific praise of Marlowe with other University poets in the epistle. The whole of (i)
is a precise parallel to the following lines by Thomas Brabine, also prefixed to
Menaphon:
‘Come foorth you witts that vaunt the pompe of speach,
And striue to thunder from a Stage-mans throate:
View Menaphon a note beyond your reach;
Whose sight will make your drumming descant doate:
Players auaunt, you know not to delight;
Welcome sweete Shepheard; worth a Schollers sight.’
In (ii) I am rather more inclined than McKerrow to think that the ‘Nouerint’ and the
‘Kidde in Æsop’ may glance at Kyd, who was not one of the University group, and
was a grammarian, a translator, and very likely already a serving-man. But the
attempts to trace him elsewhere in the passage come to very little; nor is one
playwright only necessarily in question, so that, although the ‘handfuls of Tragicall
speeches’ may point to a play of Hamlet as already extant in 1589, the inference that
Kyd was its author becomes extremely thin. In (iii) Nashe attacks the players as
parasitic on the poets, in terms closely resembling those used later by Greene in his
Groatsworth of Wit (No. xlviii). Probably Roscius is here Alleyn, and Caesar stands
for the poets in general. I do not agree with Fleay, L. of S. 10, 99, that the epistle
reflects a rivalry between the poets of the Queen’s men and those of Pembroke’s, who
indeed did not yet exist, or any other company. The issue is between the University
poets on the one hand and the players and illiterate poets on the other.]
P. 311. ‘I am not ignorant how eloquent our gowned age is grown of late;
so that euery mechanicall mate abhorres the English he was borne too, and
plucks, with a solemne periphrasis, his vt vales from the inkehorne: which I
impute, not so much to the perfection of Arts, as to the seruile imitation of
vainglorious Tragedians, who contend not so seriously to excell in action, as
to embowell the cloudes in a speech of comparison, thinking themselues
more than initiated in Poets immortality, if they but once get Boreas by the
beard and the heauenly Bull by the deaw-lap. But heerein I cannot so fully
Page 270
bequeath them to folly, as their ideot Art-masters, that intrude themselues to
our eares as the Alcumists of eloquence, who (mounted on the stage of
arrogance) think to out-braue better pennes with the swelling bumbast of a
bragging blanke verse. Indeede it may bee the ingrafted ouerflow of some
kil-cow conceit, that ouercloyeth their imagination with a more than
drunken resolution, being not extemporall in the inuention of any other
meanes to vent their manhoode, commits the disgestion of their cholericke
incumbrances to the spacious volubilitie of a drumming decasillabon.
Mongst this kind of men that repose eternitie in the mouth of a Player, I can
but ingrosse some deep read Grammarians, who, hauing no more learning
in their skull than will serue to take vp a commoditie, nor Art in their braine
than was nourished in a seruing mans idlenesse, will take vppon them to be
the ironicall Censors of all, when God and Poetrie doth know they are the
simplest of all. To leaue these to the mercy of their Mother tongue, that feed
on nought but the crums that fall from the Translators trencher, I come
(sweet friend) to thy Arcadian Menaphon, ...’ P. 315. ‘I’le turne backe to my
first text of Studies of delight, and talke a little in friendship with a few of
our triuiall translators. It is a common practise now a dayes amongst a sort
of shifting companions, that runne through euery Art and thriue by none, to
leaue the trade of Nouerint, whereto they were borne, and busie themselues
with the indeuours of Art, that could scarcely Latinize their neck verse if
they should haue neede; yet English Seneca read by Candlelight yeelds
many good sentences, as Blood is a begger, and so forth; and if you intreate
him faire in a frostie morning, hee will affoord you whole Hamlets, I should
say handfuls of Tragicall speeches. But O griefe! Tempus edax rerum, whats
that will last alwayes? The Sea exhaled by droppes will in continuance bee
drie, and Seneca, let blood line by line and page by page, at length must
needes die to our Stage; which makes his famished followers to imitate the
Kidde in Æsop, who, enamoured with the Foxes newfangles, forsooke all
hopes of life to leape into a newe occupation; and these men, renouncing all
possibilities of credite or estimation, to intermeddle with Italian
Translations: wherein how poorely they haue plodded, (as those that are
neither prouenzall men, nor are able to distinguish of Articles,) let all
indifferent Gentlemen that haue trauailed in that tongue discerne by their
two-pennie pamphlets: & no maruell though their home borne mediocritie
bee such in this matter; for what can bee hoped of those that thrust Elisium
into hell, and haue not learned, so long as they haue liued in the Spheres,
our eares as the Alcumists of eloquence, who (mounted on the stage of
arrogance) think to out-braue better pennes with the swelling bumbast of a
bragging blanke verse. Indeede it may bee the ingrafted ouerflow of some
kil-cow conceit, that ouercloyeth their imagination with a more than
drunken resolution, being not extemporall in the inuention of any other
meanes to vent their manhoode, commits the disgestion of their cholericke
incumbrances to the spacious volubilitie of a drumming decasillabon.
Mongst this kind of men that repose eternitie in the mouth of a Player, I can
but ingrosse some deep read Grammarians, who, hauing no more learning
in their skull than will serue to take vp a commoditie, nor Art in their braine
than was nourished in a seruing mans idlenesse, will take vppon them to be
the ironicall Censors of all, when God and Poetrie doth know they are the
simplest of all. To leaue these to the mercy of their Mother tongue, that feed
on nought but the crums that fall from the Translators trencher, I come
(sweet friend) to thy Arcadian Menaphon, ...’ P. 315. ‘I’le turne backe to my
first text of Studies of delight, and talke a little in friendship with a few of
our triuiall translators. It is a common practise now a dayes amongst a sort
of shifting companions, that runne through euery Art and thriue by none, to
leaue the trade of Nouerint, whereto they were borne, and busie themselues
with the indeuours of Art, that could scarcely Latinize their neck verse if
they should haue neede; yet English Seneca read by Candlelight yeelds
many good sentences, as Blood is a begger, and so forth; and if you intreate
him faire in a frostie morning, hee will affoord you whole Hamlets, I should
say handfuls of Tragicall speeches. But O griefe! Tempus edax rerum, whats
that will last alwayes? The Sea exhaled by droppes will in continuance bee
drie, and Seneca, let blood line by line and page by page, at length must
needes die to our Stage; which makes his famished followers to imitate the
Kidde in Æsop, who, enamoured with the Foxes newfangles, forsooke all
hopes of life to leape into a newe occupation; and these men, renouncing all
possibilities of credite or estimation, to intermeddle with Italian
Translations: wherein how poorely they haue plodded, (as those that are
neither prouenzall men, nor are able to distinguish of Articles,) let all
indifferent Gentlemen that haue trauailed in that tongue discerne by their
two-pennie pamphlets: & no maruell though their home borne mediocritie
bee such in this matter; for what can bee hoped of those that thrust Elisium
into hell, and haue not learned, so long as they haue liued in the Spheres,
Page 271
the iust measure of the Horizon without an hexameter? Sufficeth them to
bodge vp a blanke verse with ifs and ands, and otherwhile for recreation
after their Candle-stuffe, hauing starched their beards most curiously, to
make a Peripateticall path into the inner parts of the Citie, and spend two or
three howers in turning ouer French Doudie, where they attract more
infection in one minute, then they can do eloquence all daies of their life, by
conuersing with any Authors of like argument.’ P. 323. ‘There are extant
about London many most able men to reuiue Poetry ... as, for example,
Mathew Roydon, Thomas Atchelow, and George Peele; the first of whom,
as he hath shewed himselfe singular in the immortall Epitaph of his beloued
Astrophell, besides many other most absolute Comike inuentions (made
more publike by euery mans praise, than they can be by my speech), so the
second hath more than once or twice manifested his deepe witted
schollership in places of credite: and for the last, though not the least of
them all, I dare commend him to all that know him, as the chiefe supporter
of pleasance now liuing, the Atlas of Poetrie, and primus verborum Artifex:
whose first increase, the arraignement of Paris, might pleade to your
opinions his pregnant dexterity of wit, and manifold varietie of inuention;
where in (me iudice) he goeth a steppe beyond all that write. Sundry other
sweete gentlemen I know, that haue vaunted their pennes in priuate deuices,
and tricked vp a company of taffata fooles with their feathers, whose beauty
if our Poets had not peecte with the supply of their periwigs, they might
haue antickt it vntill this time vp and downe the Countrey with the King of
Fairies, and dined euery day at the pease porredge ordinary with
Delphrigus. But Tolossa hath forgot that it was sometime sacked, and
beggars that euer they carried their fardels on footback: and in truth no
meruaile, when as the deserued reputation of one Roscius is of force to
enrich a rabble of counterfets; yet let subiects for all their insolence
dedicate a De profundis euery morning to the preseruation of their Caesar,
least their increasing indignities returne them ere long to their iugling to
mediocrity, and they bewaile in weeping blankes the wane of their
Monarchie.’
xliii. 1590. Robert Greene.
[From Francescos Fortunes: Or, The second part of Greenes Neuer too Late
(1590), reprinted in Works, viii. 111. For the Roscius story, cf. No. xii and ch. xi.]
bodge vp a blanke verse with ifs and ands, and otherwhile for recreation
after their Candle-stuffe, hauing starched their beards most curiously, to
make a Peripateticall path into the inner parts of the Citie, and spend two or
three howers in turning ouer French Doudie, where they attract more
infection in one minute, then they can do eloquence all daies of their life, by
conuersing with any Authors of like argument.’ P. 323. ‘There are extant
about London many most able men to reuiue Poetry ... as, for example,
Mathew Roydon, Thomas Atchelow, and George Peele; the first of whom,
as he hath shewed himselfe singular in the immortall Epitaph of his beloued
Astrophell, besides many other most absolute Comike inuentions (made
more publike by euery mans praise, than they can be by my speech), so the
second hath more than once or twice manifested his deepe witted
schollership in places of credite: and for the last, though not the least of
them all, I dare commend him to all that know him, as the chiefe supporter
of pleasance now liuing, the Atlas of Poetrie, and primus verborum Artifex:
whose first increase, the arraignement of Paris, might pleade to your
opinions his pregnant dexterity of wit, and manifold varietie of inuention;
where in (me iudice) he goeth a steppe beyond all that write. Sundry other
sweete gentlemen I know, that haue vaunted their pennes in priuate deuices,
and tricked vp a company of taffata fooles with their feathers, whose beauty
if our Poets had not peecte with the supply of their periwigs, they might
haue antickt it vntill this time vp and downe the Countrey with the King of
Fairies, and dined euery day at the pease porredge ordinary with
Delphrigus. But Tolossa hath forgot that it was sometime sacked, and
beggars that euer they carried their fardels on footback: and in truth no
meruaile, when as the deserued reputation of one Roscius is of force to
enrich a rabble of counterfets; yet let subiects for all their insolence
dedicate a De profundis euery morning to the preseruation of their Caesar,
least their increasing indignities returne them ere long to their iugling to
mediocrity, and they bewaile in weeping blankes the wane of their
Monarchie.’
xliii. 1590. Robert Greene.
[From Francescos Fortunes: Or, The second part of Greenes Neuer too Late
(1590), reprinted in Works, viii. 111. For the Roscius story, cf. No. xii and ch. xi.]
Page 272
P. 129. A palmer, telling the tale of Francesco, which contains some
probably autobiographical matter on the hero’s writing for the stage (cf. ch.
xxiii, s.v. Greene), is interrupted by a request for his ‘iudgement of Playes,
Playmakers and Players’. After observing that ‘some for being too lauish
against that facultie, haue for their satiricall inuectiues been well canuased’,
he sketches the growth of comedy at Athens and Rome, where
‘couetousnesse crept into the qualitie’ and ‘the Actors, by continuall vse
grewe not onely excellent, but rich and insolent’. This is illustrated (p. 132)
by a rebuke of Cicero to Roscius, ‘Why Roscius, art thou proud with Esops
Crow, being pranct with the glorie of others feathers? of thy selfe thou canst
say nothing, and if the Cobler hath taught thee to say Aue Caesar, disdain
not thy tutor, because thou pratest in a Kings chamber: what sentence thou
vtterest on the stage, flowes from the censure of our wittes, and what
sentence or conceipte of the inuention the people applaud for excellent, that
comes from the secrets of our knowledge. I graunt your action, though it be
a kind of mechanical labour; yet wel done tis worthie of praise: but you
worthlesse, if for so small a toy you waxe proud’. Publius Seruilius also
bade a player ‘bee not so bragge of thy silken roabes, for I sawe them but
yesterday make a great shew in a broakers shop’. The palmer concludes,
‘Thus sir haue you heard my opinion briefly of plaies, that Menander
deuised them for the suppressing of vanities, necessarie in a common
wealth, as long as they are vsed in their right kind; the play makers worthy
of honour for their Arte: & players, men deseruing both prayse and profite,
as long as they wax neither couetous nor insolent’.
xliv. 1591. Samuel Cox.
[This letter of 15 Jan. 1591 to an unknown correspondent, brother of one Mr.
Lewin, occurs with other letters by Cox in the letter-book of Sir Christopher Hatton
(Nicolas, Hatton, xxix), to whom he was secretary.]
Has his letter ‘reprehending me in some sort for my sharpness against
the use of plays’. Cites view of Fathers, especially Chrysostom. Regrets
present toleration of ‘these dangerous schools of licentious liberty,
whereunto more people resort than to sermons or prayers’. Now ‘rich men
give more to a player for a song which he shall sing in one hour, than to
their faithful servants for serving them a whole year.... I could wish that
players would use themselves nowadays, as in ancient former times they
have done, which was only to exercise their interludes in the time of
Christmas, beginning to play in the holidays and continuing until twelfth
probably autobiographical matter on the hero’s writing for the stage (cf. ch.
xxiii, s.v. Greene), is interrupted by a request for his ‘iudgement of Playes,
Playmakers and Players’. After observing that ‘some for being too lauish
against that facultie, haue for their satiricall inuectiues been well canuased’,
he sketches the growth of comedy at Athens and Rome, where
‘couetousnesse crept into the qualitie’ and ‘the Actors, by continuall vse
grewe not onely excellent, but rich and insolent’. This is illustrated (p. 132)
by a rebuke of Cicero to Roscius, ‘Why Roscius, art thou proud with Esops
Crow, being pranct with the glorie of others feathers? of thy selfe thou canst
say nothing, and if the Cobler hath taught thee to say Aue Caesar, disdain
not thy tutor, because thou pratest in a Kings chamber: what sentence thou
vtterest on the stage, flowes from the censure of our wittes, and what
sentence or conceipte of the inuention the people applaud for excellent, that
comes from the secrets of our knowledge. I graunt your action, though it be
a kind of mechanical labour; yet wel done tis worthie of praise: but you
worthlesse, if for so small a toy you waxe proud’. Publius Seruilius also
bade a player ‘bee not so bragge of thy silken roabes, for I sawe them but
yesterday make a great shew in a broakers shop’. The palmer concludes,
‘Thus sir haue you heard my opinion briefly of plaies, that Menander
deuised them for the suppressing of vanities, necessarie in a common
wealth, as long as they are vsed in their right kind; the play makers worthy
of honour for their Arte: & players, men deseruing both prayse and profite,
as long as they wax neither couetous nor insolent’.
xliv. 1591. Samuel Cox.
[This letter of 15 Jan. 1591 to an unknown correspondent, brother of one Mr.
Lewin, occurs with other letters by Cox in the letter-book of Sir Christopher Hatton
(Nicolas, Hatton, xxix), to whom he was secretary.]
Has his letter ‘reprehending me in some sort for my sharpness against
the use of plays’. Cites view of Fathers, especially Chrysostom. Regrets
present toleration of ‘these dangerous schools of licentious liberty,
whereunto more people resort than to sermons or prayers’. Now ‘rich men
give more to a player for a song which he shall sing in one hour, than to
their faithful servants for serving them a whole year.... I could wish that
players would use themselves nowadays, as in ancient former times they
have done, which was only to exercise their interludes in the time of
Christmas, beginning to play in the holidays and continuing until twelfth
Page 273
tide, or at the furthest until Ashwednesday, of which players I find three
sorts of people: the first, such as were in wages with the king and played
before him some time at Hallowmass, and then in the later holidays until
twelfthtide, and after that, only in Shrovetide; and these men had other
trades to live of, and seldom or never played abroad at any other times of
the whole year. The second sort were such as pertained to noblemen, and
were ordinary servants in their house, and only for Christmas times used
such plays, without making profession to be players to go abroad for gain,
for in such cases they were subject to the statute against retainers. The third
sort were certain artisans in good towns and great parishes, as shoemakers,
tailors, and such like, that used to play either in their town-halls, or some
time in churches, to make the people merry; where it was lawful for all
persons to come without exacting any money for their access, having only
somewhat gathered of the richer sort by the churchwardens for their apparel
and other necessaries.’
xlv. 1591. Sir John Harington.
[From A Preface, or rather a Briefe Apologie of Poetrie, and of the Author and
Translator, prefixed to Harington’s translation of Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso (1591),
reprinted in Gregory Smith, ii. 194.]
Harington upholds poetry on humanist lines, and answers the objections
of Cornelius Agrippa. P. 209. ‘The last reproofe is lightnes & wantonnes....
First, the Tragicall is meerly free from it, as representing onely the cruell
and lawlesse proceedings of Princes, mouing nothing but pitie or
detestation. The Comicall, whatsoeuer foolish playmakers make it offend in
this kind, yet being rightly vsed, it represents them so as to make the vice
scorned and not embraced.... And for Tragedies, to omit other famous
Tragedies, that that was played at S. Iohns in Cambridge, of Richard the 3,
would moue (I thinke) Phalaris the tyraunt, and terrifie all tyrannous
minded men from following their foolish ambitious humors, seeing how his
ambition made him kill his brother, his nephews, his wife, beside infinit
others, and, last of all, after a short and troublesome raigne, to end his
miserable life, and to haue his body harried after his death. Then, for
Comedies, how full of harmeles myrth is our Cambridge Pedantius? and the
Oxford Bellum Grammaticale? or, to speake of a London Comedie, how
much good matter, yea and matter of state, is there in that Comedie cald the
play of the Cards, in which it is showed how foure Parasiticall knaues robbe
the foure principall vocations of the Realme, videl, the vocation of
sorts of people: the first, such as were in wages with the king and played
before him some time at Hallowmass, and then in the later holidays until
twelfthtide, and after that, only in Shrovetide; and these men had other
trades to live of, and seldom or never played abroad at any other times of
the whole year. The second sort were such as pertained to noblemen, and
were ordinary servants in their house, and only for Christmas times used
such plays, without making profession to be players to go abroad for gain,
for in such cases they were subject to the statute against retainers. The third
sort were certain artisans in good towns and great parishes, as shoemakers,
tailors, and such like, that used to play either in their town-halls, or some
time in churches, to make the people merry; where it was lawful for all
persons to come without exacting any money for their access, having only
somewhat gathered of the richer sort by the churchwardens for their apparel
and other necessaries.’
xlv. 1591. Sir John Harington.
[From A Preface, or rather a Briefe Apologie of Poetrie, and of the Author and
Translator, prefixed to Harington’s translation of Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso (1591),
reprinted in Gregory Smith, ii. 194.]
Harington upholds poetry on humanist lines, and answers the objections
of Cornelius Agrippa. P. 209. ‘The last reproofe is lightnes & wantonnes....
First, the Tragicall is meerly free from it, as representing onely the cruell
and lawlesse proceedings of Princes, mouing nothing but pitie or
detestation. The Comicall, whatsoeuer foolish playmakers make it offend in
this kind, yet being rightly vsed, it represents them so as to make the vice
scorned and not embraced.... And for Tragedies, to omit other famous
Tragedies, that that was played at S. Iohns in Cambridge, of Richard the 3,
would moue (I thinke) Phalaris the tyraunt, and terrifie all tyrannous
minded men from following their foolish ambitious humors, seeing how his
ambition made him kill his brother, his nephews, his wife, beside infinit
others, and, last of all, after a short and troublesome raigne, to end his
miserable life, and to haue his body harried after his death. Then, for
Comedies, how full of harmeles myrth is our Cambridge Pedantius? and the
Oxford Bellum Grammaticale? or, to speake of a London Comedie, how
much good matter, yea and matter of state, is there in that Comedie cald the
play of the Cards, in which it is showed how foure Parasiticall knaues robbe
the foure principall vocations of the Realme, videl, the vocation of
Page 274
Souldiers, Schollers, Marchants, and Husbandmen? Of which Comedie I
cannot forget the saying of a notable wise counseller that is now dead, who
when some (to sing Placebo) aduised that it should be forbidden, because it
was somewhat too plaine, and indeed as the old saying is, sooth boord is no
boord, yet he would haue it allowed, adding it was fit that They which doe
that they should not should heare that they would not.’
xlvi. 1592. Thomas Nashe.
[From Pierce Penilesse his Supplication to the Diuell (1592; S. R. 8 Aug. 1592),
reprinted in McKerrow, i. 149.]
[Extracts.] P. 211. ‘There is a certaine waste of the people for whome
there is no vse, but warre: and these men must haue some employment still
to cut them off.... To this effect, the pollicie of Playes is very necessary,
howsoeuer some shallow-braind censurers (not the deepest serchers into the
secrets of gouernment) mightily oppugne them. For whereas the after-noone
beeing the idlest time of the day; wherein men that are their owne masters
(as Gentlemen of the Court, the Innes of the Courte, and the number of
Captaines and Souldiers about London) do wholy bestow themselues vpon
pleasure, and that pleasure they deuide (howe vertuously it skils not) either
into gameing, following of harlots, drinking, or seeing a Playe: is it not then
better (since of foure extreames all the world cannot keepe them but they
will choose one) that they should betake them to the least, which is Playes?
Nay, what if I prooue Playes to be no extreame; but a rare exercise of
vertue? First, for the subiect of them (for the most part) it is borrowed out
of our English Chronicles, wherein our forefathers valiant acts (that haue
line long buried in rustie brasse and worme-eaten bookes) are reuiued, and
they themselues raised from the Graue of Obliuion, and brought to pleade
their aged Honours in open presence: than which, what can be a sharper
reproofe to these degenerate effeminate dayes of ours? How would it haue
ioyed braue Talbot (the terror of the French) to thinke that after he had lyne
two hundred yeares in his Tombe, hee should triumphe againe on the Stage,
and haue his bones newe embalmed with the teares of ten thousand
spectators at least (at seuerall times) who, in the Tragedian that represents
his person, imagine they behold him fresh bleeding? I will defend it against
any Collian, or clubfisted Vsurer of them all, there is no immortalitie can be
giuen a man on earth like vnto Playes.... All Artes to them are vanitie: and,
if you tell them what a glorious thing it is to haue Henrie the fifth
cannot forget the saying of a notable wise counseller that is now dead, who
when some (to sing Placebo) aduised that it should be forbidden, because it
was somewhat too plaine, and indeed as the old saying is, sooth boord is no
boord, yet he would haue it allowed, adding it was fit that They which doe
that they should not should heare that they would not.’
xlvi. 1592. Thomas Nashe.
[From Pierce Penilesse his Supplication to the Diuell (1592; S. R. 8 Aug. 1592),
reprinted in McKerrow, i. 149.]
[Extracts.] P. 211. ‘There is a certaine waste of the people for whome
there is no vse, but warre: and these men must haue some employment still
to cut them off.... To this effect, the pollicie of Playes is very necessary,
howsoeuer some shallow-braind censurers (not the deepest serchers into the
secrets of gouernment) mightily oppugne them. For whereas the after-noone
beeing the idlest time of the day; wherein men that are their owne masters
(as Gentlemen of the Court, the Innes of the Courte, and the number of
Captaines and Souldiers about London) do wholy bestow themselues vpon
pleasure, and that pleasure they deuide (howe vertuously it skils not) either
into gameing, following of harlots, drinking, or seeing a Playe: is it not then
better (since of foure extreames all the world cannot keepe them but they
will choose one) that they should betake them to the least, which is Playes?
Nay, what if I prooue Playes to be no extreame; but a rare exercise of
vertue? First, for the subiect of them (for the most part) it is borrowed out
of our English Chronicles, wherein our forefathers valiant acts (that haue
line long buried in rustie brasse and worme-eaten bookes) are reuiued, and
they themselues raised from the Graue of Obliuion, and brought to pleade
their aged Honours in open presence: than which, what can be a sharper
reproofe to these degenerate effeminate dayes of ours? How would it haue
ioyed braue Talbot (the terror of the French) to thinke that after he had lyne
two hundred yeares in his Tombe, hee should triumphe againe on the Stage,
and haue his bones newe embalmed with the teares of ten thousand
spectators at least (at seuerall times) who, in the Tragedian that represents
his person, imagine they behold him fresh bleeding? I will defend it against
any Collian, or clubfisted Vsurer of them all, there is no immortalitie can be
giuen a man on earth like vnto Playes.... All Artes to them are vanitie: and,
if you tell them what a glorious thing it is to haue Henrie the fifth
Page 275
represented on the Stage, leading the French King prisoner, and forcing
both him and the Dolphin to sweare fealty, I, but (will they say) what do we
get by it? Respecting neither the right of Fame that is due to true Nobilitie
deceased, nor what hopes of eternitie are to be proposed to aduentrous
mindes, to encourage them forward, but onely their execrable luker, and
fillthie vnquenchable auarice. They know when they are dead they shall not
be brought vpon the Stage for any goodnes, but in a merriment of the
Vsurer and the Diuel, or buying Armes of the Herald, who giues them the
Lyon, without tongue, tayle, or tallents, because his maister whome hee
must serue is a Townesman, and a man of peace, and must not keepe any
quarrelling beasts to annoy his honest neighbours. In Playes, all
coosonages, all cunning drifts ouer-guylded with outward holinesse, all
stratagems of warre, all the cankerwormes that breede on the rust of peace,
are most liuely anatomiz’d: they shewe the ill successe of treason, the fall
of hastie climbers, the wretched end of vsurpers, the miserie of ciuill
dissention, and how iust God is euermore in punishing of murther....
Whereas some Petitioners of the Counsaile against them obiect, they
corrupt the youth of the Cittie, and withdrawe Prentises from theyr worke;
they heartily wishe they might bee troubled with none of their youth nor
their prentises; for some of them (I meane the ruder handicrafts seruants)
neuer come abroade, but they are in danger of vndoing: and as for
corrupting them when they come, thats false; for no Play they haue,
encourageth any man to tumult or rebellion, but layes before such the halter
and the gallowes; or praiseth or approoueth pride, lust, whoredome,
prodigalitie, or drunkennes, but beates them downe vtterly. As for the
hindrance of Trades and Traders of the Citie by them, that is an Article
foysted in by the Vintners, Alewiues, and Victuallers, who surmise, if there
were no Playes, they should haue all the companie that resort to them, lye
bowzing and beere-bathing in their houses euery after-noone.... Our Players
are not as the players beyond Sea, a sort of squirting baudie Comedians,
that haue whores and common Curtizens to playe womens partes, and
forbeare no immodest speech or vnchast action that may procure laughter;
but our Sceane is more statelye furnisht than euer it was in the time of
Roscius, our representations honourable, and full of gallant resolution, not
consisting, like theirs, of a Pantaloun, a Whore, and a Zanie, but of
Emperours, Kings, and Princes; whose true Tragedies (Sophocleo cothurno)
they do vaunt. Not Roscius nor Æsope, those admyred tragedians that haue
both him and the Dolphin to sweare fealty, I, but (will they say) what do we
get by it? Respecting neither the right of Fame that is due to true Nobilitie
deceased, nor what hopes of eternitie are to be proposed to aduentrous
mindes, to encourage them forward, but onely their execrable luker, and
fillthie vnquenchable auarice. They know when they are dead they shall not
be brought vpon the Stage for any goodnes, but in a merriment of the
Vsurer and the Diuel, or buying Armes of the Herald, who giues them the
Lyon, without tongue, tayle, or tallents, because his maister whome hee
must serue is a Townesman, and a man of peace, and must not keepe any
quarrelling beasts to annoy his honest neighbours. In Playes, all
coosonages, all cunning drifts ouer-guylded with outward holinesse, all
stratagems of warre, all the cankerwormes that breede on the rust of peace,
are most liuely anatomiz’d: they shewe the ill successe of treason, the fall
of hastie climbers, the wretched end of vsurpers, the miserie of ciuill
dissention, and how iust God is euermore in punishing of murther....
Whereas some Petitioners of the Counsaile against them obiect, they
corrupt the youth of the Cittie, and withdrawe Prentises from theyr worke;
they heartily wishe they might bee troubled with none of their youth nor
their prentises; for some of them (I meane the ruder handicrafts seruants)
neuer come abroade, but they are in danger of vndoing: and as for
corrupting them when they come, thats false; for no Play they haue,
encourageth any man to tumult or rebellion, but layes before such the halter
and the gallowes; or praiseth or approoueth pride, lust, whoredome,
prodigalitie, or drunkennes, but beates them downe vtterly. As for the
hindrance of Trades and Traders of the Citie by them, that is an Article
foysted in by the Vintners, Alewiues, and Victuallers, who surmise, if there
were no Playes, they should haue all the companie that resort to them, lye
bowzing and beere-bathing in their houses euery after-noone.... Our Players
are not as the players beyond Sea, a sort of squirting baudie Comedians,
that haue whores and common Curtizens to playe womens partes, and
forbeare no immodest speech or vnchast action that may procure laughter;
but our Sceane is more statelye furnisht than euer it was in the time of
Roscius, our representations honourable, and full of gallant resolution, not
consisting, like theirs, of a Pantaloun, a Whore, and a Zanie, but of
Emperours, Kings, and Princes; whose true Tragedies (Sophocleo cothurno)
they do vaunt. Not Roscius nor Æsope, those admyred tragedians that haue
Page 276
liued euer since before Christ was borne, could euer performe more in
action than famous Ned Allen.... If I euer write any thing in Latine (as I
hope one day I shall) not a man of any desert here amongst vs, but I will
haue vp. Tarlton, Ned Allen, Knell, Bentlie, shall be made knowne to
France, Spaine, and Italie: and not a part that they surmounted in, more
than other, but I will there note and set downe, with the manner of theyr
habites and attyre.’
xlvii. 1592. Robert Greene.
[From A Quip for an Upstart Courtier: Or, A quaint Dispute between Velvet
Breeches and Cloth Breeches. Wherein is plainely set downe the disorders in all
Estates and Trades (Works, xi. 205).]
A jury is being empanelled between the disputants, who represent new
and old ideals of gentry. P. 289. ‘An ouerworne gentleman attired in veluet
and satin’ is followed by ‘two pert Applesquires: the one had a murrey cloth
gowne on, faced down before with gray conny, and laid thicke on the
sleeves with lace, which he quaintly bare vp to shew his white taffata hose,
and black silk stockings: a huge ruffe about his necke wrapt in his great
head like a wicker cage, a little Hat with brims like the wings of a doublet,
wherein he wore a jewell of glasse, as broad as a chancery seale: after him
followed two boies in cloakes like butterflies: carrying one of them his
cutting sword of choller, the other his dauncing rapier of delight.’ The
‘ouerworne gentleman’ is a poet, the ‘applesquires’ a player and the usher of
a dancing school. Velvet Breeches thinks the poet ‘a proud fellow’, the
others ‘plaine, honest, humble men, that for a penny or an old-cast sute of
apparell will do anything. Indeed quoth Cloth Breeches you say troth, they
are but too humble, for they be so lowly, that they be base minded: I mean
not in their lookes or apparell, for so they be peacockes and painted asses,
but in their corse of life, for they care not how they get crowns, I meane
how basely so they haue them, and yet of the two I hold the Plaier to be the
better Christian, although in his owne imagination too full of selfe liking
and selfe loue, and is vnfit to be of the Iury though I hide and conceale his
faults and fopperies, in that I haue beene merry at his sports: onely this I
must say, that such a plaine country fellow as my selfe, they bring in as
clownes and fooles to laugh at in their play, whereas they get by vs, and of
our almes the proudest of them all doth line. Well, to be breefe, let him trot
to the stage, for he shall be none of the Iury.’
action than famous Ned Allen.... If I euer write any thing in Latine (as I
hope one day I shall) not a man of any desert here amongst vs, but I will
haue vp. Tarlton, Ned Allen, Knell, Bentlie, shall be made knowne to
France, Spaine, and Italie: and not a part that they surmounted in, more
than other, but I will there note and set downe, with the manner of theyr
habites and attyre.’
xlvii. 1592. Robert Greene.
[From A Quip for an Upstart Courtier: Or, A quaint Dispute between Velvet
Breeches and Cloth Breeches. Wherein is plainely set downe the disorders in all
Estates and Trades (Works, xi. 205).]
A jury is being empanelled between the disputants, who represent new
and old ideals of gentry. P. 289. ‘An ouerworne gentleman attired in veluet
and satin’ is followed by ‘two pert Applesquires: the one had a murrey cloth
gowne on, faced down before with gray conny, and laid thicke on the
sleeves with lace, which he quaintly bare vp to shew his white taffata hose,
and black silk stockings: a huge ruffe about his necke wrapt in his great
head like a wicker cage, a little Hat with brims like the wings of a doublet,
wherein he wore a jewell of glasse, as broad as a chancery seale: after him
followed two boies in cloakes like butterflies: carrying one of them his
cutting sword of choller, the other his dauncing rapier of delight.’ The
‘ouerworne gentleman’ is a poet, the ‘applesquires’ a player and the usher of
a dancing school. Velvet Breeches thinks the poet ‘a proud fellow’, the
others ‘plaine, honest, humble men, that for a penny or an old-cast sute of
apparell will do anything. Indeed quoth Cloth Breeches you say troth, they
are but too humble, for they be so lowly, that they be base minded: I mean
not in their lookes or apparell, for so they be peacockes and painted asses,
but in their corse of life, for they care not how they get crowns, I meane
how basely so they haue them, and yet of the two I hold the Plaier to be the
better Christian, although in his owne imagination too full of selfe liking
and selfe loue, and is vnfit to be of the Iury though I hide and conceale his
faults and fopperies, in that I haue beene merry at his sports: onely this I
must say, that such a plaine country fellow as my selfe, they bring in as
clownes and fooles to laugh at in their play, whereas they get by vs, and of
our almes the proudest of them all doth line. Well, to be breefe, let him trot
to the stage, for he shall be none of the Iury.’
Page 277
xlviii. 1592. Robert Greene.
[From Greens Groatsworth of Wit (1596; S. R. 20 Sept. 1592), reprinted in Grosart,
xii. 131, and C. M. Ingleby, Shakespere Allusion-Books, Part i (1874, N. S. S.); cf. ch.
xxiii, s.v. Greene.]
‘Roberto ... vttered his present greefe, beseeching his advuise how he
might be imployed. Why easily, quoth hee, and greatly to your benefit: for
men of my profession get by schollers their whole liuing. What is your
profession, sayd Roberto? Truely sir, said he, I am a player. A Player, quoth
Roberto, I tooke you rather for a gentleman of great liuing; for if by
outward habit men shuld be censured, I tell you, you would be taken for a
substantiall man. So am I where I dwell (quoth the player) reputed able at
my proper cost, to build a Windmill. What though the worlde once went
hard with mee, when I was faine to carrie my playing Fardle a footebacke;
Tempora mutantur: I know you know the meaning of it better than I, but I
thus conster it, it is otherwise now; for my very share in playing apparrell
will not be solde for two hundred pounds. Truely (said Roberto) it is
strange, that you should so prosper in that vaine practise, for that it seemes
to me your voyce is nothing gracious. Nay then, said the player, I mislike
your iudgement: why, I am as famous for Delphrigus, and the king of
Fairies, as euer was any of my time. The twelue labors of Hercules haue I
terribly thundred on the stage, and plaied three scenes of the deuill in the
highway to heauen. Haue ye so (said Roberto?) then I pray you pardon me.
Nay more (quoth the player) I can serue to make a prettie speech, for I was
a countrie Author, passing at a morrall, for it was I that pende the Morral of
mans wit, the Dialogue of Diues, and for seauen yeeres space was absolute
interpreter of the puppets. But now my Almanacke is out of date:
The people make no estimation,
Of Morrals teaching education.
Was not this prettie for a plaine rime extempore? if ye will, ye shall haue
more. Nay it is enough, said Roberto, but how meane you to vse mee? Why
sir, in making playes, said the other, for which you shall be well paied, if
you will take the paines.... Roberto, now famozed for an Arch-plaimaking-
poet, his purse like the sea sometime sweld, anon like the same sea fell to a
low ebbe; yet seldom he wanted, his labors were so well esteemed. Marry,
this rule he kept, what euer he fingerd afore-hand, was the certaine meanes
to vnbinde a bargaine; and being asked why he so sleightly dealt with them
[From Greens Groatsworth of Wit (1596; S. R. 20 Sept. 1592), reprinted in Grosart,
xii. 131, and C. M. Ingleby, Shakespere Allusion-Books, Part i (1874, N. S. S.); cf. ch.
xxiii, s.v. Greene.]
‘Roberto ... vttered his present greefe, beseeching his advuise how he
might be imployed. Why easily, quoth hee, and greatly to your benefit: for
men of my profession get by schollers their whole liuing. What is your
profession, sayd Roberto? Truely sir, said he, I am a player. A Player, quoth
Roberto, I tooke you rather for a gentleman of great liuing; for if by
outward habit men shuld be censured, I tell you, you would be taken for a
substantiall man. So am I where I dwell (quoth the player) reputed able at
my proper cost, to build a Windmill. What though the worlde once went
hard with mee, when I was faine to carrie my playing Fardle a footebacke;
Tempora mutantur: I know you know the meaning of it better than I, but I
thus conster it, it is otherwise now; for my very share in playing apparrell
will not be solde for two hundred pounds. Truely (said Roberto) it is
strange, that you should so prosper in that vaine practise, for that it seemes
to me your voyce is nothing gracious. Nay then, said the player, I mislike
your iudgement: why, I am as famous for Delphrigus, and the king of
Fairies, as euer was any of my time. The twelue labors of Hercules haue I
terribly thundred on the stage, and plaied three scenes of the deuill in the
highway to heauen. Haue ye so (said Roberto?) then I pray you pardon me.
Nay more (quoth the player) I can serue to make a prettie speech, for I was
a countrie Author, passing at a morrall, for it was I that pende the Morral of
mans wit, the Dialogue of Diues, and for seauen yeeres space was absolute
interpreter of the puppets. But now my Almanacke is out of date:
The people make no estimation,
Of Morrals teaching education.
Was not this prettie for a plaine rime extempore? if ye will, ye shall haue
more. Nay it is enough, said Roberto, but how meane you to vse mee? Why
sir, in making playes, said the other, for which you shall be well paied, if
you will take the paines.... Roberto, now famozed for an Arch-plaimaking-
poet, his purse like the sea sometime sweld, anon like the same sea fell to a
low ebbe; yet seldom he wanted, his labors were so well esteemed. Marry,
this rule he kept, what euer he fingerd afore-hand, was the certaine meanes
to vnbinde a bargaine; and being asked why he so sleightly dealt with them
Page 278
that did him good? It becomes me, sath hee, to be contrarie to the worlde:
for commonly when vulgar men recieue earnest, they doe performe; when I
am paid any thing afore-hand, I breake my promise.... To those Gentlemen,
his Quondam acquaintance, that spend their wits in making Plaies, R. G.
wisheth a better exercise, and wisdome to preuent his extremities.... Base
minded men al three of you, if by my miserie ye be not warned: for vnto
none of you (like me) sought those burres to cleaue: those Puppits (I meane)
that speake from our mouths, those Anticks garnisht in our colours. Is it not
strange that I, to whom they al haue beene beholding: is it not like that you,
to whome they all haue beene beholding, shall (were ye in that case that I
am now) be both at once of them forsaken? Yes, trust them not: for there is
an vpstart Crow, beautified with our feathers, that with his Tygers heart
wrapt in a Players hide, supposes he is as well able to bumbast out a blank
verse as the best of you: and being an absolute Iohannes fac totum, is in his
owne conceit the onely Shake-scene in a countrie. O that I might intreate
your rare wits to be imployed in more profitable courses: & let these Apes
imitate your past excellence, and neuer more acquaint them with your
admired inuentions. I know the best husband of you all will neuer proue an
Vsurer, and the kindest of them all wil neuer prooue a kinde nurse: yet,
whilst you may, seeke you better Maisters; for it is pittie men of such rare
wits, should be subiect to the pleasures of such rude groomes. In this I
might insert two more, that both haue writ against these buckram
Gentlemen: but let their owne works serue to witnesse against their owne
wickednesse, if they perseuer to maintaine any more such peasants. For
other new commers, I leaue them to the mercie of these painted monsters,
who (I doubt not) will driue the best minded to despise them: for the rest, it
skils not though they make a ieast at them.’ Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Greene.
xlix. 1592. Henry Chettle.
[From Kind-Harts Dreame. Conteining fiue Apparitions, with their Inuectiues
against abuses raigning. Deliuered by seuerall Ghosts vnto him to be publisht ... by
H. C. (n. d.). The tract was entered in the Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 623) on 8
Dec. 1592. The Ghosts are those of Anthony Now Now a fiddler, William Cuckoe a
juggler, Doctor Burcot a physician, Robert Greene, and Richard Tarlton. Greene died
in Sept. 1592. The Epistle is signed by Henry Chettle (cf. ch. xxiii). The whole is
reprinted by C. M. Ingleby in Part I (1874) of the Shakspere Allusion-Books of the
New Shakspere Society.]
P. 37. To the Gentlemen Readers. ‘About three moneths since died M.
Robert Greene, leauing many papers in sundry Booke sellers hands, among
for commonly when vulgar men recieue earnest, they doe performe; when I
am paid any thing afore-hand, I breake my promise.... To those Gentlemen,
his Quondam acquaintance, that spend their wits in making Plaies, R. G.
wisheth a better exercise, and wisdome to preuent his extremities.... Base
minded men al three of you, if by my miserie ye be not warned: for vnto
none of you (like me) sought those burres to cleaue: those Puppits (I meane)
that speake from our mouths, those Anticks garnisht in our colours. Is it not
strange that I, to whom they al haue beene beholding: is it not like that you,
to whome they all haue beene beholding, shall (were ye in that case that I
am now) be both at once of them forsaken? Yes, trust them not: for there is
an vpstart Crow, beautified with our feathers, that with his Tygers heart
wrapt in a Players hide, supposes he is as well able to bumbast out a blank
verse as the best of you: and being an absolute Iohannes fac totum, is in his
owne conceit the onely Shake-scene in a countrie. O that I might intreate
your rare wits to be imployed in more profitable courses: & let these Apes
imitate your past excellence, and neuer more acquaint them with your
admired inuentions. I know the best husband of you all will neuer proue an
Vsurer, and the kindest of them all wil neuer prooue a kinde nurse: yet,
whilst you may, seeke you better Maisters; for it is pittie men of such rare
wits, should be subiect to the pleasures of such rude groomes. In this I
might insert two more, that both haue writ against these buckram
Gentlemen: but let their owne works serue to witnesse against their owne
wickednesse, if they perseuer to maintaine any more such peasants. For
other new commers, I leaue them to the mercie of these painted monsters,
who (I doubt not) will driue the best minded to despise them: for the rest, it
skils not though they make a ieast at them.’ Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Greene.
xlix. 1592. Henry Chettle.
[From Kind-Harts Dreame. Conteining fiue Apparitions, with their Inuectiues
against abuses raigning. Deliuered by seuerall Ghosts vnto him to be publisht ... by
H. C. (n. d.). The tract was entered in the Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 623) on 8
Dec. 1592. The Ghosts are those of Anthony Now Now a fiddler, William Cuckoe a
juggler, Doctor Burcot a physician, Robert Greene, and Richard Tarlton. Greene died
in Sept. 1592. The Epistle is signed by Henry Chettle (cf. ch. xxiii). The whole is
reprinted by C. M. Ingleby in Part I (1874) of the Shakspere Allusion-Books of the
New Shakspere Society.]
P. 37. To the Gentlemen Readers. ‘About three moneths since died M.
Robert Greene, leauing many papers in sundry Booke sellers hands, among
Page 279
other his Groatsworth of wit, in which a letter written to diuers playmakers,
is offensiuely by one or two of them taken; and because on the dead they
cannot be auenged, they wilfully forge in their conceites a liuing Author:
and after tossing it two and fro, no remedy, but it must light on me. How I
haue all the time of my conuersing in printing hindered the bitter inueying
against schollers, it hath been very well knowne; and how in that I dealt, I
can sufficiently prooue. With neither of them that take offence was I
acquainted, and with one of them I care not if I neuer be: The other, whome
at that time I did not so much spare, as since I wish I had, for that as I haue
moderated the heate of liuing writers, and might haue vsde my owne
discretion (especially in such a case) the Author beeing dead, that I did not,
I am as sory as if the originall fault had beene my fault, because my selfe
haue seene his demeanor no lesse ciuill, than he exelent in the qualitie he
professes: Besides, diuers of worship haue reported his vprightnes of
dealing, which argues his honesty, and his facetious grace in writting, that
aprooues his Art. For the first, whose learning I reuerence, and at the
perusing of Greenes Booke, stroke out what then in conscience I thought he
in some displeasure writ: or had it beene true, yet to publish it, was
intollerable: him I would wish to vse me no worse than I deserue. I had
onely in the copy this share: it was il written, as sometime Greenes hand
was none of the best; licensd it must be, ere it could bee printed, which
could neuer be if it might not be read. To be breife, I writ it ouer; and as
neare as I could, followed the copy; onely in that letter I put something out,
but in the whole booke not a worde in; for I protest it was all Greenes, not
mine nor Maister Nashes, as some vniustly haue affirmed.’ Henrie
Chettle.... The Dreame. P. 43. ‘There entered at once fiue personages.... The
next, by his sute of russet, his buttond cap, his taber, his standing on the toe,
and other tricks, I knew to be either the body or resemblaunce of Tarlton,
who liuing, for his pleasant conceits was of all men liked, and dying, for
mirth left not his like.... With him was the fifth, a man of indifferent yeares,
of face amible, of body well proportioned, his attire after the habite of a
schollerlike Gentleman, onely his haire was somewhat long, whome I
supposed to be Robert Greene, maister of Artes: of whome (howe euer
some suppose themselues iniured) I haue learned to speake, considering he
is dead, nill nisi necessarium. He was of singuler pleasaunce the verye
supporter, and, to no man’s disgrace bee this intended, the only Comedian
of a vulgar writer in this country.’ P. 63. To all maligners of honest mirth,
is offensiuely by one or two of them taken; and because on the dead they
cannot be auenged, they wilfully forge in their conceites a liuing Author:
and after tossing it two and fro, no remedy, but it must light on me. How I
haue all the time of my conuersing in printing hindered the bitter inueying
against schollers, it hath been very well knowne; and how in that I dealt, I
can sufficiently prooue. With neither of them that take offence was I
acquainted, and with one of them I care not if I neuer be: The other, whome
at that time I did not so much spare, as since I wish I had, for that as I haue
moderated the heate of liuing writers, and might haue vsde my owne
discretion (especially in such a case) the Author beeing dead, that I did not,
I am as sory as if the originall fault had beene my fault, because my selfe
haue seene his demeanor no lesse ciuill, than he exelent in the qualitie he
professes: Besides, diuers of worship haue reported his vprightnes of
dealing, which argues his honesty, and his facetious grace in writting, that
aprooues his Art. For the first, whose learning I reuerence, and at the
perusing of Greenes Booke, stroke out what then in conscience I thought he
in some displeasure writ: or had it beene true, yet to publish it, was
intollerable: him I would wish to vse me no worse than I deserue. I had
onely in the copy this share: it was il written, as sometime Greenes hand
was none of the best; licensd it must be, ere it could bee printed, which
could neuer be if it might not be read. To be breife, I writ it ouer; and as
neare as I could, followed the copy; onely in that letter I put something out,
but in the whole booke not a worde in; for I protest it was all Greenes, not
mine nor Maister Nashes, as some vniustly haue affirmed.’ Henrie
Chettle.... The Dreame. P. 43. ‘There entered at once fiue personages.... The
next, by his sute of russet, his buttond cap, his taber, his standing on the toe,
and other tricks, I knew to be either the body or resemblaunce of Tarlton,
who liuing, for his pleasant conceits was of all men liked, and dying, for
mirth left not his like.... With him was the fifth, a man of indifferent yeares,
of face amible, of body well proportioned, his attire after the habite of a
schollerlike Gentleman, onely his haire was somewhat long, whome I
supposed to be Robert Greene, maister of Artes: of whome (howe euer
some suppose themselues iniured) I haue learned to speake, considering he
is dead, nill nisi necessarium. He was of singuler pleasaunce the verye
supporter, and, to no man’s disgrace bee this intended, the only Comedian
of a vulgar writer in this country.’ P. 63. To all maligners of honest mirth,
Page 280
Tarleton wisheth continuall melancholy. ‘Now Maisters, what say you to a
merrie knaue, that for this two years day hath not beene talkt of. Wil you
giue him leaue, if he can, to make ye laugh? What, all a mort? No merry
countenance? Nay then I see hypocrisie hath the vpper hand, and her spirit
raignes in this profitable generation. Sith it is thus, Ile be a time-pleaser. Fie
vppon following plaies, the expence is wondrous; vpon players speeches,
their wordes are full of wyles; vppon their gestures, that are altogether
wanton. Is it not lamentable, that a man should spende his two pence on
them in an after-noone, heare couetousnes amongst them daily quipt at,
being one of the commonest occupations in the countrey; and in liuely
gesture see trecherie set out, with which euery man now adaies vseth to
intrap his brother. Byr lady, this would be lookt into: if these be the fruites
of playing, tis time the practisers were expeld. Expeld (quoth you); that hath
been pretily performd, to the no smal profit of the Bouling-allyes in Bedlam
and other places, that were wont in the after-noones to be left empty, by the
recourse of good fellows vnto that vnprofitable recreation of Stage-playing.
And it were not much amisse, would they ioine with the Dicing houses to
make sute againe for their longer restraint, though the sicknesse cease. Is
not this well saide (my maisters) of an olde buttond cappe, that hath most
part of his life liu’d vppon that against which he inueighs: Yes, and
worthily.’ Suppression of plays to the advantage of bawdy-houses,
especially those not near Shoreditch. Discourse with a pander. P. 65. ‘And
you, sir, find fault with plaies. Out vpon them, they spoile our trade, as you
your selfe haue proued. Beside, they open our crosse-biting, our conny-
catching, our traines, our traps, our gins, our snares, our subtilties: for no
sooner haue we a tricke of deceipt, but they make it common, singing Iigs,
and making ieasts of vs, that euerie boy can point out our houses as they
passe by. Whither now Tarlton? this is extempore, out of time, tune, and
temper.... Thy selfe once a Player, and against Players: nay, turne out the
right side of thy russet coate, and lette the world know thy meaning. Why
thus I meane, for now I speake in sobernes. Euery thing hath in it selfe his
vertue and his vice: from one selfe flower the Bee and Spider sucke honny
and poyson. In plaies it fares as in bookes, vice cannot be reproued, except
it be discouered: neither is it in any play discouered, but there followes in
the same an example of the punishment: now he that at a play will be
delighted in the one, and not warned by the other, is like him that reads in a
booke the description of sinne, and will not looke ouer the leafe for the
merrie knaue, that for this two years day hath not beene talkt of. Wil you
giue him leaue, if he can, to make ye laugh? What, all a mort? No merry
countenance? Nay then I see hypocrisie hath the vpper hand, and her spirit
raignes in this profitable generation. Sith it is thus, Ile be a time-pleaser. Fie
vppon following plaies, the expence is wondrous; vpon players speeches,
their wordes are full of wyles; vppon their gestures, that are altogether
wanton. Is it not lamentable, that a man should spende his two pence on
them in an after-noone, heare couetousnes amongst them daily quipt at,
being one of the commonest occupations in the countrey; and in liuely
gesture see trecherie set out, with which euery man now adaies vseth to
intrap his brother. Byr lady, this would be lookt into: if these be the fruites
of playing, tis time the practisers were expeld. Expeld (quoth you); that hath
been pretily performd, to the no smal profit of the Bouling-allyes in Bedlam
and other places, that were wont in the after-noones to be left empty, by the
recourse of good fellows vnto that vnprofitable recreation of Stage-playing.
And it were not much amisse, would they ioine with the Dicing houses to
make sute againe for their longer restraint, though the sicknesse cease. Is
not this well saide (my maisters) of an olde buttond cappe, that hath most
part of his life liu’d vppon that against which he inueighs: Yes, and
worthily.’ Suppression of plays to the advantage of bawdy-houses,
especially those not near Shoreditch. Discourse with a pander. P. 65. ‘And
you, sir, find fault with plaies. Out vpon them, they spoile our trade, as you
your selfe haue proued. Beside, they open our crosse-biting, our conny-
catching, our traines, our traps, our gins, our snares, our subtilties: for no
sooner haue we a tricke of deceipt, but they make it common, singing Iigs,
and making ieasts of vs, that euerie boy can point out our houses as they
passe by. Whither now Tarlton? this is extempore, out of time, tune, and
temper.... Thy selfe once a Player, and against Players: nay, turne out the
right side of thy russet coate, and lette the world know thy meaning. Why
thus I meane, for now I speake in sobernes. Euery thing hath in it selfe his
vertue and his vice: from one selfe flower the Bee and Spider sucke honny
and poyson. In plaies it fares as in bookes, vice cannot be reproued, except
it be discouered: neither is it in any play discouered, but there followes in
the same an example of the punishment: now he that at a play will be
delighted in the one, and not warned by the other, is like him that reads in a
booke the description of sinne, and will not looke ouer the leafe for the
Page 281
reward. Mirth in seasonable time taken, is not forbidden by the austerest
Sapients. But indeede there is a time of mirth and a time of mourning.
Which time hauing been by the Magistrats wisely obserued, as well for the
suppressing of Playes, as other pleasures: so likewise a time may come,
when honest recreation shall haue his former libertie. And lette Tarleton
intreate the yoong people of the Cittie, either to abstaine altogether from
playes, or at their comming thither to vse themselues after a more quiet
order. In a place so ciuill as this Cittie is esteemed, it is more than
barbarously rude, to see the shamefull disorder and routes that sometimes in
such publike meetings are vsed. The beginners are neither gentlemen, nor
citizens, nor any of both their seruants, but some lewd mates that long for
innouation; & when they see aduantage, that either Seruingmen or
Apprentises are most in number, they will be of either side, though indeed
they are of no side, but men beside all honestie, willing to make boote of
cloakes, hats, purses, or what euer they can lay holde on in a hurley burley.
These are the common causers of discord in publike places. If otherwise it
happen (as it seldome doth) that any quarrell be betweene man and man, it
is far from manhood to make so publike a place their field to fight in: no
men will doe it, but cowardes that would faine be parted, or haue hope to
haue many partakers. Nowe to you that maligne our moderate merriments,
and thinke there is no felicitie but in excessiue possession of wealth: with
you I would ende in a song, yea an Extempore song on this Theame, Ne
quid nimis necessarium: but I am now hoarse, and troubled with my Taber
and Pipe: beside, what pleasure brings musicke to the miserable. Therefore
letting songes passe, I tell them in sadnes, how euer Playes are not
altogether to be commended: yet some of them do more hurt in a day, than
all the Players (by exercizing theyr profession) in an age. Faults there are in
the professors as other men, this the greatest, that diuers of them beeing
publike in euerie ones eye, and talkt of in euery vulgar mans mouth, see not
how they are seene into, especially for their contempt, which makes them
among most men most contemptible. Of them I will say no more: of the
profession, so much hath Pierce Pennilesse (as I heare say) spoken, that for
mee there is not any thing to speake. So wishing the chearefull, pleasaunce
endlesse; and the wilfull sullen, sorrow till they surfet; with a turne on the
toe I take my leaue. Richard Tarleton.’
l. 1592–9. John Rainolds v. William Gager and Alberico Gentili.
Sapients. But indeede there is a time of mirth and a time of mourning.
Which time hauing been by the Magistrats wisely obserued, as well for the
suppressing of Playes, as other pleasures: so likewise a time may come,
when honest recreation shall haue his former libertie. And lette Tarleton
intreate the yoong people of the Cittie, either to abstaine altogether from
playes, or at their comming thither to vse themselues after a more quiet
order. In a place so ciuill as this Cittie is esteemed, it is more than
barbarously rude, to see the shamefull disorder and routes that sometimes in
such publike meetings are vsed. The beginners are neither gentlemen, nor
citizens, nor any of both their seruants, but some lewd mates that long for
innouation; & when they see aduantage, that either Seruingmen or
Apprentises are most in number, they will be of either side, though indeed
they are of no side, but men beside all honestie, willing to make boote of
cloakes, hats, purses, or what euer they can lay holde on in a hurley burley.
These are the common causers of discord in publike places. If otherwise it
happen (as it seldome doth) that any quarrell be betweene man and man, it
is far from manhood to make so publike a place their field to fight in: no
men will doe it, but cowardes that would faine be parted, or haue hope to
haue many partakers. Nowe to you that maligne our moderate merriments,
and thinke there is no felicitie but in excessiue possession of wealth: with
you I would ende in a song, yea an Extempore song on this Theame, Ne
quid nimis necessarium: but I am now hoarse, and troubled with my Taber
and Pipe: beside, what pleasure brings musicke to the miserable. Therefore
letting songes passe, I tell them in sadnes, how euer Playes are not
altogether to be commended: yet some of them do more hurt in a day, than
all the Players (by exercizing theyr profession) in an age. Faults there are in
the professors as other men, this the greatest, that diuers of them beeing
publike in euerie ones eye, and talkt of in euery vulgar mans mouth, see not
how they are seene into, especially for their contempt, which makes them
among most men most contemptible. Of them I will say no more: of the
profession, so much hath Pierce Pennilesse (as I heare say) spoken, that for
mee there is not any thing to speake. So wishing the chearefull, pleasaunce
endlesse; and the wilfull sullen, sorrow till they surfet; with a turne on the
toe I take my leaue. Richard Tarleton.’
l. 1592–9. John Rainolds v. William Gager and Alberico Gentili.
Page 282
[A controversy arising out of criticism by Rainolds on the legitimacy of academic
drama is contained in (a) Gager’s Momus and Epilogus Responsiuus, written c. Jan.
1592, spoken 8 Feb., printed with additional matter c. May (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Gager,
Ulysses Redux; (b) Rainolds to Thomas Thornton, 6 Feb. 1592; (c) Rainolds to Gager,
10 July 1592; (d) Gager to Rainolds, 31 July 1592; (e) Rainolds to Gager, 30 May
1593; (f) Gentili, Commentatio de Professoribus et Medicis, printed with Ad Titulum
de Maleficis et Mathematicis Commentarius (1593, with epistle of 26 June 1593;
1604); (g) Gentili to Rainolds, 7 July 1593; (h) Rainolds to Gentili, 10 July 1593; (i)
Gentili to Rainolds, 14 July 1593; (k) Rainolds to Gentili, 5 Aug. 1593; (l) two further
letters by Gentili and two by Rainolds, who ends the correspondence on 12 Mar.
1594; (m) Gentili, De Actoribus et Spectatoribus Fabularum non Notandis Disputatio
(1599, with epistle of 14 Oct. 1597; reprinted in Gronovius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum,
viii); (n) Th’ Overthrow of Stage-Players (1599, no imprint, with epistle from Printer
to Reader; 1600; 1629). This is a print of (c), (e), (g), (h), (i), (k). All the twelve letters
are in Oxon. C.C.C. MS. 352 and some in Queen’s Coll. MS. 359; a collection in Univ.
Coll. MS. 157 is lost, but probably added no more. Rainolds is satirized in the Queen’s
College, Cambridge, play of Fucus Histriomastix (1623, ed. G. C. Moore Smith,
1909), probably by Robert Ward.]
The academic controversy is fully summarized by F. S. Boas in
Fortnightly Review for August 1907 and University Drama in the Tudor
Age (1914), 229, together with the analysis of Gager’s defence by K. Young
in An Elizabethan Defence of the Stage (1916, Wisconsin Shakespeare
Studies, 103). I only quote the reference in the Epistle to Th’ Overthrow of
1599 to ‘Men ... that haue not been afraied of late dayes to bring vpon the
Stage the very sober countenances, graue attire, modest and matronelike
gestures, and speaches of men & women to be laughed at as a scorne and
reproch to the world’.
li. 1597 (?). John Harington.
[From A Treatise on Playe, printed in Nugae, i. 191. I retain Park’s date of ‘circa
1597’, although I doubt whether it is based on anything but a conjecture that ‘this
deere yeer’ (204) may be 1595 or 1597, and the latest definite event referred to is the
death of Hatton on 20 Nov. 1591. The treatise deals mainly with gambling.]
One sayd merely that ‘enterludes weare the divells sarmons, and jesters
the divells confessors; thease for the most part disgracing of vertue, and
those not a little gracinge of vices’. But, for my part, I commend not such
sowere censurers, but I thinke in stage-playes may bee much good, in well-
penned comedies, and specially tragedies; and I remember, in Cambridge,
howsoever the presyser sort have banisht them, the wyser sort did, and still
doe mayntayn them.
lii. 1598. Francis Meres.
drama is contained in (a) Gager’s Momus and Epilogus Responsiuus, written c. Jan.
1592, spoken 8 Feb., printed with additional matter c. May (cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Gager,
Ulysses Redux; (b) Rainolds to Thomas Thornton, 6 Feb. 1592; (c) Rainolds to Gager,
10 July 1592; (d) Gager to Rainolds, 31 July 1592; (e) Rainolds to Gager, 30 May
1593; (f) Gentili, Commentatio de Professoribus et Medicis, printed with Ad Titulum
de Maleficis et Mathematicis Commentarius (1593, with epistle of 26 June 1593;
1604); (g) Gentili to Rainolds, 7 July 1593; (h) Rainolds to Gentili, 10 July 1593; (i)
Gentili to Rainolds, 14 July 1593; (k) Rainolds to Gentili, 5 Aug. 1593; (l) two further
letters by Gentili and two by Rainolds, who ends the correspondence on 12 Mar.
1594; (m) Gentili, De Actoribus et Spectatoribus Fabularum non Notandis Disputatio
(1599, with epistle of 14 Oct. 1597; reprinted in Gronovius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum,
viii); (n) Th’ Overthrow of Stage-Players (1599, no imprint, with epistle from Printer
to Reader; 1600; 1629). This is a print of (c), (e), (g), (h), (i), (k). All the twelve letters
are in Oxon. C.C.C. MS. 352 and some in Queen’s Coll. MS. 359; a collection in Univ.
Coll. MS. 157 is lost, but probably added no more. Rainolds is satirized in the Queen’s
College, Cambridge, play of Fucus Histriomastix (1623, ed. G. C. Moore Smith,
1909), probably by Robert Ward.]
The academic controversy is fully summarized by F. S. Boas in
Fortnightly Review for August 1907 and University Drama in the Tudor
Age (1914), 229, together with the analysis of Gager’s defence by K. Young
in An Elizabethan Defence of the Stage (1916, Wisconsin Shakespeare
Studies, 103). I only quote the reference in the Epistle to Th’ Overthrow of
1599 to ‘Men ... that haue not been afraied of late dayes to bring vpon the
Stage the very sober countenances, graue attire, modest and matronelike
gestures, and speaches of men & women to be laughed at as a scorne and
reproch to the world’.
li. 1597 (?). John Harington.
[From A Treatise on Playe, printed in Nugae, i. 191. I retain Park’s date of ‘circa
1597’, although I doubt whether it is based on anything but a conjecture that ‘this
deere yeer’ (204) may be 1595 or 1597, and the latest definite event referred to is the
death of Hatton on 20 Nov. 1591. The treatise deals mainly with gambling.]
One sayd merely that ‘enterludes weare the divells sarmons, and jesters
the divells confessors; thease for the most part disgracing of vertue, and
those not a little gracinge of vices’. But, for my part, I commend not such
sowere censurers, but I thinke in stage-playes may bee much good, in well-
penned comedies, and specially tragedies; and I remember, in Cambridge,
howsoever the presyser sort have banisht them, the wyser sort did, and still
doe mayntayn them.
lii. 1598. Francis Meres.
Page 283
[From Palladis Tamia: Wit’s Treasury (S. R. 7 Sept. 1598). The general attitude of
the treatise is humanist, but it is only of value for the incidental notices and
appreciations of contemporary writers given in a rather fantastic series of parallels
between classical and Elizabethan literature. Fuller extracts, including some
personalia on Shakespeare and other playwrights, not reprinted here, are in C. M.
Ingleby, Shakspere Allusion-Books, Part I (1874, N. S. S.), 151, and Gregory Smith, ii.
308.]
Our famous and learned Lawreat masters of England would entitle our
English to far greater admired excellency if either the Emperor Augustus, or
Octauia his sister, or noble Mecaenas were aliue to rewarde and
countenaunce them; or if our witty Comedians and stately Tragedians (the
glorious and goodlie representers of all fine witte, glorified phrase, and
queint action) bee still supported and vphelde, by which meanes for lacke of
Patrones (O ingratefull and damned age) our Poets are soly or chiefly
maintained, countenaunced, and patronized....
... A comparatiue discourse of our English poets with the Greeke,
Latine, and Italian poets....
... As Plautus and Seneca are accounted the best for Comedy and
Tragedy among the Latines: so Shakespeare among the English is the most
excellent in both kinds for the stage. For Comedy, witnes his Gentlemen of
Verona, his Errors, his Loue Labors Lost, his Loue Labours Wonne, his
Midsummers Night Dreame, and his Merchant of Venice; For Tragedy, his
Richard the 2, Richard the 3, Henry the 4, King Iohn, Titus Andronicus, and
his Romeo and Iuliet....
... These are our best for Tragedie, The Lorde Buckhurst, Doctor Leg of
Cambridge, Doctor Edes of Oxford, Master Edward Ferris, the author of the
Mirror for Magistrates, Marlow, Peele, Watson, Kid, Shakespeare, Drayton,
Chapman, Decker, and Beniamin Iohnson.
As M. Anneus Lucanus writ two excellent tragedies, one called Medea,
the other De incendio Troiae cum Priami calamitate: so Doctor Leg hath
penned two famous tragedies, the one of Richard the 3, the other of The
Destruction of Ierusalem....
... The best for Comedy amongst vs bee Edward, Earle of Oxforde,
Doctor Gager of Oxforde, Master Rowley, once a rare scholler of learned
Pembrooke Hall in Cambridge, Maister Edwardes, one of Her Maiesties
Chappell, eloquent and wittie Iohn Lilly, Lodge, Gascoyne, Greene,
the treatise is humanist, but it is only of value for the incidental notices and
appreciations of contemporary writers given in a rather fantastic series of parallels
between classical and Elizabethan literature. Fuller extracts, including some
personalia on Shakespeare and other playwrights, not reprinted here, are in C. M.
Ingleby, Shakspere Allusion-Books, Part I (1874, N. S. S.), 151, and Gregory Smith, ii.
308.]
Our famous and learned Lawreat masters of England would entitle our
English to far greater admired excellency if either the Emperor Augustus, or
Octauia his sister, or noble Mecaenas were aliue to rewarde and
countenaunce them; or if our witty Comedians and stately Tragedians (the
glorious and goodlie representers of all fine witte, glorified phrase, and
queint action) bee still supported and vphelde, by which meanes for lacke of
Patrones (O ingratefull and damned age) our Poets are soly or chiefly
maintained, countenaunced, and patronized....
... A comparatiue discourse of our English poets with the Greeke,
Latine, and Italian poets....
... As Plautus and Seneca are accounted the best for Comedy and
Tragedy among the Latines: so Shakespeare among the English is the most
excellent in both kinds for the stage. For Comedy, witnes his Gentlemen of
Verona, his Errors, his Loue Labors Lost, his Loue Labours Wonne, his
Midsummers Night Dreame, and his Merchant of Venice; For Tragedy, his
Richard the 2, Richard the 3, Henry the 4, King Iohn, Titus Andronicus, and
his Romeo and Iuliet....
... These are our best for Tragedie, The Lorde Buckhurst, Doctor Leg of
Cambridge, Doctor Edes of Oxford, Master Edward Ferris, the author of the
Mirror for Magistrates, Marlow, Peele, Watson, Kid, Shakespeare, Drayton,
Chapman, Decker, and Beniamin Iohnson.
As M. Anneus Lucanus writ two excellent tragedies, one called Medea,
the other De incendio Troiae cum Priami calamitate: so Doctor Leg hath
penned two famous tragedies, the one of Richard the 3, the other of The
Destruction of Ierusalem....
... The best for Comedy amongst vs bee Edward, Earle of Oxforde,
Doctor Gager of Oxforde, Master Rowley, once a rare scholler of learned
Pembrooke Hall in Cambridge, Maister Edwardes, one of Her Maiesties
Chappell, eloquent and wittie Iohn Lilly, Lodge, Gascoyne, Greene,
Page 284
Shakespeare, Thomas Nash, Thomas Heywood, Anthony Mundye, our best
plotter, Chapman, Porter, Wilson, Hathway, and Henry Chettle....
As Georgius Buchananus’ Iepthae amongst all moderne Tragedies is able
to abide the touch of Aristotle’s precepts and Euripedes’s examples: so is
Bishop Watson’s Absalon. As ... Watson for his Antigone out of Sophocles,
ha[s] got good commendations: so these versifiers for their learned
translations are of good note among vs ... the Translators of Seneca’s
Tragedies, ... As Antipater Sidonius was famous for extemporall verse in
Greeke, and Ouid for his Quicquid conabar dicere versus erat: so was our
Tarleton, of whome Doctor Case, that learned physitian, thus speaketh in
the Seuenth Booke and seuenteenth chapter of his Politikes: Aristoteles
suum Theodoretum laudauit quendam peritum Tragœdiarum actorem,
Cicero suum Roscium: nos Angli Tarletonum, in cuius voce et vultu omnes
iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso capite lepidae facetiae habitant. And so
is now our wittie Wilson, who for learning and extemporall witte in this
facultie is without compare or compeere, as, to his great and eternall
commendations, he manifested in his challenge at the Swanne on the Banke
Side.
liii. 1603. Henry Crosse.
[From Vertues Commonwealth: Or The Highway to Honour, reprinted in A. B.
Grosart, Occasional Issues, vii (1878), 111.]
Must the holy Prophets and Patriarkes be set vpon a Stage, to be derided,
hist, and laught at? or is it fit that the infirmities of holy men should be
acted on a Stage, whereby others may be inharted to rush carelessly forward
into vnbrideled libertie?... Furthermore, there is no passion wherwith the
king, the soueraigne maiestie of the Realme was possest, but is amplified,
and openly sported with, and made a May-game to all the beholders.... If a
man will learne to be proud, fantasticke, humorous, to make love, sweare,
swagger, and in a word closely doo any villanie, for a twopenny almes hee
may be throughly taught and made a perfect good scholler.... And as these
copper-lace gentlemen growe rich, purchase lands by adulterous Playes, &
not fewe of them vsurers and extortioners, which they exhaust out of the
purses of their haunters, so are they puft vp in such pride and selfe-loue, as
they enuie their equalles, and scorne theyr inferiours.... But especially these
nocturnall and night Playes, at vnseasonable and vndue times, more greater
euils must necessarily proceed of them, because they do not onely hide and
plotter, Chapman, Porter, Wilson, Hathway, and Henry Chettle....
As Georgius Buchananus’ Iepthae amongst all moderne Tragedies is able
to abide the touch of Aristotle’s precepts and Euripedes’s examples: so is
Bishop Watson’s Absalon. As ... Watson for his Antigone out of Sophocles,
ha[s] got good commendations: so these versifiers for their learned
translations are of good note among vs ... the Translators of Seneca’s
Tragedies, ... As Antipater Sidonius was famous for extemporall verse in
Greeke, and Ouid for his Quicquid conabar dicere versus erat: so was our
Tarleton, of whome Doctor Case, that learned physitian, thus speaketh in
the Seuenth Booke and seuenteenth chapter of his Politikes: Aristoteles
suum Theodoretum laudauit quendam peritum Tragœdiarum actorem,
Cicero suum Roscium: nos Angli Tarletonum, in cuius voce et vultu omnes
iocosi affectus, in cuius cerebroso capite lepidae facetiae habitant. And so
is now our wittie Wilson, who for learning and extemporall witte in this
facultie is without compare or compeere, as, to his great and eternall
commendations, he manifested in his challenge at the Swanne on the Banke
Side.
liii. 1603. Henry Crosse.
[From Vertues Commonwealth: Or The Highway to Honour, reprinted in A. B.
Grosart, Occasional Issues, vii (1878), 111.]
Must the holy Prophets and Patriarkes be set vpon a Stage, to be derided,
hist, and laught at? or is it fit that the infirmities of holy men should be
acted on a Stage, whereby others may be inharted to rush carelessly forward
into vnbrideled libertie?... Furthermore, there is no passion wherwith the
king, the soueraigne maiestie of the Realme was possest, but is amplified,
and openly sported with, and made a May-game to all the beholders.... If a
man will learne to be proud, fantasticke, humorous, to make love, sweare,
swagger, and in a word closely doo any villanie, for a twopenny almes hee
may be throughly taught and made a perfect good scholler.... And as these
copper-lace gentlemen growe rich, purchase lands by adulterous Playes, &
not fewe of them vsurers and extortioners, which they exhaust out of the
purses of their haunters, so are they puft vp in such pride and selfe-loue, as
they enuie their equalles, and scorne theyr inferiours.... But especially these
nocturnall and night Playes, at vnseasonable and vndue times, more greater
euils must necessarily proceed of them, because they do not onely hide and
Page 285
couer the thiefe, but also entice seruants out of their maisters houses,
wherby opportunitie is offered to loose fellowes, to effect many wicked
stratagems.... To conclude, it were further to be wished, that those admired
wittes of this age, Tragædians, and Comædians, that garnish Theaters with
their inuentions, would spend their wittes in more profitable studies, and
leaue off to maintaine those Anticks, and Puppets, that speake out of their
mouthes: for it is pittie such noble giftes, should be so basely imployed, as
to prostitute their ingenious labours to inriche such buckorome gentlemen.
liv. 1604–5 (?). Ben Jonson.
[Prologue to Every Man In His Humour, first printed in Folio of 1616, and possibly
written for a Jacobean revival.]
Though neede make many Poets, and some such
As art, and nature haue not betterd much;
Yet ours, for want, hath not so lou’d the stage,
As he dare serue th’ill customes of the age:
Or purchase your delight at such a rate,
As, for it, he himselfe must iustly hate.
To make a child, now swadled, to proceede
Man, and then shoote vp, in one beard, and weede,
Past threescore yeeres: or, with three rustie swords,
And helpe of some few foot-and-halfe-foote words,
Fight ouer Yorke, and Lancasters long iarres:
And in the tyring-house bring wounds, to scarres.
He rather prayes, you will be pleas’d to see
One such, to day, as other playes should be.
Where neither Chorus wafts you ore the seas;
Nor creaking throne comes downe, the boyes to please;
Nor nimble squibbe is seene, to make afear’d
The gentlewomen; nor roul’d bullet heard
To say, it thunders; nor tempestuous drumme
Rumbles, to tell you when the storme doth come;
But deedes, and language, such as men doe vse:
And persons, such as Comœdie would chuse,
When she would shew an Image of the times,
And sport with humane follies, not with crimes.
Except, we make ‘hem such, by louing still
Our popular errors, when we know th’are ill.
I meane such errors as you’ll all confesse
By laughing at them, they deserue no lesse:
Which when you heartily doe, there’s hope left, then,
You, that haue so grac’d monsters, may like men.
lv. 1607. Ben Jonson.
wherby opportunitie is offered to loose fellowes, to effect many wicked
stratagems.... To conclude, it were further to be wished, that those admired
wittes of this age, Tragædians, and Comædians, that garnish Theaters with
their inuentions, would spend their wittes in more profitable studies, and
leaue off to maintaine those Anticks, and Puppets, that speake out of their
mouthes: for it is pittie such noble giftes, should be so basely imployed, as
to prostitute their ingenious labours to inriche such buckorome gentlemen.
liv. 1604–5 (?). Ben Jonson.
[Prologue to Every Man In His Humour, first printed in Folio of 1616, and possibly
written for a Jacobean revival.]
Though neede make many Poets, and some such
As art, and nature haue not betterd much;
Yet ours, for want, hath not so lou’d the stage,
As he dare serue th’ill customes of the age:
Or purchase your delight at such a rate,
As, for it, he himselfe must iustly hate.
To make a child, now swadled, to proceede
Man, and then shoote vp, in one beard, and weede,
Past threescore yeeres: or, with three rustie swords,
And helpe of some few foot-and-halfe-foote words,
Fight ouer Yorke, and Lancasters long iarres:
And in the tyring-house bring wounds, to scarres.
He rather prayes, you will be pleas’d to see
One such, to day, as other playes should be.
Where neither Chorus wafts you ore the seas;
Nor creaking throne comes downe, the boyes to please;
Nor nimble squibbe is seene, to make afear’d
The gentlewomen; nor roul’d bullet heard
To say, it thunders; nor tempestuous drumme
Rumbles, to tell you when the storme doth come;
But deedes, and language, such as men doe vse:
And persons, such as Comœdie would chuse,
When she would shew an Image of the times,
And sport with humane follies, not with crimes.
Except, we make ‘hem such, by louing still
Our popular errors, when we know th’are ill.
I meane such errors as you’ll all confesse
By laughing at them, they deserue no lesse:
Which when you heartily doe, there’s hope left, then,
You, that haue so grac’d monsters, may like men.
lv. 1607. Ben Jonson.
Page 286
[From Epistle to Volpone (cf. ch. xxiii).]
Hence is it, that I now render my selfe gratefull, and am studious to
iustifie the bounty of your act: To which, though your mere authority were
satisfying, yet it being an age wherein Poëtry and the Professors of it heare
so ill on all sides, there will a reason bee look’d for in the subject. It is
certaine, nor can it with any forehead be oppos’d, that the too-much licence
of Poëtasters in this time hath much deform’d their Mistresse; that euery
day their manifold and manifest ignorance doth stick vnnaturall reproches
vpon her. But for their petulancy, it were an act of the greatest iniustice,
either to let the learned suffer, or so diuine a skill (which indeed should not
be attempted with vncleane hands) to fall vnder the least contempt. For if
men will impartially, and not à-squint, looke toward the offices and function
of a Poët, they will easily conclude to themselues the impossibility of any
mans being the good Poët, without first being a good Man. He that is sayd
to be able to informe yong-men to all good disciplines, inflame growne-men
to all great vertues, keepe old men in their best and supreme state, or as they
decline to child-hood, recouer them to their first strength; that comes forth
the Interpreter and Arbiter of Nature, a Teacher of things diuine no lesse
than humane, a Master in manners; and can alone, or with a few, effect the
busines of Mankind. This, I take him, is no subject for Pride and Ignorance
to exercise their railing rhetorique vpon. But it will here be hastily
answer’d, that the Writers of these dayes are other things; that not onely
their manners, but their natures, are inuerted, and nothing remaining with
them of the dignity of Poët, but the abused name, which euery Scribe
vsurpes; that now, especially in Dramatick, or (as they terme it) Stage-
Poëtry, nothing but Ribaldry, Profanation, Blasphemy, al Licence of offence
to God, and Man, is practisd. I dare not deny a great part of this, and am
sory I dare not: because in some mens abortiue Features (and would they
had neuer boasted the light) it is ouer-true. But that all are embarqu’d in this
bold aduenture for Hell, is a most vncharitable thought, and vtterd, a more
malicious slander. For my particular, I can, and from a most cleare
conscience, affirme, that I haue euer trembled to thinke toward the least
Prophanenesse; haue loathed the vse of such foule and vn-washd Baudr’y,
as is now made the foode of the Scene.
lvi. 1608. William Crashaw.
[From The Sermon preached at the Crosse, Feb. xiiij. 1607 (1608, 2nd ed. 1609).
Crashaw was preacher at the Inner Temple and father of Richard Crashaw, the poet.
Hence is it, that I now render my selfe gratefull, and am studious to
iustifie the bounty of your act: To which, though your mere authority were
satisfying, yet it being an age wherein Poëtry and the Professors of it heare
so ill on all sides, there will a reason bee look’d for in the subject. It is
certaine, nor can it with any forehead be oppos’d, that the too-much licence
of Poëtasters in this time hath much deform’d their Mistresse; that euery
day their manifold and manifest ignorance doth stick vnnaturall reproches
vpon her. But for their petulancy, it were an act of the greatest iniustice,
either to let the learned suffer, or so diuine a skill (which indeed should not
be attempted with vncleane hands) to fall vnder the least contempt. For if
men will impartially, and not à-squint, looke toward the offices and function
of a Poët, they will easily conclude to themselues the impossibility of any
mans being the good Poët, without first being a good Man. He that is sayd
to be able to informe yong-men to all good disciplines, inflame growne-men
to all great vertues, keepe old men in their best and supreme state, or as they
decline to child-hood, recouer them to their first strength; that comes forth
the Interpreter and Arbiter of Nature, a Teacher of things diuine no lesse
than humane, a Master in manners; and can alone, or with a few, effect the
busines of Mankind. This, I take him, is no subject for Pride and Ignorance
to exercise their railing rhetorique vpon. But it will here be hastily
answer’d, that the Writers of these dayes are other things; that not onely
their manners, but their natures, are inuerted, and nothing remaining with
them of the dignity of Poët, but the abused name, which euery Scribe
vsurpes; that now, especially in Dramatick, or (as they terme it) Stage-
Poëtry, nothing but Ribaldry, Profanation, Blasphemy, al Licence of offence
to God, and Man, is practisd. I dare not deny a great part of this, and am
sory I dare not: because in some mens abortiue Features (and would they
had neuer boasted the light) it is ouer-true. But that all are embarqu’d in this
bold aduenture for Hell, is a most vncharitable thought, and vtterd, a more
malicious slander. For my particular, I can, and from a most cleare
conscience, affirme, that I haue euer trembled to thinke toward the least
Prophanenesse; haue loathed the vse of such foule and vn-washd Baudr’y,
as is now made the foode of the Scene.
lvi. 1608. William Crashaw.
[From The Sermon preached at the Crosse, Feb. xiiij. 1607 (1608, 2nd ed. 1609).
Crashaw was preacher at the Inner Temple and father of Richard Crashaw, the poet.
Page 287
The hypocrites, Nicholas Saint-Tantlings and Simon Saint-Mary-Oueries, are
characters in The Puritan (1607). John Selden says in his Table Talk (1689; ed.
Reynolds, 134), ‘I never converted but two, the one was Mr. Crashaw from writing
against plays, by telling him a way how to understand that place, of putting on
woman’s apparel, which has nothing to do with the business’; cf. infra, s.v. Selden
(1616).]
P. 169. ‘Now there are also besides these two great Babels, certaine other
little pettie Babylons, namely, incurable sinnes amongst vs, ...’ P. 170. ‘2.
The vngodly Playes and Enterludes so rife in this nation: what are they but
a bastard of Babylon, a daughter of error and confusion, a hellish deuice
(the diuels owne recreation to mock at holy things) by him deliuered to the
Heathen, from them to the Papists, and from them to vs? Of this euill and
plague, the Church of God in all ages can say, truly and with a good
conscience, wee would haue healed her. [Quotes Tertullian and others.] ...
All this they are daily made to know, but all in vaine, they be children of
Babylon that will not bee healed: nay, they grow worse and worse, for now
they bring religion and holy things vpon the stage: no maruel though the
worthiest and mightiest men escape not, when God himselfe is so abused.
Two hypocrites must be brought foorth; and how shall they be described but
by these names, Nicolas S. Antlings, Simon S. Maryoueries. Thus hypocrisie
a child of hell must beare the names of two Churches of God, and two
wherein Gods name is called on publikely euery day in the yeere, and in
one of them his blessed word preached euerie day (an example scarce
matchable in the world): yet these two, wherin Gods name is thus glorified,
and our Church and State honoured, shall bee by these miscreants thus
dishonoured, and that not on the stage only, but euen in print.’ Complains of
profaneness, atheism, blasphemy, and profaning of Sabbath ‘which
generally in the countrie is their play day’. Calls on magistrate, lest God
take the matter into his own hand.
lvii. 1608 (?). Thomas Heywood.
[From An Apology for Actors. Containing three briefe Treatises. 1. Their Antiquity.
2. Their ancient Dignity. 3. The True Use of their Quality (1612), reprinted by William
Cartwright as The Actor’s Vindication (n.d., but according to Douce 1658) and in
1841 (Sh. Soc.). I think the treatise was probably written in 1607 and touched up in
1608, since (a) the series of actors named as dead ends with Sly, who died in Aug.
1608; (b) the Revels Office is located at St. John’s, which it lost about Feb. 1608; (c)
the frustrated Spanish landing in ‘Perin’ in Cornwall ‘some 12 yeares ago’ is probably
the abortive Spanish attempt to burn Pendennis Castle on Falmouth Harbour, 3 miles
from Penrhyn, which appears from S. P. D. Eliz. cclvi, 21, 40, and Dasent, xxv. 15, to
have taken place in the autumn of 1595, probably in connexion with the better-known
characters in The Puritan (1607). John Selden says in his Table Talk (1689; ed.
Reynolds, 134), ‘I never converted but two, the one was Mr. Crashaw from writing
against plays, by telling him a way how to understand that place, of putting on
woman’s apparel, which has nothing to do with the business’; cf. infra, s.v. Selden
(1616).]
P. 169. ‘Now there are also besides these two great Babels, certaine other
little pettie Babylons, namely, incurable sinnes amongst vs, ...’ P. 170. ‘2.
The vngodly Playes and Enterludes so rife in this nation: what are they but
a bastard of Babylon, a daughter of error and confusion, a hellish deuice
(the diuels owne recreation to mock at holy things) by him deliuered to the
Heathen, from them to the Papists, and from them to vs? Of this euill and
plague, the Church of God in all ages can say, truly and with a good
conscience, wee would haue healed her. [Quotes Tertullian and others.] ...
All this they are daily made to know, but all in vaine, they be children of
Babylon that will not bee healed: nay, they grow worse and worse, for now
they bring religion and holy things vpon the stage: no maruel though the
worthiest and mightiest men escape not, when God himselfe is so abused.
Two hypocrites must be brought foorth; and how shall they be described but
by these names, Nicolas S. Antlings, Simon S. Maryoueries. Thus hypocrisie
a child of hell must beare the names of two Churches of God, and two
wherein Gods name is called on publikely euery day in the yeere, and in
one of them his blessed word preached euerie day (an example scarce
matchable in the world): yet these two, wherin Gods name is thus glorified,
and our Church and State honoured, shall bee by these miscreants thus
dishonoured, and that not on the stage only, but euen in print.’ Complains of
profaneness, atheism, blasphemy, and profaning of Sabbath ‘which
generally in the countrie is their play day’. Calls on magistrate, lest God
take the matter into his own hand.
lvii. 1608 (?). Thomas Heywood.
[From An Apology for Actors. Containing three briefe Treatises. 1. Their Antiquity.
2. Their ancient Dignity. 3. The True Use of their Quality (1612), reprinted by William
Cartwright as The Actor’s Vindication (n.d., but according to Douce 1658) and in
1841 (Sh. Soc.). I think the treatise was probably written in 1607 and touched up in
1608, since (a) the series of actors named as dead ends with Sly, who died in Aug.
1608; (b) the Revels Office is located at St. John’s, which it lost about Feb. 1608; (c)
the frustrated Spanish landing in ‘Perin’ in Cornwall ‘some 12 yeares ago’ is probably
the abortive Spanish attempt to burn Pendennis Castle on Falmouth Harbour, 3 miles
from Penrhyn, which appears from S. P. D. Eliz. cclvi, 21, 40, and Dasent, xxv. 15, to
have taken place in the autumn of 1595, probably in connexion with the better-known
Page 288
landing of 22 July 1595 in Mount’s Bay. Here there is a Perranuthnoe, but this was a
successful landing, resulting in serious damage to Penzance, Mousehole, and Newlyn
(Procl. 879). There was also a raid at Cawsand Bay near Plymouth on 14 Mar. 1596
(S. P. D. Eliz. cclvi. 89), in which the invaders fired some houses and boats, and fled
to sea on a shot being fired. But there is no ‘Perin’ in Cawsand Bay. In Journal of the
Folk-Song Society, v. 275, is recorded a tradition that ‘the French once landed
invading troops at Padstow Bay; but on seeing a number of mummers in red cloaks
with their hobby-horse they supposed that the English army was at hand, and fled’.
This raid was at St. Eval, 3 miles west of Padstow, on 13 July 1595 (Hatfield MSS. v.
285), and no doubt formed part of the same expedition which reached Mount’s Bay.
Of course it was Spanish, not French; the perversion is characteristic of tradition.
Conceivably this episode was what Heywood had in mind, but the nearest ‘Perin’,
Perranporth, is some dozen miles farther west than St. Evall. Heywood was answered
by I. G. in A Refutation of the Apology for Actors (1615), which contributes nothing
new, and uses material from Gosson’s Plays Confuted (No. xxx), with references to
the long-destroyed Theatre unchanged.]
[Summary and Extracts.] P. 3. To the Earl of Worcester. ‘I presumed to
publish this unworthy worke under your gracious patronage ... as an
acknowledgement of the duty I am bound to you in as a servant.’ P. 4. To my
good Friends and Fellowes the Citty-Actors. ‘That it [our quality] hath
beene esteemed by the best and greatest ... I need alledge no more than the
royall and princely services in which we now live.... Some over-curious
have too liberally taxed us ... we may as freely (out of our plainnesse)
answere, as they (out of their perversenesse) object, instancing my selfe by
famous Scaliger, learned Doctor Gager, Doctor Gentiles, and others.... So,
wishing you judiciall audiences, honest poets, and true gatherers, I commit
you all to the fulnesse of your best wishes.’ P. 6. Verses by, inter alios, John
Webster, and by Richard Perkins, Christopher Beeston and Robert Pallant to
their ‘fellow’. Book i. P. 15. The author is ‘mooved by the sundry
exclamations of many seditious sectists in this age.... It hath pleased the
high and mighty princes of this land to limit the use of certaine publicke
theaters, which, since many of those over-curious heads have lavishly and
violently slandered, I hold it not amisse to lay open some few antiquities to
approve the true use of them.’ A vision of Melpomene. Actors in antiquity.
P. 20. The lives of worthies ‘can no way bee so exquisitly demonstrated, nor
so lively portrayed, as by action.... A description is only a shadow, received
by the eare, but not perceived by the eye; so lively portrature is meerely a
forme seene by the eye, but can neither shew action, passion, motion, or any
other gesture to moove the spirits of the beholder to admiration: but to see a
souldier shap’d like a souldier, walke, speake, act like a souldier; to see a
Hector all besmered in blood, trampling upon the bulkes of kinges; a
successful landing, resulting in serious damage to Penzance, Mousehole, and Newlyn
(Procl. 879). There was also a raid at Cawsand Bay near Plymouth on 14 Mar. 1596
(S. P. D. Eliz. cclvi. 89), in which the invaders fired some houses and boats, and fled
to sea on a shot being fired. But there is no ‘Perin’ in Cawsand Bay. In Journal of the
Folk-Song Society, v. 275, is recorded a tradition that ‘the French once landed
invading troops at Padstow Bay; but on seeing a number of mummers in red cloaks
with their hobby-horse they supposed that the English army was at hand, and fled’.
This raid was at St. Eval, 3 miles west of Padstow, on 13 July 1595 (Hatfield MSS. v.
285), and no doubt formed part of the same expedition which reached Mount’s Bay.
Of course it was Spanish, not French; the perversion is characteristic of tradition.
Conceivably this episode was what Heywood had in mind, but the nearest ‘Perin’,
Perranporth, is some dozen miles farther west than St. Evall. Heywood was answered
by I. G. in A Refutation of the Apology for Actors (1615), which contributes nothing
new, and uses material from Gosson’s Plays Confuted (No. xxx), with references to
the long-destroyed Theatre unchanged.]
[Summary and Extracts.] P. 3. To the Earl of Worcester. ‘I presumed to
publish this unworthy worke under your gracious patronage ... as an
acknowledgement of the duty I am bound to you in as a servant.’ P. 4. To my
good Friends and Fellowes the Citty-Actors. ‘That it [our quality] hath
beene esteemed by the best and greatest ... I need alledge no more than the
royall and princely services in which we now live.... Some over-curious
have too liberally taxed us ... we may as freely (out of our plainnesse)
answere, as they (out of their perversenesse) object, instancing my selfe by
famous Scaliger, learned Doctor Gager, Doctor Gentiles, and others.... So,
wishing you judiciall audiences, honest poets, and true gatherers, I commit
you all to the fulnesse of your best wishes.’ P. 6. Verses by, inter alios, John
Webster, and by Richard Perkins, Christopher Beeston and Robert Pallant to
their ‘fellow’. Book i. P. 15. The author is ‘mooved by the sundry
exclamations of many seditious sectists in this age.... It hath pleased the
high and mighty princes of this land to limit the use of certaine publicke
theaters, which, since many of those over-curious heads have lavishly and
violently slandered, I hold it not amisse to lay open some few antiquities to
approve the true use of them.’ A vision of Melpomene. Actors in antiquity.
P. 20. The lives of worthies ‘can no way bee so exquisitly demonstrated, nor
so lively portrayed, as by action.... A description is only a shadow, received
by the eare, but not perceived by the eye; so lively portrature is meerely a
forme seene by the eye, but can neither shew action, passion, motion, or any
other gesture to moove the spirits of the beholder to admiration: but to see a
souldier shap’d like a souldier, walke, speake, act like a souldier; to see a
Hector all besmered in blood, trampling upon the bulkes of kinges; a
Page 289
Troilus returning from the field, in the sight of his father Priam, as if man
and horse, even from the steed’s rough fetlockes to the plume on the
champion’s helmet, had bene together plunged into a purple ocean; to see a
Pompey ride in triumph, then a Caesar conquer that Pompey; labouring
Hannibal alive, hewing his passage through the Alpes. To see as I have
seene, Hercules, in his owne shape, hunting the boare, knocking downe the
bull, taming the hart, fighting with Hydra, murdering Geryon, slaughtering
Diomed, wounding the Stymphalides, killing the Centaurs, pashing the lion,
squeezing the dragon, dragging Cerberus in chaynes, and lastly, on his high
pyramides waiting Nil ultra, Oh, these were sights to make an Alexander!
To turne to our domesticke hystories: what English blood, seeing the person
of any bold Englishman presented, and doth not hugge his fame, and
hunnye at his valor, pursuing him in his enterprise with his best wishes, and
as beeing wrapt in contemplation, offers to him in his hart all prosperous
performance, as if the personator were the man personated? so bewitching a
thing is lively and well-spirited action, that it hath power to new-mold the
harts of the spectators, and fashion them to the shape of any noble and
notable attempt. What coward, to see his countrymen valiant, would not bee
ashamed of his owne cowardise? What English prince, should hee behold
the true portrature of that famous King Edward the Third, foraging France,
taking so great a king captive in his owne country, quartering the English
lyons with the French flower-delyce, and would not bee suddenly inflam’d
with so royale a spectacle, being made apt and fit for the like atchievement.
So of Henry the Fift.’ The place of actors at Rome. P. 24. ‘Neither Christ
himselfe, nor any of his sanctified apostles, in any of their sermons, acts, or
documents, so much as named them, or upon any abusive occasion touched
them.... Since they (I say) in all their holy doctrines, bookes, and principles
of divinity, were content to passe them over, as thinges tollerated and
indifferent, why should any nice and over-scrupulous heads, since they
cannot ground their curiousnesse either upon the Old or New Testament,
take upon them to correct, controule, or carpe at that, against which they
cannot finde any text in the sacred scriptures?’ P. 25. ‘Since God hath
provided us of these pastimes, why may we not use them to his glory? Now,
if you aske me why were not the theaters as gorgeously built in all other
cities of Italy as Rome, and why are not playhouses maintained as well in
other cities of England as London? My answere is ... Rome was a
metropolis, a place whither all the nations knowne under the sunne resorted:
and horse, even from the steed’s rough fetlockes to the plume on the
champion’s helmet, had bene together plunged into a purple ocean; to see a
Pompey ride in triumph, then a Caesar conquer that Pompey; labouring
Hannibal alive, hewing his passage through the Alpes. To see as I have
seene, Hercules, in his owne shape, hunting the boare, knocking downe the
bull, taming the hart, fighting with Hydra, murdering Geryon, slaughtering
Diomed, wounding the Stymphalides, killing the Centaurs, pashing the lion,
squeezing the dragon, dragging Cerberus in chaynes, and lastly, on his high
pyramides waiting Nil ultra, Oh, these were sights to make an Alexander!
To turne to our domesticke hystories: what English blood, seeing the person
of any bold Englishman presented, and doth not hugge his fame, and
hunnye at his valor, pursuing him in his enterprise with his best wishes, and
as beeing wrapt in contemplation, offers to him in his hart all prosperous
performance, as if the personator were the man personated? so bewitching a
thing is lively and well-spirited action, that it hath power to new-mold the
harts of the spectators, and fashion them to the shape of any noble and
notable attempt. What coward, to see his countrymen valiant, would not bee
ashamed of his owne cowardise? What English prince, should hee behold
the true portrature of that famous King Edward the Third, foraging France,
taking so great a king captive in his owne country, quartering the English
lyons with the French flower-delyce, and would not bee suddenly inflam’d
with so royale a spectacle, being made apt and fit for the like atchievement.
So of Henry the Fift.’ The place of actors at Rome. P. 24. ‘Neither Christ
himselfe, nor any of his sanctified apostles, in any of their sermons, acts, or
documents, so much as named them, or upon any abusive occasion touched
them.... Since they (I say) in all their holy doctrines, bookes, and principles
of divinity, were content to passe them over, as thinges tollerated and
indifferent, why should any nice and over-scrupulous heads, since they
cannot ground their curiousnesse either upon the Old or New Testament,
take upon them to correct, controule, or carpe at that, against which they
cannot finde any text in the sacred scriptures?’ P. 25. ‘Since God hath
provided us of these pastimes, why may we not use them to his glory? Now,
if you aske me why were not the theaters as gorgeously built in all other
cities of Italy as Rome, and why are not playhouses maintained as well in
other cities of England as London? My answere is ... Rome was a
metropolis, a place whither all the nations knowne under the sunne resorted:
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so is London, and being to receive all estates, all princes, all nations,
therefore to affoord them all choyce of pastimes, sports, and recreations.’
Actors in Greece. The scriptural prohibition of change of sex-costume has
no reference to plays. P. 28. ‘To see our youths attired in the habit of
women, who knowes not what their intents be? who cannot distinguish
them by their names, assuredly knowing they are but to represent such a
lady, at such a tyme appoynted? Do not the Universities, the fountaines and
well springs of all good arts, learning, and documents, admit the like in
their colledges? and they (I assure my selfe) are not ignorant of their true
use. In the time of my residence at Cambridge, I have seen tragedyes,
comedyes, historyes, pastorals, and shewes, publickly acted, in which the
graduates of good place and reputation have bene specially parted.’ Value of
such exercises in teaching audacity in disputation and good enunciation.
The critics of acting ‘a sorte of finde-faults’. Book ii. Antiquities of the
theatre, and distribution of theatres in ancient and modern states. P. 40. ‘The
King of Denmarke, father to him that now reigneth, entertained into his
service a company of English comedians, commended unto him by the
honourable the Earle of Leicester: the Duke of Brunswicke and the
Landgrave of Hessen retaine in their courts certaine of ours of the same
quality.... And amongst us one of our best English Chroniclers [in margin,
‘Stowe’] records, that when Edward the Fourth would shew himselfe in
publicke state to the view of the people, hee repaired to his palace at S.
Johnes, where he accustomed to see the citty actors: and since then that
house, by the prince’s free gift, hath belonged to the Office of the Revels,
where our court playes have beene in late daies yearely rehersed, perfected,
and corrected before they come to the publike view of the prince and the
nobility.’ Famous classical actors. P. 43. ‘According to the occasion offered
to do some right to our English actors, as Knell, Bentley, Mils, Wilson,
Crosse, Lanam, and others, these, since I never saw them, as being before
my time, I cannot (as an eye-witnesse of their desert) give them that
applause, which no doubt they worthily merit; yet by the report of many
juditiall auditors their performances of many parts have been so absolute,
that it were a kinde of sinne to drowne their worths in Lethe, and not
commit their (almost forgotten) names to eternity. Here I must needs
remember Tarleton, in his time gratious with the queene, his soveraigne,
and in the people’s generall applause, whom succeeded Wil. Kemp, as wel
in the favour of her majesty, as in the opinion and good thoughts of the
therefore to affoord them all choyce of pastimes, sports, and recreations.’
Actors in Greece. The scriptural prohibition of change of sex-costume has
no reference to plays. P. 28. ‘To see our youths attired in the habit of
women, who knowes not what their intents be? who cannot distinguish
them by their names, assuredly knowing they are but to represent such a
lady, at such a tyme appoynted? Do not the Universities, the fountaines and
well springs of all good arts, learning, and documents, admit the like in
their colledges? and they (I assure my selfe) are not ignorant of their true
use. In the time of my residence at Cambridge, I have seen tragedyes,
comedyes, historyes, pastorals, and shewes, publickly acted, in which the
graduates of good place and reputation have bene specially parted.’ Value of
such exercises in teaching audacity in disputation and good enunciation.
The critics of acting ‘a sorte of finde-faults’. Book ii. Antiquities of the
theatre, and distribution of theatres in ancient and modern states. P. 40. ‘The
King of Denmarke, father to him that now reigneth, entertained into his
service a company of English comedians, commended unto him by the
honourable the Earle of Leicester: the Duke of Brunswicke and the
Landgrave of Hessen retaine in their courts certaine of ours of the same
quality.... And amongst us one of our best English Chroniclers [in margin,
‘Stowe’] records, that when Edward the Fourth would shew himselfe in
publicke state to the view of the people, hee repaired to his palace at S.
Johnes, where he accustomed to see the citty actors: and since then that
house, by the prince’s free gift, hath belonged to the Office of the Revels,
where our court playes have beene in late daies yearely rehersed, perfected,
and corrected before they come to the publike view of the prince and the
nobility.’ Famous classical actors. P. 43. ‘According to the occasion offered
to do some right to our English actors, as Knell, Bentley, Mils, Wilson,
Crosse, Lanam, and others, these, since I never saw them, as being before
my time, I cannot (as an eye-witnesse of their desert) give them that
applause, which no doubt they worthily merit; yet by the report of many
juditiall auditors their performances of many parts have been so absolute,
that it were a kinde of sinne to drowne their worths in Lethe, and not
commit their (almost forgotten) names to eternity. Here I must needs
remember Tarleton, in his time gratious with the queene, his soveraigne,
and in the people’s generall applause, whom succeeded Wil. Kemp, as wel
in the favour of her majesty, as in the opinion and good thoughts of the
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generall audience. Gabriel, Singer, Pope, Phillips, Sly, all the right I can do
them is but this, that, though they be dead, their deserts yet live in the
remembrance of many. Among so many dead, let me not forget one yet
alive, in his time the most worthy, famous Maister Edward Allen.... I also
could wish, that such as are condemned for their licentiousnesse, might by a
generall consent bee quite excluded our society; for, as we are men that
stand in the broad eye of the world, so should our manners, gestures, and
behaviours, savour of such government and modesty, to deserve the good
thoughts and reports of all men, and to abide the sharpest censures even of
those that are the greatest opposites to the quality. Many amongst us I know
to be of substance, of government, of sober lives, and temperate carriages,
house-keepers, and contributory to all duties enjoyned them, equally with
them that are rank’t with the most bountifull; and if amongst so many of
sort, there be any few degenerate from the rest in that good demeanor which
is both requisite and expected at their hands, let me entreat you not to
censure hardly of all for the misdeeds of some.’ On royal actors, quoting (p.
45) ‘M. Kid, in his Spanish Tragedy’. Book iii. The quality not to be
condemned because of its abuses. P. 52. ‘Playing is an ornament to the
citty.’ It refines the language, instructs the ignorant, and teaches moral
lessons. P. 54. ‘Briefly, there is neither tragedy, history, comedy, morall, or
pastorall, from which an infinite use cannot be gathered. I speake not in the
defence of any lascivious shewes, scurrelous jests, or scandalous invectives.
If there be any such I banish them quite from my patronage.’ Plays have
discovered murders. P. 57. ‘We will prove it by a domestike and home-
borne truth, which within these few years happened. At Lin, in Norfolke,
the then Earl of Sussex players acting the old History of Feyer Francis’
drove a townswoman to confess the murder of her husband in
circumstances parallel to those of the play. P. 58. Relates rout of Spanish
raiders ‘at a place called Perin in Cornwall’, though their alarm at the drum
and trumpets of ‘a company of the same quality some 12 yeares ago, or not
so much ... playing late in the night’. Another story of a woman who had
driven a nail into her husband’s brain, urged to remorse by a similar
incident in ‘the last part of the Four Sons of Aymon’ played by ‘a company
of our English comedians (well knowne)’ at Amsterdam. Summarizes the
favour of many sovereigns to players. P. 60. ‘The cardinal at Bruxels hath at
this time in pay a company of our English comedians.... But in no country
they are of that eminence that our’s are: so our most royall and ever
them is but this, that, though they be dead, their deserts yet live in the
remembrance of many. Among so many dead, let me not forget one yet
alive, in his time the most worthy, famous Maister Edward Allen.... I also
could wish, that such as are condemned for their licentiousnesse, might by a
generall consent bee quite excluded our society; for, as we are men that
stand in the broad eye of the world, so should our manners, gestures, and
behaviours, savour of such government and modesty, to deserve the good
thoughts and reports of all men, and to abide the sharpest censures even of
those that are the greatest opposites to the quality. Many amongst us I know
to be of substance, of government, of sober lives, and temperate carriages,
house-keepers, and contributory to all duties enjoyned them, equally with
them that are rank’t with the most bountifull; and if amongst so many of
sort, there be any few degenerate from the rest in that good demeanor which
is both requisite and expected at their hands, let me entreat you not to
censure hardly of all for the misdeeds of some.’ On royal actors, quoting (p.
45) ‘M. Kid, in his Spanish Tragedy’. Book iii. The quality not to be
condemned because of its abuses. P. 52. ‘Playing is an ornament to the
citty.’ It refines the language, instructs the ignorant, and teaches moral
lessons. P. 54. ‘Briefly, there is neither tragedy, history, comedy, morall, or
pastorall, from which an infinite use cannot be gathered. I speake not in the
defence of any lascivious shewes, scurrelous jests, or scandalous invectives.
If there be any such I banish them quite from my patronage.’ Plays have
discovered murders. P. 57. ‘We will prove it by a domestike and home-
borne truth, which within these few years happened. At Lin, in Norfolke,
the then Earl of Sussex players acting the old History of Feyer Francis’
drove a townswoman to confess the murder of her husband in
circumstances parallel to those of the play. P. 58. Relates rout of Spanish
raiders ‘at a place called Perin in Cornwall’, though their alarm at the drum
and trumpets of ‘a company of the same quality some 12 yeares ago, or not
so much ... playing late in the night’. Another story of a woman who had
driven a nail into her husband’s brain, urged to remorse by a similar
incident in ‘the last part of the Four Sons of Aymon’ played by ‘a company
of our English comedians (well knowne)’ at Amsterdam. Summarizes the
favour of many sovereigns to players. P. 60. ‘The cardinal at Bruxels hath at
this time in pay a company of our English comedians.... But in no country
they are of that eminence that our’s are: so our most royall and ever
Page 292
renouned soveraigne hath licenced us in London: so did his predecessor, the
thrice vertuous virgin, Queen Elizabeth; and before her, her sister, Queene
Mary, Edward the sixth, and their father, Henry the eighth.’ P. 61.
‘Moreover, to this day in divers places of England there be townes that held
the priviledge of their faires, and other charters by yearely stage-playes, as
at Manningtree in Suffolke, Kendall in the north, and others.... Now, to
speake of some abuse lately crept into the quality, as an inveighing against
the state, the court, the law, the citty, and their governements, with the
particularizing of private men’s humors (yet alive) noblemen, and others: I
know it distastes many; neither do I any way approve it, nor dare I by any
meanes excuse it. The liberty which some arrogate to themselves,
committing their bitternesse, and liberall invectives against all estates, to
the mouthes of children, supposing their juniority to be a priviledge for any
rayling, be it never so violent, I could advise all such to curbe and limit this
presumed liberty within the bands of discretion and government. But wise
and juditiall censurers, before whom such complaints shall at any time
hereafter come, wil not (I hope) impute these abuses to any transgression in
us, who have ever been carefull and provident to shun the like.’ P. 162.
Epistle to the publisher. Notes the printer’s faults in his Britain’s Troy, and
the pirating of his two epistles of Paris to Helen, and Helen to Paris by
Jaggard [in The Passionate Pilgrim].
lviii. 1610. William Crashaw.
[From A Sermon Preached in London before the right honorable the Lord Lawarre,
Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall of Virginea ... Feb. 21, 1609 (1610).]
P. 57. ‘We confesse this action hath three great enemies: but who be
they? euen the Diuell, Papists, and Players.’ P. 62. ‘3. As for Plaiers:
(pardon me right Honourable and beloued, for wronging this place and your
patience with so base a subiect) they play with Princes and Potentates,
Magistrates and Ministers, nay with God and Religion, and all holy things:
nothing that is good, excellent or holy can escape them: how then can this
action?... But why are the Players enemies to this Plantation and doe abuse
it? I will tell you the causes: First, for that they are so multiplied here, that
one cannot liue by another, and they see that wee send of all trades to
Virginea, but will send no Players, which if wee would doe, they that
remaine would gaine the more at home. Secondly ... because wee resolue to
thrice vertuous virgin, Queen Elizabeth; and before her, her sister, Queene
Mary, Edward the sixth, and their father, Henry the eighth.’ P. 61.
‘Moreover, to this day in divers places of England there be townes that held
the priviledge of their faires, and other charters by yearely stage-playes, as
at Manningtree in Suffolke, Kendall in the north, and others.... Now, to
speake of some abuse lately crept into the quality, as an inveighing against
the state, the court, the law, the citty, and their governements, with the
particularizing of private men’s humors (yet alive) noblemen, and others: I
know it distastes many; neither do I any way approve it, nor dare I by any
meanes excuse it. The liberty which some arrogate to themselves,
committing their bitternesse, and liberall invectives against all estates, to
the mouthes of children, supposing their juniority to be a priviledge for any
rayling, be it never so violent, I could advise all such to curbe and limit this
presumed liberty within the bands of discretion and government. But wise
and juditiall censurers, before whom such complaints shall at any time
hereafter come, wil not (I hope) impute these abuses to any transgression in
us, who have ever been carefull and provident to shun the like.’ P. 162.
Epistle to the publisher. Notes the printer’s faults in his Britain’s Troy, and
the pirating of his two epistles of Paris to Helen, and Helen to Paris by
Jaggard [in The Passionate Pilgrim].
lviii. 1610. William Crashaw.
[From A Sermon Preached in London before the right honorable the Lord Lawarre,
Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall of Virginea ... Feb. 21, 1609 (1610).]
P. 57. ‘We confesse this action hath three great enemies: but who be
they? euen the Diuell, Papists, and Players.’ P. 62. ‘3. As for Plaiers:
(pardon me right Honourable and beloued, for wronging this place and your
patience with so base a subiect) they play with Princes and Potentates,
Magistrates and Ministers, nay with God and Religion, and all holy things:
nothing that is good, excellent or holy can escape them: how then can this
action?... But why are the Players enemies to this Plantation and doe abuse
it? I will tell you the causes: First, for that they are so multiplied here, that
one cannot liue by another, and they see that wee send of all trades to
Virginea, but will send no Players, which if wee would doe, they that
remaine would gaine the more at home. Secondly ... because wee resolue to
Page 293
suffer no Idle persons in Virginea, which course if it were taken in England,
they know they might turne to new occupations.’
lix. 1615. I. H.
[From This World’s Folly. Or A Warning-Peece discharged vpon the Wickednesse
thereof. By I. H. (1615).]
Bv-B2. ‘What voice is heard in our streetes? Nought but the squeaking
out of those τερετίσματα, obscaene and light Iigges, stuft with loathsome
and vnheard-of Ribauldry, suckt from the poysonous dugs of Sinne-sweld
Theaters.... More haue recourse to Playing houses, then to Praying houses....
I will not particularize those Blitea dramata (as Laberius termes another
sort) those Fortune-fatted fooles, and Times Ideots, whose garbe is the
Tooth-ache of witte, the Plague-sore of Iudgement, the Common-sewer of
Obscaenities, and the very Traine-powder that dischargeth the roaring Meg
(not Mol) of all scurrile villanies vpon the Cities face; who are faine to
produce blinde Impudence [in margin, ‘Garlicke’], to personate himselfe
vpon their stage, behung with chaynes of Garlicke, as an Antidote against
their owne infectious breaths, lest it should kill their Oyster-crying
Audience. Vos quoque [in margin, ‘Or Tu quoque’], and you also, who with
Scylla-barking, Stentor-throated bellowings, flash choaking squibbes of
absurd vanities into the nosthrils of your spectators, barbarously diuerting
Nature, and defacing Gods owne image, by metamorphising humane [in
margin, ‘Greenes Baboone’] shape into bestiall forme. Those also stand
within the stroke of my penne, who were wont to Curtaine ouer their
defects with knauish conueyances, and scum off the froth of all wanton
vanity, to qualifie the eager appetite of their slapping Fauorites.’
lx. 1615. J. Cocke.
[The variant texts of this character are here given from the two editions of John
Stephens’ essays, in each of which it is Bk. ii, char. 4, viz. (A) Satyrical Essayes
Characters and Others (1615) and (B) Essayes and Characters, Ironical and
Instructive. The second impression (1615), of which a reprint is in J. O. Halliwell, Old
Books of Characters (1857), 131. Between A and B had appeared the sixth edition of
The Wife, with the character of An Excellent Actor and the reference to a rival as ‘the
imitating Characterist’ (v. No. lxi). To this the additions in B are a rejoinder, and they
are reinforced by two epistles. One is ‘To the namelesse Rayler: who hath
lenghthened his Excellent Actor, a most needy Caracter following the wife with a
peece of dog-skin witt; dressed ouer with oyle of sweaty Posthorse’. Here the writer,
I. S., says he did ‘admit a friends Satyre’. The other epistle, ‘To the nameles Author of
a late Character entituled, an Excellent Actor, following The Wife’, is signed by ‘I.
Cocke’, who says, ‘witnes your gross mistaking of approued and authorised actors for
they know they might turne to new occupations.’
lix. 1615. I. H.
[From This World’s Folly. Or A Warning-Peece discharged vpon the Wickednesse
thereof. By I. H. (1615).]
Bv-B2. ‘What voice is heard in our streetes? Nought but the squeaking
out of those τερετίσματα, obscaene and light Iigges, stuft with loathsome
and vnheard-of Ribauldry, suckt from the poysonous dugs of Sinne-sweld
Theaters.... More haue recourse to Playing houses, then to Praying houses....
I will not particularize those Blitea dramata (as Laberius termes another
sort) those Fortune-fatted fooles, and Times Ideots, whose garbe is the
Tooth-ache of witte, the Plague-sore of Iudgement, the Common-sewer of
Obscaenities, and the very Traine-powder that dischargeth the roaring Meg
(not Mol) of all scurrile villanies vpon the Cities face; who are faine to
produce blinde Impudence [in margin, ‘Garlicke’], to personate himselfe
vpon their stage, behung with chaynes of Garlicke, as an Antidote against
their owne infectious breaths, lest it should kill their Oyster-crying
Audience. Vos quoque [in margin, ‘Or Tu quoque’], and you also, who with
Scylla-barking, Stentor-throated bellowings, flash choaking squibbes of
absurd vanities into the nosthrils of your spectators, barbarously diuerting
Nature, and defacing Gods owne image, by metamorphising humane [in
margin, ‘Greenes Baboone’] shape into bestiall forme. Those also stand
within the stroke of my penne, who were wont to Curtaine ouer their
defects with knauish conueyances, and scum off the froth of all wanton
vanity, to qualifie the eager appetite of their slapping Fauorites.’
lx. 1615. J. Cocke.
[The variant texts of this character are here given from the two editions of John
Stephens’ essays, in each of which it is Bk. ii, char. 4, viz. (A) Satyrical Essayes
Characters and Others (1615) and (B) Essayes and Characters, Ironical and
Instructive. The second impression (1615), of which a reprint is in J. O. Halliwell, Old
Books of Characters (1857), 131. Between A and B had appeared the sixth edition of
The Wife, with the character of An Excellent Actor and the reference to a rival as ‘the
imitating Characterist’ (v. No. lxi). To this the additions in B are a rejoinder, and they
are reinforced by two epistles. One is ‘To the namelesse Rayler: who hath
lenghthened his Excellent Actor, a most needy Caracter following the wife with a
peece of dog-skin witt; dressed ouer with oyle of sweaty Posthorse’. Here the writer,
I. S., says he did ‘admit a friends Satyre’. The other epistle, ‘To the nameles Author of
a late Character entituled, an Excellent Actor, following The Wife’, is signed by ‘I.
Cocke’, who says, ‘witnes your gross mistaking of approued and authorised actors for
Page 294
counterfeit Runagates, or country Players, inueighed against by the Characterist’.
Some appended verses claim for Cocke the authorship of the Tinker, Apparator, and
Almanac-maker in The Wife. It seems clear that Cocke and not Stephens wrote the
present character, and that An Excellent Actor was a reply to it. It is true that Stephens
only speaks of it as ‘lenghthened’ by the attack on himself, but ‘lenghthened’ may
mean ‘pieced out’, and there is no version, long or short, in any of the five first
editions of The Wife, while a reference to ‘the sixt impression of S. Thomas
Overburyes wife’ on p. 434 of B shows this was before its writers. John Stephens (cf.
ch. xxiii) was a Lincoln’s Inn dramatist. I cannot find a likely Cocke in the Lincoln’s
Inn Admission Books; there is an Isaac Cox, admitted 10 Jan. 1611 (i. 154), and a John
Cookes on 6 June 1614 (i. 166). Can the satirist be the John Cooke (cf. ch. xxiii) who
wrote Greene’s Tu Quoque?]
A common Player
Is a slow Payer, seldom a Purchaser, never a Puritan. The Statute hath
done wisely to acknowledg him a Rogue errant[824], for his chiefe essence
is, A daily Counterfeit[825]: He hath beene familiar so long with out-sides,
that he professes himselfe (being unknowne) to be an apparant Gentleman.
But his thinne Felt, and his silke Stockings, or his foule Linnen, and faire
Doublet, doe (in him) bodily reveal the Broker: So beeing not sutable, hee
proves a Motley: his mind observing the same fashion of his body: both
consist of parcells and remnants: but his minde hath commonly the newer
fashion, and the newer stuffe: hee would not else hearken so passionately
after new Tunes, new Trickes, new Devises: These together apparrell his
braine and understanding, whilst he takes the materialls upon trust, and is
himself the Taylor to take measure of his soules liking. Hee doth conjecture
somewhat strongly, but dares not commend a playes goodnes,[826] till he
hath either spoken, or heard the Epilogue[827]: neither dares he entitle good
things Good, unlesse hee be heartned on by the multitude: till then hee saith
faintly what hee thinkes, with a willing purpose to recant or persist: So
howsoever hee pretends to have a royall Master or Mistresse, his wages and
dependance prove him to be the servant of the people.[828] When he doth
hold conference upon the stage; and should looke directly in his fellows
face; hee turnes about his voice into the assembly for applause-sake, like a
Trumpeter in the fields, that shifts places to get an eccho.[829] The cautions
of his judging humor (if hee dares undertake it) be a certaine number of
sawsie rude[830] jests against the common lawyer; hansome conceits against
the fine Courtiers; delicate quirkes against the rich Cuckold a cittizen;
shadowed glaunce[831] for good innocent Ladies and Gentlewomen; with a
Some appended verses claim for Cocke the authorship of the Tinker, Apparator, and
Almanac-maker in The Wife. It seems clear that Cocke and not Stephens wrote the
present character, and that An Excellent Actor was a reply to it. It is true that Stephens
only speaks of it as ‘lenghthened’ by the attack on himself, but ‘lenghthened’ may
mean ‘pieced out’, and there is no version, long or short, in any of the five first
editions of The Wife, while a reference to ‘the sixt impression of S. Thomas
Overburyes wife’ on p. 434 of B shows this was before its writers. John Stephens (cf.
ch. xxiii) was a Lincoln’s Inn dramatist. I cannot find a likely Cocke in the Lincoln’s
Inn Admission Books; there is an Isaac Cox, admitted 10 Jan. 1611 (i. 154), and a John
Cookes on 6 June 1614 (i. 166). Can the satirist be the John Cooke (cf. ch. xxiii) who
wrote Greene’s Tu Quoque?]
A common Player
Is a slow Payer, seldom a Purchaser, never a Puritan. The Statute hath
done wisely to acknowledg him a Rogue errant[824], for his chiefe essence
is, A daily Counterfeit[825]: He hath beene familiar so long with out-sides,
that he professes himselfe (being unknowne) to be an apparant Gentleman.
But his thinne Felt, and his silke Stockings, or his foule Linnen, and faire
Doublet, doe (in him) bodily reveal the Broker: So beeing not sutable, hee
proves a Motley: his mind observing the same fashion of his body: both
consist of parcells and remnants: but his minde hath commonly the newer
fashion, and the newer stuffe: hee would not else hearken so passionately
after new Tunes, new Trickes, new Devises: These together apparrell his
braine and understanding, whilst he takes the materialls upon trust, and is
himself the Taylor to take measure of his soules liking. Hee doth conjecture
somewhat strongly, but dares not commend a playes goodnes,[826] till he
hath either spoken, or heard the Epilogue[827]: neither dares he entitle good
things Good, unlesse hee be heartned on by the multitude: till then hee saith
faintly what hee thinkes, with a willing purpose to recant or persist: So
howsoever hee pretends to have a royall Master or Mistresse, his wages and
dependance prove him to be the servant of the people.[828] When he doth
hold conference upon the stage; and should looke directly in his fellows
face; hee turnes about his voice into the assembly for applause-sake, like a
Trumpeter in the fields, that shifts places to get an eccho.[829] The cautions
of his judging humor (if hee dares undertake it) be a certaine number of
sawsie rude[830] jests against the common lawyer; hansome conceits against
the fine Courtiers; delicate quirkes against the rich Cuckold a cittizen;
shadowed glaunce[831] for good innocent Ladies and Gentlewomen; with a
Page 295
nipping scoffe for some honest Justice, who hath[832] imprisoned him: or
some thriftie Trades-man, who hath allowed him no credit: alwayes
remembred, his object is, A new play, or A play newly revived. Other Poems
he admits, as good-fellowes take Tobacco, or ignorant Burgesses give a
voyce, for company sake; as thinges that neither maintaine nor be against
him. To be a player, is to have a mithridate against the pestilence; for
players cannot tarry where the plague raignes; and therfore they be seldome
infected.[833] He can seeme no lesse then one in honour, or at least one
mounted; for unto miseries which persecute such, he is most incident.
Hence it proceeds, that in the prosperous fortune of a play frequented, he
proves immoderate, and falles into a Drunkards paradise, till it be last no
longer. Otherwise when adversities come, they come together: For Lent and
Shrovetuesday be not farre asunder, then he is dejected daily and weekely:
his blessings be neither lame nor monstrous; they goe upon foure legges,
but moove slowly, and make as great a distance between their steppes, as
between the foure Tearmes. Reproofe is ill bestowed uppon him; it cannot
alter his conditions: he hath bin so accustomed to the scorne and laughter of
his audience, that hee cannot bee ashamed of himselfe: for hee dares laugh
in the middest of a serious conference, without blushing.[834] If hee marries,
hee mistakes the Woman for the Boy in Womans attire, by not respecting a
difference in the mischiefe: But so long as he lives unmarried, hee mistakes
the Boy, or a Whore for the Woman; by courting the first on the stage, or
visiting the second at her devotions. When hee is most commendable, you
must confesse there is no truth in him: for his best action is but an imitation
of truth, and nullum simile est idem. It may be imagined I abuse his
carriage, and hee perhaps may suddenly bee thought faire-conditioned; for
he playes above board.[835] Take him at the best, he is but a shifting
companion; for hee lives effectually by putting on, and putting off. If his
profession were single, hee would think himselfe a simple fellow, as hee
doth all professions besides his owne: His own therefore is compounded of
all Natures, all humours, all professions. Hee is politick also[836] to perceive
the commonwealth[837] doubts of his licence, and therefore in spight of
Parliaments or Statutes hee incorporates himselfe by the title of a
brotherhood. Painting and fine cloths may not by the same reason be called
abusive, that players may not be called rogues: For they bee chiefe
ornaments of his Majesties Revells.[838] I need not multiplie his character;
some thriftie Trades-man, who hath allowed him no credit: alwayes
remembred, his object is, A new play, or A play newly revived. Other Poems
he admits, as good-fellowes take Tobacco, or ignorant Burgesses give a
voyce, for company sake; as thinges that neither maintaine nor be against
him. To be a player, is to have a mithridate against the pestilence; for
players cannot tarry where the plague raignes; and therfore they be seldome
infected.[833] He can seeme no lesse then one in honour, or at least one
mounted; for unto miseries which persecute such, he is most incident.
Hence it proceeds, that in the prosperous fortune of a play frequented, he
proves immoderate, and falles into a Drunkards paradise, till it be last no
longer. Otherwise when adversities come, they come together: For Lent and
Shrovetuesday be not farre asunder, then he is dejected daily and weekely:
his blessings be neither lame nor monstrous; they goe upon foure legges,
but moove slowly, and make as great a distance between their steppes, as
between the foure Tearmes. Reproofe is ill bestowed uppon him; it cannot
alter his conditions: he hath bin so accustomed to the scorne and laughter of
his audience, that hee cannot bee ashamed of himselfe: for hee dares laugh
in the middest of a serious conference, without blushing.[834] If hee marries,
hee mistakes the Woman for the Boy in Womans attire, by not respecting a
difference in the mischiefe: But so long as he lives unmarried, hee mistakes
the Boy, or a Whore for the Woman; by courting the first on the stage, or
visiting the second at her devotions. When hee is most commendable, you
must confesse there is no truth in him: for his best action is but an imitation
of truth, and nullum simile est idem. It may be imagined I abuse his
carriage, and hee perhaps may suddenly bee thought faire-conditioned; for
he playes above board.[835] Take him at the best, he is but a shifting
companion; for hee lives effectually by putting on, and putting off. If his
profession were single, hee would think himselfe a simple fellow, as hee
doth all professions besides his owne: His own therefore is compounded of
all Natures, all humours, all professions. Hee is politick also[836] to perceive
the commonwealth[837] doubts of his licence, and therefore in spight of
Parliaments or Statutes hee incorporates himselfe by the title of a
brotherhood. Painting and fine cloths may not by the same reason be called
abusive, that players may not be called rogues: For they bee chiefe
ornaments of his Majesties Revells.[838] I need not multiplie his character;
Page 296
for boyes and every one, wil no sooner see men of this Facultie walke along
but they wil (unasked) informe you what hee is by the vulgar title.[839] Yet
in the generall number of them, many may deserve a wise mans
commendation: and therefore did I prefix an Epithite of common, to
distinguish the base and artlesse appendants of our citty companies, which
often times start away into rusticall wanderers and then (like Proteus) start
backe again into the Citty number.[840]
lxi. 1615. John Webster (?).
[This Character Of an Excellent Actor is one of the additions made in the 6th
edition (1615) to the Characters printed with Sir Thomas Overbury’s The Wife, of
which the 1st edition appeared after Overbury’s death on 15 Sept. 1613. The
Characters do not profess to be all from Overbury’s hand, and the present one was
evidently written as a reply to that of A Common Player (No. lx). The allusion to
painting suggests that the model was Richard Burbadge. The passage Therefore the
imitating Characterist ... flea them was omitted in the 7th edition (1616) and in later
editions, including the 9th (1616), from which the reprints in E. F. Rimbault, Works of
Overbury, 147, and H. Morley, Character Writings, 86, are taken. A. F. Bourgeois, in
11 N. Q. x. 3, 23, gives some striking parallels of phrase between the Characters of
1615 and the work of John Webster, which may point to his authorship. Later
Characters of a Player are in J. Earle, Microcosmography (1628, ed. A. S. West, 81),
and R. M., Micrologia (1629, Morley, 285).]
An Excellent Actor.
Whatsoeuer is commendable in the graue Orator, is most exquisitly
perfect in him; for by a full and significant action of body, he charmes our
attention: sit in a full Theater, and you will thinke you see so many lines
drawne from the circumference of so many eares, whiles the Actor is the
Center. He doth not striue to make nature monstrous, she is often seene in
the same Scaene with him, but neither on Stilts nor Crutches; and for his
voice tis not lower then the prompter, nor lowder then the Foile and Target.
By his action he fortifies morall precepts with example; for what we see
him personate, we thinke truely done before vs: a man of a deepe thought
might apprehend, the Ghosts of our ancient Heroes walk’t againe, and take
him (at seuerall times) for many of them. Hee is much affected to painting,
and tis a question whether that make him an excellent Plaier, or his playing
an exquisite painter. Hee addes grace to the Poets labours: for what in the
Poet is but ditty, in him is both ditty and musicke. He entertaines vs in the
best leasure of our life, that is betweene meales, the most vnfit time, either
for study or bodily exercise: the flight of Hawkes and chase of wilde
but they wil (unasked) informe you what hee is by the vulgar title.[839] Yet
in the generall number of them, many may deserve a wise mans
commendation: and therefore did I prefix an Epithite of common, to
distinguish the base and artlesse appendants of our citty companies, which
often times start away into rusticall wanderers and then (like Proteus) start
backe again into the Citty number.[840]
lxi. 1615. John Webster (?).
[This Character Of an Excellent Actor is one of the additions made in the 6th
edition (1615) to the Characters printed with Sir Thomas Overbury’s The Wife, of
which the 1st edition appeared after Overbury’s death on 15 Sept. 1613. The
Characters do not profess to be all from Overbury’s hand, and the present one was
evidently written as a reply to that of A Common Player (No. lx). The allusion to
painting suggests that the model was Richard Burbadge. The passage Therefore the
imitating Characterist ... flea them was omitted in the 7th edition (1616) and in later
editions, including the 9th (1616), from which the reprints in E. F. Rimbault, Works of
Overbury, 147, and H. Morley, Character Writings, 86, are taken. A. F. Bourgeois, in
11 N. Q. x. 3, 23, gives some striking parallels of phrase between the Characters of
1615 and the work of John Webster, which may point to his authorship. Later
Characters of a Player are in J. Earle, Microcosmography (1628, ed. A. S. West, 81),
and R. M., Micrologia (1629, Morley, 285).]
An Excellent Actor.
Whatsoeuer is commendable in the graue Orator, is most exquisitly
perfect in him; for by a full and significant action of body, he charmes our
attention: sit in a full Theater, and you will thinke you see so many lines
drawne from the circumference of so many eares, whiles the Actor is the
Center. He doth not striue to make nature monstrous, she is often seene in
the same Scaene with him, but neither on Stilts nor Crutches; and for his
voice tis not lower then the prompter, nor lowder then the Foile and Target.
By his action he fortifies morall precepts with example; for what we see
him personate, we thinke truely done before vs: a man of a deepe thought
might apprehend, the Ghosts of our ancient Heroes walk’t againe, and take
him (at seuerall times) for many of them. Hee is much affected to painting,
and tis a question whether that make him an excellent Plaier, or his playing
an exquisite painter. Hee addes grace to the Poets labours: for what in the
Poet is but ditty, in him is both ditty and musicke. He entertaines vs in the
best leasure of our life, that is betweene meales, the most vnfit time, either
for study or bodily exercise: the flight of Hawkes and chase of wilde
Page 297
beastes, either of them are delights noble: but some think this sport of men
the worthier, despight all calumny. All men haue beene of his occupation:
and indeed, what hee doth fainedly that doe others essentially: this day one
plaies a Monarch, the next a priuate person. Heere one Acts a Tyrant, on the
morrow an Exile: A Parasite this man to night, to morow a Precisian, and so
of diuers others. I obserue, of all men liuing, a worthy Actor in one kind is
the strongest motiue of affection that can be: for when he dies, wee cannot
be perswaded any man can doe his parts like him. Therefore the imitating
Characterist was extreame idle in calling them Rogues. His Muse it seemes,
with all his loud inuocation, could not be wak’d to light him a snuffe to read
the Statute: for I would let his malicious ignorance vnderstand, that Rogues
are not to be imploide as maine ornaments to his Maiesties Reuels; but the
itch of bestriding the Presse, or getting vp on this wodden Pacolet, hath
defil’d more innocent paper, then euer did Laxatiue Physicke: yet is their
inuention such tyred stuffe, that like Kentish Posthorse they can not go
beyond their ordinary stage, should you flea them. But to conclude, I valew
a worthy Actor by the corruption of some few of the quality, as I would doe
gold in the oare; I should not mind the drosse, but the purity of the metall.
lxii. 1616. John Selden.
[From a letter to Ben Jonson of ‘28th of Feb. 1615’ (Works, ii. 1690).]
‘I have most willingly collected what you wished, my notes touching the
literal sense and historical of the holy text usually brought against the
counterfeiting of sexes by apparell.’ Explains it as a prohibition of an
idolatrous Palestine ritual.
lxiii. 1616. Nathan Field.
[From Feild the Players Letter to Mr Sutton, Preacher att St Mary Overs, 1616,
printed by Halliwell, Illustrations, 115, from S. P. Dom. Jac. I, lxxxix. 105. There are
some slight references to the stage in Thomas Sutton’s England’s First and Second
Summons (1616), 27, 195, but these are Paul’s Cross sermons delivered, and in the
case of the first at least printed, before he became preacher at Saint Mary Overies in
1616, and Field is probably answering something later and more pointed.]
Protests that Sutton’s labour ‘to hinder the Sacrament and banish me
from myne owne parishe Churche’ is ‘uncharitable dealing with your poore
parishioners, whose purses participate in your contribucion and whose
labour yow are contented to eate’. Can find nothing in the Bible, ‘which I
the worthier, despight all calumny. All men haue beene of his occupation:
and indeed, what hee doth fainedly that doe others essentially: this day one
plaies a Monarch, the next a priuate person. Heere one Acts a Tyrant, on the
morrow an Exile: A Parasite this man to night, to morow a Precisian, and so
of diuers others. I obserue, of all men liuing, a worthy Actor in one kind is
the strongest motiue of affection that can be: for when he dies, wee cannot
be perswaded any man can doe his parts like him. Therefore the imitating
Characterist was extreame idle in calling them Rogues. His Muse it seemes,
with all his loud inuocation, could not be wak’d to light him a snuffe to read
the Statute: for I would let his malicious ignorance vnderstand, that Rogues
are not to be imploide as maine ornaments to his Maiesties Reuels; but the
itch of bestriding the Presse, or getting vp on this wodden Pacolet, hath
defil’d more innocent paper, then euer did Laxatiue Physicke: yet is their
inuention such tyred stuffe, that like Kentish Posthorse they can not go
beyond their ordinary stage, should you flea them. But to conclude, I valew
a worthy Actor by the corruption of some few of the quality, as I would doe
gold in the oare; I should not mind the drosse, but the purity of the metall.
lxii. 1616. John Selden.
[From a letter to Ben Jonson of ‘28th of Feb. 1615’ (Works, ii. 1690).]
‘I have most willingly collected what you wished, my notes touching the
literal sense and historical of the holy text usually brought against the
counterfeiting of sexes by apparell.’ Explains it as a prohibition of an
idolatrous Palestine ritual.
lxiii. 1616. Nathan Field.
[From Feild the Players Letter to Mr Sutton, Preacher att St Mary Overs, 1616,
printed by Halliwell, Illustrations, 115, from S. P. Dom. Jac. I, lxxxix. 105. There are
some slight references to the stage in Thomas Sutton’s England’s First and Second
Summons (1616), 27, 195, but these are Paul’s Cross sermons delivered, and in the
case of the first at least printed, before he became preacher at Saint Mary Overies in
1616, and Field is probably answering something later and more pointed.]
Protests that Sutton’s labour ‘to hinder the Sacrament and banish me
from myne owne parishe Churche’ is ‘uncharitable dealing with your poore
parishioners, whose purses participate in your contribucion and whose
labour yow are contented to eate’. Can find nothing in the Bible, ‘which I
Page 298
have studied as my best parte’, condemning players, nor does ‘our Caesar,
our David’, King James, condemn them.
our David’, King James, condemn them.
Page 299
APPENDIX D
DOCUMENTS OF CONTROL
[Bibliographical Note.—The material here collected relates to the control of the
stage both by the central and, so far as London and its suburbs are concerned, by the
local authorities. It is largely drawn from official sources, especially the Chancery
Rolls and the Privy Council Register, and the City archives, in particular the series of
Remembrancia, which begins in 1579 and contains copies of official correspondence
between the Corporation and the Privy Council, or individual persons of honour.
Something has also been contributed by the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen and
the Journals of the Common Council, but these, as well as the Liber Legum and the
Letter Books, which extend to 1590, probably still require further search. The nature
of the Privy Council Register is described in ch. ii, and it must be borne in mind that
orders relating to plays are probably missing from it, owing to lacunae, of which the
chief are May 1559–May 1562, Sept. 1562–Nov. 1564, Dec. 1565–Oct. 1566, May
1567–May 1570, July 1572–Feb. 1573, June 1582–Feb. 1586, Aug. 1593–Oct. 1595,
April 1599–Jan. 1600, Jan. 1602–May 1613. For the last of these an abstract covering
1602–10 in Addl. MS. 11402 is an inadequate substitute. Probably some volumes of
the Register were burnt in the fire of 1619 (cf. ch. i). Many of the documents were
printed by Collier, Hazlitt, Wright, and others, but in most cases more authoritative
texts are available in such publications as the Statutes of the Realm (1810–22), J. R.
Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council (1890–1907), J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County
Records (1888–92), W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers (1907), C. C. Stopes, Extracts
from London Play Regulations (1908, Harrison, Description of England, Part iv), and
Collections of the Malone Society, vol. i (Dramatic Records from the Remembrancia,
Lansdowne Manuscripts, Patent Rolls, and Privy Council Register 1603–42, by E. K.
Chambers and W. W. Greg), and in view of the diplomatic accuracy of these I have
allowed myself to make the present copies more readable by means of additional
punctuation, modifications in the use of capitals, and the extension of contractions. I
have also occasionally omitted an irrelevant passage or an endorsement. And I have
replaced full texts by abstracts where, as in the case of the company patents, the full
texts seemed to go better in other sections of this work.]
i.
[1531. Extract from An Acte concernyng punysshement of Beggers & Vacabundes
(22 Hen. VIII, c. 12), printed in Statutes, iii. 328. The Act was continued and amended
in detail in 1536 by 27 Hen. VIII, c. 25 (St. iii. 558), replaced in 1547 by the more
severe 1 Edw. VI, c. 3 (St. iv. 5), revived in 1550 by 3 & 4 Edw. VI, c. 16 (St. iv. 115),
and continued in 1551–2 by 5 & 6 Edw. VI, c. 2 (St. iv. 131), in 1552–3 by 7 Edw. VI,
c. 11 (St. iv. 175), in 1553 by 1 Mary, c. 13 (St. iv. 215), and in 1563 by 5 Eliz. c. 3
(St. iv. 411).]
[§ 3.] And be it farther enacted by the aucthoryte aforsayde that yf any
person or persones beyng hole & myghtie in body & able to laboure, at any
tyme after the sayde feast of Saynt John [24 June 1531] be taken in
beggyng in any parte of this Realme, or yf any Man or Woman beyng hole
DOCUMENTS OF CONTROL
[Bibliographical Note.—The material here collected relates to the control of the
stage both by the central and, so far as London and its suburbs are concerned, by the
local authorities. It is largely drawn from official sources, especially the Chancery
Rolls and the Privy Council Register, and the City archives, in particular the series of
Remembrancia, which begins in 1579 and contains copies of official correspondence
between the Corporation and the Privy Council, or individual persons of honour.
Something has also been contributed by the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen and
the Journals of the Common Council, but these, as well as the Liber Legum and the
Letter Books, which extend to 1590, probably still require further search. The nature
of the Privy Council Register is described in ch. ii, and it must be borne in mind that
orders relating to plays are probably missing from it, owing to lacunae, of which the
chief are May 1559–May 1562, Sept. 1562–Nov. 1564, Dec. 1565–Oct. 1566, May
1567–May 1570, July 1572–Feb. 1573, June 1582–Feb. 1586, Aug. 1593–Oct. 1595,
April 1599–Jan. 1600, Jan. 1602–May 1613. For the last of these an abstract covering
1602–10 in Addl. MS. 11402 is an inadequate substitute. Probably some volumes of
the Register were burnt in the fire of 1619 (cf. ch. i). Many of the documents were
printed by Collier, Hazlitt, Wright, and others, but in most cases more authoritative
texts are available in such publications as the Statutes of the Realm (1810–22), J. R.
Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council (1890–1907), J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County
Records (1888–92), W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers (1907), C. C. Stopes, Extracts
from London Play Regulations (1908, Harrison, Description of England, Part iv), and
Collections of the Malone Society, vol. i (Dramatic Records from the Remembrancia,
Lansdowne Manuscripts, Patent Rolls, and Privy Council Register 1603–42, by E. K.
Chambers and W. W. Greg), and in view of the diplomatic accuracy of these I have
allowed myself to make the present copies more readable by means of additional
punctuation, modifications in the use of capitals, and the extension of contractions. I
have also occasionally omitted an irrelevant passage or an endorsement. And I have
replaced full texts by abstracts where, as in the case of the company patents, the full
texts seemed to go better in other sections of this work.]
i.
[1531. Extract from An Acte concernyng punysshement of Beggers & Vacabundes
(22 Hen. VIII, c. 12), printed in Statutes, iii. 328. The Act was continued and amended
in detail in 1536 by 27 Hen. VIII, c. 25 (St. iii. 558), replaced in 1547 by the more
severe 1 Edw. VI, c. 3 (St. iv. 5), revived in 1550 by 3 & 4 Edw. VI, c. 16 (St. iv. 115),
and continued in 1551–2 by 5 & 6 Edw. VI, c. 2 (St. iv. 131), in 1552–3 by 7 Edw. VI,
c. 11 (St. iv. 175), in 1553 by 1 Mary, c. 13 (St. iv. 215), and in 1563 by 5 Eliz. c. 3
(St. iv. 411).]
[§ 3.] And be it farther enacted by the aucthoryte aforsayde that yf any
person or persones beyng hole & myghtie in body & able to laboure, at any
tyme after the sayde feast of Saynt John [24 June 1531] be taken in
beggyng in any parte of this Realme, or yf any Man or Woman beyng hole
Page 300
& myghty in body & able to laboure havyng no lande [or] maister nor
usyng any lawful marchaundyse crafte or mystery, wherby he myght gette
his lyvyng after the same feast, be vagarant & can gyve none rekenyng
howe he doth lefully gett his lyvyng, that than yt shalbe lefull to the
Constables & all other the Kynges Officers Mynysters & Subjectes of every
Towne Paryshe & Hamlet to arest the sayd Vacaboundes & ydell persons &
them bryng to any of the Justices of Peace of the same Shyre or Libertie, or
els to the Highe Constable of the Hundrede Rape or Wapentake wythin
whyche suche persones shalbe taken; and yf he be taken wythin any Cyte or
Towen Corporate, than to be brought before the Mayre, Shereffes or
Baylyffes of every suche Towne Corporate; and that every suche Justyce of
Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Shereffes and Baylyffes by their
dyscretions shall cause every suche ydell person so to hym brought to be
had to the next market Towne or other place, where the sayde Justices of
Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Baylyffes or other Officers shall thynke
most convenyent by his or there discretions & there to be tyed to the end of
a Carte naked and be beten wyth Whyppes thoroughe oute the same market
Towne or other place tyll his Body be blody by reason of suche whyppyng;
and after suche punysshement & whyppyng had, the person so punysshed
by the dyscretion of the Justice of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayre,
Sheryffes, Baylyffes & other Officers, afore whom suche person shalbe
brought, shalbe enyoyned upon his othe to retourne forthewyth wythout
delaye in the next & streyght waye to the place where he was borne, or
where he last dwelled before the same punysshement by the space of iij
yeres & there put hym selfe to laboure, lyke as a trewe man oweth to doo ...
and yf the person so whypped be an ydell person & no common begger than
after suche whippyng he shall be kepte in the Stockes till he hath founde
suertie to goo to servyce or elles to laboure after the dyscretion of the sayde
Justice of Peace, Mayres, Shireffes, Baylyffes, Highe Constables or other
suche Offycers afore whome any suche ydell person beyng no commen
begger shalbe brought, yf by the dyscretion of the same Justice of Peace,
Mayer, Shyreff, Bayly, Highe Constable, or other suche hedde offycer, yt be
so thought convenyent & that the partie so punysshed be able to fynde
suretye or elles to be ordered & sworne to repayer to the place where he
was borne or where he last dwelled by the space of three yeres.
ii.
usyng any lawful marchaundyse crafte or mystery, wherby he myght gette
his lyvyng after the same feast, be vagarant & can gyve none rekenyng
howe he doth lefully gett his lyvyng, that than yt shalbe lefull to the
Constables & all other the Kynges Officers Mynysters & Subjectes of every
Towne Paryshe & Hamlet to arest the sayd Vacaboundes & ydell persons &
them bryng to any of the Justices of Peace of the same Shyre or Libertie, or
els to the Highe Constable of the Hundrede Rape or Wapentake wythin
whyche suche persones shalbe taken; and yf he be taken wythin any Cyte or
Towen Corporate, than to be brought before the Mayre, Shereffes or
Baylyffes of every suche Towne Corporate; and that every suche Justyce of
Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Shereffes and Baylyffes by their
dyscretions shall cause every suche ydell person so to hym brought to be
had to the next market Towne or other place, where the sayde Justices of
Peace, Highe Constable, Mayres, Baylyffes or other Officers shall thynke
most convenyent by his or there discretions & there to be tyed to the end of
a Carte naked and be beten wyth Whyppes thoroughe oute the same market
Towne or other place tyll his Body be blody by reason of suche whyppyng;
and after suche punysshement & whyppyng had, the person so punysshed
by the dyscretion of the Justice of Peace, Highe Constable, Mayre,
Sheryffes, Baylyffes & other Officers, afore whom suche person shalbe
brought, shalbe enyoyned upon his othe to retourne forthewyth wythout
delaye in the next & streyght waye to the place where he was borne, or
where he last dwelled before the same punysshement by the space of iij
yeres & there put hym selfe to laboure, lyke as a trewe man oweth to doo ...
and yf the person so whypped be an ydell person & no common begger than
after suche whippyng he shall be kepte in the Stockes till he hath founde
suertie to goo to servyce or elles to laboure after the dyscretion of the sayde
Justice of Peace, Mayres, Shireffes, Baylyffes, Highe Constables or other
suche Offycers afore whome any suche ydell person beyng no commen
begger shalbe brought, yf by the dyscretion of the same Justice of Peace,
Mayer, Shyreff, Bayly, Highe Constable, or other suche hedde offycer, yt be
so thought convenyent & that the partie so punysshed be able to fynde
suretye or elles to be ordered & sworne to repayer to the place where he
was borne or where he last dwelled by the space of three yeres.
ii.
Page 301
[1549, May 27. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 313, from
London Repertory, xii, f. 92.]
Item, John Wylkynson, coriour, who comenly suffreth
& meynteyneth interludes & playes to be made and kept Amcotes, Mayor.
Wylkynson.
within his dwellyng house, was streyghtly commandid
no more to suffer eny suche pleyes there to be kept, vpon peyne of
imprysonement, &c.
iii.
[1549, July 4. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 313, from
London Repertory, xii. 1, f. 100.]
At this courte. yt was agreyd that my Lorde Mayer, at
his next repayrynge to the Lorde Chaunceler, shulde Interludes & bukler
playinge.
desyre his Lordeshyps ayde and advise for the steyinge
of all comen interludes & pleyes within the Citie & the suburbes therof.
And further, that euery of my maisters thaldermen shulde take suche ordre
in their wardes with the constables, & otherwyse by their discrecion, that
there be no more buckler playing suffred nor vsed within eny of their
wardes duryng this besye tyme.
iv.
[1549, 7 Nov. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 314, from
London Repertory, xii. 1, f. 162v.]
Item, it is orderyd that the ij Secondaries of the
Compters, Mr. Atkyns & Mr. Burnell, shall, accordyng Hyll, Mayor.
Enterludes.
to the tenour of the recognysaunce lately taken before
the Lorde grete Master, & remaynyng with my Lorde Mayer, pervse all
suche enterludes as hereafter shalbe pleyed by eny comen pleyr of the same
within the Citie or the liberties therof, And make reporte of the same to the
Lorde Mayer for the tyme beynge, And accordyng thervnto, my Lorde
Mayer to suffer them to go forwarde, or to stey.
v.
[1550, 23 Dec. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 314, from
London Repertory, xii. 2, f. 294v.]
At this Courte, certein comen plaiers of interludes
Players of
within this Citie were bounden by Recognisaunce as interludes.
herafter insuythe:
London Repertory, xii, f. 92.]
Item, John Wylkynson, coriour, who comenly suffreth
& meynteyneth interludes & playes to be made and kept Amcotes, Mayor.
Wylkynson.
within his dwellyng house, was streyghtly commandid
no more to suffer eny suche pleyes there to be kept, vpon peyne of
imprysonement, &c.
iii.
[1549, July 4. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 313, from
London Repertory, xii. 1, f. 100.]
At this courte. yt was agreyd that my Lorde Mayer, at
his next repayrynge to the Lorde Chaunceler, shulde Interludes & bukler
playinge.
desyre his Lordeshyps ayde and advise for the steyinge
of all comen interludes & pleyes within the Citie & the suburbes therof.
And further, that euery of my maisters thaldermen shulde take suche ordre
in their wardes with the constables, & otherwyse by their discrecion, that
there be no more buckler playing suffred nor vsed within eny of their
wardes duryng this besye tyme.
iv.
[1549, 7 Nov. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 314, from
London Repertory, xii. 1, f. 162v.]
Item, it is orderyd that the ij Secondaries of the
Compters, Mr. Atkyns & Mr. Burnell, shall, accordyng Hyll, Mayor.
Enterludes.
to the tenour of the recognysaunce lately taken before
the Lorde grete Master, & remaynyng with my Lorde Mayer, pervse all
suche enterludes as hereafter shalbe pleyed by eny comen pleyr of the same
within the Citie or the liberties therof, And make reporte of the same to the
Lorde Mayer for the tyme beynge, And accordyng thervnto, my Lorde
Mayer to suffer them to go forwarde, or to stey.
v.
[1550, 23 Dec. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 314, from
London Repertory, xii. 2, f. 294v.]
At this Courte, certein comen plaiers of interludes
Players of
within this Citie were bounden by Recognisaunce as interludes.
herafter insuythe:
Page 302
Item, Johannes Nethe, Robertus Southyn, Robertus Drake, Robertus
Peacocke, Johannes Nethersall, Robertus Sutton, Ricardus Jugler, Johannes
Ronner, Willelmus Readyng, Edmundus Stokedale, Johannes Rawlyns,
Johannes Crane, Ricardus Gyrke, Johannes Radstone, Oliuerus Page,
Ricardus Pokeley, Ricardus Parseley, & Willelmus Clement, recognoverunt
se & eorum quemlibet, per se debere domino Regi xx li, bonis etc soluendis
etc: The condicion, etc, that yf the above bounden John Nethe, Robert
Southyn etc & eny and euery of them, do not at herafter play eny interlude
or comen play within eny of our Soueraygn Lorde the kynges domynyons,
without the especiall licence of our seid Soueraygn Lorde, or of his most
honourable Councell for the tyme beyng, had & obteyned for the same, And
also yf they the seid Recognytours, & euery of them, do att all & euery
tyme & tymes herafter, when they or any of them shalbe, by the seid
Counsell or eny of them, sent for, personally appere before the seid
Counsell or some of them, that then, etc, or els etc.
vi.
[1553. City order cited from Letter Book, R, f. 246, in V. H. London, i. 295.]
Plays and interludes were forbidden before 3 p.m. on Sundays and
holidays.
vii.
[1558. A reference to plays is cited from Letter Book, V, f. 216, in V. H. London, i.
322.]
viii.
[1559, April 7. Proclamation. Despatches in V. P. vii. 65, 71, also record this,
which, however, is not preserved. It forms no part of Procl. 504 for peace with
France, which both Machyn and Holinshed describe as proclaimed immediately
before it, and which bears date 7 April. Procl. 503, of 22 March, prescribing Easter
Sacrament in both kinds, has a clause enjoining mayors and other officers to commit
to prison ‘all disordred persons, that shall seke willingly to breake, either by
misordred dede, or by railing, or contemptuous speach, the common peace and band
of charytie’; but, apart from the discrepancy of dates, this seems too general in its
terms to answer the descriptions.]
(a)
[Entry in Machyn’s Diary, 193, misdated April 8.]
Bluw-mantyll dyd proclaymyd that no players shuld play no more tyll a
serten tyme of no mans players; but the mare or shreyff, balle, constabull, or
Peacocke, Johannes Nethersall, Robertus Sutton, Ricardus Jugler, Johannes
Ronner, Willelmus Readyng, Edmundus Stokedale, Johannes Rawlyns,
Johannes Crane, Ricardus Gyrke, Johannes Radstone, Oliuerus Page,
Ricardus Pokeley, Ricardus Parseley, & Willelmus Clement, recognoverunt
se & eorum quemlibet, per se debere domino Regi xx li, bonis etc soluendis
etc: The condicion, etc, that yf the above bounden John Nethe, Robert
Southyn etc & eny and euery of them, do not at herafter play eny interlude
or comen play within eny of our Soueraygn Lorde the kynges domynyons,
without the especiall licence of our seid Soueraygn Lorde, or of his most
honourable Councell for the tyme beyng, had & obteyned for the same, And
also yf they the seid Recognytours, & euery of them, do att all & euery
tyme & tymes herafter, when they or any of them shalbe, by the seid
Counsell or eny of them, sent for, personally appere before the seid
Counsell or some of them, that then, etc, or els etc.
vi.
[1553. City order cited from Letter Book, R, f. 246, in V. H. London, i. 295.]
Plays and interludes were forbidden before 3 p.m. on Sundays and
holidays.
vii.
[1558. A reference to plays is cited from Letter Book, V, f. 216, in V. H. London, i.
322.]
viii.
[1559, April 7. Proclamation. Despatches in V. P. vii. 65, 71, also record this,
which, however, is not preserved. It forms no part of Procl. 504 for peace with
France, which both Machyn and Holinshed describe as proclaimed immediately
before it, and which bears date 7 April. Procl. 503, of 22 March, prescribing Easter
Sacrament in both kinds, has a clause enjoining mayors and other officers to commit
to prison ‘all disordred persons, that shall seke willingly to breake, either by
misordred dede, or by railing, or contemptuous speach, the common peace and band
of charytie’; but, apart from the discrepancy of dates, this seems too general in its
terms to answer the descriptions.]
(a)
[Entry in Machyn’s Diary, 193, misdated April 8.]
Bluw-mantyll dyd proclaymyd that no players shuld play no more tyll a
serten tyme of no mans players; but the mare or shreyff, balle, constabull, or
Page 303
odur offesers take them, lay them in presun, and the quen commondement
layd on them.
(b)
[Extract from Holinshed, Chronicle, iii. 1184.]
The same time also [April 7] was another proclamation made under the
queenes hand in writing, inhibiting that from thenceforth no plaies nor
interludes should be exercised, till Alhallowes tide next insuing.
ix.
[1559, May 8. Extract from An Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer and
Service in the Church and Administration of the Sacraments (1 Eliz. c. 2), printed in
Statutes, iv. 1, 355. Later clauses give concurrent power to deal with offences under
the Act to justices of assize or mayors and other head officers of cities and boroughs,
and to archbishops and bishops and other ordinaries by ecclesiastical process.]
It is ordained and enacted by the authority abovesaid, that if any person
or persons whatsoever, after the said feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist
next coming [24 June 1559], shall in any interludes, plays, songs, rhymes,
or by other open words, declare or speak anything in the derogation,
depraving, or despising of the same book [of Common Prayer], or of
anything therein contained, or any part thereof, ... then every such person,
being thereof lawfully convicted in form aforesaid, shall forfeit to the queen
our sovereign lady, her heirs and successors, for the first offence a hundred
marks.
x.
[1559, May 16. Proclamation 509, printed in Collier, i. 166, and Hazlitt, E. D. S.
19.]
¶ By the Quene.
Forasmuche as the tyme wherein common Interludes in the Englishe
tongue are wont vsually to be played, is now past vntyll All Hallou-tyde,
and that also some that haue ben of late vsed, are not conuenient in any
good ordred Christian Common weale to be suffred. The Quenes Maiestie
doth straightly forbyd all maner Interludes to be playde eyther openly or
priuately, except the same be notified before hande, and licenced within any
Citie or towne corporate, by the Maior or other chiefe officers of the same,
and within any shyre, by suche as shalbe Lieuetenauntes for the Quenes
layd on them.
(b)
[Extract from Holinshed, Chronicle, iii. 1184.]
The same time also [April 7] was another proclamation made under the
queenes hand in writing, inhibiting that from thenceforth no plaies nor
interludes should be exercised, till Alhallowes tide next insuing.
ix.
[1559, May 8. Extract from An Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer and
Service in the Church and Administration of the Sacraments (1 Eliz. c. 2), printed in
Statutes, iv. 1, 355. Later clauses give concurrent power to deal with offences under
the Act to justices of assize or mayors and other head officers of cities and boroughs,
and to archbishops and bishops and other ordinaries by ecclesiastical process.]
It is ordained and enacted by the authority abovesaid, that if any person
or persons whatsoever, after the said feast of the Nativity of St. John Baptist
next coming [24 June 1559], shall in any interludes, plays, songs, rhymes,
or by other open words, declare or speak anything in the derogation,
depraving, or despising of the same book [of Common Prayer], or of
anything therein contained, or any part thereof, ... then every such person,
being thereof lawfully convicted in form aforesaid, shall forfeit to the queen
our sovereign lady, her heirs and successors, for the first offence a hundred
marks.
x.
[1559, May 16. Proclamation 509, printed in Collier, i. 166, and Hazlitt, E. D. S.
19.]
¶ By the Quene.
Forasmuche as the tyme wherein common Interludes in the Englishe
tongue are wont vsually to be played, is now past vntyll All Hallou-tyde,
and that also some that haue ben of late vsed, are not conuenient in any
good ordred Christian Common weale to be suffred. The Quenes Maiestie
doth straightly forbyd all maner Interludes to be playde eyther openly or
priuately, except the same be notified before hande, and licenced within any
Citie or towne corporate, by the Maior or other chiefe officers of the same,
and within any shyre, by suche as shalbe Lieuetenauntes for the Quenes
Page 304
Maiestie in the same shyre, or by two of the Justices of peax inhabyting
within that part of the shire where any shalbe played.
And for instruction to euery of the sayde officers, her maiestie doth
likewise charge euery of them, as they will aunswere: that they permyt none
to be played wherin either matters of religion or of the gouernaunce of the
estate of the common weale shalbe handled or treated, beyng no meete
matters to be wrytten or treated vpon, but by menne of aucthoritie, learning
and wisedome, nor to be handled before any audience, but of graue and
discreete persons: All which partes of this proclamation, her maiestie
chargeth to be inuiolably kepte. And if any shal attempt to the contrary: her
maiestie giueth all maner of officers that haue authoritie to see common
peax kepte in commaundement, to arrest and enprison the parties so
offendinge, for the space of fourtene dayes or more, as cause shal nede: And
furder also vntill good assuraunce may be founde and gyuen, that they
shalbe of good behauiour, and no more to offende in the likes.
And further her maiestie gyueth speciall charge to her nobilitie and
gentilmen, as they professe to obey and regarde her maiestie, to take good
order in thys behalfe wyth their seruauntes being players, that this her
maiesties commaundement may be dulye kepte and obeyed.
Yeuen at our Palayce of Westminster the xvi. daye of Maye, the first
yeare of oure Raygne.
xi.
[1559, June. Lord Robert Dudley to the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord President of the
North, printed from Heralds College Talbot MS. E. f. 29, in Collier, i. 168; also in
Lodge, i. 376.]
My good Lorde,
Where my servauntes, bringers hereof unto you, be suche as ar plaiers of
interludes; and for the same have the Licence of diverse of my Lords here,
under ther seales and handis, to plaie in diverse shieres within the realme
under there aucthorities, as maie amplie appere unto your L. by the same
licence. I have thought emong the rest by my Lettres to beseche your good
L. conformitie to them like wise, that they maie have your hand and seale to
ther licence for the like libertye in Yorke shiere; being honest men, and
suche as shall plaie none other matters (I trust); but tollerable and
convenient; whereof some of them have bene herde here alredie before
within that part of the shire where any shalbe played.
And for instruction to euery of the sayde officers, her maiestie doth
likewise charge euery of them, as they will aunswere: that they permyt none
to be played wherin either matters of religion or of the gouernaunce of the
estate of the common weale shalbe handled or treated, beyng no meete
matters to be wrytten or treated vpon, but by menne of aucthoritie, learning
and wisedome, nor to be handled before any audience, but of graue and
discreete persons: All which partes of this proclamation, her maiestie
chargeth to be inuiolably kepte. And if any shal attempt to the contrary: her
maiestie giueth all maner of officers that haue authoritie to see common
peax kepte in commaundement, to arrest and enprison the parties so
offendinge, for the space of fourtene dayes or more, as cause shal nede: And
furder also vntill good assuraunce may be founde and gyuen, that they
shalbe of good behauiour, and no more to offende in the likes.
And further her maiestie gyueth speciall charge to her nobilitie and
gentilmen, as they professe to obey and regarde her maiestie, to take good
order in thys behalfe wyth their seruauntes being players, that this her
maiesties commaundement may be dulye kepte and obeyed.
Yeuen at our Palayce of Westminster the xvi. daye of Maye, the first
yeare of oure Raygne.
xi.
[1559, June. Lord Robert Dudley to the Earl of Shrewsbury, Lord President of the
North, printed from Heralds College Talbot MS. E. f. 29, in Collier, i. 168; also in
Lodge, i. 376.]
My good Lorde,
Where my servauntes, bringers hereof unto you, be suche as ar plaiers of
interludes; and for the same have the Licence of diverse of my Lords here,
under ther seales and handis, to plaie in diverse shieres within the realme
under there aucthorities, as maie amplie appere unto your L. by the same
licence. I have thought emong the rest by my Lettres to beseche your good
L. conformitie to them like wise, that they maie have your hand and seale to
ther licence for the like libertye in Yorke shiere; being honest men, and
suche as shall plaie none other matters (I trust); but tollerable and
convenient; whereof some of them have bene herde here alredie before
Page 305
diverse of my Lordis: for whome I shall have good cause to thank your L.
and to remaine your L. to the best that shall lie in my litle power. And thus I
take my leave of your good L. From Westm., the of June, 1559.
Your good L. assured,
R. Duddley.
To the right Honourable & my verie good Lorde, the Erle of Shrewsburie.
xii.
[1559, c. 13 June. Extract from Injunctions given by the Queen’s Majesty
concerning both the Clergy and Laity of this Realm, printed by Pollard, S. F. 13; in
full in Gee, 46, and E. Cardwell, Documentary Annals of the Church of England (ed.
1844), i. 210.]
Li. Item, because there is a great abuse in the printers of bookes, which
for couetousness cheefely, regard not what they print, so they may haue
gaine, whereby ariseth great disorder by publication of vnfruitefull, vaine,
and infamous bookes and papers, the Queenes maiestie straitlye chargeth
and commaundeth, that no manner of person shall print any manner of
booke or paper, of what sort, nature or in what language soeuer it be,
excepte the same be firste licensed by her maiestie, by expresse wordes in
writing, or by six of her priuie counsel: or be perused and licensed by the
Archbishops of Canterburie and Yorke, the Bishop of London, the
Chauncelors of both Vniuersities, the Bishop being Ordinarye and the
Archdeacon also of the place, where any such shal be printed or by two of
them, wherof the Ordinarie of the place to be alwayes one. And that the
names of such as shall allowe the same to bee added in the end of euery
such worke, for a testimonie of the alowance thereof. And because many
pamphlets, playes and ballads, bee oftentimes printed, wherein regarde
would bee had, that nothing therein should be either heretical, seditious, or
vnseemely for Christian eares: her maiestie likewise commaundeth, that no
manner of person shall enterprise to print any such, excepte the same bee to
him licensed by suche her maiesties Commissioners, or three of them, as be
appointed in the Cittie of London, to heare and determine diuers causes
Ecclesiasticall, tending to the execution of certaine statutes, made the last
Parliament for vniformitie of order in Religion. And if any shall sell or vtter
any maner of bookes or papers, being not licensed, as is aboue sayd: that
the same partie shalbe punished by order of the saide Commissioners, as to
the qualitie of the fault shalbe thought meete. And touching all other bookes
of matters of religion, or pollicie, or gouernance, that hath bene printed
and to remaine your L. to the best that shall lie in my litle power. And thus I
take my leave of your good L. From Westm., the of June, 1559.
Your good L. assured,
R. Duddley.
To the right Honourable & my verie good Lorde, the Erle of Shrewsburie.
xii.
[1559, c. 13 June. Extract from Injunctions given by the Queen’s Majesty
concerning both the Clergy and Laity of this Realm, printed by Pollard, S. F. 13; in
full in Gee, 46, and E. Cardwell, Documentary Annals of the Church of England (ed.
1844), i. 210.]
Li. Item, because there is a great abuse in the printers of bookes, which
for couetousness cheefely, regard not what they print, so they may haue
gaine, whereby ariseth great disorder by publication of vnfruitefull, vaine,
and infamous bookes and papers, the Queenes maiestie straitlye chargeth
and commaundeth, that no manner of person shall print any manner of
booke or paper, of what sort, nature or in what language soeuer it be,
excepte the same be firste licensed by her maiestie, by expresse wordes in
writing, or by six of her priuie counsel: or be perused and licensed by the
Archbishops of Canterburie and Yorke, the Bishop of London, the
Chauncelors of both Vniuersities, the Bishop being Ordinarye and the
Archdeacon also of the place, where any such shal be printed or by two of
them, wherof the Ordinarie of the place to be alwayes one. And that the
names of such as shall allowe the same to bee added in the end of euery
such worke, for a testimonie of the alowance thereof. And because many
pamphlets, playes and ballads, bee oftentimes printed, wherein regarde
would bee had, that nothing therein should be either heretical, seditious, or
vnseemely for Christian eares: her maiestie likewise commaundeth, that no
manner of person shall enterprise to print any such, excepte the same bee to
him licensed by suche her maiesties Commissioners, or three of them, as be
appointed in the Cittie of London, to heare and determine diuers causes
Ecclesiasticall, tending to the execution of certaine statutes, made the last
Parliament for vniformitie of order in Religion. And if any shall sell or vtter
any maner of bookes or papers, being not licensed, as is aboue sayd: that
the same partie shalbe punished by order of the saide Commissioners, as to
the qualitie of the fault shalbe thought meete. And touching all other bookes
of matters of religion, or pollicie, or gouernance, that hath bene printed
Page 306
eyther on this side the seas, or on the other side, because the diuersitie of
them is great, and that there nedeth good consideration to be had of the
particularities thereof, her maiestie referreth the prohibition or permission
thereof, to the order whiche her sayde Commissioners within the Cittie of
London shall take and notifie. Accordinge to the whiche, her maiestie
straitly commaundeth all maner her subiectes, and especially the Wardens
and company of Stationers to be obedient.
Prouided that these orders doe not extende to any prophane aucthors, and
works in any language that hath ben heretofore commonly receiued or
allowed in any of the vniuersities or schooles, but the same may be printed
and vsed as by good order they were accustomed.
[From appended Articles of Enquiry for diocesan visitations.]
Item, whether you know any person in your parish ... that hath invented,
bruited, or set forth any rumours, false and seditious tales, slanders, or
makers, bringers, buyers, sellers, keepers, or conveyors of any unlawful
books, which might stir or provoke sedition, or maintain superstitious
service within this realm, or any aiders, counsellors, procurers, or
maintainers thereunto.
Item, whether any minstrels or any other persons do use to sing or say
any songs or ditties that be vile or unclean, and especially in derision of any
godly order now set forth and established.
xiii.
[1559, July 19. Extract from Patent for the establishment of the High Commission
for ecclesiastical causes, printed by Gee, 147, from Patent Roll, 1 Eliz. p. 9, m. 23
dorso; also in Cardwell, Documentary Annals, i. 255. There were later commissions
of 20 July 1562 (heads from S. P. D. Eliz. xxvi. 41, in Gee, 178), 1572 (P. R. 14 Eliz.
p. 8), 23 April 1576 (text in Strype, Grindal, 543), 1583 (cf. Strype, Whitgift, i. 268),
and 1601 (text from P. R. 43 Eliz. p. 16, m. 37 dorso, in Rymer, xvi. 400). That of
1562 seems to have followed the model of 1559; those of 1576 and 1601 give a
jurisdiction over seditious books similar to that of 1559, but omit the provision as to
vagrants in London, which was doubtless made unnecessary by the legislation of 1572
(cf. No. xxiv).]
Elizabeth, by the grace of God, &c., to the Reverend Father in God
Matthew Parker nominated Bishop of Canterbury, and Edmond Grindall
nominated Bishop of London [and others] greeting. Where at our
Parliament ... there was two Acts and Statutes made and established, the one
entitled An Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer ... and the other
them is great, and that there nedeth good consideration to be had of the
particularities thereof, her maiestie referreth the prohibition or permission
thereof, to the order whiche her sayde Commissioners within the Cittie of
London shall take and notifie. Accordinge to the whiche, her maiestie
straitly commaundeth all maner her subiectes, and especially the Wardens
and company of Stationers to be obedient.
Prouided that these orders doe not extende to any prophane aucthors, and
works in any language that hath ben heretofore commonly receiued or
allowed in any of the vniuersities or schooles, but the same may be printed
and vsed as by good order they were accustomed.
[From appended Articles of Enquiry for diocesan visitations.]
Item, whether you know any person in your parish ... that hath invented,
bruited, or set forth any rumours, false and seditious tales, slanders, or
makers, bringers, buyers, sellers, keepers, or conveyors of any unlawful
books, which might stir or provoke sedition, or maintain superstitious
service within this realm, or any aiders, counsellors, procurers, or
maintainers thereunto.
Item, whether any minstrels or any other persons do use to sing or say
any songs or ditties that be vile or unclean, and especially in derision of any
godly order now set forth and established.
xiii.
[1559, July 19. Extract from Patent for the establishment of the High Commission
for ecclesiastical causes, printed by Gee, 147, from Patent Roll, 1 Eliz. p. 9, m. 23
dorso; also in Cardwell, Documentary Annals, i. 255. There were later commissions
of 20 July 1562 (heads from S. P. D. Eliz. xxvi. 41, in Gee, 178), 1572 (P. R. 14 Eliz.
p. 8), 23 April 1576 (text in Strype, Grindal, 543), 1583 (cf. Strype, Whitgift, i. 268),
and 1601 (text from P. R. 43 Eliz. p. 16, m. 37 dorso, in Rymer, xvi. 400). That of
1562 seems to have followed the model of 1559; those of 1576 and 1601 give a
jurisdiction over seditious books similar to that of 1559, but omit the provision as to
vagrants in London, which was doubtless made unnecessary by the legislation of 1572
(cf. No. xxiv).]
Elizabeth, by the grace of God, &c., to the Reverend Father in God
Matthew Parker nominated Bishop of Canterbury, and Edmond Grindall
nominated Bishop of London [and others] greeting. Where at our
Parliament ... there was two Acts and Statutes made and established, the one
entitled An Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer ... and the other
Page 307
entitled An Act restoring to the Crown the Ancient Jurisdiction of the State
Ecclesiastical and Spiritual ... and where divers seditious and slanderous
persons do not cease daily to invent and set forth false rumours, tales, and
seditious slanders, not only against us and the said good laws and statutes,
but also have set forth divers seditious books within this our realm of
England, meaning thereby to move and procure strife, division, and
dissension amongst our loving and obedient subjects, much to the
disquieting of us and our people:
Wherefore we ... have authorized, assigned, and appointed you to be our
Commissioners, and by these presents do give our full power and authority
to you or six of you ... to inquire ... for all offences, misdoers, and
misdemeanours ... contrary to the tenor and effect of the said several Acts
and Statutes, and either of them; and also of all and singular heretical
opinions, seditious books, contempts, conspiracies, false rumours, tales,
seditious misbehaviours, slanderous words or showings published, invented
or set forth or hereafter to be published, invented or set forth by any person
or persons against us or contrary or against any the laws or statutes of this
our realm, or against the quiet governance and rule of our people and
subjects in any county, city, or borough or other place or places within this
our realm of England, and of all and every the coadjutors, counsellors,
comforters, procurers and abettors of every such offender; and ... to hear
and determine all the premises ... and to visit, reform, redress, order, correct
and amend ... errors, heresies, crimes, abuses, offences, contempts and
enormities spiritual and ecclesiastical ... and to inquire of and search out all
ruleless men, quarrellers, vagrants and suspect persons within our city of
London and ten miles compass about the same city, and of all assaults and
frays done and committed within the same city and the compass aforesaid.
xiv.
[1563, Sept. 30. Precept from Lord Mayor to Aldermen, noted, apparently from
Journal, Lodge, No. 18, f. 184, in ‘Abstract of Several Orders relating to the Plague’
(Addl. MS. 4376, f. 52); cf. Creighton, i. 317.]
Another to prohibit all interludes & playes during the Infection.
xv.
1564, Feb. 23. Extract from letter of Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London, at Paul’s,
to Sir W. Cecil, printed M. S. C. i. 148, from Lansd. MS. 7, f. 141; also in Grindal,
Remains (1843), 269; Wright, i. 166.]
Ecclesiastical and Spiritual ... and where divers seditious and slanderous
persons do not cease daily to invent and set forth false rumours, tales, and
seditious slanders, not only against us and the said good laws and statutes,
but also have set forth divers seditious books within this our realm of
England, meaning thereby to move and procure strife, division, and
dissension amongst our loving and obedient subjects, much to the
disquieting of us and our people:
Wherefore we ... have authorized, assigned, and appointed you to be our
Commissioners, and by these presents do give our full power and authority
to you or six of you ... to inquire ... for all offences, misdoers, and
misdemeanours ... contrary to the tenor and effect of the said several Acts
and Statutes, and either of them; and also of all and singular heretical
opinions, seditious books, contempts, conspiracies, false rumours, tales,
seditious misbehaviours, slanderous words or showings published, invented
or set forth or hereafter to be published, invented or set forth by any person
or persons against us or contrary or against any the laws or statutes of this
our realm, or against the quiet governance and rule of our people and
subjects in any county, city, or borough or other place or places within this
our realm of England, and of all and every the coadjutors, counsellors,
comforters, procurers and abettors of every such offender; and ... to hear
and determine all the premises ... and to visit, reform, redress, order, correct
and amend ... errors, heresies, crimes, abuses, offences, contempts and
enormities spiritual and ecclesiastical ... and to inquire of and search out all
ruleless men, quarrellers, vagrants and suspect persons within our city of
London and ten miles compass about the same city, and of all assaults and
frays done and committed within the same city and the compass aforesaid.
xiv.
[1563, Sept. 30. Precept from Lord Mayor to Aldermen, noted, apparently from
Journal, Lodge, No. 18, f. 184, in ‘Abstract of Several Orders relating to the Plague’
(Addl. MS. 4376, f. 52); cf. Creighton, i. 317.]
Another to prohibit all interludes & playes during the Infection.
xv.
1564, Feb. 23. Extract from letter of Edmund Grindal, Bishop of London, at Paul’s,
to Sir W. Cecil, printed M. S. C. i. 148, from Lansd. MS. 7, f. 141; also in Grindal,
Remains (1843), 269; Wright, i. 166.]
Page 308
Mr. Calfhill this mornynge shewed me your letter to him, wherin ye
wishe some politike orders to be devised agaynste Infection. I thinke it verie
necessarie, and wille doo myne endevour bothe by exhortation, and
otherwise. I was readye to crave your helpe for that purpose afore, as one
nott vnmyndefulle of the parishe.
By searche I doo perceive, thatt ther is no one thinge off late is more
lyke to have renewed this contagion, then the practise off an idle sorte off
people, which have ben infamouse in all goode common weales: I meane
these Histriones, common playours; who now daylye, butt speciallye on
holydayes, sett vp bylles, whervnto the youthe resorteth excessively, & ther
taketh infection: besydes that goddes worde by theyr impure mowthes is
prophaned, and turned into scoffes; for remedie wheroff in my iugement ye
shulde do verie well to be a meane, that a proclamation wer sette furthe to
inhibitte all playes for one whole yeare (and iff itt wer for ever, it wer nott
amisse) within the Cittie, or 3. myles compasse, vpon paynes aswell to the
playours, as to the owners off the howses, wher they playe theyr lewde
enterludes.
xvi.
[1569, May 12. City precept, printed in Harrison, iv. 315, from Journal, xix, f.
167v.]
Forasmuch as thoroughe the greate resort, accesse
and assembles of great multitudes of people vnto diuerse A precept for no
and seuerall Innes and other places of this Citie, and the playes to be played
from the last day of
liberties & suburbes of the same, to thentent to here and May 1569, vntill
see certayne stage playes, enterludes, and other the last day of
disguisinges, on the Saboth dayes and other solempne September then
next following.
feastes commaunded by the church to be kept holy, and
And also for
there being close pestered together in small romes, beting clothes in
specially in this tyme of sommer, all not being and voyd wyndowes & other
of infeccions and diseases, whereby great infeccion with places next the
streat.
the plague, or some other infeccious diseases, may rise
Intratur.
and growe, to the great hynderaunce of the comon
wealth of this citty, and perill and daunger of the quenes
maiesties people, the inhabitantes thereof, and all others repayryng thether,
about there necessary affares; ... Thes are, in the quenes maiesties name,
streightly to charge and commaund, that no mannour of parson or parsons
wishe some politike orders to be devised agaynste Infection. I thinke it verie
necessarie, and wille doo myne endevour bothe by exhortation, and
otherwise. I was readye to crave your helpe for that purpose afore, as one
nott vnmyndefulle of the parishe.
By searche I doo perceive, thatt ther is no one thinge off late is more
lyke to have renewed this contagion, then the practise off an idle sorte off
people, which have ben infamouse in all goode common weales: I meane
these Histriones, common playours; who now daylye, butt speciallye on
holydayes, sett vp bylles, whervnto the youthe resorteth excessively, & ther
taketh infection: besydes that goddes worde by theyr impure mowthes is
prophaned, and turned into scoffes; for remedie wheroff in my iugement ye
shulde do verie well to be a meane, that a proclamation wer sette furthe to
inhibitte all playes for one whole yeare (and iff itt wer for ever, it wer nott
amisse) within the Cittie, or 3. myles compasse, vpon paynes aswell to the
playours, as to the owners off the howses, wher they playe theyr lewde
enterludes.
xvi.
[1569, May 12. City precept, printed in Harrison, iv. 315, from Journal, xix, f.
167v.]
Forasmuch as thoroughe the greate resort, accesse
and assembles of great multitudes of people vnto diuerse A precept for no
and seuerall Innes and other places of this Citie, and the playes to be played
from the last day of
liberties & suburbes of the same, to thentent to here and May 1569, vntill
see certayne stage playes, enterludes, and other the last day of
disguisinges, on the Saboth dayes and other solempne September then
next following.
feastes commaunded by the church to be kept holy, and
And also for
there being close pestered together in small romes, beting clothes in
specially in this tyme of sommer, all not being and voyd wyndowes & other
of infeccions and diseases, whereby great infeccion with places next the
streat.
the plague, or some other infeccious diseases, may rise
Intratur.
and growe, to the great hynderaunce of the comon
wealth of this citty, and perill and daunger of the quenes
maiesties people, the inhabitantes thereof, and all others repayryng thether,
about there necessary affares; ... Thes are, in the quenes maiesties name,
streightly to charge and commaund, that no mannour of parson or parsons
Page 309
whatsoeuer, dwelling or inhabiting within this citie of London liberties and
suburbes of the same, being Inkepers, Tablekepers, Tauernours, hall-kepers,
or bruers, Do or shall, from and after the last daye of this moneth of May
nowe next ensuinge, vntill the last day of September then next following,
take vppon him or them to set fourth, eyther openly or privatly, anny stage
play or interludes, or to permit or suffer to be set fourth or played within his
or there mansion howse, yarde, court, garden, orchard, or other place or
places whatsoeuer, within this Cittye of London, the liberties or suburbes of
the same, any mannour of stage play, enterlude, or other disguising
whatsoeuer.... And fayle ye not herof, as ye tender the welth of this citie,
and the health of the quenes maiesties people, her highnes good fauour and
pleasure, and will aunswere for the contrary at your vttermost perills.
Yeouen at the guild hall of London, the xij of May, 1569. God save the
Quene.
xvii.
[1571, Nov. 27. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 317,
from Repertory, xvii, f. 236v.]
Item, it was ordered that preceptes shalbe made to
euery of my Masters thaldermen, that they from Intratur.
henceforth suffre no playe or enterlude to be played Preceptes to be
within the precynctes of there seuerall wardes vpon made.
Sondaies, holly daies, or other daie of the weke, or ells
at nyght of any of the same daies, till suche tyme as other order by this
courte shalbe taken in that behalf.
xviii.
[1571, Dec. 6. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318, from
Repertory, xvii, f. 239v.]
Item, this daye, licence is geven to my lord of
My Lord of
Leicesters men to playe within this Citie such matters as Leicesters men
are alowed of to be played, at convenient howers & licensed to playe.
tymes, so that it be not in tyme of devyne service.
xix.
[1572, Jan. 3. Abstract of Proclamation for the Execution of the Laws made against
Unlawful Retainers (Procl. 663); for text cf. M. S. C. i. 350.]
suburbes of the same, being Inkepers, Tablekepers, Tauernours, hall-kepers,
or bruers, Do or shall, from and after the last daye of this moneth of May
nowe next ensuinge, vntill the last day of September then next following,
take vppon him or them to set fourth, eyther openly or privatly, anny stage
play or interludes, or to permit or suffer to be set fourth or played within his
or there mansion howse, yarde, court, garden, orchard, or other place or
places whatsoeuer, within this Cittye of London, the liberties or suburbes of
the same, any mannour of stage play, enterlude, or other disguising
whatsoeuer.... And fayle ye not herof, as ye tender the welth of this citie,
and the health of the quenes maiesties people, her highnes good fauour and
pleasure, and will aunswere for the contrary at your vttermost perills.
Yeouen at the guild hall of London, the xij of May, 1569. God save the
Quene.
xvii.
[1571, Nov. 27. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 317,
from Repertory, xvii, f. 236v.]
Item, it was ordered that preceptes shalbe made to
euery of my Masters thaldermen, that they from Intratur.
henceforth suffre no playe or enterlude to be played Preceptes to be
within the precynctes of there seuerall wardes vpon made.
Sondaies, holly daies, or other daie of the weke, or ells
at nyght of any of the same daies, till suche tyme as other order by this
courte shalbe taken in that behalf.
xviii.
[1571, Dec. 6. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318, from
Repertory, xvii, f. 239v.]
Item, this daye, licence is geven to my lord of
My Lord of
Leicesters men to playe within this Citie such matters as Leicesters men
are alowed of to be played, at convenient howers & licensed to playe.
tymes, so that it be not in tyme of devyne service.
xix.
[1572, Jan. 3. Abstract of Proclamation for the Execution of the Laws made against
Unlawful Retainers (Procl. 663); for text cf. M. S. C. i. 350.]
Page 310
Requires justices of assise to enforce after 20 Feb. 1572 the statutes
against unlawful retainers, and in particular 3 Hen. VII (1487), c. 12, one of
several statutes confirming 8 Hen. VI (1429), c. 4, which forbade the giving
of any livery of cloths or hat by a lord to other than his menials and lawyers
(R. O. Statutes of the Realm, ii. 240, 522).
xx.
[1572, c. Jan. Letter to the Earl of Leicester from his Players; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Requests that they may be retained as ‘houshold servaunts and daylie
wayters’, in view of the recent proclamation (No. xix, supra), and may
continue to have their lord’s license to certify the same when they travel.
xxi.
[1572, Jan. 29. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318, from
Repertory, xvii, f. 263v.]
Item, it is further granted at the like request [of Sir
My lord of
Thomas Gresham] that my lord of Burgaueneys players Burgaueneys
shall play within this Citie duringe my lordes Maiours players.
pleasure.
xxii.
[1572. Extract from MS. Chronologie of William Harrison, s.a. 1572, printed in
Harrison, i. liv. The entries continue to 1593, and this one was probably written after
the building of the Theatre and Curtain in 1576.]
1572. Plaies are banished for a time out of London, lest the resort vnto
them should ingender a plague, or rather disperse it, being alredy begonne.
Would to god these comon plaies were exiled for altogether, as semenaries
of impiety, & their theaters pulled downe, as no better then houses of
baudrie. It is an euident token of a wicked time when plaiers wexe so riche
that they can build suche houses. As moche I wish also to our comon beare
baitinges vsed on the Sabaothe daies.
xxiii.
[1572, May 20. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318,
from Repertory, xvii, f. 316.]
Item, this daie, after the readyng of the Lordes of the
Quenes Maiesties most honorable Counselles Letters, The Counsells
Lettres for Plaies &
written in the favor of certein persones to haue in there
against unlawful retainers, and in particular 3 Hen. VII (1487), c. 12, one of
several statutes confirming 8 Hen. VI (1429), c. 4, which forbade the giving
of any livery of cloths or hat by a lord to other than his menials and lawyers
(R. O. Statutes of the Realm, ii. 240, 522).
xx.
[1572, c. Jan. Letter to the Earl of Leicester from his Players; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Requests that they may be retained as ‘houshold servaunts and daylie
wayters’, in view of the recent proclamation (No. xix, supra), and may
continue to have their lord’s license to certify the same when they travel.
xxi.
[1572, Jan. 29. Minute of Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318, from
Repertory, xvii, f. 263v.]
Item, it is further granted at the like request [of Sir
My lord of
Thomas Gresham] that my lord of Burgaueneys players Burgaueneys
shall play within this Citie duringe my lordes Maiours players.
pleasure.
xxii.
[1572. Extract from MS. Chronologie of William Harrison, s.a. 1572, printed in
Harrison, i. liv. The entries continue to 1593, and this one was probably written after
the building of the Theatre and Curtain in 1576.]
1572. Plaies are banished for a time out of London, lest the resort vnto
them should ingender a plague, or rather disperse it, being alredy begonne.
Would to god these comon plaies were exiled for altogether, as semenaries
of impiety, & their theaters pulled downe, as no better then houses of
baudrie. It is an euident token of a wicked time when plaiers wexe so riche
that they can build suche houses. As moche I wish also to our comon beare
baitinges vsed on the Sabaothe daies.
xxiii.
[1572, May 20. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 318,
from Repertory, xvii, f. 316.]
Item, this daie, after the readyng of the Lordes of the
Quenes Maiesties most honorable Counselles Letters, The Counsells
Lettres for Plaies &
written in the favor of certein persones to haue in there
Page 311
howses, yardes, or back sydes, being overt & open Commodies.
Intratur.
places, such playes, enterludes, commedies, & tragedies
as maye tende to represse vyce & extoll vertwe, for the recreacion of the
people, & therby to drawe them from sundrye worser exercyses, The matter
theerof being first examyned, sene & allowed, by such discrete person or
persones as shalbe by the Lord Maiour thervnto appoynted, and takyng
bondes of the said houskeapars not to suffer the same playes to be in the
tyme of devyne service, & vpon other condicions in the same Letters
specified:
Item, it was agreed that Master Townclark shall devyse a letter for
answer of thother, to be sent vnto my Lord Burleighe, signifiing to his
honour, that it is thought very perillous (considering the tyme of the yere &
the heat of the weather) to haue such conventicles of people by such meanes
called together, wherof the greatest number are of the meanest sorte,
beseching his honour, yf it maye so seame him good, to be a meane wherby
the same, for a tyme, may be forborne.
xxiv.
[1572, June 29. Extract from An Acte for the punishement of Vacabondes and for
Releif of the Poore & Impotent (14 Eliz. c. 5), printed in Statutes, iv. 590. The Act was
continued and amended in detail by 18 Eliz. c. 3 in 1576 (St. iv. 610) and continued by
37 Eliz. c. 11 in 1584–5 (St. iv. 718).]
[§ 2.] ... All & every person and persons whatsoever they bee, being
above thage of fourtene yeres, being hereafter sett foorth by this Acte of
Parliament to bee Roges Vacabonds or Sturdy Beggers, and bee at any tyme
after the Feaste of Sainte Bartholomewe the Apostle next comming [24
Aug.] taken begging in any parte of this Realme, or taken vagrant wandring
and misordering themselves contrary to the purport of this present Acte of
Parliament in any part of the same, shall uppon their Apprehention be
brought before one of the Justices of the Peece or Maior or Cheef Officer of
Cities Boroughes and Townes Corporate within the Countye Cytye
Boroughe or Towne Corporate, where the Apprehention shall happen to bee
... to bee presentlye commytted to ... Gaole ... or ... Prison ... untyll the next
Sessions of the Peace or Generall Gaole Delivery.... At whiche Sessions or
Gaole Delyverye yf suche person or persones bee duelye convict of his or
her Rogishe or Vacabondes Trade of Lyef ... that then ymmedyatlye he or
shee shalbe adjudged to bee grevouslye whipped, and burnte through the
Intratur.
places, such playes, enterludes, commedies, & tragedies
as maye tende to represse vyce & extoll vertwe, for the recreacion of the
people, & therby to drawe them from sundrye worser exercyses, The matter
theerof being first examyned, sene & allowed, by such discrete person or
persones as shalbe by the Lord Maiour thervnto appoynted, and takyng
bondes of the said houskeapars not to suffer the same playes to be in the
tyme of devyne service, & vpon other condicions in the same Letters
specified:
Item, it was agreed that Master Townclark shall devyse a letter for
answer of thother, to be sent vnto my Lord Burleighe, signifiing to his
honour, that it is thought very perillous (considering the tyme of the yere &
the heat of the weather) to haue such conventicles of people by such meanes
called together, wherof the greatest number are of the meanest sorte,
beseching his honour, yf it maye so seame him good, to be a meane wherby
the same, for a tyme, may be forborne.
xxiv.
[1572, June 29. Extract from An Acte for the punishement of Vacabondes and for
Releif of the Poore & Impotent (14 Eliz. c. 5), printed in Statutes, iv. 590. The Act was
continued and amended in detail by 18 Eliz. c. 3 in 1576 (St. iv. 610) and continued by
37 Eliz. c. 11 in 1584–5 (St. iv. 718).]
[§ 2.] ... All & every person and persons whatsoever they bee, being
above thage of fourtene yeres, being hereafter sett foorth by this Acte of
Parliament to bee Roges Vacabonds or Sturdy Beggers, and bee at any tyme
after the Feaste of Sainte Bartholomewe the Apostle next comming [24
Aug.] taken begging in any parte of this Realme, or taken vagrant wandring
and misordering themselves contrary to the purport of this present Acte of
Parliament in any part of the same, shall uppon their Apprehention be
brought before one of the Justices of the Peece or Maior or Cheef Officer of
Cities Boroughes and Townes Corporate within the Countye Cytye
Boroughe or Towne Corporate, where the Apprehention shall happen to bee
... to bee presentlye commytted to ... Gaole ... or ... Prison ... untyll the next
Sessions of the Peace or Generall Gaole Delivery.... At whiche Sessions or
Gaole Delyverye yf suche person or persones bee duelye convict of his or
her Rogishe or Vacabondes Trade of Lyef ... that then ymmedyatlye he or
shee shalbe adjudged to bee grevouslye whipped, and burnte through the
Page 312
gristle of the right Eare with a hot Yron of the compasse of an Ynche about,
manifestinge his or her rogyshe kynde of Lyef, and his or her Punyshment
receaved for the same ... which Judgment shall also presentlye bee
executed, Except some honest person ... wyll of his Charitye be contented
presentlye to take suche Offendour before the same Justices into his Service
for one whole yere next followinge.
[§ 4.] ... Yf after the said Punyshment executed or Judgement gyven, the
said persone ... do eftsones fall againe to any kynde of Rogyshe or
Vacabonde Trade of Lyef, that then the said Roge Vacabonde or Sturdy
Begger from thenceforthe to be taken adjudged & demed in all respectes as
a Felon; and shall in all Degrees receave have suffer and forfayte as a
Felon, excepte some honest person ... wyll ... take him or her into his
Service for two whole yeres.... And yf suche Roge or Vacabounde ...
eftsones the third tyme fall againe to a kynde of Rogyshe or Vacabounde
Trade of Lyef, that then suche Roge or Vacabound shalbe adjudged &
deemed for a Felon, and suffer paynes of Death and losse of Land and
Goodes as a Felon without Allowance or Benefyte of Cleargye or
Sanctuary.
[§ 5.] ... All and everye persone and persones beynge whole and mightye
in Body and able to labour, havinge not Land or Maister, nor using any
lawfull Marchaundize Crafte or Mysterye whereby hee or shee might get
his or her Lyvinge, and can gyve no reckninge howe he or shee dothe
lawfully get his or her Lyvinge; & all Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players
in Enterludes & Minstrels, not belonging to any Baron of this Realme or
towardes any other honorable Personage of greater Degree; all Juglers
Pedlars Tynkers and Petye Chapmen; whiche seid Fencers Bearewardes
Comon Players in Enterludes Mynstrels Juglers Pedlers Tynkers & Petye
Chapmen, shall wander abroade and have not Lycense of two Justices of the
Peace at the leaste, whereof one to be of the Quorum, when and in what
Shier they shall happen to wander ... shalbee taken adjudged and deemed
Roges Vacaboundes and Sturdy Beggers.
[§ 12.] Provided alwayes, That yt shalbe lawfull to the Lord Chauncelour
or Lorde Keper of the Greate Seale of England for the tyme beinge to make
Lycence under the said Greate Seale, as heretofore hath benne accustomed,
and that the said Lycence and Lycences shall as largely extend as the
manifestinge his or her rogyshe kynde of Lyef, and his or her Punyshment
receaved for the same ... which Judgment shall also presentlye bee
executed, Except some honest person ... wyll of his Charitye be contented
presentlye to take suche Offendour before the same Justices into his Service
for one whole yere next followinge.
[§ 4.] ... Yf after the said Punyshment executed or Judgement gyven, the
said persone ... do eftsones fall againe to any kynde of Rogyshe or
Vacabonde Trade of Lyef, that then the said Roge Vacabonde or Sturdy
Begger from thenceforthe to be taken adjudged & demed in all respectes as
a Felon; and shall in all Degrees receave have suffer and forfayte as a
Felon, excepte some honest person ... wyll ... take him or her into his
Service for two whole yeres.... And yf suche Roge or Vacabounde ...
eftsones the third tyme fall againe to a kynde of Rogyshe or Vacabounde
Trade of Lyef, that then suche Roge or Vacabound shalbe adjudged &
deemed for a Felon, and suffer paynes of Death and losse of Land and
Goodes as a Felon without Allowance or Benefyte of Cleargye or
Sanctuary.
[§ 5.] ... All and everye persone and persones beynge whole and mightye
in Body and able to labour, havinge not Land or Maister, nor using any
lawfull Marchaundize Crafte or Mysterye whereby hee or shee might get
his or her Lyvinge, and can gyve no reckninge howe he or shee dothe
lawfully get his or her Lyvinge; & all Fencers Bearewardes Comon Players
in Enterludes & Minstrels, not belonging to any Baron of this Realme or
towardes any other honorable Personage of greater Degree; all Juglers
Pedlars Tynkers and Petye Chapmen; whiche seid Fencers Bearewardes
Comon Players in Enterludes Mynstrels Juglers Pedlers Tynkers & Petye
Chapmen, shall wander abroade and have not Lycense of two Justices of the
Peace at the leaste, whereof one to be of the Quorum, when and in what
Shier they shall happen to wander ... shalbee taken adjudged and deemed
Roges Vacaboundes and Sturdy Beggers.
[§ 12.] Provided alwayes, That yt shalbe lawfull to the Lord Chauncelour
or Lorde Keper of the Greate Seale of England for the tyme beinge to make
Lycence under the said Greate Seale, as heretofore hath benne accustomed,
and that the said Lycence and Lycences shall as largely extend as the
Page 313
Contentes of them wyll beare; any thing herein to the contrary in any wyse
notwithstandinge.
[§ 39.] Provided alwayes, That ... yt maye and shall be lawfull to the
Justice and Justices of Peace, Maior Baylyffes and other Head Officers of
those Cytyes, Boroughes Places and Townes Corporate where there bee
Justice or Justices, to proceed to the execucion of this Acte within the
Precinct and Compasse of their Liberties, in suche manner & fourme as the
Justices of Peace in any Countye may or ought to doo within the same
Countye by vertue of this Acte, any Matter or Thinge in this Acte expressed
to the contrary therof notwithstandinge.
[§ 42.] Provided alwayes, That this Acte or any Thing therein contayned,
or any aucthoritye thereby given, shall not in any wyse extend to
dysheneryte prejudice or hinder John Dutton of Dutton in the Countye of
Chester Esquier, his Heires or Assignes, for towching or concerninge any
Libertye Priviledge Preheminence Aucthoritie Jurisdiccion or Inheritaunce
which the sayd John Dutton nowe lawfully useth or hathe, or lawfully may
or ought to use within the County Palatyne of Chester and the Countye of
the Cyte of Chester, or eyther of them, by reason of any anncient Charteres
of any Kinges of this Land, or by reason of any Prescription or other lawfull
Usage or Tytle whatsoever.
xxv.
[1573, July. Privy Council Minutes, printed in Dasent, viii. 131, 132.]
(a) [July 14]
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to permitte libertie to certein
Italian plaiers to make shewe of an instrument of strainge motiones within
the Citie.
(b) [July 19]
A letter to the Lord Mayour to graunt libertie to certein Italians to make
shewe of an instrument there, merveling that he did it not at their first
request.
xxvi.
[1574, March 2. Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London to Lord Chamberlain
Sussex, printed from Cotton MS. Roll xvi. 41, in Collier, i. 206; also by S. Ayscough
in Gentleman’s Magazine, lxii, 1, 412; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 23.]
notwithstandinge.
[§ 39.] Provided alwayes, That ... yt maye and shall be lawfull to the
Justice and Justices of Peace, Maior Baylyffes and other Head Officers of
those Cytyes, Boroughes Places and Townes Corporate where there bee
Justice or Justices, to proceed to the execucion of this Acte within the
Precinct and Compasse of their Liberties, in suche manner & fourme as the
Justices of Peace in any Countye may or ought to doo within the same
Countye by vertue of this Acte, any Matter or Thinge in this Acte expressed
to the contrary therof notwithstandinge.
[§ 42.] Provided alwayes, That this Acte or any Thing therein contayned,
or any aucthoritye thereby given, shall not in any wyse extend to
dysheneryte prejudice or hinder John Dutton of Dutton in the Countye of
Chester Esquier, his Heires or Assignes, for towching or concerninge any
Libertye Priviledge Preheminence Aucthoritie Jurisdiccion or Inheritaunce
which the sayd John Dutton nowe lawfully useth or hathe, or lawfully may
or ought to use within the County Palatyne of Chester and the Countye of
the Cyte of Chester, or eyther of them, by reason of any anncient Charteres
of any Kinges of this Land, or by reason of any Prescription or other lawfull
Usage or Tytle whatsoever.
xxv.
[1573, July. Privy Council Minutes, printed in Dasent, viii. 131, 132.]
(a) [July 14]
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to permitte libertie to certein
Italian plaiers to make shewe of an instrument of strainge motiones within
the Citie.
(b) [July 19]
A letter to the Lord Mayour to graunt libertie to certein Italians to make
shewe of an instrument there, merveling that he did it not at their first
request.
xxvi.
[1574, March 2. Lord Mayor and Aldermen of London to Lord Chamberlain
Sussex, printed from Cotton MS. Roll xvi. 41, in Collier, i. 206; also by S. Ayscough
in Gentleman’s Magazine, lxii, 1, 412; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 23.]
Page 314
Our dutie to your good L. humbly done. Whereas your Lord. hath made
request in favour of one Holmes for our assent that he might have the
appointment of places for playes and enterludes within this citie, it may
please your L. to reteine undoubted assurance of our redinesse to gratifie, in
any thing that we reasonably may, any persone whom your L. shall favor
and recommend. Howbeit this case is such, and so nere touching the
governance of this citie in one of the greatest matters thereof, namely the
assemblies of multitudes of the Queenes people, and regard to be had to
sundry inconveniences, whereof the peril is continually, upon everie
occasion, to be foreseen by the rulers of this citie, that we cannot, with our
duties, byside the precident farre extending to the hart of our liberties, well
assent that the sayd apointment of places be committed to any private
persone. For which, and other reasonable considerations, it hath long since
pleased your good L. among the rest of her Majesties most honourable
Counsell, to rest satisfied with our not granting to such persone as, by their
most honourable lettres, was heretofore in like case commended to us.
Byside that, if it might with reasonable convenience be granted, great offres
have been, and be made for the same to the relefe of the poore in the
hospitalles, which we hold as assured, that your L. will well allow that we
prefer before the benefit of any private person. And so we committ your L.
to the tuition of Almighty God. At London, this second of March, 1573.
Your L. humble
Wm. Box.
Thomas Blanke.
Nicholas Woodrof.
Anthony Gamage.
Wyllm Kympton.
Wolstan Dixe.
John Ryvers, Maior.
Row. Hayward, Alder.
William Allyn, Alderman.
Leonell Ducket, Aldr.
James Haloys, Alderman.
Ambrose Nich’as, Ald.
Jhon Langley, Ald.
Thomas Ramsey.
request in favour of one Holmes for our assent that he might have the
appointment of places for playes and enterludes within this citie, it may
please your L. to reteine undoubted assurance of our redinesse to gratifie, in
any thing that we reasonably may, any persone whom your L. shall favor
and recommend. Howbeit this case is such, and so nere touching the
governance of this citie in one of the greatest matters thereof, namely the
assemblies of multitudes of the Queenes people, and regard to be had to
sundry inconveniences, whereof the peril is continually, upon everie
occasion, to be foreseen by the rulers of this citie, that we cannot, with our
duties, byside the precident farre extending to the hart of our liberties, well
assent that the sayd apointment of places be committed to any private
persone. For which, and other reasonable considerations, it hath long since
pleased your good L. among the rest of her Majesties most honourable
Counsell, to rest satisfied with our not granting to such persone as, by their
most honourable lettres, was heretofore in like case commended to us.
Byside that, if it might with reasonable convenience be granted, great offres
have been, and be made for the same to the relefe of the poore in the
hospitalles, which we hold as assured, that your L. will well allow that we
prefer before the benefit of any private person. And so we committ your L.
to the tuition of Almighty God. At London, this second of March, 1573.
Your L. humble
Wm. Box.
Thomas Blanke.
Nicholas Woodrof.
Anthony Gamage.
Wyllm Kympton.
Wolstan Dixe.
John Ryvers, Maior.
Row. Hayward, Alder.
William Allyn, Alderman.
Leonell Ducket, Aldr.
James Haloys, Alderman.
Ambrose Nich’as, Ald.
Jhon Langley, Ald.
Thomas Ramsey.
Page 315
Wyllym Lond.
John Clyffe.
Richard Pype.
To the most honourable our singular good Lord, the Erle of Sussex, Lord
Chamberlan of the Queens most honourable Houshold.
xxvii.
[1574, March 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii.
215.]
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to advertise their Lordships what
causes he hath to restraine plaies, to thintent their Lordships may the better
aunswer suche as desyre to have libertye for the same.
xxviii.
[1574, May 10. Patent for Leicester’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform music, and plays seen and allowed by the
Master of the Revels, both in London and elsewhere, except during the time
of common prayer, or of plague in London.
xxix.
[1574, July 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii.
273.]
A letter to the Mayor of London to admitte the comedie plaiers to play
within that Cittie and to be otherwise favorablie used.
A pasport for them to go to London, and to be well used in their
voyadge.
xxx.
(a)
[1574, Nov. 15. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii.
313.
Three letters of one effect to the Sherif and Justices of the counties of
Middlesex, Essex and Surrey to restraine all plaiers and other unnecessarie
assemblies, in respect of the plague, within x miles of London untill Esther
next.
(b)
John Clyffe.
Richard Pype.
To the most honourable our singular good Lord, the Erle of Sussex, Lord
Chamberlan of the Queens most honourable Houshold.
xxvii.
[1574, March 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii.
215.]
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London to advertise their Lordships what
causes he hath to restraine plaies, to thintent their Lordships may the better
aunswer suche as desyre to have libertye for the same.
xxviii.
[1574, May 10. Patent for Leicester’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform music, and plays seen and allowed by the
Master of the Revels, both in London and elsewhere, except during the time
of common prayer, or of plague in London.
xxix.
[1574, July 22. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii.
273.]
A letter to the Mayor of London to admitte the comedie plaiers to play
within that Cittie and to be otherwise favorablie used.
A pasport for them to go to London, and to be well used in their
voyadge.
xxx.
(a)
[1574, Nov. 15. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, viii.
313.
Three letters of one effect to the Sherif and Justices of the counties of
Middlesex, Essex and Surrey to restraine all plaiers and other unnecessarie
assemblies, in respect of the plague, within x miles of London untill Esther
next.
(b)
Page 316
[1574, Nov. 15. Extract from report on papers of W. M. Molyneux Hist. MSS. vii.
627).]
Letter from Lords of the Council to the Sheriff and Justices of the Peace
of co. Surrey. Ordering ‘that there be no plays shewes nor any such
unnecessarie assemblies vsed in that countie within ten myles of the cytie
vntill Easter next vppon payne of imprisonment to such as shall in any wies
offend to the contrarie’: it having been ‘found by experience that very great
perill and inconveniences hath fallen vppon sondry of the queenes maiesties
subjects by the sufferance of great assemblies of the people to come
together at plaies and shewes neare London in this tyme of contagion and
infection of the plague’.
xxxi.
[1574, c. Nov. Extract from An Exhortation, or Rule, sett downe by one Mr.
(Thomas) Norton, sometyme Remembrauncer of London, wherebie the L. Maior of Lo.
is to order himselfe and the Cittie, printed by Collier, Illustrations, iii. 14, from a
manuscript of Sir Christopher Hatton, now Addl. MS. 32379, f. 36, and datable by a
mention of James Hawes (1574–5) as mayor.]
And one note out of place, that showld before have bene spoken: the
presente time requirithe yowe to have good care and use good meanes
towchinge the contagion of sickenes, that the sicke be kept from the whole,
that the places of persons infected be made plaine to be knowen and the
more releeved; that sweetenes and holsomnes of publique places be
provided for; that unnecessarie and scarslie honeste resorts to plaies, to
shewes to thoccasion of thronges and presse, except to the servyce of God;
and especiallie the assemblies to the unchaste, shamelesse and unnaturall
tomblinge of the Italion Weomen maye be avoided: to offend God and
honestie is not to cease a plague.
xxxii.
[1574, Dec. 6. Act of Common Council of London during the mayoralty of Sir
James Hawes, printed M. S. C. i. 175, from copy in Lansd. MS. 20, enclosed with
reply of City to Petition of Queen’s men c. Nov. 1584 (cf. No. lxxv); also in Collier, i.
208; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 27. I suppose that this is the record of 1574 on plays cited from
Liber Legum, x. 363, in V. H. London, i. 322.]
Whearas hearetofore sondrye greate disorders and inconvenyences have
benne found to ensewe to this Cittie by the inordynate hauntyinge of greate
multitudes of people, speciallye youthe, to playes, enterludes, and shewes,
namelye occasyon of ffrayes and quarrelles, eavell practizes of
627).]
Letter from Lords of the Council to the Sheriff and Justices of the Peace
of co. Surrey. Ordering ‘that there be no plays shewes nor any such
unnecessarie assemblies vsed in that countie within ten myles of the cytie
vntill Easter next vppon payne of imprisonment to such as shall in any wies
offend to the contrarie’: it having been ‘found by experience that very great
perill and inconveniences hath fallen vppon sondry of the queenes maiesties
subjects by the sufferance of great assemblies of the people to come
together at plaies and shewes neare London in this tyme of contagion and
infection of the plague’.
xxxi.
[1574, c. Nov. Extract from An Exhortation, or Rule, sett downe by one Mr.
(Thomas) Norton, sometyme Remembrauncer of London, wherebie the L. Maior of Lo.
is to order himselfe and the Cittie, printed by Collier, Illustrations, iii. 14, from a
manuscript of Sir Christopher Hatton, now Addl. MS. 32379, f. 36, and datable by a
mention of James Hawes (1574–5) as mayor.]
And one note out of place, that showld before have bene spoken: the
presente time requirithe yowe to have good care and use good meanes
towchinge the contagion of sickenes, that the sicke be kept from the whole,
that the places of persons infected be made plaine to be knowen and the
more releeved; that sweetenes and holsomnes of publique places be
provided for; that unnecessarie and scarslie honeste resorts to plaies, to
shewes to thoccasion of thronges and presse, except to the servyce of God;
and especiallie the assemblies to the unchaste, shamelesse and unnaturall
tomblinge of the Italion Weomen maye be avoided: to offend God and
honestie is not to cease a plague.
xxxii.
[1574, Dec. 6. Act of Common Council of London during the mayoralty of Sir
James Hawes, printed M. S. C. i. 175, from copy in Lansd. MS. 20, enclosed with
reply of City to Petition of Queen’s men c. Nov. 1584 (cf. No. lxxv); also in Collier, i.
208; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 27. I suppose that this is the record of 1574 on plays cited from
Liber Legum, x. 363, in V. H. London, i. 322.]
Whearas hearetofore sondrye greate disorders and inconvenyences have
benne found to ensewe to this Cittie by the inordynate hauntyinge of greate
multitudes of people, speciallye youthe, to playes, enterludes, and shewes,
namelye occasyon of ffrayes and quarrelles, eavell practizes of
Page 317
incontinencye in greate Innes, havinge chambers and secrete places
adioyninge to their open stagies and gallyries, inveglynge and alleurynge of
maides, speciallye orphanes and good Cityzens Children vnder Age, to
previe and vnmete Contractes, the publishinge of vnchaste vncomelye and
vnshamefaste speeches and doynges, withdrawinge of the Queenes
Maiesties Subiectes from dyvyne service on Sonndaies and hollydayes, at
which Tymes suche playes weare Chefelye vsed, vnthriftye waste of the
moneye of the poore and fond persons, sondrye robberies by pyckinge and
Cuttinge of purses, vtteringe of popular busye and sedycious matters, and
manie other Corruptions of youthe and other enormyties, besydes that allso
soundrye slaughters and mayheminges of the Quenes Subiectes have
happened by ruines of Skaffoldes, fframes, and Stagies, and by engynes,
weapons, and powder used in plaies; And whear[as] in tyme of goddes
visitacion by the plaigue suche assemblies of the people in thronge and
presse have benne verye daungerous for spreadinge of Infection, and for the
same and other greate Cawses by the Aucthoritie of the honorable Lordes
maiors of this Cyttie and the aldermen their Brethern, and speciallye uppon
the severe and earneste Admonition of the Lordes of the moste honorable
Councell, with signifyenge of her maiesties expresse pleasure and
commaundemente in that behalfe, suche vse of playes, Interludes, and
shewes hathe benne duringe this tyme of syckenes forbydden and
restrayned; And for that the lorde Maior and his Bretheren the aldermen,
together with the grave and discrete Citizens in the Comen Councell
assemblyd, doo doughte and feare leaste vppon Goddes mercyfull
withdrawinge his hand of syckenes from vs (which god graunte!) the
people, speciallye the meaner and moste vnrewlye sorte, sheould with
sodayne forgettinge of his visytacion, withowte feare of goddes wrathe, and
withowte deowe respecte of this good and politique meanes that he hathe
ordeyned for the preservacion of Commen weales and peoples in healthe
and good order, retourne to the vndewe vse of suche enormyties to the
greate offence of god, the Quenes maiesties commaundementes and good
gouernaunce; Nowe therfore, to the intent that suche perilles maie be
avoyded and the lawefull honest and comelye vse of plaies pastymes and
recreacions in good sorte onelye permitted, And good provision hadd for
the saiftie and well orderynge of the people thear assemblydd, Be yt enacted
by the Aucthoritie of this Comen Councell, That from henceforthe no playe,
Commodye, Tragidye, enterlude, nor publycke shewe shalbe openlye
adioyninge to their open stagies and gallyries, inveglynge and alleurynge of
maides, speciallye orphanes and good Cityzens Children vnder Age, to
previe and vnmete Contractes, the publishinge of vnchaste vncomelye and
vnshamefaste speeches and doynges, withdrawinge of the Queenes
Maiesties Subiectes from dyvyne service on Sonndaies and hollydayes, at
which Tymes suche playes weare Chefelye vsed, vnthriftye waste of the
moneye of the poore and fond persons, sondrye robberies by pyckinge and
Cuttinge of purses, vtteringe of popular busye and sedycious matters, and
manie other Corruptions of youthe and other enormyties, besydes that allso
soundrye slaughters and mayheminges of the Quenes Subiectes have
happened by ruines of Skaffoldes, fframes, and Stagies, and by engynes,
weapons, and powder used in plaies; And whear[as] in tyme of goddes
visitacion by the plaigue suche assemblies of the people in thronge and
presse have benne verye daungerous for spreadinge of Infection, and for the
same and other greate Cawses by the Aucthoritie of the honorable Lordes
maiors of this Cyttie and the aldermen their Brethern, and speciallye uppon
the severe and earneste Admonition of the Lordes of the moste honorable
Councell, with signifyenge of her maiesties expresse pleasure and
commaundemente in that behalfe, suche vse of playes, Interludes, and
shewes hathe benne duringe this tyme of syckenes forbydden and
restrayned; And for that the lorde Maior and his Bretheren the aldermen,
together with the grave and discrete Citizens in the Comen Councell
assemblyd, doo doughte and feare leaste vppon Goddes mercyfull
withdrawinge his hand of syckenes from vs (which god graunte!) the
people, speciallye the meaner and moste vnrewlye sorte, sheould with
sodayne forgettinge of his visytacion, withowte feare of goddes wrathe, and
withowte deowe respecte of this good and politique meanes that he hathe
ordeyned for the preservacion of Commen weales and peoples in healthe
and good order, retourne to the vndewe vse of suche enormyties to the
greate offence of god, the Quenes maiesties commaundementes and good
gouernaunce; Nowe therfore, to the intent that suche perilles maie be
avoyded and the lawefull honest and comelye vse of plaies pastymes and
recreacions in good sorte onelye permitted, And good provision hadd for
the saiftie and well orderynge of the people thear assemblydd, Be yt enacted
by the Aucthoritie of this Comen Councell, That from henceforthe no playe,
Commodye, Tragidye, enterlude, nor publycke shewe shalbe openlye
Page 318
played or shewed within the liberties of the Cittie, whearin shalbe vttered
anie wourdes, examples, or doynges of anie vnchastitie, sedicion, nor suche
lyke vnfytt and vncomelye matter, vppon paine of Imprisonment by the
space of xiiijten daies of all persons offendinge in anie suche open playinge
or shewinges, and v li. for euerie suche offence; And that no Inkeper
Tavernekeper nor other person whatsoeuer within the liberties of thys Cittie
shall openlye shewe or playe, nor cawse or suffer to be openlye shewed or
played, within the hous, yarde or anie other place within the Liberties of
this Cyttie anie playe, enterlude, Commodye, Tragidie, matter, or shewe,
which shall not be firste pervsed and Allowed in suche order and fourme
and by suche persons as by the Lorde Maior and Courte of Aldermen for the
tyme beinge shalbe appoynted, nor shall suffer to be enterlaced, Added,
mynglydd, or vttered in anie suche play, enterlude, Comodye, Tragidie, or
shewe anie other matter then suche as shalbe firste perused and allowed as
ys abovesaid; And that no person shall suffer anie plays, enterludes,
Comodyes, Tragidies, or shewes to be played or shewed in his hous, yarde,
or other place wheareof he then shall have rule or power, but onelye suche
persons and in suche places as apon good and reasonable consideracions
shewed shalbe thearvnto permitted and allowed by the lord maiour and
Aldermen for the tyme beinge; Neither shall take or use anie benifitt or
Advauntage of suche permission or Allowaunces before or vntill suche
person be bound to the Chamberlaine of London for the tyme beinge with
suche suerties and in suche Summe and suche fourme for the keepinge of
good order and avoydinge of the discordes and Inconvenyences abovesaid,
as by the Lorde maior and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall
seme convenyent; neither shall vse or execvte aine suche Lycence, or
permission, at or in anie tymes in which the same for anie reasonable
consideración of syckenes or otherwise shalbe by the Lorde Maior and
Aldermen by publique proclamacion or by precept to suche persons
restrayned or Commaunded to staye and cease, nor in anie usuall tyme of
dyvyne service in the sonndaie or hollydaie, nor receyve anie to that
purpose in tyme of service to se the same, apon payne to forfeite for euerie
offence v li.; And be yt enacted that euerie person so to be lycensed or
permitted shall duringe the tyme of suche Contynuaunce of suche lycens or
permission paye or Cawse to be paid to the vse of the poor in hospitalles of
the Cyttie or of the poore of the Cyttie visyted with sycknes, by the
dyscretion of the said lorde maiour and Aldermen, suche somes and
anie wourdes, examples, or doynges of anie vnchastitie, sedicion, nor suche
lyke vnfytt and vncomelye matter, vppon paine of Imprisonment by the
space of xiiijten daies of all persons offendinge in anie suche open playinge
or shewinges, and v li. for euerie suche offence; And that no Inkeper
Tavernekeper nor other person whatsoeuer within the liberties of thys Cittie
shall openlye shewe or playe, nor cawse or suffer to be openlye shewed or
played, within the hous, yarde or anie other place within the Liberties of
this Cyttie anie playe, enterlude, Commodye, Tragidie, matter, or shewe,
which shall not be firste pervsed and Allowed in suche order and fourme
and by suche persons as by the Lorde Maior and Courte of Aldermen for the
tyme beinge shalbe appoynted, nor shall suffer to be enterlaced, Added,
mynglydd, or vttered in anie suche play, enterlude, Comodye, Tragidie, or
shewe anie other matter then suche as shalbe firste perused and allowed as
ys abovesaid; And that no person shall suffer anie plays, enterludes,
Comodyes, Tragidies, or shewes to be played or shewed in his hous, yarde,
or other place wheareof he then shall have rule or power, but onelye suche
persons and in suche places as apon good and reasonable consideracions
shewed shalbe thearvnto permitted and allowed by the lord maiour and
Aldermen for the tyme beinge; Neither shall take or use anie benifitt or
Advauntage of suche permission or Allowaunces before or vntill suche
person be bound to the Chamberlaine of London for the tyme beinge with
suche suerties and in suche Summe and suche fourme for the keepinge of
good order and avoydinge of the discordes and Inconvenyences abovesaid,
as by the Lorde maior and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall
seme convenyent; neither shall vse or execvte aine suche Lycence, or
permission, at or in anie tymes in which the same for anie reasonable
consideración of syckenes or otherwise shalbe by the Lorde Maior and
Aldermen by publique proclamacion or by precept to suche persons
restrayned or Commaunded to staye and cease, nor in anie usuall tyme of
dyvyne service in the sonndaie or hollydaie, nor receyve anie to that
purpose in tyme of service to se the same, apon payne to forfeite for euerie
offence v li.; And be yt enacted that euerie person so to be lycensed or
permitted shall duringe the tyme of suche Contynuaunce of suche lycens or
permission paye or Cawse to be paid to the vse of the poor in hospitalles of
the Cyttie or of the poore of the Cyttie visyted with sycknes, by the
dyscretion of the said lorde maiour and Aldermen, suche somes and
Page 319
Paymentes and in suche forme as betwen the lord Maior and Aldermen for
the tyme beinge on thonne partie and suche person so to be lycensed or
permitted on th’other partie shalbe Agreed, apon payne that in waunte of
euerie suche paymente, or if suche person shall not firste be bound with
good suerties to the Chamberlayne of London for the tyme beinge for the
trewe payment of suche Sommes to the poore, That then euerye suche
lycence or permission shalbe vtterlye voide and euerie doinge by force or
Cullour of suche lycence or permission shalbe adiudged an offence against
this Acte in suche manner as if no suche lycence or permission hadd benne
hadd, nor made, anie suche lycence or permission to the Contrarye
Notwithstandinge; And be yt lykewise Enacted that all Sommes and
fforfeytures to be incurrydd for anie offence Against this Acte and all
forfeytures of Bondes to be taken by force meane or occasyon of this Acte
shalbe ymployed to the reliefe of the poore in the hospitalles of this Cittie,
or the poore infected or diseased in this Cittie of London, as the lorde Maior
and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall adiudge meete to be
distributed; and that the Chamberlayne of London shall have and recover
the same to the purpozies aforesaid by Bill, plainte, Accion of dett, or
ynformacion to be Comenced and pursewed in his owne name in the Courte
of the vtter Chamber of the Guildhall of London Called the Maioures
Courte, in which svte no Essoine nor Wager of Lawe for the defendaunte
shalbe Admittyd or allowed; Provydid allwaie that this Acte (otherwise then
towchinge the publishinge of vnchaste, sedycious, and vnmete matters:)
shall not extend to anie plaies, Enterludes, Comodies, Tragidies, or shewes
to be played or shewed in the pryvate hous, dwellinge, or lodginge of anie
nobleman, Citizen, or gentleman, which shall or will then have the same
thear so played or shewed in his presence for the festyvitie of anie marriage,
Assemblye of ffrendes, or otherlyke cawse withowte publique or Commen
Collection of money of the Auditorie or behoulders theareof, reservinge
alwaie to the Lorde Maior and Aldermen for the tyme beinge the Iudgement
and construction Accordinge to equitie what shalbe Counted suche a
playenge or shewing in a pryvate place, anie thinge in this Acte to the
Contrarie notwithstanding.
xxxiii.
[1577, April 8. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C.
i. 151, from Lansdowne MS. 25, f. 38. The Lord Chamberlain was the Earl of Sussex.
Nothing more is known of the nature or issue of Sir Jerome Bowes’s suit. He was a
the tyme beinge on thonne partie and suche person so to be lycensed or
permitted on th’other partie shalbe Agreed, apon payne that in waunte of
euerie suche paymente, or if suche person shall not firste be bound with
good suerties to the Chamberlayne of London for the tyme beinge for the
trewe payment of suche Sommes to the poore, That then euerye suche
lycence or permission shalbe vtterlye voide and euerie doinge by force or
Cullour of suche lycence or permission shalbe adiudged an offence against
this Acte in suche manner as if no suche lycence or permission hadd benne
hadd, nor made, anie suche lycence or permission to the Contrarye
Notwithstandinge; And be yt lykewise Enacted that all Sommes and
fforfeytures to be incurrydd for anie offence Against this Acte and all
forfeytures of Bondes to be taken by force meane or occasyon of this Acte
shalbe ymployed to the reliefe of the poore in the hospitalles of this Cittie,
or the poore infected or diseased in this Cittie of London, as the lorde Maior
and Courte of Aldermen for the tyme beinge shall adiudge meete to be
distributed; and that the Chamberlayne of London shall have and recover
the same to the purpozies aforesaid by Bill, plainte, Accion of dett, or
ynformacion to be Comenced and pursewed in his owne name in the Courte
of the vtter Chamber of the Guildhall of London Called the Maioures
Courte, in which svte no Essoine nor Wager of Lawe for the defendaunte
shalbe Admittyd or allowed; Provydid allwaie that this Acte (otherwise then
towchinge the publishinge of vnchaste, sedycious, and vnmete matters:)
shall not extend to anie plaies, Enterludes, Comodies, Tragidies, or shewes
to be played or shewed in the pryvate hous, dwellinge, or lodginge of anie
nobleman, Citizen, or gentleman, which shall or will then have the same
thear so played or shewed in his presence for the festyvitie of anie marriage,
Assemblye of ffrendes, or otherlyke cawse withowte publique or Commen
Collection of money of the Auditorie or behoulders theareof, reservinge
alwaie to the Lorde Maior and Aldermen for the tyme beinge the Iudgement
and construction Accordinge to equitie what shalbe Counted suche a
playenge or shewing in a pryvate place, anie thinge in this Acte to the
Contrarie notwithstanding.
xxxiii.
[1577, April 8. Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C.
i. 151, from Lansdowne MS. 25, f. 38. The Lord Chamberlain was the Earl of Sussex.
Nothing more is known of the nature or issue of Sir Jerome Bowes’s suit. He was a
Page 320
follower of Leicester in 1571 (Stowe, Annales, 669), but was banished from court for
slandering him between the date of this letter and Aug. 8, 1577 (S. P. D. Add. Eliz.
xxv. 30). In 1583 he was sent as ambassador to Russia.]
My good L. I am requyred to put you in remembrance, for that Sir
Ierome Boues semes that your L. hath partely forgotten that hit was her
maiesties pleashr, that your L. my Chamberleyn & I shuld conferr &
consider of the sute touching plays to be granted to him & certayn others,
&c., which hir maiesties pleashr I brought to your L. & my Chamberleyn
being together in the preuey Chamber at Hampton court. & I remember at
that time we talking of that we myslyked of the perpetuytie that they sutors
desiered. & this also my L. Chamberleyn him self doth well remember.
Thus much I thought good at his request to remember to your L. that it ys
very trew hir maiestie dyd referr the consyderacion of the sute to vs & to
make report thereof accordingly. So I wyll take leue & wishe your L.
perfect health, this viij of Aprill,
your L. assured frend,
R. Leycester.
xxxiv.
[1577 Aug. 1. Minute of Privy Council, printed (bis) from Register in Dasent, ix.
388; x. 4.]
A letter to the Lord Wentworth, Master of the Rolles, and Mr. Lieutenant
of the Tower signifieng unto them that for thavoiding of the sicknes likelie
to happen through the heate of the weather and assemblies of the people of
London to playes, her Highnes’ plesure is that as the Lord Mayour hath
taken order within the Citee, so they immediatlie upon the receipt of their
Lordships’ letters shall take order with such as are and do use to play
without the Liberties of the Citee within that countie, as the theater and
such like, shall forbeare any more to play untill Mighelmas be past, at the
least, as they will aunswer to the contrarye.
xxxv.
[1577, Oct. 5. Extract from letter (Oct. 6) of William Fleetwood, Recorder of
London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley, printed in M. S. C. i. 152, from Lansdowne MS.
24, f. 196; also in Wright, ii. 66.]
Yesterday ... I was at London with the Master of the Rolls at my Lord
Maiors at dyner.... At my Lord Maiors there dyned the Master of the Rolles,
Justice Sowthcot, Sir William Damsell, Mr. Levetenant, Sir Rowland
slandering him between the date of this letter and Aug. 8, 1577 (S. P. D. Add. Eliz.
xxv. 30). In 1583 he was sent as ambassador to Russia.]
My good L. I am requyred to put you in remembrance, for that Sir
Ierome Boues semes that your L. hath partely forgotten that hit was her
maiesties pleashr, that your L. my Chamberleyn & I shuld conferr &
consider of the sute touching plays to be granted to him & certayn others,
&c., which hir maiesties pleashr I brought to your L. & my Chamberleyn
being together in the preuey Chamber at Hampton court. & I remember at
that time we talking of that we myslyked of the perpetuytie that they sutors
desiered. & this also my L. Chamberleyn him self doth well remember.
Thus much I thought good at his request to remember to your L. that it ys
very trew hir maiestie dyd referr the consyderacion of the sute to vs & to
make report thereof accordingly. So I wyll take leue & wishe your L.
perfect health, this viij of Aprill,
your L. assured frend,
R. Leycester.
xxxiv.
[1577 Aug. 1. Minute of Privy Council, printed (bis) from Register in Dasent, ix.
388; x. 4.]
A letter to the Lord Wentworth, Master of the Rolles, and Mr. Lieutenant
of the Tower signifieng unto them that for thavoiding of the sicknes likelie
to happen through the heate of the weather and assemblies of the people of
London to playes, her Highnes’ plesure is that as the Lord Mayour hath
taken order within the Citee, so they immediatlie upon the receipt of their
Lordships’ letters shall take order with such as are and do use to play
without the Liberties of the Citee within that countie, as the theater and
such like, shall forbeare any more to play untill Mighelmas be past, at the
least, as they will aunswer to the contrarye.
xxxv.
[1577, Oct. 5. Extract from letter (Oct. 6) of William Fleetwood, Recorder of
London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley, printed in M. S. C. i. 152, from Lansdowne MS.
24, f. 196; also in Wright, ii. 66.]
Yesterday ... I was at London with the Master of the Rolls at my Lord
Maiors at dyner.... At my Lord Maiors there dyned the Master of the Rolles,
Justice Sowthcot, Sir William Damsell, Mr. Levetenant, Sir Rowland
Page 321
Hayward, Mr. Justice Randoll, Alderman Pulliso and my self. At after dyner
we heard a brabell betwene John Wotton and the Levetenuntes sonne of the
one parte, and certen ffreholders of Shordyche, for a matter at the Theater. I
mistrust that Wotton wilbe found in the fault although he complayned.
xxxvi.
[1578, Jan. 13. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 144
To the Lord Maiour of London to geve order that one Drousiano
[‘Dronsiano’, Dasent], an Italian, a commediante and his companye, may
playe within the Cittie and the Liberties of the same betwene this and the
firste weeke in Lent.
xxxvii.
[1578, July 18. Extract from letter (July 21) from William Fleetwood, Recorder of
London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley, printed in M. S. C. i. 155, from Lansdowne MS.
26, f. 191; also in Wright, ii. 86.]
Vpon Fridaye laste my Lord of London, my Lord Wentworthe and Mr.
Lievetenunte (but the Master of the Rolles was absent) did assemble at my
Lord Maiours, in assistaunce for good order shewed furthe the Lords lettres.
Sir Thomas Gresham, the Deane of Westminster, Mr. Iustice Southcote, Sir
William Damsell and others were wont to be of the nomber; but surelie I
think they were forgotten at the writinge of my Lords theire honorable
lettres.... I shewed vnto my Lords our Assistaunts those pointes that your
honour in tyme paste gave vs for good order; plaies, vnlawful games,
ffensse skoles, vacaboundes and suche like to be suppressed, with a vigilant
eye to the plage, to the watches, and to laye often privie searches.
xxxviii.
[1578, Nov. 10. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, x. 381.]
A letter to Mr. Doctor Fourthe, Robert Lewseye, Edward Bellingham and
Barnarde Randolphe, esquiers, to restraine certen players within the
Bouroghe of Southewarke and other places nere adjoyning within that part
of Surreye, who by means of the alluring of the people to their plaies [plans,
Dasent] doe augement the infection of the Plages in London, and if they
shall not obeye their order to see them severely punished.
xxxix.
[1578, Dec. 23. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, x. 435.]
we heard a brabell betwene John Wotton and the Levetenuntes sonne of the
one parte, and certen ffreholders of Shordyche, for a matter at the Theater. I
mistrust that Wotton wilbe found in the fault although he complayned.
xxxvi.
[1578, Jan. 13. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 144
To the Lord Maiour of London to geve order that one Drousiano
[‘Dronsiano’, Dasent], an Italian, a commediante and his companye, may
playe within the Cittie and the Liberties of the same betwene this and the
firste weeke in Lent.
xxxvii.
[1578, July 18. Extract from letter (July 21) from William Fleetwood, Recorder of
London, to Lord Treasurer Burghley, printed in M. S. C. i. 155, from Lansdowne MS.
26, f. 191; also in Wright, ii. 86.]
Vpon Fridaye laste my Lord of London, my Lord Wentworthe and Mr.
Lievetenunte (but the Master of the Rolles was absent) did assemble at my
Lord Maiours, in assistaunce for good order shewed furthe the Lords lettres.
Sir Thomas Gresham, the Deane of Westminster, Mr. Iustice Southcote, Sir
William Damsell and others were wont to be of the nomber; but surelie I
think they were forgotten at the writinge of my Lords theire honorable
lettres.... I shewed vnto my Lords our Assistaunts those pointes that your
honour in tyme paste gave vs for good order; plaies, vnlawful games,
ffensse skoles, vacaboundes and suche like to be suppressed, with a vigilant
eye to the plage, to the watches, and to laye often privie searches.
xxxviii.
[1578, Nov. 10. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, x. 381.]
A letter to Mr. Doctor Fourthe, Robert Lewseye, Edward Bellingham and
Barnarde Randolphe, esquiers, to restraine certen players within the
Bouroghe of Southewarke and other places nere adjoyning within that part
of Surreye, who by means of the alluring of the people to their plaies [plans,
Dasent] doe augement the infection of the Plages in London, and if they
shall not obeye their order to see them severely punished.
xxxix.
[1578, Dec. 23. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, x. 435.]
Page 322
A letter to the Lord Maiour and the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey
requiring them to suffer the exercise of playes within the Cittie of London
and without the Liberties, and to have regarde that suche orders as are
prescribed for the stayeng of thinfection maie be duelie observed, so as ther
growe no hurte unto the sounde in their publicque assemblies.
xl.
[1578, Dec. 24. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 436.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour, &c., requiring him to suffer the Children of
her Majesties Chappell, the servauntes of the Lord Chamberlaine, therle of
Warwicke, the Erle of Leicester, the Erle of Essex and the Children of
Powles, and no companies els, to exercise playeng within the Cittie, whome
their Lordships have onlie allowed thereunto by reason that the companies
aforenamed are appointed to playe this tyme of Christmas before her
Majestie.
xli.
[1579, March 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi.
73.]
To the Lord Maiour of London to take order within the Cittie and in all
other places within his jurisdiccion that there be no plaiers suffered to plaie
during this tyme of Lent, untill it be after the Ester weke; and also to
advertise their Lordships whose plaiers they be, and in what places they
have plaied since the begynnyng of this Lent, and that this order may be
observed hereafter yerelie in the Lent tyme &c.
To the Justices of Peace in Midlesex to forbidd all maner of plaiers in the
Suburbs of London and other places neare adjoyning to the same, that they
do not in any wise exercise the same during this tyme of Lent, and that this
order may be observed hereafter yerelie during the tyme of Lent, &c.
xlii.
[1580, Feb. 21. Indictment of Middlesex jury, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson,
Middlesex County Records, ii. xlvii.]
Midd. ss. Juratores pro domina Regina presentant quod Johannes
Braynes de Shorditche in comitatu Middlesexie yoman et Jacobus Burbage
de eadem yoman xximo die Februarii anno regni Elizabethe Dei gracia
Anglie Francie et Hibernie Regine fidei defensoris &c. xxiido et diuersis
requiring them to suffer the exercise of playes within the Cittie of London
and without the Liberties, and to have regarde that suche orders as are
prescribed for the stayeng of thinfection maie be duelie observed, so as ther
growe no hurte unto the sounde in their publicque assemblies.
xl.
[1578, Dec. 24. Privy Council Minute, printed in Dasent, x. 436.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour, &c., requiring him to suffer the Children of
her Majesties Chappell, the servauntes of the Lord Chamberlaine, therle of
Warwicke, the Erle of Leicester, the Erle of Essex and the Children of
Powles, and no companies els, to exercise playeng within the Cittie, whome
their Lordships have onlie allowed thereunto by reason that the companies
aforenamed are appointed to playe this tyme of Christmas before her
Majestie.
xli.
[1579, March 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi.
73.]
To the Lord Maiour of London to take order within the Cittie and in all
other places within his jurisdiccion that there be no plaiers suffered to plaie
during this tyme of Lent, untill it be after the Ester weke; and also to
advertise their Lordships whose plaiers they be, and in what places they
have plaied since the begynnyng of this Lent, and that this order may be
observed hereafter yerelie in the Lent tyme &c.
To the Justices of Peace in Midlesex to forbidd all maner of plaiers in the
Suburbs of London and other places neare adjoyning to the same, that they
do not in any wise exercise the same during this tyme of Lent, and that this
order may be observed hereafter yerelie during the tyme of Lent, &c.
xlii.
[1580, Feb. 21. Indictment of Middlesex jury, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson,
Middlesex County Records, ii. xlvii.]
Midd. ss. Juratores pro domina Regina presentant quod Johannes
Braynes de Shorditche in comitatu Middlesexie yoman et Jacobus Burbage
de eadem yoman xximo die Februarii anno regni Elizabethe Dei gracia
Anglie Francie et Hibernie Regine fidei defensoris &c. xxiido et diuersis
Page 323
aliis diebus et vicibus antea et postea congregauerunt et manutenuerunt
illicitas assemblaciones populi ad audienda et spectanda quedam colloquia
siue interluda vocata playes or interludes per ipsos Johannem Braynes et
Jacobum Burbage et diuersas alias personas ignotas exercitata et practicata
apud quendam locum vocatum the Theatre in Hallywell in comitatu
predicto Racione cuius quidem illicite assemblacionis populi magne affraie
insultus tumultus et quasi insurrexiones et diuersa alia malefacta et enormia
per quamplures maledispositas personas tunc et ibidem facta et perpetrata
fuere in magnam perturbacionem pacis Domine Regine ac subuersionem
bonorum ordinis et regiminis ac ad periculum vitarum diuersorum bonorum
subditorum dicte Domine Regine ibidem existencium ac contra pacem
ipsius Domine Regine necnon contra formam statuti inde editi et prouisi
&c.
xliii.
[1580, April 12. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Sir Thomas Bromley,
Lord Chancellor, printed in M. S. C. i. 46, from Remembrancia, 9.]
My dutie humblie done to your Lp. Where it happened on Sundaie last
that some great disorder was committed at the Theatre, I sent for the vnder
shireue of Middlesex to vnderstand the cercumstances, to the intent that by
my self or by him I might haue caused such redresse to be had as in dutie
and discretion I might, and therefore did also send for the plaiers to haue
apered afore me, and the rather because those playes doe make assembles of
Cittizens and their familes of whome I haue charge. But forasmuchas I
vnderstand that your Lp with other of hir Maiesties most honorable
Counsell haue entered into examination of that matter, I haue surceassed to
procede further, and do humbly refer the whole to your wisdomes and graue
considerations. Howbeit I haue further thought it my dutie to informe your
Lp, and therewith also to beseche to haue in your honorable remembrance,
that the players of playes, which are vsed at the Theatre, and other such
places, and tumbleres and such like are a very superfluous sort of men, and
of suche facultie as the lawes haue disalowed, and their exersise of those
playes is a great hinderaunce of the seruice of God, who hath with his
mighty hand so lately admonished vs of oure earnest repentance. It is also
great corruption of youthe with vnchast and wicked matters, occasion of
muche incontinence, practises of many ffrayes, querrells, and other
disorders and inconueniences, bisid that the assemble of terme and
illicitas assemblaciones populi ad audienda et spectanda quedam colloquia
siue interluda vocata playes or interludes per ipsos Johannem Braynes et
Jacobum Burbage et diuersas alias personas ignotas exercitata et practicata
apud quendam locum vocatum the Theatre in Hallywell in comitatu
predicto Racione cuius quidem illicite assemblacionis populi magne affraie
insultus tumultus et quasi insurrexiones et diuersa alia malefacta et enormia
per quamplures maledispositas personas tunc et ibidem facta et perpetrata
fuere in magnam perturbacionem pacis Domine Regine ac subuersionem
bonorum ordinis et regiminis ac ad periculum vitarum diuersorum bonorum
subditorum dicte Domine Regine ibidem existencium ac contra pacem
ipsius Domine Regine necnon contra formam statuti inde editi et prouisi
&c.
xliii.
[1580, April 12. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Sir Thomas Bromley,
Lord Chancellor, printed in M. S. C. i. 46, from Remembrancia, 9.]
My dutie humblie done to your Lp. Where it happened on Sundaie last
that some great disorder was committed at the Theatre, I sent for the vnder
shireue of Middlesex to vnderstand the cercumstances, to the intent that by
my self or by him I might haue caused such redresse to be had as in dutie
and discretion I might, and therefore did also send for the plaiers to haue
apered afore me, and the rather because those playes doe make assembles of
Cittizens and their familes of whome I haue charge. But forasmuchas I
vnderstand that your Lp with other of hir Maiesties most honorable
Counsell haue entered into examination of that matter, I haue surceassed to
procede further, and do humbly refer the whole to your wisdomes and graue
considerations. Howbeit I haue further thought it my dutie to informe your
Lp, and therewith also to beseche to haue in your honorable remembrance,
that the players of playes, which are vsed at the Theatre, and other such
places, and tumbleres and such like are a very superfluous sort of men, and
of suche facultie as the lawes haue disalowed, and their exersise of those
playes is a great hinderaunce of the seruice of God, who hath with his
mighty hand so lately admonished vs of oure earnest repentance. It is also
great corruption of youthe with vnchast and wicked matters, occasion of
muche incontinence, practises of many ffrayes, querrells, and other
disorders and inconueniences, bisid that the assemble of terme and
Page 324
parliament being at hand, against which time the most honorable Lordes
haue given vs earnest charge to haue care to auoide vncleanenesse and
pestering of the Citty, the said playes are matter of great daunger. Therefore
I humble beseche your Lp, for those and other graue considerations that
your Lp can better call to mind, it will please you that some order be taken
by commaundement from your Lp and the rest of the most honorable
Lordes that the said playes and toumbelers be wholy stayed and forbidden
as vngodlye and perilous, as well at those places nere our liberties as within
the iurisdiction of this Cittie. And so I leaue to troble your Lp. At London
this 12 of Aprill 1580.
Your Lps humble,
N: W: M.
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Chaunceller of
England.
xliv.
1580, April-July. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi.
445; xii. 37, 112.]
(a) [April 13]
Robert Leveson and Larrance Dutton, servantes unto the Erle of Oxford,
were committed to the Mareshalsea for committing of disorders and frayes
appon the gentlemen of the Innes of the Courte.
(b) [May 26]
A letter to the Lord Chiefe Justice, Master of the Rolles and Mr. Justice
Southcote, to examine a matter of a certaine fraye betwene the servauntes of
th’erle of Oxforde and the gentlemen of the Innes of the Courtes.
(c) [July 18]
A letter to the Master of the Rooles and the Recorder of London to take
bondes of Thomas Chesson (sometime servant to therle of Oxford) for his
good behavior for one yere next following, and to release him out of the
prison of the Gatehowse.
xlv.
[1580, April 17. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi.
449.]
haue given vs earnest charge to haue care to auoide vncleanenesse and
pestering of the Citty, the said playes are matter of great daunger. Therefore
I humble beseche your Lp, for those and other graue considerations that
your Lp can better call to mind, it will please you that some order be taken
by commaundement from your Lp and the rest of the most honorable
Lordes that the said playes and toumbelers be wholy stayed and forbidden
as vngodlye and perilous, as well at those places nere our liberties as within
the iurisdiction of this Cittie. And so I leaue to troble your Lp. At London
this 12 of Aprill 1580.
Your Lps humble,
N: W: M.
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Chaunceller of
England.
xliv.
1580, April-July. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi.
445; xii. 37, 112.]
(a) [April 13]
Robert Leveson and Larrance Dutton, servantes unto the Erle of Oxford,
were committed to the Mareshalsea for committing of disorders and frayes
appon the gentlemen of the Innes of the Courte.
(b) [May 26]
A letter to the Lord Chiefe Justice, Master of the Rolles and Mr. Justice
Southcote, to examine a matter of a certaine fraye betwene the servauntes of
th’erle of Oxforde and the gentlemen of the Innes of the Courtes.
(c) [July 18]
A letter to the Master of the Rooles and the Recorder of London to take
bondes of Thomas Chesson (sometime servant to therle of Oxford) for his
good behavior for one yere next following, and to release him out of the
prison of the Gatehowse.
xlv.
[1580, April 17. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xi.
449.]
Page 325
A letter to the Lord Wentworth and Lord Hunsdon and the rest of the
Justices of Pece in the county of Middlesex that wheras the Queen’s
Majesty had given straight charg unto the Lord Maiour to have a speciall
care to the keping cleene of the City, and to provide and prevent all soch
occasions and causes as might breed or encrease any infection, forasmuche
as the great resorte of people to playes ys thought to be very dangerous &c.,
they are required to give order that all playes may be restrained until
Michelmas, and further to have a good regard to the execution of the Statute
against roges and vagabondes.
xlvi.
[1580, May 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xii. 15.]
A letter to the Justices of Peace of the countie of Surrey that whereas
their Lordships do understand that notwithstandinge their late order geven
to the Lord Maiour to forbidd all playes within and about the Cittie untill
Michalmas next for avoydynge of infection, nevertheles certen players do
playe sunderie daies every weeke at Newington Buttes on that parte of
Surrey without the jurisdiccion of the said Lord Maior contrary to their
Lordships’ order; their Lordships requier the Justices not only to enquier
who they be that disobey their comaundement in that behalf, and not only to
forbidd them expresly for playing in any of theis remote places nere unto
the Cittie untill Michaelmas, but to have regard that within the precincte of
Surrey none be permitted to play; if any do to comitt them and to advertise,
&c.
xlvii.
[1580, June 17. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Lord Burghley, Lord High
Treasurer, printed M. S. C. i. 47, from Remembrancia, i. 40–1.]
It may please your good Lp. Byside the continuall charge of my Dutie,
hauing lately receued by your Lp. a speciall and ernest commaundement
from hir Maiestie for the best meanes to be vsed that I can for preseruing
the Citty from infection, I will not faile so to do my dilligence both for the
cleane keping of the streates, for avoiding of Inmeates, and for keping of
good orders as haue ben heretofore prescribed or that I can any way deuise,
as shall ly in my power to the vttermost that I shalbe able. Howbeit, because
perill may and doth commonlie growe vnto hir Maiesties Cittie and people
many wayes by such meanes as we cannot reforme, I humble besech your
Lp. that you wilbe meane to hir Maiestie and give the ayde of the hye
Justices of Pece in the county of Middlesex that wheras the Queen’s
Majesty had given straight charg unto the Lord Maiour to have a speciall
care to the keping cleene of the City, and to provide and prevent all soch
occasions and causes as might breed or encrease any infection, forasmuche
as the great resorte of people to playes ys thought to be very dangerous &c.,
they are required to give order that all playes may be restrained until
Michelmas, and further to have a good regard to the execution of the Statute
against roges and vagabondes.
xlvi.
[1580, May 13. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xii. 15.]
A letter to the Justices of Peace of the countie of Surrey that whereas
their Lordships do understand that notwithstandinge their late order geven
to the Lord Maiour to forbidd all playes within and about the Cittie untill
Michalmas next for avoydynge of infection, nevertheles certen players do
playe sunderie daies every weeke at Newington Buttes on that parte of
Surrey without the jurisdiccion of the said Lord Maior contrary to their
Lordships’ order; their Lordships requier the Justices not only to enquier
who they be that disobey their comaundement in that behalf, and not only to
forbidd them expresly for playing in any of theis remote places nere unto
the Cittie untill Michaelmas, but to have regard that within the precincte of
Surrey none be permitted to play; if any do to comitt them and to advertise,
&c.
xlvii.
[1580, June 17. Sir Nicholas Woodrofe, Lord Mayor, to Lord Burghley, Lord High
Treasurer, printed M. S. C. i. 47, from Remembrancia, i. 40–1.]
It may please your good Lp. Byside the continuall charge of my Dutie,
hauing lately receued by your Lp. a speciall and ernest commaundement
from hir Maiestie for the best meanes to be vsed that I can for preseruing
the Citty from infection, I will not faile so to do my dilligence both for the
cleane keping of the streates, for avoiding of Inmeates, and for keping of
good orders as haue ben heretofore prescribed or that I can any way deuise,
as shall ly in my power to the vttermost that I shalbe able. Howbeit, because
perill may and doth commonlie growe vnto hir Maiesties Cittie and people
many wayes by such meanes as we cannot reforme, I humble besech your
Lp. that you wilbe meane to hir Maiestie and give the ayde of the hye
Page 326
autoritie of your Lp. and the rest of the most honorable Counsell for
redresse of such thinges as in that behalf we finde dangerous, whereof some
thinges haue doble perill, both naturarly in spreding the infection and
otherwise in drawing Godes wrath and plage vpon vs, as the erecting and
frequenting of howses verie infamous for incontinent rule out of our
liberties and iurisdiction, also the drawing of the people from the seruice of
God and from honest exersises to vnchast plaies. Some vther thinges do
carrie other inconveniences, as the pestering of the Cittie with mvltitudes of
people for whome we shall not be able to make prouision of vitale, fewell,
and other necessaries at any reasonable prises. I haue therefore sett downe a
note which I send to your Lp. hereinclosed of such matters as I do lack
power to redresse, but ame constrayned to craue such further ayde and
assistance, as shalbe by your Lp. thought meete in those cases. And so I
leaue to troble your Lp. At London this xvijth of Iune 1580.
Your Lps. humble to comaund,
N. W. M.
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Tresorer of England.
The ‘note’ enclosed includes:
‘Item that haunting of playes out of the liberties be restrayned as well as
within the fredome.’
xlviii.
[1581, July 10. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor and the Justices of Middlesex
and the Liberties, printed M. S. C. i. 49, from Remembrancia, i. 221. The minute of
the letter is in Dasent, xiii. 128.]
After our right hartie commendacons. Whereas we haue ben credibly
informed that the plage and other contagious diseases are sumwhat of late
increased within the Citie of London and liberties thereto adioyning:
fforasmuch as it is to be feared that the said infections will spred further, in
case any great assemblies of people together, especially in this somer
season, be permitted, as by former experience it hath appeared, We haue
thought good to requier yowe and euery of yowe vpon the receipte hereof to
geue streight order that no playes or enterludes be suffered to be played
within the Citie or liberties adioyning, but that fourthwith yow charge and
comaunde them to forbere and desist, vntill thende of September or that
yowe shall receaue further order from vs, whereof we pray yowe that there
redresse of such thinges as in that behalf we finde dangerous, whereof some
thinges haue doble perill, both naturarly in spreding the infection and
otherwise in drawing Godes wrath and plage vpon vs, as the erecting and
frequenting of howses verie infamous for incontinent rule out of our
liberties and iurisdiction, also the drawing of the people from the seruice of
God and from honest exersises to vnchast plaies. Some vther thinges do
carrie other inconveniences, as the pestering of the Cittie with mvltitudes of
people for whome we shall not be able to make prouision of vitale, fewell,
and other necessaries at any reasonable prises. I haue therefore sett downe a
note which I send to your Lp. hereinclosed of such matters as I do lack
power to redresse, but ame constrayned to craue such further ayde and
assistance, as shalbe by your Lp. thought meete in those cases. And so I
leaue to troble your Lp. At London this xvijth of Iune 1580.
Your Lps. humble to comaund,
N. W. M.
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord the Lord Tresorer of England.
The ‘note’ enclosed includes:
‘Item that haunting of playes out of the liberties be restrayned as well as
within the fredome.’
xlviii.
[1581, July 10. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor and the Justices of Middlesex
and the Liberties, printed M. S. C. i. 49, from Remembrancia, i. 221. The minute of
the letter is in Dasent, xiii. 128.]
After our right hartie commendacons. Whereas we haue ben credibly
informed that the plage and other contagious diseases are sumwhat of late
increased within the Citie of London and liberties thereto adioyning:
fforasmuch as it is to be feared that the said infections will spred further, in
case any great assemblies of people together, especially in this somer
season, be permitted, as by former experience it hath appeared, We haue
thought good to requier yowe and euery of yowe vpon the receipte hereof to
geue streight order that no playes or enterludes be suffered to be played
within the Citie or liberties adioyning, but that fourthwith yow charge and
comaunde them to forbere and desist, vntill thende of September or that
yowe shall receaue further order from vs, whereof we pray yowe that there
Page 327
be no fault. And so bid yow hartely farewell. From Grenewich the xth of
Iuly 1581.
Your louing frendes,
Thomas Bromeley Cancellarius
Ambrose Warwicke
Robert Leycester
Henrie Sidney
Thomas Sussex
ffraunces Bedford
ffraunces Knowles
Christopher Hatton.
xlix.
[1581, July 11. City order, printed in Harrison, iv. 320, without reference, probably
from Repertory, xx.]
Item, Parr Stafferton gentleman of Grayes Inne for
that he that daye brought a dysordered companye of Stafferton
committed to the
gentlemen of the Innes of Courte & others, to assalte Compter.
Arthur Kynge, Thomas Goodale, and others, servauntes
to the Lord Barkley, & players of Enterludes within the Cyttye, was by this
Courte committed to the Compter in Wood streete, and the said players
lykewyse. And aswell the sayd players as the sayd Parre Stafferton, weare
by this Courte commanded to set downe in wrytinge the maner how the
same quarell began.
l.
[1581, July. Henry Lord Berkeley to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 51, from
Remembrancia, i. 224; but it appears from No. xlix that the date is rather earlier than
was there suggested.]
My very good Lord, ther is lately fallen owt some broile betwixt certaine
of my men and some of the Innes of the Courte, sought onely by them. The
matter, as I ame aduertised, is better knowen to your Lp. then to my self.
Whereupon ther is some of my men comitted to warde. If by their
misdemeanour they shold deserue imprisonment, I ame most willing they
shold abide it: Otherwise behauing them selues honestly in euery respecte,
as I cannot learne the contrary, sauing that they played on the sabothe daie
contrary to your order & comaundment vnknowen to them, in respecte of
Iuly 1581.
Your louing frendes,
Thomas Bromeley Cancellarius
Ambrose Warwicke
Robert Leycester
Henrie Sidney
Thomas Sussex
ffraunces Bedford
ffraunces Knowles
Christopher Hatton.
xlix.
[1581, July 11. City order, printed in Harrison, iv. 320, without reference, probably
from Repertory, xx.]
Item, Parr Stafferton gentleman of Grayes Inne for
that he that daye brought a dysordered companye of Stafferton
committed to the
gentlemen of the Innes of Courte & others, to assalte Compter.
Arthur Kynge, Thomas Goodale, and others, servauntes
to the Lord Barkley, & players of Enterludes within the Cyttye, was by this
Courte committed to the Compter in Wood streete, and the said players
lykewyse. And aswell the sayd players as the sayd Parre Stafferton, weare
by this Courte commanded to set downe in wrytinge the maner how the
same quarell began.
l.
[1581, July. Henry Lord Berkeley to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 51, from
Remembrancia, i. 224; but it appears from No. xlix that the date is rather earlier than
was there suggested.]
My very good Lord, ther is lately fallen owt some broile betwixt certaine
of my men and some of the Innes of the Courte, sought onely by them. The
matter, as I ame aduertised, is better knowen to your Lp. then to my self.
Whereupon ther is some of my men comitted to warde. If by their
misdemeanour they shold deserue imprisonment, I ame most willing they
shold abide it: Otherwise behauing them selues honestly in euery respecte,
as I cannot learne the contrary, sauing that they played on the sabothe daie
contrary to your order & comaundment vnknowen to them, in respecte of
Page 328
that I yelde them faultie and they them selues craue pardon. So ame I now
to desier your Lp. to sett them at libertie, whoe are vpon going into the
Countrie to auoide querrell or other inconuenience that mought followe.
And thereupon I geue my word that at any time hereafter, if further question
shall arise hereby, they shalbe fourthcoming to answere it, and so I leaue
your good Lp. to the Almightie. From my lodgeing at Strand this presente
Tuesdaie. 1581.
Your Lps assured
Henrie Berkeley.
To the right honorable the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London.
li.
[1581, July 13. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 320,
from Repertory, xx. f. 192.]
Item, yt ys orderyd that preceptes shalbe forthwith
made and dyrected vnto euery Alderman of thys Cyttye, Preceptes for playes
& enterludes.
that from henceforthe durynge the pleasure of thys
Courte, they suffer no playes, enterludes, tumblynges, pryces, or other
suche publyque shewes, to be had or made within theyr sayde wardes, by
any parson or parsons whatsoever, vntil further order shalbe taken by this
Courte.
lii.
[1581, Nov. 14. Precept of Lord Mayor, printed in Harrison, iv. 320, from London
Journal, xxi, f. 151v.]
By the Mayor.
Theis shalbe streightlye to charge and commaunde
you, that ye take present order.... And also that ye gyve A preceptt agaynste
foote-ball playe and
streighte charge & commaundement to all stage playes.
thinhabitauntes within the same warde, that they doe not
at anye tyme hereafter, suffer anye person or persons whatsoeuer, to sett
vpp or fixe anye papers or breifes vppon anye postes, houses, or other
places within your warde, for the shewe or settynge out of anye playes,
enterludes, or pryzes, within this Cyttye, or the lybertyes and suburbes of
the same, or to be played or shewed in anye other place or places within
two myles of this Cyttie, and that if anye suche shalbe sett vp, the same
to desier your Lp. to sett them at libertie, whoe are vpon going into the
Countrie to auoide querrell or other inconuenience that mought followe.
And thereupon I geue my word that at any time hereafter, if further question
shall arise hereby, they shalbe fourthcoming to answere it, and so I leaue
your good Lp. to the Almightie. From my lodgeing at Strand this presente
Tuesdaie. 1581.
Your Lps assured
Henrie Berkeley.
To the right honorable the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London.
li.
[1581, July 13. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 320,
from Repertory, xx. f. 192.]
Item, yt ys orderyd that preceptes shalbe forthwith
made and dyrected vnto euery Alderman of thys Cyttye, Preceptes for playes
& enterludes.
that from henceforthe durynge the pleasure of thys
Courte, they suffer no playes, enterludes, tumblynges, pryces, or other
suche publyque shewes, to be had or made within theyr sayde wardes, by
any parson or parsons whatsoever, vntil further order shalbe taken by this
Courte.
lii.
[1581, Nov. 14. Precept of Lord Mayor, printed in Harrison, iv. 320, from London
Journal, xxi, f. 151v.]
By the Mayor.
Theis shalbe streightlye to charge and commaunde
you, that ye take present order.... And also that ye gyve A preceptt agaynste
foote-ball playe and
streighte charge & commaundement to all stage playes.
thinhabitauntes within the same warde, that they doe not
at anye tyme hereafter, suffer anye person or persons whatsoeuer, to sett
vpp or fixe anye papers or breifes vppon anye postes, houses, or other
places within your warde, for the shewe or settynge out of anye playes,
enterludes, or pryzes, within this Cyttye, or the lybertyes and suburbes of
the same, or to be played or shewed in anye other place or places within
two myles of this Cyttie, and that if anye suche shalbe sett vp, the same
Page 329
presentlye to be pulled downe & defaced. Fayle you not hereof, as you will,
etc. Dated the xiiijth of November, 1581.
Sebryght [Town Clerk].
liii.
1581, Nov. 18. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, the Recorder, and the Court
of Aldermen, printed M. S. C. i. 50, from Remembrancia, i. 295. The Acts of the
Council show no meeting on 18 Nov. 1581; cf. No. lv.]
After our hartie commendations. Whereas for auoyding the increase of
infection within your citie this last somer yow receaued order from vs for
the restrainte of plaies vntill Mighelmas last. For that (thankes be to god)
the sicknesse is very well seised and not likely in this time of the yeare to
increase; Tendering the releife of theis poore men the players and their
redinesse with conuenient matters for her highnes solace this next
Christmas, which cannot be without their vsuall exercise therein; We haue
therefore thought good to requier yowe forethwith to suffer them to vse
such plaies in such sort and vsuall places as hath ben heretofore
accustomed, hauing carefull regard for continuance of such quiet orders in
the playeng places as tofore yowe haue had. And thus we bidd yowe
hartelie farewell from the Courte at Whitehall this xviijo of Nouember 1581.
Your Louing frendes,
Edward Lincoln
Robert Leycester
Christopher Hatton
Thomas Sussex
H. Hunsdon
Amb: Warwick
James Croft
To our very Louing frendes the Lord Maiour, mr. Sariant Fletewood
Recorder, and the Aldermen of the Cittie of London.
liv.
[1581, Nov. 25. Extract from letter of John Field to the Earl of Leicester, printed
from Cotton MS. Titus, B. vii, f. 22, in Collier, i. 245.]
The more Sathan rageth, the more valianter be you under the standert of
him who will not be foyled. And I humblie beseech your honor to take
etc. Dated the xiiijth of November, 1581.
Sebryght [Town Clerk].
liii.
1581, Nov. 18. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, the Recorder, and the Court
of Aldermen, printed M. S. C. i. 50, from Remembrancia, i. 295. The Acts of the
Council show no meeting on 18 Nov. 1581; cf. No. lv.]
After our hartie commendations. Whereas for auoyding the increase of
infection within your citie this last somer yow receaued order from vs for
the restrainte of plaies vntill Mighelmas last. For that (thankes be to god)
the sicknesse is very well seised and not likely in this time of the yeare to
increase; Tendering the releife of theis poore men the players and their
redinesse with conuenient matters for her highnes solace this next
Christmas, which cannot be without their vsuall exercise therein; We haue
therefore thought good to requier yowe forethwith to suffer them to vse
such plaies in such sort and vsuall places as hath ben heretofore
accustomed, hauing carefull regard for continuance of such quiet orders in
the playeng places as tofore yowe haue had. And thus we bidd yowe
hartelie farewell from the Courte at Whitehall this xviijo of Nouember 1581.
Your Louing frendes,
Edward Lincoln
Robert Leycester
Christopher Hatton
Thomas Sussex
H. Hunsdon
Amb: Warwick
James Croft
To our very Louing frendes the Lord Maiour, mr. Sariant Fletewood
Recorder, and the Aldermen of the Cittie of London.
liv.
[1581, Nov. 25. Extract from letter of John Field to the Earl of Leicester, printed
from Cotton MS. Titus, B. vii, f. 22, in Collier, i. 245.]
The more Sathan rageth, the more valianter be you under the standert of
him who will not be foyled. And I humblie beseech your honor to take
Page 330
heede howe you gyve your hande, either in evill causes, or in the behalfe of
evill men, as of late you did for players to the great greife of all the godly;
but as you have shewed your forwardnes for the Ministery of the Gospel, so
followe that course still. Our Cyttie hath bene well eased of the pester of
those wickednesses, and abuses, that were wonte to be nourished by those
impure interludes and playes that were in use—surely the schooles of as
greate wickednesses as can be. I truste your honor will herein joyne with
them that have longe, owt of the word, cryed out against them; and I am
persuaded that if your honor knewe what sincks of synne they are, you
woulde never looke once towards them. The lord Jesus blesse you. Nov. 25,
1581.
Your good lordshippes most bounden
Jo Feilde.
lv.
[1581, Dec. 3. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xiii. 269.]
Whereas certayne companyes of players hertofore usinge their common
excersice of playing within and aboute the Cittie of London have of late in
respect of the generail infection within the Cittie ben restrayned by their
Lordships’ commaundement from playing, the said players this daye
exhibited a peticion unto their Lordships, humblie desiring that as well in
respecte of their pore estates, having noe other meanes to sustayne them,
their wyves and children but their exercise of playing, and were only
brought up from their youthe in the practise and profession of musicke and
playeng, as for that the sicknes within the Cittie was well slaked, so as noe
danger of infection could followe by the assemblyes of people at their
playes, yt would please their Lordships therfore to grante them licence to
use their sayd exercise of playeng as heretofore they had don; their
Lordships their upon for the consyderations aforesaid as also for that they
are to present certayne playes before the Quenes Majestie for her solace in
the Christmas tyme nowe following, were contented to yeld unto their said
humble peticion, and ordered that the Lord Mayor of the Cittie of London
should suffer and permitt them to use and exercise their trade of playing in
and about the Cittie as they have hertofore accustomed upon the weeke
dayes only, being holy dayes or other dayes, so as they doe forbeare wholye
to playe on the Sabothe Daye, either in the forenone or afternone, which to
doe they are by this their Lordships’ order expressely denyed and forbidden.
evill men, as of late you did for players to the great greife of all the godly;
but as you have shewed your forwardnes for the Ministery of the Gospel, so
followe that course still. Our Cyttie hath bene well eased of the pester of
those wickednesses, and abuses, that were wonte to be nourished by those
impure interludes and playes that were in use—surely the schooles of as
greate wickednesses as can be. I truste your honor will herein joyne with
them that have longe, owt of the word, cryed out against them; and I am
persuaded that if your honor knewe what sincks of synne they are, you
woulde never looke once towards them. The lord Jesus blesse you. Nov. 25,
1581.
Your good lordshippes most bounden
Jo Feilde.
lv.
[1581, Dec. 3. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xiii. 269.]
Whereas certayne companyes of players hertofore usinge their common
excersice of playing within and aboute the Cittie of London have of late in
respect of the generail infection within the Cittie ben restrayned by their
Lordships’ commaundement from playing, the said players this daye
exhibited a peticion unto their Lordships, humblie desiring that as well in
respecte of their pore estates, having noe other meanes to sustayne them,
their wyves and children but their exercise of playing, and were only
brought up from their youthe in the practise and profession of musicke and
playeng, as for that the sicknes within the Cittie was well slaked, so as noe
danger of infection could followe by the assemblyes of people at their
playes, yt would please their Lordships therfore to grante them licence to
use their sayd exercise of playeng as heretofore they had don; their
Lordships their upon for the consyderations aforesaid as also for that they
are to present certayne playes before the Quenes Majestie for her solace in
the Christmas tyme nowe following, were contented to yeld unto their said
humble peticion, and ordered that the Lord Mayor of the Cittie of London
should suffer and permitt them to use and exercise their trade of playing in
and about the Cittie as they have hertofore accustomed upon the weeke
dayes only, being holy dayes or other dayes, so as they doe forbeare wholye
to playe on the Sabothe Daye, either in the forenone or afternone, which to
doe they are by this their Lordships’ order expressely denyed and forbidden.
Page 331
lvi.
[1581, Dec. 24. Patent of Commission for Edmund Tilney as Master of the Revels,
printed by Feuillerat, Eliz. 51, from Patent Rolls, 1606 (Watson’s Rolls), m. 34, No.
46; also by T. E. Tomlins in Sh. Soc. Papers, iii (1847), 1; Collier, i. 247, who
supposed the document to refer to the formation of the Queen’s men in 1583; and
Halliwell-Phillipps, Illustrations, 114; cf. ch. iii and Tudor Revels, 62, 72.]
Elizabeth by the grace of God &c. To all manner our
Iustices, Maiors, Sheriffes, Bayliffes, Constables, and all De Commissione
speciali pro
other our officers, ministers, true liege men, and Edmundo Tylney
subiectes, and to euery of them greetinge. We lett you Armigero Magistro
witt that we haue aucthorised licensed and commaunded Revellorum.
and by these presentes do aucthorise licence and commaunde our
welbeloved Edmunde Tylney Esquire Maister of our Revells, aswell to take
and retaine for vs and in our name at all tymes from hensforth and in all
places within this our Realme of England, aswell within ffrancheses and
liberties as without, at competent wages aswell all suche and as many
painters, imbroderers, taylors, cappers, haberdashers, joyners, carders,
glasiers, armorers, basketmakers, skinners, sadlers, waggen makers,
plaisterers, fethermakers, as all other propertie makers and conninge
artificers and laborers whatsoever as our said Servant or his assigne bearers
hereof shall thinke necessarie and requisite for the speedie workinge and
fynisheinge of any exploite workmanshippe or peece of seruice that shall at
any tyme hereafter belong to our saide office of the Revells, As also to take
at price reasonable in all places within our said Realme of England aswell
within ffrancheses and liberties as without any kinde or kindes of stuffe,
ware or marchandise, woode or coale or other fewell, tymber, wainscott,
boarde, lathe, nailes, brick, tile, leade, iron, wier, and all other necessaries
for our said workes of the said office of our Revells as he the said Edmunde
or his assigne shall thinke behoofefull and expedient from tyme to tyme for
our said seruice in the said office of the Revells together with all carriages
for the same both by land and by water as the case shall require. And
furthermore we haue by these presentes aucthorised and commaunded the
said Edmunde Tylney that in case any person or persons, whatsoever they
be, will obstinatelie disobey and refuse from hensforth to accomplishe and
obey our commaundement and pleasure in that behalfe, or withdrawe
themselues from any of our said workes vpon warninge to them or any of
them given by the saide Edmunde Tylney, or by his sufficient deputie in that
behalfe to be named, appointed for their diligent attendance and
[1581, Dec. 24. Patent of Commission for Edmund Tilney as Master of the Revels,
printed by Feuillerat, Eliz. 51, from Patent Rolls, 1606 (Watson’s Rolls), m. 34, No.
46; also by T. E. Tomlins in Sh. Soc. Papers, iii (1847), 1; Collier, i. 247, who
supposed the document to refer to the formation of the Queen’s men in 1583; and
Halliwell-Phillipps, Illustrations, 114; cf. ch. iii and Tudor Revels, 62, 72.]
Elizabeth by the grace of God &c. To all manner our
Iustices, Maiors, Sheriffes, Bayliffes, Constables, and all De Commissione
speciali pro
other our officers, ministers, true liege men, and Edmundo Tylney
subiectes, and to euery of them greetinge. We lett you Armigero Magistro
witt that we haue aucthorised licensed and commaunded Revellorum.
and by these presentes do aucthorise licence and commaunde our
welbeloved Edmunde Tylney Esquire Maister of our Revells, aswell to take
and retaine for vs and in our name at all tymes from hensforth and in all
places within this our Realme of England, aswell within ffrancheses and
liberties as without, at competent wages aswell all suche and as many
painters, imbroderers, taylors, cappers, haberdashers, joyners, carders,
glasiers, armorers, basketmakers, skinners, sadlers, waggen makers,
plaisterers, fethermakers, as all other propertie makers and conninge
artificers and laborers whatsoever as our said Servant or his assigne bearers
hereof shall thinke necessarie and requisite for the speedie workinge and
fynisheinge of any exploite workmanshippe or peece of seruice that shall at
any tyme hereafter belong to our saide office of the Revells, As also to take
at price reasonable in all places within our said Realme of England aswell
within ffrancheses and liberties as without any kinde or kindes of stuffe,
ware or marchandise, woode or coale or other fewell, tymber, wainscott,
boarde, lathe, nailes, brick, tile, leade, iron, wier, and all other necessaries
for our said workes of the said office of our Revells as he the said Edmunde
or his assigne shall thinke behoofefull and expedient from tyme to tyme for
our said seruice in the said office of the Revells together with all carriages
for the same both by land and by water as the case shall require. And
furthermore we haue by these presentes aucthorised and commaunded the
said Edmunde Tylney that in case any person or persons, whatsoever they
be, will obstinatelie disobey and refuse from hensforth to accomplishe and
obey our commaundement and pleasure in that behalfe, or withdrawe
themselues from any of our said workes vpon warninge to them or any of
them given by the saide Edmunde Tylney, or by his sufficient deputie in that
behalfe to be named, appointed for their diligent attendance and
Page 332
workmanship vpon the said workes or devises as to their naturall dutie and
alleigeance apperteineth, that then it shalbe lawfull vnto the same Edmund
Tilney or his deputie for the tyme beinge to attache the partie or parties so
offendinge and him or them to commytt to warde, there to remaine without
baile or mainprise vntill suche tyme as the saide Edmunde or his deputie
shall thinke the tyme of his or their imprisonment to be punnishment
sufficient for his or their saide offences in that behalfe, and that done to
enlarge him or them so beinge imprisoned at their full libertie without any
losse, penaltie, forfaiture or other damage in that behalfe to be susteined or
borne by the said Edmunde Tilney or his saide deputie. And also if any
person or persons beinge taken into our said workes of the said office of our
Revells beinge arrested comminge or goinge to or from our saide workes of
our said office of our Revells at the sute of any person or persons, then the
said Edmunde Tilney by vertue and aucthoritie hereof to enlarge him or
them as by our speciall proteccion during the tyme of our said workes. And
also if any person or persons beinge reteyned in our said workes of our said
office of Revells haue taken any manner of taske worke, beinge bound to
finishe the same by a certen day, shall not runne into any manner of
forfeiture or penaltie for breakinge of his day, so that he or they ymediatly
after the fynishinge of our said workes indevor him or themselues to
fynishe the saide taske worke. And furthermore also we haue and doe by
these presentes aucthorise and commaunde our said Servant Edmunde
Tilney Maister of our said Revells by himselfe or his sufficient deputie or
deputies to warne commaunde and appointe in all places within this our
Realme of England, aswell within francheses and liberties as without, all
and euery plaier or plaiers with their playmakers, either belonginge to any
noble man or otherwise, bearinge the name or names of vsinge the facultie
of playmakers or plaiers of Comedies, Tragedies, Enterludes or what other
showes soever, from tyme to tyme and at all tymes to appeare before him
with all suche plaies, Tragedies, Comedies or showes as they shall haue in
readines or meane to sett forth, and them to presente and recite before our
said Servant or his sufficient deputie, whom wee ordeyne appointe and
aucthorise by these presentes of all suche showes, plaies, plaiers and
playmakers, together with their playing places, to order and reforme,
auctorise and put downe, as shalbe thought meete or vnmeete vnto himselfe
or his said deputie in that behalfe. And also likewise we haue by these
presentes aucthorised and commaunded the said Edmunde Tylney that in
alleigeance apperteineth, that then it shalbe lawfull vnto the same Edmund
Tilney or his deputie for the tyme beinge to attache the partie or parties so
offendinge and him or them to commytt to warde, there to remaine without
baile or mainprise vntill suche tyme as the saide Edmunde or his deputie
shall thinke the tyme of his or their imprisonment to be punnishment
sufficient for his or their saide offences in that behalfe, and that done to
enlarge him or them so beinge imprisoned at their full libertie without any
losse, penaltie, forfaiture or other damage in that behalfe to be susteined or
borne by the said Edmunde Tilney or his saide deputie. And also if any
person or persons beinge taken into our said workes of the said office of our
Revells beinge arrested comminge or goinge to or from our saide workes of
our said office of our Revells at the sute of any person or persons, then the
said Edmunde Tilney by vertue and aucthoritie hereof to enlarge him or
them as by our speciall proteccion during the tyme of our said workes. And
also if any person or persons beinge reteyned in our said workes of our said
office of Revells haue taken any manner of taske worke, beinge bound to
finishe the same by a certen day, shall not runne into any manner of
forfeiture or penaltie for breakinge of his day, so that he or they ymediatly
after the fynishinge of our said workes indevor him or themselues to
fynishe the saide taske worke. And furthermore also we haue and doe by
these presentes aucthorise and commaunde our said Servant Edmunde
Tilney Maister of our said Revells by himselfe or his sufficient deputie or
deputies to warne commaunde and appointe in all places within this our
Realme of England, aswell within francheses and liberties as without, all
and euery plaier or plaiers with their playmakers, either belonginge to any
noble man or otherwise, bearinge the name or names of vsinge the facultie
of playmakers or plaiers of Comedies, Tragedies, Enterludes or what other
showes soever, from tyme to tyme and at all tymes to appeare before him
with all suche plaies, Tragedies, Comedies or showes as they shall haue in
readines or meane to sett forth, and them to presente and recite before our
said Servant or his sufficient deputie, whom wee ordeyne appointe and
aucthorise by these presentes of all suche showes, plaies, plaiers and
playmakers, together with their playing places, to order and reforme,
auctorise and put downe, as shalbe thought meete or vnmeete vnto himselfe
or his said deputie in that behalfe. And also likewise we haue by these
presentes aucthorised and commaunded the said Edmunde Tylney that in
Page 333
case if any of them, whatsoever they bee, will obstinatelie refuse, vpon
warninge vnto them given by the said Edmunde or his sufficient deputie, to
accomplishe and obey our commaundement in this behalfe, then it shalbe
lawful to the said Edmunde or his sufficient deputie to attache the partie or
parties so offendinge, and him or them to commytt to warde, to remaine
without bayle or mayneprise vntill suche tyme as the same Edmunde Tylney
or his sufficient deputie shall thinke the tyme of his or theire ymprisonment
to be punishement sufficient for his or their said offences in that behalfe,
and that done to inlarge him or them so beinge imprisoned at their plaine
libertie, without any losse, penaltie, forfeiture or other daunger in this
behalfe to be susteyned or borne by the said Edmunde Tylney or his
deputie, Any Acte Statute Ordynance or prouision heretofore had or made
to the contrarie hereof in any wise notwithstandinge. Wherefore we will and
commaunde you and euery of you that vnto the said Edmunde Tylney or his
sufficient deputie bearer hereof in the due execution of this our aucthoritie
and commaundement ye be aydinge, supportinge and assistinge from tyme
to tyme as the case shall require, as you and euery of you tender our
pleasure and will answer to the contrarie at your vttermost perills. In
witnesse whereof &c., witnes our selfe at Westminster the xxiiijth day of
December in the xxiiijth yere of our raigne.
per breve de priuato sigillo.
lvii.
[1582, April 3. Precept by Lord Mayor, printed in Nicholl, Ironmongers, 128.]
By the Maior.
These shalbe straightlie to charge and command you, that forthwithe
uppon the receit hereof you call before you all the freemen of your said
companie, and give to everie one of them straightlie charge and
commandement that they or anie of them do at annye time hereafter suffer
any of ther sarvants, apprentices, journemen, or children, to repare or goe to
annye playes, peices, or enterludes, either within the cittie or suburbs
thereof, or to annye place witheout the same, uppon payne of everie servant
so offendinge, or master so sufferinge, to be punyshed at the dyscretion of
me and my brethren. Fayle you not hereof, as you will answer the contrarie
at your perill. Geven at the Guildhall, the iij daie of April, 1582.
Sebright [Town Clerk].
warninge vnto them given by the said Edmunde or his sufficient deputie, to
accomplishe and obey our commaundement in this behalfe, then it shalbe
lawful to the said Edmunde or his sufficient deputie to attache the partie or
parties so offendinge, and him or them to commytt to warde, to remaine
without bayle or mayneprise vntill suche tyme as the same Edmunde Tylney
or his sufficient deputie shall thinke the tyme of his or theire ymprisonment
to be punishement sufficient for his or their said offences in that behalfe,
and that done to inlarge him or them so beinge imprisoned at their plaine
libertie, without any losse, penaltie, forfeiture or other daunger in this
behalfe to be susteyned or borne by the said Edmunde Tylney or his
deputie, Any Acte Statute Ordynance or prouision heretofore had or made
to the contrarie hereof in any wise notwithstandinge. Wherefore we will and
commaunde you and euery of you that vnto the said Edmunde Tylney or his
sufficient deputie bearer hereof in the due execution of this our aucthoritie
and commaundement ye be aydinge, supportinge and assistinge from tyme
to tyme as the case shall require, as you and euery of you tender our
pleasure and will answer to the contrarie at your vttermost perills. In
witnesse whereof &c., witnes our selfe at Westminster the xxiiijth day of
December in the xxiiijth yere of our raigne.
per breve de priuato sigillo.
lvii.
[1582, April 3. Precept by Lord Mayor, printed in Nicholl, Ironmongers, 128.]
By the Maior.
These shalbe straightlie to charge and command you, that forthwithe
uppon the receit hereof you call before you all the freemen of your said
companie, and give to everie one of them straightlie charge and
commandement that they or anie of them do at annye time hereafter suffer
any of ther sarvants, apprentices, journemen, or children, to repare or goe to
annye playes, peices, or enterludes, either within the cittie or suburbs
thereof, or to annye place witheout the same, uppon payne of everie servant
so offendinge, or master so sufferinge, to be punyshed at the dyscretion of
me and my brethren. Fayle you not hereof, as you will answer the contrarie
at your perill. Geven at the Guildhall, the iij daie of April, 1582.
Sebright [Town Clerk].
Page 334
lviii.
[1582, April 11. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 52, from
Remembrancia, i. 317. The minute of the letter, undated and bound up before a minute
of April 13 as f. 691 of the manuscript Register among minutes of May 1582, is in
Dasent, xiii, 404.]
After our hartie comendacons. Whereas heretofore for sundry good
causes and consideracons, as yow know, we haue oftentimes geuen order
for the restraint of plaies, in and about the Citie of London: and
neuerthelesse of late for honest recreation sake, in respecte that her maiestie
sometimes taketh delight in those pastimes, we thought it not vnfitt, hauing
regard vnto the season of the yere and the Clerenes of the Citie from
infection, to allowe of certaine companies of plaiers to exercise their
playeng in London, partly to the ende they might thereby attaine to the
more dexteritie and perfection in that profession, the better to content her
maiestie, whereupon we permitted the said players to vse their playeng
vntill we shold se cause to the contrary, and foreseing that the same might
be done without impeachment of the seruice of God whereof we haue a
speciall care, we restrained them from playeng on the sabothe daye: and
forasmucheas we suppose that their honest exercise of recreation in
playeng, to be vsed on the ordinarie S. Hollydaies after euening prayer, as
long as the season of the yere may permitt and may be without daunger of
the infection, will not be offensiue, so that if care be had that their comodies
and enterludes be looked into, and that those which do containe mater that
may bread corruption of maners and conuersacion among the people (which
we desire in any case to haue auoided) be forbidden, whereunto we wishe
yow did appointe some fitt persones whoe maie consider and allowe of
suche playes onely as be fitt to yeld honest recreacion and no example of
euell: We haue therefore thought good to pray your Lp. to reuoke your late
inhibition against their playeng on the said hollydaies after euening prayer,
onely forbearing the Sabothe daie whollie according to our former order.
And when yow shall finde that the continuance of the same their excercise
by the increase of the sicknes and infection shalbe dangerous, we praye
your Lp. therin to geue vs knowlege & thereupon we will presentely take
order for their restrainte accordinglie: Soe fare yowe hartelie well from the
Court at Grenewich the xjth of Aprill 1582.
Your louing frendes,
[1582, April 11. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 52, from
Remembrancia, i. 317. The minute of the letter, undated and bound up before a minute
of April 13 as f. 691 of the manuscript Register among minutes of May 1582, is in
Dasent, xiii, 404.]
After our hartie comendacons. Whereas heretofore for sundry good
causes and consideracons, as yow know, we haue oftentimes geuen order
for the restraint of plaies, in and about the Citie of London: and
neuerthelesse of late for honest recreation sake, in respecte that her maiestie
sometimes taketh delight in those pastimes, we thought it not vnfitt, hauing
regard vnto the season of the yere and the Clerenes of the Citie from
infection, to allowe of certaine companies of plaiers to exercise their
playeng in London, partly to the ende they might thereby attaine to the
more dexteritie and perfection in that profession, the better to content her
maiestie, whereupon we permitted the said players to vse their playeng
vntill we shold se cause to the contrary, and foreseing that the same might
be done without impeachment of the seruice of God whereof we haue a
speciall care, we restrained them from playeng on the sabothe daye: and
forasmucheas we suppose that their honest exercise of recreation in
playeng, to be vsed on the ordinarie S. Hollydaies after euening prayer, as
long as the season of the yere may permitt and may be without daunger of
the infection, will not be offensiue, so that if care be had that their comodies
and enterludes be looked into, and that those which do containe mater that
may bread corruption of maners and conuersacion among the people (which
we desire in any case to haue auoided) be forbidden, whereunto we wishe
yow did appointe some fitt persones whoe maie consider and allowe of
suche playes onely as be fitt to yeld honest recreacion and no example of
euell: We haue therefore thought good to pray your Lp. to reuoke your late
inhibition against their playeng on the said hollydaies after euening prayer,
onely forbearing the Sabothe daie whollie according to our former order.
And when yow shall finde that the continuance of the same their excercise
by the increase of the sicknes and infection shalbe dangerous, we praye
your Lp. therin to geue vs knowlege & thereupon we will presentely take
order for their restrainte accordinglie: Soe fare yowe hartelie well from the
Court at Grenewich the xjth of Aprill 1582.
Your louing frendes,
Page 335
E: Lyncoln: T: Sussex: A: Warwyk: R: Leycester.
H: Hunsdon. I: Crofte.
To our very Louing frende the Lord maior of the Citie of London.
lix.
[1582, April 13. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 54, from
Remembrancia, i. 319.]
My dutie humblie done to your LLps. I haue receaued significacon of
your LLps. pleasure by your letters for enlarging the restrainte of players on
holydaies in the afternone, being not the sabbat daye, so as the same may be
done after seruice and without disturbance of comon prayer and seruice of
God, which as the experience is among vs peraduenture not made knowen
to your LLps. can very hardly be done. For thoughe they beginne not their
playes till after euening prayer, yet all the time of the afternone before they
take in hearers and fill the place with such as be therby absent from seruing
God at Chirch, and attending to serue Gods enemie in an Inne; If for
remedie hereof I shold also restraine the letting in of the people till after
seruice in the chirche, it wold driue the action of their plaies into very
inconuenient time of night, specially for seruantes and children to be absent
from their parentes and masters attendance and presence: Howbet the case
is of more inconuenience (as I take it) for that the plag increaseth, and the
season extraordinarilie whote and perelous for this time of yere, and in the
opinion of me and my bretheren, both more mete for the safetie of the
Quenes subiectes, and more easy to be stayed by good and lawfull policie in
the beginning then when it is growen to further spreding of infection, byside
that the tearme being at hand, and the parlament by prorogacon not long
after, I haue thought it dutie to obey your LLps. comaundement in
signifieng that euen now the renewing and continuance of their exersise by
the increase of siknes and infection is daungerous, prayeng your LLps. to
take order for continuing the restrainte accordinglie. As touching the orders
prescribed in your LLps. lettres for the maters and maner of their playes at
such time as yow may hereafter enlarge them, I will according to your said
direction take furder order at all times to restraine them, till their maters be
perused by graue and discrete persones such as I shall require to take that
peine, and till they well asure me to obey the cautions appointed in your
said letters. And so I leaue to troble your LLps. At London this xiijth of
Aprill 1582.
H: Hunsdon. I: Crofte.
To our very Louing frende the Lord maior of the Citie of London.
lix.
[1582, April 13. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 54, from
Remembrancia, i. 319.]
My dutie humblie done to your LLps. I haue receaued significacon of
your LLps. pleasure by your letters for enlarging the restrainte of players on
holydaies in the afternone, being not the sabbat daye, so as the same may be
done after seruice and without disturbance of comon prayer and seruice of
God, which as the experience is among vs peraduenture not made knowen
to your LLps. can very hardly be done. For thoughe they beginne not their
playes till after euening prayer, yet all the time of the afternone before they
take in hearers and fill the place with such as be therby absent from seruing
God at Chirch, and attending to serue Gods enemie in an Inne; If for
remedie hereof I shold also restraine the letting in of the people till after
seruice in the chirche, it wold driue the action of their plaies into very
inconuenient time of night, specially for seruantes and children to be absent
from their parentes and masters attendance and presence: Howbet the case
is of more inconuenience (as I take it) for that the plag increaseth, and the
season extraordinarilie whote and perelous for this time of yere, and in the
opinion of me and my bretheren, both more mete for the safetie of the
Quenes subiectes, and more easy to be stayed by good and lawfull policie in
the beginning then when it is growen to further spreding of infection, byside
that the tearme being at hand, and the parlament by prorogacon not long
after, I haue thought it dutie to obey your LLps. comaundement in
signifieng that euen now the renewing and continuance of their exersise by
the increase of siknes and infection is daungerous, prayeng your LLps. to
take order for continuing the restrainte accordinglie. As touching the orders
prescribed in your LLps. lettres for the maters and maner of their playes at
such time as yow may hereafter enlarge them, I will according to your said
direction take furder order at all times to restraine them, till their maters be
perused by graue and discrete persones such as I shall require to take that
peine, and till they well asure me to obey the cautions appointed in your
said letters. And so I leaue to troble your LLps. At London this xiijth of
Aprill 1582.
Page 336
Your LLps. humble.
To the right honorable the Lords and other of the Quenes Maiesties most
honorable Counsell.
lx.
[1582, July 1. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,
printed M. S. C. i. 55, from Remembrancia, i. 359.]
My Lord maiour, I ame to request yow and the rest whome it doth
apperteine that they wold geue licence to my seruant John Dauid this bearer
to playe his prouest prices in his science and profession of defence at the
Bull in Bishopsgatestrete or some other conuenient place to be assigned
within the liberties of London, and I will hartely thanke your Lp. and the
rest for the fauor yow shal shew him in this behalf: So with my very hartie
commendacions I wish yowe all well to fare. From the Court this first of
Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. very louing frend,
Amb: Warwik.
To my verie honorable good frend the L. Maiour and the rest of the
aldermen or shirefes.
lxi.
[1582, July 23. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i.
56, from Remembrancia, i. 383.]
My Lord Maiour, I cannot thinke my self frendely delt with to haue my
seruante put to such publike disgrace: Yf yow had not first allowed bothe
others and him to take a like course of playeng prises, I had not moued your
Lp. by my former lettres nor my man shold not haue requested
extraordinary fauour aboue otheres, but to repulse him and to forbid the
place appointed, after allowance & publicacon of his Bills (wherein my
name was also vsed) and my seruante hereby greatly charged, wanteth some
part of that good and frendely consideracion, which in curtesie and common
humanitie I might looke for. The Circumstances and manner of dealing
geueth me cause to iudge my self hardly befrended and regarded, that a
light suggestion of a Companie of lewde verlettes could so sodainely and
easely carry yow awaye from a good frende to my mans great losse and
discredit, and in some sort to myne owne impeachement. Yf yow be
resolued that it standeth most behouefull for the good gouerment of the
To the right honorable the Lords and other of the Quenes Maiesties most
honorable Counsell.
lx.
[1582, July 1. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,
printed M. S. C. i. 55, from Remembrancia, i. 359.]
My Lord maiour, I ame to request yow and the rest whome it doth
apperteine that they wold geue licence to my seruant John Dauid this bearer
to playe his prouest prices in his science and profession of defence at the
Bull in Bishopsgatestrete or some other conuenient place to be assigned
within the liberties of London, and I will hartely thanke your Lp. and the
rest for the fauor yow shal shew him in this behalf: So with my very hartie
commendacions I wish yowe all well to fare. From the Court this first of
Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. very louing frend,
Amb: Warwik.
To my verie honorable good frend the L. Maiour and the rest of the
aldermen or shirefes.
lxi.
[1582, July 23. Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i.
56, from Remembrancia, i. 383.]
My Lord Maiour, I cannot thinke my self frendely delt with to haue my
seruante put to such publike disgrace: Yf yow had not first allowed bothe
others and him to take a like course of playeng prises, I had not moued your
Lp. by my former lettres nor my man shold not haue requested
extraordinary fauour aboue otheres, but to repulse him and to forbid the
place appointed, after allowance & publicacon of his Bills (wherein my
name was also vsed) and my seruante hereby greatly charged, wanteth some
part of that good and frendely consideracion, which in curtesie and common
humanitie I might looke for. The Circumstances and manner of dealing
geueth me cause to iudge my self hardly befrended and regarded, that a
light suggestion of a Companie of lewde verlettes could so sodainely and
easely carry yow awaye from a good frende to my mans great losse and
discredit, and in some sort to myne owne impeachement. Yf yow be
resolued that it standeth most behouefull for the good gouerment of the
Page 337
Citie to haue those exercises vtterly put downe and none allowed hereafter
to deale in these kinde of prises, my man shall rest him self without further
sute, (albeit the first and last to whome disgrace hath ben offered in this
sorte:) But if others be suffered to proceade as heretofore, and they not
restrained, aswell as my man, I must nedes iuge it no frendely nor
indifferent maner of dealing. I pray therefore, vnlesse there be cause to the
contrary and greater mater of exception, than lewde suggestions of badd
persones; (because my man refused to yealde to their disorder, and abvse of
exaction) giue my man such ordinarie and indifferent fauor, that he may
forthwith haue his daie and place as others of his profession. Or ells I shall
haue more iust cause of vnkindnesse offered me. From the Court this xxiijth
of Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. very louing frende,
Ambrose: Warwike.
To my very louing frende the Lord Maiour of London: ffrom the Courte.
lxii.
[1582, July 24. The Lord Mayor to Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, printed M. S. C. i.
57, from Remembrancia, i. 384.]
My dutie humblie done to your Lp. I ame sorry that your Lp. taketh my
dealinges toward your seruant in such part, as I perceaue by your letters
yow are informed. Albeit the lawe in case of fensers haue some hard
exposition in some mens iugement, yet the truthe is that I did not expulse
your seruant from playeng his prise, but for your sake I did geue him
licence. Onely I did restraine him from playeng in an Inne which was
somewhat to close for infection, and appointed him to playe in an open
place of the leaden hall more fre from danger and more for his Comoditie,
which licence I gaue him in open Courte, and he might well haue vsed it
before increace of peril by heate of the yere. But about xiiijtene daies
afterward, when I thought he had taken the benefitt and effecte of my
graunte, the infection growing, whereof your Lp. knoweth what earnest care
I ought to haue, and how seriously bothe her maiestie and your Lp. with the
rest of the most honorable haue often charged me, and for some other
reasonable respectes touching my dutie, I was indede inforced to restraine
him from gathering publik assemblie of people to his play within the Citie,
and neuerthelesse did allowe him in the open feildes where the peril might
not be so great: But verely my good Lord, whoesoeuer hath Informed yow
to deale in these kinde of prises, my man shall rest him self without further
sute, (albeit the first and last to whome disgrace hath ben offered in this
sorte:) But if others be suffered to proceade as heretofore, and they not
restrained, aswell as my man, I must nedes iuge it no frendely nor
indifferent maner of dealing. I pray therefore, vnlesse there be cause to the
contrary and greater mater of exception, than lewde suggestions of badd
persones; (because my man refused to yealde to their disorder, and abvse of
exaction) giue my man such ordinarie and indifferent fauor, that he may
forthwith haue his daie and place as others of his profession. Or ells I shall
haue more iust cause of vnkindnesse offered me. From the Court this xxiijth
of Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. very louing frende,
Ambrose: Warwike.
To my very louing frende the Lord Maiour of London: ffrom the Courte.
lxii.
[1582, July 24. The Lord Mayor to Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, printed M. S. C. i.
57, from Remembrancia, i. 384.]
My dutie humblie done to your Lp. I ame sorry that your Lp. taketh my
dealinges toward your seruant in such part, as I perceaue by your letters
yow are informed. Albeit the lawe in case of fensers haue some hard
exposition in some mens iugement, yet the truthe is that I did not expulse
your seruant from playeng his prise, but for your sake I did geue him
licence. Onely I did restraine him from playeng in an Inne which was
somewhat to close for infection, and appointed him to playe in an open
place of the leaden hall more fre from danger and more for his Comoditie,
which licence I gaue him in open Courte, and he might well haue vsed it
before increace of peril by heate of the yere. But about xiiijtene daies
afterward, when I thought he had taken the benefitt and effecte of my
graunte, the infection growing, whereof your Lp. knoweth what earnest care
I ought to haue, and how seriously bothe her maiestie and your Lp. with the
rest of the most honorable haue often charged me, and for some other
reasonable respectes touching my dutie, I was indede inforced to restraine
him from gathering publik assemblie of people to his play within the Citie,
and neuerthelesse did allowe him in the open feildes where the peril might
not be so great: But verely my good Lord, whoesoeuer hath Informed yow
Page 338
that I haue forbidden your man and licenced other to your seruantes
disgrace he doth me great wrong, for I neither haue nor intende so to doe.
For bothe your Lp. and my Lord of Leycester your brother haue euer ben
my honorable good Lordes, and so I haue and doe esteeme yow, and wold
doe asmuche to gratefie yow or any of yours as any that hath ben in my
place; and so I beseche yow to accoumpte of me. I haue herein yet further
done for your seruante what I may, that is that if he obteine lawefully to
playe at the Theater or other open place out of the Citie, he hath and shall
haue my permition with his companie, drumes, and shewe to passe openly
throughe the Citie, being not vpon the Sondaye, which is asmuche as I
maye iustefie in this season, and for that cause I haue with his owne consent
apointed him Monday next. And so I humblie comitt your Lp. to the tuition
of the Almightie. At London the xxiiijth of Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. humble.
To the right honorable my singular good L. my Lorde the Erle of Warwicke.
lxiii.
[1582 (?). Extract from Orders Appointed to be Executed in the Cittie of London
for Setting Rogues and Idle Persons to Worke, and for Releefe of the Poore, printed by
Hugh Singleton (n.d.). The B.M. copy (796 E. 37) is catalogued, with the date 1587,
as an Act of the Court of Aldermen. C. Welch, The City Printers (Bibl. Soc. Trans. xiv.
191), also gives the date as 1587, and says that Singleton became City Printer on 4
Aug. 1584. Whatever the date of the print, it seems clear from No. lxxv (2) (a) that
the order itself, or at any rate Art. 62 of it, is later than the crying of the preachers
against plays and earlier than the Paris Garden accident of 13 Jan. 1583. The autumn
of 1582 seems to me the most likely date. Possibly Art. 62 was alone new. Aydelotte,
70, says that the Orders which were to enforce 18 Eliz. c. 3 were originally printed in
1579 or 1580, and refers to Journal, xx, pt. ii, f. 325. Art. 61, and also Art. 25, which
directs an inquest for ‘suspect persons which ... spend their times at bowling allies,
playes, and other places unthriftily’, may belong to the earlier version.]
Art. 61. For helpe of the hospitals & Parishes in this charge all
churchwardens & collectors for the poore be strayghtly charged to execute
the lawe against such as come not to church, against al persons without
exception, and specially against such as while they ought to be at diuine
seruice, doo spend their time and their money lewdly in haunting of plaies,
and other idle and wycked pastimes and exercises.
Art. 62. For as much as the playing of Enterludes, & the resort to the
same are very daungerous for the infection of the plague, whereby infinite
burdens and losses to the Citty may increase, and are very hurtfull in
disgrace he doth me great wrong, for I neither haue nor intende so to doe.
For bothe your Lp. and my Lord of Leycester your brother haue euer ben
my honorable good Lordes, and so I haue and doe esteeme yow, and wold
doe asmuche to gratefie yow or any of yours as any that hath ben in my
place; and so I beseche yow to accoumpte of me. I haue herein yet further
done for your seruante what I may, that is that if he obteine lawefully to
playe at the Theater or other open place out of the Citie, he hath and shall
haue my permition with his companie, drumes, and shewe to passe openly
throughe the Citie, being not vpon the Sondaye, which is asmuche as I
maye iustefie in this season, and for that cause I haue with his owne consent
apointed him Monday next. And so I humblie comitt your Lp. to the tuition
of the Almightie. At London the xxiiijth of Iuly 1582.
Your Lps. humble.
To the right honorable my singular good L. my Lorde the Erle of Warwicke.
lxiii.
[1582 (?). Extract from Orders Appointed to be Executed in the Cittie of London
for Setting Rogues and Idle Persons to Worke, and for Releefe of the Poore, printed by
Hugh Singleton (n.d.). The B.M. copy (796 E. 37) is catalogued, with the date 1587,
as an Act of the Court of Aldermen. C. Welch, The City Printers (Bibl. Soc. Trans. xiv.
191), also gives the date as 1587, and says that Singleton became City Printer on 4
Aug. 1584. Whatever the date of the print, it seems clear from No. lxxv (2) (a) that
the order itself, or at any rate Art. 62 of it, is later than the crying of the preachers
against plays and earlier than the Paris Garden accident of 13 Jan. 1583. The autumn
of 1582 seems to me the most likely date. Possibly Art. 62 was alone new. Aydelotte,
70, says that the Orders which were to enforce 18 Eliz. c. 3 were originally printed in
1579 or 1580, and refers to Journal, xx, pt. ii, f. 325. Art. 61, and also Art. 25, which
directs an inquest for ‘suspect persons which ... spend their times at bowling allies,
playes, and other places unthriftily’, may belong to the earlier version.]
Art. 61. For helpe of the hospitals & Parishes in this charge all
churchwardens & collectors for the poore be strayghtly charged to execute
the lawe against such as come not to church, against al persons without
exception, and specially against such as while they ought to be at diuine
seruice, doo spend their time and their money lewdly in haunting of plaies,
and other idle and wycked pastimes and exercises.
Art. 62. For as much as the playing of Enterludes, & the resort to the
same are very daungerous for the infection of the plague, whereby infinite
burdens and losses to the Citty may increase, and are very hurtfull in
Page 339
corruption of youth with incontinence & lewdnes, and also great wasting
both of the time and thrift of many poore people and great prouoking of the
wrath of God the ground of all plagues, great withdrawing of the people
from publique prayer & from the seruice of God: and daily cryed out
against by the graue and earnest admonitions of the preachers of the word
of God: Therefore be it ordered that all such Enterludes in publique places,
and the resort to the same shall wholy be prohibited as ungodly, and humble
sute be made to the Lords that lyke prohibition be in places neere unto the
Cittie.
lxiv.
[1583, Jan. 14. Extract from letter of Lord Mayor to Lord Burghley, printed M. S.
C. i. 158, from Lansd. MS. 37, f. 8, and M. S. C. i. 58, from letter-book copy misdated
Jan. 18 in Remembrancia, i. 456; also in Wright, ii. 184, and quoted by Collier, i. 243,
with inaccurate reference to Lansd. MS. 73.]
It maye please your Lp. to be further advertised (which I thinke you haue
alredie hard) of a greate mysshappe at Parise gardeine, where by ruyn of all
the scaffoldes at once yesterdaie a greate nombre of people are some
presentlie slayne, and some maymed and greavouslie hurte. It giveth greate
occasion to acknowledge the hande of god for suche abuse of the sabboth
daie, and moveth me in Consciens to beseche your Lp. to give order for
redresse of suche contempt of gods service. I haue to that ende treated with
some Iustices of peace of that Countie, who signifie them selfes to haue
verye good zeale, but alledge want of Comyssion, which we humblie referre
to the Consideracion of your honorable wisedome. And so I leve to trowble
your Lp. At London the xiiijth of Ianuarye 1582.
Your Lps. humble,
Thomas Blank Maior.
To the right honorable my singler good lorde my lorde highe Tresurer of
Englande.
lxv.
[1583, Jan. 15. Extract from letter of Lord Burghley to Lord Mayor, printed M. S.
C. i. 60, from Remembrancia, i. 458.]
I am also hartely sorry for the mischance, whereof I haue vnderstanding
bothe by your Lps. lettres and otherwise at my being now at Westminster,
mishappened at Parrise Garden on Sonday last, and althoughe I thinke your
learning derely bought by the losse of so many bodies, to haue the Saboth
both of the time and thrift of many poore people and great prouoking of the
wrath of God the ground of all plagues, great withdrawing of the people
from publique prayer & from the seruice of God: and daily cryed out
against by the graue and earnest admonitions of the preachers of the word
of God: Therefore be it ordered that all such Enterludes in publique places,
and the resort to the same shall wholy be prohibited as ungodly, and humble
sute be made to the Lords that lyke prohibition be in places neere unto the
Cittie.
lxiv.
[1583, Jan. 14. Extract from letter of Lord Mayor to Lord Burghley, printed M. S.
C. i. 158, from Lansd. MS. 37, f. 8, and M. S. C. i. 58, from letter-book copy misdated
Jan. 18 in Remembrancia, i. 456; also in Wright, ii. 184, and quoted by Collier, i. 243,
with inaccurate reference to Lansd. MS. 73.]
It maye please your Lp. to be further advertised (which I thinke you haue
alredie hard) of a greate mysshappe at Parise gardeine, where by ruyn of all
the scaffoldes at once yesterdaie a greate nombre of people are some
presentlie slayne, and some maymed and greavouslie hurte. It giveth greate
occasion to acknowledge the hande of god for suche abuse of the sabboth
daie, and moveth me in Consciens to beseche your Lp. to give order for
redresse of suche contempt of gods service. I haue to that ende treated with
some Iustices of peace of that Countie, who signifie them selfes to haue
verye good zeale, but alledge want of Comyssion, which we humblie referre
to the Consideracion of your honorable wisedome. And so I leve to trowble
your Lp. At London the xiiijth of Ianuarye 1582.
Your Lps. humble,
Thomas Blank Maior.
To the right honorable my singler good lorde my lorde highe Tresurer of
Englande.
lxv.
[1583, Jan. 15. Extract from letter of Lord Burghley to Lord Mayor, printed M. S.
C. i. 60, from Remembrancia, i. 458.]
I am also hartely sorry for the mischance, whereof I haue vnderstanding
bothe by your Lps. lettres and otherwise at my being now at Westminster,
mishappened at Parrise Garden on Sonday last, and althoughe I thinke your
learning derely bought by the losse of so many bodies, to haue the Saboth
Page 340
daie so prophaned to see wilde beastes bayted, yet I think it very conuenient
to haue both that and other like prophane assemblies prohibited on the
Saboth daie, and if it shalbe requisite to haue such like worldly pastimes, I
think some other daie within the weke meeter for those purposes, and to
that ende I minde to treate with my LLs. of the Counsell, that some good
order may be taken for that purpose; wishing neuerthelesse that your Lp. in
the meane time, hauing rule of the whole Citie, might thinke it conuenient
to make a generall prohibition within euerie warde of that Citie and
liberties, that no person vnder your comaundement shold on the Saboth daie
resort to any such prophane assemblies or pastimes, which I leaue to your
Lps. discretion to be considered by the aduise of the Aldermen your
bretheren. From Richmond the xvth of Ianuary 1582.
Your Lps. assured louing frend,
William: Burghley.
To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.
lxvi.
[1583, Jan. 14–Feb. 6. Notes of credentials of Worcester’s men, shown at Leicester
in March 1584; for text of entries in Hall Papers, cf. ch. xiii, s.v. Worcester’s.]
(a) [Jan. 14]
Abstract of warrant of licence and recommendation from William Earl of
Worcester.
(b) [Feb. 6]
Abstract of article in indenture of licence from Edmund Tilney, Master
of the Revels.
lxvii.
[1583, April 19. Proclamation against Retainers (Procl. 768).]
This is substantially similar to Procl. 663 of 3 Jan. 1572 (v. No. xix).
lxviii.
[1583, April 27. The Lord Mayor to Mr. Young, a Justice of Middlesex, printed M.
S. C. i. 62, from Remembrancia, i. 498. The letter referred to in the first sentence was
one from the Privy Council on April 21, intimating the Queen’s surprise that no
plague hospital had been built outside the City (Remembrancia, i. 497; Index, 336).
‘Ill May daie’ was that of 1517, on which a riot took place against the aliens resident
in London.]
to haue both that and other like prophane assemblies prohibited on the
Saboth daie, and if it shalbe requisite to haue such like worldly pastimes, I
think some other daie within the weke meeter for those purposes, and to
that ende I minde to treate with my LLs. of the Counsell, that some good
order may be taken for that purpose; wishing neuerthelesse that your Lp. in
the meane time, hauing rule of the whole Citie, might thinke it conuenient
to make a generall prohibition within euerie warde of that Citie and
liberties, that no person vnder your comaundement shold on the Saboth daie
resort to any such prophane assemblies or pastimes, which I leaue to your
Lps. discretion to be considered by the aduise of the Aldermen your
bretheren. From Richmond the xvth of Ianuary 1582.
Your Lps. assured louing frend,
William: Burghley.
To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.
lxvi.
[1583, Jan. 14–Feb. 6. Notes of credentials of Worcester’s men, shown at Leicester
in March 1584; for text of entries in Hall Papers, cf. ch. xiii, s.v. Worcester’s.]
(a) [Jan. 14]
Abstract of warrant of licence and recommendation from William Earl of
Worcester.
(b) [Feb. 6]
Abstract of article in indenture of licence from Edmund Tilney, Master
of the Revels.
lxvii.
[1583, April 19. Proclamation against Retainers (Procl. 768).]
This is substantially similar to Procl. 663 of 3 Jan. 1572 (v. No. xix).
lxviii.
[1583, April 27. The Lord Mayor to Mr. Young, a Justice of Middlesex, printed M.
S. C. i. 62, from Remembrancia, i. 498. The letter referred to in the first sentence was
one from the Privy Council on April 21, intimating the Queen’s surprise that no
plague hospital had been built outside the City (Remembrancia, i. 497; Index, 336).
‘Ill May daie’ was that of 1517, on which a riot took place against the aliens resident
in London.]
Page 341
Mr. Yong. I and my brethren haue lately receiued lettres from the LLs. of
the most honorable counsell for auoiding of all perills of infection, in which
lettres we haue also a most ernest significaton of maiesties pleasure to that
end with verie greuous charging vs with negligence and defalt. Ther ar
certain fencers that haue set vp billes and meane to play a prise at the
Theatre on Tuesday next, which is May eue. How manie waies the same
maie be inconuenient and dangerous, specially in that they desire to passe
with pomp through the citie, yowe can consider, namelie the statute against
men of that facultie, the perill of infection, the danger of disorders at such
assemblies, the memorie of ill May daie begon vpon a lesse occasion of like
sort, the weakenesse of the place for ruine, wherof we had a late lamentable
example at Paris garden. For these causes, in good discretion we haue not
only not geuen them licence, but also declared to them the dangers, willing
them at their perill to forbeare their passing both thorough the citie, and
their whole plaieng of such prise. Now bicause yowe know how much this
mater importeth the whole citie, and how from time to time the LLs. of the
counsell haue willed the iustices of the cowntie geue assistance for
auoideng of such perills, we pray yowe hartely, in confidence of your good
diligence in her maiesties seruice and the safetye of this citie, that yowe will
both looke vnto it your self, and so deale with the rest of the iustices, that
no such prise be suffred, or assemblie had, specially in this time of infection
and those daies of speciall danger, considering also the like danger in plaies
at that place. And so praieng yowe to remember that, if we be blamed for
suffering, we must say that we admonished yowe of it in time, I bid yowe
hartelie ffarewell. At the Guildhall this xxvijth of Aprill 1583.
Your louing freind.
lxix.
[1583, May 3. The Lord Mayor to Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary, printed M. S.
C. i. 63, from Remembrancia, i. 538.]
It may please your honor. According to oure dutie, I and my bretheren
haue had care for staye of infection of the plage and published orders in that
behalfe, which we intend god willing to execute with dilligence. Among
other we finde one very great and dangerous inconuenience, the assemblie
of people to playes, beare bayting, fencers, and prophane spectacles at the
Theatre and Curtaine and other like places, to which doe resorte great
multitudes of the basist sort of people; and many enfected with sores runing
the most honorable counsell for auoiding of all perills of infection, in which
lettres we haue also a most ernest significaton of maiesties pleasure to that
end with verie greuous charging vs with negligence and defalt. Ther ar
certain fencers that haue set vp billes and meane to play a prise at the
Theatre on Tuesday next, which is May eue. How manie waies the same
maie be inconuenient and dangerous, specially in that they desire to passe
with pomp through the citie, yowe can consider, namelie the statute against
men of that facultie, the perill of infection, the danger of disorders at such
assemblies, the memorie of ill May daie begon vpon a lesse occasion of like
sort, the weakenesse of the place for ruine, wherof we had a late lamentable
example at Paris garden. For these causes, in good discretion we haue not
only not geuen them licence, but also declared to them the dangers, willing
them at their perill to forbeare their passing both thorough the citie, and
their whole plaieng of such prise. Now bicause yowe know how much this
mater importeth the whole citie, and how from time to time the LLs. of the
counsell haue willed the iustices of the cowntie geue assistance for
auoideng of such perills, we pray yowe hartely, in confidence of your good
diligence in her maiesties seruice and the safetye of this citie, that yowe will
both looke vnto it your self, and so deale with the rest of the iustices, that
no such prise be suffred, or assemblie had, specially in this time of infection
and those daies of speciall danger, considering also the like danger in plaies
at that place. And so praieng yowe to remember that, if we be blamed for
suffering, we must say that we admonished yowe of it in time, I bid yowe
hartelie ffarewell. At the Guildhall this xxvijth of Aprill 1583.
Your louing freind.
lxix.
[1583, May 3. The Lord Mayor to Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary, printed M. S.
C. i. 63, from Remembrancia, i. 538.]
It may please your honor. According to oure dutie, I and my bretheren
haue had care for staye of infection of the plage and published orders in that
behalfe, which we intend god willing to execute with dilligence. Among
other we finde one very great and dangerous inconuenience, the assemblie
of people to playes, beare bayting, fencers, and prophane spectacles at the
Theatre and Curtaine and other like places, to which doe resorte great
multitudes of the basist sort of people; and many enfected with sores runing
Page 342
on them, being out of our iurisdiction, and some whome we cannot discerne
by any dilligence; and which be otherwise perilous for contagion, biside the
withdrawing from Gods service, the peril of ruines of so weake byldinges,
and the auancement of incontinencie and most vngodly confederacies, the
terrible occasion of gods wrathe and heauye striking with plages. It auaileth
not to restraine them in London, vnlesse the like orderes be in those places
adioyning to the liberties, for amendment whereof I beseche your honor to
be meane to the most honorable Counsel, and the rather I ame to make that
humble sute, for that I wold be lothe to susteine hir maiesties heauie
displeasure, when such forren and extraordinarie occasions shalbe aboue all
our habilities by any dilligence or foresight to redresse it. And so I leaue to
troble your honor. At London this 3 of May 1583.
Your honours to comaund.
To the right honorable Sir Frances Walsingham knight, principal Secretarle
to the Quenes most excellent Maiestie.
lxx.
[1583, July 3. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 64, from
Remembrancia, i. 520. In reply to a letter of June 30, calling attention to the neglect of
the statutes and orders for the maintenance of archery (Remembrancia, i. 519; Index,
16).]
My dutie humbly done to your LLps. I and my brethren haue receiued
your honourable letters, for execution of the lawes for maintenance of
archerie and restraineng of vnlawfull games. We must acknowledge your
honourable and godly consideracion and for our partes do accordingly
intend to call the wardens of those pore companies, at whose suite your
lettres were obteined, and both to vse their aduise and diligence and to adde
our owne good meanes and indeuours that your LLps. good meaninges
maie take effect, and the lawes be executed with such good circumspection
and reasonable orders, as haue ben founde requisite for the good
gouernance of the youth in this citie. Vpon the occasion of your LLps. said
lettres reciting the vse of vnlawfull games to be to the hinderance of the vse
of archerie and of the maintenance of those honest artificors, We ar humbly
to pray [your] LLps. to haue in your honorable remembrance how much not
only the said vse of archerie and maintenance of good artes ar decaied by
the assemblers to vnlawfull spectacles, as barebaiting, vnchast enterludes
and other like, but also infection therby increased, affraies, actes and
bargaines of incontinencie and thefte, stolen contractes and spoiling of
by any dilligence; and which be otherwise perilous for contagion, biside the
withdrawing from Gods service, the peril of ruines of so weake byldinges,
and the auancement of incontinencie and most vngodly confederacies, the
terrible occasion of gods wrathe and heauye striking with plages. It auaileth
not to restraine them in London, vnlesse the like orderes be in those places
adioyning to the liberties, for amendment whereof I beseche your honor to
be meane to the most honorable Counsel, and the rather I ame to make that
humble sute, for that I wold be lothe to susteine hir maiesties heauie
displeasure, when such forren and extraordinarie occasions shalbe aboue all
our habilities by any dilligence or foresight to redresse it. And so I leaue to
troble your honor. At London this 3 of May 1583.
Your honours to comaund.
To the right honorable Sir Frances Walsingham knight, principal Secretarle
to the Quenes most excellent Maiestie.
lxx.
[1583, July 3. The Lord Mayor to the Privy Council, printed M. S. C. i. 64, from
Remembrancia, i. 520. In reply to a letter of June 30, calling attention to the neglect of
the statutes and orders for the maintenance of archery (Remembrancia, i. 519; Index,
16).]
My dutie humbly done to your LLps. I and my brethren haue receiued
your honourable letters, for execution of the lawes for maintenance of
archerie and restraineng of vnlawfull games. We must acknowledge your
honourable and godly consideracion and for our partes do accordingly
intend to call the wardens of those pore companies, at whose suite your
lettres were obteined, and both to vse their aduise and diligence and to adde
our owne good meanes and indeuours that your LLps. good meaninges
maie take effect, and the lawes be executed with such good circumspection
and reasonable orders, as haue ben founde requisite for the good
gouernance of the youth in this citie. Vpon the occasion of your LLps. said
lettres reciting the vse of vnlawfull games to be to the hinderance of the vse
of archerie and of the maintenance of those honest artificors, We ar humbly
to pray [your] LLps. to haue in your honorable remembrance how much not
only the said vse of archerie and maintenance of good artes ar decaied by
the assemblers to vnlawfull spectacles, as barebaiting, vnchast enterludes
and other like, but also infection therby increased, affraies, actes and
bargaines of incontinencie and thefte, stolen contractes and spoiling of
Page 343
honest mens children, the withdrawing of people from seruice of God, and
the drawing of godes wrath and plages vpon vs, whereof god hath in his
iudgement shewed a late terrible example at Paris garden, in which place in
great contempt of god the scaffoldes ar new builded, and the multitudes on
the Saboath daie called together in most excessiue number. These thinges ar
obiected to vs, both in open sermons at Poules crosse and elsewhere in the
hearing of such as repaire from all partes of to our shame and greif, when
we cannot remedie it. The reproch also to vs as the sufferers and
mainteiners of such disorders is published to the whole world in bokes. We
herewith moued, as becomieth vs in conscience and in regard of our
honestie and credites not to be accompted senselesse of the feare of God
and of our duties to her maiestie and the preseruacion of her subiectes in
our charge, haue endeuoured, and your good fauours concurring will more
endeuour, our selues for redresse of such enormities within our iurisdiction,
specially on the Sabbat and daies appointed for comon praier. Which our
trauailes shall yet be vaine and to no effect without your honourable help
and assistance. It may therfore please your good Lps. both to geue your
allowance of our proceding in such reformacion within our liberties, and to
send your Lps. lettres of request and comandement to the Iustices of the
cownties and gouernours of precinctes adioining to this citie to execute like
orders as we shall do for the honour of god and seruice of her maiestie. And
so beseching your Lps. that I may haue your resolucion herein I leaue to
troble your honours. At London this iijd of Iulie 1583.
Your LLps. humble.
To the right honourable the Lordes and other of the Quenes maiesties most
honorable Counsell.
lxxi.
[1583, Nov. 26. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 66, from
Remembrancia, i. 554.]
After our hartie comendacons to your good Lp. Forasmuch as (God be
thanked) there is no suche infection within that citie at this presente, but
that hir maiesties playeres may be suffered to playe within the liberties as
heretofore they haue done, especially seeing they are shortly to present
some of their doeinges before hir maiestie, we haue thought good at this
present to pray your Lp. to geue order, that the said players may be licenced
so to doe within the Citie and liberties betwene this and shroftyde next; so
the drawing of godes wrath and plages vpon vs, whereof god hath in his
iudgement shewed a late terrible example at Paris garden, in which place in
great contempt of god the scaffoldes ar new builded, and the multitudes on
the Saboath daie called together in most excessiue number. These thinges ar
obiected to vs, both in open sermons at Poules crosse and elsewhere in the
hearing of such as repaire from all partes of to our shame and greif, when
we cannot remedie it. The reproch also to vs as the sufferers and
mainteiners of such disorders is published to the whole world in bokes. We
herewith moued, as becomieth vs in conscience and in regard of our
honestie and credites not to be accompted senselesse of the feare of God
and of our duties to her maiestie and the preseruacion of her subiectes in
our charge, haue endeuoured, and your good fauours concurring will more
endeuour, our selues for redresse of such enormities within our iurisdiction,
specially on the Sabbat and daies appointed for comon praier. Which our
trauailes shall yet be vaine and to no effect without your honourable help
and assistance. It may therfore please your good Lps. both to geue your
allowance of our proceding in such reformacion within our liberties, and to
send your Lps. lettres of request and comandement to the Iustices of the
cownties and gouernours of precinctes adioining to this citie to execute like
orders as we shall do for the honour of god and seruice of her maiestie. And
so beseching your Lps. that I may haue your resolucion herein I leaue to
troble your honours. At London this iijd of Iulie 1583.
Your LLps. humble.
To the right honourable the Lordes and other of the Quenes maiesties most
honorable Counsell.
lxxi.
[1583, Nov. 26. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 66, from
Remembrancia, i. 554.]
After our hartie comendacons to your good Lp. Forasmuch as (God be
thanked) there is no suche infection within that citie at this presente, but
that hir maiesties playeres may be suffered to playe within the liberties as
heretofore they haue done, especially seeing they are shortly to present
some of their doeinges before hir maiestie, we haue thought good at this
present to pray your Lp. to geue order, that the said players may be licenced
so to doe within the Citie and liberties betwene this and shroftyde next; so
Page 344
as the same be not done vpon sondaies, but vpon some other weke daies, at
conuenient times. And so prayeng yowe that thereof there be no defaulte,
We bid yowe right hartely farewell. From St Iames the xxvjth of Nouember
1583.
Your very louing frendes,
Tho: Bromeley: cancellarius:
Fra: Bedford:
Chr. Hatton:
He: Hunsdon
William Burghley
Fra: Knollys:
Fra: Walsingham:
To our verie louing frende the L. Maiour of the Citie of London.
lxxii.
[1583, Nov. 28. Abstract of City licence, given by C. W. Wallace in Nebraska
University Studies, xiii. 11.]
I shall later publish in extenso a licence granted by the City to the
Queen’s men, dated 28 Nov. 1583, wherein we learn for the first time that
the twelve chosen actors were ‘Robert Wilson, John Dutton, Rychard
Tarleton, John Laneham, John Bentley, Thobye Mylles, John Towne, John
Synger, Leonell Cooke, John Garland, John Adams, and Wyllyam Johnson’,
and that their playing places were to be ‘at the sygnes of the Bull in
Bushoppesgate streete, and the sygne of the Bell in Gratioustreete and
nowheare els within this Cyttye’ for the time being.
lxxiii.
[1583, Dec. 1. Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary, to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S.
C. i. 67, from Remembrancia, i. 553.]
My very good L. Vnderstanding that vpon the receipte of my Ls. letters
written lately vnto yow in the behalf of hir maiesties players, your Lp.
interpreteth the licence geuen them therin to extend onely to holy daies and
not to other weke daies, I haue therefore thought good, being partlie priuie
to their LLps. meaning signified in their letters, to explane more plainely
their pleasures herein to your Lp., whoe, considering in their graue
wisdomes that without frequent exercise of such plaies as are to be
conuenient times. And so prayeng yowe that thereof there be no defaulte,
We bid yowe right hartely farewell. From St Iames the xxvjth of Nouember
1583.
Your very louing frendes,
Tho: Bromeley: cancellarius:
Fra: Bedford:
Chr. Hatton:
He: Hunsdon
William Burghley
Fra: Knollys:
Fra: Walsingham:
To our verie louing frende the L. Maiour of the Citie of London.
lxxii.
[1583, Nov. 28. Abstract of City licence, given by C. W. Wallace in Nebraska
University Studies, xiii. 11.]
I shall later publish in extenso a licence granted by the City to the
Queen’s men, dated 28 Nov. 1583, wherein we learn for the first time that
the twelve chosen actors were ‘Robert Wilson, John Dutton, Rychard
Tarleton, John Laneham, John Bentley, Thobye Mylles, John Towne, John
Synger, Leonell Cooke, John Garland, John Adams, and Wyllyam Johnson’,
and that their playing places were to be ‘at the sygnes of the Bull in
Bushoppesgate streete, and the sygne of the Bell in Gratioustreete and
nowheare els within this Cyttye’ for the time being.
lxxiii.
[1583, Dec. 1. Sir Francis Walsingham, Secretary, to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S.
C. i. 67, from Remembrancia, i. 553.]
My very good L. Vnderstanding that vpon the receipte of my Ls. letters
written lately vnto yow in the behalf of hir maiesties players, your Lp.
interpreteth the licence geuen them therin to extend onely to holy daies and
not to other weke daies, I haue therefore thought good, being partlie priuie
to their LLps. meaning signified in their letters, to explane more plainely
their pleasures herein to your Lp., whoe, considering in their graue
wisdomes that without frequent exercise of such plaies as are to be
Page 345
presented before hir maiestie, her seruantes cannot conueniently satisfie hir
recreation and their owne duties, were therefore pleased to directe their
letters vnto yowe, that vpon the weke daies and worke daies at conuenient
times your Lp. wold geue order that they might be licenced betwene this
and Shrouetide to exercise their playes and enterludes (sondaies onely
excepted and such other daies wherein sermons and lectures are comonly
vsed). I pray your Lp. therefore that from hence fourthe yow will suffer
them to haue the benefite of this libertie accordinglie, as without the which
they shall not be able to doe that which is expected at their handes for hir
maiesties seruice and contentacion, whereunto I know your Lp. will rather
yelde your best ayde and furtherance, than any the least impediment or
interruption, which I wishe may be effectually manifested by your especiall
licence to be graunted to this ende to those hir maiesties seruantes with all
fauorable regard and expedition. And so I comitt your Lp. to the grace of
God. From the Courte at St. Iames the first of December 1583.
Your Lps. very assured louing frende,
Fra: Walsingham.
To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.
lxxiv.
[1584, June 18. Extracts from letter of William Fleetwood to Lord Burghley,
printed M. S. C. i. 163, from Lansd. MS. 41, f. 31; also in Wright, ii. 226.]
Right honorable and my very good Lo. Vpon Whit Sondaye there was a
very good Sermond preached at the New churche yard nere bethelem,
wherat my Lo. Maiour was with his bretherne, and by reason no playes
were the same daye all the citie was quiet....
Vpon Mondaye night I retorned to London and found all the wardes full
of watchers. The cause thereof was for that very nere the Theatre or Curten
at the tyme of the Playes there laye a prentice sleping vpon the Grasse, and
one Challes al. Grostock dyd turne vpon the Too vpon the belly of the same
prentice, whervpon the apprentice start vp and after wordes they fell to
playne bloues; the companie encressed of bothe sides to the nosmber of vc
at the least. This Challes exclaimed and said that he was a gentelman and
that the apprentise was but a Rascall; and some there were litell better then
rooges that tooke vpon theym the name of gentilmen and said the prentizes
were but the skomme of the worlde. Vpon these trobles the prentizes began
recreation and their owne duties, were therefore pleased to directe their
letters vnto yowe, that vpon the weke daies and worke daies at conuenient
times your Lp. wold geue order that they might be licenced betwene this
and Shrouetide to exercise their playes and enterludes (sondaies onely
excepted and such other daies wherein sermons and lectures are comonly
vsed). I pray your Lp. therefore that from hence fourthe yow will suffer
them to haue the benefite of this libertie accordinglie, as without the which
they shall not be able to doe that which is expected at their handes for hir
maiesties seruice and contentacion, whereunto I know your Lp. will rather
yelde your best ayde and furtherance, than any the least impediment or
interruption, which I wishe may be effectually manifested by your especiall
licence to be graunted to this ende to those hir maiesties seruantes with all
fauorable regard and expedition. And so I comitt your Lp. to the grace of
God. From the Courte at St. Iames the first of December 1583.
Your Lps. very assured louing frende,
Fra: Walsingham.
To my very good Lord the Lord maiour of the Citie of London.
lxxiv.
[1584, June 18. Extracts from letter of William Fleetwood to Lord Burghley,
printed M. S. C. i. 163, from Lansd. MS. 41, f. 31; also in Wright, ii. 226.]
Right honorable and my very good Lo. Vpon Whit Sondaye there was a
very good Sermond preached at the New churche yard nere bethelem,
wherat my Lo. Maiour was with his bretherne, and by reason no playes
were the same daye all the citie was quiet....
Vpon Mondaye night I retorned to London and found all the wardes full
of watchers. The cause thereof was for that very nere the Theatre or Curten
at the tyme of the Playes there laye a prentice sleping vpon the Grasse, and
one Challes al. Grostock dyd turne vpon the Too vpon the belly of the same
prentice, whervpon the apprentice start vp and after wordes they fell to
playne bloues; the companie encressed of bothe sides to the nosmber of vc
at the least. This Challes exclaimed and said that he was a gentelman and
that the apprentise was but a Rascall; and some there were litell better then
rooges that tooke vpon theym the name of gentilmen and said the prentizes
were but the skomme of the worlde. Vpon these trobles the prentizes began
Page 346
the next daye, being Twesdaye, to make mutines and assembles, and dyd
conspire to have broken the presones & to have taken furthe the prentizes
that were imprisoned; but my Lo. and I having intelligens thereof apprensed
.iiij. or.v. of the chieff conspirators, who are in Newgate and stand Indicted
of theire lewd demeanors.
Vpon Weddensdaye one Browne, a serving man in a blew coat, a shifting
fellowe having a perrelous witt of his owne, entending a spoile if he cold
have browght it to passe, did at Theatre doore querell with certen poore
boyes, handicraft prentises, and strook some of theym, and lastlie he with
his sword wondend and maymed one of the boyes vpon the left hand; where
vpon there assembled nere a ml. people. This Browne dyd very cuninglie
convey hym selff awaye, but by chaunse he was taken after and browght to
mr. Humfrey Smithe, and because no man was able to charge hym he
dismissed hym, and after this Browne was browght before mr. Yonge,
where he vsed hym selff so connynglie and subtillie, no man being there to
charge hym, that there also he was demised. And after I sent a warraunt for
hym, and the Constables with the deputie at the Bell in Holbourne found
hym in a parlor fast locked in, and he wold not obeye the warraunt, but by
the meane of the hoost he was conveyed a waye, and then I sent for the
hoost and caused hym to appere at Newgat at the Sessions of Oier and
determiner, where he was committed vntill he browght furth his gest. The
next daye after he browght hym forthe, and so we Indicted hym for his
misdemeanour. This Browne is a commen Cossiner, a thieff, & a horse
stealer, and colloreth all his doynges here abowt this towne with a sute that
he haithe in the lawe agaynst a brother of his in Staffordshire. He resteth
now in Newgate....
Vpon Weddensdaye, Thursdaye, Frydaye and Satterdaye we dyd nothing
els but sitt in commission and examine these misdemeanors; we had good
helpe of my lord Anderson and mr. Sackforthe.
Vpon Sonndaye my Lo. sent ij Aldermen to the Court for the suppressing
and pulling downe of the Theatre and Curten. All the LL. agreed therevnto,
saving my Lord Chamberlen and mr. Viz-chamberlen, but we obteyned a
lettre to suppresse theym all. Vpon the same night I sent for the quenes
players and my Lo. of Arundel his players, and they all willinglie obeyed
the LL. lettres. The chiefestes of her highnes players advised me to send for
the owner of the Theater, who was a stubburne fellow, and to bynd hym. I
conspire to have broken the presones & to have taken furthe the prentizes
that were imprisoned; but my Lo. and I having intelligens thereof apprensed
.iiij. or.v. of the chieff conspirators, who are in Newgate and stand Indicted
of theire lewd demeanors.
Vpon Weddensdaye one Browne, a serving man in a blew coat, a shifting
fellowe having a perrelous witt of his owne, entending a spoile if he cold
have browght it to passe, did at Theatre doore querell with certen poore
boyes, handicraft prentises, and strook some of theym, and lastlie he with
his sword wondend and maymed one of the boyes vpon the left hand; where
vpon there assembled nere a ml. people. This Browne dyd very cuninglie
convey hym selff awaye, but by chaunse he was taken after and browght to
mr. Humfrey Smithe, and because no man was able to charge hym he
dismissed hym, and after this Browne was browght before mr. Yonge,
where he vsed hym selff so connynglie and subtillie, no man being there to
charge hym, that there also he was demised. And after I sent a warraunt for
hym, and the Constables with the deputie at the Bell in Holbourne found
hym in a parlor fast locked in, and he wold not obeye the warraunt, but by
the meane of the hoost he was conveyed a waye, and then I sent for the
hoost and caused hym to appere at Newgat at the Sessions of Oier and
determiner, where he was committed vntill he browght furth his gest. The
next daye after he browght hym forthe, and so we Indicted hym for his
misdemeanour. This Browne is a commen Cossiner, a thieff, & a horse
stealer, and colloreth all his doynges here abowt this towne with a sute that
he haithe in the lawe agaynst a brother of his in Staffordshire. He resteth
now in Newgate....
Vpon Weddensdaye, Thursdaye, Frydaye and Satterdaye we dyd nothing
els but sitt in commission and examine these misdemeanors; we had good
helpe of my lord Anderson and mr. Sackforthe.
Vpon Sonndaye my Lo. sent ij Aldermen to the Court for the suppressing
and pulling downe of the Theatre and Curten. All the LL. agreed therevnto,
saving my Lord Chamberlen and mr. Viz-chamberlen, but we obteyned a
lettre to suppresse theym all. Vpon the same night I sent for the quenes
players and my Lo. of Arundel his players, and they all willinglie obeyed
the LL. lettres. The chiefestes of her highnes players advised me to send for
the owner of the Theater, who was a stubburne fellow, and to bynd hym. I
Page 347
dyd so; he sent me word that he was my Lo. of Hunsdons man, and that he
wold not come at me, but he wold in the mornyng ride to my lord; then I
sent the vndershereff for hym and he browght hym to me; and at his
commyng he stowtted me owt very hastie; and in the end I shewed hym my
Lo. his mrs. hand and then he was more quiet; but to die for it he wold not
be bound. And then I mynding to send hym to prison, he made sute that he
might be bound to appere at the Oier & determiner, the which is to
morrowe; where he said that he was suer the Court wold not bynd hym
being a Counselers man. And so I have graunted his request, where he
shalbe sure to be bound or els ys lyke to do worse.
lxxv.
[c. 1584, Nov. (1) Petition of the Queen’s Players to the Privy Council, and (2)
Answer of the Corporation of London enclosing the Act of Common Council of 6
Dec. 1574 (No. xxxii), printed M. S. C. i. 168, from Lansd. MS. 20, f. 23; also in part
by Strype in his edition of Stowe’s Survey (1720), i. 292; Collier, i. 208; Hazlitt, E. D.
S. 27. The documents are bound up out of order in the Lansdowne volume, the Act of
1574 being Art. 10 and (1) being inserted as Art. 12 between the two parts of (2)
which are the reply to it. Each article is officially endorsed in pencil with the date
1575, and the same date is assigned by the printed Catalogue of the Lansdowne
Manuscripts (1819) to Arts. 10, 12, and 13. This has misled Collier and nearly all
subsequent historians of the stage into a belief that players were expelled from the
City more or less permanently in 1575, and that this expulsion led to the building of
the Theatre and the Curtain in 1576. The difficulty due to the description of the
petitioners as the Queen’s men is met by Collier with a suggestion that ‘perhaps the
Earl of Leicester’s servants might so call themselves after the grant of the patent in
May 1574’, and by Fleay, 46, with an assertion that ‘the whole body of then existing
men actors who were going to perform at Court at Christmas (Warwick’s, Leicester’s,
Howard’s)’ were meant. I called attention to the true bearing of the documents in a
review of T. F. Ordish, Early London Theatres in the Academy for 24 Aug. 1895, but
the misconception still exists; it is found, for instance, in Thompson, 41. The facts,
however, are correctly given in Gildersleeve, 171. It is clear from that part of the
Corporation’s Answer which Collier suppressed that the real date of the Lansdowne
documents is later than the ‘ruine at Parise garden’, which was on 13 Jan. 1583 (cf.
No. lxiv), and it must also be later than the establishment of the Queen’s men in
March 1583, and their first performances at court in the winter of 1583–4. The
petition was, on the face of it, written at the beginning of a winter, and the most
natural interpretation would place it in the winter of 1584. It might conceivably be
1585. There is no reference to it in the Acts of the Privy Council, and it probably
belongs to the period of the missing register between June 1582 and Feb. 1586.
Unfortunately, the Remembrancia also have a gap between March 1584 and Jan.
1587. It will be observed that the Lansdowne papers are not, as they stand, complete,
since they lack the Articles sent with the players’ Petition, and also the printed Act of
Common Council sent by the Corporation (No. lxiii). Strype says that the proposed
Remedies were adopted, but it is doubtful whether he had any evidence other than the
Lansdowne MS. itself.]
wold not come at me, but he wold in the mornyng ride to my lord; then I
sent the vndershereff for hym and he browght hym to me; and at his
commyng he stowtted me owt very hastie; and in the end I shewed hym my
Lo. his mrs. hand and then he was more quiet; but to die for it he wold not
be bound. And then I mynding to send hym to prison, he made sute that he
might be bound to appere at the Oier & determiner, the which is to
morrowe; where he said that he was suer the Court wold not bynd hym
being a Counselers man. And so I have graunted his request, where he
shalbe sure to be bound or els ys lyke to do worse.
lxxv.
[c. 1584, Nov. (1) Petition of the Queen’s Players to the Privy Council, and (2)
Answer of the Corporation of London enclosing the Act of Common Council of 6
Dec. 1574 (No. xxxii), printed M. S. C. i. 168, from Lansd. MS. 20, f. 23; also in part
by Strype in his edition of Stowe’s Survey (1720), i. 292; Collier, i. 208; Hazlitt, E. D.
S. 27. The documents are bound up out of order in the Lansdowne volume, the Act of
1574 being Art. 10 and (1) being inserted as Art. 12 between the two parts of (2)
which are the reply to it. Each article is officially endorsed in pencil with the date
1575, and the same date is assigned by the printed Catalogue of the Lansdowne
Manuscripts (1819) to Arts. 10, 12, and 13. This has misled Collier and nearly all
subsequent historians of the stage into a belief that players were expelled from the
City more or less permanently in 1575, and that this expulsion led to the building of
the Theatre and the Curtain in 1576. The difficulty due to the description of the
petitioners as the Queen’s men is met by Collier with a suggestion that ‘perhaps the
Earl of Leicester’s servants might so call themselves after the grant of the patent in
May 1574’, and by Fleay, 46, with an assertion that ‘the whole body of then existing
men actors who were going to perform at Court at Christmas (Warwick’s, Leicester’s,
Howard’s)’ were meant. I called attention to the true bearing of the documents in a
review of T. F. Ordish, Early London Theatres in the Academy for 24 Aug. 1895, but
the misconception still exists; it is found, for instance, in Thompson, 41. The facts,
however, are correctly given in Gildersleeve, 171. It is clear from that part of the
Corporation’s Answer which Collier suppressed that the real date of the Lansdowne
documents is later than the ‘ruine at Parise garden’, which was on 13 Jan. 1583 (cf.
No. lxiv), and it must also be later than the establishment of the Queen’s men in
March 1583, and their first performances at court in the winter of 1583–4. The
petition was, on the face of it, written at the beginning of a winter, and the most
natural interpretation would place it in the winter of 1584. It might conceivably be
1585. There is no reference to it in the Acts of the Privy Council, and it probably
belongs to the period of the missing register between June 1582 and Feb. 1586.
Unfortunately, the Remembrancia also have a gap between March 1584 and Jan.
1587. It will be observed that the Lansdowne papers are not, as they stand, complete,
since they lack the Articles sent with the players’ Petition, and also the printed Act of
Common Council sent by the Corporation (No. lxiii). Strype says that the proposed
Remedies were adopted, but it is doubtful whether he had any evidence other than the
Lansdowne MS. itself.]
Page 348
(1)
To the Right Honorable the Lordes of her Maiesties Privie Counsell:
In most humble manner beseche your LLp. your dutifull and daylie
Orators the Queenes Maiesties poore Players. Wheras the tyme of our
service draweth verie neere, so that of necessitie wee must needes haue
excercise to enable vs the better for the same, and also for our better helpe
and relief in our poore lyvinge, the season of the yere beynge past to playe
att anye of the houses without the Cittye of London, as in our articles
annexed to this our Supplicacion maye more att large appeere vnto your
LLp: Our most humble peticion ys thatt yt maye please your LLp. to
vowchsaffe the readinge of these few Articles, and in tender Consideracion
of the matters therin mentioned, contayninge the verie staye and good state
of our Lyvinge, to graunt vnto vs the Confirmacion of the same, or of as
manye or as much of them as shalbe to your Honors good Lykinge, And
therwith all your LLp: favorable letters vnto the L. Mayor of London to
permitt vs to excercise within the Cittye accordinge to the articles, and also
thatt the said lettres maye contayne some order to the Justices of Middlesex
as in the same ys mentioned, wherbie as wee shall cease the Continewall
troublinge of your LLp. for your often lettres in the premisses. So shall wee
daylie be bownden to praye for the prosperous preservation of your LLp. in
honor helth and happines long to Continew.
Your LLp: most humblie bownden and daylie Orators,
her Maiesties poore Players.
[Endorsed] Queens Players their Petition.
(2) (a)
It may please your good Lp.
The orders in London whereunto the players referr them are
misconceaued, as may appeare by the two actes of comon Counsell which I
send yow with note directing to the place.
The first of these actes of Comon counsell was made in the maraltie of
Hawes xvijo Regine, and sheweth a maner how plaies were to be tollerated
and vsed, althoughe it were rather wished that they were wholly
discontinued for the causes appearing in the preamble; which is for that
reason somewhat the longer.
To the Right Honorable the Lordes of her Maiesties Privie Counsell:
In most humble manner beseche your LLp. your dutifull and daylie
Orators the Queenes Maiesties poore Players. Wheras the tyme of our
service draweth verie neere, so that of necessitie wee must needes haue
excercise to enable vs the better for the same, and also for our better helpe
and relief in our poore lyvinge, the season of the yere beynge past to playe
att anye of the houses without the Cittye of London, as in our articles
annexed to this our Supplicacion maye more att large appeere vnto your
LLp: Our most humble peticion ys thatt yt maye please your LLp. to
vowchsaffe the readinge of these few Articles, and in tender Consideracion
of the matters therin mentioned, contayninge the verie staye and good state
of our Lyvinge, to graunt vnto vs the Confirmacion of the same, or of as
manye or as much of them as shalbe to your Honors good Lykinge, And
therwith all your LLp: favorable letters vnto the L. Mayor of London to
permitt vs to excercise within the Cittye accordinge to the articles, and also
thatt the said lettres maye contayne some order to the Justices of Middlesex
as in the same ys mentioned, wherbie as wee shall cease the Continewall
troublinge of your LLp. for your often lettres in the premisses. So shall wee
daylie be bownden to praye for the prosperous preservation of your LLp. in
honor helth and happines long to Continew.
Your LLp: most humblie bownden and daylie Orators,
her Maiesties poore Players.
[Endorsed] Queens Players their Petition.
(2) (a)
It may please your good Lp.
The orders in London whereunto the players referr them are
misconceaued, as may appeare by the two actes of comon Counsell which I
send yow with note directing to the place.
The first of these actes of Comon counsell was made in the maraltie of
Hawes xvijo Regine, and sheweth a maner how plaies were to be tollerated
and vsed, althoughe it were rather wished that they were wholly
discontinued for the causes appearing in the preamble; which is for that
reason somewhat the longer.
Page 349
Where the players reporte the order to be that they shold not play till
after seruice time, the boke [‘fo. 8o’ added in margin] is otherwise; for it is
that they shal not onely not play in seruice time, but also shal not receue
any in seruice time to se the same; for thoughe they did forbeare beginning
to play till seruice were done, yet all the time of seruice they did take in
people; which was the great mischef in withdrawing the people from
seruice.
Afterward when these orders were not obserued, and the lewd maters of
playes encreasced, and in the haunt vnto them were found many dangers,
bothe for religion, state, honestie of manners, vnthriftinesse of the poore,
and danger of infection &c., and the preachers dayly cryeng against the L.
maiour and his bretheren, in an Act of Common Counsel for releafe of the
poore which I send yowe printed, in the Article 62 the last leafe, is enacted
as there appeareth, by which there are no enterludes allowed in London in
open spectacle, but in priuate howses onely at marriages or such like, which
may suffise, and sute is apointed to be made that they may be likewise
banished in places adioyning.
Since that time and namely upon the ruine at Parise garden, sute was
made to my LLs. to banishe playes wholly in the places nere London,
according to the said lawe. Letters were obtained from my LLs. to banishe
them on the sabbat Daies.
(b)
Now touching their petition and articles
Where they pretend that they must haue exercise to enable them in their
seruice before her maiestie:
It is to be noted that it is not conuenient that they present before her
maiestie such playes as haue ben before commonly played in open stages
before all the basest assemblies in London and Middlesex, and therfore
sufficent for their exercise and more comely for the place that (as it is
permitted by the sayd lawes of common counsell) they make their exercise
of playeng only in priuate houses.
Also it lyeth within the dutiefull care for her Maiesties royal persone,
that they be not suffred, from playeing in the throng of a multitude and of
some infected, to presse so nere to the presence of her maiestie.
after seruice time, the boke [‘fo. 8o’ added in margin] is otherwise; for it is
that they shal not onely not play in seruice time, but also shal not receue
any in seruice time to se the same; for thoughe they did forbeare beginning
to play till seruice were done, yet all the time of seruice they did take in
people; which was the great mischef in withdrawing the people from
seruice.
Afterward when these orders were not obserued, and the lewd maters of
playes encreasced, and in the haunt vnto them were found many dangers,
bothe for religion, state, honestie of manners, vnthriftinesse of the poore,
and danger of infection &c., and the preachers dayly cryeng against the L.
maiour and his bretheren, in an Act of Common Counsel for releafe of the
poore which I send yowe printed, in the Article 62 the last leafe, is enacted
as there appeareth, by which there are no enterludes allowed in London in
open spectacle, but in priuate howses onely at marriages or such like, which
may suffise, and sute is apointed to be made that they may be likewise
banished in places adioyning.
Since that time and namely upon the ruine at Parise garden, sute was
made to my LLs. to banishe playes wholly in the places nere London,
according to the said lawe. Letters were obtained from my LLs. to banishe
them on the sabbat Daies.
(b)
Now touching their petition and articles
Where they pretend that they must haue exercise to enable them in their
seruice before her maiestie:
It is to be noted that it is not conuenient that they present before her
maiestie such playes as haue ben before commonly played in open stages
before all the basest assemblies in London and Middlesex, and therfore
sufficent for their exercise and more comely for the place that (as it is
permitted by the sayd lawes of common counsell) they make their exercise
of playeng only in priuate houses.
Also it lyeth within the dutiefull care for her Maiesties royal persone,
that they be not suffred, from playeing in the throng of a multitude and of
some infected, to presse so nere to the presence of her maiestie.
Page 350
Where they pretend the mater of stay of their lyuing:
It hath not ben vsed nor thought meete heretofore that players haue or
shold make their lyuing on the art of playeng, but men for their lyuings
vsing other honest and lawfull artes, or reteyned in honest seruices, haue by
companies learned some enterludes for some encreasce to their profit by
other mens pleasures in vacant time of recreation.
Where in the first article they require the L. Maiors order to continue for the
times of playeing on hollydaies:
They missreport the order. For all those former orders of toleration are
expired by the last printed act of common Counsell.
Also if the toleration were not expired, they do cautelously omitt the
prohibition to receiue any auditoire before common prayer be ended. And it
may be noted how vncomely it is for youth to runne streight from prayer to
playes, from Gods seruice to the Deuells.
To the second article.
If in winter the dark do cary inconuenience, and the short time of day
after euening prayer do leaue them no leysure, and fowlenesse of season do
hinder the passage into the feldes to playes, the remedie is ill conceyued to
bring them into London, but the true remedie is to leaue of that
vnnecessarie expense of time, wherunto God himself geueth so many
impediments.
To the third.
To play in plagetime is to encreasce the plage by infection: to play out of
plagetime is to draw the plage by offendinges of God vpon occasion of such
playes.
But touching the permission of playes vpon the fewnesse of those that
dye in any weke, it may please you to remember one special thing. In the
report of the plage we report only those that dye, and we make no report of
those that recouer and cary infection about them either in their sores
running or in their garmentes, which sort are the most dangerous. Now, my
Lord, when the number of those that dye groweth fewest, the number of
those that goe abrode with sores is greatest, the violence of the disease to
kill being abated. And therfore while any plage is, though the number
It hath not ben vsed nor thought meete heretofore that players haue or
shold make their lyuing on the art of playeng, but men for their lyuings
vsing other honest and lawfull artes, or reteyned in honest seruices, haue by
companies learned some enterludes for some encreasce to their profit by
other mens pleasures in vacant time of recreation.
Where in the first article they require the L. Maiors order to continue for the
times of playeing on hollydaies:
They missreport the order. For all those former orders of toleration are
expired by the last printed act of common Counsell.
Also if the toleration were not expired, they do cautelously omitt the
prohibition to receiue any auditoire before common prayer be ended. And it
may be noted how vncomely it is for youth to runne streight from prayer to
playes, from Gods seruice to the Deuells.
To the second article.
If in winter the dark do cary inconuenience, and the short time of day
after euening prayer do leaue them no leysure, and fowlenesse of season do
hinder the passage into the feldes to playes, the remedie is ill conceyued to
bring them into London, but the true remedie is to leaue of that
vnnecessarie expense of time, wherunto God himself geueth so many
impediments.
To the third.
To play in plagetime is to encreasce the plage by infection: to play out of
plagetime is to draw the plage by offendinges of God vpon occasion of such
playes.
But touching the permission of playes vpon the fewnesse of those that
dye in any weke, it may please you to remember one special thing. In the
report of the plage we report only those that dye, and we make no report of
those that recouer and cary infection about them either in their sores
running or in their garmentes, which sort are the most dangerous. Now, my
Lord, when the number of those that dye groweth fewest, the number of
those that goe abrode with sores is greatest, the violence of the disease to
kill being abated. And therfore while any plage is, though the number
Page 351
reported of them that dye be small, the number infectious is so great that
playes are not to be permitted.
Also in our report, none are noted as dyeing of the plage except they
haue tokens, but many dye of the plage that haue no tokens, and sometime
fraude of the searchers may deceiue. Therfore it is not reason to reduce their
toleration to any number reported to dye of the plage. But it is an
vncharitable demaund against the safetie of the Quenes subiectes, and per
consequens of her persone, for the gaine of a few, whoe if they were not her
maiesties seruants shold by their profession be rogues, to esteme fifty a
weke so small a number as to be cause of tolerating the aduenture of
infection.
If your Lp. shal think resonable to permit them in respect of the fewnesse
of such as dye, this were a better way. The ordinarie deaths in London,
when there is no plage, is betwene xl. and l. and commonly vnder xl., as our
bokes do shew. The residue or more in plage time is to be thought to be the
plage. Now it may be enough if it be permitted, that when the whole death
of all diseases in London shal by ij or iij wekes together be vnder l. a weke,
they may play (obseruatis alioqui obseruandis) during such time of death
vnder l. a weke.
Where they require that only her maiesties servants be permitted to play:
It is lesse eiuell than to grannt moe. But herin if your Lp. will so allow
them, it may please you to know that the last yere when such toleration was
of the Quenes players only, all the places of playeing were filled with men
calling themselues the Quenes players. Your Ls. may do well in your lettres
or warrants for their toleration to expresse the number of the Quenes
players and particularly all their names.
The remedies.
That they hold them content with playeing in priuate houses at weddings
etc. without publike assemblies.
If more be thought good to be tolerated: that then they be restrained to
the orders in the act of common Counsell tempore Hawes.
That they play not openly till the whole death in London haue ben by xx
daies under 50 a weke, nor longer than it shal so continue.
playes are not to be permitted.
Also in our report, none are noted as dyeing of the plage except they
haue tokens, but many dye of the plage that haue no tokens, and sometime
fraude of the searchers may deceiue. Therfore it is not reason to reduce their
toleration to any number reported to dye of the plage. But it is an
vncharitable demaund against the safetie of the Quenes subiectes, and per
consequens of her persone, for the gaine of a few, whoe if they were not her
maiesties seruants shold by their profession be rogues, to esteme fifty a
weke so small a number as to be cause of tolerating the aduenture of
infection.
If your Lp. shal think resonable to permit them in respect of the fewnesse
of such as dye, this were a better way. The ordinarie deaths in London,
when there is no plage, is betwene xl. and l. and commonly vnder xl., as our
bokes do shew. The residue or more in plage time is to be thought to be the
plage. Now it may be enough if it be permitted, that when the whole death
of all diseases in London shal by ij or iij wekes together be vnder l. a weke,
they may play (obseruatis alioqui obseruandis) during such time of death
vnder l. a weke.
Where they require that only her maiesties servants be permitted to play:
It is lesse eiuell than to grannt moe. But herin if your Lp. will so allow
them, it may please you to know that the last yere when such toleration was
of the Quenes players only, all the places of playeing were filled with men
calling themselues the Quenes players. Your Ls. may do well in your lettres
or warrants for their toleration to expresse the number of the Quenes
players and particularly all their names.
The remedies.
That they hold them content with playeing in priuate houses at weddings
etc. without publike assemblies.
If more be thought good to be tolerated: that then they be restrained to
the orders in the act of common Counsell tempore Hawes.
That they play not openly till the whole death in London haue ben by xx
daies under 50 a weke, nor longer than it shal so continue.
Page 352
That no playes be on the sabbat.
That no playeing be on holydaies but after euening prayer: nor any
receiued into the auditorie till after euening prayer.
That no playeing be in the dark, nor continue any such time but as any of
the auditorie may returne to their dwellings in London before sonne set, or
at least before it be dark.
That the Quenes players only be tolerated, and of them their number and
certaine names to be notified in your Lps. lettres to the L. Maior and to the
Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey. And those her players not to diuide
themselues into seueral companies.
That for breaking any of the orders, their toleration cesse.
lxxvi.
[1586, May 11. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xiv. 99,
102.]
A letter to the Justices of Surrey that according to suche direction as hath
ben geven by their Lordships to the Lord Maior to restraine and inhibite the
use of plaies and interludes in publique places in and about the Cittie of
London, in respect of the heat of the yeere now drawing on, for th’avoyding
of the infection like to grow and increase by th’ordinarie assemblies of the
people to those places, they ar also required in like sorte to take order that
the playes and assemblies of the people at the theater or anie other places
about Newington be forthwith restrained and forborne as aforesaid, &c.
A letter to the Lord Maiour; his Lordship is desired, according to his
request made to their Lordships by his letters of the vijth of this present, to
geve order for the restrayning of playes and interludes within and about the
Cittie of London, for th’avoyding of infection feared to grow and increase
this time of sommer by the comon assemblies of people at those places, and
that their Lordships have taken the like order for the prohibiting of the use
of playes at the theater and th’other places about Newington out of his
charge.
lxxvii.
[1586, June 23. Extract from The newe Decrees of the Starre Chamber for orders
in printinge, printed by Arber, ii. 807, from S. P. D. Eliz. cxc. 48.]
That no playeing be on holydaies but after euening prayer: nor any
receiued into the auditorie till after euening prayer.
That no playeing be in the dark, nor continue any such time but as any of
the auditorie may returne to their dwellings in London before sonne set, or
at least before it be dark.
That the Quenes players only be tolerated, and of them their number and
certaine names to be notified in your Lps. lettres to the L. Maior and to the
Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey. And those her players not to diuide
themselues into seueral companies.
That for breaking any of the orders, their toleration cesse.
lxxvi.
[1586, May 11. Minutes of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xiv. 99,
102.]
A letter to the Justices of Surrey that according to suche direction as hath
ben geven by their Lordships to the Lord Maior to restraine and inhibite the
use of plaies and interludes in publique places in and about the Cittie of
London, in respect of the heat of the yeere now drawing on, for th’avoyding
of the infection like to grow and increase by th’ordinarie assemblies of the
people to those places, they ar also required in like sorte to take order that
the playes and assemblies of the people at the theater or anie other places
about Newington be forthwith restrained and forborne as aforesaid, &c.
A letter to the Lord Maiour; his Lordship is desired, according to his
request made to their Lordships by his letters of the vijth of this present, to
geve order for the restrayning of playes and interludes within and about the
Cittie of London, for th’avoyding of infection feared to grow and increase
this time of sommer by the comon assemblies of people at those places, and
that their Lordships have taken the like order for the prohibiting of the use
of playes at the theater and th’other places about Newington out of his
charge.
lxxvii.
[1586, June 23. Extract from The newe Decrees of the Starre Chamber for orders
in printinge, printed by Arber, ii. 807, from S. P. D. Eliz. cxc. 48.]
Page 353
4. Item that no person or persons shall ymprynt or cawse to be
ymprinted, or suffer by any meanes to his knowledge his presse, letters, or
other Instrumentes to be occupyed in pryntinge of any booke, work,
coppye, matter, or thinge whatsoever, Except the same book, woork,
coppye, matter, or any other thinge, hath been heeretofore allowed, or
hereafter shall be allowed before the ymprintinge thereof, accordinge to
thorder appoynted by the Queenes maiesties Iniunctyons, And been first
seen and pervsed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London
for the tyme beinge or any one of them (The Queenes maiesties Prynter for
somme speciall service by her maiestie, or by somme of her highnes pryvie
Councell therevnto appoynted, and such as are or shalbe pryviledged to
prynte the bookes of the Common Lawe of this Realme, for such of the
same bookes as shalbe allowed of by the Twoo Chief Justices, and Chief
Baron for the tyme beinge, or any twoo of them onely excepted). Nor shall
ymprynt or cause to be ymprinted any book, work or coppie against the
fourme and meaninge of any Restraynt or ordonnaunce conteyned or to be
conteyned in any statute or lawes of this Realme, or in any Iniunctyon
made, or sett foorth by her maiestie, or her highnes pryvye Councell, or
against the true intent and meaninge of any Letters patentes, Commissions
or prohibicons vnder the great seale of England, or contrary to any allowyd
ordynaunce sett Downe for the good governaunce of the Cumpany of
Staconers within the Cyttie of London, vppon payne to haue all such
presses, letters, and instrumentes as in or about the pryntinge of any such
bookes or copyes shalbe employed or vsed, to be defaced and made
vnserviceable for ymprintinge forever. And vppon payne also that euery
offendour and offendours contrarye to this present Artycle or ordynaunce
shalbe dishabled (after any such offence) to vse or exercise or take benefytt
by vsinge or exercisinge of the art or feat of ympryntinge. And shall
moreover sustayne ymprysonment Six moneths without Bayle or
mayneprise.
Clause 6 empowers the Stationers Company to seize offending books
and bring offenders before the ‘highe Comissioners in causes
Ecclesyastycall or some three or more of them, whereof the sayd
Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London for the tyme beinge to be
one’.
lxxviii.
ymprinted, or suffer by any meanes to his knowledge his presse, letters, or
other Instrumentes to be occupyed in pryntinge of any booke, work,
coppye, matter, or thinge whatsoever, Except the same book, woork,
coppye, matter, or any other thinge, hath been heeretofore allowed, or
hereafter shall be allowed before the ymprintinge thereof, accordinge to
thorder appoynted by the Queenes maiesties Iniunctyons, And been first
seen and pervsed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London
for the tyme beinge or any one of them (The Queenes maiesties Prynter for
somme speciall service by her maiestie, or by somme of her highnes pryvie
Councell therevnto appoynted, and such as are or shalbe pryviledged to
prynte the bookes of the Common Lawe of this Realme, for such of the
same bookes as shalbe allowed of by the Twoo Chief Justices, and Chief
Baron for the tyme beinge, or any twoo of them onely excepted). Nor shall
ymprynt or cause to be ymprinted any book, work or coppie against the
fourme and meaninge of any Restraynt or ordonnaunce conteyned or to be
conteyned in any statute or lawes of this Realme, or in any Iniunctyon
made, or sett foorth by her maiestie, or her highnes pryvye Councell, or
against the true intent and meaninge of any Letters patentes, Commissions
or prohibicons vnder the great seale of England, or contrary to any allowyd
ordynaunce sett Downe for the good governaunce of the Cumpany of
Staconers within the Cyttie of London, vppon payne to haue all such
presses, letters, and instrumentes as in or about the pryntinge of any such
bookes or copyes shalbe employed or vsed, to be defaced and made
vnserviceable for ymprintinge forever. And vppon payne also that euery
offendour and offendours contrarye to this present Artycle or ordynaunce
shalbe dishabled (after any such offence) to vse or exercise or take benefytt
by vsinge or exercisinge of the art or feat of ympryntinge. And shall
moreover sustayne ymprysonment Six moneths without Bayle or
mayneprise.
Clause 6 empowers the Stationers Company to seize offending books
and bring offenders before the ‘highe Comissioners in causes
Ecclesyastycall or some three or more of them, whereof the sayd
Archbishop of Canterbury or Bishop of London for the tyme beinge to be
one’.
lxxviii.
Page 354
[1587, Jan. 25. Anon. to Secretary Sir Francis Walsingham, printed from Harl. MS.
286, f. 102, in Collier, i. 257. A partial copy by T. Birch is in Addl. MS. 4160, No. 53.]
The daylie abuse of Stage Playes is such an offence to the godly, and so
great a hinderance to the gospell, as the papists do exceedingly rejoyce at
the bleamysh thearof, and not without cause; for every day in the weake the
players billes are sett up in sondry places of the cittie, some in the name of
her Majesties menne, some the Earl of Leicr, some the E. of Oxford, the Lo.
Admyralles, and dyvers others; so that when the belles tole to the Lectorer,
the trumpetts sound to the Stages, whereat the wicked faction of Rome
lawgheth for joy, while the godly weepe for sorrowe. Woe is me! the play
howses are pestered, when churches are naked; at the one it is not possible
to gett a place, at the other voyde seates are plentie. The profaning of the
Sabaoth is redressed, but as badde a custome entertayned, and yet still our
long suffering God forbayreth to punishe. Yt is a wofull sight to see two
hundred proude players jett in their silkes, wheare five hundred pore people
sterve in the streets. But yf needes this mischief must be tollerated, whereat
(no doubt) the highest frownith, yet for God’s sake (Sir) lett every Stage in
London pay a weekly pention to the pore, that ex hoc malo proveniat
aliquod bonum: but it weare rather to be wisshed that players might be
used, as Apollo did his lawghing, semel in anno.... Nowe, mee thinks, I see
your honor smyle, and saye to your self, theise things are fitter for the
pullpit, then a souldiers penne; but God (who searcheth the hart and reynes)
knoweth that I write not hipocritically, but from the veary sorrowe of my
soule.
lxxix.
[1587, May 7. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xv. 70.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London that whereas their
Lordships were given to understand that certaine outrages and disorders
were of late committed in certaine places and theaters erected within that
Citie of London or the suburbes of the same, where enterludes and
comedies were usuallie plaied, and for that the season of the yeare grew
hotter and hotter, it was to be doubted least by reason of the concorse of
people to such places of common assemblies there might some danger of
infeccion happen in the Citie, their Lordships thought it expedient to have
the use of the said interludes inhibited both at the theaters and in all other
places within his jurisdiccion, and therefore required him accordinglie to
286, f. 102, in Collier, i. 257. A partial copy by T. Birch is in Addl. MS. 4160, No. 53.]
The daylie abuse of Stage Playes is such an offence to the godly, and so
great a hinderance to the gospell, as the papists do exceedingly rejoyce at
the bleamysh thearof, and not without cause; for every day in the weake the
players billes are sett up in sondry places of the cittie, some in the name of
her Majesties menne, some the Earl of Leicr, some the E. of Oxford, the Lo.
Admyralles, and dyvers others; so that when the belles tole to the Lectorer,
the trumpetts sound to the Stages, whereat the wicked faction of Rome
lawgheth for joy, while the godly weepe for sorrowe. Woe is me! the play
howses are pestered, when churches are naked; at the one it is not possible
to gett a place, at the other voyde seates are plentie. The profaning of the
Sabaoth is redressed, but as badde a custome entertayned, and yet still our
long suffering God forbayreth to punishe. Yt is a wofull sight to see two
hundred proude players jett in their silkes, wheare five hundred pore people
sterve in the streets. But yf needes this mischief must be tollerated, whereat
(no doubt) the highest frownith, yet for God’s sake (Sir) lett every Stage in
London pay a weekly pention to the pore, that ex hoc malo proveniat
aliquod bonum: but it weare rather to be wisshed that players might be
used, as Apollo did his lawghing, semel in anno.... Nowe, mee thinks, I see
your honor smyle, and saye to your self, theise things are fitter for the
pullpit, then a souldiers penne; but God (who searcheth the hart and reynes)
knoweth that I write not hipocritically, but from the veary sorrowe of my
soule.
lxxix.
[1587, May 7. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xv. 70.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour of the Citie of London that whereas their
Lordships were given to understand that certaine outrages and disorders
were of late committed in certaine places and theaters erected within that
Citie of London or the suburbes of the same, where enterludes and
comedies were usuallie plaied, and for that the season of the yeare grew
hotter and hotter, it was to be doubted least by reason of the concorse of
people to such places of common assemblies there might some danger of
infeccion happen in the Citie, their Lordships thought it expedient to have
the use of the said interludes inhibited both at the theaters and in all other
places within his jurisdiccion, and therefore required him accordinglie to
Page 355
take presente order for the stayinge of the same, charginge the plaiers and
actors to cease and forbeare the use of the said places for the purpose of
playinge or shewinge of anie such enterludes or comedies untill after
Bartholomew tide next ensuinge.
A like letter to the same effecte to the Master of the Rolles.
A like letter to the like effecte to the Justices of Surrie.
lxxx.
[1587, Oct. 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xv. 271.]
A letter to the Justices of Surry that whereas thinhabitauntes of
Southwark had complained unto their Lordships declaring that th’order by
their Lordships sett downe for the restrayning of plaies and enterludes
within that countie on the Saboath Daies is not observed, and especiallie
within the Libertie of the Clincke and in the parish of St. Savours in
Southwarke, which disorder is to be ascribed to the negligence of some of
the Justices of Peace in that countie; they are required to take suche stricte
order for the staying of the said disorder as is allreadie taken by the Lord
Maiour within the Liberties of the Cittie, so as the same be not hereafter
suffred at the times forbidden in any place of that countie.
A letter to the Justices of Middlesex that forasmuch as order is taken by
the Lord Maiour within the precinctes of the Cittie for the restrayninge of
plaies and interludes on the Saboath Daie, according to such direccion as
hath been heretofore given by their Lordships in that behalfe, they are
required to see the like observed and kept within that countie, aswell in anie
places priviledged as otherwise.
lxxxi.
[1587, Nov. 23. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322,
from Repertory, xxi, f. 503v.]
Item yt is ordered that Sir Rowland Haywarde, Sir George Barne,
Knight, Mr. Martyn, Mr. Harte, Mr. Allott, Aldermen, shall repayre to the
right honorable the LL. and others of her Maiesties most honorble Pryuye
Councell & to move theyre honours for the suppressinge of playes and
interludes within this Cittye and the libertyes of the same.
lxxxii.
actors to cease and forbeare the use of the said places for the purpose of
playinge or shewinge of anie such enterludes or comedies untill after
Bartholomew tide next ensuinge.
A like letter to the same effecte to the Master of the Rolles.
A like letter to the like effecte to the Justices of Surrie.
lxxx.
[1587, Oct. 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xv. 271.]
A letter to the Justices of Surry that whereas thinhabitauntes of
Southwark had complained unto their Lordships declaring that th’order by
their Lordships sett downe for the restrayning of plaies and enterludes
within that countie on the Saboath Daies is not observed, and especiallie
within the Libertie of the Clincke and in the parish of St. Savours in
Southwarke, which disorder is to be ascribed to the negligence of some of
the Justices of Peace in that countie; they are required to take suche stricte
order for the staying of the said disorder as is allreadie taken by the Lord
Maiour within the Liberties of the Cittie, so as the same be not hereafter
suffred at the times forbidden in any place of that countie.
A letter to the Justices of Middlesex that forasmuch as order is taken by
the Lord Maiour within the precinctes of the Cittie for the restrayninge of
plaies and interludes on the Saboath Daie, according to such direccion as
hath been heretofore given by their Lordships in that behalfe, they are
required to see the like observed and kept within that countie, aswell in anie
places priviledged as otherwise.
lxxxi.
[1587, Nov. 23. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322,
from Repertory, xxi, f. 503v.]
Item yt is ordered that Sir Rowland Haywarde, Sir George Barne,
Knight, Mr. Martyn, Mr. Harte, Mr. Allott, Aldermen, shall repayre to the
right honorable the LL. and others of her Maiesties most honorble Pryuye
Councell & to move theyre honours for the suppressinge of playes and
interludes within this Cittye and the libertyes of the same.
lxxxii.
Page 356
[1589, Nov. 6. Sir John Harte, Lord Mayor, to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i.
180, from Lansd. MS. 60, f. 47; also in Collier, i. 265; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 34.]
My very honourable good L. Where by a lettre of your Lps. directed to
mr. Yonge it appered vnto me, that it was your honours pleasure I sholde
geue order for the staie of all playes within the Cittie, in that mr. Tilney did
vtterly mislike the same. According to which your Lps. good pleasure, I
presentlye sente for suche players as I coulde here of, so as there appered
yesterday before me the L. Admeralles and the L. Straunges players, to
whome I speciallie gaue in Charge and required them in her Maiesties name
to forbere playinge, vntill further order mighte be geuen for theire
allowance in that respecte: Whereupon the L. Admeralles players very
dutifullie obeyed, but the others in very Contemptuous manner departing
from me, went to the Crosse keys and played that afternoon, to the greate
offence of the better sorte that knewe they were prohibited by order from
your L. Which as I might not suffer, so I sent for the said Contemptuous
persons, who haueing no reason to alleadge for theire Contempt, I coulde
do no lesse but this evening Comitt some of them to one of the Compters,
and do meane according to your Lps. direction to prohibite all playing,
vntill your Lps. pleasure therein be further knowen. And thus resting further
to trouble your L., I moste humblie take my leaue. At London the Sixte of
Nouember 1589.
Your Lps. moste humble,
John Harte, maior.
To the righte honorable my very good Lorde, the Lorde highe Tresaurer of
Englande.
lxxxiii.
[1589, Nov. 12. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xviii.
214.]
At the Starre Chamber 12o Novembris, 1589.
A letter to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury that whereas there bathe
growne some inconvenience by comon playes and enterludes in and about
the Cyttie of London, in [that] the players take upon themselves to handle in
their plaies certen matters of Divinytie and of State unfitt to be suffred, for
redresse whereof their Lordships have thought good to appointe some
persones of judgement and understanding to viewe and examine their
playes before they be permitted to present them publickly. His Lordship is
180, from Lansd. MS. 60, f. 47; also in Collier, i. 265; Hazlitt, E. D. S. 34.]
My very honourable good L. Where by a lettre of your Lps. directed to
mr. Yonge it appered vnto me, that it was your honours pleasure I sholde
geue order for the staie of all playes within the Cittie, in that mr. Tilney did
vtterly mislike the same. According to which your Lps. good pleasure, I
presentlye sente for suche players as I coulde here of, so as there appered
yesterday before me the L. Admeralles and the L. Straunges players, to
whome I speciallie gaue in Charge and required them in her Maiesties name
to forbere playinge, vntill further order mighte be geuen for theire
allowance in that respecte: Whereupon the L. Admeralles players very
dutifullie obeyed, but the others in very Contemptuous manner departing
from me, went to the Crosse keys and played that afternoon, to the greate
offence of the better sorte that knewe they were prohibited by order from
your L. Which as I might not suffer, so I sent for the said Contemptuous
persons, who haueing no reason to alleadge for theire Contempt, I coulde
do no lesse but this evening Comitt some of them to one of the Compters,
and do meane according to your Lps. direction to prohibite all playing,
vntill your Lps. pleasure therein be further knowen. And thus resting further
to trouble your L., I moste humblie take my leaue. At London the Sixte of
Nouember 1589.
Your Lps. moste humble,
John Harte, maior.
To the righte honorable my very good Lorde, the Lorde highe Tresaurer of
Englande.
lxxxiii.
[1589, Nov. 12. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xviii.
214.]
At the Starre Chamber 12o Novembris, 1589.
A letter to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury that whereas there bathe
growne some inconvenience by comon playes and enterludes in and about
the Cyttie of London, in [that] the players take upon themselves to handle in
their plaies certen matters of Divinytie and of State unfitt to be suffred, for
redresse whereof their Lordships have thought good to appointe some
persones of judgement and understanding to viewe and examine their
playes before they be permitted to present them publickly. His Lordship is
Page 357
desired that some fytt persone well learned in Divinity be appointed by him
to joyne with the Master of the Revells and one other to be nominated by
the Lord Mayour, and they joyntly with some spede to viewe and consider
of suche comedyes and tragedyes as are and shalbe publickly played by the
companies of players in and aboute the Cyttie of London, and they to geve
allowance of suche as they shall thincke meete to be plaied and to forbydd
the rest.
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London that whereas their Lordships have
already signified unto him to appointe a sufficient persone learned and of
judgement for the Cyttie of London to joyne with the Master of the Revelles
and with a divine to be nominated by the Lord Archebishop of Canterbury
for the reforming of the plaies daylie exercised and presented publickly in
and about the Cyttie of London, wherein the players take uppon them
without judgement or decorum to handle matters of Divinitye and State; he
is required if he have not as yet made choice of suche a persone, that he will
so doe forthwith, and thereof geve knowledge to the Lord Archebishop and
the Master of the Revells, that they may all meet accordingly.
A letter to the Master of the Revelles requiring him [to join] with two
others, the one to be appointed by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury and
the other by the Lord Mayour of London, to be men of learning and
judgement, and to call before them the severall companies of players
(whose servauntes soever they be) and to require them by authorytie hereof
to delyver unto them their bookes, that they maye consider of the matters of
their comedyes and tragedyes, and thereuppon to stryke oute or reforme
suche partes and matters as they shall fynd unfytt and undecent to be
handled in playes, bothe for Divinitie and State, comaunding the said
companies of players, in her Majesties name, that they forbeare to present
and playe publickly anie comedy or tragedy other then suche as they three
shall have seene and allowed, which if they shall not observe, they shall
then knowe from their Lordships that they shalbe not onely sevearely
punished, but made [in]capable of the exercise of their profession forever
hereafter.
lxxxiv.
[1591, July 25. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xxi.
324.]
to joyne with the Master of the Revells and one other to be nominated by
the Lord Mayour, and they joyntly with some spede to viewe and consider
of suche comedyes and tragedyes as are and shalbe publickly played by the
companies of players in and aboute the Cyttie of London, and they to geve
allowance of suche as they shall thincke meete to be plaied and to forbydd
the rest.
A letter to the Lord Mayour of London that whereas their Lordships have
already signified unto him to appointe a sufficient persone learned and of
judgement for the Cyttie of London to joyne with the Master of the Revelles
and with a divine to be nominated by the Lord Archebishop of Canterbury
for the reforming of the plaies daylie exercised and presented publickly in
and about the Cyttie of London, wherein the players take uppon them
without judgement or decorum to handle matters of Divinitye and State; he
is required if he have not as yet made choice of suche a persone, that he will
so doe forthwith, and thereof geve knowledge to the Lord Archebishop and
the Master of the Revells, that they may all meet accordingly.
A letter to the Master of the Revelles requiring him [to join] with two
others, the one to be appointed by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury and
the other by the Lord Mayour of London, to be men of learning and
judgement, and to call before them the severall companies of players
(whose servauntes soever they be) and to require them by authorytie hereof
to delyver unto them their bookes, that they maye consider of the matters of
their comedyes and tragedyes, and thereuppon to stryke oute or reforme
suche partes and matters as they shall fynd unfytt and undecent to be
handled in playes, bothe for Divinitie and State, comaunding the said
companies of players, in her Majesties name, that they forbeare to present
and playe publickly anie comedy or tragedy other then suche as they three
shall have seene and allowed, which if they shall not observe, they shall
then knowe from their Lordships that they shalbe not onely sevearely
punished, but made [in]capable of the exercise of their profession forever
hereafter.
lxxxiv.
[1591, July 25. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xxi.
324.]
Page 358
A letter to the Lord Maiour of the Cyttie of London and the Justices of
Midlesex and Surrey. Whereas heretofore there hathe ben order taken to
restraine the playinge of enterludes and playes on the Sabothe Daie,
notwithstandinge the which (as wee are enformed) the same ys neglected to
the prophanacion of this daie, and all other daies of the weeke in divers
places the players doe use to recyte theire plaies to the greate hurte and
destruction of the game of beare baytinge and lyke pastymes, which are
maynteyned for her Majesty’s pleasure yf occacion require. These shalbe
therefore to require you not onlie to take order hereafter that there maie no
plaies, interludes or commodyes be used or publicklie made and shewed
either on the Sondaie or on the Thursdaies, because on the Thursdayes those
other games usuallie have ben allwayes accustomed and practized. Whereof
see you faile not hereafter to see this our order dulie observed for the
avoydinge of the inconveniences aforesaid.
lxxxv.
[1592, Feb. 25. The Lord Mayor to John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury,
printed M. S. C. i. 68, from Remembrancia, i. 635.]
Our most humble dueties to your Grace remembred. Whereas by the
daily and disorderlie exercise of a number of players & playeng houses
erected within this Citie, the youth thearof is greatly corrupted & their
manners infected with many euill & vngodly qualities, by reason of the
wanton & prophane divises represented on the stages by the sayed players,
the prentizes & seruants withdrawen from their woorks, & all sorts in
generall from the daylie resort vnto sermons & other Christian exercises, to
the great hinderance of the trades & traders of this Citie & prophanation of
the good & godly religion established amongst vs. To which places allso
doe vsually resort great numbers of light & lewd disposed persons, as
harlotts, cutpurses, cuseners, pilferers, & such lyke, & thear, vnder the
collour of resort to those places to hear the playes, divise divers evill &
vngodly matches, confederacies, & conspiracies, which by means of the
opportunitie of the place cannot bee prevented nor discovered, as otherwise
they might bee. In consideration whearof, wee most humbly beeseach your
Grace for your godly care for the refourming of so great abuses tending to
the offence of almightie god, the prophanation & sclaunder of his true
religion, & the corrupting of our youth, which are the seed of the Church of
god & the common wealth among vs, to voutchsafe vs your good favour &
Midlesex and Surrey. Whereas heretofore there hathe ben order taken to
restraine the playinge of enterludes and playes on the Sabothe Daie,
notwithstandinge the which (as wee are enformed) the same ys neglected to
the prophanacion of this daie, and all other daies of the weeke in divers
places the players doe use to recyte theire plaies to the greate hurte and
destruction of the game of beare baytinge and lyke pastymes, which are
maynteyned for her Majesty’s pleasure yf occacion require. These shalbe
therefore to require you not onlie to take order hereafter that there maie no
plaies, interludes or commodyes be used or publicklie made and shewed
either on the Sondaie or on the Thursdaies, because on the Thursdayes those
other games usuallie have ben allwayes accustomed and practized. Whereof
see you faile not hereafter to see this our order dulie observed for the
avoydinge of the inconveniences aforesaid.
lxxxv.
[1592, Feb. 25. The Lord Mayor to John Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury,
printed M. S. C. i. 68, from Remembrancia, i. 635.]
Our most humble dueties to your Grace remembred. Whereas by the
daily and disorderlie exercise of a number of players & playeng houses
erected within this Citie, the youth thearof is greatly corrupted & their
manners infected with many euill & vngodly qualities, by reason of the
wanton & prophane divises represented on the stages by the sayed players,
the prentizes & seruants withdrawen from their woorks, & all sorts in
generall from the daylie resort vnto sermons & other Christian exercises, to
the great hinderance of the trades & traders of this Citie & prophanation of
the good & godly religion established amongst vs. To which places allso
doe vsually resort great numbers of light & lewd disposed persons, as
harlotts, cutpurses, cuseners, pilferers, & such lyke, & thear, vnder the
collour of resort to those places to hear the playes, divise divers evill &
vngodly matches, confederacies, & conspiracies, which by means of the
opportunitie of the place cannot bee prevented nor discovered, as otherwise
they might bee. In consideration whearof, wee most humbly beeseach your
Grace for your godly care for the refourming of so great abuses tending to
the offence of almightie god, the prophanation & sclaunder of his true
religion, & the corrupting of our youth, which are the seed of the Church of
god & the common wealth among vs, to voutchsafe vs your good favour &
Page 359
help for the refourming & banishing of so great evill out of this Citie, which
our selves of loong time though to small pourpose have so earnestly desired
and endeavoured by all means that possibly wee could. And bycause wee
vnderstand that the Q. Maiestie is & must bee served at certen times by this
sort of people, for which pourpose shee hath graunted hir lettres Patents to
Mr. Tilney Master of hir Revells, by virtue whearof hee beeing authorized
to refourm exercise or suppresse all manner of players, playes, & playeng
houses whatsoeuer, did first licence the sayed playeng houses within this
Citie for hir Maiesties sayed service, which beefore that time lay open to all
the statutes for the punishing of these & such lyke disorders. Wee ar most
humbly & earnestly to beeseach your Grace to call vnto you the sayed
Master of hir Maiesties Revells, with whome allso wee have conferred of
late to that pourpose, and to treat with him, if by any means it may bee
devised that hir Maiestie may bee served with these recreations as hath ben
accoustomed (which in our opinions may easily bee don by the privat
exercise of hir Maiesties own players in convenient place) & the Citie freed
from these continuall disorders, which thearby do growe, & increase dayly
among vs. Whearby your Grace shall not only benefit & bynd vnto you the
politique state & government of this Citie, which by no one thing is so
greatly annoyed & disquieted as by players & playes, & the disorders which
follow thearvpon, but allso take away a great offence from the Church of
god & hinderance to his ghospell, to the great contentment of all good
Christians, specially the preachers, & ministers of the word of god about
this Citie, who have long time & yet do make their earnest continuall
complaint vnto vs for the redresse hearof. And thus recommending our most
humble dueties and service to your Grace wee commit the same to the grace
of the Almightie. From London the 25th of February, 1591.
Your Graces most humble.
To the right reuerend Father in God my L. the Archbisshop of Canturbury
his Grace.
lxxxvi.
[1592, March 6. The Lord Mayor to Archbishop Whitgift, printed M. S. C. i. 70,
from Remembrancia, i. 646. Whitgift’s letter, here referred to, does not appear to be in
the Remembrancia.]
My humble duety to your Grace remembred. I received your graces
letter, whearin I vnderstood the contents of the same, & imparted the same
our selves of loong time though to small pourpose have so earnestly desired
and endeavoured by all means that possibly wee could. And bycause wee
vnderstand that the Q. Maiestie is & must bee served at certen times by this
sort of people, for which pourpose shee hath graunted hir lettres Patents to
Mr. Tilney Master of hir Revells, by virtue whearof hee beeing authorized
to refourm exercise or suppresse all manner of players, playes, & playeng
houses whatsoeuer, did first licence the sayed playeng houses within this
Citie for hir Maiesties sayed service, which beefore that time lay open to all
the statutes for the punishing of these & such lyke disorders. Wee ar most
humbly & earnestly to beeseach your Grace to call vnto you the sayed
Master of hir Maiesties Revells, with whome allso wee have conferred of
late to that pourpose, and to treat with him, if by any means it may bee
devised that hir Maiestie may bee served with these recreations as hath ben
accoustomed (which in our opinions may easily bee don by the privat
exercise of hir Maiesties own players in convenient place) & the Citie freed
from these continuall disorders, which thearby do growe, & increase dayly
among vs. Whearby your Grace shall not only benefit & bynd vnto you the
politique state & government of this Citie, which by no one thing is so
greatly annoyed & disquieted as by players & playes, & the disorders which
follow thearvpon, but allso take away a great offence from the Church of
god & hinderance to his ghospell, to the great contentment of all good
Christians, specially the preachers, & ministers of the word of god about
this Citie, who have long time & yet do make their earnest continuall
complaint vnto vs for the redresse hearof. And thus recommending our most
humble dueties and service to your Grace wee commit the same to the grace
of the Almightie. From London the 25th of February, 1591.
Your Graces most humble.
To the right reuerend Father in God my L. the Archbisshop of Canturbury
his Grace.
lxxxvi.
[1592, March 6. The Lord Mayor to Archbishop Whitgift, printed M. S. C. i. 70,
from Remembrancia, i. 646. Whitgift’s letter, here referred to, does not appear to be in
the Remembrancia.]
My humble duety to your Grace remembred. I received your graces
letter, whearin I vnderstood the contents of the same, & imparted the same
Page 360
presently to my Brethren the Aldermen in our common Assembly, who
togither with my self yeld vnto your Grace our most humble thancks for
your good favour & godly care over vs, in vouchsafing vs your healp for the
removing of this great inconvenience which groweth to this Citie by playes
& players. As toutching the consideracion to bee made to Mr. Tilney, and
other capitulations that ar to passe beetwixt vs, for the better effecting &
continuance of this restraint of the sayed playes in & about this Citie, wee
have appointed certein of our Brethren the Aldermen to conferre with him
forthwith, pourposing to acquaint your Grace with our agreement & whole
proceeding hearin as occasion shall requier. And thus recommending my
humble duety and seruice to your Grace I commit the same to the grace of
the Almightie. From London the 6. of March, 1591.
Your Graces most humble.
To the right reverend Father in God the L. Archbishop of Canterbury his
Grace.
lxxxvii.
[1592, March 18. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322,
from Repertory, xx, f. 345.]
Item yt is ordered that Sir Richard Martyn Knighte
Mr. Tilney to be
and William Horne grocer, shall treate with Tilney treated for
Esquire Maister of the Revells for some good order to be restraynte of plays.
taken for the restrayning of the playes and enterludes
within this citie.
lxxxviii.
[1592, March 22. Extracts from records of the Court of the Guild of Merchant
Taylors of London, printed in C. M. Clode, Early History of the Guild of Merchant
Taylors (1888), i. 236.]
‘A precepte directed frome the Lord Mayor to this Companie shewinge
to the Companie the great enormytie that this Citie susteyneth by the
practice and prophane exercise of players and playinge howses in this Citie,
and the corrupcion of youth that groweth thereupon, invitinge the Companie
by the consideration of this myscheyfe to yeilde to the paymente of one
Anuytie to one Mr. Tylney, mayster of the Revelles of the Queene’s house,
in whose hands the redresse of this inconveniency doeth rest, and that those
playes might be abandoned out of this citie.’
togither with my self yeld vnto your Grace our most humble thancks for
your good favour & godly care over vs, in vouchsafing vs your healp for the
removing of this great inconvenience which groweth to this Citie by playes
& players. As toutching the consideracion to bee made to Mr. Tilney, and
other capitulations that ar to passe beetwixt vs, for the better effecting &
continuance of this restraint of the sayed playes in & about this Citie, wee
have appointed certein of our Brethren the Aldermen to conferre with him
forthwith, pourposing to acquaint your Grace with our agreement & whole
proceeding hearin as occasion shall requier. And thus recommending my
humble duety and seruice to your Grace I commit the same to the grace of
the Almightie. From London the 6. of March, 1591.
Your Graces most humble.
To the right reverend Father in God the L. Archbishop of Canterbury his
Grace.
lxxxvii.
[1592, March 18. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322,
from Repertory, xx, f. 345.]
Item yt is ordered that Sir Richard Martyn Knighte
Mr. Tilney to be
and William Horne grocer, shall treate with Tilney treated for
Esquire Maister of the Revells for some good order to be restraynte of plays.
taken for the restrayning of the playes and enterludes
within this citie.
lxxxviii.
[1592, March 22. Extracts from records of the Court of the Guild of Merchant
Taylors of London, printed in C. M. Clode, Early History of the Guild of Merchant
Taylors (1888), i. 236.]
‘A precepte directed frome the Lord Mayor to this Companie shewinge
to the Companie the great enormytie that this Citie susteyneth by the
practice and prophane exercise of players and playinge howses in this Citie,
and the corrupcion of youth that groweth thereupon, invitinge the Companie
by the consideration of this myscheyfe to yeilde to the paymente of one
Anuytie to one Mr. Tylney, mayster of the Revelles of the Queene’s house,
in whose hands the redresse of this inconveniency doeth rest, and that those
playes might be abandoned out of this citie.’
Page 361
‘An Assemblye hereon the xxijth of March (1591), beinge our Master’s
view daye after they came downe frome dynner out of the Gallarie,’ took
the precept into consideration and determined, ‘albeit the Companie think yt
a very good service to be performed yet wayinge the damage of the
president and enovacion of raysinge of Anuyties upon the Companies of
London what further occasions yt may be drawne unto, together with their
great chardge otherwyse which this troublesome tyme hath brought, and is
likely to bringe, they thinke this no fitt course to remedie this myscheife,
but wish some other waye were taken in hand to expell out of our Citye so
generall a contagion of manners and other inconveniency, wherein if any
endevour or travile of this Companie might further the matter they would be
readye to use their service therein. And this to be certified as the Companies
answere if yt shall apeare by conference with other Companies that the
precepte requireth necessarilie a returne of the Companies certificate, and
answere in this behalf.’
lxxxix.
[1592, June 12. Extract from a letter of Sir William Webbe, Lord Mayor, to Lord
Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 187, from Lansd. MS. 71, f. 28, and M. S. C. i. 70, from a
letter-book copy misdated ‘May 30’ in Remembrancia, i. 662.]
My humble duety remembred to your good L. Beeing informed of a
great disorder & tumult lyke to grow yesternight abowt viij of the clock
within the Borough of Southwark, I went thither with all speed I could,
taking with mee on of the Sherifes, whear I found great multitudes of
people assembled togither, & the principall actours to bee certain servants
of the ffeltmakers gathered togither out of Barnsey street & the Black
fryers, with a great number of lose & maisterles men apt for such
pourposes. Whearupon having made proclamation, & dismissed the
multitude, I apprehended the chief doers and authors of the disorder, & have
committed them to prison to bee farther punished, as they shall bee found to
deserve. And having this morning sent for the Deputie & Constable of the
Borough with Divers other of best credit, who wear thear present, to
examine the cause & manner of the disorder, I found that it began vpon the
serving of a warrant from my L. Chamberlain by on of the Knight
Mareschalls men vpon a feltmakers servant, who was committed to the
Mareschallsea with certein others, that were accused to his L. by the sayed
Knight Mareschalls men without cause of offence, as them selves doe
affirm. For rescuing of whome the sayed companies assembled themselves
view daye after they came downe frome dynner out of the Gallarie,’ took
the precept into consideration and determined, ‘albeit the Companie think yt
a very good service to be performed yet wayinge the damage of the
president and enovacion of raysinge of Anuyties upon the Companies of
London what further occasions yt may be drawne unto, together with their
great chardge otherwyse which this troublesome tyme hath brought, and is
likely to bringe, they thinke this no fitt course to remedie this myscheife,
but wish some other waye were taken in hand to expell out of our Citye so
generall a contagion of manners and other inconveniency, wherein if any
endevour or travile of this Companie might further the matter they would be
readye to use their service therein. And this to be certified as the Companies
answere if yt shall apeare by conference with other Companies that the
precepte requireth necessarilie a returne of the Companies certificate, and
answere in this behalf.’
lxxxix.
[1592, June 12. Extract from a letter of Sir William Webbe, Lord Mayor, to Lord
Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 187, from Lansd. MS. 71, f. 28, and M. S. C. i. 70, from a
letter-book copy misdated ‘May 30’ in Remembrancia, i. 662.]
My humble duety remembred to your good L. Beeing informed of a
great disorder & tumult lyke to grow yesternight abowt viij of the clock
within the Borough of Southwark, I went thither with all speed I could,
taking with mee on of the Sherifes, whear I found great multitudes of
people assembled togither, & the principall actours to bee certain servants
of the ffeltmakers gathered togither out of Barnsey street & the Black
fryers, with a great number of lose & maisterles men apt for such
pourposes. Whearupon having made proclamation, & dismissed the
multitude, I apprehended the chief doers and authors of the disorder, & have
committed them to prison to bee farther punished, as they shall bee found to
deserve. And having this morning sent for the Deputie & Constable of the
Borough with Divers other of best credit, who wear thear present, to
examine the cause & manner of the disorder, I found that it began vpon the
serving of a warrant from my L. Chamberlain by on of the Knight
Mareschalls men vpon a feltmakers servant, who was committed to the
Mareschallsea with certein others, that were accused to his L. by the sayed
Knight Mareschalls men without cause of offence, as them selves doe
affirm. For rescuing of whome the sayed companies assembled themselves
Page 362
by occasion & pretence of their meeting at a play, which bysides the breach
of the Sabboth day giveth opportunitie of committing these & such lyke
disorders. The principall doers in this rude tumult I mean to punish to the
example of others. Whearin also it may please your L. to give mee your
direction, if you shall advise vpon anything meet to bee doon for the farther
punishment of the sayed offenders.
xc.
[1592, June 23. Extract from Privy Council Minute, printed by Dasent, xxii. 549.
The main purpose of the letter is to require a ‘watch’ at midsummer, as certain
apprentices were expected to renew the recent disorder in Southwark (cf. No. lxxxix).
The Lord Mayor had already been charged, and letters also went to the Justices of
Surrey for the precincts of Newington, Kentish Street, Bermondsey Street, the Clink,
Paris Garden, and the Bankside, and to those of other places near the City, including
Lord Cobham for the Blackfriars.]
A letter to the Master of the Rolles, Sir Owen Hopton, knight, John
Barnes and Richard Yonge, esquiours....
Moreover for avoidinge of theis unlawfull assemblies in those quarters,
yt is thoughte meete you shall take order that there be noe playes used in
anye place neere thereaboutes, as the Theator, Curtayne, or other usuall
places where the same are comonly used, nor no other sorte of unlawfull or
forbidden pastymes that drawe together the baser sorte of people, from
hence forth untill the feast of St. Michaell.
xci.
[1592, June 23. Privy Council Minute, printed by Dasent, xxii. 549.]
A letter to the Earle of Darbye. Whereas wee are informed that there are
certaine May gaimes, morryce daunces, plaies, bearebaytinges, ales and
other like pastimes used ordinarilye in those counties under your Lordship’s
Lieutenancye on the Sondaies and Hollydaies at the tyme of Divine service
and other Godlie exercyses, to the disturbance of the service, and bad
example that those kinde of pastimes should be used in such sorte and at
suche tyme when men do assemble togeather for the hearinge of God’s
worde and to joyne in Common praiers, which sportes are moste ordinarilye
used at those undue seasons by such as are evill affected in religion,
purposlie by those meanes to drawe the people from the service of God, and
to disturbe the same. Theis shalbe therefore to praie your Lordship by
vertue hereof to give knowledge not onlie to the Byshop of that Dioces of
of the Sabboth day giveth opportunitie of committing these & such lyke
disorders. The principall doers in this rude tumult I mean to punish to the
example of others. Whearin also it may please your L. to give mee your
direction, if you shall advise vpon anything meet to bee doon for the farther
punishment of the sayed offenders.
xc.
[1592, June 23. Extract from Privy Council Minute, printed by Dasent, xxii. 549.
The main purpose of the letter is to require a ‘watch’ at midsummer, as certain
apprentices were expected to renew the recent disorder in Southwark (cf. No. lxxxix).
The Lord Mayor had already been charged, and letters also went to the Justices of
Surrey for the precincts of Newington, Kentish Street, Bermondsey Street, the Clink,
Paris Garden, and the Bankside, and to those of other places near the City, including
Lord Cobham for the Blackfriars.]
A letter to the Master of the Rolles, Sir Owen Hopton, knight, John
Barnes and Richard Yonge, esquiours....
Moreover for avoidinge of theis unlawfull assemblies in those quarters,
yt is thoughte meete you shall take order that there be noe playes used in
anye place neere thereaboutes, as the Theator, Curtayne, or other usuall
places where the same are comonly used, nor no other sorte of unlawfull or
forbidden pastymes that drawe together the baser sorte of people, from
hence forth untill the feast of St. Michaell.
xci.
[1592, June 23. Privy Council Minute, printed by Dasent, xxii. 549.]
A letter to the Earle of Darbye. Whereas wee are informed that there are
certaine May gaimes, morryce daunces, plaies, bearebaytinges, ales and
other like pastimes used ordinarilye in those counties under your Lordship’s
Lieutenancye on the Sondaies and Hollydaies at the tyme of Divine service
and other Godlie exercyses, to the disturbance of the service, and bad
example that those kinde of pastimes should be used in such sorte and at
suche tyme when men do assemble togeather for the hearinge of God’s
worde and to joyne in Common praiers, which sportes are moste ordinarilye
used at those undue seasons by such as are evill affected in religion,
purposlie by those meanes to drawe the people from the service of God, and
to disturbe the same. Theis shalbe therefore to praie your Lordship by
vertue hereof to give knowledge not onlie to the Byshop of that Dioces of
Page 363
this common and unsufferable disorder, but to give speciall direction to all
the Justices in theire severall divisions by all meanes to forbid and not to
suffer theis or the like pastimes to be in anye place whatsoever on the
Sondaie or Holydaie at the tyme of Divine service. And yf notwithstandinge
this straite prohibicion and speciall order taken, any shall presume to use
the saide sportes or pastimes in the tyme [of] services, sermons or other
Godlye exercyses, you shall cause the favorers, mayntainers or cheife
offenders to be sent up hether to answere this theire contentions and lewde
behaviour before us.
xcii.
[c. 1592, c. July. Undated documents, printed by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 42, from
Dulwich MS. i. 16–18; also in Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 33–6. I agree with Greg (cf.
Henslowe, ii. 52) that 1592 is a more likely date than 1593, during the whole of the
long vacation of which plague ruled. We have not the terms of the Surrey inhibition of
23 June 1592 (cf. No. xc), but it may have made an exception for Newington Butts. If
so, the documents can hardly be later than July, as the plague was increasing by 13
Aug. (Dasent, xxiii. 118). But Greg tacitly assumes that no earlier year than 1592 can
be in question, and as against this, cf. vol. i, p. 359. I think that 1591 is a conceivable
alternative, as Strange’s (q.v.) were probably at the Rose by the spring of that year.
There is no corroborative evidence, indeed, of any inhibition in 1591. But do the
documents point to a general inhibition? The inference from (b) is that houses other
than the Rose were open.]
(a)
[Petition from Strange’s men to the Privy Council.]
To the right honorable our verie good Lordes, the Lordes of her
maiesties moste honorable privie Councell.
Our dueties in all humblenes remembred to your honours. Forasmuche
(righte honorable) oure Companie is greate, and thearbie our chardge
intollerable, in travellinge the Countrie, and the Contynuaunce thereof
wilbe a meane to bringe vs to division and seperacion, whearebie wee shall
not onelie be vndone, but alsoe vnreadie to serve her maiestie, when it shall
please her highenes to commaund vs, And for that the vse of our plaiehowse
on the Banckside, by reason of the passage to and frome the same by water,
is a greate releif to the poore watermen theare, And our dismission thence,
nowe in this longe vacation, is to those poore men a greate hindraunce, and
in manner an vndoeinge, as they generallie complaine, Both our and theire
humble peticion and suite thearefore to your good honnours is, That youe
wilbe pleased of your speciall favour to recall this our restrainte, and
the Justices in theire severall divisions by all meanes to forbid and not to
suffer theis or the like pastimes to be in anye place whatsoever on the
Sondaie or Holydaie at the tyme of Divine service. And yf notwithstandinge
this straite prohibicion and speciall order taken, any shall presume to use
the saide sportes or pastimes in the tyme [of] services, sermons or other
Godlye exercyses, you shall cause the favorers, mayntainers or cheife
offenders to be sent up hether to answere this theire contentions and lewde
behaviour before us.
xcii.
[c. 1592, c. July. Undated documents, printed by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 42, from
Dulwich MS. i. 16–18; also in Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 33–6. I agree with Greg (cf.
Henslowe, ii. 52) that 1592 is a more likely date than 1593, during the whole of the
long vacation of which plague ruled. We have not the terms of the Surrey inhibition of
23 June 1592 (cf. No. xc), but it may have made an exception for Newington Butts. If
so, the documents can hardly be later than July, as the plague was increasing by 13
Aug. (Dasent, xxiii. 118). But Greg tacitly assumes that no earlier year than 1592 can
be in question, and as against this, cf. vol. i, p. 359. I think that 1591 is a conceivable
alternative, as Strange’s (q.v.) were probably at the Rose by the spring of that year.
There is no corroborative evidence, indeed, of any inhibition in 1591. But do the
documents point to a general inhibition? The inference from (b) is that houses other
than the Rose were open.]
(a)
[Petition from Strange’s men to the Privy Council.]
To the right honorable our verie good Lordes, the Lordes of her
maiesties moste honorable privie Councell.
Our dueties in all humblenes remembred to your honours. Forasmuche
(righte honorable) oure Companie is greate, and thearbie our chardge
intollerable, in travellinge the Countrie, and the Contynuaunce thereof
wilbe a meane to bringe vs to division and seperacion, whearebie wee shall
not onelie be vndone, but alsoe vnreadie to serve her maiestie, when it shall
please her highenes to commaund vs, And for that the vse of our plaiehowse
on the Banckside, by reason of the passage to and frome the same by water,
is a greate releif to the poore watermen theare, And our dismission thence,
nowe in this longe vacation, is to those poore men a greate hindraunce, and
in manner an vndoeinge, as they generallie complaine, Both our and theire
humble peticion and suite thearefore to your good honnours is, That youe
wilbe pleased of your speciall favour to recall this our restrainte, and
Page 364
permitt vs the vse of the said Plaiehowse againe. And not onelie our selues
But alsoe a greate nomber of poore men shalbe especiallie bounden to praie
for yor Honours.
Your honours humble suppliantes,
The righte honorable the Lord Straunge
his servantes and Plaiers.
(b)
[Petition from the Watermen of the Bankside to Lord Admiral Howard.]
To the right honnorable my Lorde Haywarde Lorde highe
Admirall of Englande and one of her maiesties moste
honnorable previe Counsayle.
In most hvmble manner Complayneth and sheweth vnto your good
Lordeshipp, your poore suppliantes and dayly Oratours Phillipp Henslo, and
others the poore watermen on the bancke side. Whereas your good L. hathe
derected your warrant vnto hir maiesties Justices, for the restraynte of a
playe howse belonginge vnto the saide Phillipp Henslo one of the groomes
of her maiesties Chamber, So it is, if it please your good Lordshipp, that
wee your saide poore watermen have had muche helpe and reliefe for vs
oure poore wives and Children by meanes of the resorte of suche people as
come vnto the said playe howse, It maye therefore please your good L. for
godes sake and in the waye of Charetie to respecte vs your poore water
men, and to give leave vnto the said Phillipp Henslo to have playinge in his
saide howse duringe suche tyme as others have, according as it hathe byne
accustomed. And in your honnors so doinge youe shall not onely doe a
good and a Charitable dede, but also bynde vs all according to oure dewties,
with oure poore wives and Children dayly to praye for your honnor in
muche happynes longe to lyve.
Isack Towelle. William Dorret, master of her maiestes barge.
[Fifteen signatures or marks of royal watermen and others follow.]
(c)
[Warrant from the Privy Council for the reopening of the Rose.]
Wheareas not longe since vpon some Consideracions we did restraine
the Lorde Straunge his servauntes from playinge at the Rose on the
But alsoe a greate nomber of poore men shalbe especiallie bounden to praie
for yor Honours.
Your honours humble suppliantes,
The righte honorable the Lord Straunge
his servantes and Plaiers.
(b)
[Petition from the Watermen of the Bankside to Lord Admiral Howard.]
To the right honnorable my Lorde Haywarde Lorde highe
Admirall of Englande and one of her maiesties moste
honnorable previe Counsayle.
In most hvmble manner Complayneth and sheweth vnto your good
Lordeshipp, your poore suppliantes and dayly Oratours Phillipp Henslo, and
others the poore watermen on the bancke side. Whereas your good L. hathe
derected your warrant vnto hir maiesties Justices, for the restraynte of a
playe howse belonginge vnto the saide Phillipp Henslo one of the groomes
of her maiesties Chamber, So it is, if it please your good Lordshipp, that
wee your saide poore watermen have had muche helpe and reliefe for vs
oure poore wives and Children by meanes of the resorte of suche people as
come vnto the said playe howse, It maye therefore please your good L. for
godes sake and in the waye of Charetie to respecte vs your poore water
men, and to give leave vnto the said Phillipp Henslo to have playinge in his
saide howse duringe suche tyme as others have, according as it hathe byne
accustomed. And in your honnors so doinge youe shall not onely doe a
good and a Charitable dede, but also bynde vs all according to oure dewties,
with oure poore wives and Children dayly to praye for your honnor in
muche happynes longe to lyve.
Isack Towelle. William Dorret, master of her maiestes barge.
[Fifteen signatures or marks of royal watermen and others follow.]
(c)
[Warrant from the Privy Council for the reopening of the Rose.]
Wheareas not longe since vpon some Consideracions we did restraine
the Lorde Straunge his servauntes from playinge at the Rose on the
Page 365
banckside, and enioyned them to plaie three daies at Newington Butts, Now
forasmuch as wee are satisfied that by reason of the tediousnes of the waie
and that of longe tyme plaies haue not there bene vsed on working daies,
And for that a nomber of poore watermen are therby releeved, Youe shall
permitt and suffer them or any other there to exercise them selues in suche
sorte as they haue don heretofore, And that the Rose maie be at libertie
without any restrainte, solonge as yt shalbe free from infection of sicknes,
Any Comaundement from vs heretofore to the Contrye notwithstandinge:
ffrom.
To the Justices Bayliffes Constables and others to whome yt shall
Apperteyne.
xciii.
[1593, Jan. 28. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xxiv.
31.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of the cittie of London.
Forasmuch as by the certificate of the last weeke yt appeareth the infection
doth increase, which by the favour of God and with your diligent
observance of her Majesty’s comandementes and the meanes and orders
prescribed to be put in execution within the cittie of London maie speedelie
cease. Yeat for the better furderance therof we thinke yt fytt that all manner
of concourse and publique meetinges of the people at playes, beare-
baitinges, bowlinges and other like assemblyes for sportes be forbidden,
and therefore doe hereby requier you and in her Majesty’s name straightlie
charge and commande you forthwith to inhibite within your jurisdiction all
plaies, baiting of beares, bulls, bowling and any other like occasions to
assemble any nombers of people together (preacheing and Devyne service
at churches excepted), wherby no occasions be offred to increase the
infection within the cittie, which you shall doe both by proclamacion to be
published to that ende and by spetiall watche and observacion to be had at
the places where the plaies, beare-baitinges, bowlinges and like pastimes
are usually frequented. And if you shall upon the publicacion finde any so
undutifull and disobedient as they will notwithstanding this prohibition
offer to plaie, beate beares or bulles, bowle, &c., you shall presentelie cause
them to be apprehended and comitted to prison, there to remaine untill by
their order they shalbe dismissed. And to the end the like assemblies within
the out liberties adjoyning to the cittie [may be prohibited], we have given
forasmuch as wee are satisfied that by reason of the tediousnes of the waie
and that of longe tyme plaies haue not there bene vsed on working daies,
And for that a nomber of poore watermen are therby releeved, Youe shall
permitt and suffer them or any other there to exercise them selues in suche
sorte as they haue don heretofore, And that the Rose maie be at libertie
without any restrainte, solonge as yt shalbe free from infection of sicknes,
Any Comaundement from vs heretofore to the Contrye notwithstandinge:
ffrom.
To the Justices Bayliffes Constables and others to whome yt shall
Apperteyne.
xciii.
[1593, Jan. 28. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in Dasent, xxiv.
31.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of the cittie of London.
Forasmuch as by the certificate of the last weeke yt appeareth the infection
doth increase, which by the favour of God and with your diligent
observance of her Majesty’s comandementes and the meanes and orders
prescribed to be put in execution within the cittie of London maie speedelie
cease. Yeat for the better furderance therof we thinke yt fytt that all manner
of concourse and publique meetinges of the people at playes, beare-
baitinges, bowlinges and other like assemblyes for sportes be forbidden,
and therefore doe hereby requier you and in her Majesty’s name straightlie
charge and commande you forthwith to inhibite within your jurisdiction all
plaies, baiting of beares, bulls, bowling and any other like occasions to
assemble any nombers of people together (preacheing and Devyne service
at churches excepted), wherby no occasions be offred to increase the
infection within the cittie, which you shall doe both by proclamacion to be
published to that ende and by spetiall watche and observacion to be had at
the places where the plaies, beare-baitinges, bowlinges and like pastimes
are usually frequented. And if you shall upon the publicacion finde any so
undutifull and disobedient as they will notwithstanding this prohibition
offer to plaie, beate beares or bulles, bowle, &c., you shall presentelie cause
them to be apprehended and comitted to prison, there to remaine untill by
their order they shalbe dismissed. And to the end the like assemblies within
the out liberties adjoyning to the cittie [may be prohibited], we have given
Page 366
direction to the Justices of the Peace and other publique officers of the
counties of Middelsex and Surrey to hold the like course, not onlie within
the said liberties but also within the distance of seven myles about the cittie,
which we doubte not they will carefullie see to be executed, as you for your
partes within the cittie will doe the like, in reguarde of her Majestie’s
comandement, the benefitt of the cittie and for the respectes alreadie
signified unto you.
Two other letters of the like tenour written to the Justices of the Peace
within the counties of Surrey and Middelsex for the prohibition of like
assemblies in the out liberties and within seven miles of the cittie of either
countie.
xciv.
[1593, April 12. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322,
from Repertory, xxiii, f. 50v.]
Item, yt is ordered that Sir Richarde Martyn, Knighte,
and Master Saltonstall, aldermen, shall repayre to the Elders of the
Councell.
righte honourable the Lordes and others of her Maiesties Bearebaitinge and
most honorable Pryuey Counsell, towching the presente plaies.
suppressinge of bearebaitinge, bowling alleyes, and such
like prophane exercises within this Cytie, and the libertyes thereof, and
other places neare adioyninge. And Christofer Stubbes to warne them, etc.
xcv.
[1593, April 29. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv. 209.]
An open warrant for the plaiers, servantes to the Erle of Sussex,
authorysinge them to exercyse theire qualitie of playinge comedies and
tragedies in any county, cittie, towne or corporacion not being within vijen
miles of London, where the infection is not, and in places convenient and
tymes fitt.
xcvi.
[1593, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv. 212; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to Strange’s men, notwithstanding inhibition of plays in
London, to perform in towns seven miles from London or court, at their
most convenient times and places, except during times of divine prayer.
counties of Middelsex and Surrey to hold the like course, not onlie within
the said liberties but also within the distance of seven myles about the cittie,
which we doubte not they will carefullie see to be executed, as you for your
partes within the cittie will doe the like, in reguarde of her Majestie’s
comandement, the benefitt of the cittie and for the respectes alreadie
signified unto you.
Two other letters of the like tenour written to the Justices of the Peace
within the counties of Surrey and Middelsex for the prohibition of like
assemblies in the out liberties and within seven miles of the cittie of either
countie.
xciv.
[1593, April 12. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 322,
from Repertory, xxiii, f. 50v.]
Item, yt is ordered that Sir Richarde Martyn, Knighte,
and Master Saltonstall, aldermen, shall repayre to the Elders of the
Councell.
righte honourable the Lordes and others of her Maiesties Bearebaitinge and
most honorable Pryuey Counsell, towching the presente plaies.
suppressinge of bearebaitinge, bowling alleyes, and such
like prophane exercises within this Cytie, and the libertyes thereof, and
other places neare adioyninge. And Christofer Stubbes to warne them, etc.
xcv.
[1593, April 29. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv. 209.]
An open warrant for the plaiers, servantes to the Erle of Sussex,
authorysinge them to exercyse theire qualitie of playinge comedies and
tragedies in any county, cittie, towne or corporacion not being within vijen
miles of London, where the infection is not, and in places convenient and
tymes fitt.
xcvi.
[1593, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxiv. 212; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to Strange’s men, notwithstanding inhibition of plays in
London, to perform in towns seven miles from London or court, at their
most convenient times and places, except during times of divine prayer.
Page 367
xcvii.
[1594, Feb. 3. The Privy Council to Sir Cuthbert Buckle, Lord Mayor, printed M.
S. C. i. 72, from Remembrancia, ii. 6.]
After our very hartie commendations to your L.
Whearas certein infourmation is given that very great For restraint of
playes.
multitudes of all sorts of people do daylie frequent &
resort to common playes lately again set vp in & about London, whearby it
is vpon good cause feared that the dangerous infection of the plague, by
Gods great mercy and goodnes well slaked, may again very dangerously
encrease and break foorth, to the great losse and preiudice of hir Maiesties
Subiects in generall & especially to those of that Citie, of whose safetie &
well doing hir Highnes hath alwayes had an especiall regard, as by the last
years experience by lyke occasions & resort to playes it soddainly
encreased from a very little number to that greatnes of mortallitie which
ensued. Wee thearfore thought it very expedient to require your L.
foorthwith to take strait order that thear bee no more publique playes or
enterludes exercised by any Compaine whatsoever within the compas of
five miles distance from London, till vpon better lykelyhood and assurance
of health farther direction may bee giuen from vs to the contrary. So wee
bid your L. very hartily farewell. From the Court at Hampton, the 3. of
February. 1593.
Your L. very louing friends,
Io: Cant.
Io. Puckering.
C. Howard.
Th. Buckhurst.
R. Cecyll.
I. Fortescue.
To our very good L. mr. Alderman Buckle L. Maior of the Citie of London.
xcviii.
[1594, May 10. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 323,
from Repertory, xxiii, f. 220.]
Countess of Warwicks playes.
[1594, Feb. 3. The Privy Council to Sir Cuthbert Buckle, Lord Mayor, printed M.
S. C. i. 72, from Remembrancia, ii. 6.]
After our very hartie commendations to your L.
Whearas certein infourmation is given that very great For restraint of
playes.
multitudes of all sorts of people do daylie frequent &
resort to common playes lately again set vp in & about London, whearby it
is vpon good cause feared that the dangerous infection of the plague, by
Gods great mercy and goodnes well slaked, may again very dangerously
encrease and break foorth, to the great losse and preiudice of hir Maiesties
Subiects in generall & especially to those of that Citie, of whose safetie &
well doing hir Highnes hath alwayes had an especiall regard, as by the last
years experience by lyke occasions & resort to playes it soddainly
encreased from a very little number to that greatnes of mortallitie which
ensued. Wee thearfore thought it very expedient to require your L.
foorthwith to take strait order that thear bee no more publique playes or
enterludes exercised by any Compaine whatsoever within the compas of
five miles distance from London, till vpon better lykelyhood and assurance
of health farther direction may bee giuen from vs to the contrary. So wee
bid your L. very hartily farewell. From the Court at Hampton, the 3. of
February. 1593.
Your L. very louing friends,
Io: Cant.
Io. Puckering.
C. Howard.
Th. Buckhurst.
R. Cecyll.
I. Fortescue.
To our very good L. mr. Alderman Buckle L. Maior of the Citie of London.
xcviii.
[1594, May 10. Minute of City Court of Aldermen, printed in Harrison, iv. 323,
from Repertory, xxiii, f. 220.]
Countess of Warwicks playes.
Page 368
Item yt is ordred that Mr. Saltonstall, Mr. Soame, Mr. Weoseley, Mr.
Barnham, and Mr. Houghton, aldermen, or any others [?] of them, calling
unto them Richard Wright, gentleman, shall consider of a cawse
recommended to this courte by the right honorable the Countys of
Warwicke concerning playes, And to make reporte to this courte of their
doings therein. And George Foster to warne them to meet together and to
attend on them.
xcix.
[c. 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Articles submitted to the Privy Council against the
increase of the plague and for the relief of poor people, printed M. S. C. i. 202, from
Lansd. MS. 74, f. 75. The date 1593 is assigned in the Catalogue of Lansdowne MSS.,
but the document seems to be related to No. c.]
That for avoydinge of great concourse of people, which causeth increase
of thinfection, yt were convenient, that all Playes, Bearebaytinges,
Cockpittes, common Bowlinge alleyes, and suche like vnnecessarie
assemblies should be suppressed duringe the tyme of infection, for that
infected people, after theire longe keepinge in, and before they be clered of
theire disease and infection, beinge desirous of recreacion, vse to resort to
suche assemblies, where throughe heate and thronge, they infecte manie
sound personnes.
c.
[c. 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Orders, suggested by the Privy Council, to be set
down by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. These are undated, but appear to be the
‘breif’ of orders sent with a letter of the Privy Council, also undated, but addressed to
Sir Richard Martin, who was Lord Mayor from July to Oct. 1594. Both documents are
printed in M. S. C. i. 206, 211, from Lansd. MS. 74, ff. 69, 71.]
Interludes and plaies.
If the increase of the sicknes be feared, that Interludes and plaies be
restreyned within the libertyes of the Cyttye....
... That all maisterlesse men who lyve idelie in the Cyttye without any
lawfull calling, frequenting places of common assemblies, as Interludes,
gaming howses, cockpittes, bowling allies, and such other places, maie be
banished the Cyttye according to the lawes in that case provyded.
ci.
[1594, Oct. 8. Henry Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, to Sir Richard Martin,
Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 73, from Remembrancia, ii. 33. The document is
Barnham, and Mr. Houghton, aldermen, or any others [?] of them, calling
unto them Richard Wright, gentleman, shall consider of a cawse
recommended to this courte by the right honorable the Countys of
Warwicke concerning playes, And to make reporte to this courte of their
doings therein. And George Foster to warne them to meet together and to
attend on them.
xcix.
[c. 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Articles submitted to the Privy Council against the
increase of the plague and for the relief of poor people, printed M. S. C. i. 202, from
Lansd. MS. 74, f. 75. The date 1593 is assigned in the Catalogue of Lansdowne MSS.,
but the document seems to be related to No. c.]
That for avoydinge of great concourse of people, which causeth increase
of thinfection, yt were convenient, that all Playes, Bearebaytinges,
Cockpittes, common Bowlinge alleyes, and suche like vnnecessarie
assemblies should be suppressed duringe the tyme of infection, for that
infected people, after theire longe keepinge in, and before they be clered of
theire disease and infection, beinge desirous of recreacion, vse to resort to
suche assemblies, where throughe heate and thronge, they infecte manie
sound personnes.
c.
[c. 1594, July-Oct. Extract from Orders, suggested by the Privy Council, to be set
down by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. These are undated, but appear to be the
‘breif’ of orders sent with a letter of the Privy Council, also undated, but addressed to
Sir Richard Martin, who was Lord Mayor from July to Oct. 1594. Both documents are
printed in M. S. C. i. 206, 211, from Lansd. MS. 74, ff. 69, 71.]
Interludes and plaies.
If the increase of the sicknes be feared, that Interludes and plaies be
restreyned within the libertyes of the Cyttye....
... That all maisterlesse men who lyve idelie in the Cyttye without any
lawfull calling, frequenting places of common assemblies, as Interludes,
gaming howses, cockpittes, bowling allies, and such other places, maie be
banished the Cyttye according to the lawes in that case provyded.
ci.
[1594, Oct. 8. Henry Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, to Sir Richard Martin,
Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 73, from Remembrancia, ii. 33. The document is
Page 369
misdescribed in the Index to Remembrancia, 353, as referring, not to ‘my nowe
companie’, but to ‘the new company’.]
After my hartie comendacions. Where my nowe For players to bee
companie of Players haue byn accustomed for the better suffred to play with
exercise of their qualitie, & for the seruice of her in London.
Maiestie if need soe requier, to plaie this winter time
within the Citye at the Crosse kayes in Gracious street. These are to requier
& praye your Lo. (the time beinge such as, thankes be to god, there is nowe
no danger of the sicknes) to permitt & suffer them soe to doe; The which I
praie you the rather to doe for that they haue vndertaken to me that, where
heretofore they began not their Plaies till towardes fower a clock, they will
now begin at two, & haue don betwene fower and fiue, and will nott vse
anie Drumes or trumpettes att all for the callinge of peopell together, and
shalbe contributories to the poore of the parishe where they plaie
accordinge to their habilities. And soe not dowting of your willingnes to
yeeld herevnto, vppon theise resonable condicions, I comitt yow to the
Almightie. Noonesuch this viijth of October 1594.
Your lo. lovinge friend,
H. Hounsdon.
To my honorable good friend Sir Richard Martin knight Lo: mayour of the
Citie of London.
cii.
[1594, Nov. 3. The Lord Mayor to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 74, from
Remembrancia, ii. 73. The theatre was doubtless the Swan.]
My humble duetie remembred to your good L. I
vnderstand that one Francis Langley, one of the Langley intending
to erect a niew
Alneagers for sealing of cloth, intendeth to erect a niew stage on the
stage or Theater (as they call it) for thexercising of Banckside &
playes vpon the Banck side. And forasmuch as wee fynd against playes.
by daily experience the great inconuenience that groweth to this Citie & the
government thearof by the sayed playes, I haue embouldened my self to bee
an humble suiter to your good L. to bee a means for vs rather to suppresse
all such places built for that kynd of exercise, then to erect any more of the
same sort. I am not ignorant (my very good L.) what is alleadged by soom
for defence of these playes, that the people must haue soom kynd of
recreation, & that policie requireth to divert idle heads & other ill disposed
companie’, but to ‘the new company’.]
After my hartie comendacions. Where my nowe For players to bee
companie of Players haue byn accustomed for the better suffred to play with
exercise of their qualitie, & for the seruice of her in London.
Maiestie if need soe requier, to plaie this winter time
within the Citye at the Crosse kayes in Gracious street. These are to requier
& praye your Lo. (the time beinge such as, thankes be to god, there is nowe
no danger of the sicknes) to permitt & suffer them soe to doe; The which I
praie you the rather to doe for that they haue vndertaken to me that, where
heretofore they began not their Plaies till towardes fower a clock, they will
now begin at two, & haue don betwene fower and fiue, and will nott vse
anie Drumes or trumpettes att all for the callinge of peopell together, and
shalbe contributories to the poore of the parishe where they plaie
accordinge to their habilities. And soe not dowting of your willingnes to
yeeld herevnto, vppon theise resonable condicions, I comitt yow to the
Almightie. Noonesuch this viijth of October 1594.
Your lo. lovinge friend,
H. Hounsdon.
To my honorable good friend Sir Richard Martin knight Lo: mayour of the
Citie of London.
cii.
[1594, Nov. 3. The Lord Mayor to Lord Burghley, printed M. S. C. i. 74, from
Remembrancia, ii. 73. The theatre was doubtless the Swan.]
My humble duetie remembred to your good L. I
vnderstand that one Francis Langley, one of the Langley intending
to erect a niew
Alneagers for sealing of cloth, intendeth to erect a niew stage on the
stage or Theater (as they call it) for thexercising of Banckside &
playes vpon the Banck side. And forasmuch as wee fynd against playes.
by daily experience the great inconuenience that groweth to this Citie & the
government thearof by the sayed playes, I haue embouldened my self to bee
an humble suiter to your good L. to bee a means for vs rather to suppresse
all such places built for that kynd of exercise, then to erect any more of the
same sort. I am not ignorant (my very good L.) what is alleadged by soom
for defence of these playes, that the people must haue soom kynd of
recreation, & that policie requireth to divert idle heads & other ill disposed
Page 370
from other woorse practize by this kynd of exercize. Whearto may bee
answeared (which your good L. for your godly wisedom can far best iudge
of) that as honest recreation is a thing very meet for all sorts of men, so no
kynd of exercise, beeing of itself corrupt & prophane, can well stand with
the good policie of a Christian Common Wealth. And that the sayed playes
(as they are handled) ar of that sort, and woork that effect in such as ar
present and frequent the same, may soon bee decerned by all that haue any
godly vnderstanding & that obserue the fruites & effects of the same,
conteining nothing ells but vnchast fables, lascivious divises, shifts of
cozenage, & matters of lyke sort, which ar so framed & represented by
them, that such as resort to see & hear the same, beeing of the base & refuse
sort of people or such yoong gentlemen as haue small regard of credit or
conscience, draue the same into example of imitation & not of avoyding the
sayed lewd offences. Which may better appear by the qualitie of such as
frequent the sayed playes, beeing the ordinary places of meeting for all
vagrant persons & maisterles men that hang about the Citie, theeues,
horsestealers, whoremoongers, coozeners, conny-catching persones,
practizers of treason, & such other lyke, whear they consort and make their
matches to the great displeasure of Almightie God & the hurt and
annoyance of hir Maiesties people, both in this Citie & other places about,
which cannot be clensed of this vngodly sort (which by experience wee
fynd to bee the very sinck & contagion not only of this Citie but of this
whole Realm), so long as these playes & places of resort ar by authoritie
permitted. I omit to trouble your L. with any farther matter how our
apprentices and servants ar by this means corrupted & induced hear by to
defraud their Maisters, to maintein their vain & prodigall expenses
occasioned by such evill and riotous companie, whearinto they fall by these
kynd of meetings, to the great hinderance of the trades & traders inhabiting
this Citie, and how people of all sorts ar withdrawen thearby from their
resort vnto sermons & other Christian exercise, to the great sclaunder of the
ghospell & prophanation of the good & godly religion established within
this Realm. All which disorders hauing observed & found to bee true, I
thought it my duetie, beeing now called to this publique place, to infourm
your good L., whome I know to bee a patrone of religion & lover of virtue
& an honourable a friend to the State of this Citie, humbly beeseaching you
to voutchsafe mee your help for the stay & suppressing, not only of this
which is now intended, by directing your lettres to the Iustices of peace of
answeared (which your good L. for your godly wisedom can far best iudge
of) that as honest recreation is a thing very meet for all sorts of men, so no
kynd of exercise, beeing of itself corrupt & prophane, can well stand with
the good policie of a Christian Common Wealth. And that the sayed playes
(as they are handled) ar of that sort, and woork that effect in such as ar
present and frequent the same, may soon bee decerned by all that haue any
godly vnderstanding & that obserue the fruites & effects of the same,
conteining nothing ells but vnchast fables, lascivious divises, shifts of
cozenage, & matters of lyke sort, which ar so framed & represented by
them, that such as resort to see & hear the same, beeing of the base & refuse
sort of people or such yoong gentlemen as haue small regard of credit or
conscience, draue the same into example of imitation & not of avoyding the
sayed lewd offences. Which may better appear by the qualitie of such as
frequent the sayed playes, beeing the ordinary places of meeting for all
vagrant persons & maisterles men that hang about the Citie, theeues,
horsestealers, whoremoongers, coozeners, conny-catching persones,
practizers of treason, & such other lyke, whear they consort and make their
matches to the great displeasure of Almightie God & the hurt and
annoyance of hir Maiesties people, both in this Citie & other places about,
which cannot be clensed of this vngodly sort (which by experience wee
fynd to bee the very sinck & contagion not only of this Citie but of this
whole Realm), so long as these playes & places of resort ar by authoritie
permitted. I omit to trouble your L. with any farther matter how our
apprentices and servants ar by this means corrupted & induced hear by to
defraud their Maisters, to maintein their vain & prodigall expenses
occasioned by such evill and riotous companie, whearinto they fall by these
kynd of meetings, to the great hinderance of the trades & traders inhabiting
this Citie, and how people of all sorts ar withdrawen thearby from their
resort vnto sermons & other Christian exercise, to the great sclaunder of the
ghospell & prophanation of the good & godly religion established within
this Realm. All which disorders hauing observed & found to bee true, I
thought it my duetie, beeing now called to this publique place, to infourm
your good L., whome I know to bee a patrone of religion & lover of virtue
& an honourable a friend to the State of this Citie, humbly beeseaching you
to voutchsafe mee your help for the stay & suppressing, not only of this
which is now intended, by directing your lettres to the Iustices of peace of
Page 371
Middlesex & Surrey, but of all other places, if possibly it may bee, whear
the sayed playes ar shewed & frequented. And thus crauing pardon for this
ouer much length I humbly take my leaue. From London the 3. of
November. 1594.
Your L. most humble.
To the right honourable my very good L. the L. high Treasurer of England.
ciii.
[1595, Sept. 13. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy Council, printed M. S.
C. i. 76, from Remembrancia, ii. 103.]
Our humble duty remembred to your good LL. & the
rest. Wee haue been bold heartofore to signify to your Toutching the
putting doune of the
HH: the great inconvenyence that groweth to this Cytie plaies at the Theater
by the common exercise of Stage Plaies, whear in wee & Bankside which
presumed to be the more often & earnest suters to your is a great cause of
disorder in the
HH: for the suppressing of the said Stage Plaies, aswell Citie:
in respect of the good government of this Cytie, (which
wee desire to be such as her Highnes & your HH: might be pleased
thearwithall), as for conscience sake being perswaded (vnder correccion of
your HH. Iudgment) that neither in policye nor in religion they ar to be
permitted in a Christian Common wealthe, specially being of that frame &
making as vsually they are, & conteyning nothing but profane fables,
Lasciuious matters, cozonning devizes, & other vnseemly & scurrilous
behaviours, which ar so sett forthe, as that they move wholy to imitacion &
not to the avoyding of those vyces which they represent, which wee verely
think to bee the cheef cause, aswell of many other disorders & lewd
demeanors which appeer of late in young people of all degrees, as of the
late stirr & mutinous attempt of those fiew apprentices and other servantes,
who wee doubt not driew their infection from these & like places. Among
other inconveniences it is not the least that the refuse sort of evill disposed
& vngodly people about this Cytie haue oportunitie hearby to assemble
together & to make their matches for all their lewd & vngodly practizes:
being also the ordinary places for all maisterles men & vagabond persons
that haunt the high waies to meet together & to recreate themselfes.
Whearof wee begin to haue experienc again within these fiew daies, since it
pleased her highnes to revoke her Comission graunted forthe to the Provost
Marshall, for fear of whome they retired themselfes for the time into other
the sayed playes ar shewed & frequented. And thus crauing pardon for this
ouer much length I humbly take my leaue. From London the 3. of
November. 1594.
Your L. most humble.
To the right honourable my very good L. the L. high Treasurer of England.
ciii.
[1595, Sept. 13. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy Council, printed M. S.
C. i. 76, from Remembrancia, ii. 103.]
Our humble duty remembred to your good LL. & the
rest. Wee haue been bold heartofore to signify to your Toutching the
putting doune of the
HH: the great inconvenyence that groweth to this Cytie plaies at the Theater
by the common exercise of Stage Plaies, whear in wee & Bankside which
presumed to be the more often & earnest suters to your is a great cause of
disorder in the
HH: for the suppressing of the said Stage Plaies, aswell Citie:
in respect of the good government of this Cytie, (which
wee desire to be such as her Highnes & your HH: might be pleased
thearwithall), as for conscience sake being perswaded (vnder correccion of
your HH. Iudgment) that neither in policye nor in religion they ar to be
permitted in a Christian Common wealthe, specially being of that frame &
making as vsually they are, & conteyning nothing but profane fables,
Lasciuious matters, cozonning devizes, & other vnseemly & scurrilous
behaviours, which ar so sett forthe, as that they move wholy to imitacion &
not to the avoyding of those vyces which they represent, which wee verely
think to bee the cheef cause, aswell of many other disorders & lewd
demeanors which appeer of late in young people of all degrees, as of the
late stirr & mutinous attempt of those fiew apprentices and other servantes,
who wee doubt not driew their infection from these & like places. Among
other inconveniences it is not the least that the refuse sort of evill disposed
& vngodly people about this Cytie haue oportunitie hearby to assemble
together & to make their matches for all their lewd & vngodly practizes:
being also the ordinary places for all maisterles men & vagabond persons
that haunt the high waies to meet together & to recreate themselfes.
Whearof wee begin to haue experienc again within these fiew daies, since it
pleased her highnes to revoke her Comission graunted forthe to the Provost
Marshall, for fear of whome they retired themselfes for the time into other
Page 372
partes out of his precinct, but ar now retorned to their old haunt & frequent
the Plaies (as their manner is) that ar daily shewed at the Theator &
Bankside: Whearof will follow the same inconveniences whearof wee haue
had to much experienc heartofore, ffor preventing whearof wee ar humble
suters to your good LL: & the rest to direct your lettres to the Iustices of
peac of Surrey & Middlesex for the present stay & finall suppressing of the
said Plaies, aswell at the Theator & Bankside as in all other places about the
Cytie. Whearby wee doubt not but, the oportunytie & very cause of so great
disorders being taken away, wee shalbe able to keepe the people of this
Cytie in such good order & due obedienc, as that her highnes & your HH:
shalbe well pleased & content thearwithall. And so most humbly wee take
our Leaue. From London the xiijth of September. 1595.
Your HH: most humble.
To the right honourable the LL: & others of her Maiesties most honourable
privy Counsell.
civ.
[1596, July 22. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvi. 38.]
Letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey to restrayne the players
from shewing or using anie plaies or interludes in the places usuall about
the citty of London, for that by drawing of muche people together increase
of sicknes is feared.
cv.
[1596, c. Sept. Extract from letter of T. Nashe to William Cotton, printed with
facsimile by McKerrow, Nashe, v. 194, from Cotton MS. Julius, C. iii, f. 280. Internal
evidence bears out the ‘T. Nashe’ subscribed in a nineteenth-century hand. The
original signature has gone, but the top of ‘N’ was declared to be visible by Collier,
who printed the letter in H. E. D. P. (1831), i. 303; it is also in Grosart, Nashe, i. lxi.
The date is suggested by an allusion to the return of Essex from Cadiz on 10 Aug.
1596, and the beginning of term on 9 Oct. 1596. Allusions to Harington’s
Metamorphosis of Ajax (S. R. 30 Oct. 1596) might point to a rather later date, but
Harington’s dedication is dated 3 Aug. 1596, and the first issue may not have been
registered.]
Sir this tedious dead vacation is to mee as vnfortunate as a terme at
Hertford or St. Albons to poore cuntry clients or Iack Cades rebellion to the
lawyers, wherein they hanged vp the L. cheife iustice. In towne I stayd
(being earnestly inuited elsewhere) vpon had I wist hopes, & an after
harvest I expected by writing for the stage & for the presse, when now the
the Plaies (as their manner is) that ar daily shewed at the Theator &
Bankside: Whearof will follow the same inconveniences whearof wee haue
had to much experienc heartofore, ffor preventing whearof wee ar humble
suters to your good LL: & the rest to direct your lettres to the Iustices of
peac of Surrey & Middlesex for the present stay & finall suppressing of the
said Plaies, aswell at the Theator & Bankside as in all other places about the
Cytie. Whearby wee doubt not but, the oportunytie & very cause of so great
disorders being taken away, wee shalbe able to keepe the people of this
Cytie in such good order & due obedienc, as that her highnes & your HH:
shalbe well pleased & content thearwithall. And so most humbly wee take
our Leaue. From London the xiijth of September. 1595.
Your HH: most humble.
To the right honourable the LL: & others of her Maiesties most honourable
privy Counsell.
civ.
[1596, July 22. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvi. 38.]
Letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey to restrayne the players
from shewing or using anie plaies or interludes in the places usuall about
the citty of London, for that by drawing of muche people together increase
of sicknes is feared.
cv.
[1596, c. Sept. Extract from letter of T. Nashe to William Cotton, printed with
facsimile by McKerrow, Nashe, v. 194, from Cotton MS. Julius, C. iii, f. 280. Internal
evidence bears out the ‘T. Nashe’ subscribed in a nineteenth-century hand. The
original signature has gone, but the top of ‘N’ was declared to be visible by Collier,
who printed the letter in H. E. D. P. (1831), i. 303; it is also in Grosart, Nashe, i. lxi.
The date is suggested by an allusion to the return of Essex from Cadiz on 10 Aug.
1596, and the beginning of term on 9 Oct. 1596. Allusions to Harington’s
Metamorphosis of Ajax (S. R. 30 Oct. 1596) might point to a rather later date, but
Harington’s dedication is dated 3 Aug. 1596, and the first issue may not have been
registered.]
Sir this tedious dead vacation is to mee as vnfortunate as a terme at
Hertford or St. Albons to poore cuntry clients or Iack Cades rebellion to the
lawyers, wherein they hanged vp the L. cheife iustice. In towne I stayd
(being earnestly inuited elsewhere) vpon had I wist hopes, & an after
harvest I expected by writing for the stage & for the presse, when now the
Page 373
players as if they had writt another Christs tears, ar piteously persecuted by
the L. Maior & the aldermen, & howeuer in there old Lords tyme they
thought there state setled, it is now so vncertayne they cannot build vpon it.
cvi.
[1596, Nov. Petition by Inhabitants of Blackfriars to Privy Council, printed by
Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 304, from undated copy assignable by the handwriting to c.
1631 in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 116. The date is given by No. cvii; cf. Bk. iv, s.v.
Blackfriars. The document has been suspected as a forgery, but is probably genuine,
although it is odd to find Lord Hunsdon as a signatory, since one would have
supposed that he could influence James Burbage through his son Richard, who was
one of Hunsdon’s players. Collier, who first produced it, misdated it 1576, and used it
to support a theory that the Blackfriars was built in 1576 (i. 219). Curiously enough,
he used it again for 1596 (i. 287), and added to it an alleged counter-petition by the
Chamberlain’s men, now in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 117, which is certainly a forgery.
Hunsdon was not Chamberlain in Nov. 1596.]
To the right honorable the Lords and others of her Majesties most
honorable Privy Councell,—Humbly shewing and beseeching your honors,
the inhabitants of the precinct of the Blackfryers, London, that whereas one
Burbage hath lately bought certaine roomes in the same precinct neere
adjoyning unto the dwelling houses of the right honorable the Lord
Chamberlaine and the Lord of Hunsdon, which romes the said Burbage is
now altering and meaneth very shortly to convert and turne the same into a
comon playhouse, which will grow to be a very great annoyance and
trouble, not only to all the noblemen and gentlemen thereabout inhabiting
but allso a generall inconvenience to all the inhabitants of the same
precinct, both by reason of the great resort and gathering togeather of all
manner of vagrant and lewde persons that, under cullor of resorting to the
playes, will come thither and worke all manner of mischeefe, and allso to
the great pestring and filling up of the same precinct, yf it should please
God to send any visitation of sicknesse as heretofore hath been, for that the
same precinct is allready growne very populous; and besides, that the same
playhouse is so neere the Church that the noyse of the drummes and
trumpetts will greatly disturbe and hinder both the ministers and
parishioners in tyme of devine service and sermons;—In tender
consideracion wherof, as allso for that there hath not at any tyme heretofore
been used any comon playhouse within the same precinct, but that now all
players being banished by the Lord Mayor from playing within the Cittie by
reason of the great inconveniences and ill rule that followeth them, they
now thincke to plant them selves in liberties;—That therefore it would
the L. Maior & the aldermen, & howeuer in there old Lords tyme they
thought there state setled, it is now so vncertayne they cannot build vpon it.
cvi.
[1596, Nov. Petition by Inhabitants of Blackfriars to Privy Council, printed by
Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 304, from undated copy assignable by the handwriting to c.
1631 in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 116. The date is given by No. cvii; cf. Bk. iv, s.v.
Blackfriars. The document has been suspected as a forgery, but is probably genuine,
although it is odd to find Lord Hunsdon as a signatory, since one would have
supposed that he could influence James Burbage through his son Richard, who was
one of Hunsdon’s players. Collier, who first produced it, misdated it 1576, and used it
to support a theory that the Blackfriars was built in 1576 (i. 219). Curiously enough,
he used it again for 1596 (i. 287), and added to it an alleged counter-petition by the
Chamberlain’s men, now in S. P. D. Eliz. cclx. 117, which is certainly a forgery.
Hunsdon was not Chamberlain in Nov. 1596.]
To the right honorable the Lords and others of her Majesties most
honorable Privy Councell,—Humbly shewing and beseeching your honors,
the inhabitants of the precinct of the Blackfryers, London, that whereas one
Burbage hath lately bought certaine roomes in the same precinct neere
adjoyning unto the dwelling houses of the right honorable the Lord
Chamberlaine and the Lord of Hunsdon, which romes the said Burbage is
now altering and meaneth very shortly to convert and turne the same into a
comon playhouse, which will grow to be a very great annoyance and
trouble, not only to all the noblemen and gentlemen thereabout inhabiting
but allso a generall inconvenience to all the inhabitants of the same
precinct, both by reason of the great resort and gathering togeather of all
manner of vagrant and lewde persons that, under cullor of resorting to the
playes, will come thither and worke all manner of mischeefe, and allso to
the great pestring and filling up of the same precinct, yf it should please
God to send any visitation of sicknesse as heretofore hath been, for that the
same precinct is allready growne very populous; and besides, that the same
playhouse is so neere the Church that the noyse of the drummes and
trumpetts will greatly disturbe and hinder both the ministers and
parishioners in tyme of devine service and sermons;—In tender
consideracion wherof, as allso for that there hath not at any tyme heretofore
been used any comon playhouse within the same precinct, but that now all
players being banished by the Lord Mayor from playing within the Cittie by
reason of the great inconveniences and ill rule that followeth them, they
now thincke to plant them selves in liberties;—That therefore it would
Page 374
please your honors to take order that the same roomes may be converted to
some other use, and that no playhouse may be used or kept there; and your
suppliants as most bounden shall and will dayly pray for your Lordships in
all honor and happines long to live. Elizabeth Russell, dowager; G.
Hunsdon; Henry Bowes; Thomas Browne; John Crooke; William Meredith;
Stephen Egerton; Richard Lee; ... Smith; William Paddy; William de
Lavine; Francis Hinson; John Edwards; Andrew Lyons; Thomas Nayle;
Owen Lochard; John Robbinson; Thomas Homes; Richard Feild; William
Watts; Henry Boice; Edward Ley; John Clarke; William Bispham; Robert
Baheire; Ezechiell Major; Harman Buckholt; John Le Mere; John Dollin;
Ascanio de Renialmire; John Wharton.
cvii.
[1596, Nov. Extract from Petition of c. Jan. 1619 from Constables and Inhabitants
of Blackfriars to Lord Mayor and Aldermen, printed in M. S. C. i. 90, from
Remembrancia, v. 28; cf. Bk. iv, s.v. Blackfriars.]
Sheweth That whereas in Nouember 1596, diuers both honorable persons
and others then inhabitinge the said precinct, made knowne to the Lordes
and others of the privie Counsell, what inconveniencies where likelie to fall
vpon them, by a common Playhouse which was then preparinge to bee
erected there, wherevpon their Honours then forbadd the vse of the said
howse, for playes, as by the peticion and indorsemente in aunswere thereof
may appeare.
cviii.
[1597, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 97.]
A letter to the High Sheriff of Suffolk, William Foorth, John Gurdall and
—— Clopton, esquires. We do understand by your letter of the third of this
instant of a purpose in the towne of Hadley to make certaine stage playes at
this time of the Whitson holydaies next ensuinge, and thether to draw a
concourse of people out of the country thereaboutes, pretending heerein the
benefit of the towne, which purpose we do utterly mislike, doubting what
inconveniences may follow thereon, especially at this tyme of scarcety,
when disordred people of the comon sort wilbe apt to misdemeane
themselves. We do therefore require you straightly to prohibite the officers
and all others in the towne of Hadley not (sic) to goe forward with the sayd
playes and to cause the stage prepared for them to be plucked downe,
letting them know that they are to obey this our order as they will answere it
some other use, and that no playhouse may be used or kept there; and your
suppliants as most bounden shall and will dayly pray for your Lordships in
all honor and happines long to live. Elizabeth Russell, dowager; G.
Hunsdon; Henry Bowes; Thomas Browne; John Crooke; William Meredith;
Stephen Egerton; Richard Lee; ... Smith; William Paddy; William de
Lavine; Francis Hinson; John Edwards; Andrew Lyons; Thomas Nayle;
Owen Lochard; John Robbinson; Thomas Homes; Richard Feild; William
Watts; Henry Boice; Edward Ley; John Clarke; William Bispham; Robert
Baheire; Ezechiell Major; Harman Buckholt; John Le Mere; John Dollin;
Ascanio de Renialmire; John Wharton.
cvii.
[1596, Nov. Extract from Petition of c. Jan. 1619 from Constables and Inhabitants
of Blackfriars to Lord Mayor and Aldermen, printed in M. S. C. i. 90, from
Remembrancia, v. 28; cf. Bk. iv, s.v. Blackfriars.]
Sheweth That whereas in Nouember 1596, diuers both honorable persons
and others then inhabitinge the said precinct, made knowne to the Lordes
and others of the privie Counsell, what inconveniencies where likelie to fall
vpon them, by a common Playhouse which was then preparinge to bee
erected there, wherevpon their Honours then forbadd the vse of the said
howse, for playes, as by the peticion and indorsemente in aunswere thereof
may appeare.
cviii.
[1597, May 6. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 97.]
A letter to the High Sheriff of Suffolk, William Foorth, John Gurdall and
—— Clopton, esquires. We do understand by your letter of the third of this
instant of a purpose in the towne of Hadley to make certaine stage playes at
this time of the Whitson holydaies next ensuinge, and thether to draw a
concourse of people out of the country thereaboutes, pretending heerein the
benefit of the towne, which purpose we do utterly mislike, doubting what
inconveniences may follow thereon, especially at this tyme of scarcety,
when disordred people of the comon sort wilbe apt to misdemeane
themselves. We do therefore require you straightly to prohibite the officers
and all others in the towne of Hadley not (sic) to goe forward with the sayd
playes and to cause the stage prepared for them to be plucked downe,
letting them know that they are to obey this our order as they will answere it
Page 375
at their perill. We thanck you for the care you take to keepe the country in
good order. And so, &c.
cix.
[1597, July 28. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy Council, printed M. S.
C. i. 78, from Remembrancia, ii. 171.]
Our humble dutyes remembred to your good LL. &
the rest. Wee haue signifyed to your HH. many tymes To the Lords
against Stage
heartofore the great inconvenience which wee fynd to playes.
grow by the Common exercise of Stage Playes. Wee
presumed to doo, aswell in respect of the dutie wee beare towardes her
highnes for the good gouernment of this her Citie, as for conscience sake,
beinge perswaded (vnder correction of your HH. iudgment) that neither in
politie nor in religion they are to be suffered in a Christian Commonwealth,
specially beinge of that frame & matter as vsually they are, conteining
nothinge but prophane fables, lascivious matters, cozeninge devises, &
scurrilus beehaviours, which are so set forth as that they move wholie to
imitation & not to the auoydinge of those faults & vices which they
represent. Amonge other inconveniences it is not the least that they give
opportunity to the refuze sort of euill disposed & vngodly people, that are
within and abowte this Cytie, to assemble themselves & to make their
matches for all their lewd & vngodly practices; being as heartofore wee
haue fownd by th’examinaton of divers apprentices & other seruantes whoe
have confessed vnto vs that the said Staige playes were the very places of
theire Randevous appoynted by them to meete with such otheir as wear to
ioigne with them in theire designes & mutinus attemptes, beeinge allso the
ordinarye places for maisterles men to come together & to recreate
themselves. For avoyding wheareof wee are now againe most humble &
earnest sutours to your honours to dirrect your lettres aswell to our selves as
to the Iustices of peace of Surrey & Midlesex for the present staie & fynall
suppressinge of the saide Stage playes, aswell at the Theatre, Curten, and
banckside, as in all other places in and abowt the Citie, Wheareby wee
doubt not but, th’opportunitie & the very cause of many disorders beinge
taken away, wee shalbee more able to keepe the worse sort of such evell &
disordered people in better order then heartofore wee haue been. And so
most humbly wee take our leaves. From London the xxviijth of Iulie. 1597.
Your HH most humble.
good order. And so, &c.
cix.
[1597, July 28. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen to the Privy Council, printed M. S.
C. i. 78, from Remembrancia, ii. 171.]
Our humble dutyes remembred to your good LL. &
the rest. Wee haue signifyed to your HH. many tymes To the Lords
against Stage
heartofore the great inconvenience which wee fynd to playes.
grow by the Common exercise of Stage Playes. Wee
presumed to doo, aswell in respect of the dutie wee beare towardes her
highnes for the good gouernment of this her Citie, as for conscience sake,
beinge perswaded (vnder correction of your HH. iudgment) that neither in
politie nor in religion they are to be suffered in a Christian Commonwealth,
specially beinge of that frame & matter as vsually they are, conteining
nothinge but prophane fables, lascivious matters, cozeninge devises, &
scurrilus beehaviours, which are so set forth as that they move wholie to
imitation & not to the auoydinge of those faults & vices which they
represent. Amonge other inconveniences it is not the least that they give
opportunity to the refuze sort of euill disposed & vngodly people, that are
within and abowte this Cytie, to assemble themselves & to make their
matches for all their lewd & vngodly practices; being as heartofore wee
haue fownd by th’examinaton of divers apprentices & other seruantes whoe
have confessed vnto vs that the said Staige playes were the very places of
theire Randevous appoynted by them to meete with such otheir as wear to
ioigne with them in theire designes & mutinus attemptes, beeinge allso the
ordinarye places for maisterles men to come together & to recreate
themselves. For avoyding wheareof wee are now againe most humble &
earnest sutours to your honours to dirrect your lettres aswell to our selves as
to the Iustices of peace of Surrey & Midlesex for the present staie & fynall
suppressinge of the saide Stage playes, aswell at the Theatre, Curten, and
banckside, as in all other places in and abowt the Citie, Wheareby wee
doubt not but, th’opportunitie & the very cause of many disorders beinge
taken away, wee shalbee more able to keepe the worse sort of such evell &
disordered people in better order then heartofore wee haue been. And so
most humbly wee take our leaves. From London the xxviijth of Iulie. 1597.
Your HH most humble.
Page 376
1. They are a speaciall cause of corrupting their
Youth, conteninge nothinge but vnchast matters, The inconueniences
lascivious devices, shiftes of Coozenage, & other lewd that grow by Stage
playes abowt the
& vngodly practizes, being so as that they impresse the Citie of London.
very qualitie & corruption of manners which they
represent, Contrary to the rules & art prescribed for the makinge of
Comedies eaven amonge the Heathen, who vsed them seldom & at certen
sett tymes, and not all the year longe as our manner is. Whearby such as
frequent them, beinge of the base & refuze sort of people or such young
gentlemen as haue small regard of credit or conscience, drawe the same into
imitacion and not to the avoidinge the like vices which they represent.
2. They are the ordinary places for vagrant persons, Maisterles men,
thieves, horse stealers, whoremongers, Coozeners, Conycatchers, contrivers
of treason, and other idele and daungerous persons to meet together & to
make theire matches to the great displeasure of Almightie God & the hurt &
annoyance of her Maiesties people, which cannot be prevented nor
discovered by the Gouernours of the Citie for that they are owt of the
Citiees iurisdiction.
3. They maintaine idlenes in such persons as haue no vocation & draw
apprentices and other seruantes from theire ordinary workes and all sortes
of people from the resort vnto sermons and other Christian exercises, to the
great hinderance of traides & prophanation of religion established by her
highnes within this Realm.
4. In the time of sicknes it is fownd by experience, that many hauing
sores and yet not hart sicke take occasion hearby to walk abroad & to
recreat themselves by heareinge a play. Whearby others are infected, and
them selves also many things miscarry.
cx.
[1597, July 28. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 313.]
A letter to Robert Wrothe, William Fleetwood, John Barne, Thomas
Fowler and Richard Skevington, esquires, and the rest of the Justices of
Middlesex nerest to London. Her Majestie being informed that there are
verie greate disorders committed in the common playhouses both by lewd
matters that are handled on the stages and by resorte and confluence of bad
people, hathe given direction that not onlie no plaies shalbe used within
Youth, conteninge nothinge but vnchast matters, The inconueniences
lascivious devices, shiftes of Coozenage, & other lewd that grow by Stage
playes abowt the
& vngodly practizes, being so as that they impresse the Citie of London.
very qualitie & corruption of manners which they
represent, Contrary to the rules & art prescribed for the makinge of
Comedies eaven amonge the Heathen, who vsed them seldom & at certen
sett tymes, and not all the year longe as our manner is. Whearby such as
frequent them, beinge of the base & refuze sort of people or such young
gentlemen as haue small regard of credit or conscience, drawe the same into
imitacion and not to the avoidinge the like vices which they represent.
2. They are the ordinary places for vagrant persons, Maisterles men,
thieves, horse stealers, whoremongers, Coozeners, Conycatchers, contrivers
of treason, and other idele and daungerous persons to meet together & to
make theire matches to the great displeasure of Almightie God & the hurt &
annoyance of her Maiesties people, which cannot be prevented nor
discovered by the Gouernours of the Citie for that they are owt of the
Citiees iurisdiction.
3. They maintaine idlenes in such persons as haue no vocation & draw
apprentices and other seruantes from theire ordinary workes and all sortes
of people from the resort vnto sermons and other Christian exercises, to the
great hinderance of traides & prophanation of religion established by her
highnes within this Realm.
4. In the time of sicknes it is fownd by experience, that many hauing
sores and yet not hart sicke take occasion hearby to walk abroad & to
recreat themselves by heareinge a play. Whearby others are infected, and
them selves also many things miscarry.
cx.
[1597, July 28. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 313.]
A letter to Robert Wrothe, William Fleetwood, John Barne, Thomas
Fowler and Richard Skevington, esquires, and the rest of the Justices of
Middlesex nerest to London. Her Majestie being informed that there are
verie greate disorders committed in the common playhouses both by lewd
matters that are handled on the stages and by resorte and confluence of bad
people, hathe given direction that not onlie no plaies shalbe used within
Page 377
London or about the citty or in any publique place during this tyme of
sommer, but that also those play houses that are erected and built only for
suche purposes shalbe plucked downe, namelie the Curtayne and the
Theatre nere to Shorditch or any other within that county. Theis are therfore
in her Majesty’s name to chardge and commaund you that you take present
order there be no more plaies used in any publique place within three myles
of the citty untill Alhalloutide next, and likewyse that you do send for the
owners of the Curtayne Theatre or anie other common playhouse and
injoyne them by vertue hereof forthwith to plucke downe quite the stages,
gallories and roomes that are made for people to stand in, and so to deface
the same as they maie not be ymploied agayne to suche use, which yf they
shall not speedely perform you shall advertyse us, that order maie be taken
to see the same don according to her Majesty’s pleasure and
commaundment. And hereof praying you not to faile, we, &c.
The like to Mr. Bowier, William Gardyner and Bartholomew Scott,
esquires, and the rest of the Justices of Surrey, requiring them to take the
like order for the playhouses in the Banckside, in Southwarke or elswhere
in the said county within iije miles of London.
cxi.
[1597, Aug. 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 338.]
A letter to Richard Topclyfe, Thomas Fowler and Richard Skevington,
esquires, Doctour Fletcher and Mr. Wilbraham. Uppon informacion given
us of a lewd plaie that was plaied in one of the plaiehowses on the Bancke
Side, contanynge very seditious and sclanderous matter, wee caused some
of the players to be apprehended and comytted to pryson, whereof one of
them was not only an actor but a maker of parte of the said plaie. For as
moche as yt ys thought meete that the rest of the players or actors in that
matter shalbe apprehended to receave soche punyshment as theire leude and
mutynous behavior doth deserve, these shalbe therefore to require you to
examine those of the plaiers that are comytted, whose names are knowne to
you, Mr. Topclyfe, what ys become of the rest of theire fellowes that either
had theire partes in the devysinge of that sedytious matter or that were
actors or plaiers in the same, what copies they have given forth of the said
playe and to whome, and soch other pointes as you shall thincke meete to
be demaunded of them, wherein you shall require them to deale trulie as
they will looke to receave anie favour. Wee praie you also to peruse soch
sommer, but that also those play houses that are erected and built only for
suche purposes shalbe plucked downe, namelie the Curtayne and the
Theatre nere to Shorditch or any other within that county. Theis are therfore
in her Majesty’s name to chardge and commaund you that you take present
order there be no more plaies used in any publique place within three myles
of the citty untill Alhalloutide next, and likewyse that you do send for the
owners of the Curtayne Theatre or anie other common playhouse and
injoyne them by vertue hereof forthwith to plucke downe quite the stages,
gallories and roomes that are made for people to stand in, and so to deface
the same as they maie not be ymploied agayne to suche use, which yf they
shall not speedely perform you shall advertyse us, that order maie be taken
to see the same don according to her Majesty’s pleasure and
commaundment. And hereof praying you not to faile, we, &c.
The like to Mr. Bowier, William Gardyner and Bartholomew Scott,
esquires, and the rest of the Justices of Surrey, requiring them to take the
like order for the playhouses in the Banckside, in Southwarke or elswhere
in the said county within iije miles of London.
cxi.
[1597, Aug. 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxvii. 338.]
A letter to Richard Topclyfe, Thomas Fowler and Richard Skevington,
esquires, Doctour Fletcher and Mr. Wilbraham. Uppon informacion given
us of a lewd plaie that was plaied in one of the plaiehowses on the Bancke
Side, contanynge very seditious and sclanderous matter, wee caused some
of the players to be apprehended and comytted to pryson, whereof one of
them was not only an actor but a maker of parte of the said plaie. For as
moche as yt ys thought meete that the rest of the players or actors in that
matter shalbe apprehended to receave soche punyshment as theire leude and
mutynous behavior doth deserve, these shalbe therefore to require you to
examine those of the plaiers that are comytted, whose names are knowne to
you, Mr. Topclyfe, what ys become of the rest of theire fellowes that either
had theire partes in the devysinge of that sedytious matter or that were
actors or plaiers in the same, what copies they have given forth of the said
playe and to whome, and soch other pointes as you shall thincke meete to
be demaunded of them, wherein you shall require them to deale trulie as
they will looke to receave anie favour. Wee praie you also to peruse soch
Page 378
papers as were fownde in Nash his lodgings, which Ferrys, a Messenger of
the Chamber, shall delyver unto you, and to certyfie us th’examynacions
you take. So, &c.
cxii.
[1597, Oct. 8. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii. 33. A note dates the
actual signing of the warrants on Oct. 3.]
A warrant to the Keeper of the Marshalsea to release Gabriell Spencer
and Robert Shaa, stage-players, out of prison, who were of lat comitted to
his custodie.
The like warrant for the releasing of Benjamin Johnson.
cxiii.
[1598, Feb. 9. Extract from An Acte for punyshment of Rogues Vagabondes and
Sturdy Beggars (39 Eliz. c. 4, printed in Statutes, iv. 899). The Act was continued,
subject as regards John Dutton to legal proof of his claim, by 43 Eliz. c. 9, in 1601 (St.
iv. 973).]
[§ 1.] From and after the Feaste of Easter next comminge [16 April
1598], all Statutes heretofore made for the punyshment of Rogues
Vagabondes or Sturdy Beggers ... shall ... be utterly repealed....
[§ 2.] All Fencers Bearewardes common Players of Enterludes and
Minstrelles wandring abroade (other than Players of Enterludes belonging
to any Baron of this Realme, or any other honorable Personage of greater
Degree, to be auctoryzed to play, under the Hand and Seale of Armes of
such Baron or Personage) ... shalbe taken adjudged and deemed Rogues
Vagabondes and Sturdy Beggers, and shall susteyne such Payne and
Punyshment as by this Acte is in that behalfe appointed.
[§ 3.] Every person which is by this presente Acte declared to be a
Rogue Vagabonde or Sturdy Begger, which shalbe ... taken begging vagrant
wandering or mysordering themselves in any part of this Realme ..., shall
uppon their apprehension by thappoyntment of any Justice of the Peace
Constable Hedborough or Tythingman of the same County Hundred Parish
or Tything where suche person shalbe taken, the Tythingman or Headborow
being assisted therein with thadvise of the Minister and one other of that
Parrish, be stripped naked from the middle upwardes and shall be openly
whipped untill his or her body be bloudye, and shalbe forthwith sent from
Parish to Parish by the Officers of every the same, the nexte streighte way
the Chamber, shall delyver unto you, and to certyfie us th’examynacions
you take. So, &c.
cxii.
[1597, Oct. 8. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii. 33. A note dates the
actual signing of the warrants on Oct. 3.]
A warrant to the Keeper of the Marshalsea to release Gabriell Spencer
and Robert Shaa, stage-players, out of prison, who were of lat comitted to
his custodie.
The like warrant for the releasing of Benjamin Johnson.
cxiii.
[1598, Feb. 9. Extract from An Acte for punyshment of Rogues Vagabondes and
Sturdy Beggars (39 Eliz. c. 4, printed in Statutes, iv. 899). The Act was continued,
subject as regards John Dutton to legal proof of his claim, by 43 Eliz. c. 9, in 1601 (St.
iv. 973).]
[§ 1.] From and after the Feaste of Easter next comminge [16 April
1598], all Statutes heretofore made for the punyshment of Rogues
Vagabondes or Sturdy Beggers ... shall ... be utterly repealed....
[§ 2.] All Fencers Bearewardes common Players of Enterludes and
Minstrelles wandring abroade (other than Players of Enterludes belonging
to any Baron of this Realme, or any other honorable Personage of greater
Degree, to be auctoryzed to play, under the Hand and Seale of Armes of
such Baron or Personage) ... shalbe taken adjudged and deemed Rogues
Vagabondes and Sturdy Beggers, and shall susteyne such Payne and
Punyshment as by this Acte is in that behalfe appointed.
[§ 3.] Every person which is by this presente Acte declared to be a
Rogue Vagabonde or Sturdy Begger, which shalbe ... taken begging vagrant
wandering or mysordering themselves in any part of this Realme ..., shall
uppon their apprehension by thappoyntment of any Justice of the Peace
Constable Hedborough or Tythingman of the same County Hundred Parish
or Tything where suche person shalbe taken, the Tythingman or Headborow
being assisted therein with thadvise of the Minister and one other of that
Parrish, be stripped naked from the middle upwardes and shall be openly
whipped untill his or her body be bloudye, and shalbe forthwith sent from
Parish to Parish by the Officers of every the same, the nexte streighte way
Page 379
to the Parish where he was borne, if the same may be knowen by the
Partyes confession or otherwyse; and yf the same be not knowen, then to
the Parish where he or she last dwelte before the same Punyshment by the
space of one whole yeare, there to put him or her selfe to labour as a true
Subject ought to do; or not being knowen where he or she was borne or last
dwelte, then to the Parish through which he or she last passed without
Punyshment.
[§ 4.] Yf any of the said Rogues shall appeare to be dangerous to the
inferior sorte of People where they shalbe taken, or otherwyse be such as
will not be reformed of their rogish kinde of lyfe by the former Provisions
of this Acte, ... it shall and may be laufull to the said Justices of the
Lymittes where any such Rogue shalbe taken, or any two of them, whereof
one to be of the Quorum, to commit that Rogue to the House of Correccion,
or otherwyse to the Gaole of that County, there to remaine untill their next
Quarter Sessions to be holden in that County, and then such of the same
Rogues so committed, as by the Justices of the Peace then and there
presente or the most parte of them shalbe thought fitt not to be delivered,
shall and may lawfully by the same Justices or the more parte of them be
banysshed out of this Realme.... And if any such Rogue so banyshed as
aforesaid shall returne agayne into any part of this Realme or Domynion of
Wales without lawfull Lycence or Warrant so to do, that in every such case
such Offence shalbe Felony, and the Party offending therein suffer Death as
in case of Felony.
[§ 10.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.
cxiv.
[1598, Feb. 19. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii. 327.]
A letter to the Master of the Revelles and Justices of Peace of Middlesex
and Surrey. Whereas licence hath bin graunted unto two companies of stage
players retayned unto us, the Lord Admyral and Lord Chamberlain, to use
and practise stage playes, whereby they might be the better enhabled and
prepared to shew such plaies before her Majestie as they shalbe required at
tymes meete and accustomed, to which ende they have bin cheefelie
licensed and tollerated as aforesaid, and whereas there is also a third
company who of late (as wee are informed) have by waie of intrusion used
likewise to play, having neither prepared any plaie for her Majestie nor are
Partyes confession or otherwyse; and yf the same be not knowen, then to
the Parish where he or she last dwelte before the same Punyshment by the
space of one whole yeare, there to put him or her selfe to labour as a true
Subject ought to do; or not being knowen where he or she was borne or last
dwelte, then to the Parish through which he or she last passed without
Punyshment.
[§ 4.] Yf any of the said Rogues shall appeare to be dangerous to the
inferior sorte of People where they shalbe taken, or otherwyse be such as
will not be reformed of their rogish kinde of lyfe by the former Provisions
of this Acte, ... it shall and may be laufull to the said Justices of the
Lymittes where any such Rogue shalbe taken, or any two of them, whereof
one to be of the Quorum, to commit that Rogue to the House of Correccion,
or otherwyse to the Gaole of that County, there to remaine untill their next
Quarter Sessions to be holden in that County, and then such of the same
Rogues so committed, as by the Justices of the Peace then and there
presente or the most parte of them shalbe thought fitt not to be delivered,
shall and may lawfully by the same Justices or the more parte of them be
banysshed out of this Realme.... And if any such Rogue so banyshed as
aforesaid shall returne agayne into any part of this Realme or Domynion of
Wales without lawfull Lycence or Warrant so to do, that in every such case
such Offence shalbe Felony, and the Party offending therein suffer Death as
in case of Felony.
[§ 10.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.
cxiv.
[1598, Feb. 19. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxviii. 327.]
A letter to the Master of the Revelles and Justices of Peace of Middlesex
and Surrey. Whereas licence hath bin graunted unto two companies of stage
players retayned unto us, the Lord Admyral and Lord Chamberlain, to use
and practise stage playes, whereby they might be the better enhabled and
prepared to shew such plaies before her Majestie as they shalbe required at
tymes meete and accustomed, to which ende they have bin cheefelie
licensed and tollerated as aforesaid, and whereas there is also a third
company who of late (as wee are informed) have by waie of intrusion used
likewise to play, having neither prepared any plaie for her Majestie nor are
Page 380
bound to you, the Masters of the Revelles, for perfourming such orders as
have bin prescribed and are enjoyned to be observed by the other two
companies before mencioned. Wee have therefore thought good to require
you uppon receipt heereof to take order that the aforesaid third company
may be suppressed and none suffered heereafter to plaie but those two
formerlie named belonging to us, the Lord Admyrall and Lord
Chamberlaine, unles you shall receave other direccion from us. And so, &c.
cxv.
[1598, May 1. Abstract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, by W.
Rendle, Bankside, vi, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It had been ordered, May 1, 1598, that Mr. Langley’s new buildings shall
be viewed—they were near to the Paris Garden playhouse—and that Mr.
Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall be moved for money for the poor on
account of the playhouses.
cxvi.
[1598, July 19. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, printed in
Variorum, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle, Bankside, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It is ordered at this vestrye that a petition shal be made to the bodye of
the councell concerninge the play houses in this pareshe, wherein the
enormeties shal be showed that comes therebye to the pareshe, and that in
respect thereof they may be dismissed and put down from playing, and that
iiij or ij of the churchwardens, Mr. Howse, Mr. Garlonde, Mr. John Payne,
Mr. Humble, or ij of them, and Mr. Russell and Mr. Ironmonger, or one of
them, shall prosecute the cause with a collector of the Boroughside and
another of the Bankside.
cxvii.
[1600, Jan. 12. Warrant from Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, Lord Admiral,
printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 49, from Dulwich MS. i. 27; also by Collier,
Alleyn Memoirs, 55.]
Weareas my Servant Edward Allen (in respect of the dangerous decaye
of that Howse which he and his Companye haue nowe, on the Banck, and
for that the same standeth verie noysome for resorte of people in the wynter
tyme) Hath thearfore nowe of late taken a plott of grounde neere
Redcrossestreete London (verie fitt and convenient) for the buildinge of a
new Howse theare, and hath prouided Tymber and other necessaries for
have bin prescribed and are enjoyned to be observed by the other two
companies before mencioned. Wee have therefore thought good to require
you uppon receipt heereof to take order that the aforesaid third company
may be suppressed and none suffered heereafter to plaie but those two
formerlie named belonging to us, the Lord Admyrall and Lord
Chamberlaine, unles you shall receave other direccion from us. And so, &c.
cxv.
[1598, May 1. Abstract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, by W.
Rendle, Bankside, vi, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It had been ordered, May 1, 1598, that Mr. Langley’s new buildings shall
be viewed—they were near to the Paris Garden playhouse—and that Mr.
Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall be moved for money for the poor on
account of the playhouses.
cxvi.
[1598, July 19. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, printed in
Variorum, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle, Bankside, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It is ordered at this vestrye that a petition shal be made to the bodye of
the councell concerninge the play houses in this pareshe, wherein the
enormeties shal be showed that comes therebye to the pareshe, and that in
respect thereof they may be dismissed and put down from playing, and that
iiij or ij of the churchwardens, Mr. Howse, Mr. Garlonde, Mr. John Payne,
Mr. Humble, or ij of them, and Mr. Russell and Mr. Ironmonger, or one of
them, shall prosecute the cause with a collector of the Boroughside and
another of the Bankside.
cxvii.
[1600, Jan. 12. Warrant from Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, Lord Admiral,
printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 49, from Dulwich MS. i. 27; also by Collier,
Alleyn Memoirs, 55.]
Weareas my Servant Edward Allen (in respect of the dangerous decaye
of that Howse which he and his Companye haue nowe, on the Banck, and
for that the same standeth verie noysome for resorte of people in the wynter
tyme) Hath thearfore nowe of late taken a plott of grounde neere
Redcrossestreete London (verie fitt and convenient) for the buildinge of a
new Howse theare, and hath prouided Tymber and other necessaries for
Page 381
theffectinge theareof, to his greate chardge: Forasmuche as the place
standeth verie convenient for the ease of People, and that her Maiestie (in
respect of the acceptable Service, which my saide Servant and his
Companie haue doen and presented before her Highenes to her greate
likeinge and Contentment, aswell this last Christmas as att sondrie other
tymes) ys gratiouslie moued towardes them, with a speciall regarde of fauor
in their proceedinges: Theis shalbe thearefore to praie and requier youe, and
everie of youe, To permitt and suffer my saide Servant to proceede in
theffectinge and finishinge of the saide New howse, without anie your lett
or molestation, towardes him or any of his woorkmen. And soe not
doubtinge of your observacion in this behalf, I bidd youe right hartelie
farewell. Att the Courte, at Richmond, the xijth of Januarye, 1599.
Notingham.
To all & euery her maiesties Justices & other Ministers, and Officers, within
the Countye of Middlesex, & to euery of them, And to all others whome it
shall Concerne:
cxviii.
[1600, March 9. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 146.]
A letter to Sir Drew Drewry, knight, William Waad, esquier, Clerke of
the Councell, Thomas Fowler, Edward Vaughan and Nicholas Collyns,
esquires, Justices of the Peace in the countie of Middlesex. Wee are given to
understand by our very good Lord the Lord Willoughby and other
gentlemen and inhabitauntes in the parishe of St. Giles without Creplegate
that there is a purpose and intent in some persons to erect a theatre in White
Crosstreete, neere unto the Barres in that parte that ys in the countie of
Middlesex, wherof ther are to manie allreadie not farr from that place, and
as you knowe not longe sithence you receaved spetiall direction to pluck
downe those and to see them defaced, therefore yf this newe erection should
be suffered yt would not onlie be an offence and scandall to divers, but a
thinge that would greatly dysplease her Majestie. These are therefore to will
and require you in any case to take order that no soche theatre or
plaiehowse be built there, or other howse to serve for soche use, both to
avoide the many inconveniences that therby are lyklie to ensue to all the
inhabitantes, and the offence that would be to her Majestie, havinge
heretofore given sufficient notice unto you of the great myslyke her
Highnes hath of those publicke and vayne buildinge[s] for soche occacions
standeth verie convenient for the ease of People, and that her Maiestie (in
respect of the acceptable Service, which my saide Servant and his
Companie haue doen and presented before her Highenes to her greate
likeinge and Contentment, aswell this last Christmas as att sondrie other
tymes) ys gratiouslie moued towardes them, with a speciall regarde of fauor
in their proceedinges: Theis shalbe thearefore to praie and requier youe, and
everie of youe, To permitt and suffer my saide Servant to proceede in
theffectinge and finishinge of the saide New howse, without anie your lett
or molestation, towardes him or any of his woorkmen. And soe not
doubtinge of your observacion in this behalf, I bidd youe right hartelie
farewell. Att the Courte, at Richmond, the xijth of Januarye, 1599.
Notingham.
To all & euery her maiesties Justices & other Ministers, and Officers, within
the Countye of Middlesex, & to euery of them, And to all others whome it
shall Concerne:
cxviii.
[1600, March 9. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 146.]
A letter to Sir Drew Drewry, knight, William Waad, esquier, Clerke of
the Councell, Thomas Fowler, Edward Vaughan and Nicholas Collyns,
esquires, Justices of the Peace in the countie of Middlesex. Wee are given to
understand by our very good Lord the Lord Willoughby and other
gentlemen and inhabitauntes in the parishe of St. Giles without Creplegate
that there is a purpose and intent in some persons to erect a theatre in White
Crosstreete, neere unto the Barres in that parte that ys in the countie of
Middlesex, wherof ther are to manie allreadie not farr from that place, and
as you knowe not longe sithence you receaved spetiall direction to pluck
downe those and to see them defaced, therefore yf this newe erection should
be suffered yt would not onlie be an offence and scandall to divers, but a
thinge that would greatly dysplease her Majestie. These are therefore to will
and require you in any case to take order that no soche theatre or
plaiehowse be built there, or other howse to serve for soche use, both to
avoide the many inconveniences that therby are lyklie to ensue to all the
inhabitantes, and the offence that would be to her Majestie, havinge
heretofore given sufficient notice unto you of the great myslyke her
Highnes hath of those publicke and vayne buildinge[s] for soche occacions
Page 382
that breed increase of base and lewde people and divers other disorders.
Therefore wee require you not to faile forthwith to take order that the
foresaid intended buildinge maie be staied, and yf any be begone, to see the
same quite defaced. So, &c.
cxix.
[1600, March 28. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, printed
in Variorum, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle, Bankside, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It is ordered that the churchwardens shall talk with the players for tithes
for their playhouses within the liberty of the Clinke, and for money for the
poore, according to the order taken before my lords of Canterbury and
London and the Master of the Revels.
cxx.
[1600, April 1. Abstract of entry in Roll of the General Sessions of the Peace for
Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, i. 260. The
proclamation referred to must, I suppose, be the old one of 1559 (No. x). I do not
know of any Star Chamber order about plays, but it is quite possible that one was
made in 1597, and not recorded in the Council Registers, as the Star Chamber had its
own Clerk, distinct from those of the Privy Council.]
Recognizance ... of John Wolf of Eastsmithfield, co. Midd. Stationer, in
the sum of forty pounds; The condition of the recognizance being ‘that,
whereas the abovebounden John Wolf hathe begun to erecte and builde a
Playhowse in Nightingale Lane near East Smithefeilde aforesaid contrary to
Her Majesties proclamacion and orders sett downe in Her Highenes Court
of Starrchamber. If therefore the said John Wolf do not proceede anie
further in buildinge or erectinge of the same playhowse, unless he shall
procure sufficient warrant from the Rt. Honourable the Lords of Her
Majesties most honourable Privye Councill for further ... then this
recognizaunce to be void or els to remaine in full force.’
cxxi.
[c. 1600, April. Certificate of the Inhabitants of Finsbury to the Privy Council,
printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 50, from Dulwich MS. i. 28; also by Collier,
Alleyn Memoirs, 58.]
To the righte honorable the Lordes and others of her
maiesties most honorable privie Councell:
In all humblenes, wee the Inhabitantes of the Lordshipp of Fynisburye,
within the parrishe of St. Gyles without Creplegate, London, doe certifie
Therefore wee require you not to faile forthwith to take order that the
foresaid intended buildinge maie be staied, and yf any be begone, to see the
same quite defaced. So, &c.
cxix.
[1600, March 28. Extract from Vestry records of St. Saviour’s, Southwark, printed
in Variorum, iii. 452, and by W. Rendle, Bankside, v, in Harrison, ii, App. i.]
It is ordered that the churchwardens shall talk with the players for tithes
for their playhouses within the liberty of the Clinke, and for money for the
poore, according to the order taken before my lords of Canterbury and
London and the Master of the Revels.
cxx.
[1600, April 1. Abstract of entry in Roll of the General Sessions of the Peace for
Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, i. 260. The
proclamation referred to must, I suppose, be the old one of 1559 (No. x). I do not
know of any Star Chamber order about plays, but it is quite possible that one was
made in 1597, and not recorded in the Council Registers, as the Star Chamber had its
own Clerk, distinct from those of the Privy Council.]
Recognizance ... of John Wolf of Eastsmithfield, co. Midd. Stationer, in
the sum of forty pounds; The condition of the recognizance being ‘that,
whereas the abovebounden John Wolf hathe begun to erecte and builde a
Playhowse in Nightingale Lane near East Smithefeilde aforesaid contrary to
Her Majesties proclamacion and orders sett downe in Her Highenes Court
of Starrchamber. If therefore the said John Wolf do not proceede anie
further in buildinge or erectinge of the same playhowse, unless he shall
procure sufficient warrant from the Rt. Honourable the Lords of Her
Majesties most honourable Privye Councill for further ... then this
recognizaunce to be void or els to remaine in full force.’
cxxi.
[c. 1600, April. Certificate of the Inhabitants of Finsbury to the Privy Council,
printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 50, from Dulwich MS. i. 28; also by Collier,
Alleyn Memoirs, 58.]
To the righte honorable the Lordes and others of her
maiesties most honorable privie Councell:
In all humblenes, wee the Inhabitantes of the Lordshipp of Fynisburye,
within the parrishe of St. Gyles without Creplegate, London, doe certifie
Page 383
vnto your honnours, That wheare the Servantes of the right honorable Earle
of Nottingham haue latelie gone aboute to erect and sett vpp a newe
Playehowse within the said Lordshipp, Wee could be contented, that the
same might proceede and be Tollerated (Soe it stande with your honnours
pleasuers) ffor the reasons and Causes followeinge.
First because the Place appoynted oute for that purpose Standeth very
tollerable, neere vnto the ffeildes, and soe farr distant and remote frome any
person or Place of accompt, as that none cann be Annoyed thearbie:
Secondlie because the Erectours of the saied howse are contented to give
a very liberall porcion of money weekelie, towardes the releef of our Poore,
The nomber & necessity whereof is soe greate that the same will redounde
to the contynuall comfort of the saied Poore:
Thirdlie and lastlie wee are the rather Contented to accept this meanes of
releif of our Poore, because our Parrishe is not able to releeue them, neither
hath the Justices of the Sheire taken any order, for any Supplie oute of the
Countrye, as is enioyned by the late Acte of Parliamente:
[Twenty-seven signatures follow.]
[Endorsed] The Certificate of the Inhabitantes of the Lordship of
Fynisburye of theire Consent to the Tolleracion of the Erection of a newe
Plaiehowse theare.
cxxii.
[1600, April 8. Privy Council to the Justices of Middlesex, printed by W. W. Greg,
Henslowe Papers, 51, from Dulwich MS. i. 29; also by Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 57.]
After our hartie comendacions. Whereas her Maiestie (haveinge been
well pleased heeretofere at tymes of recreacion with the services of Edward
Allen and his Companie, Servantes to me the Earle of Nottingham,
wheareof, of late he hath made discontynuance) hath sondrye tymes
signified her pleasuer, that he should revive the same agayne: Forasmuche
as he hath bestowed a greate some of money, not onelie for the Title of a
plott of grounde, scituat in a verie remote and exempt place neere Goulding
lane, theare to erect a newe house, but alsoe is in good forwardnes aboute
the frame and woorkmanshipp theareof; the convenience of which place for
that purpose ys testified vnto vs vnder the handes of manie of the
Inhabitantes of the Libertie of Fynisbury, wheare it is, and recomended by
of Nottingham haue latelie gone aboute to erect and sett vpp a newe
Playehowse within the said Lordshipp, Wee could be contented, that the
same might proceede and be Tollerated (Soe it stande with your honnours
pleasuers) ffor the reasons and Causes followeinge.
First because the Place appoynted oute for that purpose Standeth very
tollerable, neere vnto the ffeildes, and soe farr distant and remote frome any
person or Place of accompt, as that none cann be Annoyed thearbie:
Secondlie because the Erectours of the saied howse are contented to give
a very liberall porcion of money weekelie, towardes the releef of our Poore,
The nomber & necessity whereof is soe greate that the same will redounde
to the contynuall comfort of the saied Poore:
Thirdlie and lastlie wee are the rather Contented to accept this meanes of
releif of our Poore, because our Parrishe is not able to releeue them, neither
hath the Justices of the Sheire taken any order, for any Supplie oute of the
Countrye, as is enioyned by the late Acte of Parliamente:
[Twenty-seven signatures follow.]
[Endorsed] The Certificate of the Inhabitantes of the Lordship of
Fynisburye of theire Consent to the Tolleracion of the Erection of a newe
Plaiehowse theare.
cxxii.
[1600, April 8. Privy Council to the Justices of Middlesex, printed by W. W. Greg,
Henslowe Papers, 51, from Dulwich MS. i. 29; also by Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 57.]
After our hartie comendacions. Whereas her Maiestie (haveinge been
well pleased heeretofere at tymes of recreacion with the services of Edward
Allen and his Companie, Servantes to me the Earle of Nottingham,
wheareof, of late he hath made discontynuance) hath sondrye tymes
signified her pleasuer, that he should revive the same agayne: Forasmuche
as he hath bestowed a greate some of money, not onelie for the Title of a
plott of grounde, scituat in a verie remote and exempt place neere Goulding
lane, theare to erect a newe house, but alsoe is in good forwardnes aboute
the frame and woorkmanshipp theareof; the convenience of which place for
that purpose ys testified vnto vs vnder the handes of manie of the
Inhabitantes of the Libertie of Fynisbury, wheare it is, and recomended by
Page 384
some of the Justices them selves. Wee thearfore havinge informed her
Maiestie lykewise of the decaye of the house, wherein this Companye
latelie plaied, scituate vppon the Bancke, verie noysome for the resorte of
people in the wynter tyme, haue receaued order to requier youe to Tollerate
the proceedinge of the saide New howse neere Goulding lane, and doe
heerbye requier youe and everie of youe to permitt and suffer the said
Edward Allen to proceede in theffectinge and finishinge of the same Newe
howse, without anie your lett or interrupcion, towardes him, or anye of his
woorkmen, the rather because an other howse is pulled downe, in steade of
yt. And soe, not doubtinge of your conformitye heerin, wee comitt youe to
God. Frome the Courte at Richmond the viijth of Aprill 1600.
Your lovinge frendes
Notingham
G Hunsdon
Ro: Cecyll
To the Justices of Peace of the Countye of Middlesex especially of St. Gyles
without Creplegate, and to all others whome it shall Concerne.
cxxiii.
[1600, May 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 327. Bromvill had
performed at court on 12 May (cf. App. A).]
An open letter to the Justices of Peace in the countie of Surrey, and to all
others her Majesty’s officers and lovinge subjectes in that county or
burrough of Southwark to whome yt shall appertain, &c. Whereas the
bearer Peter Bromvill hath bene recommended unto her Majestie from her
good brother the French Kinge and hath shewed some feates of great
activity before her Highnes, her Majestie ys pleased to afforde him her
gratious favor and leave to exercyse and shewe the same in soch publicke
place as maie be convenient for soche exercyses and shewes, and because
for the present he hath made choice of a place called the Swann, in old
Parys Garden, beinge the howse of Francis Langley, these shalbe to let you
understand her Majesty’s good pleasure in his behalfe, and to require you
not onlie to permytt him there to shewe his feates of activitye at convenient
tymes in that place without let or interrupcion, but to assyst him (as there
shalbe occacion) that no abuse be offered him.
Maiestie lykewise of the decaye of the house, wherein this Companye
latelie plaied, scituate vppon the Bancke, verie noysome for the resorte of
people in the wynter tyme, haue receaued order to requier youe to Tollerate
the proceedinge of the saide New howse neere Goulding lane, and doe
heerbye requier youe and everie of youe to permitt and suffer the said
Edward Allen to proceede in theffectinge and finishinge of the same Newe
howse, without anie your lett or interrupcion, towardes him, or anye of his
woorkmen, the rather because an other howse is pulled downe, in steade of
yt. And soe, not doubtinge of your conformitye heerin, wee comitt youe to
God. Frome the Courte at Richmond the viijth of Aprill 1600.
Your lovinge frendes
Notingham
G Hunsdon
Ro: Cecyll
To the Justices of Peace of the Countye of Middlesex especially of St. Gyles
without Creplegate, and to all others whome it shall Concerne.
cxxiii.
[1600, May 15. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxx. 327. Bromvill had
performed at court on 12 May (cf. App. A).]
An open letter to the Justices of Peace in the countie of Surrey, and to all
others her Majesty’s officers and lovinge subjectes in that county or
burrough of Southwark to whome yt shall appertain, &c. Whereas the
bearer Peter Bromvill hath bene recommended unto her Majestie from her
good brother the French Kinge and hath shewed some feates of great
activity before her Highnes, her Majestie ys pleased to afforde him her
gratious favor and leave to exercyse and shewe the same in soch publicke
place as maie be convenient for soche exercyses and shewes, and because
for the present he hath made choice of a place called the Swann, in old
Parys Garden, beinge the howse of Francis Langley, these shalbe to let you
understand her Majesty’s good pleasure in his behalfe, and to require you
not onlie to permytt him there to shewe his feates of activitye at convenient
tymes in that place without let or interrupcion, but to assyst him (as there
shalbe occacion) that no abuse be offered him.
Page 385
Postscript of Mr. Secretary’s hand. It ys not meant that he shall exercyse
upon any Sabothe day.
cxxiv.
[1600, June 22. Order of the Privy Council, printed M.S.C. i. 80, from
Remembrancia, ii. 188; also by Dasent, xxx. 395, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 307, from
minute in Council Register. The examiner’s note at the end is by one of the Clerks of
the Council. The original draft of the order has been altered in the Register, and there
is a marginal note by Thomas Smith that ‘the alteracion and interlyning of this order
was by reason that the said order after the same was entred in the Booke came againe
in question and debate, and the said interlyninge and amendementes were sett downe
according to the laste determinacion of their Lordships’. Evidently the interlineations
were important, and they are therefore marked below with square brackets, although
of course they do not appear as such in the Remembrancia copy, which agrees
substantially with the final draft in the Register. Dasent found the cancelled passages
in the Register illegible.]
Whereas diuers Complaintes haue bin heretofore
made vnto the Lordes and others of hir Maiesties privie An order sett downe
by the lordes and
Counsaile of the manifold abuses and disorders that haue others of hir
growen and doe Continew by occasion of many howses Maiesties pruiye
erected & emploied in and aboute the Cittie of London Councell the 22 of
Iune 1600 to
for common Stage Plaies. And nowe verie latelie, by restrain the
reason of some Complainte exhibited by sondrie persons excessiue number
of Plaie howses &
against the buildinge of the like house in or nere the imoderate vse of
Goldinge Lane by one Edward Allen, a seruant of the Stage plaies in &
right honorable the Lo: Admirall, the matter, aswell in about the Cittye.
generalitie touchinge all the said houses for Stage Plaies
and the vse of playenge, as in particuler concerninge the said house now in
hand to be builte in or neere Goldinge Lane, hath bin brought into question
& Consultacion amonge theire LL. Forasmuch as yt is manifestlie knowne
and graunted that the multitude of the said houses and the misgouerment of
them hath bin made and is dailie occasion of the idle riotous and dissolute
livinge of great numbers of people, that leavinge all such honest and
painefull Course of life, as they should followe, doe meete and assemble
there, and of maine particuler abuses and disorders that doe there vppon
ensue. And yet neuerthelesse yt is Considered that the vse and exercise of
suche plaies, not beinge euill in yt self, may with a good order and
moderacion be suffered in a well gouerned estate, and that, hir Maiestie
beinge pleased at some times to take delighte and recreacion in the sight
and hearinge of them, some order is fitt to bee taken for the allowance and
upon any Sabothe day.
cxxiv.
[1600, June 22. Order of the Privy Council, printed M.S.C. i. 80, from
Remembrancia, ii. 188; also by Dasent, xxx. 395, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 307, from
minute in Council Register. The examiner’s note at the end is by one of the Clerks of
the Council. The original draft of the order has been altered in the Register, and there
is a marginal note by Thomas Smith that ‘the alteracion and interlyning of this order
was by reason that the said order after the same was entred in the Booke came againe
in question and debate, and the said interlyninge and amendementes were sett downe
according to the laste determinacion of their Lordships’. Evidently the interlineations
were important, and they are therefore marked below with square brackets, although
of course they do not appear as such in the Remembrancia copy, which agrees
substantially with the final draft in the Register. Dasent found the cancelled passages
in the Register illegible.]
Whereas diuers Complaintes haue bin heretofore
made vnto the Lordes and others of hir Maiesties privie An order sett downe
by the lordes and
Counsaile of the manifold abuses and disorders that haue others of hir
growen and doe Continew by occasion of many howses Maiesties pruiye
erected & emploied in and aboute the Cittie of London Councell the 22 of
Iune 1600 to
for common Stage Plaies. And nowe verie latelie, by restrain the
reason of some Complainte exhibited by sondrie persons excessiue number
of Plaie howses &
against the buildinge of the like house in or nere the imoderate vse of
Goldinge Lane by one Edward Allen, a seruant of the Stage plaies in &
right honorable the Lo: Admirall, the matter, aswell in about the Cittye.
generalitie touchinge all the said houses for Stage Plaies
and the vse of playenge, as in particuler concerninge the said house now in
hand to be builte in or neere Goldinge Lane, hath bin brought into question
& Consultacion amonge theire LL. Forasmuch as yt is manifestlie knowne
and graunted that the multitude of the said houses and the misgouerment of
them hath bin made and is dailie occasion of the idle riotous and dissolute
livinge of great numbers of people, that leavinge all such honest and
painefull Course of life, as they should followe, doe meete and assemble
there, and of maine particuler abuses and disorders that doe there vppon
ensue. And yet neuerthelesse yt is Considered that the vse and exercise of
suche plaies, not beinge euill in yt self, may with a good order and
moderacion be suffered in a well gouerned estate, and that, hir Maiestie
beinge pleased at some times to take delighte and recreacion in the sight
and hearinge of them, some order is fitt to bee taken for the allowance and
Page 386
mainteinance of suche persons, as are thoughte meetest in that kinde to
yeald hir Maiestie recreacion and delight, & consequentlie of the howses
that must serue for publique playenge to keepe them in exercise. To the end
therefore, that bothe the greatest abuses of the plaies and plaienge houses
maye be redressed, and the vse and moderacion of them retained, The
Lordes and the rest of hir Maiesties privie Councell, withe one and full
Consent, haue ordered in manner and forme as followeth.
First, that there shall bee about the Cittie two howses and noe more
allowed to serue for the vse of the Common Stage plaies, of the which
howses one shalbe in Surrey in that place which is Commonlie called the
banckside or there aboutes, and the other in Midlesex. And foras muche as
there Lordshippes haue bin enformed by Edmond Tylney Esquire, hir
Maiesties seruant and Master of the Reuells, that the howse now in hand to
be builte by the said Edward Allen is not intended to encrease the number
of the Plaiehowses, but to be in steed of an other, namelie the Curtaine,
Which is either to be ruined and plucked downe or to be putt to some other
good vse, as also that the scituacion thereof is meete and Conuenient for
that purpose. Yt is likewise ordered that the said howse of Allen shall be
allowed to be one of the two howses, and namelie for the house to be
alowed in Middlesex, [for the Companie of Plaiers belonging to the L:
Admirall], soe as the house Called the Curtaine be (as yt is pretended)
either ruinated or applied to some other good vse. And for the other allowed
to be on Surrey side, whereas [there Lordshipps are pleased to permitt] to
the Companie of players that shall plaie there to make there owne Choice
which they will haue [of diuers houses that are there], Choosinge one of
them and noe more, [And the said Companie of Plaiers, being the Seruantes
of the L. Chamberlen, that are to plaie there haue made choise of the house
called the Globe, yt is ordered that the said house and none other shall be
there allowed]. And especiallie yt is forbidden that anie stage plaies shalbe
plaied (as sometimes they haue bin) in any Common Inn for publique
assemblie in or neare about the Cittie.
Secondlie, forasmuche as these stage plaies, by the multitude of houses
and Companie of players, haue bin too frequent, not seruing for recreacion
but inviting and Callinge the people daily from there trad and worke to
mispend there time, It is likewise ordered that the two seuerall Companies
of Plaiers assigned vnto the two howses allowed maie play each of them in
yeald hir Maiestie recreacion and delight, & consequentlie of the howses
that must serue for publique playenge to keepe them in exercise. To the end
therefore, that bothe the greatest abuses of the plaies and plaienge houses
maye be redressed, and the vse and moderacion of them retained, The
Lordes and the rest of hir Maiesties privie Councell, withe one and full
Consent, haue ordered in manner and forme as followeth.
First, that there shall bee about the Cittie two howses and noe more
allowed to serue for the vse of the Common Stage plaies, of the which
howses one shalbe in Surrey in that place which is Commonlie called the
banckside or there aboutes, and the other in Midlesex. And foras muche as
there Lordshippes haue bin enformed by Edmond Tylney Esquire, hir
Maiesties seruant and Master of the Reuells, that the howse now in hand to
be builte by the said Edward Allen is not intended to encrease the number
of the Plaiehowses, but to be in steed of an other, namelie the Curtaine,
Which is either to be ruined and plucked downe or to be putt to some other
good vse, as also that the scituacion thereof is meete and Conuenient for
that purpose. Yt is likewise ordered that the said howse of Allen shall be
allowed to be one of the two howses, and namelie for the house to be
alowed in Middlesex, [for the Companie of Plaiers belonging to the L:
Admirall], soe as the house Called the Curtaine be (as yt is pretended)
either ruinated or applied to some other good vse. And for the other allowed
to be on Surrey side, whereas [there Lordshipps are pleased to permitt] to
the Companie of players that shall plaie there to make there owne Choice
which they will haue [of diuers houses that are there], Choosinge one of
them and noe more, [And the said Companie of Plaiers, being the Seruantes
of the L. Chamberlen, that are to plaie there haue made choise of the house
called the Globe, yt is ordered that the said house and none other shall be
there allowed]. And especiallie yt is forbidden that anie stage plaies shalbe
plaied (as sometimes they haue bin) in any Common Inn for publique
assemblie in or neare about the Cittie.
Secondlie, forasmuche as these stage plaies, by the multitude of houses
and Companie of players, haue bin too frequent, not seruing for recreacion
but inviting and Callinge the people daily from there trad and worke to
mispend there time, It is likewise ordered that the two seuerall Companies
of Plaiers assigned vnto the two howses allowed maie play each of them in
Page 387
there seuerall howse twice a weeke and noe oftener, and especially that they
shall refraine to play on the Sabboth daie, vppon paine of imprisonment and
further penaltie, and that they shall forbeare altogether in the time of Lent,
and likewise at such time and times as anie extraordinarie sicknes or
infeccion of disease shall appeare to be in and about the Cittie.
Thirdlie, because these orders wilbe of litle force and effecte vnlesse
they be dulie putt in execucion by those to whome yt appertaineth to see
them executed, It is ordered that seuerall Coppies shall be sent to the L.
Mayor of London, and to the Iustices of the Peace of the Counties of
Middlesex and Surrey, and that Lettres should be written vnto them from
there Lordshipps, straightlye Charginge them to see the execucion of the
same, as well by Committinge to prison the owners of Plaiehouses and
players as shall disobey & resist these orders, as by anie other good and
lawfull meanes that in there discretion they shall finde expedient, And to
certifie there Lordshipps from time to time, as they shall se Cause, of there
proceedinges therein.
Examinatum per Tho: Smithe.
cxxv.
[1600, June 22. Minute of Privy Council for letters conveying No. cxxiv, printed
by Dasent, xxx. 411, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 308, from Council Register.]
Letter of this tenour to the Lord Maiour of London, the Justices of the
Peace of the counties of Midlesex and Surrey. By occasion of some
complaintes that of late have bin made unto us of the multitude of houses
servinge for common stage-playes in and aboute the citty of London, and of
the greate abuses and disorders growen by the overmuch haunte and resorte
of many licentious people unto those houses and places, we have entred into
consideracion of some fitt course to be taken for redresse of the saide
disorders by suppressing dyvers of those houses and by some restrainte of
the imoderate use of the plaies. For which cause wee have sett downe
certaine orders to be duely henceforth observed and kept, a copy whereof
we sende you hereinclosed, and have sent the like to the Lord Maiour of
London and to the Justices of the Peace of Middlesex. But as wee have
donne our partes in prescribinge the orders, so unlesse you perfourme yours
in lookinge to the due execution of them wee shall loose our labour and the
wante of redresse must be imputed unto you and others unto whome it
apperteyneth, and therefore wee doe hereby authorize and require you to
shall refraine to play on the Sabboth daie, vppon paine of imprisonment and
further penaltie, and that they shall forbeare altogether in the time of Lent,
and likewise at such time and times as anie extraordinarie sicknes or
infeccion of disease shall appeare to be in and about the Cittie.
Thirdlie, because these orders wilbe of litle force and effecte vnlesse
they be dulie putt in execucion by those to whome yt appertaineth to see
them executed, It is ordered that seuerall Coppies shall be sent to the L.
Mayor of London, and to the Iustices of the Peace of the Counties of
Middlesex and Surrey, and that Lettres should be written vnto them from
there Lordshipps, straightlye Charginge them to see the execucion of the
same, as well by Committinge to prison the owners of Plaiehouses and
players as shall disobey & resist these orders, as by anie other good and
lawfull meanes that in there discretion they shall finde expedient, And to
certifie there Lordshipps from time to time, as they shall se Cause, of there
proceedinges therein.
Examinatum per Tho: Smithe.
cxxv.
[1600, June 22. Minute of Privy Council for letters conveying No. cxxiv, printed
by Dasent, xxx. 411, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 308, from Council Register.]
Letter of this tenour to the Lord Maiour of London, the Justices of the
Peace of the counties of Midlesex and Surrey. By occasion of some
complaintes that of late have bin made unto us of the multitude of houses
servinge for common stage-playes in and aboute the citty of London, and of
the greate abuses and disorders growen by the overmuch haunte and resorte
of many licentious people unto those houses and places, we have entred into
consideracion of some fitt course to be taken for redresse of the saide
disorders by suppressing dyvers of those houses and by some restrainte of
the imoderate use of the plaies. For which cause wee have sett downe
certaine orders to be duely henceforth observed and kept, a copy whereof
we sende you hereinclosed, and have sent the like to the Lord Maiour of
London and to the Justices of the Peace of Middlesex. But as wee have
donne our partes in prescribinge the orders, so unlesse you perfourme yours
in lookinge to the due execution of them wee shall loose our labour and the
wante of redresse must be imputed unto you and others unto whome it
apperteyneth, and therefore wee doe hereby authorize and require you to
Page 388
see the said orders to be putt in execucion and to be continued, as you do
wish the amendement of the aforesaide abuses and will remove the blame
thereof from your selves. And so, &c.
cxxvi.
[1601, March 11. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi. 218.]
A letter to the Lord Mayour requiring him not to faile to take order the
playes within the cyttie and the liberties, especyally at Powles and in the
Blackfriers, may be suppressed during this time of Lent.
cxxvii.
[1601, May 10. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi. 346.]
A letter to certaine Justices of the Peace in the county of Middlesex. Wee
do understand that certaine players that use to recyte their playes at the
Curtaine in Moorefeildes do represent upon the stage in their interludes the
persons of some gentlemen of good desert and quallity that are yet alive
under obscure manner, but yet in such sorte as all the hearers may take
notice both of the matter and the persons that are meant thereby. This
beinge a thinge very unfitte, offensive and contrary to such direccion as
have bin heretofore taken that no plaies should be openly shewed but such
as were first perused and allowed and that might minister no occasion of
offence or scandall, wee do hereby require you that you do forthwith
forbidd those players to whomsoever they appertaine that do play at the
Courtaine in Moorefeildes to represent any such play, and that you will
examine them who made that play and to shew the same unto you, and as
you in your discreccions shall thincke the same unfitte to be publiquely
shewed to forbidd them from henceforth to play the same eyther privately
or publiquely, and yf upon veiwe of the said play you shall finde the subject
so odious and inconvenient as is informed, wee require you to take bond of
the cheifest of them to aunswere their rashe and indiscreete dealing before
us. So, &c.
cxxviii.
[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Justices of Middlesex and
Surrey, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 466, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 309, from Council
Register.]
Two letters of one tenour to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey. It is in
vaine for us to take knowledg of great abuses and disorders complayned of
wish the amendement of the aforesaide abuses and will remove the blame
thereof from your selves. And so, &c.
cxxvi.
[1601, March 11. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi. 218.]
A letter to the Lord Mayour requiring him not to faile to take order the
playes within the cyttie and the liberties, especyally at Powles and in the
Blackfriers, may be suppressed during this time of Lent.
cxxvii.
[1601, May 10. Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxi. 346.]
A letter to certaine Justices of the Peace in the county of Middlesex. Wee
do understand that certaine players that use to recyte their playes at the
Curtaine in Moorefeildes do represent upon the stage in their interludes the
persons of some gentlemen of good desert and quallity that are yet alive
under obscure manner, but yet in such sorte as all the hearers may take
notice both of the matter and the persons that are meant thereby. This
beinge a thinge very unfitte, offensive and contrary to such direccion as
have bin heretofore taken that no plaies should be openly shewed but such
as were first perused and allowed and that might minister no occasion of
offence or scandall, wee do hereby require you that you do forthwith
forbidd those players to whomsoever they appertaine that do play at the
Courtaine in Moorefeildes to represent any such play, and that you will
examine them who made that play and to shew the same unto you, and as
you in your discreccions shall thincke the same unfitte to be publiquely
shewed to forbidd them from henceforth to play the same eyther privately
or publiquely, and yf upon veiwe of the said play you shall finde the subject
so odious and inconvenient as is informed, wee require you to take bond of
the cheifest of them to aunswere their rashe and indiscreete dealing before
us. So, &c.
cxxviii.
[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Justices of Middlesex and
Surrey, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 466, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 309, from Council
Register.]
Two letters of one tenour to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey. It is in
vaine for us to take knowledg of great abuses and disorders complayned of
Page 389
and to give order for redresse, if our directions finde no better execution
and observation then it seemeth they do, and wee must needes impute the
fault and blame thereof to you or some of you, the Justices of the Peace,
that are put in trust to see them executed and perfourmed, whereof wee may
give you a plaine instance in the great abuse contynued or rather encreased
in the multitude of plaie howses and stage plaies in and about the cittie of
London.
For whereas about a yeare and a half since (upon knowledge taken of the
great enormities and disorders by the overmuch frequentinge of plaies) wee
did carefullie sett downe and prescribe an order to be observed concerninge
the number of playhowses and the use and exercise of stage plaies, with
lymytacion of tymes and places for the same (namely that there should be
but two howses allowed for that use, one in Middlesex called the Fortune
and the other in Surrey called the Globe, and the same with observacion of
certaine daies and times as in the said order is particularly expressed), in
such sorte as a moderate practice of them for honest recreation might be
contynued, and yet the inordinate concourse of dissolute and idle people be
restrayned, wee do now understande that our said order hath bin so farr
from takinge dew effect, as in steede of restrainte and redresse of the former
disorders the multitude of play howses is much encreased, and that no daie
passeth over without many stage plaies in one place or other within and
about the cittie publiquelie made.
The default of perfourmance of which our said order we must in greate
parte the rather impute to the Justices of the Peace, because at the same
tyme wee gave earnest direction unto you to see it streightly executed, and
to certifie us of the execution, and yet we have neither understoode of any
redresse made by you, nor receaved any certificate at all of your
proceedinges therein, which default or omission wee do now pray and
require you foorthwith to amende, and to cause our said former order to be
putt duely in execution, and especiallie to call before you the owners of all
the other play howses (excepting the two howses in Middlesex and Surrey
aforementioned), and to take good and sufficient bondes of them not to
exercise, use or practise, nor to suffer from henceforth to be exercised, used
or practized any stage playinge in their howses, and if they shall refuse to
enter into such bondes, then to comitt them to prison untill they shall
conforme themselves. And so, &c.
and observation then it seemeth they do, and wee must needes impute the
fault and blame thereof to you or some of you, the Justices of the Peace,
that are put in trust to see them executed and perfourmed, whereof wee may
give you a plaine instance in the great abuse contynued or rather encreased
in the multitude of plaie howses and stage plaies in and about the cittie of
London.
For whereas about a yeare and a half since (upon knowledge taken of the
great enormities and disorders by the overmuch frequentinge of plaies) wee
did carefullie sett downe and prescribe an order to be observed concerninge
the number of playhowses and the use and exercise of stage plaies, with
lymytacion of tymes and places for the same (namely that there should be
but two howses allowed for that use, one in Middlesex called the Fortune
and the other in Surrey called the Globe, and the same with observacion of
certaine daies and times as in the said order is particularly expressed), in
such sorte as a moderate practice of them for honest recreation might be
contynued, and yet the inordinate concourse of dissolute and idle people be
restrayned, wee do now understande that our said order hath bin so farr
from takinge dew effect, as in steede of restrainte and redresse of the former
disorders the multitude of play howses is much encreased, and that no daie
passeth over without many stage plaies in one place or other within and
about the cittie publiquelie made.
The default of perfourmance of which our said order we must in greate
parte the rather impute to the Justices of the Peace, because at the same
tyme wee gave earnest direction unto you to see it streightly executed, and
to certifie us of the execution, and yet we have neither understoode of any
redresse made by you, nor receaved any certificate at all of your
proceedinges therein, which default or omission wee do now pray and
require you foorthwith to amende, and to cause our said former order to be
putt duely in execution, and especiallie to call before you the owners of all
the other play howses (excepting the two howses in Middlesex and Surrey
aforementioned), and to take good and sufficient bondes of them not to
exercise, use or practise, nor to suffer from henceforth to be exercised, used
or practized any stage playinge in their howses, and if they shall refuse to
enter into such bondes, then to comitt them to prison untill they shall
conforme themselves. And so, &c.
Page 390
cxxix.
[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Lord Mayor and Aldermen
of London, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 468, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 308, from
Council Register; also in M. S. C. i. 83, from letter-book copy in Remembrancia, ii.
187.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of London. Wee have
receaved a letter from you renewing a complaint of the great abuse and
disorder within and about the cittie of London by reason of the multitude of
play howses and the inordinate resort and concourse of dissolute and idle
people daielie unto publique stage plaies, for the which information, as wee
do commende your Lordship because it betokeneth your care and desire to
reforme the disorders of the cittie, so wee must lett you know that wee did
muche rather expect to understand that our order (sett downe and prescribed
about a yeare and a half since for reformation of the said disorders upon the
like complaint at that tyme) had bin duelie executed, then to finde the same
disorders and abuses so muche encreased as they are. The blame whereof,
as wee cannot but impute in great part to the Justices of the Peace or somme
of them in the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, who had speciall direction
and charge from us to see our said order executed for the confines of the
cittie, wherein the most part of those play howses are scituate, so wee do
wishe that it might appeare unto us that any thinge hath bin endeavoured by
the predecessours of you, the Lord Maiour, and by you, the Aldermen, for
the redresse of the said enormities, and for observation and execution of our
said order within the cittie.
Wee do therefore once againe renew heereby our direction unto you (as
wee have donne by our letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey)
concerninge the observation of our former order, which wee do praie and
require you to cause duelie and dilligentlie to be put in execution for all
poyntes thereof, and especiallie for th’expresse and streight prohibition of
any more play howses then those two that are mentioned and allowed in the
said order, charging and streightlie comaunding all suche persons, as are the
owners of any the howses used for stage plaies within the cittie, not to
permitt any more publique plaies to be used, exercised or shewed from
hencefoorth in their said howses, and to take bondes of them (if you shall
finde it needefull) for the perfourmaunce thereof, or if they shall refuse to
enter into bonde or to observe our said order, then to committ them to
prison untill they shall conforme themselves thereunto. And so praying you,
[1601, Dec. 31. Minute of letter from Privy Council to Lord Mayor and Aldermen
of London, printed by Dasent, xxxii. 468, and Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 308, from
Council Register; also in M. S. C. i. 83, from letter-book copy in Remembrancia, ii.
187.]
A letter to the Lord Maiour and Aldermen of London. Wee have
receaved a letter from you renewing a complaint of the great abuse and
disorder within and about the cittie of London by reason of the multitude of
play howses and the inordinate resort and concourse of dissolute and idle
people daielie unto publique stage plaies, for the which information, as wee
do commende your Lordship because it betokeneth your care and desire to
reforme the disorders of the cittie, so wee must lett you know that wee did
muche rather expect to understand that our order (sett downe and prescribed
about a yeare and a half since for reformation of the said disorders upon the
like complaint at that tyme) had bin duelie executed, then to finde the same
disorders and abuses so muche encreased as they are. The blame whereof,
as wee cannot but impute in great part to the Justices of the Peace or somme
of them in the counties of Middlesex and Surrey, who had speciall direction
and charge from us to see our said order executed for the confines of the
cittie, wherein the most part of those play howses are scituate, so wee do
wishe that it might appeare unto us that any thinge hath bin endeavoured by
the predecessours of you, the Lord Maiour, and by you, the Aldermen, for
the redresse of the said enormities, and for observation and execution of our
said order within the cittie.
Wee do therefore once againe renew heereby our direction unto you (as
wee have donne by our letters to the Justices of Middlesex and Surrey)
concerninge the observation of our former order, which wee do praie and
require you to cause duelie and dilligentlie to be put in execution for all
poyntes thereof, and especiallie for th’expresse and streight prohibition of
any more play howses then those two that are mentioned and allowed in the
said order, charging and streightlie comaunding all suche persons, as are the
owners of any the howses used for stage plaies within the cittie, not to
permitt any more publique plaies to be used, exercised or shewed from
hencefoorth in their said howses, and to take bondes of them (if you shall
finde it needefull) for the perfourmaunce thereof, or if they shall refuse to
enter into bonde or to observe our said order, then to committ them to
prison untill they shall conforme themselves thereunto. And so praying you,
Page 391
as your self do make the complaint and finde the ennormitie, so to applie
your best endeavour to the remedie of the abuse, wee bidd, &c.
cxxx.
[1602, March 31. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M.S.C. i. 85, from
Remembrancia, ii. 189.]
After our verey hartie Commendacions to your Lp.
We receaued your lettre, signifieinge some amendment A lettre to the L.
Maior for the Bores
of the abuses or disorders by the immoderate exercise of head to be licensed
Stage plays in and about the Cittie, by meanes of our late for the plaiers.
order renued for the restraint of them, and with all
shewinge a speciall inconvenience yet remayneinge, by reason that the
seruants of our verey good L. the Earle of Oxford, and of me the Earle of
Worcester, beinge ioyned by agrement togeather in on Companie (to whom,
vpon noteice of her Maiesties pleasure at the suit of the Earle of Oxford,
tolleracion hath ben thaught meete to be graunted, notwithstandinge the
restraint of our said former Orders), doe not tye them selfs to one certaine
place and howse, but do chainge there place at there owne disposition,
which is as disorderly and offensiue as the former offence of many howses.
And as the other Companies that are alowed, namely of me the L. Admirall
and the L. Chamberlaine, be appointed there certaine howses, and one and
noe more to each Companie. Soe we doe straightly require that this third
Companie be likewise to one place. And because we are informed the house
called the Bores head is the place they haue especially vsed and doe best
like of, we doe pray and require yow that that said howse, namely the Bores
head, may be assigned onto them, and that they be verey straightlie Charged
to vse and exercise there plaies in noe other but that howse, as they will
looke to haue that tolleracion continued and avoid farther displeasure. And
soe we bid your Lp. hartely farewell, from the Court at Ritchmond the last
of March, 1602.
Your lordshippes verey lovinge friendes,
T Buckurst
E Worcester.
Ihon Stannop:
Io: fortescu.
Notingham
W: Knowlis
your best endeavour to the remedie of the abuse, wee bidd, &c.
cxxx.
[1602, March 31. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M.S.C. i. 85, from
Remembrancia, ii. 189.]
After our verey hartie Commendacions to your Lp.
We receaued your lettre, signifieinge some amendment A lettre to the L.
Maior for the Bores
of the abuses or disorders by the immoderate exercise of head to be licensed
Stage plays in and about the Cittie, by meanes of our late for the plaiers.
order renued for the restraint of them, and with all
shewinge a speciall inconvenience yet remayneinge, by reason that the
seruants of our verey good L. the Earle of Oxford, and of me the Earle of
Worcester, beinge ioyned by agrement togeather in on Companie (to whom,
vpon noteice of her Maiesties pleasure at the suit of the Earle of Oxford,
tolleracion hath ben thaught meete to be graunted, notwithstandinge the
restraint of our said former Orders), doe not tye them selfs to one certaine
place and howse, but do chainge there place at there owne disposition,
which is as disorderly and offensiue as the former offence of many howses.
And as the other Companies that are alowed, namely of me the L. Admirall
and the L. Chamberlaine, be appointed there certaine howses, and one and
noe more to each Companie. Soe we doe straightly require that this third
Companie be likewise to one place. And because we are informed the house
called the Bores head is the place they haue especially vsed and doe best
like of, we doe pray and require yow that that said howse, namely the Bores
head, may be assigned onto them, and that they be verey straightlie Charged
to vse and exercise there plaies in noe other but that howse, as they will
looke to haue that tolleracion continued and avoid farther displeasure. And
soe we bid your Lp. hartely farewell, from the Court at Ritchmond the last
of March, 1602.
Your lordshippes verey lovinge friendes,
T Buckurst
E Worcester.
Ihon Stannop:
Io: fortescu.
Notingham
W: Knowlis
Page 392
Ro: Cecyll.
I: Herbert.
cxxxi.
[1603, March 19. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxii. 492,
from Addl. MS. 11402.]
Letters to the Lord Mayor and Justices of Middlesex and Surrey for the
restraint of stage-plaies till other direction be given.
cxxxii.
[1603, May 7. Extract from Procl. 944, printed, with ‘in their lewd’ for
‘Enterludes’, in Strype, Annals, iv. 528.]
And for that we are informed that there hath beene heretofore great
neglect in this kingdome of keeping the Sabbath-day: For better observing
of the same, and avoyding all impious prophanation, we do straightly
charge and commaund, that no Beare-bayting, Bulbayting, Enterludes,
Common Playes, or other like disordered or unlawful Exercises, or
Pastimes, be frequented, kept, or used at any time hereafter upon the
Sabbath-day.
cxxxiii.
[1603, May 19. Patent for King’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Globe and in convenient places in
towns elsewhere.
cxxxiv.
[1604, Feb. 4. Patent for Children of the Queen’s Revels; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays approved by Samuel Daniel in the
Blackfriars or other convenient place.
cxxxv.
[1604, April 9. Privy Council to Lord Mayor of London and Justices of Middlesex
and Surrey, printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 61, from contemporary copy in
Dulwich MS. i. 39; also in Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 66; Halliwell-Phillipps,
Illustrations, 115, Outlines, i. 310. The abstract of the lost Council Register in Addl.
MS. 11402 has the note (f. 93v) ‘9 Ap. 1604 A lettre to the lo: Mayor & the Iustices of
Surrey & Middlesex to suffer the players to playe againe Lent being past &c’ (Dasent,
xxxii. 511; M. S. C. i. 371).]
I: Herbert.
cxxxi.
[1603, March 19. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed Dasent, xxxii. 492,
from Addl. MS. 11402.]
Letters to the Lord Mayor and Justices of Middlesex and Surrey for the
restraint of stage-plaies till other direction be given.
cxxxii.
[1603, May 7. Extract from Procl. 944, printed, with ‘in their lewd’ for
‘Enterludes’, in Strype, Annals, iv. 528.]
And for that we are informed that there hath beene heretofore great
neglect in this kingdome of keeping the Sabbath-day: For better observing
of the same, and avoyding all impious prophanation, we do straightly
charge and commaund, that no Beare-bayting, Bulbayting, Enterludes,
Common Playes, or other like disordered or unlawful Exercises, or
Pastimes, be frequented, kept, or used at any time hereafter upon the
Sabbath-day.
cxxxiii.
[1603, May 19. Patent for King’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Globe and in convenient places in
towns elsewhere.
cxxxiv.
[1604, Feb. 4. Patent for Children of the Queen’s Revels; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays approved by Samuel Daniel in the
Blackfriars or other convenient place.
cxxxv.
[1604, April 9. Privy Council to Lord Mayor of London and Justices of Middlesex
and Surrey, printed by W. W. Greg, Henslowe Papers, 61, from contemporary copy in
Dulwich MS. i. 39; also in Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 66; Halliwell-Phillipps,
Illustrations, 115, Outlines, i. 310. The abstract of the lost Council Register in Addl.
MS. 11402 has the note (f. 93v) ‘9 Ap. 1604 A lettre to the lo: Mayor & the Iustices of
Surrey & Middlesex to suffer the players to playe againe Lent being past &c’ (Dasent,
xxxii. 511; M. S. C. i. 371).]
Page 393
After our hart[ie commendations] to your [Lo.] Wheras the kings
maiesties Plaiers have given ty[[** spaces]] hyghnes good service in ther
Quallitie of Playinge, and for as much Lickwise as they are at all times to
be emploied in that Service, whensoever they shalbe Comaunded, we thinke
it therfore fitt, the time of Lent being now Passt, that your L. doe Permitt
and suffer the three Companies of Plaiers to the King, Queene, and Prince
publicklie to Exercise ther Plaies in ther severall and vsuall howses for that
Purpose, and noe other, viz. The Globe scituate in Maiden lane on the
Banckside in the Countie of Surrey, the Fortun in Golding Lane, and the
Curtaine in Hollywell in the Cowntie of Midlesex, without any lett or
interupption in respect of any former Lettres of Prohibition heertofore
written by vs to your Lo. Except there shall happen weeklie to die of the
Plague Aboue the Number of thirtie within the Cittie of London and the
Liberties therof. Att which time we thinke it fitt they shall Cease and
forbeare any further Publicklie to Playe, vntill the Sicknes be again
decreaced to the saide Number. And so we bid your Lo. hartilie farewell.
From the Court at Whitehalle the ixth of Aprille, 1604.
Your very Loving ffrends
Nottingham
Suffock
Gill Shrowsberie
Ed Worster
W: Knowles
J: Stanhopp
To our verie good L. the Lord Maior of the Cittie of London and to the
Justices of the Peace of the Counties of Midlesex and Surrey. L. Maiore.
cxxxvi.
[1604, July 7. Extracts from An Acte for the Continuance and Explanation of the
Statute made in the 39 yeere of the Raigne of our late Queene Elizabeth, intituled An
Acte for Punishmente of Rogues, Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers (1 Jac. I, c. 7),
printed in Statutes, iv. 1024. The Act was amended in detail by 7 Jac. I, c. 4, in 1610
(St. iv. 1159).]
[§ 1.] Whereas by [39 Eliz. c. 4] ... it was enacted, That all persons
callinge themselves Scholers goinge aboute begginge, all Seafaringe men
pretending losse of their Shippes or Goods on the Sea, goinge aboute the
maiesties Plaiers have given ty[[** spaces]] hyghnes good service in ther
Quallitie of Playinge, and for as much Lickwise as they are at all times to
be emploied in that Service, whensoever they shalbe Comaunded, we thinke
it therfore fitt, the time of Lent being now Passt, that your L. doe Permitt
and suffer the three Companies of Plaiers to the King, Queene, and Prince
publicklie to Exercise ther Plaies in ther severall and vsuall howses for that
Purpose, and noe other, viz. The Globe scituate in Maiden lane on the
Banckside in the Countie of Surrey, the Fortun in Golding Lane, and the
Curtaine in Hollywell in the Cowntie of Midlesex, without any lett or
interupption in respect of any former Lettres of Prohibition heertofore
written by vs to your Lo. Except there shall happen weeklie to die of the
Plague Aboue the Number of thirtie within the Cittie of London and the
Liberties therof. Att which time we thinke it fitt they shall Cease and
forbeare any further Publicklie to Playe, vntill the Sicknes be again
decreaced to the saide Number. And so we bid your Lo. hartilie farewell.
From the Court at Whitehalle the ixth of Aprille, 1604.
Your very Loving ffrends
Nottingham
Suffock
Gill Shrowsberie
Ed Worster
W: Knowles
J: Stanhopp
To our verie good L. the Lord Maior of the Cittie of London and to the
Justices of the Peace of the Counties of Midlesex and Surrey. L. Maiore.
cxxxvi.
[1604, July 7. Extracts from An Acte for the Continuance and Explanation of the
Statute made in the 39 yeere of the Raigne of our late Queene Elizabeth, intituled An
Acte for Punishmente of Rogues, Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers (1 Jac. I, c. 7),
printed in Statutes, iv. 1024. The Act was amended in detail by 7 Jac. I, c. 4, in 1610
(St. iv. 1159).]
[§ 1.] Whereas by [39 Eliz. c. 4] ... it was enacted, That all persons
callinge themselves Scholers goinge aboute begginge, all Seafaringe men
pretending losse of their Shippes or Goods on the Sea, goinge aboute the
Page 394
Countrie begginge, all idle persons goinge aboute in any Countrie, either
begginge, or usinge any subtile Crafte or unlawfull Games or Playes, or
fayninge themselves to have knowledge in Phisiognomie Palmestry or other
like craftye Science, or pretendinge that they can tell Destinies Fortunes or
such other like fantasticall Imaginations; all persons that be, or utter
themselves to be Proctors Procurers Patent Gatherers or Collectors for
Gaoles Prisons or Hospitals; all Fencers Bearwardes common Players of
Enterludes, and Minstrels wandringe abroad, (other then Players of
Enterludes belonginge to any Baron of this Realme, or any other
honourable Personage of greater Degree, to be authorized to play under the
Hande and Seale of Armes of such Baron or Personage) shalbe taken
adjudged and deemed as Rogues Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers, and
shall suffer such Paine and Punishment as in the said Acte is in that behalfe
appointed, as by the same Acte more at large is declared; Sithence the
making of which Acte divers Doubtes and Questions have bene moved and
growen by diversitie of Opinions taken in and upon the letter of the said
Acte: For a plaine Declaration whereof be it declared and enacted, That
from henceforthe no Authoritie to be given or made by any Baron of this
Realme or any other honourable Personage of greater Degree, unto any
other person or persons, shall be availeable to free and discharge the saide
persons, or any of them, from the Paines and Punishmentes in the saide
Statute mentioned, but that they shall be taken within the Offence and
Punishment of the same Statute.
[§ 3.] Amends 39 Eliz. c. 4, § 4, which provided for banishment of
dangerous rogues, by providing for branding and setting to labour in place
of settlement; a second offence to be felony, without benefit of clergy.
[§ 6.] Continues 39 Eliz. c. 4 as amended.
[§ 8.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.
cxxxvii.
[1604, Oct. 13. Letter of Assistance from the Duke of Lennox for his players,
printed by W. W. Greg from Dulwich MS. i. 40, in Henslowe Papers, 62; also in
Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 69.]
Sir I am given to vnderstand that youe haue forbidden the Companye of
Players (that call themselues myne) the exercise of their Playes; I praie
youe to forbeare any such course against them, and seeing they haue my
begginge, or usinge any subtile Crafte or unlawfull Games or Playes, or
fayninge themselves to have knowledge in Phisiognomie Palmestry or other
like craftye Science, or pretendinge that they can tell Destinies Fortunes or
such other like fantasticall Imaginations; all persons that be, or utter
themselves to be Proctors Procurers Patent Gatherers or Collectors for
Gaoles Prisons or Hospitals; all Fencers Bearwardes common Players of
Enterludes, and Minstrels wandringe abroad, (other then Players of
Enterludes belonginge to any Baron of this Realme, or any other
honourable Personage of greater Degree, to be authorized to play under the
Hande and Seale of Armes of such Baron or Personage) shalbe taken
adjudged and deemed as Rogues Vagabondes and Sturdie Beggers, and
shall suffer such Paine and Punishment as in the said Acte is in that behalfe
appointed, as by the same Acte more at large is declared; Sithence the
making of which Acte divers Doubtes and Questions have bene moved and
growen by diversitie of Opinions taken in and upon the letter of the said
Acte: For a plaine Declaration whereof be it declared and enacted, That
from henceforthe no Authoritie to be given or made by any Baron of this
Realme or any other honourable Personage of greater Degree, unto any
other person or persons, shall be availeable to free and discharge the saide
persons, or any of them, from the Paines and Punishmentes in the saide
Statute mentioned, but that they shall be taken within the Offence and
Punishment of the same Statute.
[§ 3.] Amends 39 Eliz. c. 4, § 4, which provided for banishment of
dangerous rogues, by providing for branding and setting to labour in place
of settlement; a second offence to be felony, without benefit of clergy.
[§ 6.] Continues 39 Eliz. c. 4 as amended.
[§ 8.] Reserves privileges of John Dutton.
cxxxvii.
[1604, Oct. 13. Letter of Assistance from the Duke of Lennox for his players,
printed by W. W. Greg from Dulwich MS. i. 40, in Henslowe Papers, 62; also in
Collier, Alleyn Memoirs, 69.]
Sir I am given to vnderstand that youe haue forbidden the Companye of
Players (that call themselues myne) the exercise of their Playes; I praie
youe to forbeare any such course against them, and seeing they haue my
Page 395
License, to suffer them to continue the vse of their Playes; and vntill you
receaue other significacion from me of them, to afforde them your favoure
and assistance. And so I bidd youe hartely farewell. From Hampton Courte
the xiijth of October, 1604.
Your loving freende
Lenox.
To all maiors, Justeses of peas, Shreefes, Balifes, Constabells and all other
his highnes officers and lofing subiects to whome it shall or may in any
wise appertaine.
[Addressed] To my loving freend Mr. Dale esqr. and all other Justeses
whatsoeuer.
cxxxviii.
[n.d. c. 1604. Draft royal licence for Queen Anne’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays, when the plague-list in London and the
liberties thereof falls to thirty, in the Curtain and Boar’s Head, and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere.
cxxxix.
[1605, Oct. 5. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed M. S. C. i. 371, from Addl.
MS. 11402, f. 107.]
A lettre to the Lord Mayor to forbidde Stage plaies & to take order that
the infectede bee kept in their howses, &c.
Like lettres to the Iustices of the peace of Middlesex & Surrey.
cxl.
[1605, Dec. 15. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed M. S. C. i. 372, from
Addl. MS. 11402, f. 109.]
Lettres to the Lord Mayor, the Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey to suffer
the Kings the Queens and the Princes Players, to play & recite their
enterludes at their accustomed places.
cxli.
[1606, March 7. Signet warrant from Queen Anne for her players; cf. text in Bk.
iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in London and other towns, except
during divine service, and requires assistance of justices.
receaue other significacion from me of them, to afforde them your favoure
and assistance. And so I bidd youe hartely farewell. From Hampton Courte
the xiijth of October, 1604.
Your loving freende
Lenox.
To all maiors, Justeses of peas, Shreefes, Balifes, Constabells and all other
his highnes officers and lofing subiects to whome it shall or may in any
wise appertaine.
[Addressed] To my loving freend Mr. Dale esqr. and all other Justeses
whatsoeuer.
cxxxviii.
[n.d. c. 1604. Draft royal licence for Queen Anne’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays, when the plague-list in London and the
liberties thereof falls to thirty, in the Curtain and Boar’s Head, and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere.
cxxxix.
[1605, Oct. 5. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed M. S. C. i. 371, from Addl.
MS. 11402, f. 107.]
A lettre to the Lord Mayor to forbidde Stage plaies & to take order that
the infectede bee kept in their howses, &c.
Like lettres to the Iustices of the peace of Middlesex & Surrey.
cxl.
[1605, Dec. 15. Abstract of Privy Council Minute, printed M. S. C. i. 372, from
Addl. MS. 11402, f. 109.]
Lettres to the Lord Mayor, the Iustices of Middlesex and Surrey to suffer
the Kings the Queens and the Princes Players, to play & recite their
enterludes at their accustomed places.
cxli.
[1606, March 7. Signet warrant from Queen Anne for her players; cf. text in Bk.
iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in London and other towns, except
during divine service, and requires assistance of justices.
Page 396
cxlii.
[1606, April 30. Patent for Prince Henry’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient places
in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the authority, power, privileges,
and profits of the Master of the Revels.
cxliii.
[1606, May 27. An Acte to Restraine Abuses of Players (3 Jac. I, c. 21), printed in
Statutes, iv. 1097; also in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 42.]
For the preventing and avoyding of the greate Abuse of the Holy Name
of God in Stagelayes, Interludes, May-games, Shewes, and such like; Be it
enacted by our Soveraigne Lorde the Kinges Majesty, and by the Lordes
Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons in this present Parliament
assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, That if at any tyme or tymes,
after the end of this present Session of Parliament, any person or persons
doe or shall in any Stage play, Interlude, Shewe, May-game, or Pageant
jestingly or prophanely speake or use the holy Name of God or of Christ
Jesus, or of the Holy Ghoste or of the Trinitie, which are not to be spoken
but with feare and reverence, [? such person or persons] shall forfeite for
everie such Offence by hym or them committed Tenne Pounds, the one
moytie thereof to the Kinges Majestie, his Heires and Successors, the other
moytie thereof to hym or them that will sue for the same in any Courte of
Recorde at Westminster, wherein no essoigne, Proteccion or Wager of Lawe
shalbe allowed.
cxliv.
[1607, April 12. The Lord Mayor to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, printed
M. S. C. i. 87, from Remembrancia, ii. 283.]
My humble dutie remembred to your good Lp:
Whereas it pleaseth god that the Infeccion of sicknes is Concerninge the
Infection of the
for theis two or three weekes of late somewhat increased Plague.
in the Skirtes and Confines of this Cittie, and by the
vntymely heate of this season may spreade further then can hereafter be
easelie prevented, My humble desier is that your Lp: for the preventinge of
soe great a danger will vouchsafe your honourable favour in two speciall
pointes concerninge this Matter. First in restrayninge such comon Stage
Plaies, as are Daylie shewed and exercised and doe occasion the great
Assembleis of all sortes of people in the suburbes and partes adioyninge to
[1606, April 30. Patent for Prince Henry’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient places
in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the authority, power, privileges,
and profits of the Master of the Revels.
cxliii.
[1606, May 27. An Acte to Restraine Abuses of Players (3 Jac. I, c. 21), printed in
Statutes, iv. 1097; also in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 42.]
For the preventing and avoyding of the greate Abuse of the Holy Name
of God in Stagelayes, Interludes, May-games, Shewes, and such like; Be it
enacted by our Soveraigne Lorde the Kinges Majesty, and by the Lordes
Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons in this present Parliament
assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, That if at any tyme or tymes,
after the end of this present Session of Parliament, any person or persons
doe or shall in any Stage play, Interlude, Shewe, May-game, or Pageant
jestingly or prophanely speake or use the holy Name of God or of Christ
Jesus, or of the Holy Ghoste or of the Trinitie, which are not to be spoken
but with feare and reverence, [? such person or persons] shall forfeite for
everie such Offence by hym or them committed Tenne Pounds, the one
moytie thereof to the Kinges Majestie, his Heires and Successors, the other
moytie thereof to hym or them that will sue for the same in any Courte of
Recorde at Westminster, wherein no essoigne, Proteccion or Wager of Lawe
shalbe allowed.
cxliv.
[1607, April 12. The Lord Mayor to the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, printed
M. S. C. i. 87, from Remembrancia, ii. 283.]
My humble dutie remembred to your good Lp:
Whereas it pleaseth god that the Infeccion of sicknes is Concerninge the
Infection of the
for theis two or three weekes of late somewhat increased Plague.
in the Skirtes and Confines of this Cittie, and by the
vntymely heate of this season may spreade further then can hereafter be
easelie prevented, My humble desier is that your Lp: for the preventinge of
soe great a danger will vouchsafe your honourable favour in two speciall
pointes concerninge this Matter. First in restrayninge such comon Stage
Plaies, as are Daylie shewed and exercised and doe occasion the great
Assembleis of all sortes of people in the suburbes and partes adioyninge to
Page 397
this Cittie, and cannot be continiewed but with apparant daunger of the
encrease of the sicknes. Secoundly, Whereas it appeareth by the Certificate
that the said Skirtes and out Partes of the Cittie are more subiecte to the
Infection then any other Places. That your Honours will please to give order
to the Iustices of Middlesex to put in due execution such ordenances as are
formerly by your Lordshippes recomended vnto them in this behalfe,
especially that there may be a better care hade of White Chappell,
Shorditch, Clarken-Well and such other remote Partes then formerly hath
ben accustomed. And that there may some speciall Officers be appointed to
see good order kept and obserued in those Places, where there is noe Justice
of Peace resident or nere there biwaies to looke to the same. Which beinge
accordingly performed in the out Skirtes of this Cittie, My desier is that
your Lp: will rest satisfied and assuered of oure carefullnes here within the
Cittie and Lyberties thereof to the vtmost of our Indeauour, as is fittinge a
matter of such Consequence. And soe most humblie I take my leaue And
rest
Aprill 12, 1607.
Your Lps: most humble.
To the right honourable my very good Lo: the Earle of Suffolke Lo:
Chamberlaine of his Maiesties House.
cxlv.
[1608, Dec. 20. Entry in Gaol Delivery Register of Justices for Middlesex, printed
by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, ii. 47.]
Recognizances, taken before Sir William Waad knt. J.P., Lieutenant of
the Tower of London, of Daniel Hitch of Whitechappell yeoman and James
Waters of Eastsmythfeilde ironmounger, in the sum of ten pounds each, and
of William Claiton of Eastsmythfeilde victualler, in the sum of twenty
pounds; For the appearance of the said William Claiton at the next Session
of the Peace, to answer for sufferinge playes to bee played in his house in
the night season.
cxlvi.
[1609, April 15. Patent for Queen Anne’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Red Bull and Curtain and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the authority,
power, privileges and profits of the Master of the Revels.
encrease of the sicknes. Secoundly, Whereas it appeareth by the Certificate
that the said Skirtes and out Partes of the Cittie are more subiecte to the
Infection then any other Places. That your Honours will please to give order
to the Iustices of Middlesex to put in due execution such ordenances as are
formerly by your Lordshippes recomended vnto them in this behalfe,
especially that there may be a better care hade of White Chappell,
Shorditch, Clarken-Well and such other remote Partes then formerly hath
ben accustomed. And that there may some speciall Officers be appointed to
see good order kept and obserued in those Places, where there is noe Justice
of Peace resident or nere there biwaies to looke to the same. Which beinge
accordingly performed in the out Skirtes of this Cittie, My desier is that
your Lp: will rest satisfied and assuered of oure carefullnes here within the
Cittie and Lyberties thereof to the vtmost of our Indeauour, as is fittinge a
matter of such Consequence. And soe most humblie I take my leaue And
rest
Aprill 12, 1607.
Your Lps: most humble.
To the right honourable my very good Lo: the Earle of Suffolke Lo:
Chamberlaine of his Maiesties House.
cxlv.
[1608, Dec. 20. Entry in Gaol Delivery Register of Justices for Middlesex, printed
by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, ii. 47.]
Recognizances, taken before Sir William Waad knt. J.P., Lieutenant of
the Tower of London, of Daniel Hitch of Whitechappell yeoman and James
Waters of Eastsmythfeilde ironmounger, in the sum of ten pounds each, and
of William Claiton of Eastsmythfeilde victualler, in the sum of twenty
pounds; For the appearance of the said William Claiton at the next Session
of the Peace, to answer for sufferinge playes to bee played in his house in
the night season.
cxlvi.
[1609, April 15. Patent for Queen Anne’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Red Bull and Curtain and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with a proviso saving the authority,
power, privileges and profits of the Master of the Revels.
Page 398
cxlvii.
[1610, Jan. 4. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Revels; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in the Whitefriars or other convenient
place.
cxlviii.
[1610, March 30. Patent for the Duke of York’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in houses and about London and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority,
power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
cxlix.
[1611, April 27. Patent for the Lady Elizabeth’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in houses in and about London and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority,
power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
cl.
[1612, Oct. 1. Order at General Session of the Peace for Middlesex held at
Westminster, printed from Sessions Rolls in J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County
Records, ii. 83.]
An Order for suppressinge of Jigges att the ende of Playes—Whereas
Complaynte have [sic] beene made at this last Generall Sessions, that by
reason of certayne lewde Jigges songes and daunces vsed and accustomed
at the playhouse called the Fortune in Gouldinglane, divers cutt-purses and
other lewde and ill disposed persons in greate multitudes doe resorte thither
at th’end of euerye playe, many tymes causinge tumultes and outrages
wherebye His Majesties peace is often broke and much mischiefe like to
ensue thereby, Itt was hereuppon expresselye commaunded and ordered by
the Justices of the said benche, That all Actors of euerye playhouse within
this cittye and liberties thereof and in the Countye of Middlesex that they
and euerie of them utterlye abolishe all Jigges Rymes and Daunces after
their playes, And not to tollerate permitt or suffer anye of them to be used
vpon payne of ymprisonment and puttinge downe and suppressinge of
theire playes, And such further punishment to be inflicted upon them as
their offences shall deserve, And that if any outrage tumult or like disorder
as aforesaid should be committed or done, that then the partyes so offending
should forthwith be apprehended and punished accordinge to their demeritt.
[1610, Jan. 4. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Revels; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in the Whitefriars or other convenient
place.
cxlviii.
[1610, March 30. Patent for the Duke of York’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in houses and about London and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority,
power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
cxlix.
[1611, April 27. Patent for the Lady Elizabeth’s men; cf. text in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority to perform plays in houses in and about London and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority,
power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
cl.
[1612, Oct. 1. Order at General Session of the Peace for Middlesex held at
Westminster, printed from Sessions Rolls in J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County
Records, ii. 83.]
An Order for suppressinge of Jigges att the ende of Playes—Whereas
Complaynte have [sic] beene made at this last Generall Sessions, that by
reason of certayne lewde Jigges songes and daunces vsed and accustomed
at the playhouse called the Fortune in Gouldinglane, divers cutt-purses and
other lewde and ill disposed persons in greate multitudes doe resorte thither
at th’end of euerye playe, many tymes causinge tumultes and outrages
wherebye His Majesties peace is often broke and much mischiefe like to
ensue thereby, Itt was hereuppon expresselye commaunded and ordered by
the Justices of the said benche, That all Actors of euerye playhouse within
this cittye and liberties thereof and in the Countye of Middlesex that they
and euerie of them utterlye abolishe all Jigges Rymes and Daunces after
their playes, And not to tollerate permitt or suffer anye of them to be used
vpon payne of ymprisonment and puttinge downe and suppressinge of
theire playes, And such further punishment to be inflicted upon them as
their offences shall deserve, And that if any outrage tumult or like disorder
as aforesaid should be committed or done, that then the partyes so offending
should forthwith be apprehended and punished accordinge to their demeritt.
Page 399
For the better suppressinge of which abuses and outrages, These are to will
and require you and in His Majesties name streightelye to charge and
commaunde you that you diligently and stryctlye looke vnto the
performaunce of the same order, And that if either the players do persiste
and contynewe their sayd Jigges daunces or songes as aforesayd or any
disordered persons doe committ or attempt any violence or outrage in or
about the sayd playe-houses, That then you apprehend all and euerie such
person of either kind so offendinge and forthwith bringe them before me or
some other of his Majesties Justices of Peace to answeare their contemptes
and further to be dealt [with] as to Justice shall appertayne.—By the Court.
S. P. Reg.
cli.
[1612, Nov. 8. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 88, from
Remembrancia, iii. 64.]
After our very hartie Commendacions to your
Lordshipp. Whereas it hath pleased the Almightie God From the Lordes,
for the suppressinge
to take awaie the most Noble and Worthie Prince of of Stage plaies,
Wales, to the exceedinge greate sorrowe and Greef, Bearebaytinges and
aswell of theire Maiesties, as of all theire deere and idle shewes, vpon
the death of Prince
lovinge Subiectes. And that these tymes doe not suite Henry.
with such playes and idle shewes, as are daily to be
seene in and neere the cittie of London, to the scandall of Order and good
governement at all occasions when they are most tollerable. As wee haue
allreadie addressed lettres to the Iustices of peace of Middlesex and Surrey
for the suppressinge of any playes or shewes whatsoever within those
Counties, soe wee doe hereby require your Lpp. to take speedie and speciall
order for the prohibitinge of all Playes, shewes, Bearebaytinges, or any
other such sighte, within that cittie and liberties thereof, and vtterlie to
restraine the vse and exercise thereof, vntill you shall receave further order
from vs. And if you shall finde anie person offendinge therein, to commytt
him or them to Prison without favour or connyvauncie, and to acquainte vs
therewith. And soe wee bidd your Lordshipp Hartelie farewell. From
Whitehall the viijth of November, 1612.
Your Lps. verie loving Frindes,
T. Ellesmore Cancellarius.
E. Wotton:
and require you and in His Majesties name streightelye to charge and
commaunde you that you diligently and stryctlye looke vnto the
performaunce of the same order, And that if either the players do persiste
and contynewe their sayd Jigges daunces or songes as aforesayd or any
disordered persons doe committ or attempt any violence or outrage in or
about the sayd playe-houses, That then you apprehend all and euerie such
person of either kind so offendinge and forthwith bringe them before me or
some other of his Majesties Justices of Peace to answeare their contemptes
and further to be dealt [with] as to Justice shall appertayne.—By the Court.
S. P. Reg.
cli.
[1612, Nov. 8. The Privy Council to the Lord Mayor, printed M. S. C. i. 88, from
Remembrancia, iii. 64.]
After our very hartie Commendacions to your
Lordshipp. Whereas it hath pleased the Almightie God From the Lordes,
for the suppressinge
to take awaie the most Noble and Worthie Prince of of Stage plaies,
Wales, to the exceedinge greate sorrowe and Greef, Bearebaytinges and
aswell of theire Maiesties, as of all theire deere and idle shewes, vpon
the death of Prince
lovinge Subiectes. And that these tymes doe not suite Henry.
with such playes and idle shewes, as are daily to be
seene in and neere the cittie of London, to the scandall of Order and good
governement at all occasions when they are most tollerable. As wee haue
allreadie addressed lettres to the Iustices of peace of Middlesex and Surrey
for the suppressinge of any playes or shewes whatsoever within those
Counties, soe wee doe hereby require your Lpp. to take speedie and speciall
order for the prohibitinge of all Playes, shewes, Bearebaytinges, or any
other such sighte, within that cittie and liberties thereof, and vtterlie to
restraine the vse and exercise thereof, vntill you shall receave further order
from vs. And if you shall finde anie person offendinge therein, to commytt
him or them to Prison without favour or connyvauncie, and to acquainte vs
therewith. And soe wee bidd your Lordshipp Hartelie farewell. From
Whitehall the viijth of November, 1612.
Your Lps. verie loving Frindes,
T. Ellesmore Cancellarius.
E. Wotton:
Page 400
H: Northampton:
Stanhop.
T. Suffolk:
clii.
[1613, Jan. 11. Patent for the Elector Palatine’s men; cf. Bk. iii, and text in M. S. C.
i. 275.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient places
in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority, power, privileges and
profits of the Master of the Revels.
cliii.
[1613, July 13. Extract by Sir Henry Herbert from an office-book of Sir George
Buck, printed in Variorum, iii. 52, and Adams, Herbert 42.]
For a license to erect a new playhouse in the White-friers, &c. £20.
cliv.
[1615, March 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i.
372; also in Collier, i. 380.]
A warrant to John Sentie one of the Messingers. Whereas John
Hemminges, Richard Burbidge, Christopher Beeston, Robert Lee, William
Rowley, John Newton, Thomas Downton, Humphry Ieffs with others
Stageplayers in and about the Citty of London have presumed
notwithstanding the commaundement of the Lord Chamberlayne signified
vnto them by the Master of the Revells to play this prohibited time of Lent.
Theese are therefore to will and commaund yowe to make your repayre
vnto the persons abouenamed, and to charge them in his Maiesties name to
make their appearance heere before vs of his Maiesties Privie Councell on
ffriday next at 8 of the Clocke in the forenoone without any excuse or delay.
And in the meane time that neither they, nor the rest of their Company
presume to present any Playes or interludes, as they will answere the
contrary at their perills.
clv.
[1615, June 3. Patent for erection of Porter’s Hall; cf. text in Bk. iv.]
Gives authority to the patentees of the Queen’s Revels to build a
playhouse for the Queen’s Revels, at Porter’s Hall in Blackfriars, and for
Stanhop.
T. Suffolk:
clii.
[1613, Jan. 11. Patent for the Elector Palatine’s men; cf. Bk. iii, and text in M. S. C.
i. 275.]
Gives authority to perform plays at the Fortune and in convenient places
in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority, power, privileges and
profits of the Master of the Revels.
cliii.
[1613, July 13. Extract by Sir Henry Herbert from an office-book of Sir George
Buck, printed in Variorum, iii. 52, and Adams, Herbert 42.]
For a license to erect a new playhouse in the White-friers, &c. £20.
cliv.
[1615, March 29. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i.
372; also in Collier, i. 380.]
A warrant to John Sentie one of the Messingers. Whereas John
Hemminges, Richard Burbidge, Christopher Beeston, Robert Lee, William
Rowley, John Newton, Thomas Downton, Humphry Ieffs with others
Stageplayers in and about the Citty of London have presumed
notwithstanding the commaundement of the Lord Chamberlayne signified
vnto them by the Master of the Revells to play this prohibited time of Lent.
Theese are therefore to will and commaund yowe to make your repayre
vnto the persons abouenamed, and to charge them in his Maiesties name to
make their appearance heere before vs of his Maiesties Privie Councell on
ffriday next at 8 of the Clocke in the forenoone without any excuse or delay.
And in the meane time that neither they, nor the rest of their Company
presume to present any Playes or interludes, as they will answere the
contrary at their perills.
clv.
[1615, June 3. Patent for erection of Porter’s Hall; cf. text in Bk. iv.]
Gives authority to the patentees of the Queen’s Revels to build a
playhouse for the Queen’s Revels, at Porter’s Hall in Blackfriars, and for
Page 401
the performance of plays by the Queen’s Revels, Prince Charles’s men, and
the Lady Elizabeth’s men therein.
clvi.
[1615, July 13. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Chamber of Bristol; cf. text
in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority for the performance of plays in houses in Bristol and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority,
power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
clvii.
[1615, Sept. 26. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i. 372;
also in Chalmers, 463; Variorum, iii. 493.]
Whereas Complaint was made to this Boarde by the
Lord Mayour and Aldermen of the Cittie of London That Ordered at the
Sessions next
one Rosseter, and others havinge obtayned lycense before.
vnder the great Seale of Englande for the buildinge of a
Play house haue pulled downe a great Messuage in Puddle wharfe, which
was sometimes the house of the Ladie Sanders within the Precinct of the
Blackfryers, are now erectinge a Newe Playhouse in that place, to the great
prejudice and inconvenience of the Gouerment of that Cittie: Their
Lordships thought fitt to send for Rosseter to bringe in his Lettres Patentes,
which beinge seene, and pervsed by the Lord Chief Iustice of Englande
fforasmuch as the Inconveniences vrged by the Lord Mayour and Aldermen
were many, and of some consequence to their Goverment. And specially for
that the said Play house would adioyne soe neere vnto the Church in
Blackfryers, as it would disturbe, and interrupt the Congregacion at divine
Service vpon the weeke dayes: And that the Lord Chiefe Iustice did deliver
to their Lordships, That the Lycence graunted to the said Rosseter did
extende to the buildinge of a Playhouse without the liberties of London, and
not within the Cittie. It was this day ordered by their Lordships, That there
shalbe noe Play house erected in that place, And that the Lord Mayour of
London shall straitly prohibit, and forbidd the said Rosseter and the rest of
the Patentees, and their workemen to proceede in the makeinge, and
convertinge the said Buildinge into a Play house: And if any of the
Patentees or their workemen shall proceede in their intended buildinge
contrary to this their Lordships Inhibicion, that then the Lord Mayour shall
committ him or them soe offendinge, vnto Prison and certefie their
the Lady Elizabeth’s men therein.
clvi.
[1615, July 13. Patent for the Children of the Queen’s Chamber of Bristol; cf. text
in Bk. iii.]
Gives authority for the performance of plays in houses in Bristol and in
convenient places in towns elsewhere, with proviso saving the authority,
power, privilege and profit of the Master of the Revels.
clvii.
[1615, Sept. 26. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i. 372;
also in Chalmers, 463; Variorum, iii. 493.]
Whereas Complaint was made to this Boarde by the
Lord Mayour and Aldermen of the Cittie of London That Ordered at the
Sessions next
one Rosseter, and others havinge obtayned lycense before.
vnder the great Seale of Englande for the buildinge of a
Play house haue pulled downe a great Messuage in Puddle wharfe, which
was sometimes the house of the Ladie Sanders within the Precinct of the
Blackfryers, are now erectinge a Newe Playhouse in that place, to the great
prejudice and inconvenience of the Gouerment of that Cittie: Their
Lordships thought fitt to send for Rosseter to bringe in his Lettres Patentes,
which beinge seene, and pervsed by the Lord Chief Iustice of Englande
fforasmuch as the Inconveniences vrged by the Lord Mayour and Aldermen
were many, and of some consequence to their Goverment. And specially for
that the said Play house would adioyne soe neere vnto the Church in
Blackfryers, as it would disturbe, and interrupt the Congregacion at divine
Service vpon the weeke dayes: And that the Lord Chiefe Iustice did deliver
to their Lordships, That the Lycence graunted to the said Rosseter did
extende to the buildinge of a Playhouse without the liberties of London, and
not within the Cittie. It was this day ordered by their Lordships, That there
shalbe noe Play house erected in that place, And that the Lord Mayour of
London shall straitly prohibit, and forbidd the said Rosseter and the rest of
the Patentees, and their workemen to proceede in the makeinge, and
convertinge the said Buildinge into a Play house: And if any of the
Patentees or their workemen shall proceede in their intended buildinge
contrary to this their Lordships Inhibicion, that then the Lord Mayour shall
committ him or them soe offendinge, vnto Prison and certefie their
Page 402
Lordships of their contempt in that behalfe. Of which their Lordships order
the said Rosseter, and the rest are to take notice, and conforme themselves
accordingly as they will aunsweare to the contrary at their perrilles.
clviii.
[1616, July 16. Warrant by William Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain, printed
by Murray, ii. 343, from copy recorded in Mayor’s Court Books of Norwich.]
Whereas Thomas Swynnerton and Martin Slaughter beinge two of the
Queens Maiesties company of Playors hauinge separated themselves from
their said Company, have each of them taken forth a severall
exemplification or duplicate of his maiesties Letters patente graunted to the
whole Company and by vertue therof they severally in two Companies with
vagabonds and such like idle persons, haue and doe vse and exercise the
quallitie of playinge in diuerse places of this Realme to the great abuse and
wronge of his Maiesties Subjects in generall and contrary to the true intent
and meaninge of his Maiestie to the said Company And whereas William
Perrie haueinge likewise gotten a warrant whereby he and a certaine
Company of idle persons with him doe travel and play under the name and
title of the Children of his Maiesties Revels, to the great abuse of his
Maiesties service And whereas also Gilberte Reason one of the prince his
highnes Playours hauing likewise separated himselfe from his Company
hath also taken forth another exemplification or duplicate of the patent
granted to that Company and liues in the same kinde & abuse And likewise
one Charles Marshall, Homfry Jeffes and William Parr: three of Prince
Palatynes Company of Playours haveinge also taken forthe an
exemplification or duplicate of the patent graunted to the said Company and
by vertue thereof liue after the like kinde and abuse Wherefore to the [end
that] such idle persons may not be suffered to continewe in this course of
life These are therefore to pray, and neatheless in his Maiesties name to will
and require you vpon notice giuen of aine of the said persons by the bearer
herof Joseph More whome I haue speciallye directed for that purpose that
you call the said parties offendours before you and therevpon take the said
seuerall exemplifications or duplicats or other ther warrants by which they
vse ther said quallitie from them, And forthwith to send the same to me And
also that you take goode and sufficient bonds of any of them to appeare
before me at Whitehall at a fixt daye to answeare ther said contempte and
abuses whereof I desire you not to fayle And these shalbe your sufficient
the said Rosseter, and the rest are to take notice, and conforme themselves
accordingly as they will aunsweare to the contrary at their perrilles.
clviii.
[1616, July 16. Warrant by William Earl of Pembroke, Lord Chamberlain, printed
by Murray, ii. 343, from copy recorded in Mayor’s Court Books of Norwich.]
Whereas Thomas Swynnerton and Martin Slaughter beinge two of the
Queens Maiesties company of Playors hauinge separated themselves from
their said Company, have each of them taken forth a severall
exemplification or duplicate of his maiesties Letters patente graunted to the
whole Company and by vertue therof they severally in two Companies with
vagabonds and such like idle persons, haue and doe vse and exercise the
quallitie of playinge in diuerse places of this Realme to the great abuse and
wronge of his Maiesties Subjects in generall and contrary to the true intent
and meaninge of his Maiestie to the said Company And whereas William
Perrie haueinge likewise gotten a warrant whereby he and a certaine
Company of idle persons with him doe travel and play under the name and
title of the Children of his Maiesties Revels, to the great abuse of his
Maiesties service And whereas also Gilberte Reason one of the prince his
highnes Playours hauing likewise separated himselfe from his Company
hath also taken forth another exemplification or duplicate of the patent
granted to that Company and liues in the same kinde & abuse And likewise
one Charles Marshall, Homfry Jeffes and William Parr: three of Prince
Palatynes Company of Playours haveinge also taken forthe an
exemplification or duplicate of the patent graunted to the said Company and
by vertue thereof liue after the like kinde and abuse Wherefore to the [end
that] such idle persons may not be suffered to continewe in this course of
life These are therefore to pray, and neatheless in his Maiesties name to will
and require you vpon notice giuen of aine of the said persons by the bearer
herof Joseph More whome I haue speciallye directed for that purpose that
you call the said parties offendours before you and therevpon take the said
seuerall exemplifications or duplicats or other ther warrants by which they
vse ther said quallitie from them, And forthwith to send the same to me And
also that you take goode and sufficient bonds of any of them to appeare
before me at Whitehall at a fixt daye to answeare ther said contempte and
abuses whereof I desire you not to fayle And these shalbe your sufficient
Page 403
warrant in that behalfe Dated at the Courte at Theobalds this 16th day of
July in the fowertenth yeare of the raigne of our soueraigne Lord the Kings
Maiestie of England ffrance and Irelande and of Scotland the nine and
fortieth 1616.
Pembrook.
To all Justices of peace Maiours Sheriffs Baliffs Constables and other his
Maiesties officers to whome it may appertayne.
clix.
[1616, Oct. 4. Abstract of entries in Process Book for General Sessions of the
Peace for Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, ii. 235.]
Amongst memoranda of process against a large number of persons,
charged with neglecting to work or contribute for the repair of the
highways, appears this memorandum, touching the Red Bull theatre,
‘Christofer Beeston and the rest of the players of the Redd Bull are behinde
five pounds, being taxed by the bench 40s. the yeare by theire owne
consentes’.
clx.
[1617, Jan. 27. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i. 374;
also in Chalmers, 463; Variorum, iii. 494.]
A letter to the Lord Mayor of London. Whereas his Maiestie is informed
that notwithstanding diverse Commaundementes and prohibicions to the
contrary there bee certaine persons that goe about to sett vp a Play howse in
the Black ffryaers neere vnto his Maiesties Wardrobe, and for that purpose
have lately erected and made fitt a Building, which is allmost if not fully
finished, Youe shall vnderstand that his Maiesty hath this day expressly
signifyed his pleasure, that the same shalbee pulled downe, so as it bee
made vnfitt for any such vse, whereof wee Require your Lordshipp to take
notice, and to cause it to bee performed accordingly with all speede, and
therevpon to certify vs of your proceedinges. And so, &c.
July in the fowertenth yeare of the raigne of our soueraigne Lord the Kings
Maiestie of England ffrance and Irelande and of Scotland the nine and
fortieth 1616.
Pembrook.
To all Justices of peace Maiours Sheriffs Baliffs Constables and other his
Maiesties officers to whome it may appertayne.
clix.
[1616, Oct. 4. Abstract of entries in Process Book for General Sessions of the
Peace for Middlesex, printed by J. C. Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, ii. 235.]
Amongst memoranda of process against a large number of persons,
charged with neglecting to work or contribute for the repair of the
highways, appears this memorandum, touching the Red Bull theatre,
‘Christofer Beeston and the rest of the players of the Redd Bull are behinde
five pounds, being taxed by the bench 40s. the yeare by theire owne
consentes’.
clx.
[1617, Jan. 27. Minute of Privy Council, printed from Register in M. S. C. i. 374;
also in Chalmers, 463; Variorum, iii. 494.]
A letter to the Lord Mayor of London. Whereas his Maiestie is informed
that notwithstanding diverse Commaundementes and prohibicions to the
contrary there bee certaine persons that goe about to sett vp a Play howse in
the Black ffryaers neere vnto his Maiesties Wardrobe, and for that purpose
have lately erected and made fitt a Building, which is allmost if not fully
finished, Youe shall vnderstand that his Maiesty hath this day expressly
signifyed his pleasure, that the same shalbee pulled downe, so as it bee
made vnfitt for any such vse, whereof wee Require your Lordshipp to take
notice, and to cause it to bee performed accordingly with all speede, and
therevpon to certify vs of your proceedinges. And so, &c.
Page 404
APPENDIX E
PLAGUE RECORDS
[Bibliographical Note.—Early accounts of the vital statistics of the plague are J.
Graunt, Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality (1662, 1665,
1676); Reflections on the Weekly Bills of Mortality (1665, two eds.); J. Bell, London’s
Remembrancer (1665). Modern studies are C. Creighton, History of Epidemics in
Britain (1891); C. H. Hull, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty (1899, with
reprint of Graunt’s Observations); W. J. Simpson, A Treatise on Plague (1905).
Murray, ii. 171, discusses The Relation of the Plague to the Closing of the Theatres.
The ultimate material consists largely of the weekly bills of mortality returned for
each London parish and published by the City authorities. In these the deaths from
plague were separately stated. They were probably prepared throughout our period, at
any rate from the plague of 1563. On 14 July 1593 John Wolf entered in the
Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 634) a licence to print ‘the billes, briefes, notes and
larges gyven out for the sicknes weekly or otherwise’. The only complete bill extant is
one for 20 Oct. 1603 (Political Tracts, 1680, in Guildhall Library), but summaries of
the weekly totals are available for 1563–6 (J. Gairdner, Three Fifteenth-Century
Chronicles, 123, 144), 1578–83 (Creighton, i. 341, from Hatfield MSS.), 1593 (Hull,
ii. 426, from Graunt; vide infra), 1597–1600 (Hull, ii. 432, from Ashmolean MS. 824),
1603 (Hull, ii. 426, from Graunt; Scaramelli in V. P. x. 33 sqq.), 1604 (Nicolo Molin
in V. P. x. 132 sqq.), 1606–10 (Creighton, i. 494, from Bell). During the sixteenth
century the bills appear normally to have covered 108 or 109 parishes wholly or partly
within the City jurisdiction, but on 4 Aug. 1593 Westminster, St. Katherine’s, St.
Giles, Southwark, Shoreditch, and other suburbs were ordered exceptionally to make
returns to the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xxiv. 442). On 14 July 1603 the normal list was
extended to include eleven suburban parishes, and in 1606 another was added, making
121 in all. But the important areas of Westminster, Lambeth, Newington, Stepney,
Hackney, Islington, and Rotherhithe remained uncovered. Moreover, the suburban
figures seem from the print of 1603 to have been recorded separately, and those in
Bell’s pamphlet are shown by a comparison of his entry for 12 May 1636 with that in
Herbert’s Office-Book (Variorum, iii. 239) to relate only to the City and liberties. The
returns for this area were probably the basis for play restraints in the seventeenth
century (cf. Bk. ii, ch. x). The bills seem to have been issued on Thursdays, with
figures for the seven days ending on the day of issue.]
I give all facts indicating any epidemic condition of plague such as
would affect the performance of plays. The play restraints cited are in App.
D.
1560. Trinity term was adjourned to Michaelmas on 24 May (Procl.
525), but plague is not named as the reason.
1563. Plague was brought about June by English troops from Havre. The
deaths were above 30 from 3 July to 7 Jan. 1564, and reached 1,828 on 1
Oct. Stowe, Annales, 656, gives the totals as 17,404 from 108 City parishes,
PLAGUE RECORDS
[Bibliographical Note.—Early accounts of the vital statistics of the plague are J.
Graunt, Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality (1662, 1665,
1676); Reflections on the Weekly Bills of Mortality (1665, two eds.); J. Bell, London’s
Remembrancer (1665). Modern studies are C. Creighton, History of Epidemics in
Britain (1891); C. H. Hull, The Economic Writings of Sir William Petty (1899, with
reprint of Graunt’s Observations); W. J. Simpson, A Treatise on Plague (1905).
Murray, ii. 171, discusses The Relation of the Plague to the Closing of the Theatres.
The ultimate material consists largely of the weekly bills of mortality returned for
each London parish and published by the City authorities. In these the deaths from
plague were separately stated. They were probably prepared throughout our period, at
any rate from the plague of 1563. On 14 July 1593 John Wolf entered in the
Stationers’ Register (Arber, ii. 634) a licence to print ‘the billes, briefes, notes and
larges gyven out for the sicknes weekly or otherwise’. The only complete bill extant is
one for 20 Oct. 1603 (Political Tracts, 1680, in Guildhall Library), but summaries of
the weekly totals are available for 1563–6 (J. Gairdner, Three Fifteenth-Century
Chronicles, 123, 144), 1578–83 (Creighton, i. 341, from Hatfield MSS.), 1593 (Hull,
ii. 426, from Graunt; vide infra), 1597–1600 (Hull, ii. 432, from Ashmolean MS. 824),
1603 (Hull, ii. 426, from Graunt; Scaramelli in V. P. x. 33 sqq.), 1604 (Nicolo Molin
in V. P. x. 132 sqq.), 1606–10 (Creighton, i. 494, from Bell). During the sixteenth
century the bills appear normally to have covered 108 or 109 parishes wholly or partly
within the City jurisdiction, but on 4 Aug. 1593 Westminster, St. Katherine’s, St.
Giles, Southwark, Shoreditch, and other suburbs were ordered exceptionally to make
returns to the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xxiv. 442). On 14 July 1603 the normal list was
extended to include eleven suburban parishes, and in 1606 another was added, making
121 in all. But the important areas of Westminster, Lambeth, Newington, Stepney,
Hackney, Islington, and Rotherhithe remained uncovered. Moreover, the suburban
figures seem from the print of 1603 to have been recorded separately, and those in
Bell’s pamphlet are shown by a comparison of his entry for 12 May 1636 with that in
Herbert’s Office-Book (Variorum, iii. 239) to relate only to the City and liberties. The
returns for this area were probably the basis for play restraints in the seventeenth
century (cf. Bk. ii, ch. x). The bills seem to have been issued on Thursdays, with
figures for the seven days ending on the day of issue.]
I give all facts indicating any epidemic condition of plague such as
would affect the performance of plays. The play restraints cited are in App.
D.
1560. Trinity term was adjourned to Michaelmas on 24 May (Procl.
525), but plague is not named as the reason.
1563. Plague was brought about June by English troops from Havre. The
deaths were above 30 from 3 July to 7 Jan. 1564, and reached 1,828 on 1
Oct. Stowe, Annales, 656, gives the totals as 17,404 from 108 City parishes,
Page 405
and 2,732 from 11 suburban parishes; Camden (tr.), 83, as 21,130 from 121
parishes. Michaelmas term was adjourned to Hilary on 21 Sept. (Procl.
582), and Hilary term transferred to Hertford on 10 Dec. (Procl. 583). Plays
were restrained on 30 Sept.
1564–6. The bills show no plague deaths over 30.
1568. Some precautions were taken in the City and Westminster against
plague (Creighton, i. 318, 338).
1569. Further precautions were taken on 27 March (Creighton, i. 338)
and plays restrained on 31 May until 30 Sept. There was in fact plague in
September and October (Creighton, i. 338; La Mothe, ii. 249, 287; Sp. P. ii.
193, 203). Michaelmas term was deferred on 28 Sept. (Procl. 642) and
adjourned to Hilary on 23 Oct. (Procl. 644). Access to court was restrained
on 3 Oct. (Procl. 643).
1570. There was plague in July and August (Hatfield MSS. i. 476; Sp. P.
ii. 262, 270, 273; Creighton, i. 338). Michaelmas term was deferred on 24
Sept. (Procl. 658).
1572. Harrison reports a restraint of plays for fear of plague. There is no
other evidence.
1573. Plague appeared in the autumn (Creighton, i. 339). The Lord
Mayor’s feast was suppressed (Remembrancia, 38).
1574. Michaelmas term was deferred on 1 Oct. (Procl. 691). The plague
deaths on 28 Oct. were 65 (Holinshed, iii. 1240). The Lord Mayor’s feast
was suppressed (Dasent, viii. 303). Plays were restrained on 15 Nov. until
Easter.
1575. There was plague in Westminster, but apparently none in London
(Creighton, i. 340). Michaelmas term was deferred on 26 Sept. (Procl. 696).
1576. There was plague in the Tower on 13 July (Dasent, ix. 163).
Michaelmas term was deferred on 29 Sept. (Procl. 708).
1577. There was plague in August, September, and November (Dasent,
x. 22, 35, 40, 86). Plays were restrained on 1 Aug. to Michaelmas.
Michaelmas term was deferred on 16 Sept. (Procl. 719), and further on 15
Oct. (Procl. 722).
parishes. Michaelmas term was adjourned to Hilary on 21 Sept. (Procl.
582), and Hilary term transferred to Hertford on 10 Dec. (Procl. 583). Plays
were restrained on 30 Sept.
1564–6. The bills show no plague deaths over 30.
1568. Some precautions were taken in the City and Westminster against
plague (Creighton, i. 318, 338).
1569. Further precautions were taken on 27 March (Creighton, i. 338)
and plays restrained on 31 May until 30 Sept. There was in fact plague in
September and October (Creighton, i. 338; La Mothe, ii. 249, 287; Sp. P. ii.
193, 203). Michaelmas term was deferred on 28 Sept. (Procl. 642) and
adjourned to Hilary on 23 Oct. (Procl. 644). Access to court was restrained
on 3 Oct. (Procl. 643).
1570. There was plague in July and August (Hatfield MSS. i. 476; Sp. P.
ii. 262, 270, 273; Creighton, i. 338). Michaelmas term was deferred on 24
Sept. (Procl. 658).
1572. Harrison reports a restraint of plays for fear of plague. There is no
other evidence.
1573. Plague appeared in the autumn (Creighton, i. 339). The Lord
Mayor’s feast was suppressed (Remembrancia, 38).
1574. Michaelmas term was deferred on 1 Oct. (Procl. 691). The plague
deaths on 28 Oct. were 65 (Holinshed, iii. 1240). The Lord Mayor’s feast
was suppressed (Dasent, viii. 303). Plays were restrained on 15 Nov. until
Easter.
1575. There was plague in Westminster, but apparently none in London
(Creighton, i. 340). Michaelmas term was deferred on 26 Sept. (Procl. 696).
1576. There was plague in the Tower on 13 July (Dasent, ix. 163).
Michaelmas term was deferred on 29 Sept. (Procl. 708).
1577. There was plague in August, September, and November (Dasent,
x. 22, 35, 40, 86). Plays were restrained on 1 Aug. to Michaelmas.
Michaelmas term was deferred on 16 Sept. (Procl. 719), and further on 15
Oct. (Procl. 722).
Page 406
1578. The plague deaths were over 30 in nearly every week from 17
April to 18 Dec., reaching 280 on 2 Oct., and totalling 3,568 for the year.
The Lord Mayor’s feast was suppressed and the precautions against
infection revised (Dasent, x. 339, 386, 413). Michaelmas term was deferred
on 22 Sept. (Procl. 724) and 20 Oct. (Procl. 725), and adjourned on 14 Nov.
to Hilary (Procl. 729). Plays were restrained on 10 Nov. and the restraint
removed on 23 Dec.
1579. The plague deaths were below 30 in each week, totalling 629 for
the year.
1580. The plague deaths were not above 8 in any week, totalling 128 for
the year, but plays were restrained from 17 April to Michaelmas, and other
precautions taken (Remembrancia, 329).
1581. There was plague in the latter part of the year, with deaths over 30
from 17 Aug. to 2 Nov., reaching 107 on 5 Oct., and totalling 987 for the
first forty-five weeks of the year; the figures for the last seven weeks are
missing. The precautions were revised (Creighton, i. 319). Plays were
restrained on 10 July and the restraint removed on 18 Nov. Michaelmas
term was deferred on 21 Sept. (Procl. 760), and other precautions taken
(Remembrancia, 331).
1582. There was some plague during the year (Remembrancia, 332),
with deaths over 30 from 26 July to 27 Dec., reaching 216 on 25 Oct., and
totalling 2,976 for fifty-one recorded weeks of the year. Plays were
restrained, probably with the assent of the Privy Council, although the
Register is missing. Michaelmas term was deferred on 18 Sept. (Procl.
764), and transferred to Hertford on 8 Oct. (Procl. 765).
1583. The plague deaths were over 30 from 3 to 31 Jan., after which the
record fails. But precautions continued (Remembrancia, 335). A restraint of
plays was terminated on 26 Nov.
1584. There is no evidence of plague, but the dispute of this year
suggests that the summer restraint of recent years had been repeated.
1585. There is no evidence of plague or restraint.
1586. There is no evidence of plague, other than a precautionary restraint
of 11 May.
April to 18 Dec., reaching 280 on 2 Oct., and totalling 3,568 for the year.
The Lord Mayor’s feast was suppressed and the precautions against
infection revised (Dasent, x. 339, 386, 413). Michaelmas term was deferred
on 22 Sept. (Procl. 724) and 20 Oct. (Procl. 725), and adjourned on 14 Nov.
to Hilary (Procl. 729). Plays were restrained on 10 Nov. and the restraint
removed on 23 Dec.
1579. The plague deaths were below 30 in each week, totalling 629 for
the year.
1580. The plague deaths were not above 8 in any week, totalling 128 for
the year, but plays were restrained from 17 April to Michaelmas, and other
precautions taken (Remembrancia, 329).
1581. There was plague in the latter part of the year, with deaths over 30
from 17 Aug. to 2 Nov., reaching 107 on 5 Oct., and totalling 987 for the
first forty-five weeks of the year; the figures for the last seven weeks are
missing. The precautions were revised (Creighton, i. 319). Plays were
restrained on 10 July and the restraint removed on 18 Nov. Michaelmas
term was deferred on 21 Sept. (Procl. 760), and other precautions taken
(Remembrancia, 331).
1582. There was some plague during the year (Remembrancia, 332),
with deaths over 30 from 26 July to 27 Dec., reaching 216 on 25 Oct., and
totalling 2,976 for fifty-one recorded weeks of the year. Plays were
restrained, probably with the assent of the Privy Council, although the
Register is missing. Michaelmas term was deferred on 18 Sept. (Procl.
764), and transferred to Hertford on 8 Oct. (Procl. 765).
1583. The plague deaths were over 30 from 3 to 31 Jan., after which the
record fails. But precautions continued (Remembrancia, 335). A restraint of
plays was terminated on 26 Nov.
1584. There is no evidence of plague, but the dispute of this year
suggests that the summer restraint of recent years had been repeated.
1585. There is no evidence of plague or restraint.
1586. There is no evidence of plague, other than a precautionary restraint
of 11 May.
Page 407
1587. There was a similar precautionary restraint on 7 May.
1588–91. There is no evidence of plague or even of precautionary
restraints.
1592. The first notice of plague is on 13 Aug., when it was daily
increasing (Dasent, xxiii. 118), and there is ample evidence of its
seriousness to the end of the year (ibid., 136, 177, 181, 183, 203, 220, 230,
231, 241, 273, 274, 276, 365; Birch, Eliz. i. 87; Creighton, i. 351). A new
‘booke of orders and remedies’ was recommended by the Council (Dasent,
xxiii. 203) on 19 Sept. to the Kent justices. This is doubtless the Orders
Thoughte Meete by her Maiestie and her privie Counsell to be executed of
which several prints (1592, 1593, 1603, n.d.) exist. It is for provincial use,
and has no special reference to the restraint of plays. Plays had been under
restraint for other reasons than plague since 23 June. The mayoral feast was
suppressed on 11 Oct. (Dasent, xxiii. 232). Access to Hampton Court was
restrained on 12 Oct. (Procl. 854). Michaelmas term was deferred and
finally transferred for a short session to Hertford on 21 Oct. (Procl. 852,
855, 856). There appear to be no statistics of deaths; those ordinarily given
belong to 1593 (vide infra). Suitors were still excluded from court on 13
Dec. (Dasent, xxiii. 365), but thereafter there was some recovery, and the
records in Henslowe, i. 15, show that plays were permitted from 29 Dec. to
1 Feb. 1593, although no formal order is extant.
1593. This was a year of continuous plague (Creighton, i. 352). The
Privy Council warned the Lord Mayor on 21 Jan. that the increase of deaths
after some weeks of diminution required care (Dasent, xxiv. 21), and the
Register shows preoccupation with the subject up to August, when the
record fails (ibid., 31, 163, 209, 212, 252, 265, 284, 342, 343, 347, 373,
400, 405, 413, 442, 443, 448, 472). Plays were restrained on 28 Jan. Trinity
term was deferred on 28 May and Michaelmas term transferred for a short
session to St. Albans on 24 Sept. (Procl. 860, 865, 866). Bartholomew Fair
(24 Aug.) was strictly limited (Procl. 863). Access to court at Nonsuch was
restrained on 18 June and at Windsor on 15 Sept. (Procl. 861, 864). The
statistics of deaths are puzzling. Stowe, Annales, 766, gives for the period
from 29 Dec. 1592 (Friday) to 20 Dec. 1593 (Thursday) 8,598 in all and
5,390 from plague within the walls, and 9,295 in all and 5,385 from plague
in the liberties, totalling 17,893 in all and 10,775 from plague. Camden (tr.),
423, gives a corresponding total of 17,890. A marginal note to the printed
1588–91. There is no evidence of plague or even of precautionary
restraints.
1592. The first notice of plague is on 13 Aug., when it was daily
increasing (Dasent, xxiii. 118), and there is ample evidence of its
seriousness to the end of the year (ibid., 136, 177, 181, 183, 203, 220, 230,
231, 241, 273, 274, 276, 365; Birch, Eliz. i. 87; Creighton, i. 351). A new
‘booke of orders and remedies’ was recommended by the Council (Dasent,
xxiii. 203) on 19 Sept. to the Kent justices. This is doubtless the Orders
Thoughte Meete by her Maiestie and her privie Counsell to be executed of
which several prints (1592, 1593, 1603, n.d.) exist. It is for provincial use,
and has no special reference to the restraint of plays. Plays had been under
restraint for other reasons than plague since 23 June. The mayoral feast was
suppressed on 11 Oct. (Dasent, xxiii. 232). Access to Hampton Court was
restrained on 12 Oct. (Procl. 854). Michaelmas term was deferred and
finally transferred for a short session to Hertford on 21 Oct. (Procl. 852,
855, 856). There appear to be no statistics of deaths; those ordinarily given
belong to 1593 (vide infra). Suitors were still excluded from court on 13
Dec. (Dasent, xxiii. 365), but thereafter there was some recovery, and the
records in Henslowe, i. 15, show that plays were permitted from 29 Dec. to
1 Feb. 1593, although no formal order is extant.
1593. This was a year of continuous plague (Creighton, i. 352). The
Privy Council warned the Lord Mayor on 21 Jan. that the increase of deaths
after some weeks of diminution required care (Dasent, xxiv. 21), and the
Register shows preoccupation with the subject up to August, when the
record fails (ibid., 31, 163, 209, 212, 252, 265, 284, 342, 343, 347, 373,
400, 405, 413, 442, 443, 448, 472). Plays were restrained on 28 Jan. Trinity
term was deferred on 28 May and Michaelmas term transferred for a short
session to St. Albans on 24 Sept. (Procl. 860, 865, 866). Bartholomew Fair
(24 Aug.) was strictly limited (Procl. 863). Access to court at Nonsuch was
restrained on 18 June and at Windsor on 15 Sept. (Procl. 861, 864). The
statistics of deaths are puzzling. Stowe, Annales, 766, gives for the period
from 29 Dec. 1592 (Friday) to 20 Dec. 1593 (Thursday) 8,598 in all and
5,390 from plague within the walls, and 9,295 in all and 5,385 from plague
in the liberties, totalling 17,893 in all and 10,775 from plague. Camden (tr.),
423, gives a corresponding total of 17,890. A marginal note to the printed
Page 408
bill of 1603 gives for weeks ending 20 Dec. 1592 (Wednesday) to 23 Dec.
1593 (Sunday) 25,886 in all and 15,003 from plague. Here are two
divergent computations for the same period, one of which deserts the
Thursdays, to which we know that earlier and later weekly bills related.
Both are more or less contemporary records. On the other hand, a series of
broadsheets (cited in Hull, ii. 426), followed by a table appended to
Graunt’s Observations (ibid.), give nearly the same figures (25,886 and, not
15,003, but 11,503) as the totals of weekly figures for the period from 17
March (Friday) to 22 Dec. (Friday), not of 1593, but of 1592, and Graunt
adopts these figures for March to Dec. 1592 in the text of his Observations
(Hull, ii. 363), while he adopts 17,844 and 10,662, which are approximately
Stowe’s figures, for 1593. As a matter of fact, the weekly figures given do
not add up exactly to 25,886 and 11,503; I make them (as does Hull, ii. 427)
26,407 and 11,106; Creighton, i. 354, makes the larger figure 25,817.
Finally, the anonymous Reflections on the Bills of Mortality (1665) give
25,886 and 11,503 as the totals for 13 March (Tuesday) to 18 Dec.
(Tuesday), not of 1592, but of 1593 again. The authority of these
Reflections is not great, and there is a discrepancy between the period they
take and that taken in the 1603 bill. But I do not see how the detailed
weekly figures of the broadsheets can belong to 1592. The plague deaths
are 3 on 17 March and 31 on 24 March. For the rest of the year they only
fall below 30 on 31 March, 7 April, 5 May, and finally on 22 Dec. They
reach 41 on 28 April, 58 on 26 May, and climb to 118 on 30 June. There is a
big jump to 927 on 7 July; they get to a maximum of 983 on 4 Aug. and
thereafter decline, dropping below 100 from 24 Nov. and ending with 71 on
15 Dec. and 39 on 22 Dec. These figures cannot apply to 1592, when
plague only made its appearance about August. On the other hand, the
figures for 4 Aug. (1,503 and 983) and 29 Sept. (450 and 330) do not tally
exactly, although they do in general effect, with the 1,603 and 1,135 given
as ‘the greatest that came yet’ in Henslowe’s letter of Aug. 1593, or the
1,100 to 1,200 from plague, representing an abatement in two weeks of 435,
in his letter of 28 Sept. (H. P. 37, 40). On the whole, however, I think that
all the figures before us relate to 1593 and not 1592, and that the ascription
of the detailed tables to 1592 is due to the fact that they begin with 17
March 159–2/3. Graunt similarly (Hull, ii. 378) quotes 1593 and 1594,
where he clearly means 1594 and 1595. The discrepancies between Stowe
and the tables are probably due to the different number of parishes covered
1593 (Sunday) 25,886 in all and 15,003 from plague. Here are two
divergent computations for the same period, one of which deserts the
Thursdays, to which we know that earlier and later weekly bills related.
Both are more or less contemporary records. On the other hand, a series of
broadsheets (cited in Hull, ii. 426), followed by a table appended to
Graunt’s Observations (ibid.), give nearly the same figures (25,886 and, not
15,003, but 11,503) as the totals of weekly figures for the period from 17
March (Friday) to 22 Dec. (Friday), not of 1593, but of 1592, and Graunt
adopts these figures for March to Dec. 1592 in the text of his Observations
(Hull, ii. 363), while he adopts 17,844 and 10,662, which are approximately
Stowe’s figures, for 1593. As a matter of fact, the weekly figures given do
not add up exactly to 25,886 and 11,503; I make them (as does Hull, ii. 427)
26,407 and 11,106; Creighton, i. 354, makes the larger figure 25,817.
Finally, the anonymous Reflections on the Bills of Mortality (1665) give
25,886 and 11,503 as the totals for 13 March (Tuesday) to 18 Dec.
(Tuesday), not of 1592, but of 1593 again. The authority of these
Reflections is not great, and there is a discrepancy between the period they
take and that taken in the 1603 bill. But I do not see how the detailed
weekly figures of the broadsheets can belong to 1592. The plague deaths
are 3 on 17 March and 31 on 24 March. For the rest of the year they only
fall below 30 on 31 March, 7 April, 5 May, and finally on 22 Dec. They
reach 41 on 28 April, 58 on 26 May, and climb to 118 on 30 June. There is a
big jump to 927 on 7 July; they get to a maximum of 983 on 4 Aug. and
thereafter decline, dropping below 100 from 24 Nov. and ending with 71 on
15 Dec. and 39 on 22 Dec. These figures cannot apply to 1592, when
plague only made its appearance about August. On the other hand, the
figures for 4 Aug. (1,503 and 983) and 29 Sept. (450 and 330) do not tally
exactly, although they do in general effect, with the 1,603 and 1,135 given
as ‘the greatest that came yet’ in Henslowe’s letter of Aug. 1593, or the
1,100 to 1,200 from plague, representing an abatement in two weeks of 435,
in his letter of 28 Sept. (H. P. 37, 40). On the whole, however, I think that
all the figures before us relate to 1593 and not 1592, and that the ascription
of the detailed tables to 1592 is due to the fact that they begin with 17
March 159–2/3. Graunt similarly (Hull, ii. 378) quotes 1593 and 1594,
where he clearly means 1594 and 1595. The discrepancies between Stowe
and the tables are probably due to the different number of parishes covered
Page 409
by different computations. If the larger figures relate to an area wider than
that of City and liberties (cf. the P. C. order of 4 Aug. 1593 cited in the Bibl.
Note), we perhaps get also an answer to the view of Creighton, i. 354, and
Hull, ii. 427, that they are neither of 1592 nor 1593, but altogether spurious
as representing an impossibly high rate of general mortality for sixteenth-
century London, even when allowance is made for the unscientific nature of
the ‘plague-tokens’ as a diagnosis and the consequent increase in plague-
time of deaths ascribed to other causes.
1594. As in 1592–3, the diminution of plague in December allowed of a
short winter play season. Henslowe, i. 16, records plays from 26 Dec. to 6
Feb. A restraint was ordered on 3 Feb. It was still thought necessary to
inhibit access to court on 21 April (Hatfield MSS. iv. 514), but the plague
deaths for the year were only 421 (Graunt in Hull, ii. 378; Bell, London’s
Remembrancer). Plays began tentatively in April and May and regularly in
June (Henslowe, i. 17). The systematization of City precautions was under
consideration in the autumn.
1595. There were only 29 plague deaths (Graunt, in Hull, ii. 378; Bell,
London’s Remembrancer).
1596. Plays were restrained for fear of infection on 22 July, but there is
no other evidence of plague.
1597–1600. The tables show no plague deaths above 4 in any week.
1601–2. There is no evidence of plague.
1603. Plague broke out during April (V. P. x. 33). Precautions were
already being taken on 18 April (Remembrancia, 337). Plays had been
restrained during the illness of Elizabeth on 19 March and probably not
resumed. The terms of the patent to the King’s men on 19 May imply an
existing restraint. The epidemic was a bad one; for an account of it, cf.
Creighton, i. 474, and Dekker, The Wonderful Year (1603, Works, i. 100).
The coronation was shorn of its entry and other splendours, and speedy
resort to the country enjoined (Procl. 961, 964, 967). Bartholomew and
other fairs were suppressed or put off (Procl. 964, 968). Trinity term was
deferred on 23 June (Procl. 957) and Michaelmas term deferred on 16 Sept,
and transferred to Winchester on 18 Oct. (Procl. 970, 973). Stowe, Annales,
857, gives the total deaths in the City and liberties as 38,244, including
that of City and liberties (cf. the P. C. order of 4 Aug. 1593 cited in the Bibl.
Note), we perhaps get also an answer to the view of Creighton, i. 354, and
Hull, ii. 427, that they are neither of 1592 nor 1593, but altogether spurious
as representing an impossibly high rate of general mortality for sixteenth-
century London, even when allowance is made for the unscientific nature of
the ‘plague-tokens’ as a diagnosis and the consequent increase in plague-
time of deaths ascribed to other causes.
1594. As in 1592–3, the diminution of plague in December allowed of a
short winter play season. Henslowe, i. 16, records plays from 26 Dec. to 6
Feb. A restraint was ordered on 3 Feb. It was still thought necessary to
inhibit access to court on 21 April (Hatfield MSS. iv. 514), but the plague
deaths for the year were only 421 (Graunt in Hull, ii. 378; Bell, London’s
Remembrancer). Plays began tentatively in April and May and regularly in
June (Henslowe, i. 17). The systematization of City precautions was under
consideration in the autumn.
1595. There were only 29 plague deaths (Graunt, in Hull, ii. 378; Bell,
London’s Remembrancer).
1596. Plays were restrained for fear of infection on 22 July, but there is
no other evidence of plague.
1597–1600. The tables show no plague deaths above 4 in any week.
1601–2. There is no evidence of plague.
1603. Plague broke out during April (V. P. x. 33). Precautions were
already being taken on 18 April (Remembrancia, 337). Plays had been
restrained during the illness of Elizabeth on 19 March and probably not
resumed. The terms of the patent to the King’s men on 19 May imply an
existing restraint. The epidemic was a bad one; for an account of it, cf.
Creighton, i. 474, and Dekker, The Wonderful Year (1603, Works, i. 100).
The coronation was shorn of its entry and other splendours, and speedy
resort to the country enjoined (Procl. 961, 964, 967). Bartholomew and
other fairs were suppressed or put off (Procl. 964, 968). Trinity term was
deferred on 23 June (Procl. 957) and Michaelmas term deferred on 16 Sept,
and transferred to Winchester on 18 Oct. (Procl. 970, 973). Stowe, Annales,
857, gives the total deaths in the City and liberties as 38,244, including
Page 410
30,578 from plague. Creighton, i. 478, calculates from the weekly tables
that with the addition of those suburbs for which records are available, these
figures must be increased to 42,945 and 33,347. The report of 60,000
deaths, which Nicolo Molin (V. P. x. 126) found hard to believe, was
obviously an exaggeration. The weekly plague bill for the City and liberties
reached 30 on 26 May, 43 on 9 June, and rose very rapidly from the end of
the month, reaching a maximum of 2,495, with 542 for the recorded
suburbs, on 1 Sept. On 22 Dec. the plague deaths for City, liberties, and the
suburbs henceforward included in the City lists (120 parishes in all) was
still 74. Nicolo Molin’s statements on 5 Dec. that the plague had almost
disappeared, and on 15 Dec. that it was never mentioned (V. P. x. 124, 126),
must have been optimistic.
1604. Nicolo Molin (V. P. x. 132 sqq.) records the totals of the bills
(probably a week or so late) in despatches from 26 Jan. to 23 Oct. He gives
15 on 26 Jan. and 27 for the City only on 8 Feb., and thereafter 20 is only
reached in a few weeks of May, August, and September; 30 never. On 23
Oct. there had only been 6 in the last fortnight, and ‘as that is nothing out of
the common, I will not make any further reports on this subject’ (V. P. x.
190). A play restraint was removed on 9 April, but the reason given was the
expiration of Lent, and it is not impossible that the theatres may have been
open before Lent, which began on 22 Feb. The warrant of 8 Feb., however,
for a special royal subsidy to the King’s men (App. B) suggests that they
were still unable to perform in public on that date.
1605. Creighton, i. 493, says there was ‘not much’ plague; but a letter of
12 Oct. (Winwood, ii. 140) notes a ‘sudden rising of the sickness to thirty a
week’, followed by some abatement, and there was a restraint of plays for
infection on 5 Oct. which was removed on 15 Dec.
1606. This was a year of plague. The deaths reached 33 on 10 July and
50 on 17 July, rose to a maximum of 141 on 2 Oct., and remained, but for
one or two weeks, above 40 to 4 Dec. and above 30 to the end of the year.
The total, for 121 parishes, was 2,124. Michaelmas term was adjourned on
23 Sept. (Procl. 1038) and access to court restrained on 1 Nov. (Procl.
1039). There is no record of a specific order for the restraint of plays;
possibly it was automatic as a result of the play-bill.
that with the addition of those suburbs for which records are available, these
figures must be increased to 42,945 and 33,347. The report of 60,000
deaths, which Nicolo Molin (V. P. x. 126) found hard to believe, was
obviously an exaggeration. The weekly plague bill for the City and liberties
reached 30 on 26 May, 43 on 9 June, and rose very rapidly from the end of
the month, reaching a maximum of 2,495, with 542 for the recorded
suburbs, on 1 Sept. On 22 Dec. the plague deaths for City, liberties, and the
suburbs henceforward included in the City lists (120 parishes in all) was
still 74. Nicolo Molin’s statements on 5 Dec. that the plague had almost
disappeared, and on 15 Dec. that it was never mentioned (V. P. x. 124, 126),
must have been optimistic.
1604. Nicolo Molin (V. P. x. 132 sqq.) records the totals of the bills
(probably a week or so late) in despatches from 26 Jan. to 23 Oct. He gives
15 on 26 Jan. and 27 for the City only on 8 Feb., and thereafter 20 is only
reached in a few weeks of May, August, and September; 30 never. On 23
Oct. there had only been 6 in the last fortnight, and ‘as that is nothing out of
the common, I will not make any further reports on this subject’ (V. P. x.
190). A play restraint was removed on 9 April, but the reason given was the
expiration of Lent, and it is not impossible that the theatres may have been
open before Lent, which began on 22 Feb. The warrant of 8 Feb., however,
for a special royal subsidy to the King’s men (App. B) suggests that they
were still unable to perform in public on that date.
1605. Creighton, i. 493, says there was ‘not much’ plague; but a letter of
12 Oct. (Winwood, ii. 140) notes a ‘sudden rising of the sickness to thirty a
week’, followed by some abatement, and there was a restraint of plays for
infection on 5 Oct. which was removed on 15 Dec.
1606. This was a year of plague. The deaths reached 33 on 10 July and
50 on 17 July, rose to a maximum of 141 on 2 Oct., and remained, but for
one or two weeks, above 40 to 4 Dec. and above 30 to the end of the year.
The total, for 121 parishes, was 2,124. Michaelmas term was adjourned on
23 Sept. (Procl. 1038) and access to court restrained on 1 Nov. (Procl.
1039). There is no record of a specific order for the restraint of plays;
possibly it was automatic as a result of the play-bill.
Page 411
1607. During the first half of the year the plague deaths were under 30,
except for 38 on 1 Jan., 33 on 5 Feb., 30 on 12 March, 33 on 19 March, and
43 on 30 April. They increased in the autumn, passing 30 on 9 July and 40
on 23 July, to a maximum of 177 on 24 Sept. After 19 Nov. they fell below
30. The total for the year was 2,352. As early as 12 April the City,
unjustified as yet by the plague bill, asked for a restraint of plays. Access to
court was restrained on 2 Nov. (Procl. 1050).
1608. The plague deaths were under 30 until 28 July, when they rose to
50; for the rest of the year they were over 40, with a maximum of 147 on 29
Sept, and a total of 2,262. The King’s men practised privately for about
eight weeks this winter (App. B).
1609. The plague of this year, the heaviest since 1603, is recorded in
Dekker’s Work for Armourers (1609, Works, iv. 96). The deaths were over
30, and, with four exceptions, over 40 up to 30 Nov., with a maximum of
210 on 21 Sept. and a total of 4,240. Michaelmas term was deferred on 22
Sept. (Procl. 1085). The King’s men practised privately for six weeks this
winter (App. B).
1610. The plague deaths were between 30 and 40 on 28 Dec. 1609 and
on 4 and 18 Jan. 1610; then under 30 to 28 June, passing 30 on 5 July and
40 on 12 July, and remaining there during most of the rest of the year, with
a maximum of 99 on 30 Aug. and a total of 1,803. They fell below 40 on 29
Nov. and below 30 on 6 Dec.
1611–16. Plague was absent from London (Creighton, i. 496).
except for 38 on 1 Jan., 33 on 5 Feb., 30 on 12 March, 33 on 19 March, and
43 on 30 April. They increased in the autumn, passing 30 on 9 July and 40
on 23 July, to a maximum of 177 on 24 Sept. After 19 Nov. they fell below
30. The total for the year was 2,352. As early as 12 April the City,
unjustified as yet by the plague bill, asked for a restraint of plays. Access to
court was restrained on 2 Nov. (Procl. 1050).
1608. The plague deaths were under 30 until 28 July, when they rose to
50; for the rest of the year they were over 40, with a maximum of 147 on 29
Sept, and a total of 2,262. The King’s men practised privately for about
eight weeks this winter (App. B).
1609. The plague of this year, the heaviest since 1603, is recorded in
Dekker’s Work for Armourers (1609, Works, iv. 96). The deaths were over
30, and, with four exceptions, over 40 up to 30 Nov., with a maximum of
210 on 21 Sept. and a total of 4,240. Michaelmas term was deferred on 22
Sept. (Procl. 1085). The King’s men practised privately for six weeks this
winter (App. B).
1610. The plague deaths were between 30 and 40 on 28 Dec. 1609 and
on 4 and 18 Jan. 1610; then under 30 to 28 June, passing 30 on 5 July and
40 on 12 July, and remaining there during most of the rest of the year, with
a maximum of 99 on 30 Aug. and a total of 1,803. They fell below 40 on 29
Nov. and below 30 on 6 Dec.
1611–16. Plague was absent from London (Creighton, i. 496).
Page 412
APPENDIX F
THE PRESENCE-CHAMBER AT GREENWICH
[Entry for 27 Aug. 1598 in Pauli Hentzneri J. C. Itinerarium Germaniae, Galliae,
Angliae, Italiae (1629) 200. The first edition is of 1612. A translation by R. Bentley
was printed by Horace Walpole in 1757.]
Venimus deinde, ad Arcem Regiam, Grönwidge seu Grunwidge, vulgo
dictam.... Postquam hanc arcem ingressi sumus, ex mandato summi
Cubiculariorum Praefecti, quod Dn. Daniel Rogerius impetraverat, in
Cameram Praesentationis, undiquaque tapetis preciosis exornatam,
(Pavimentum vero, uti in Anglia moris est, foeno erat constratum) quam
Regina, quando in sacellum ad preces ire vult, transire solet; Ad ianuam
stabat nobilis quidam vestibus holosericis amictus, et catena aurea cinctus,
qui Comites, Barones, Nobiles et alios utriusque sexus, Reginam adire
cupientes, ad eandem deducebat; (erat tum forte dies Dominicus, quo
Magnates plaerumque Reginam invisere solent) in Camera, quam dixi,
praestolabantur Reginam, Episcopi, Cantuariensis et Londinensis,
Consiliarii, Officiarii, et nobiles magno numero. Postea cum hora precum
instaret, Regina ex suo conclavi prodiit, tali cum comitatu; Praeibant
Nobiles, Barones, Comites, et Equites Ordinis Periscelidis, omnes splendide
vestiti, et capite detecto; Proxime antecedebant duo, alter qui sceptrum
Regni, alter qui gladium in vagina rubra aureis liliis distincta, reconditum
cuspide sursum versa portabat, inter quos medius procedebat, Magnus
Angliae Cancellarius, sigillum Regni in marsupio holoserico rubro gerens;
Hos sequebatur Regina, aetatis, uti rumor erat, lxv annorum, magna cum
Maiestate, facie oblonga et candida, sed rugosa, oculis parvis, sed nigris et
gratiosis, naso paululum inflexo, labiis compressis, dentibus fuliginosis
(quod vitium ex nimio saccari usu, Anglos contrahere verisimile est) inaures
habens duas margaritis nobilissimis appensis, crinem fulvum sed factitium;
Capiti imposita, erat parva quaedam corona, quae ex particula auri
celeberrimae illius tabulae Lunaeburgensis, facta esse perhibetur; pectore
erat nuda, quod Virginitatis apud Anglos Nobiles signum est; Nam
maritatae sunt tectae; Collum torques gemmis nobilissimis refertus
circumdabat; manus erant graciles, digiti longiusculi, statura corporis
mediocris; in incessu magnifica, verbis blanda et humanissima; induta forte
tum temporis erat veste serica alba, cuius oram margaritae preciosissimae
fabarum magnitudine decorabant, toga superiniecta ex serico nigro, cui
THE PRESENCE-CHAMBER AT GREENWICH
[Entry for 27 Aug. 1598 in Pauli Hentzneri J. C. Itinerarium Germaniae, Galliae,
Angliae, Italiae (1629) 200. The first edition is of 1612. A translation by R. Bentley
was printed by Horace Walpole in 1757.]
Venimus deinde, ad Arcem Regiam, Grönwidge seu Grunwidge, vulgo
dictam.... Postquam hanc arcem ingressi sumus, ex mandato summi
Cubiculariorum Praefecti, quod Dn. Daniel Rogerius impetraverat, in
Cameram Praesentationis, undiquaque tapetis preciosis exornatam,
(Pavimentum vero, uti in Anglia moris est, foeno erat constratum) quam
Regina, quando in sacellum ad preces ire vult, transire solet; Ad ianuam
stabat nobilis quidam vestibus holosericis amictus, et catena aurea cinctus,
qui Comites, Barones, Nobiles et alios utriusque sexus, Reginam adire
cupientes, ad eandem deducebat; (erat tum forte dies Dominicus, quo
Magnates plaerumque Reginam invisere solent) in Camera, quam dixi,
praestolabantur Reginam, Episcopi, Cantuariensis et Londinensis,
Consiliarii, Officiarii, et nobiles magno numero. Postea cum hora precum
instaret, Regina ex suo conclavi prodiit, tali cum comitatu; Praeibant
Nobiles, Barones, Comites, et Equites Ordinis Periscelidis, omnes splendide
vestiti, et capite detecto; Proxime antecedebant duo, alter qui sceptrum
Regni, alter qui gladium in vagina rubra aureis liliis distincta, reconditum
cuspide sursum versa portabat, inter quos medius procedebat, Magnus
Angliae Cancellarius, sigillum Regni in marsupio holoserico rubro gerens;
Hos sequebatur Regina, aetatis, uti rumor erat, lxv annorum, magna cum
Maiestate, facie oblonga et candida, sed rugosa, oculis parvis, sed nigris et
gratiosis, naso paululum inflexo, labiis compressis, dentibus fuliginosis
(quod vitium ex nimio saccari usu, Anglos contrahere verisimile est) inaures
habens duas margaritis nobilissimis appensis, crinem fulvum sed factitium;
Capiti imposita, erat parva quaedam corona, quae ex particula auri
celeberrimae illius tabulae Lunaeburgensis, facta esse perhibetur; pectore
erat nuda, quod Virginitatis apud Anglos Nobiles signum est; Nam
maritatae sunt tectae; Collum torques gemmis nobilissimis refertus
circumdabat; manus erant graciles, digiti longiusculi, statura corporis
mediocris; in incessu magnifica, verbis blanda et humanissima; induta forte
tum temporis erat veste serica alba, cuius oram margaritae preciosissimae
fabarum magnitudine decorabant, toga superiniecta ex serico nigro, cui
Page 413
argentea fila admista, cum cauda longissima, quam Marchionissa pone
sequens a posteriori parte elevatum gestabat; Collare habebat oblongum,
vice catenae, gemmis et auro fulgens; Tum, cum tali in pompa et
magnificentia incederet, nunc cum hoc, mox cum alio loquebatur,
perhumaniter, qui vel legationis vel alterius rei causa eo venerant, utens
nunc materno, nunc Gallico, nunc Italico idiomate; Nam, praeterquam quod
Graece, et Latine eleganter est docta, tenet ultra iam commemorata
idiomata, etiam Hispanicum, Scoticum, et Belgicum; Omnes illam
alloquentes, pedibus flexis id faciunt, quorum aliquos interdum manu
elevare solet; Hos inter forte tum erat, Baro quidam Bohemus, Gulielmus
Slawata nomine, Reginae literas offerens, cui manum dextram, chirotheca
detracta, annulis et lapidibus preciosissimis splendentem porrexit
osculandam, quod maximum insignis clementiae signum est; In transitu,
quocunque faciem vertit, omnes in genua procidunt; Sequebatur
Gynaeceum ex Comitissis, Baronissis, et Nobilibus foeminis, summa
pulchritudine et forma excellentibus constans, et maxima ex parte,
vestimentis albicans; Ab utroque latere comitabantur eam Satellites nobiles
cum hastis deauratis, quorum quinquaginta sunt numero; In praeambulo
Sacelli, quod huic atrio contiguum est, porriguntur ipsi libelli supplices,
quos benignissime accipit, unde tales fiunt acclamationes; God save the
quene Elisabeth, hoc est, Deus salvet Reginam Elisabetham; Ad quae
populo sic ipsa respondet; I thancke you myn good peupel, id est, Ago tibi
gratias popule mi bone; In sacello habebatur excellens Musica, qua finita
una cum precibus, quae vix ultra dimidiam horam durabant, Regina eadem
magnificentia et ordine, quo antea discesserat, redibat, et ad prandium se
conferebat. Interea vero dum sacris intererat, vidimus illi apparari mensam
hac adhibita solemnitate; Primo Nobilis quidam atrium ingressus, sceptrum
manu tenebat, adiunctum sibi habens alium quendam Nobilem cum mappa,
qui ambo cum ter summa cum veneratione genua flexissent, alter ad
mensam propius accedens, eam mappa insternebat; quo facto, rursus poplite
flexo discedebant; veniebant post hos alii duo, quorum alter rursum cum
sceptro, alter cum salino, orbe, et pane aderat, qui cum, uti priores, ter
genua incurvassent, et res modo dictae mensae impositae essent, eadem
omnino cum ceremonia abivere. Venit tandem Virgo quaedam Comitissa,
uti affirmabatur, eximiae pulchritudinis, vestita veste serica alba, cui erat
adiuncta nobilis matrona, cultrum praegustatorium ferens, quae ter summo
cum decore in pedes provoluta, postea ad mensam accessit, orbes sale et
sequens a posteriori parte elevatum gestabat; Collare habebat oblongum,
vice catenae, gemmis et auro fulgens; Tum, cum tali in pompa et
magnificentia incederet, nunc cum hoc, mox cum alio loquebatur,
perhumaniter, qui vel legationis vel alterius rei causa eo venerant, utens
nunc materno, nunc Gallico, nunc Italico idiomate; Nam, praeterquam quod
Graece, et Latine eleganter est docta, tenet ultra iam commemorata
idiomata, etiam Hispanicum, Scoticum, et Belgicum; Omnes illam
alloquentes, pedibus flexis id faciunt, quorum aliquos interdum manu
elevare solet; Hos inter forte tum erat, Baro quidam Bohemus, Gulielmus
Slawata nomine, Reginae literas offerens, cui manum dextram, chirotheca
detracta, annulis et lapidibus preciosissimis splendentem porrexit
osculandam, quod maximum insignis clementiae signum est; In transitu,
quocunque faciem vertit, omnes in genua procidunt; Sequebatur
Gynaeceum ex Comitissis, Baronissis, et Nobilibus foeminis, summa
pulchritudine et forma excellentibus constans, et maxima ex parte,
vestimentis albicans; Ab utroque latere comitabantur eam Satellites nobiles
cum hastis deauratis, quorum quinquaginta sunt numero; In praeambulo
Sacelli, quod huic atrio contiguum est, porriguntur ipsi libelli supplices,
quos benignissime accipit, unde tales fiunt acclamationes; God save the
quene Elisabeth, hoc est, Deus salvet Reginam Elisabetham; Ad quae
populo sic ipsa respondet; I thancke you myn good peupel, id est, Ago tibi
gratias popule mi bone; In sacello habebatur excellens Musica, qua finita
una cum precibus, quae vix ultra dimidiam horam durabant, Regina eadem
magnificentia et ordine, quo antea discesserat, redibat, et ad prandium se
conferebat. Interea vero dum sacris intererat, vidimus illi apparari mensam
hac adhibita solemnitate; Primo Nobilis quidam atrium ingressus, sceptrum
manu tenebat, adiunctum sibi habens alium quendam Nobilem cum mappa,
qui ambo cum ter summa cum veneratione genua flexissent, alter ad
mensam propius accedens, eam mappa insternebat; quo facto, rursus poplite
flexo discedebant; veniebant post hos alii duo, quorum alter rursum cum
sceptro, alter cum salino, orbe, et pane aderat, qui cum, uti priores, ter
genua incurvassent, et res modo dictae mensae impositae essent, eadem
omnino cum ceremonia abivere. Venit tandem Virgo quaedam Comitissa,
uti affirmabatur, eximiae pulchritudinis, vestita veste serica alba, cui erat
adiuncta nobilis matrona, cultrum praegustatorium ferens, quae ter summo
cum decore in pedes provoluta, postea ad mensam accessit, orbes sale et
Page 414
pane abstersit, tanta cum veneratione, ac si Regina ipsa praesens fuisset;
cumque paululum commorata ad mensam esset, venerunt satellites Regii,
omnes capite nudi, sagis rubris induti, quibus in postica parte erant affixae
rosae aureae, singulis vicibus xxiv missus ferculorum, in patinis argenteis et
maxima ex parte deauratis, adferentes; Ab his nobilis quidam, ordine cibos
accepit, et mensae imposuit; Praegustatrix vero, cuilibet satelliti, ex eadem,
quam ipsemet attulerat, patina, buccellam degustandam praebuit, ne aliqua
veneni subesset suspicio; Dum satellites isti, qui centum numero procera
corporis statura, et omnium robustissimi ex toto Angliae Regno, ad hoc
munus summa cura deliguntur, supradictos cibos adportarent, erant in Aulae
area xii Tubicines, et duo Tympanistae, qui tubis, buccinis, et tympanis
magno sonitu per sesqui horam clangebant; Caeremoniis autem, modo
commemoratis, circa mensam absolutis, aderant illico virgines aliquot
nobiles, quae singulari cum veneratione, cibos de mensa auferebant, et in
interius et secretius Reginae cubiculum asportabant; Eligere ibi Regina solet
quos vult, caeteri pro Gynaeceo servantur; Prandet et coenat sola paucis
astantibus, atque nullus admittitur, neque peregrinus, neque Regni quoque
incola, nisi rarissime, et quidem ex singulari magnatis alicuius
intercessione.
cumque paululum commorata ad mensam esset, venerunt satellites Regii,
omnes capite nudi, sagis rubris induti, quibus in postica parte erant affixae
rosae aureae, singulis vicibus xxiv missus ferculorum, in patinis argenteis et
maxima ex parte deauratis, adferentes; Ab his nobilis quidam, ordine cibos
accepit, et mensae imposuit; Praegustatrix vero, cuilibet satelliti, ex eadem,
quam ipsemet attulerat, patina, buccellam degustandam praebuit, ne aliqua
veneni subesset suspicio; Dum satellites isti, qui centum numero procera
corporis statura, et omnium robustissimi ex toto Angliae Regno, ad hoc
munus summa cura deliguntur, supradictos cibos adportarent, erant in Aulae
area xii Tubicines, et duo Tympanistae, qui tubis, buccinis, et tympanis
magno sonitu per sesqui horam clangebant; Caeremoniis autem, modo
commemoratis, circa mensam absolutis, aderant illico virgines aliquot
nobiles, quae singulari cum veneratione, cibos de mensa auferebant, et in
interius et secretius Reginae cubiculum asportabant; Eligere ibi Regina solet
quos vult, caeteri pro Gynaeceo servantur; Prandet et coenat sola paucis
astantibus, atque nullus admittitur, neque peregrinus, neque Regni quoque
incola, nisi rarissime, et quidem ex singulari magnatis alicuius
intercessione.
Page 415
APPENDIX G
SERLIO’S TRATTATO SOPRA LE SCENE
[Extract from Sebastiano Serlio’s Architettura (1551), being the text of ff. 26v-31v
of Il secondo libro di Perspettiva, which also contain five woodcuts, representing (A)
the profilo or section of a stage (f. 26v), (B) the pianta or ground-plan of the same
stage (f. 27v), (C), (D), (E) elevations of a scena comica (f. 28v), scena tragica (f.
29v), and scena satyrica (f. 30). An English translation, through the ‘Dutch’, of the
five books of the Architettura was published in 1611, having been entered in the
Stationers’ Register by Thomas Snodham on 14 Dec. 1611 (Arber, iii. 473). Each
book has a separate imprint, London Printed for Robert Peake and are to be sold at
his shop neere Holborne conduit, next to the Sunne Tauerne. Anno Dom. 1611. Each
has also a colophon, with slight variants; that of the fifth book, which alone names the
printer, is Here endeth the fift Booke: And this also is the end of the whole worke of
Sebastian Serlius; Translated out of Italian into Dutch, and out of Dutch into English,
at the charges of Robert Peake. Printed at London, by Simon Stafford. 1611. B. W. I
do not know whether B. W. conceals the name of a translator. Robert Peake, who also
signs an Epistle to Prince Henry, prefixed to the first book, was not a stationer, but a
serjeant painter to James. In this translation the Treatise of Scenes occupies ff. 23v-27
of Bk. ii, ch. 3. The title of this book is The second Booke of Architecture, made by
Sebastian Serly, entreating of Perspectiue, which is, Inspection, or looking into, by
shortening of the sight. The woodcuts are reproduced, with some modifications,
especially in details of heraldic decoration.]
(A)
THE PROFILO OR SECTION OF A STAGE
[f. 26v] Per che ne la seguente carta io trattaro delle Scene e de Theatri
che a nostri tempi si costumano, onde sara difficile a comprendere doue et
come si debbia porre l’ orizonte delle scene, per essere diuerso modo dalle
regole passate, ho voluto far prima questo profilo, accio che la pianta in
sieme col profilo l’ un per l’ altro si possino intendere; ma sara perho bene a
studiare prima su la pianta, et se quelle cose non si intenderanno ne la
SERLIO’S TRATTATO SOPRA LE SCENE
[Extract from Sebastiano Serlio’s Architettura (1551), being the text of ff. 26v-31v
of Il secondo libro di Perspettiva, which also contain five woodcuts, representing (A)
the profilo or section of a stage (f. 26v), (B) the pianta or ground-plan of the same
stage (f. 27v), (C), (D), (E) elevations of a scena comica (f. 28v), scena tragica (f.
29v), and scena satyrica (f. 30). An English translation, through the ‘Dutch’, of the
five books of the Architettura was published in 1611, having been entered in the
Stationers’ Register by Thomas Snodham on 14 Dec. 1611 (Arber, iii. 473). Each
book has a separate imprint, London Printed for Robert Peake and are to be sold at
his shop neere Holborne conduit, next to the Sunne Tauerne. Anno Dom. 1611. Each
has also a colophon, with slight variants; that of the fifth book, which alone names the
printer, is Here endeth the fift Booke: And this also is the end of the whole worke of
Sebastian Serlius; Translated out of Italian into Dutch, and out of Dutch into English,
at the charges of Robert Peake. Printed at London, by Simon Stafford. 1611. B. W. I
do not know whether B. W. conceals the name of a translator. Robert Peake, who also
signs an Epistle to Prince Henry, prefixed to the first book, was not a stationer, but a
serjeant painter to James. In this translation the Treatise of Scenes occupies ff. 23v-27
of Bk. ii, ch. 3. The title of this book is The second Booke of Architecture, made by
Sebastian Serly, entreating of Perspectiue, which is, Inspection, or looking into, by
shortening of the sight. The woodcuts are reproduced, with some modifications,
especially in details of heraldic decoration.]
(A)
THE PROFILO OR SECTION OF A STAGE
[f. 26v] Per che ne la seguente carta io trattaro delle Scene e de Theatri
che a nostri tempi si costumano, onde sara difficile a comprendere doue et
come si debbia porre l’ orizonte delle scene, per essere diuerso modo dalle
regole passate, ho voluto far prima questo profilo, accio che la pianta in
sieme col profilo l’ un per l’ altro si possino intendere; ma sara perho bene a
studiare prima su la pianta, et se quelle cose non si intenderanno ne la
Page 416
pianta, recorrere al profilo doue meglio s’ intendera. Primieramente donque
io cominciaro dal suolo dauanti: loquale sara a l’ altezza de l’ occhio et
voglio que sia piano et e segnato c, et da b fin a l’ a sara lo suolo leuato
dalla parte de a la nona parte; et quel diritto piu grosso sopra del qual e m
dinota lo muro nel capo della sala. Quel diritto piu sottile doue e p sara lo
pariete della scena cioe l’ ultimo. Il termine doue e l’ o e l’ orizonte. La
linea di punti che viene ad essere aliuello da l a o doue essa finira nel
pariete vltimo della scena, iui sara l’ orizonte, loqual pero seruira solamente
per quel pariete, et questa linea sara quella che sara sempre orizonte, alle
faccie de i casamenti che saranno in maiesta. Ma quelle parti de i casamenti
che scurtiano lo suo orizonte sara quel piu lontano segnato o. Et e ben
ragione se i casamenti in effetto han dua facie, lequai spettino a dua lati, che
anchora habbino dua orizonti; et questo e quanto al profilo della scena. Ma
lo proscenio si e quella segnata d: la parte e rappresenta l’ horchestra leuata
da terra mezzo piede. Doue si vede f sonno le sedie de piu nobili. Li primi
gradi segnati g saran per le donne piu nobili, et salendo piu ad alto le men
nobili vi si metterano. Quel luoco piu spacioso doue e h e vna strada, et cosi
la parte i vn altra strada onde fra l’ una e l’ altra quei gradi saranno per la
nobilita de gli huomini. Dal i in su li gradi che vi sonno, li men nobili si
metteranno. Quel gran spacio segnato k sara per la plebe, et sara magiore et
minore secondo la grandezza del luoco; et lo Theatro, et la scena ch’ io feci
in Vicenza, furono circa a questo modo, et de l’ un corno a l’ altro del
Theatro era da piedi ottanta, per essere questo fatto in vn gran cortile, doue
trouai magior spacio, che doue era la scena per essere quella appoggiata ad
vna loggia. Li armamenti et ligature de i legnami furono nel modo
dimostrato qui auanti, et per esser questo Theatro senza appoggio alcuno, io
volsi (per magior fortezza) farlo ascarpa nella circonferentia di fori.
io cominciaro dal suolo dauanti: loquale sara a l’ altezza de l’ occhio et
voglio que sia piano et e segnato c, et da b fin a l’ a sara lo suolo leuato
dalla parte de a la nona parte; et quel diritto piu grosso sopra del qual e m
dinota lo muro nel capo della sala. Quel diritto piu sottile doue e p sara lo
pariete della scena cioe l’ ultimo. Il termine doue e l’ o e l’ orizonte. La
linea di punti che viene ad essere aliuello da l a o doue essa finira nel
pariete vltimo della scena, iui sara l’ orizonte, loqual pero seruira solamente
per quel pariete, et questa linea sara quella che sara sempre orizonte, alle
faccie de i casamenti che saranno in maiesta. Ma quelle parti de i casamenti
che scurtiano lo suo orizonte sara quel piu lontano segnato o. Et e ben
ragione se i casamenti in effetto han dua facie, lequai spettino a dua lati, che
anchora habbino dua orizonti; et questo e quanto al profilo della scena. Ma
lo proscenio si e quella segnata d: la parte e rappresenta l’ horchestra leuata
da terra mezzo piede. Doue si vede f sonno le sedie de piu nobili. Li primi
gradi segnati g saran per le donne piu nobili, et salendo piu ad alto le men
nobili vi si metterano. Quel luoco piu spacioso doue e h e vna strada, et cosi
la parte i vn altra strada onde fra l’ una e l’ altra quei gradi saranno per la
nobilita de gli huomini. Dal i in su li gradi che vi sonno, li men nobili si
metteranno. Quel gran spacio segnato k sara per la plebe, et sara magiore et
minore secondo la grandezza del luoco; et lo Theatro, et la scena ch’ io feci
in Vicenza, furono circa a questo modo, et de l’ un corno a l’ altro del
Theatro era da piedi ottanta, per essere questo fatto in vn gran cortile, doue
trouai magior spacio, che doue era la scena per essere quella appoggiata ad
vna loggia. Li armamenti et ligature de i legnami furono nel modo
dimostrato qui auanti, et per esser questo Theatro senza appoggio alcuno, io
volsi (per magior fortezza) farlo ascarpa nella circonferentia di fori.
Page 417
(B)
THE PIANTA OR GROUND-PLAN OF A STAGE
THE PIANTA OR GROUND-PLAN OF A STAGE
Page 418
Trattato sopra le Scene.
[f. 27] Fra l’ altre cose fatte per mano de gli huomini che si possono
mirare con gran contentezza d’ occhio et satisfationi d’ animo: e (al parer
mio) il discoprirsi lo apparato di vna scena, doue si vede in picol spacio
fatto da l’ arte della Perspettiua superbi palazzi, amplissimi tempij, diuersi
casamenti, et da presso, e di lontano, spaciose piazze ornate di varii edificij,
dritissime e longhe strade incrociate da altre vie, archi triomphali, altissime
colonne, pyramide, obelischi, et mille altre cose belle, ornate d’ infiniti
lumi, grandi, mezzani, et piccoli, secondo che l’ altre lo comporta, liquali
sono cosi arteficiosamente ordinati, che rappresentano tante gioie
lucidissime, come saria Diamanti, Rubini, Zafiri, Smeraldi, et cose simili.
Quiui si vede la cornuta et lucida Luna leuarsi pian piano; et essersi
inalzata, che gli occhi de i spettatori non l’ han veduta muouersi: in alcune
altre si vede lo leuare del sole, et il suo girare, et nel finire della comedia
tramontar poi con tale artificio che molti spettatori di tal cosa stupiscono;
con l’ artificio a qualche bon proposito si vedera descendere alcun Dio dal
cielo, correre qualche Pianeta per l’ aria, venir poi su la scena diuersi
intermedij richissimamente ornati, liuree di varie sorti con habiti strani, si
per moresche come per musiche. Tal’ hor si vede strani animali entro de i
quali son huomini, et fanciulli, atteggiando, saltando, et correndo cosi bene,
che non e senza merauiglia de riguardanti, le quai tutte cose dan tanto di
contentezza a l’ hocchio, et a l’ animo, che cosa materiale, fatta da l’ arte,
non si potria imaginare piu bella; et di quelle cose poi che siamo in
proposito de l’ arte della perspettiua, io ne trattaro alquanto. Pure
quantunque questo modo di perspettiua di ch’ io parlaro sia diuerso dalle
regole passate, per essere quelle imaginate sopra li parieti piani: et questa
per essere materiale et di rilieuo e ben ragione a tenere altra strada.
Primieramente per il commune vso si fa vn suolo leuato da terra quanto l’
hocchio nostro; cioe dalla parte dauanti et di dietro si fa piu alto la nona
parte, partendo in noue parti tutto il piano, et vna di quelle. Sia leuato il
detto suolo dalla parte di drieto verso l’ orizonte, et sia ben piano et forte
per causa delle moresche. Questa pendentia io l’ ho trouata commoda con la
esperientia, perche in Vicenza (citta molto ricca et pomposissima fra l’ altre
d’ Italia) io feci vno Theatro, et vna scena di legname, perauentura, anzi
senza dubio, la magiore che a nostri tempi si sia fatta, doue per li
merauigliosi intermedij che vi accadeuano, cioe carette, Elefanti, et diuerse
moresche, io volsi che dauanti la scena pendente vi fosse vn suolo piano, la
[f. 27] Fra l’ altre cose fatte per mano de gli huomini che si possono
mirare con gran contentezza d’ occhio et satisfationi d’ animo: e (al parer
mio) il discoprirsi lo apparato di vna scena, doue si vede in picol spacio
fatto da l’ arte della Perspettiua superbi palazzi, amplissimi tempij, diuersi
casamenti, et da presso, e di lontano, spaciose piazze ornate di varii edificij,
dritissime e longhe strade incrociate da altre vie, archi triomphali, altissime
colonne, pyramide, obelischi, et mille altre cose belle, ornate d’ infiniti
lumi, grandi, mezzani, et piccoli, secondo che l’ altre lo comporta, liquali
sono cosi arteficiosamente ordinati, che rappresentano tante gioie
lucidissime, come saria Diamanti, Rubini, Zafiri, Smeraldi, et cose simili.
Quiui si vede la cornuta et lucida Luna leuarsi pian piano; et essersi
inalzata, che gli occhi de i spettatori non l’ han veduta muouersi: in alcune
altre si vede lo leuare del sole, et il suo girare, et nel finire della comedia
tramontar poi con tale artificio che molti spettatori di tal cosa stupiscono;
con l’ artificio a qualche bon proposito si vedera descendere alcun Dio dal
cielo, correre qualche Pianeta per l’ aria, venir poi su la scena diuersi
intermedij richissimamente ornati, liuree di varie sorti con habiti strani, si
per moresche come per musiche. Tal’ hor si vede strani animali entro de i
quali son huomini, et fanciulli, atteggiando, saltando, et correndo cosi bene,
che non e senza merauiglia de riguardanti, le quai tutte cose dan tanto di
contentezza a l’ hocchio, et a l’ animo, che cosa materiale, fatta da l’ arte,
non si potria imaginare piu bella; et di quelle cose poi che siamo in
proposito de l’ arte della perspettiua, io ne trattaro alquanto. Pure
quantunque questo modo di perspettiua di ch’ io parlaro sia diuerso dalle
regole passate, per essere quelle imaginate sopra li parieti piani: et questa
per essere materiale et di rilieuo e ben ragione a tenere altra strada.
Primieramente per il commune vso si fa vn suolo leuato da terra quanto l’
hocchio nostro; cioe dalla parte dauanti et di dietro si fa piu alto la nona
parte, partendo in noue parti tutto il piano, et vna di quelle. Sia leuato il
detto suolo dalla parte di drieto verso l’ orizonte, et sia ben piano et forte
per causa delle moresche. Questa pendentia io l’ ho trouata commoda con la
esperientia, perche in Vicenza (citta molto ricca et pomposissima fra l’ altre
d’ Italia) io feci vno Theatro, et vna scena di legname, perauentura, anzi
senza dubio, la magiore che a nostri tempi si sia fatta, doue per li
merauigliosi intermedij che vi accadeuano, cioe carette, Elefanti, et diuerse
moresche, io volsi che dauanti la scena pendente vi fosse vn suolo piano, la
Page 419
latitudine del quale fu piede xij, et in longitudine piedi lx, doue io trouai tal
cosa ben commoda, et di grande aspetto. Questo primo suolo essendo piano,
lo suo pauimento non vbidiua a l’ orizonte, ma li suoi quadri furono perfetti,
et al cominciare dal piano pendente tutti quei quadri andauano a l’ orizonte
ilche con la sua debita distantia sminui. Et perche alcuni han posto l’
orizonte a l’ ultimo pariete che termina la scena, il qual e necessario
metterlo sul proprio suolo al nascimento di esso pariete, doue dimostra che
tutti li casamenti se adunano, io mi sono imaginato di trapassare piu la con
l’ orizonte, la qual cosa mi e cosi bene reuscita, che a fare tal cose ho
sempre tenuto questa strada, et cosi consiglio coloro che di tal arte se
diletterano, a tener questo camino, como nella seguente carta dimostraro, et
come ne ho trattato qui adietro nel profilo del Theatro, et della Scena. Et
perche gli apparati delle comedie sono di tre maniere, cioe la Comica, la
Tragica, et la Satyrica, io trattaro al presente de la comica, i casamenti della
quale voglion essere di personagi priuati, liquali apparati per la maggior
parte si fanno al coperto in qualche sala, che nel capo di essa vi sia camere
per la commodita de i dicitori, et iui si fa lo suolo come qui piu a dietro io
dissi, e ne dimostrai lo suo profilo, et qui alianti dimostrero la pianta.
Primieramente la parte c e quel suolo piano et poniam caso che vn quadro
sia dua piedi, et medesimamente quegli del piano pendente son dua piedi
per ogni lato, et e segnato b; e (come ho detto nel profilo) io non intendo di
mettere l’ orizonte al pariete vltimo de la scena, ma quanto sara dal
principio di esso piano b fin al muro sia trapassato altro tanto di la dal muro
con l’ orizonte; et quelle dua linee di punti dinotano lo muro in capo di essa
sala, e cosi tutti li casamenti et altre cose haueranno piu dolcezza ne i
scurcij, doue tirati tutti li quadri ad esso orizonte, et diminuiti secondo la
sua distantia, si leuaran su li casamenti, li quali son quelle linee grosse sul
piano, per diritto, et per trauerso; et questi tai casamenti io li ho sempre fatti
di telari, sopra liquali ho poi tirato tele, facendogli le sue porte in faccia et
in scurtio secondo le occasioni, et ancho ci ho fatto alcune cose di basso
rilieuo di legnami che han aiutato molto le pitture, come al suo loco ne
trattaro. Tutto lo spacio da li telari al muro segnati a seruiranno per li
dicittori, et sempre lo pariete vltimo vuol essere discosto dal muro almen
dua piedi, accio li diccitori possino passar coperti; dipoi quanto si trouera
alto l’ orizonte, sia tanto alzato vn termino al principio del piano b che sara
l et da li a l’ orizonte sia tirata vna linea chi e di punti, laquale sara al
liuello, et doue questa ferira nel vltimo pariete: iui sara l’ orizonte di esso
cosa ben commoda, et di grande aspetto. Questo primo suolo essendo piano,
lo suo pauimento non vbidiua a l’ orizonte, ma li suoi quadri furono perfetti,
et al cominciare dal piano pendente tutti quei quadri andauano a l’ orizonte
ilche con la sua debita distantia sminui. Et perche alcuni han posto l’
orizonte a l’ ultimo pariete che termina la scena, il qual e necessario
metterlo sul proprio suolo al nascimento di esso pariete, doue dimostra che
tutti li casamenti se adunano, io mi sono imaginato di trapassare piu la con
l’ orizonte, la qual cosa mi e cosi bene reuscita, che a fare tal cose ho
sempre tenuto questa strada, et cosi consiglio coloro che di tal arte se
diletterano, a tener questo camino, como nella seguente carta dimostraro, et
come ne ho trattato qui adietro nel profilo del Theatro, et della Scena. Et
perche gli apparati delle comedie sono di tre maniere, cioe la Comica, la
Tragica, et la Satyrica, io trattaro al presente de la comica, i casamenti della
quale voglion essere di personagi priuati, liquali apparati per la maggior
parte si fanno al coperto in qualche sala, che nel capo di essa vi sia camere
per la commodita de i dicitori, et iui si fa lo suolo come qui piu a dietro io
dissi, e ne dimostrai lo suo profilo, et qui alianti dimostrero la pianta.
Primieramente la parte c e quel suolo piano et poniam caso che vn quadro
sia dua piedi, et medesimamente quegli del piano pendente son dua piedi
per ogni lato, et e segnato b; e (come ho detto nel profilo) io non intendo di
mettere l’ orizonte al pariete vltimo de la scena, ma quanto sara dal
principio di esso piano b fin al muro sia trapassato altro tanto di la dal muro
con l’ orizonte; et quelle dua linee di punti dinotano lo muro in capo di essa
sala, e cosi tutti li casamenti et altre cose haueranno piu dolcezza ne i
scurcij, doue tirati tutti li quadri ad esso orizonte, et diminuiti secondo la
sua distantia, si leuaran su li casamenti, li quali son quelle linee grosse sul
piano, per diritto, et per trauerso; et questi tai casamenti io li ho sempre fatti
di telari, sopra liquali ho poi tirato tele, facendogli le sue porte in faccia et
in scurtio secondo le occasioni, et ancho ci ho fatto alcune cose di basso
rilieuo di legnami che han aiutato molto le pitture, come al suo loco ne
trattaro. Tutto lo spacio da li telari al muro segnati a seruiranno per li
dicittori, et sempre lo pariete vltimo vuol essere discosto dal muro almen
dua piedi, accio li diccitori possino passar coperti; dipoi quanto si trouera
alto l’ orizonte, sia tanto alzato vn termino al principio del piano b che sara
l et da li a l’ orizonte sia tirata vna linea chi e di punti, laquale sara al
liuello, et doue questa ferira nel vltimo pariete: iui sara l’ orizonte di esso
Page 420
pariete: et non seruira perho ad altro telaro: ma la detta linea sia vna cosa
stabile, perche questa seruira a tutti quei telari che saranno in maiesta, per
trouare le grossezze di alcune cose, ma lo primo orizonte di la dal muro
seruira a tutti li scurcij de i casamenti. Et perche a far questo saria
necessario a rompere esso muro, ilche non si puo fare, io ho sempre fatto
vno modello piccolo di cartoni et legnami, ben misurato et traportato poi in
grande di cosa in cosa giustamente con facilita. Ma questa lettione forsi ad
alcuno sara difficile, nondimeno sara necessario faticarsi nel far de modelli
et esperientie, che studiando trouara la via. Et perche le sale (per grande che
siano) non son capaci di Theatri, io nondimeno, per accostarmi quanto io
possi agli antichi, ho voluto di esso Theatro farne quella parte che in vna
gran sala possi capere. Perho la parte d seruira per proscenio. La parte
circolare segnata e sara l’ orchestra leuata vn grado dal proscenio, intorno
laquale son sedie per li piu nobili, che son f; li gradi primi g son per le
donne piu nobili; la parte h e strada et cosi la parte i. Gli altri gradi son per
li huomini men nobili, fra liquali vi son scale per salire piu agiatamente.
Quei luochi spaciosi segnati k saran poi per la plebe et saranno magiori o
minori secondo li luochi, et come il luoco sara magiore, lo Theatro prendera
piu della sua perfetta forma.
stabile, perche questa seruira a tutti quei telari che saranno in maiesta, per
trouare le grossezze di alcune cose, ma lo primo orizonte di la dal muro
seruira a tutti li scurcij de i casamenti. Et perche a far questo saria
necessario a rompere esso muro, ilche non si puo fare, io ho sempre fatto
vno modello piccolo di cartoni et legnami, ben misurato et traportato poi in
grande di cosa in cosa giustamente con facilita. Ma questa lettione forsi ad
alcuno sara difficile, nondimeno sara necessario faticarsi nel far de modelli
et esperientie, che studiando trouara la via. Et perche le sale (per grande che
siano) non son capaci di Theatri, io nondimeno, per accostarmi quanto io
possi agli antichi, ho voluto di esso Theatro farne quella parte che in vna
gran sala possi capere. Perho la parte d seruira per proscenio. La parte
circolare segnata e sara l’ orchestra leuata vn grado dal proscenio, intorno
laquale son sedie per li piu nobili, che son f; li gradi primi g son per le
donne piu nobili; la parte h e strada et cosi la parte i. Gli altri gradi son per
li huomini men nobili, fra liquali vi son scale per salire piu agiatamente.
Quei luochi spaciosi segnati k saran poi per la plebe et saranno magiori o
minori secondo li luochi, et come il luoco sara magiore, lo Theatro prendera
piu della sua perfetta forma.
Page 421
(C)
ELEVATION OF A SCENA COMICA
Della Scena Comica.
[f. 28] Quanto alla dispositione de i Theatri, et delle Scene circa alla
pianta io ne ho trattato qui adietro, hora delle scene in perspettiua ne trattaro
particularmente, et perche (com’ io dissi) le scene si fanno di tre sorte, cioe
la Comica per rappresentar comedie, la Tragica per le tragedie, e la Satyrica
per le satyre, questa prima sara la Comica, i casamenti della quale vogliono
essere di personaggi privati, come saria di cittadini auocati, mercanti,
parasiti, et altre simili persone. Ma sopra il tutto che non vi manchi la casa
della Rufiana ne sia senza hostaria, et uno tempio vi e molto necessario. Per
ELEVATION OF A SCENA COMICA
Della Scena Comica.
[f. 28] Quanto alla dispositione de i Theatri, et delle Scene circa alla
pianta io ne ho trattato qui adietro, hora delle scene in perspettiua ne trattaro
particularmente, et perche (com’ io dissi) le scene si fanno di tre sorte, cioe
la Comica per rappresentar comedie, la Tragica per le tragedie, e la Satyrica
per le satyre, questa prima sara la Comica, i casamenti della quale vogliono
essere di personaggi privati, come saria di cittadini auocati, mercanti,
parasiti, et altre simili persone. Ma sopra il tutto che non vi manchi la casa
della Rufiana ne sia senza hostaria, et uno tempio vi e molto necessario. Per
Page 422
disporre li casamenti sopra il piano detto suolo, io ne ho dato il modo piu
adietro, si nel leuare i casamenti sopra li piani, come nella pianta delle
scene massime, come et doue si dee porre l’ orizonte. Nientedimeno accio
che l’ huomo sia meglio instrutto circa alle forme de i casamenti, io ne
dimostro qui a lato vna figura, laquale potra essere vn poco di luce a chi di
tal cosa vorra dilettarsi. Pur in questa essendo cosi picola non ho potuto
osseruare tutte le misure. Ma solamente ho accennato alla inuentione per
aduertir l’ huomo a saper fare elettione di quei casamenti che posti in opera
habbino a reuscir bene come saria un portico traforato, dietro del quale si
vegga vn altro casamento come questo primo, li archi delquale son di opera
moderna. Li poggiuoli (altri dicono pergoli; altri Renghiere) hanno gran
forza nelle faccie che scurzano, et cosi qualche cornice che li suoi finimenti
vengono fuori del suo cantonale, tagliati intorno et accompagnati con l’ altre
cornice dipinte, fanno grande effetto; cosi le case che han gran sporto in
fuori riusciscono bene, come l’ hostaria della luna qui presente; et sopra
tutte le altre cose si de fare elettione delle case piu piccole, et metterle
dauanti, accio che sopra esse si scuoprano altri edificii, come si vede sopra
la casa della Ruffiana, l’ insegna della quale sono li rampini, o vogliam dire
hami, onde per tal superiorita della casa piu adietro viene a rappresentar
grandezza, et riempisse meglio la parte della scena, che non farebbe
diminuendo, se le summita delle case diminuissero l’ una dopo altra; et
benche le cose qui disegnate habbino vn lume solo da vn lato, nondimeno
tornano meglio a dargli il lume nel mezzo: percioche la forza de i lumi si
mette nel mezzo, pendenti sopra la scena, et tutti quei tondi, o quadri, che si
veggono per gli edificii sono tutti i lumi artificiati di varii colori
transparenti: de i quali daro il modo da fargli ne l’ estremo di questo libro.
Le finestre che sono in faccia sara bene a mettergli de lumi di dietro, ma che
siano di vetro, et ancho di carta ouero di tela dipinta torneran bene. Ma s’ io
volessi scriuere di tutti gli aduertimenti che mi abbundano circa a tal cose,
io sarei forsi tenuto prolisso, perho io le lassaro nel’ intelletto di coloro che
in tal cose si voranno essercitare.
adietro, si nel leuare i casamenti sopra li piani, come nella pianta delle
scene massime, come et doue si dee porre l’ orizonte. Nientedimeno accio
che l’ huomo sia meglio instrutto circa alle forme de i casamenti, io ne
dimostro qui a lato vna figura, laquale potra essere vn poco di luce a chi di
tal cosa vorra dilettarsi. Pur in questa essendo cosi picola non ho potuto
osseruare tutte le misure. Ma solamente ho accennato alla inuentione per
aduertir l’ huomo a saper fare elettione di quei casamenti che posti in opera
habbino a reuscir bene come saria un portico traforato, dietro del quale si
vegga vn altro casamento come questo primo, li archi delquale son di opera
moderna. Li poggiuoli (altri dicono pergoli; altri Renghiere) hanno gran
forza nelle faccie che scurzano, et cosi qualche cornice che li suoi finimenti
vengono fuori del suo cantonale, tagliati intorno et accompagnati con l’ altre
cornice dipinte, fanno grande effetto; cosi le case che han gran sporto in
fuori riusciscono bene, come l’ hostaria della luna qui presente; et sopra
tutte le altre cose si de fare elettione delle case piu piccole, et metterle
dauanti, accio che sopra esse si scuoprano altri edificii, come si vede sopra
la casa della Ruffiana, l’ insegna della quale sono li rampini, o vogliam dire
hami, onde per tal superiorita della casa piu adietro viene a rappresentar
grandezza, et riempisse meglio la parte della scena, che non farebbe
diminuendo, se le summita delle case diminuissero l’ una dopo altra; et
benche le cose qui disegnate habbino vn lume solo da vn lato, nondimeno
tornano meglio a dargli il lume nel mezzo: percioche la forza de i lumi si
mette nel mezzo, pendenti sopra la scena, et tutti quei tondi, o quadri, che si
veggono per gli edificii sono tutti i lumi artificiati di varii colori
transparenti: de i quali daro il modo da fargli ne l’ estremo di questo libro.
Le finestre che sono in faccia sara bene a mettergli de lumi di dietro, ma che
siano di vetro, et ancho di carta ouero di tela dipinta torneran bene. Ma s’ io
volessi scriuere di tutti gli aduertimenti che mi abbundano circa a tal cose,
io sarei forsi tenuto prolisso, perho io le lassaro nel’ intelletto di coloro che
in tal cose si voranno essercitare.
Page 423
(D)
ELEVATION OF A SCENA TRAGICA
Della Scena Tragica.
[f. 29] La Scena Tragica sara per rappresentare tragedie. Li casamenti d’
essa vogliono essere di grandi personagi; percioche gli accidenti amorosi, et
casi inopinati, morte violenti et crudeli (per quanto si lege nelle tragedie
antiche, et ancho nelle moderne) sonno sempre interuenute dentro le case de
signori, duchi, o gran principi, imo, di Re; et perho (come ho detto) in cotali
apparati non si fara edificio che non habbia del nobile: si come se dimostra
nella seguente figura, entro la quale (per esser cosa piccola) non ho potuto
dimostrare quei grandi edificij Regij et signorili, che in vn luogo spatioso si
potrebbono fare. Ma basti solamente a l’ Arcitetto che in torno a cose simili
si vorra essercitare, per hauer vn poco di luce circa alla inuentione, et dipoi
ELEVATION OF A SCENA TRAGICA
Della Scena Tragica.
[f. 29] La Scena Tragica sara per rappresentare tragedie. Li casamenti d’
essa vogliono essere di grandi personagi; percioche gli accidenti amorosi, et
casi inopinati, morte violenti et crudeli (per quanto si lege nelle tragedie
antiche, et ancho nelle moderne) sonno sempre interuenute dentro le case de
signori, duchi, o gran principi, imo, di Re; et perho (come ho detto) in cotali
apparati non si fara edificio che non habbia del nobile: si come se dimostra
nella seguente figura, entro la quale (per esser cosa piccola) non ho potuto
dimostrare quei grandi edificij Regij et signorili, che in vn luogo spatioso si
potrebbono fare. Ma basti solamente a l’ Arcitetto che in torno a cose simili
si vorra essercitare, per hauer vn poco di luce circa alla inuentione, et dipoi
Page 424
secondo li luochi et anchora li sugietti sapersi accommodare; et (come ho
detto nella scena comica) sempre si de fare elettione di quelle cose che
tornano meglio a riguardanti, non hauendo rispetto a mettere vn edificio
piccolo dauanti ad vno grande, per le gia dette ragioni. Et perche tutte le
mie scene ho fatte sopra li telari, ci sonno tal volta alcune difficulta, che e
ben necessario a seruirsi del rilieuo di legname, come quello edificio al lato
sinistro, li pilastri del quale posano sopra vn basamento con alcuni gradi. In
questo caso sara da fare il detto basamento di basso rilieuo, leuato sopra lo
piano, et poi si faran li due telari, cioe quello in faccia, et quello in scurtio;
et stano solamente fin alla summita del parapetto, che e sopra li primi archi.
Hora perche gli archi secondi se ritirano per dar luoco al parapetto, cosi li
dua telari di sopra si ritiraranno: di maniera che tal opera verra bene, et
quello ch’ io dico di questo edificio se intende anchora de gli altri, quando
qualche parti si ritireranno, massimamente di quei casamenti che sono qua
dauanti. Ma quando tai cose fussero di lontano, vn telaro solo seruiria,
facendo tutte le parti ben lineate, et ben colorite. Circa alli lumi artificiati, s’
e detto a bastanza nella scena comica. Tutte le superficie sopra li tetti, come
saria camini, campanili, et cose simili (benché quiui non vi siano) se
faranno sopra vna tauola sottile, tagliati intorno, ben lineati et coloriti.
Similmente qualche statue finte di marmo o di bronzo si faranno di grosso
cartone, o pur di tauola sottile, ben ombregiate et tagliate intorno; poi si
metteranno alli suoi luochi, ma siano talmente disposti, et lontani che i
spettatori non le possino vedere per fianco. In queste Scene, benche alcuni
hanno dipinto qualche personagi che rappresentano il viuo, come saria vna
femina ad vn balcone, o drento d’ una porta, etiamdio qualche animale,
queste cose non consiglio che si faccino, perche non hanno il moto et pure
rappresentano il viuo; ma qualche persona che dorma a bon proposito,
ouero qualche cane o altro animale che dorma, perche non hanno il moto.
Anchora si possono accomodare qualche statue, o altre cose finte di marmo,
o d’ altra materia, o alcuna hystoria, o fabula dipinta sopra vn pariete, che io
lodaro sempre si faccia cosi. Ma nel rappresentare cose viue lequali habbino
il moto, ne l’ estremo di questo libro ne trattaro, et daro il modo come s’
abbino a fare.
detto nella scena comica) sempre si de fare elettione di quelle cose che
tornano meglio a riguardanti, non hauendo rispetto a mettere vn edificio
piccolo dauanti ad vno grande, per le gia dette ragioni. Et perche tutte le
mie scene ho fatte sopra li telari, ci sonno tal volta alcune difficulta, che e
ben necessario a seruirsi del rilieuo di legname, come quello edificio al lato
sinistro, li pilastri del quale posano sopra vn basamento con alcuni gradi. In
questo caso sara da fare il detto basamento di basso rilieuo, leuato sopra lo
piano, et poi si faran li due telari, cioe quello in faccia, et quello in scurtio;
et stano solamente fin alla summita del parapetto, che e sopra li primi archi.
Hora perche gli archi secondi se ritirano per dar luoco al parapetto, cosi li
dua telari di sopra si ritiraranno: di maniera che tal opera verra bene, et
quello ch’ io dico di questo edificio se intende anchora de gli altri, quando
qualche parti si ritireranno, massimamente di quei casamenti che sono qua
dauanti. Ma quando tai cose fussero di lontano, vn telaro solo seruiria,
facendo tutte le parti ben lineate, et ben colorite. Circa alli lumi artificiati, s’
e detto a bastanza nella scena comica. Tutte le superficie sopra li tetti, come
saria camini, campanili, et cose simili (benché quiui non vi siano) se
faranno sopra vna tauola sottile, tagliati intorno, ben lineati et coloriti.
Similmente qualche statue finte di marmo o di bronzo si faranno di grosso
cartone, o pur di tauola sottile, ben ombregiate et tagliate intorno; poi si
metteranno alli suoi luochi, ma siano talmente disposti, et lontani che i
spettatori non le possino vedere per fianco. In queste Scene, benche alcuni
hanno dipinto qualche personagi che rappresentano il viuo, come saria vna
femina ad vn balcone, o drento d’ una porta, etiamdio qualche animale,
queste cose non consiglio che si faccino, perche non hanno il moto et pure
rappresentano il viuo; ma qualche persona che dorma a bon proposito,
ouero qualche cane o altro animale che dorma, perche non hanno il moto.
Anchora si possono accomodare qualche statue, o altre cose finte di marmo,
o d’ altra materia, o alcuna hystoria, o fabula dipinta sopra vn pariete, che io
lodaro sempre si faccia cosi. Ma nel rappresentare cose viue lequali habbino
il moto, ne l’ estremo di questo libro ne trattaro, et daro il modo come s’
abbino a fare.
Page 425
(E)
ELEVATION OF A SCENA SATYRICA
Della Scena Satyrica.
[f. 30] La Scena Satyrica e per rappresentar satyre, nelle quali se
riprendono (anzi vero se mordeno) tutti coloro che licentiosamente viuono,
et senza rispetto nelle satyre antiche erano quasi mostrati a dito gli huomini
viciosi et mal viuenti. Perho tal licentia si puo comprendere che fusse
concessa a personaggi che senza rispetto parlassero, come saria a dire gente
rustica, percioche Vitruuio trattando delle scene, vuole che questa sia ornata
di arbori, sassi, colli, montagne, herbe, fiori, et fontane, vuole anchora che
vi siano alcune capanne alla rustica, come qui appresso se dimostra. Et
ELEVATION OF A SCENA SATYRICA
Della Scena Satyrica.
[f. 30] La Scena Satyrica e per rappresentar satyre, nelle quali se
riprendono (anzi vero se mordeno) tutti coloro che licentiosamente viuono,
et senza rispetto nelle satyre antiche erano quasi mostrati a dito gli huomini
viciosi et mal viuenti. Perho tal licentia si puo comprendere che fusse
concessa a personaggi che senza rispetto parlassero, come saria a dire gente
rustica, percioche Vitruuio trattando delle scene, vuole che questa sia ornata
di arbori, sassi, colli, montagne, herbe, fiori, et fontane, vuole anchora che
vi siano alcune capanne alla rustica, come qui appresso se dimostra. Et
Page 426
perche a tempi nostri queste cose per il piu delle volte si fanno la inuernata,
doue pochi arbori et herbe con fiori se ritrouano, si potran bene
artificiosamente fare cose simili di seta lequali saranno anchora piu lodate
che le naturali; percioche, cosi come nelle Scene Comiche et Tragiche se
imitano li casamenti et altri edificij, con l’ artificio della pittura, cosi
anchora in questa si potran bene imitare gli arbori et l’ herbe co fiori. Et
queste cose quanto saranno di maggior spesa tanto piu lodeuoli saranno,
perche (nel vero) son proprie di generosi magnanimi, et richi signori,
nemici della bruta Auaritia. Questo gia vidiro gli occhi mei in alcune scene
ordinate da l’ intendente Architetto Girolamo Genga, ad instantia del suo
padrone Francesco Maria Duca di Vrbino, doue io compresi tanta liberalita
nel prence, tanto giuditio et arte l’ Arcitetto, et tanta bellezza nelle cose
strutte, quanto in altra opera fatta da l’ arte che da me sia stata veduta
giamai. (O Dio immortale) che magnificentia era quella di veder tanti arbori
et frutti, tante herbe et fiori diuersi, tutte cose fatte di finissima seta di
variati colori, le ripe et i sassi copiosi de diuerse conche marine, di limache
et altri animaletti, di tronchi di coralli di piu colori, di matre perle, et di
granchi marini inserti ne i sassi, con tanta diuersita di cose belle; che a
volerle scriuere tutte, io sarei troppo longo in questa parte. Io non diro de i
satyri, delle Nymphe, delle syrene, et diuersi monstri o animali strani, fatti
con tal artificio, che aconzi sopra gli huomini et fanciulli secondo la
grandezza loro, et quelli, andando et mouendosi secondo la sua natura,
rappresentauano essi animali viui. Et se non ch’ io sarei troppo prolisso, io
narrarei gli habiti superbi di alcuni pastori, fatti di ricchi drappi d’ oro et di
seta, foderati di finissime pelle d’ animali seluatichi. Direi anchora de i
vestimenti d’ alcuni pescatori, liquali non furono men ricchi de gli altri, le
rete de i quali erano di fila d’ oro fino, et altri suoi stromenti tutti dorati.
Direi di alcune pastorelle et Nymphe, gli habiti delle quali sprezauano l’
Auaritia. Ma io lassaro tutte queste cose ne gli intelletti de i giudiciosi
Architetti: liquali faranno sempre di queste cose, quando trouaranno simili
padroni conformi alle lor voglie, gli et donanti piena licentia, con larga
mano, di operare tutto quello che vorranno.
Di Lumi arteficiali delle Scene.
[f. 31] Ho promesso piu adietro negli trattati delle scene, di dare il modo
come si fanno i lumi artificiali di variati colori transparenti; perche
primieramente diro del colore celeste, il quale rappresenta il zafiro et ancho
doue pochi arbori et herbe con fiori se ritrouano, si potran bene
artificiosamente fare cose simili di seta lequali saranno anchora piu lodate
che le naturali; percioche, cosi come nelle Scene Comiche et Tragiche se
imitano li casamenti et altri edificij, con l’ artificio della pittura, cosi
anchora in questa si potran bene imitare gli arbori et l’ herbe co fiori. Et
queste cose quanto saranno di maggior spesa tanto piu lodeuoli saranno,
perche (nel vero) son proprie di generosi magnanimi, et richi signori,
nemici della bruta Auaritia. Questo gia vidiro gli occhi mei in alcune scene
ordinate da l’ intendente Architetto Girolamo Genga, ad instantia del suo
padrone Francesco Maria Duca di Vrbino, doue io compresi tanta liberalita
nel prence, tanto giuditio et arte l’ Arcitetto, et tanta bellezza nelle cose
strutte, quanto in altra opera fatta da l’ arte che da me sia stata veduta
giamai. (O Dio immortale) che magnificentia era quella di veder tanti arbori
et frutti, tante herbe et fiori diuersi, tutte cose fatte di finissima seta di
variati colori, le ripe et i sassi copiosi de diuerse conche marine, di limache
et altri animaletti, di tronchi di coralli di piu colori, di matre perle, et di
granchi marini inserti ne i sassi, con tanta diuersita di cose belle; che a
volerle scriuere tutte, io sarei troppo longo in questa parte. Io non diro de i
satyri, delle Nymphe, delle syrene, et diuersi monstri o animali strani, fatti
con tal artificio, che aconzi sopra gli huomini et fanciulli secondo la
grandezza loro, et quelli, andando et mouendosi secondo la sua natura,
rappresentauano essi animali viui. Et se non ch’ io sarei troppo prolisso, io
narrarei gli habiti superbi di alcuni pastori, fatti di ricchi drappi d’ oro et di
seta, foderati di finissime pelle d’ animali seluatichi. Direi anchora de i
vestimenti d’ alcuni pescatori, liquali non furono men ricchi de gli altri, le
rete de i quali erano di fila d’ oro fino, et altri suoi stromenti tutti dorati.
Direi di alcune pastorelle et Nymphe, gli habiti delle quali sprezauano l’
Auaritia. Ma io lassaro tutte queste cose ne gli intelletti de i giudiciosi
Architetti: liquali faranno sempre di queste cose, quando trouaranno simili
padroni conformi alle lor voglie, gli et donanti piena licentia, con larga
mano, di operare tutto quello che vorranno.
Di Lumi arteficiali delle Scene.
[f. 31] Ho promesso piu adietro negli trattati delle scene, di dare il modo
come si fanno i lumi artificiali di variati colori transparenti; perche
primieramente diro del colore celeste, il quale rappresenta il zafiro et ancho
Page 427
assai piu bello. Prendi vn pezzo di sale ammoniaco, et habbi vn bacile da
barbiere o altro vaso di ottone, mettendogli drento vn detto di aqua. Poi
questo pezzo di sale va ben fregando nel fondo, et intorno questo bacile,
tanto che ’l se consumi tutto: agiungendoli de l’ aqua tuttauia, et quando
vorrai piu quantita di questa aqua, et che ’l colore sia piu bello, fa maggiore
la quantita del sale ammoniaco. Fatto adonque vno bacile pieno di questa
aqua falla passare per il feltro in vno altro vaso, et questa sara di color
celeste bellissimo. Ma volendolo piu chiaro vi agiungerai de l’ aqua pura,
cosi di questo sol colore ne farai di molti piu chiari et piu scuri quanto
vorrai; et se di questa medesima aqua zafrina vorrai fare colore di
Smeraldo, mettili drento alquanto di zaffarano, tanto piu o meno, secondo
che la vorrai piu oscura o piu chiara. Di queste cose non ti do le proportioni;
ma con la esperientia ne farai di piu forte o chiare o pur oscure. Se vorrai
fare del colore di Rubino, se sarai in luoco doue siano vini vermigli carichi
di colore et chiaretti: questi faranno di rubin maturi et gai cioe acerbi, et se
non hauerai de vini, prendi del vergine tagliato in pezzeti, mettendolo in vna
caldara piena d’ aqua, con alquanto di alume di rocha, et la farai bolire
spiumandola, et poi passare pel feltro, et agiungendoli aqua pura se vorrai
colore piu chiaro; et se vorai colore di Balasso, il vino goro, bianco, et
vermiglio insieme, fara tal colore. Cosi anchora li vini bianchi piu et meno
carichi faran colore de Griso passo, et di Thopasso. Ma (senza dubio
alcuno) l’ aqua pura passata pel feltro contrafara li Diamanti. Pure, per farli,
sara necessario adoperare alcune forme in punta, et in tauola, et alla fornace
de i vetri fare delle bozze che prendano tal forma, et quelle impire d’ aqua.
Ma il modo de disporre questi colori transparenti sara questo. Sara di dietro
alle cose dipinte, doue anderanno questi colori, vna tauola sottile traforata
nel modo che saran compartiti questi lumi, sotto laquale sara un’ altra tauola
per sostenere le bozze di vetro piene di queste aque; poi dette bozze si
metteranno con la parte piu curua appoggiate a quei buchi, et bene
assicurate che non caschino per i strepiti delle moresche; et dietro le bozze
si mettera vno cesendelo, overo lampada, accio lo lume sia sempre equale;
et selle bozze verso la lampada saranno piane anzi concaue, riceueranno
meglio la luce, et li colori saranno piu transparenti, cosi anchora per quei
tondi liquali saranno in scurtio sara da fare le bozze di quella sorte. Ma se
accadra tal fiata vn lume grande et gagliardo, sara da metterui di dietro vna
torza, dopo laquale sia vn bacile da barbiere ben lucido et nuovo, la
reflettione del quale fara certi splendori, come di raggi del sole. Et se alcuni
barbiere o altro vaso di ottone, mettendogli drento vn detto di aqua. Poi
questo pezzo di sale va ben fregando nel fondo, et intorno questo bacile,
tanto che ’l se consumi tutto: agiungendoli de l’ aqua tuttauia, et quando
vorrai piu quantita di questa aqua, et che ’l colore sia piu bello, fa maggiore
la quantita del sale ammoniaco. Fatto adonque vno bacile pieno di questa
aqua falla passare per il feltro in vno altro vaso, et questa sara di color
celeste bellissimo. Ma volendolo piu chiaro vi agiungerai de l’ aqua pura,
cosi di questo sol colore ne farai di molti piu chiari et piu scuri quanto
vorrai; et se di questa medesima aqua zafrina vorrai fare colore di
Smeraldo, mettili drento alquanto di zaffarano, tanto piu o meno, secondo
che la vorrai piu oscura o piu chiara. Di queste cose non ti do le proportioni;
ma con la esperientia ne farai di piu forte o chiare o pur oscure. Se vorrai
fare del colore di Rubino, se sarai in luoco doue siano vini vermigli carichi
di colore et chiaretti: questi faranno di rubin maturi et gai cioe acerbi, et se
non hauerai de vini, prendi del vergine tagliato in pezzeti, mettendolo in vna
caldara piena d’ aqua, con alquanto di alume di rocha, et la farai bolire
spiumandola, et poi passare pel feltro, et agiungendoli aqua pura se vorrai
colore piu chiaro; et se vorai colore di Balasso, il vino goro, bianco, et
vermiglio insieme, fara tal colore. Cosi anchora li vini bianchi piu et meno
carichi faran colore de Griso passo, et di Thopasso. Ma (senza dubio
alcuno) l’ aqua pura passata pel feltro contrafara li Diamanti. Pure, per farli,
sara necessario adoperare alcune forme in punta, et in tauola, et alla fornace
de i vetri fare delle bozze che prendano tal forma, et quelle impire d’ aqua.
Ma il modo de disporre questi colori transparenti sara questo. Sara di dietro
alle cose dipinte, doue anderanno questi colori, vna tauola sottile traforata
nel modo che saran compartiti questi lumi, sotto laquale sara un’ altra tauola
per sostenere le bozze di vetro piene di queste aque; poi dette bozze si
metteranno con la parte piu curua appoggiate a quei buchi, et bene
assicurate che non caschino per i strepiti delle moresche; et dietro le bozze
si mettera vno cesendelo, overo lampada, accio lo lume sia sempre equale;
et selle bozze verso la lampada saranno piane anzi concaue, riceueranno
meglio la luce, et li colori saranno piu transparenti, cosi anchora per quei
tondi liquali saranno in scurtio sara da fare le bozze di quella sorte. Ma se
accadra tal fiata vn lume grande et gagliardo, sara da metterui di dietro vna
torza, dopo laquale sia vn bacile da barbiere ben lucido et nuovo, la
reflettione del quale fara certi splendori, come di raggi del sole. Et se alcuni
Page 428
luochi saranno quadri come mandola, o altre forme, si prendera delle piastre
di vetri di variati colori posti a quei luochi col suo lume di dietro. Ma questi
lumi non saran (perho) quelli che allumineranno la scena, percioche gran
coppia di torze si metteno pendente dauanti alla scena. Si potra anchora su
per la scena mettere alcuni candelieri con torze sopra, ed anchora sopra essi
candelieri vi sia vn vaso pieno di acqua, drento laquale metterai vn pezzo di
camphora, loquale ardendo fa bellissimo lume, et e odorifero. Alcuna fiata
accadera a dimostrare qualche cosa che abbruscia (sia che si voglia); si
bagnara benissimo di aqua vite della piu potente, et apizatogli lo fuoco con
vna candeletta: ardera per vn pezzo. Et ben che quanto alli fuochi si potra
dire assai piu, voglio questo sia basteuole per presente. Ma parliamo di
alcune cose lequali sono di gran diletto a spettatori. Mentre la scena e vota
de dicitori, potra l’ Arcitetto hauer preparato alcune ordinanze di figurette,
di quella grandezza che si ricercara dove hauranno a passare, et queste
saranno di grosso cartone colorite et tagliate intorno, lequali posaranno
sopra vn regolo di legno a trauerso la scena, doue sia qualche arco, fatto
sopra il suolo vno incastro a coda di Rondina, entro lo quale si mettera detto
regolo; et cosi pianamente vna persona dietro al detto arco le fara passare,
et tal fiata dimostrare che siano musici con istrumenti et voci, onde dietro
alla scena sara vna musica a somissa voce. Tal volta fara correre vn
squadrone di gente chi a piedi et chi a cauallo, lequali con alcune voci o
gridi sordi, strepiti di tamburi, et suono di trombe, pascono molto gli
spettatori. Et se tal volta accadera che vno Pianeta, o altra cosa per aria si
vegga passare, sia ben dipinta quella cosa in cartone et tagliata intorno; poi
dietro la scena (cioe a gli vltimi casamenti) sia tirato a trauerso vn filo di
ferro sottile, et con alcuni aneletti in esso filo attacati dietro il cartone, nel
quale sia un filo negro, et da l’ altro lato sara vna persona che pian piano lo
tirara a se, ma sara di forte lontano, che ne l’ uno ne l’ altro filo sara veduto.
Tal fiata accadera tuoni, lampi et folgori a qualche proposito; li tuoni cosi si
faranno. Sempre (come ho detto) le scene si fanno nel capo di vna sala,
sopra laquale gli e sempre vn suolo, sopra del quale si fara correre vna
grossa balla di pietra, laquale fara bene il tuono. Lo lampo cosi si fara. Sara
vno dietro alla scena in luoco alto, hauendo nella mano vna scatoletta, entro
laquale vi sia polue di vernice: et il coperchio sia pieno di busi: nel mezzo
del coperchio sara vna candeletta accesa: et alzando in su la mano, quella
polue salira in alto, et perchuotera nella candela accesa, di maniera che fara
lampi assai bene. Circo al folgore, sara tirato vn filo di ferro lontano a
di vetri di variati colori posti a quei luochi col suo lume di dietro. Ma questi
lumi non saran (perho) quelli che allumineranno la scena, percioche gran
coppia di torze si metteno pendente dauanti alla scena. Si potra anchora su
per la scena mettere alcuni candelieri con torze sopra, ed anchora sopra essi
candelieri vi sia vn vaso pieno di acqua, drento laquale metterai vn pezzo di
camphora, loquale ardendo fa bellissimo lume, et e odorifero. Alcuna fiata
accadera a dimostrare qualche cosa che abbruscia (sia che si voglia); si
bagnara benissimo di aqua vite della piu potente, et apizatogli lo fuoco con
vna candeletta: ardera per vn pezzo. Et ben che quanto alli fuochi si potra
dire assai piu, voglio questo sia basteuole per presente. Ma parliamo di
alcune cose lequali sono di gran diletto a spettatori. Mentre la scena e vota
de dicitori, potra l’ Arcitetto hauer preparato alcune ordinanze di figurette,
di quella grandezza che si ricercara dove hauranno a passare, et queste
saranno di grosso cartone colorite et tagliate intorno, lequali posaranno
sopra vn regolo di legno a trauerso la scena, doue sia qualche arco, fatto
sopra il suolo vno incastro a coda di Rondina, entro lo quale si mettera detto
regolo; et cosi pianamente vna persona dietro al detto arco le fara passare,
et tal fiata dimostrare che siano musici con istrumenti et voci, onde dietro
alla scena sara vna musica a somissa voce. Tal volta fara correre vn
squadrone di gente chi a piedi et chi a cauallo, lequali con alcune voci o
gridi sordi, strepiti di tamburi, et suono di trombe, pascono molto gli
spettatori. Et se tal volta accadera che vno Pianeta, o altra cosa per aria si
vegga passare, sia ben dipinta quella cosa in cartone et tagliata intorno; poi
dietro la scena (cioe a gli vltimi casamenti) sia tirato a trauerso vn filo di
ferro sottile, et con alcuni aneletti in esso filo attacati dietro il cartone, nel
quale sia un filo negro, et da l’ altro lato sara vna persona che pian piano lo
tirara a se, ma sara di forte lontano, che ne l’ uno ne l’ altro filo sara veduto.
Tal fiata accadera tuoni, lampi et folgori a qualche proposito; li tuoni cosi si
faranno. Sempre (come ho detto) le scene si fanno nel capo di vna sala,
sopra laquale gli e sempre vn suolo, sopra del quale si fara correre vna
grossa balla di pietra, laquale fara bene il tuono. Lo lampo cosi si fara. Sara
vno dietro alla scena in luoco alto, hauendo nella mano vna scatoletta, entro
laquale vi sia polue di vernice: et il coperchio sia pieno di busi: nel mezzo
del coperchio sara vna candeletta accesa: et alzando in su la mano, quella
polue salira in alto, et perchuotera nella candela accesa, di maniera che fara
lampi assai bene. Circo al folgore, sara tirato vn filo di ferro lontano a
Page 429
trauerso la scena, che descenda a basso, entro del quale sara aconcio vn
rochetto, o raggio, che si sia, ma questo sara ornato di oro stridente, et
mentre si fara lo tuono, nel finir di quello sia scaricata vna coda, et nel
medesimo tempo dato il fuoco al folgore, et fara buono effetto. Ma s’ io
volessi trattare di quante cose similimi abbondano, io saria troppo longho;
pero faccio fine quanto alla perspettiua.
rochetto, o raggio, che si sia, ma questo sara ornato di oro stridente, et
mentre si fara lo tuono, nel finir di quello sia scaricata vna coda, et nel
medesimo tempo dato il fuoco al folgore, et fara buono effetto. Ma s’ io
volessi trattare di quante cose similimi abbondano, io saria troppo longho;
pero faccio fine quanto alla perspettiua.
Page 430
APPENDIX H
THE GULL’S HORNBOOK
[Chapter vi from T. Dekker, The Gull’s Hornbook (1609). There is no entry in the
Stationers’ Register. Editions are by J. Nott (1812), J. O. Halliwell (1862), C. Hindley
(1872, Old Book Collector’s Miscellany, ii), A. B. Grosart (1884, Dekker’s Works, ii),
G. Saintsbury (1892), O. Smeaton (1904), and R. B. McKerrow (1904, King’s
Library; 1905, King’s Classics). I have adopted two trifling emendations; ‘Plaiers are’
for ‘Plaiers and’ in the first paragraph, and ‘Stage, like time’ for ‘Stagelike time’ in the
ninth. McKerrow reprints the chapter on the Stage from S. Vincent’s Restoration
adaptation of the pamphlet in The Young Gallant’s Academy (1674).]
How a Gallant should behaue himself in a Playhouse.
The Theater is your Poets Royal Exchange, vpon which, their Muses
(that are now turnd to Merchants) meeting, barter away that light
commodity of words for a lighter ware then words, Plaudities and the
Breath of the great Beast, which (like the threatnings of two Cowards)
vanish all into aire. Plaiers are their Factors, who put away the stuffe, and
make the best of it they possibly can (as indeed tis their parts so to doe).
Your Gallant, your Courtier, and your Capten, had wont to be the soundest
paymaisters, and I thinke are still the surest chapmen: and these by meanes
that their heades are well stockt, deale vpon this comical freight by the
grosse: when your Groundling, and Gallery Commoner buyes his sport by
the penny, and, like a Hagler, is glad to vtter it againe by retailing.
Sithence then the place is so free in entertainment, allowing a stoole as
well to the Farmers sonne as to your Templer: that your Stinkard has the
selfe same libertie to be there in his Tobacco-Fumes, which your sweet
Courtier hath: and that your Car-man and Tinker claime as strong a voice in
their suffrage, and sit to giue iudgement on the plaies life and death, as well
as the prowdest Momus among the tribe of Critick: It is fit that hee, whom
the most tailors bils do make roome for, when he comes should not be
basely (like a vyoll) casd vp in a corner.
Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Playhouse
stand to receiue the after-noones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it)
presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage. I meane not into
the Lords roome, (which is now but the Stages Suburbs). No, those boxes,
by the iniquity of custome, conspiracy of waiting-women and Gentlemen-
THE GULL’S HORNBOOK
[Chapter vi from T. Dekker, The Gull’s Hornbook (1609). There is no entry in the
Stationers’ Register. Editions are by J. Nott (1812), J. O. Halliwell (1862), C. Hindley
(1872, Old Book Collector’s Miscellany, ii), A. B. Grosart (1884, Dekker’s Works, ii),
G. Saintsbury (1892), O. Smeaton (1904), and R. B. McKerrow (1904, King’s
Library; 1905, King’s Classics). I have adopted two trifling emendations; ‘Plaiers are’
for ‘Plaiers and’ in the first paragraph, and ‘Stage, like time’ for ‘Stagelike time’ in the
ninth. McKerrow reprints the chapter on the Stage from S. Vincent’s Restoration
adaptation of the pamphlet in The Young Gallant’s Academy (1674).]
How a Gallant should behaue himself in a Playhouse.
The Theater is your Poets Royal Exchange, vpon which, their Muses
(that are now turnd to Merchants) meeting, barter away that light
commodity of words for a lighter ware then words, Plaudities and the
Breath of the great Beast, which (like the threatnings of two Cowards)
vanish all into aire. Plaiers are their Factors, who put away the stuffe, and
make the best of it they possibly can (as indeed tis their parts so to doe).
Your Gallant, your Courtier, and your Capten, had wont to be the soundest
paymaisters, and I thinke are still the surest chapmen: and these by meanes
that their heades are well stockt, deale vpon this comical freight by the
grosse: when your Groundling, and Gallery Commoner buyes his sport by
the penny, and, like a Hagler, is glad to vtter it againe by retailing.
Sithence then the place is so free in entertainment, allowing a stoole as
well to the Farmers sonne as to your Templer: that your Stinkard has the
selfe same libertie to be there in his Tobacco-Fumes, which your sweet
Courtier hath: and that your Car-man and Tinker claime as strong a voice in
their suffrage, and sit to giue iudgement on the plaies life and death, as well
as the prowdest Momus among the tribe of Critick: It is fit that hee, whom
the most tailors bils do make roome for, when he comes should not be
basely (like a vyoll) casd vp in a corner.
Whether therefore the gatherers of the publique or priuate Playhouse
stand to receiue the after-noones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it)
presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage. I meane not into
the Lords roome, (which is now but the Stages Suburbs). No, those boxes,
by the iniquity of custome, conspiracy of waiting-women and Gentlemen-
Page 431
Ushers, that there sweat together, and the couetousnes of Sharers, are
contemptibly thrust into the reare, and much new Satten is there dambd by
being smothred to death in darknesse. But on the very Rushes where the
Commedy is to daunce, yea and vnder the state of Cambises himselfe must
our fethered Estridge, like a peece of Ordnance be planted valiantly
(because impudently) beating downe the mewes and hisses of the opposed
rascality.
For do but cast vp a reckoning, what large cummings in are pursd vp by
sitting on the Stage. First a conspicuous Eminence is gotten; by which
meanes the best and most essenciall parts of a Gallant (good cloathes, a
proportionable legge, white hand, the Persian lock, and a tollerable beard)
are perfectly reuealed.
By sitting on the stage, you haue a signd pattent to engrosse the whole
commodity of Censure; may lawfully presume to be a Girder: and stand at
the helme to steere the passage of Scænes[;] yet no man shall once offer to
hinder you from obtaining the title of an insolent, ouer-weening Coxcombe.
By sitting on the stage, you may (without trauelling for it) at the very
next doore, aske whose play it is: and, by that Quest of inquiry, the law
warrants you to auoid much mistaking; if you know not the author, you may
raile against him: and peraduenture so behaue your selfe, that you may
enforce the Author to know you.
By sitting on the stage, if you be a Knight, you may happily get you a
Mistresse: if a mere Fleet street Gentleman, a wife: but assure yourselfe by
continuall residence, you are the first and principall man in election to begin
the number of We three.
By spreading your body on the stage, and by being a Justice in
examining of plaies, you shall put your selfe into such true Scænical
authority, that some Poet shall not dare to present his Muse rudely vpon
your eyes, without hauing first vnmaskt her, rifled her, and discouered all
her bare and most mysticall parts before you at a Tauerne, when you most
knightly shal for his paines, pay for both their suppers.
By sitting on the stage, you may (with small cost) purchase the deere
acquaintance of the boyes: haue a good stoole for sixpence: at any time
know what particular part any of the infants present: get your match lighted,
contemptibly thrust into the reare, and much new Satten is there dambd by
being smothred to death in darknesse. But on the very Rushes where the
Commedy is to daunce, yea and vnder the state of Cambises himselfe must
our fethered Estridge, like a peece of Ordnance be planted valiantly
(because impudently) beating downe the mewes and hisses of the opposed
rascality.
For do but cast vp a reckoning, what large cummings in are pursd vp by
sitting on the Stage. First a conspicuous Eminence is gotten; by which
meanes the best and most essenciall parts of a Gallant (good cloathes, a
proportionable legge, white hand, the Persian lock, and a tollerable beard)
are perfectly reuealed.
By sitting on the stage, you haue a signd pattent to engrosse the whole
commodity of Censure; may lawfully presume to be a Girder: and stand at
the helme to steere the passage of Scænes[;] yet no man shall once offer to
hinder you from obtaining the title of an insolent, ouer-weening Coxcombe.
By sitting on the stage, you may (without trauelling for it) at the very
next doore, aske whose play it is: and, by that Quest of inquiry, the law
warrants you to auoid much mistaking; if you know not the author, you may
raile against him: and peraduenture so behaue your selfe, that you may
enforce the Author to know you.
By sitting on the stage, if you be a Knight, you may happily get you a
Mistresse: if a mere Fleet street Gentleman, a wife: but assure yourselfe by
continuall residence, you are the first and principall man in election to begin
the number of We three.
By spreading your body on the stage, and by being a Justice in
examining of plaies, you shall put your selfe into such true Scænical
authority, that some Poet shall not dare to present his Muse rudely vpon
your eyes, without hauing first vnmaskt her, rifled her, and discouered all
her bare and most mysticall parts before you at a Tauerne, when you most
knightly shal for his paines, pay for both their suppers.
By sitting on the stage, you may (with small cost) purchase the deere
acquaintance of the boyes: haue a good stoole for sixpence: at any time
know what particular part any of the infants present: get your match lighted,
Page 432
examine the play-suits lace, and perhaps win wagers vpon laying tis copper,
&c. And to conclude whether you be a foole or a Justice of peace, a
Cuckold or a Capten, a Lord Maiors sonne or a dawcocke, a knaue or an
vnder-Sheriffe, of what stamp soeuer you be, currant or counterfet, the
Stage, like time, will bring you to most perfect light, and lay you open:
neither are you to be hunted from thence though the Scar-crows in the yard,
hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea throw durt euen in your teeth: tis
most Gentlemanlike patience to endure all this, and to laugh at the silly
Animals: but if the Rabble with a full throat, crie away with the foole, you
were worse then a mad-man to tarry by it: for the Gentleman and the foole
should neuer sit on the Stage together.
Mary let this obseruation go hand in hand with the rest: or rather like a
country-seruing-man, some fiue yards before them. Present not your selfe
on the Stage (especially at a new play) vntill the quaking prologue hath (by
rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready to giue the trumpets their
Cue that hees vpon point to enter: for then it is time, as though you were
one of the Properties, or that you dropt out of the Hangings, to creepe from
behind the Arras, with your Tripos or three-footed stoole in one hand, and a
teston mounted betweene a forefinger and a thumbe in the other: for if you
should bestow your person vpon the vulgar, when the belly of the house is
but halfe full, your apparell is quite eaten vp, the fashion lost, and the
proportion of your body in more danger to be deuoured, then if it were
serued vp in the Counter amongst the Powltry: auoid that as you would the
Bastome. It shall crowne you with rich commendation to laugh alowd in the
middest of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest Tragedy: and
to let that clapper (your tongue) be tost so high that all the house may ring
of it: your Lords vse it; your Knights are Apes to the Lords, and do so too:
your Inne-a-court-man is Zany to the Knights, and (many very scuruily)
comes likewise limping after it: bee thou a beagle to them all, and neuer lin
snuffing till you haue scented them: for by talking and laughing (like a
Plough-man in a Morris) you heap Pelion vpon Ossa, glory vpon glory: As
first, all the eyes in the galleries will leaue walking after the Players, and
onely follow you: the simplest dolt in the house snatches vp your name, and
when he meetes you in the streetes, or that you fall into his hands in the
middle of a Watch, his word shall be taken for you: heele cry, Hees such a
Gallant, and you passe. Secondly, you publish your temperance to the
world, in that you seeme not to resort thither to taste vaine pleasures with a
&c. And to conclude whether you be a foole or a Justice of peace, a
Cuckold or a Capten, a Lord Maiors sonne or a dawcocke, a knaue or an
vnder-Sheriffe, of what stamp soeuer you be, currant or counterfet, the
Stage, like time, will bring you to most perfect light, and lay you open:
neither are you to be hunted from thence though the Scar-crows in the yard,
hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea throw durt euen in your teeth: tis
most Gentlemanlike patience to endure all this, and to laugh at the silly
Animals: but if the Rabble with a full throat, crie away with the foole, you
were worse then a mad-man to tarry by it: for the Gentleman and the foole
should neuer sit on the Stage together.
Mary let this obseruation go hand in hand with the rest: or rather like a
country-seruing-man, some fiue yards before them. Present not your selfe
on the Stage (especially at a new play) vntill the quaking prologue hath (by
rubbing) got cullor into his cheekes, and is ready to giue the trumpets their
Cue that hees vpon point to enter: for then it is time, as though you were
one of the Properties, or that you dropt out of the Hangings, to creepe from
behind the Arras, with your Tripos or three-footed stoole in one hand, and a
teston mounted betweene a forefinger and a thumbe in the other: for if you
should bestow your person vpon the vulgar, when the belly of the house is
but halfe full, your apparell is quite eaten vp, the fashion lost, and the
proportion of your body in more danger to be deuoured, then if it were
serued vp in the Counter amongst the Powltry: auoid that as you would the
Bastome. It shall crowne you with rich commendation to laugh alowd in the
middest of the most serious and saddest scene of the terriblest Tragedy: and
to let that clapper (your tongue) be tost so high that all the house may ring
of it: your Lords vse it; your Knights are Apes to the Lords, and do so too:
your Inne-a-court-man is Zany to the Knights, and (many very scuruily)
comes likewise limping after it: bee thou a beagle to them all, and neuer lin
snuffing till you haue scented them: for by talking and laughing (like a
Plough-man in a Morris) you heap Pelion vpon Ossa, glory vpon glory: As
first, all the eyes in the galleries will leaue walking after the Players, and
onely follow you: the simplest dolt in the house snatches vp your name, and
when he meetes you in the streetes, or that you fall into his hands in the
middle of a Watch, his word shall be taken for you: heele cry, Hees such a
Gallant, and you passe. Secondly, you publish your temperance to the
world, in that you seeme not to resort thither to taste vaine pleasures with a
Page 433
hungrie appetite: but onely as a Gentleman, to spend a foolish houre or two,
because yoe can doe nothing else. Thirdly you mightily disrelish the
Audience, and disgrace the Author: mary, you take vp (though it be at the
worst hand) a strong opinion of your owne iudgement and inforce the Poet
to take pitty of your weakenesse, and, by some dedicated sonnet to bring
you into a better paradice, onely to stop your mouth.
If you can (either for loue or money) prouide your selfe a lodging by the
water-side: for, aboue the conueniencie it brings, to shun Shoulder-clapping,
and to ship away your Cockatrice betimes in the morning, it addes a kind of
state vnto you, to be carried from thence to the staires of your Playhouse:
hate a Sculler (remember that) worse then to be acquainted with one ath’
Scullery. No, your Oares are your onely Sea-crabs, boord them, and take
heed you neuer go twice together with one paire: often shifting is a great
credit to Gentlemen; and that diuiding of your fare wil make the poore
watersnaks be ready to pul you in peeces to enioy your custome: No matter
whether vpon landing you haue money or no, you may swim in twentie of
their boates ouer the riuer upon Ticket: mary, when siluer comes in,
remember to pay trebble their fare, and it will make your Flounder-catchers
to send more thankes after you, when you doe not draw, then when you doe;
for they know, It will be their owne another daie.
Before the Play begins, fall to cardes, you may win or loose (as Fencers
doe in a prize) and beate one another by confederacie, yet share the money
when you meete at supper: notwithstanding, to gul the Ragga-muffins that
stand aloofe gaping at you, throw the cards (hauing first torne foure or fiue
of them) round about the Stage, iust vpon the third sound, as though you
had lost: it skils not if the foure knaues ly on their backs, and outface the
Audience, theres none such fooles as dare take exceptions at them, because
ere the play go off, better knaues than they will fall into the company.
Now sir, if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigramd you, or hath
had a flirt at your mistris, or hath brought either your feather or your red
beard, or your little legs, &c. on the stage, you shall disgrace him worse
then by tossing him in a blancket, or giuing him the bastinado in a Tauerne,
if, in the middle of his play (bee it Pastoral or Comedy, Morall or Tragedie),
you rise with a skreud and discontented face from your stoole to be gone:
no matter whether the Scenes be good or no, the better they are the worse
do you distast them: and, beeing on your feet, sneake not away like a
because yoe can doe nothing else. Thirdly you mightily disrelish the
Audience, and disgrace the Author: mary, you take vp (though it be at the
worst hand) a strong opinion of your owne iudgement and inforce the Poet
to take pitty of your weakenesse, and, by some dedicated sonnet to bring
you into a better paradice, onely to stop your mouth.
If you can (either for loue or money) prouide your selfe a lodging by the
water-side: for, aboue the conueniencie it brings, to shun Shoulder-clapping,
and to ship away your Cockatrice betimes in the morning, it addes a kind of
state vnto you, to be carried from thence to the staires of your Playhouse:
hate a Sculler (remember that) worse then to be acquainted with one ath’
Scullery. No, your Oares are your onely Sea-crabs, boord them, and take
heed you neuer go twice together with one paire: often shifting is a great
credit to Gentlemen; and that diuiding of your fare wil make the poore
watersnaks be ready to pul you in peeces to enioy your custome: No matter
whether vpon landing you haue money or no, you may swim in twentie of
their boates ouer the riuer upon Ticket: mary, when siluer comes in,
remember to pay trebble their fare, and it will make your Flounder-catchers
to send more thankes after you, when you doe not draw, then when you doe;
for they know, It will be their owne another daie.
Before the Play begins, fall to cardes, you may win or loose (as Fencers
doe in a prize) and beate one another by confederacie, yet share the money
when you meete at supper: notwithstanding, to gul the Ragga-muffins that
stand aloofe gaping at you, throw the cards (hauing first torne foure or fiue
of them) round about the Stage, iust vpon the third sound, as though you
had lost: it skils not if the foure knaues ly on their backs, and outface the
Audience, theres none such fooles as dare take exceptions at them, because
ere the play go off, better knaues than they will fall into the company.
Now sir, if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigramd you, or hath
had a flirt at your mistris, or hath brought either your feather or your red
beard, or your little legs, &c. on the stage, you shall disgrace him worse
then by tossing him in a blancket, or giuing him the bastinado in a Tauerne,
if, in the middle of his play (bee it Pastoral or Comedy, Morall or Tragedie),
you rise with a skreud and discontented face from your stoole to be gone:
no matter whether the Scenes be good or no, the better they are the worse
do you distast them: and, beeing on your feet, sneake not away like a
Page 434
coward, but salute all your gentle acquaintance, that are spred either on the
rushes, or on stooles about you, and draw what troope you can from the
stage after you: the Mimicks are beholden to you, for allowing them elbow
roome: their Poet cries perhaps a pox go with you, but care not you for that,
theres no musick without frets.
Mary if either the company, or indisposition of the weather binde you to
sit it out, my counsell is then that you turne plain Ape, take vp a rush and
tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants, to make other fooles fall a
laughing: mewe at passionate speeches, blare at merrie, finde fault with the
musicke, whew at the childrens Action, whistle at the songs: and aboue all,
curse the sharers, that whereas the same day you had bestowed forty
shillings on an embrodered Felt and Feather, (scotch-fashion) for your
mistres in the Court, or your punck in the city, within two houres after, you
encounter with the very same block on the stage, when the haberdasher
swore to you the impression was extant but that morning.
To conclude, hoard vp the finest play-scraps you can get, vpon which
your leane wit may most sauourly feede for want of other stuffe, when the
Arcadian and Euphuisd gentlewomen haue their tongues sharpened to set
vpon you: that qualitie (next to your shittlecocke) is the onely furniture to a
Courtier thats but a new beginner, and is but in his A B C of complement.
The next places that are fild, after the Playhouses bee emptied, are (or ought
to be) Tauernes, into a Tauerne then let vs next march, where the braines of
one Hogshead must be beaten out to make vp another.
rushes, or on stooles about you, and draw what troope you can from the
stage after you: the Mimicks are beholden to you, for allowing them elbow
roome: their Poet cries perhaps a pox go with you, but care not you for that,
theres no musick without frets.
Mary if either the company, or indisposition of the weather binde you to
sit it out, my counsell is then that you turne plain Ape, take vp a rush and
tickle the earnest eares of your fellow gallants, to make other fooles fall a
laughing: mewe at passionate speeches, blare at merrie, finde fault with the
musicke, whew at the childrens Action, whistle at the songs: and aboue all,
curse the sharers, that whereas the same day you had bestowed forty
shillings on an embrodered Felt and Feather, (scotch-fashion) for your
mistres in the Court, or your punck in the city, within two houres after, you
encounter with the very same block on the stage, when the haberdasher
swore to you the impression was extant but that morning.
To conclude, hoard vp the finest play-scraps you can get, vpon which
your leane wit may most sauourly feede for want of other stuffe, when the
Arcadian and Euphuisd gentlewomen haue their tongues sharpened to set
vpon you: that qualitie (next to your shittlecocke) is the onely furniture to a
Courtier thats but a new beginner, and is but in his A B C of complement.
The next places that are fild, after the Playhouses bee emptied, are (or ought
to be) Tauernes, into a Tauerne then let vs next march, where the braines of
one Hogshead must be beaten out to make vp another.
Page 435
APPENDIX I
RESTORATION TESTIMONY
i.
[Extracts from A Short Discourse of the English Stage. To his Excellency, the Lord
Marquess of Newcastle, attached to Richard Flecknoe’s Love’s Kingdom (1664), and
reprinted in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 275. Flecknoe, who died c. 1678, was old enough to
travel abroad in 1640.]
They Acted nothing here but Playes of the holy Scripture, or Saints’
Lives; and that without any certain Theaters or set Companies, till, about
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, they began here first to assemble
into Companies, and set up Theaters, first in the City, (as in the Inn-yards of
the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and Bishops-Gate Street at this day is to
be seen) till that Fanatick Spirit which then began with the Stage, and after
ended with the Throne, banisht them thence into the Suburbs, as after they
did the Kingdom, in the beginning of our Civil Wars. In which time, Playes
were so little incompatible with Religion, and the Theater with the Church,
as on Week-dayes after Vespers, both the Children of the Chappel and St.
Pauls Acted Playes, the one in White-Friers, the other behinde the
Convocation-house in Pauls, till people growing more precise, and Playes
more licentious, the Theatre of Pauls was quite supprest, and that of the
Children of the Chappel converted to the use of the Children of the
Revels....
It was the happiness of the Actors of those times to have such Poets as
these to instruct them, and write for them; and no less of those Poets to have
such docile and excellent Actors to Act their Playes, as a Field and
Burbidge; of whom we may say, that he was a delightful Proteus, so wholly
transforming himself into his Part, and putting off himself with his
Cloathes, as he never (not so much as in the Tyring-house) assum’d himself
again until the Play was done: there being as much difference between him
and one of our common Actors, as between a Ballad-singer who onely
mouths it, and an excellent singer, who knows all his Graces, and can
artfully vary and modulate his Voice, even to know how much breath he is
to give to every syllable. He had all the parts of an excellent Orator
(animating his words with speaking, and Speech with Action) his Auditors
being never more delighted then when he spoke, nor more sorry then when
RESTORATION TESTIMONY
i.
[Extracts from A Short Discourse of the English Stage. To his Excellency, the Lord
Marquess of Newcastle, attached to Richard Flecknoe’s Love’s Kingdom (1664), and
reprinted in Hazlitt, E. D. S. 275. Flecknoe, who died c. 1678, was old enough to
travel abroad in 1640.]
They Acted nothing here but Playes of the holy Scripture, or Saints’
Lives; and that without any certain Theaters or set Companies, till, about
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, they began here first to assemble
into Companies, and set up Theaters, first in the City, (as in the Inn-yards of
the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and Bishops-Gate Street at this day is to
be seen) till that Fanatick Spirit which then began with the Stage, and after
ended with the Throne, banisht them thence into the Suburbs, as after they
did the Kingdom, in the beginning of our Civil Wars. In which time, Playes
were so little incompatible with Religion, and the Theater with the Church,
as on Week-dayes after Vespers, both the Children of the Chappel and St.
Pauls Acted Playes, the one in White-Friers, the other behinde the
Convocation-house in Pauls, till people growing more precise, and Playes
more licentious, the Theatre of Pauls was quite supprest, and that of the
Children of the Chappel converted to the use of the Children of the
Revels....
It was the happiness of the Actors of those times to have such Poets as
these to instruct them, and write for them; and no less of those Poets to have
such docile and excellent Actors to Act their Playes, as a Field and
Burbidge; of whom we may say, that he was a delightful Proteus, so wholly
transforming himself into his Part, and putting off himself with his
Cloathes, as he never (not so much as in the Tyring-house) assum’d himself
again until the Play was done: there being as much difference between him
and one of our common Actors, as between a Ballad-singer who onely
mouths it, and an excellent singer, who knows all his Graces, and can
artfully vary and modulate his Voice, even to know how much breath he is
to give to every syllable. He had all the parts of an excellent Orator
(animating his words with speaking, and Speech with Action) his Auditors
being never more delighted then when he spoke, nor more sorry then when
Page 436
he held his peace; yet even then, he was an excellent Actor still, never
falling in his Part when he had done speaking; but with his looks and
gesture, maintaining it still unto the heighth, he imagining Age quod agis,
onely spoke to him: so as those who call him a Player do him wrong, no
man being less idle then he, whose whole life is nothing else but action;
with only this difference from other mens, that as what is but a Play to
them, is his Business: so their business is but a play to him.
Now for the difference betwixt our Theaters and those of former times,
they were but plain and simple, with no other Scenes, nor Decorations of
the Stage, but onely old Tapestry, and the Stage strew’d with Rushes (with
their Habits accordingly) whereas ours now for cost and ornament are
arriv’d at the heighth of Magnificence.... For Scenes and Machines they are
no new invention, our Masks and some of our Playes in former times
(though not so ordinary) having had as good or rather better then any we
have now.
ii.
[Extracts from Historia Histrionica: an Historical Account of the English Stage,
shewing the Ancient Use, Improvement, and Perfection of Dramatick Representations
in this Nation. In a Dialogue of Plays and Players (1699). A facsimile reprint was
issued by E. W. Ashbee in 1872. The text is also given in Dodsley4, xv. I use, with a
correction, the modernized text of A. Lang, Social England Illustrated (1903, Arber,
English Garner2), 422. The Historia Histrionica is ascribed to James Wright, an
antiquary and play-collector (1643–1713), who can only have recorded what he learnt
from others. He is, of course, writing primarily of the Caroline, rather than the
Elizabethan or Jacobean period.]
Truman. I say, the actors that I have seen, before the Wars, Lowin,
Taylor, Pollard, and some others, were almost as far beyond Hart and his
company; as those were, beyond these now in being....
Lovewit. Pray, Sir, what master-parts can you remember the old
‘Blackfriars’ men to act, in Johnson’s, Shakespeare’s, and Fletcher’s plays?
Truman. What I can at present recollect I’ll tell you. Shakespeare (who,
as I have heard, was a much better Poet than Player), Burbage, Hemmings,
and others of the older sort, were dead before I knew the Town. But, in my
time, before the Wars; Lowin used to act, with mighty applause, Falstaff;
Morose; Vulpone; and Mammon in the Alchemist; Melancius in the Maid’s
tragedy. And at the same time, Amyntor was played by Stephen
falling in his Part when he had done speaking; but with his looks and
gesture, maintaining it still unto the heighth, he imagining Age quod agis,
onely spoke to him: so as those who call him a Player do him wrong, no
man being less idle then he, whose whole life is nothing else but action;
with only this difference from other mens, that as what is but a Play to
them, is his Business: so their business is but a play to him.
Now for the difference betwixt our Theaters and those of former times,
they were but plain and simple, with no other Scenes, nor Decorations of
the Stage, but onely old Tapestry, and the Stage strew’d with Rushes (with
their Habits accordingly) whereas ours now for cost and ornament are
arriv’d at the heighth of Magnificence.... For Scenes and Machines they are
no new invention, our Masks and some of our Playes in former times
(though not so ordinary) having had as good or rather better then any we
have now.
ii.
[Extracts from Historia Histrionica: an Historical Account of the English Stage,
shewing the Ancient Use, Improvement, and Perfection of Dramatick Representations
in this Nation. In a Dialogue of Plays and Players (1699). A facsimile reprint was
issued by E. W. Ashbee in 1872. The text is also given in Dodsley4, xv. I use, with a
correction, the modernized text of A. Lang, Social England Illustrated (1903, Arber,
English Garner2), 422. The Historia Histrionica is ascribed to James Wright, an
antiquary and play-collector (1643–1713), who can only have recorded what he learnt
from others. He is, of course, writing primarily of the Caroline, rather than the
Elizabethan or Jacobean period.]
Truman. I say, the actors that I have seen, before the Wars, Lowin,
Taylor, Pollard, and some others, were almost as far beyond Hart and his
company; as those were, beyond these now in being....
Lovewit. Pray, Sir, what master-parts can you remember the old
‘Blackfriars’ men to act, in Johnson’s, Shakespeare’s, and Fletcher’s plays?
Truman. What I can at present recollect I’ll tell you. Shakespeare (who,
as I have heard, was a much better Poet than Player), Burbage, Hemmings,
and others of the older sort, were dead before I knew the Town. But, in my
time, before the Wars; Lowin used to act, with mighty applause, Falstaff;
Morose; Vulpone; and Mammon in the Alchemist; Melancius in the Maid’s
tragedy. And at the same time, Amyntor was played by Stephen
Page 437
Hammerton: who was, at first, a most noted and beautiful Woman-Actor;
but afterwards he acted, with equal grace and applause, a young lover’s
part.
Taylor acted Hamlet incomparably well; Jago; Truewit, in the Silent
Woman; and Face, in the Alchemist.
Swanston used to play Othello.
Pollard and Robinson were Comedians. So was Shank; who used to act
Sir Roger in the Scornful Lady. These were of the ‘Blackfriars’....
Truman. Before the Wars, there were in being, all these Play Houses at
the same time.
The ‘Blackfriars’ and ‘Globe’ on the Bankside. A winter, and summer house
belonging to the same Company; called ‘The King’s Servants’.
The ‘Cockpit’ or ‘Phoenix’ in Drury Lane; called ‘The Queen’s Servants’.
The Private House in Salisbury Court; called ‘The Prince’s Servants’.
The ‘Fortune’ near White Cross Street: and the ‘Red Bull’ at the upper end of St.
John’s Street. The two last were mostly frequented by citizens, and the meaner
sort of people.
All these Companies got money, and lived in reputation: especially those of
the ‘Blackfriars’, who were men of grave and sober behaviour.
Lovewit. Which I much admire at. That the Town, much less than at
present, could then maintain Five Companies; and yet now Two can hardly
subsist.
Truman. Do not wonder, but consider! That though the Town was then,
perhaps, not much more than half so populous as now; yet then the prices
were small (there being no scenes), and better order kept among the
company that came: which made very good people think a play an innocent
diversion for an idle hour or two; the plays being then, for the most part,
more instructive and moral.... It is an argument of the worth of the Plays
and Actors of the last Age, and easily inferred that they were much beyond
ours in this, to consider that they could support themselves merely from
their own merit, the weight of the matter, and goodness of the action;
without scenes and machines....
Lovewit. I have read of one Edward Alleyn.... Was he one of the
‘Blackfriars’?
but afterwards he acted, with equal grace and applause, a young lover’s
part.
Taylor acted Hamlet incomparably well; Jago; Truewit, in the Silent
Woman; and Face, in the Alchemist.
Swanston used to play Othello.
Pollard and Robinson were Comedians. So was Shank; who used to act
Sir Roger in the Scornful Lady. These were of the ‘Blackfriars’....
Truman. Before the Wars, there were in being, all these Play Houses at
the same time.
The ‘Blackfriars’ and ‘Globe’ on the Bankside. A winter, and summer house
belonging to the same Company; called ‘The King’s Servants’.
The ‘Cockpit’ or ‘Phoenix’ in Drury Lane; called ‘The Queen’s Servants’.
The Private House in Salisbury Court; called ‘The Prince’s Servants’.
The ‘Fortune’ near White Cross Street: and the ‘Red Bull’ at the upper end of St.
John’s Street. The two last were mostly frequented by citizens, and the meaner
sort of people.
All these Companies got money, and lived in reputation: especially those of
the ‘Blackfriars’, who were men of grave and sober behaviour.
Lovewit. Which I much admire at. That the Town, much less than at
present, could then maintain Five Companies; and yet now Two can hardly
subsist.
Truman. Do not wonder, but consider! That though the Town was then,
perhaps, not much more than half so populous as now; yet then the prices
were small (there being no scenes), and better order kept among the
company that came: which made very good people think a play an innocent
diversion for an idle hour or two; the plays being then, for the most part,
more instructive and moral.... It is an argument of the worth of the Plays
and Actors of the last Age, and easily inferred that they were much beyond
ours in this, to consider that they could support themselves merely from
their own merit, the weight of the matter, and goodness of the action;
without scenes and machines....
Lovewit. I have read of one Edward Alleyn.... Was he one of the
‘Blackfriars’?
Page 438
Truman. Never, as I have heard; for he was dead before my time. He was
Master of a Company of his own; for whom he built the ‘Fortune’
playhouse from the ground: a large round brick building....
Lovewit. What kind of Playhouses had they before the Wars?
Truman. The ‘Blackfriars’, ‘Cockpit’, and ‘Salisbury Court’ were called
Private Houses; and were very small to what we see now. The ‘Cockpit’
was standing since the Restoration; and Rhodes’s Company acted there for
some time.
Lovewit. I have seen that.
Truman. Then you have seen the other two, in effect; for they were all
three built almost exactly alike, for form and bigness. Here they had ‘Pits’
for the gentry, and acted by candlelight.
The ‘Globe’, ‘Fortune’, and ‘Bull’ were large houses, and lay partly open
to the weather: and there they always acted by daylight....
Truman. Plays were frequently acted by Choristers and Singing Boys;
and several of our old Comedies have printed in the title-page, Acted by the
Children of Paul’s (not the School, but the Church); others, By the Children
of Her Majesty’s Chapel. In particular, Cynthia’s Revels and the Poetaster
were played by them; who were, at that time, famous for good action....
Some of the Chapel Boys, when they grew men, became Actors at the
‘Blackfriars’. Such were Nathan Field and John Underwood.
iii.
[Extracts from John Downes, Roscius Anglicanus, or, an Historical Review of the
Stage (1708), reprinted by Joseph Knight (1886). An earlier reprint is in F. G.
Waldron, Literary Museum (1792). Downes became prompter to the Duke of York’s
men under Sir William Davenant at Lincoln’s Inn Fields in 1662.]
In the Reign of King Charles the First, there were Six Play Houses
allow’d in Town: The Black-Fryars Company, His Majesty’s Servants; The
Bull in St. John’s-street; another in Salisbury Court; another call’d the
Fortune; another at the Globe; and the Sixth at the Cock-Pit in Drury-Lane;
all which continu’d Acting till the beginning of the said Civil Wars. The
scattered Remnant of several of these Houses, upon King Charles’s
Restoration, Fram’d a Company who Acted again at the Bull, and Built
them a New House in Gibbon’s Tennis Court in Clare-Market; in which
Master of a Company of his own; for whom he built the ‘Fortune’
playhouse from the ground: a large round brick building....
Lovewit. What kind of Playhouses had they before the Wars?
Truman. The ‘Blackfriars’, ‘Cockpit’, and ‘Salisbury Court’ were called
Private Houses; and were very small to what we see now. The ‘Cockpit’
was standing since the Restoration; and Rhodes’s Company acted there for
some time.
Lovewit. I have seen that.
Truman. Then you have seen the other two, in effect; for they were all
three built almost exactly alike, for form and bigness. Here they had ‘Pits’
for the gentry, and acted by candlelight.
The ‘Globe’, ‘Fortune’, and ‘Bull’ were large houses, and lay partly open
to the weather: and there they always acted by daylight....
Truman. Plays were frequently acted by Choristers and Singing Boys;
and several of our old Comedies have printed in the title-page, Acted by the
Children of Paul’s (not the School, but the Church); others, By the Children
of Her Majesty’s Chapel. In particular, Cynthia’s Revels and the Poetaster
were played by them; who were, at that time, famous for good action....
Some of the Chapel Boys, when they grew men, became Actors at the
‘Blackfriars’. Such were Nathan Field and John Underwood.
iii.
[Extracts from John Downes, Roscius Anglicanus, or, an Historical Review of the
Stage (1708), reprinted by Joseph Knight (1886). An earlier reprint is in F. G.
Waldron, Literary Museum (1792). Downes became prompter to the Duke of York’s
men under Sir William Davenant at Lincoln’s Inn Fields in 1662.]
In the Reign of King Charles the First, there were Six Play Houses
allow’d in Town: The Black-Fryars Company, His Majesty’s Servants; The
Bull in St. John’s-street; another in Salisbury Court; another call’d the
Fortune; another at the Globe; and the Sixth at the Cock-Pit in Drury-Lane;
all which continu’d Acting till the beginning of the said Civil Wars. The
scattered Remnant of several of these Houses, upon King Charles’s
Restoration, Fram’d a Company who Acted again at the Bull, and Built
them a New House in Gibbon’s Tennis Court in Clare-Market; in which
Page 439
Two Places they continu’d Acting all 1660, 1661, 1662 and part of 1663. In
this time they Built them a New Theatre in Drury Lane....
Sir William [Davenant] in order to prepare Plays to Open his Theatre, it
being then a Building in Lincoln’s-Inn Fields, His Company Rehearsed the
First and Second Part of the Siege of Rhodes; and the Wits at Pothecaries-
Hall: And in Spring 1662, Open’d his House with the said Plays, having
new Scenes and Decorations, being the first that e’re were Introduc’d in
England.
this time they Built them a New Theatre in Drury Lane....
Sir William [Davenant] in order to prepare Plays to Open his Theatre, it
being then a Building in Lincoln’s-Inn Fields, His Company Rehearsed the
First and Second Part of the Siege of Rhodes; and the Wits at Pothecaries-
Hall: And in Spring 1662, Open’d his House with the said Plays, having
new Scenes and Decorations, being the first that e’re were Introduc’d in
England.
Page 440
Page 441
APPENDIX K
ACADEMIC PLAYS
[The academic drama only lies on the fringe of my subject, but I have included
notes on extant English plays in chapters xxiii and xxiv, and give below, for the sake
of convenience, a list of these, and another of those Latin plays which there is any
positive evidence for assigning to the period 1558–1616 and to English authorship.
Fuller treatment will be found in G. B. Churchill and W. Keller, Die lateinischen
Universitäts-Dramen in der Zeit der Königin Elisabeth (1898, Jahrbuch, xxxiv. 220);
G. C. Moore Smith, Notes on Some English University Plays (1908, M. L. R. iii. 141),
and Plays performed in Cambridge Colleges before 1583 (1909, Fasciculus J. W.
Clark dicatus, 265); L. B. Morgan, The Latin University Drama (1911, Jahrbuch,
xlvii. 69); and F. S. Boas, University Plays (1910, C. H. vi. 293, with full
bibliography), and University Drama in the Tudor Age (1914). Further material from
Cambridge archives is in preparation by G. C. Moore Smith. In addition to the plays
given in this list, some are incorporated in the description of The Christmas Prince
(cf. ch. xxiv, s.a. 1607–8.]
ENGLISH PLAYS
Albumazar.
By T. Tomkis.
Antipoe.
By F. Verney.
Birth of Hercules.
Anon.
Caesar’s Revenge.
Anon.
Claudius Tiberius Nero.
Anon.
Club Law.
Anon.
Lingua.
By T. Tomkis.
Narcissus.
Anon.
ACADEMIC PLAYS
[The academic drama only lies on the fringe of my subject, but I have included
notes on extant English plays in chapters xxiii and xxiv, and give below, for the sake
of convenience, a list of these, and another of those Latin plays which there is any
positive evidence for assigning to the period 1558–1616 and to English authorship.
Fuller treatment will be found in G. B. Churchill and W. Keller, Die lateinischen
Universitäts-Dramen in der Zeit der Königin Elisabeth (1898, Jahrbuch, xxxiv. 220);
G. C. Moore Smith, Notes on Some English University Plays (1908, M. L. R. iii. 141),
and Plays performed in Cambridge Colleges before 1583 (1909, Fasciculus J. W.
Clark dicatus, 265); L. B. Morgan, The Latin University Drama (1911, Jahrbuch,
xlvii. 69); and F. S. Boas, University Plays (1910, C. H. vi. 293, with full
bibliography), and University Drama in the Tudor Age (1914). Further material from
Cambridge archives is in preparation by G. C. Moore Smith. In addition to the plays
given in this list, some are incorporated in the description of The Christmas Prince
(cf. ch. xxiv, s.a. 1607–8.]
ENGLISH PLAYS
Albumazar.
By T. Tomkis.
Antipoe.
By F. Verney.
Birth of Hercules.
Anon.
Caesar’s Revenge.
Anon.
Claudius Tiberius Nero.
Anon.
Club Law.
Anon.
Lingua.
By T. Tomkis.
Narcissus.
Anon.
Page 442
1, 2, 3 Parnassus.
Anon.
Queen’s Arcadia.
By S. Daniel.
Ruff, Cuff and Band.
Anon.
Sicelides.
By P. Fletcher.
Timon
Anon.
Work for Cutlers.
Anon.
LATIN PLAYS
Adelphe.
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
Atalanta.
Harl. MS. 6924, with dedication to Laud, President of St. John’s, Oxford, 1611–21,
signed by Philip Parsons, of St. John’s, B.A. 1614, M.A. 1618.
Bellum Grammaticale.
S. R. 1634, April 17. ‘A booke called Bellum grammaticale &c. by Master Spense’,
authorized by Herbert. John Spenser (Arber, iv. 317).
1635. Bellum Grammaticale sive Nominum Verborumque discordia civilis
Tragico-Comoedia. Summo cum applausu olim apud Oxonienses in Scaenam
producta et nunc in omnium illorum qui ad Grammaticam animos appellant
oblectamentum edita. B. A. and T. Fawcet, impensis Joh. Spenceri.
Editions of 1658, 1698, 1718, 1726, 1729, and in J. Bolte (1908, Andrea Guarnas
B. G. und seine Nachahmungen, 106).
A performance was given before Elizabeth at Ch. Ch., Oxford, on 24 Sept. 1592,
with a prologue and epilogue by Gager, which are printed with his Meleager. But the
play was not new, for Sir John Harington, who records the 1592 performance in his
Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 127, had already named ‘the Oxford Bellum
Grammaticale’ as ‘full of harmeles myrth’ in his Apologie of Poetrie (1591). The
‘Master Spense’ of the S. R. entry may be a confusion with the publisher’s name.
Wood, Ath. Oxon. ii. 533, was told by Richard Gardiner of Ch. Ch. that the author was
Anon.
Queen’s Arcadia.
By S. Daniel.
Ruff, Cuff and Band.
Anon.
Sicelides.
By P. Fletcher.
Timon
Anon.
Work for Cutlers.
Anon.
LATIN PLAYS
Adelphe.
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
Atalanta.
Harl. MS. 6924, with dedication to Laud, President of St. John’s, Oxford, 1611–21,
signed by Philip Parsons, of St. John’s, B.A. 1614, M.A. 1618.
Bellum Grammaticale.
S. R. 1634, April 17. ‘A booke called Bellum grammaticale &c. by Master Spense’,
authorized by Herbert. John Spenser (Arber, iv. 317).
1635. Bellum Grammaticale sive Nominum Verborumque discordia civilis
Tragico-Comoedia. Summo cum applausu olim apud Oxonienses in Scaenam
producta et nunc in omnium illorum qui ad Grammaticam animos appellant
oblectamentum edita. B. A. and T. Fawcet, impensis Joh. Spenceri.
Editions of 1658, 1698, 1718, 1726, 1729, and in J. Bolte (1908, Andrea Guarnas
B. G. und seine Nachahmungen, 106).
A performance was given before Elizabeth at Ch. Ch., Oxford, on 24 Sept. 1592,
with a prologue and epilogue by Gager, which are printed with his Meleager. But the
play was not new, for Sir John Harington, who records the 1592 performance in his
Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 127, had already named ‘the Oxford Bellum
Grammaticale’ as ‘full of harmeles myrth’ in his Apologie of Poetrie (1591). The
‘Master Spense’ of the S. R. entry may be a confusion with the publisher’s name.
Wood, Ath. Oxon. ii. 533, was told by Richard Gardiner of Ch. Ch. that the author was
Page 443
Leonard Hutten, who took his B.A. from Ch. Ch. in 1578, and his M.A. in 1582. He
was known as a dramatist by 26 Sept. 1583, when Gager wrote of him (Boas, 256),
Seu scribenda siet Comoedia, seu sit agenda,
Primum Huttone potes sumere iure locum.
The source was the Latin prose narrative Bellum Grammaticale (1511) of Andrea
Guarna. Ralph Radclif (c. 1538) seems to have also treated the theme, but not
necessarily in dramatic form (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 197).
Britanniae Primitiae, sive S. Albanus Protomartyr (c. 1600).
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 215. The Bodleian Catalogue dates the MS. c. 1600. The
play, described in Jahrbuch, xlvii. 75, is a fragment only, probably written in some
Jesuit seminary on the Continent, but with an English interest. There seems to be
nothing specifically English in the theme of Sanguis Sanguinem sive Constans
Fratricida Tragoedia, which is in the same MS.
Caesar Interfectus (c. March 1582).
Epilogue of a play by Richard Edes (q.v.) at Ch. Ch., Oxford.
Dido (12 June 1583).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Euribates Pseudomagus.
Camb. Emmanuel MS. 3. 1. 17. ‘Authore Mr Cruso Caii Colle: Cantabr.’
Aquila Cruso entered Gonville and Caius in 1610.
Fatum Vortigerni.
Lansd. MS. 723, f. 1. ‘Fatum Vortigerni seu miserabilis vita et exitus Vortigerni
regis Britanniae vna complectens aduentum Saxonum siue Anglorum in Britanniam.’
Keller puts the play at the end of the sixteenth century, and thinks it influenced by
Richard III.
Fortunia (March 1615).
See s.v. Susenbrotus.
Herodes.
Camb. Univ. MS. Mm. I. 24, with dedication by William Goldingham, B.A. 1567
and Fellow of Trinity Hall 1571, to ‘D. Thomae Sackuilo, Equiti aurato, Domino de
Buckhurst.’ Sackville became Lord Buckhurst 1567 and K.G. 1588.
Hispanus (March 1597).
Bodl. Douce MS. 234, f. 15v. This was ‘in diem comitialem anno domini 1596’,
and the actor-list is composed of members of St. John’s, Cambridge (Boas, 398). The
MS. has the note ‘Summus histrio-didascalus Mr. Pratt’ and a possible indication of
was known as a dramatist by 26 Sept. 1583, when Gager wrote of him (Boas, 256),
Seu scribenda siet Comoedia, seu sit agenda,
Primum Huttone potes sumere iure locum.
The source was the Latin prose narrative Bellum Grammaticale (1511) of Andrea
Guarna. Ralph Radclif (c. 1538) seems to have also treated the theme, but not
necessarily in dramatic form (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 197).
Britanniae Primitiae, sive S. Albanus Protomartyr (c. 1600).
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 215. The Bodleian Catalogue dates the MS. c. 1600. The
play, described in Jahrbuch, xlvii. 75, is a fragment only, probably written in some
Jesuit seminary on the Continent, but with an English interest. There seems to be
nothing specifically English in the theme of Sanguis Sanguinem sive Constans
Fratricida Tragoedia, which is in the same MS.
Caesar Interfectus (c. March 1582).
Epilogue of a play by Richard Edes (q.v.) at Ch. Ch., Oxford.
Dido (12 June 1583).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Euribates Pseudomagus.
Camb. Emmanuel MS. 3. 1. 17. ‘Authore Mr Cruso Caii Colle: Cantabr.’
Aquila Cruso entered Gonville and Caius in 1610.
Fatum Vortigerni.
Lansd. MS. 723, f. 1. ‘Fatum Vortigerni seu miserabilis vita et exitus Vortigerni
regis Britanniae vna complectens aduentum Saxonum siue Anglorum in Britanniam.’
Keller puts the play at the end of the sixteenth century, and thinks it influenced by
Richard III.
Fortunia (March 1615).
See s.v. Susenbrotus.
Herodes.
Camb. Univ. MS. Mm. I. 24, with dedication by William Goldingham, B.A. 1567
and Fellow of Trinity Hall 1571, to ‘D. Thomae Sackuilo, Equiti aurato, Domino de
Buckhurst.’ Sackville became Lord Buckhurst 1567 and K.G. 1588.
Hispanus (March 1597).
Bodl. Douce MS. 234, f. 15v. This was ‘in diem comitialem anno domini 1596’,
and the actor-list is composed of members of St. John’s, Cambridge (Boas, 398). The
MS. has the note ‘Summus histrio-didascalus Mr. Pratt’ and a possible indication of
Page 444
authorship in the mutilated name ‘orrell’, which may stand for Roger Morrell, Fellow
of St. John’s.
Hymenaeus (March 1579).
St. John’s Cambridge MS. S. 45; Caius Cambridge MS. 62.
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1908).
The actor-list agrees closely with that of Legge’s Ricardus III, and points to St.
John’s, Cambridge, in 1579 (Boas, 393). The source is Boccaccio’s Decamerone,
which suggests the possible authorship of A. Fraunce (q.v.), who used the
Decamerone for his contemporary Victoria.
Ignoramus (8 March 1615).
By G. Ruggle (q.v.).
Labyrinthus (March 1603?).
By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).
Laelia (1 March 1595).
Lambeth MS. 838.
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1910).—Dissertation: G. C. Moore Smith, The
Cambridge Play ‘Laelia’ (1911, M. L. R. vi. 382).
The production is assigned by Fuller, Hist. of Cambridge (ed. Nichols), 217, to a
visit by the Earl of Essex to Cambridge as Chancellor of the University in 1597–8.
Moore Smith has, however, shown that it almost certainly belongs to an earlier visit,
and took place at Queens’ College on 1 March 1595. The chief evidence is the
reference in Rowland Whyte’s account of the Device by Essex or Bacon (q.v.) for 17
Nov. 1595 to ‘Giraldy’ and ‘Pedantiq’, as played at Cambridge. These may fairly be
taken to be the Gerardus and the pedant Petrus of Laelia. The actors of these two parts
are identified with George Meriton and George Mountaine, Fellows of Queens’, by
John Weever, Epigrammes (1599), iv. 19.
Your entertaine (nor can I passe away)
Of Essex with farre-famed Laelia;
Nor fore the Queen your service on Queens day.
Conceivably this may also attribute authorship of the play and the device. The play
is an adaptation of the Italian Gl’ Ingannati (c. 1531) through Les Abusez (1543) of
Charles Estienne. It is possible that, directly or indirectly, it influenced Twelfth Night.
Leander (March 1598).
By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).
Machiavellus (1597).
Bodl. Douce MS. 234, f. 40v, dated ‘Anno Dmni 1597, Decemb. 9’.
of St. John’s.
Hymenaeus (March 1579).
St. John’s Cambridge MS. S. 45; Caius Cambridge MS. 62.
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1908).
The actor-list agrees closely with that of Legge’s Ricardus III, and points to St.
John’s, Cambridge, in 1579 (Boas, 393). The source is Boccaccio’s Decamerone,
which suggests the possible authorship of A. Fraunce (q.v.), who used the
Decamerone for his contemporary Victoria.
Ignoramus (8 March 1615).
By G. Ruggle (q.v.).
Labyrinthus (March 1603?).
By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).
Laelia (1 March 1595).
Lambeth MS. 838.
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1910).—Dissertation: G. C. Moore Smith, The
Cambridge Play ‘Laelia’ (1911, M. L. R. vi. 382).
The production is assigned by Fuller, Hist. of Cambridge (ed. Nichols), 217, to a
visit by the Earl of Essex to Cambridge as Chancellor of the University in 1597–8.
Moore Smith has, however, shown that it almost certainly belongs to an earlier visit,
and took place at Queens’ College on 1 March 1595. The chief evidence is the
reference in Rowland Whyte’s account of the Device by Essex or Bacon (q.v.) for 17
Nov. 1595 to ‘Giraldy’ and ‘Pedantiq’, as played at Cambridge. These may fairly be
taken to be the Gerardus and the pedant Petrus of Laelia. The actors of these two parts
are identified with George Meriton and George Mountaine, Fellows of Queens’, by
John Weever, Epigrammes (1599), iv. 19.
Your entertaine (nor can I passe away)
Of Essex with farre-famed Laelia;
Nor fore the Queen your service on Queens day.
Conceivably this may also attribute authorship of the play and the device. The play
is an adaptation of the Italian Gl’ Ingannati (c. 1531) through Les Abusez (1543) of
Charles Estienne. It is possible that, directly or indirectly, it influenced Twelfth Night.
Leander (March 1598).
By W. Hawkesworth (q.v.).
Machiavellus (1597).
Bodl. Douce MS. 234, f. 40v, dated ‘Anno Dmni 1597, Decemb. 9’.
Page 445
A note in Douce’s hand assigns the authorship to [Nathaniel] Wiburne, who, like
the other actors, was of St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1597 (Boas, 398).
Melanthe (1615).
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
Meleager (Feb. 1582)
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Nero (1603).
By M. Gwynne (q.v.).
Oedipus.
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus (8 Feb. 1592).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Parthenia.
Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS. 1. 3. 16. Greg, Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama,
368, thinks the handwriting later than 1600.
Pastor Fidus (> 1605).
Cambridge Univ. Libr. MS. Ff. ii. 9. ‘Il pastor fido, di signor Guarini ... recitata in
Collegio Regali Cantabrigiae’, with Prologus and Argumentum. T. C. C. MS. R. 3. 37.
Greg, Pastoral, 247, points out that this must be the ‘Fidus Pastor, which was
sometimes acted by King’s College men in Cambridge’, out of which a contemporary
observer thought that Daniel’s Queen’s Arcadia (q.v.) was drawn. It is a translation of
Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590).
Pedantius (1581).
Caius College, Cambridge, MS. 62. ‘Paedantius comoedia acta in collegio Sanctae
et individuae Trinitatis authore Mro Forcet.’
T. C. C. MS. R. 17 (9).
S. R. 1631, Feb. 9. ‘A Comedy in Lattyn called Pedantius’, authorized by Austen.
Milborne (Arber, iv. 248).
1631. Pedantius Comoedia, Olim Cantabrig. Acta in Coll. Trin. Nunquam antehac
Typis evulgata. W. S. Impensis Roberti Mylbourne.
[Engravings of Dromodotus and Pedantius. Introductory lines, ‘Pedantius de Se’.
The title-page has an engraved border dated 1583, already used for W. Alexander’s
Monarchicke Tragedies (1616).]
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1905, Materialien, viii).
the other actors, was of St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1597 (Boas, 398).
Melanthe (1615).
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
Meleager (Feb. 1582)
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Nero (1603).
By M. Gwynne (q.v.).
Oedipus.
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus (8 Feb. 1592).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Parthenia.
Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS. 1. 3. 16. Greg, Pastoral Poetry and Pastoral Drama,
368, thinks the handwriting later than 1600.
Pastor Fidus (> 1605).
Cambridge Univ. Libr. MS. Ff. ii. 9. ‘Il pastor fido, di signor Guarini ... recitata in
Collegio Regali Cantabrigiae’, with Prologus and Argumentum. T. C. C. MS. R. 3. 37.
Greg, Pastoral, 247, points out that this must be the ‘Fidus Pastor, which was
sometimes acted by King’s College men in Cambridge’, out of which a contemporary
observer thought that Daniel’s Queen’s Arcadia (q.v.) was drawn. It is a translation of
Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590).
Pedantius (1581).
Caius College, Cambridge, MS. 62. ‘Paedantius comoedia acta in collegio Sanctae
et individuae Trinitatis authore Mro Forcet.’
T. C. C. MS. R. 17 (9).
S. R. 1631, Feb. 9. ‘A Comedy in Lattyn called Pedantius’, authorized by Austen.
Milborne (Arber, iv. 248).
1631. Pedantius Comoedia, Olim Cantabrig. Acta in Coll. Trin. Nunquam antehac
Typis evulgata. W. S. Impensis Roberti Mylbourne.
[Engravings of Dromodotus and Pedantius. Introductory lines, ‘Pedantius de Se’.
The title-page has an engraved border dated 1583, already used for W. Alexander’s
Monarchicke Tragedies (1616).]
Edition by G. C. Moore Smith (1905, Materialien, viii).
Page 446
The introductory line, ‘Ante quater denos vixi Pedantius annos’, suggests
production in 1591, but the play cannot have been very recent when Sir John
Harington, in a note to his translation of Orlando Furioso (1591), Bk. xiv, cited a
‘pretie conceit’ of ‘our Cambridge Comedie Pedantius (at whiche I remember the
noble Earle of Essex that now is, was present)’. In his Apologie of Poetrie, prefixed to
the translation, Harington also says (G. Smith, Elizabethan Critical Essays, ii. 210),
‘How full of harmeles myrth is our Cambridge Pedantius? and the Oxford Bellum
Grammaticale?’ Harington, who again cites ‘our Pedantius of Cambridge’ in his
Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 126, was with Essex at Cambridge during 1578–81,
and Moore Smith has shown that the production at Trinity was probably on 6 Feb.
1581, shortly before the defeat of Gabriel Harvey by Anthony Wingfield of Trinity for
the Public Oratorship of Cambridge. There can be little doubt that Harvey was the
butt of Pedantius, and hardly more that Wingfield was concerned in this satire. Nashe
has two allusions to the matter. In Strange News (1593) he says that Harvey’s verses
were ‘miserably flouted at in M. Winkfields Comoedie of Pedantius in Trinitie
Colledge’ (Works, i. 303). In Have With You to Saffron-Walden (1596) he says, ‘Ile
fetch him aloft in Pedantius, that exquisite Comedie in Trinitie Colledge; where, vnder
the cheife part, from which it tooke his name, as namely the concise and firking
finicaldo fine School-master, hee was full drawen & delineated from the soale of the
foote to the crowne of his head’, and goes on to enumerate the principal traits of
Harvey touched off by the actors, who ‘borrowed his gowne to playe the Part in, the
more to flout him’ (Works, iii. 80). So far, we are left a little uncertain whether the
main authorship is to be ascribed, with Nashe in Strange News, to Anthony Wingfield,
or, with the Caius MS., to Edward Forsett, both of whom were Fellows of Trinity in
1581. Moore Smith has, however, shown in T. L. S. (10 Oct. 1918) that Forsett refers
to ‘Pedantio meo’ in the epistle to an unprinted Concio of his among the MSS. of St.
John’s, Cambridge. For an absurd attempt to assign the authorship to Bacon, largely
on the ground of some non-existent pigs in the title-page border, cf. E. A. [E. G.
Harman], The Shakespeare Problem (1909), and T. L. S. (27 March, 17 April, 1 May,
1919). Modern ascriptions to Thomas Beard and to Walter Hawkesworth seem to rest
on misunderstandings.
Perfidus Hetruscus.
Bodl. Rawlinson MS. C. 787.
Physiponomachia (1609–11).
Bodl. MS. 27639.
Dedicated to John Buckeridge, President of St. John’s, Oxford, 1605–11, by
Christopher Wren, father of the architect, who took his B.A. from St. John’s in 1609.
Psyche et Filii Ejus.
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 171, f. 60.
This is a Jesuit play, on the heresy of England.
Lugentis Angliae faciem dum Poeta pingeret.
Moore Smith (M. L. R. iii. 143), who is responsible for the title, thinks that it was
written at the seminary of Valladolid, perhaps in Elizabeth’s reign.
production in 1591, but the play cannot have been very recent when Sir John
Harington, in a note to his translation of Orlando Furioso (1591), Bk. xiv, cited a
‘pretie conceit’ of ‘our Cambridge Comedie Pedantius (at whiche I remember the
noble Earle of Essex that now is, was present)’. In his Apologie of Poetrie, prefixed to
the translation, Harington also says (G. Smith, Elizabethan Critical Essays, ii. 210),
‘How full of harmeles myrth is our Cambridge Pedantius? and the Oxford Bellum
Grammaticale?’ Harington, who again cites ‘our Pedantius of Cambridge’ in his
Metamorphosis of Ajax (1596), 126, was with Essex at Cambridge during 1578–81,
and Moore Smith has shown that the production at Trinity was probably on 6 Feb.
1581, shortly before the defeat of Gabriel Harvey by Anthony Wingfield of Trinity for
the Public Oratorship of Cambridge. There can be little doubt that Harvey was the
butt of Pedantius, and hardly more that Wingfield was concerned in this satire. Nashe
has two allusions to the matter. In Strange News (1593) he says that Harvey’s verses
were ‘miserably flouted at in M. Winkfields Comoedie of Pedantius in Trinitie
Colledge’ (Works, i. 303). In Have With You to Saffron-Walden (1596) he says, ‘Ile
fetch him aloft in Pedantius, that exquisite Comedie in Trinitie Colledge; where, vnder
the cheife part, from which it tooke his name, as namely the concise and firking
finicaldo fine School-master, hee was full drawen & delineated from the soale of the
foote to the crowne of his head’, and goes on to enumerate the principal traits of
Harvey touched off by the actors, who ‘borrowed his gowne to playe the Part in, the
more to flout him’ (Works, iii. 80). So far, we are left a little uncertain whether the
main authorship is to be ascribed, with Nashe in Strange News, to Anthony Wingfield,
or, with the Caius MS., to Edward Forsett, both of whom were Fellows of Trinity in
1581. Moore Smith has, however, shown in T. L. S. (10 Oct. 1918) that Forsett refers
to ‘Pedantio meo’ in the epistle to an unprinted Concio of his among the MSS. of St.
John’s, Cambridge. For an absurd attempt to assign the authorship to Bacon, largely
on the ground of some non-existent pigs in the title-page border, cf. E. A. [E. G.
Harman], The Shakespeare Problem (1909), and T. L. S. (27 March, 17 April, 1 May,
1919). Modern ascriptions to Thomas Beard and to Walter Hawkesworth seem to rest
on misunderstandings.
Perfidus Hetruscus.
Bodl. Rawlinson MS. C. 787.
Physiponomachia (1609–11).
Bodl. MS. 27639.
Dedicated to John Buckeridge, President of St. John’s, Oxford, 1605–11, by
Christopher Wren, father of the architect, who took his B.A. from St. John’s in 1609.
Psyche et Filii Ejus.
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 171, f. 60.
This is a Jesuit play, on the heresy of England.
Lugentis Angliae faciem dum Poeta pingeret.
Moore Smith (M. L. R. iii. 143), who is responsible for the title, thinks that it was
written at the seminary of Valladolid, perhaps in Elizabeth’s reign.
Page 447
Richardus Tertius (March 1580).
By T. Legge (q.v.).
Romeus et Julietta (c. 1615).
Sloane MS. 1775, f. 242.
According to H. de W. Fuller in M. P. iv (1906), 41, this is a fragment based on A.
Brooke’s Romeus and Juliet, probably a student’s exercise, with corrections. It is
datable by two poems in the same hand on the royal visit to Cambridge in 1615.
Roxana (c. 1592).
By W. Alabaster (q.v.).
Sapientia Solomonis (1565–6).
Addl. MS. 20061. ‘Sapientia Solomonis: Drama Comicotragicum.’
This is an expanded version of the Sapientia Solomonis of Sixt Birck (1555). A
performance is recorded at Trinity, Cambridge, in 1559–60 (Boas, 21, 387), but the
prologue and epilogue to this version make it clear that it was acted before Elizabeth
and the inclita princeps Cecilia, i. e. Cecilia of Sweden, who was in England during
1565–6 (cf. ch. i), by a
puellorum cohors
Nutrita magnificis tuis e sumptibus.
These were the Westminster boys, who gave the play in 1565–6 (cf. ch. xii). The
elaborately bound and decorated MS. bears Elizabeth’s initials in several places, and
was evidently the ‘book’ officially provided for her.
Scyros (3 March 1613).
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
Silvanus (13 Jan. 1597).
Bodl. Douce MS. 234. ‘Acta haec fabula 13º Januarii an. dmi. 1596.’
The actor-list belongs to St. John’s, Cambridge, and is headed by the name of
[Francis] Rollinson, whose authorship has been unjustifiably assumed.
Solymannidae (5 March 1582).
Lansd. MS. 723. ‘Solymannidae, Tragoedia ... 1581 Martii 5º.’
Susenbrotus or Fortunia (March 1615).
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 195, f. 79. ‘Susenbrotus Comoedia. Acta Cantabrigiae in
Collegio Trin. coram Rege Jacobo & Carolo principe Anno 1615.’
Bridgewater MS. ‘Fortunia.’
The accounts of the royal visit of 7–11 March 1615 do not mention the play, and
the date of this visit would be ‘1614’. It may be the unnamed play given by
By T. Legge (q.v.).
Romeus et Julietta (c. 1615).
Sloane MS. 1775, f. 242.
According to H. de W. Fuller in M. P. iv (1906), 41, this is a fragment based on A.
Brooke’s Romeus and Juliet, probably a student’s exercise, with corrections. It is
datable by two poems in the same hand on the royal visit to Cambridge in 1615.
Roxana (c. 1592).
By W. Alabaster (q.v.).
Sapientia Solomonis (1565–6).
Addl. MS. 20061. ‘Sapientia Solomonis: Drama Comicotragicum.’
This is an expanded version of the Sapientia Solomonis of Sixt Birck (1555). A
performance is recorded at Trinity, Cambridge, in 1559–60 (Boas, 21, 387), but the
prologue and epilogue to this version make it clear that it was acted before Elizabeth
and the inclita princeps Cecilia, i. e. Cecilia of Sweden, who was in England during
1565–6 (cf. ch. i), by a
puellorum cohors
Nutrita magnificis tuis e sumptibus.
These were the Westminster boys, who gave the play in 1565–6 (cf. ch. xii). The
elaborately bound and decorated MS. bears Elizabeth’s initials in several places, and
was evidently the ‘book’ officially provided for her.
Scyros (3 March 1613).
By S. Brooke (q.v.).
Silvanus (13 Jan. 1597).
Bodl. Douce MS. 234. ‘Acta haec fabula 13º Januarii an. dmi. 1596.’
The actor-list belongs to St. John’s, Cambridge, and is headed by the name of
[Francis] Rollinson, whose authorship has been unjustifiably assumed.
Solymannidae (5 March 1582).
Lansd. MS. 723. ‘Solymannidae, Tragoedia ... 1581 Martii 5º.’
Susenbrotus or Fortunia (March 1615).
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 195, f. 79. ‘Susenbrotus Comoedia. Acta Cantabrigiae in
Collegio Trin. coram Rege Jacobo & Carolo principe Anno 1615.’
Bridgewater MS. ‘Fortunia.’
The accounts of the royal visit of 7–11 March 1615 do not mention the play, and
the date of this visit would be ‘1614’. It may be the unnamed play given by
Page 448
Cambridge men, not at Cambridge, but at Royston in March 1616; the actors are
‘extra Lyceum’, cf. ch. iv.
Tomumbeius (> 1603).
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 75. ‘Tomumbeius siue Sultanici in Aegypto Imperii Euersio.
Tragoedia noua auctore Georgio Salterno Bristoënsi.’
Nothing is known of George Salterne, and a dedication to Elizabeth is hardly
sufficient to indicate a production before her at Bristol during the progress of 1574.
Ulysses Redux (5 Feb. 1592).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Vertumnus (29 Aug. 1605).
By M. Gwynne (q.v.).
Victoria (c. 1580–3).
By A. Fraunce (q.v.).
Zelotypus (1606).
Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS. 3. 1. 17; T. C. C. MS. R. 3, 9.
The actor-list points to St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1606.
‘extra Lyceum’, cf. ch. iv.
Tomumbeius (> 1603).
Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 75. ‘Tomumbeius siue Sultanici in Aegypto Imperii Euersio.
Tragoedia noua auctore Georgio Salterno Bristoënsi.’
Nothing is known of George Salterne, and a dedication to Elizabeth is hardly
sufficient to indicate a production before her at Bristol during the progress of 1574.
Ulysses Redux (5 Feb. 1592).
By W. Gager (q.v.).
Vertumnus (29 Aug. 1605).
By M. Gwynne (q.v.).
Victoria (c. 1580–3).
By A. Fraunce (q.v.).
Zelotypus (1606).
Emmanuel, Cambridge, MS. 3. 1. 17; T. C. C. MS. R. 3, 9.
The actor-list points to St. John’s, Cambridge, in 1606.
Page 449
APPENDIX L
PRINTED PLAYS
[Preliminary Note.—This is a chronological abstract of plays, printed or entered for printing in
the Stationers’ Register, of which either the entry or the possible date of production falls in 1558–
1616. Some of the later plays are only included in deference to the conjectures of others as to their
early origin in whole or in part. The list is little more than an index; details must be sought in chh.
xxiii and xxiv. I think it is nearly self-explanatory. The plays marked T. in col. 1 are those of which
the first entry in the Register is in connexion with a transfer of copyright; the name in col. 4 is then
that of the transferrer. Titles of non-extant plays are marked with inverted commas in col. 3; some
of them (cf. App. M) may not really relate to plays at all. The symbol (s) in col. 6 is used where the
imprint indicates, not that a play is printed ‘for’ a stationer, but that it is ‘to be sold by’ a stationer;
it is not quite clear how far the two formulae are equivalent. The most important notes in col. 7 are
those in italics, which indicate direct evidence afforded by the entry or first title-page as to
companies by which the plays had been acted. I have added from other sources additional
ascriptions which seem certain or reasonably probable, and sometimes omitted even title-page
evidence where it obviously relates to production by a company of later origin than 1616. The
notes in col. 8 must not be taken as attributions of authorship, but merely as guides to the relevant
sections in ch. xxiii or to ch. xxiv. The brackets in this column indicate that the plays, being pre-
Elizabethan, are dealt with in App. X of The Mediaeval Stage. Some statistics, based on this list, of
the output of plays from the Elizabethan press, will be found in ch. xxii.]
Date of Date Title. Enterer. Printer. Publisher. Source. Author.
Entry. of
Print.
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
1557–8 n.d. Wealth and Health J. Walley [No [Anon.]
imprint]
1557–8 n.d.Youth J. Walley J. Walley [Anon.]
1557–8 1568 Jacob and Esau H. Sutton Bynneman [Anon.]
1558–9 1559 Troas Tottel Tottel Transl. Seneca.
Thyestes Powell? Transl. Seneca.
1560, June 1560 Nice Wanton King King [Anon.]
10
1560, June n.d. Impatient Poverty King King [Anon.]
10
1560, Aug. n.d. Lusty Juventus King Copland [Wever.]
14
1560, Oct. n.d. Robin Hood Copland Copland Anon.
30?
n.d. Enough is as Good as J. Allde W. Wager.
a Feast
1560–1 ‘Witless’ Hacket [Heywood.]
1560–1 Pickering
1561 Godly Queen Hester Pickering [Anon.]
Hacket
1561, May n.d. Free Will Tisdale Tisdale Transl. Cheke.
11
1561 Hercules Furens H. Sutton Transl. Seneca.
1561–2 ‘Two Sins of King Hacket [App. M.]
David’
1562–3 1562 Three Laws Colwell Colwell [Bale.]
1562–3 n.d. Jack Juggler Copland Copland [Anon.]
PRINTED PLAYS
[Preliminary Note.—This is a chronological abstract of plays, printed or entered for printing in
the Stationers’ Register, of which either the entry or the possible date of production falls in 1558–
1616. Some of the later plays are only included in deference to the conjectures of others as to their
early origin in whole or in part. The list is little more than an index; details must be sought in chh.
xxiii and xxiv. I think it is nearly self-explanatory. The plays marked T. in col. 1 are those of which
the first entry in the Register is in connexion with a transfer of copyright; the name in col. 4 is then
that of the transferrer. Titles of non-extant plays are marked with inverted commas in col. 3; some
of them (cf. App. M) may not really relate to plays at all. The symbol (s) in col. 6 is used where the
imprint indicates, not that a play is printed ‘for’ a stationer, but that it is ‘to be sold by’ a stationer;
it is not quite clear how far the two formulae are equivalent. The most important notes in col. 7 are
those in italics, which indicate direct evidence afforded by the entry or first title-page as to
companies by which the plays had been acted. I have added from other sources additional
ascriptions which seem certain or reasonably probable, and sometimes omitted even title-page
evidence where it obviously relates to production by a company of later origin than 1616. The
notes in col. 8 must not be taken as attributions of authorship, but merely as guides to the relevant
sections in ch. xxiii or to ch. xxiv. The brackets in this column indicate that the plays, being pre-
Elizabethan, are dealt with in App. X of The Mediaeval Stage. Some statistics, based on this list, of
the output of plays from the Elizabethan press, will be found in ch. xxii.]
Date of Date Title. Enterer. Printer. Publisher. Source. Author.
Entry. of
Print.
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
1557–8 n.d. Wealth and Health J. Walley [No [Anon.]
imprint]
1557–8 n.d.Youth J. Walley J. Walley [Anon.]
1557–8 1568 Jacob and Esau H. Sutton Bynneman [Anon.]
1558–9 1559 Troas Tottel Tottel Transl. Seneca.
Thyestes Powell? Transl. Seneca.
1560, June 1560 Nice Wanton King King [Anon.]
10
1560, June n.d. Impatient Poverty King King [Anon.]
10
1560, Aug. n.d. Lusty Juventus King Copland [Wever.]
14
1560, Oct. n.d. Robin Hood Copland Copland Anon.
30?
n.d. Enough is as Good as J. Allde W. Wager.
a Feast
1560–1 ‘Witless’ Hacket [Heywood.]
1560–1 Pickering
1561 Godly Queen Hester Pickering [Anon.]
Hacket
1561, May n.d. Free Will Tisdale Tisdale Transl. Cheke.
11
1561 Hercules Furens H. Sutton Transl. Seneca.
1561–2 ‘Two Sins of King Hacket [App. M.]
David’
1562–3 1562 Three Laws Colwell Colwell [Bale.]
1562–3 n.d. Jack Juggler Copland Copland [Anon.]
Page 450
1562–3 1575 Gammer Gurton’s Colwell Colwell Univ. [Anon.]
Needle
1562–3 1661 Tom Tyler and his Colwell Kirkman Anon.
Wife
1562–3 1563, Oedipus Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
Apr. 28
[T. 1582, n.d. Weather [Awdeley] Awdeley [Heywood.]
Jan. 15]
1565–6 [t.p. Albion Knight Colwell Anon.
lost] (fragm.)
1565–6 1565, Gorboduc Griffith Griffith Inner Temple Norton.
Sept.
22
1565–6 1565, King Darius Colwell Colwell Anon.
Oct.
1565–6 1566 Agamemnon Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
1565–6 [t.p. Cruel Debtor (fragm.) Colwell W. Wager.
lost]
1565–6 1566 Medea Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
1565–6
n.d. Patient Grissell Colwell Colwell Phillip.
1568–9
1566–7 n.d. Octavia Denham Denham Transl. Seneca.
1566–7 1581 Hippolytus Denham T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1566–7 Denham
1581 Hercules Oetaeus T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1570–1 Colwell
1566–7 [t.p. Ralph Roister Doister Hacket [Udall.]
lost]
1566–7 ‘Far Fetched and Dear Hacket [App. M.]
Bought is Good for
Ladies’
1566–7 1566 Repentance of Mary Charlwood Charlwood L. Wager.
Magdalen
1566–7 ‘College of Canonical Charlwood [App. M.]
Clerks’
1567 Trial of Treasure Purfoot Anon.
1567 Orestes Griffith Pickering.
1567–8 1571 Damon and Pithias R. Jones R. Jones Chapel Edwardes.
1567–8 1575 Apius and Virginia R. Jones Howe R. Jones Anon.
1568–9 1568 Like Will to Like J. Allde J. Allde Fulwell.
1568–9 [1578?] ‘Susanna’ Colwell T. Garter.
1568–9 n.d. The Longer Thou R. Jones Howe R. Jones W. Wager.
Livest, the More
Fool Thou Art
[T. 1569, Four Ps [Awdeley] J. Allde [Heywood.]
1582,Jan. Sept.
15] 14
1569–70 n.d. Disobedient Child Colwell Colwell Ingelend.
1569–70 n.d. Marriage of Wit and T. Marsh T. Marsh Anon.
Science
1569–70 n.d. Cambyses J. Allde J. Allde Preston.
1573 Supposes Bynneman R. Smith Gray’s Inn Gascoigne.
Needle
1562–3 1661 Tom Tyler and his Colwell Kirkman Anon.
Wife
1562–3 1563, Oedipus Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
Apr. 28
[T. 1582, n.d. Weather [Awdeley] Awdeley [Heywood.]
Jan. 15]
1565–6 [t.p. Albion Knight Colwell Anon.
lost] (fragm.)
1565–6 1565, Gorboduc Griffith Griffith Inner Temple Norton.
Sept.
22
1565–6 1565, King Darius Colwell Colwell Anon.
Oct.
1565–6 1566 Agamemnon Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
1565–6 [t.p. Cruel Debtor (fragm.) Colwell W. Wager.
lost]
1565–6 1566 Medea Colwell Colwell Transl. Seneca.
1565–6
n.d. Patient Grissell Colwell Colwell Phillip.
1568–9
1566–7 n.d. Octavia Denham Denham Transl. Seneca.
1566–7 1581 Hippolytus Denham T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1566–7 Denham
1581 Hercules Oetaeus T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1570–1 Colwell
1566–7 [t.p. Ralph Roister Doister Hacket [Udall.]
lost]
1566–7 ‘Far Fetched and Dear Hacket [App. M.]
Bought is Good for
Ladies’
1566–7 1566 Repentance of Mary Charlwood Charlwood L. Wager.
Magdalen
1566–7 ‘College of Canonical Charlwood [App. M.]
Clerks’
1567 Trial of Treasure Purfoot Anon.
1567 Orestes Griffith Pickering.
1567–8 1571 Damon and Pithias R. Jones R. Jones Chapel Edwardes.
1567–8 1575 Apius and Virginia R. Jones Howe R. Jones Anon.
1568–9 1568 Like Will to Like J. Allde J. Allde Fulwell.
1568–9 [1578?] ‘Susanna’ Colwell T. Garter.
1568–9 n.d. The Longer Thou R. Jones Howe R. Jones W. Wager.
Livest, the More
Fool Thou Art
[T. 1569, Four Ps [Awdeley] J. Allde [Heywood.]
1582,Jan. Sept.
15] 14
1569–70 n.d. Disobedient Child Colwell Colwell Ingelend.
1569–70 n.d. Marriage of Wit and T. Marsh T. Marsh Anon.
Science
1569–70 n.d. Cambyses J. Allde J. Allde Preston.
1573 Supposes Bynneman R. Smith Gray’s Inn Gascoigne.
Page 451
1573 Jocasta Bynneman R. Smith Gray’s Inn Gascoigne.
1573 New Custom Howe Veale Anon.
1575 Glass of Government Middleton Barker Gascoigne.
n.d. Minds [No Transl. Anon.
imprint]
1576, July n.d. Common Conditions Hunter Howe Hunter Anon.
26
1576, Oct. 1576 Tide Tarrieth No Man H. Jackson H. Jackson Wapull.
22
1577, Nov. 1578 All for Money Ward Ward and Lupton.
25 Mundee
1577 Abraham’s Sacrifice Vautrollier Transl. Golding.
1577 God’s Promises Charlwood Peele [Bale.]
1578, July 1578, Promos and Cassandra R. Jones R. Jones Whetstone.
31 Aug.
20
1580–1 1581 Ten Tragedies T. Marsh T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1581, July 1581 Antigone Wolf Wolf Transl. Watson.
31
1581 Conflict of Bradock Woodes.
Conscience
1584, Apr. 6 1584 Sapho and Phao Cadman Dawson Cadman Chapel, Paul’s Lyly.
1584, Nov. 1585 Fedele and Fortunio Hacket Hacket Transl. Anon.
12
1584 Arraignment of Paris H. Marsh Chapel Peele.
1584 Three Ladies of Ward Wilson.
London
[T. 1597, 1584 Campaspe [Cadman] Cadman Chapel, Paul’s Lyly.
Apr. 12]
1585, Apr. 1 Cawood
1591, 1592 Galathea J. Broome Charlwood J. Broome Paul’s Lyly.
Oct. 4
1587[8] Misfortunes of Arthur Robinson Gray’s Inn Hughes.
1588 Andria East Woodcock Transl. Kyffin.
1589 Rare Triumphs of E. A. E. White Derby’s? Anon.
Love and Fortune
1590, July 1590 Three Lords and R. Jones R. Jones Queen’s? Wilson.
31 Three Ladies of
London
1590, Aug. 1590 1, 2 Tamburlaine R. Jones R. Jones Admiral’s Marlowe.
14
1591, Feb. 9 1591 Phillis and Amyntas Ponsonby T. Orwin Ponsonby Transl. Fraunce.
1591, July ‘Hunting of Cupid’ R. Jones Peele.
26
1591, Oct. 4 1591 Endymion J. Broome Charlwood J. Broome Paul’s Lyly.
1591, Oct. 4 1592 Midas J. Broome Scarlet J. Broome Paul’s Lyly.
1591 Tancred and Gismund Scarlet Robinson (s) Inner Temple Wilmot.
1591 1, 2 Troublesome [T. Orwin] Clarke Queen’s Anon.
Reign of King John
1592, Apr. 3 1592 Arden of Feversham E. White E. White Anon.
1592, May 3 1592 Antonius Ponsonby Ponsonby Transl. Herbert.
1573 New Custom Howe Veale Anon.
1575 Glass of Government Middleton Barker Gascoigne.
n.d. Minds [No Transl. Anon.
imprint]
1576, July n.d. Common Conditions Hunter Howe Hunter Anon.
26
1576, Oct. 1576 Tide Tarrieth No Man H. Jackson H. Jackson Wapull.
22
1577, Nov. 1578 All for Money Ward Ward and Lupton.
25 Mundee
1577 Abraham’s Sacrifice Vautrollier Transl. Golding.
1577 God’s Promises Charlwood Peele [Bale.]
1578, July 1578, Promos and Cassandra R. Jones R. Jones Whetstone.
31 Aug.
20
1580–1 1581 Ten Tragedies T. Marsh T. Marsh Transl. Seneca.
1581, July 1581 Antigone Wolf Wolf Transl. Watson.
31
1581 Conflict of Bradock Woodes.
Conscience
1584, Apr. 6 1584 Sapho and Phao Cadman Dawson Cadman Chapel, Paul’s Lyly.
1584, Nov. 1585 Fedele and Fortunio Hacket Hacket Transl. Anon.
12
1584 Arraignment of Paris H. Marsh Chapel Peele.
1584 Three Ladies of Ward Wilson.
London
[T. 1597, 1584 Campaspe [Cadman] Cadman Chapel, Paul’s Lyly.
Apr. 12]
1585, Apr. 1 Cawood
1591, 1592 Galathea J. Broome Charlwood J. Broome Paul’s Lyly.
Oct. 4
1587[8] Misfortunes of Arthur Robinson Gray’s Inn Hughes.
1588 Andria East Woodcock Transl. Kyffin.
1589 Rare Triumphs of E. A. E. White Derby’s? Anon.
Love and Fortune
1590, July 1590 Three Lords and R. Jones R. Jones Queen’s? Wilson.
31 Three Ladies of
London
1590, Aug. 1590 1, 2 Tamburlaine R. Jones R. Jones Admiral’s Marlowe.
14
1591, Feb. 9 1591 Phillis and Amyntas Ponsonby T. Orwin Ponsonby Transl. Fraunce.
1591, July ‘Hunting of Cupid’ R. Jones Peele.
26
1591, Oct. 4 1591 Endymion J. Broome Charlwood J. Broome Paul’s Lyly.
1591, Oct. 4 1592 Midas J. Broome Scarlet J. Broome Paul’s Lyly.
1591 Tancred and Gismund Scarlet Robinson (s) Inner Temple Wilmot.
1591 1, 2 Troublesome [T. Orwin] Clarke Queen’s Anon.
Reign of King John
1592, Apr. 3 1592 Arden of Feversham E. White E. White Anon.
1592, May 3 1592 Antonius Ponsonby Ponsonby Transl. Herbert.
Page 452
1592, Oct. 6 n.d. Spanish Tragedy Jeffes E. Allde E. White Strange’s? Kyd.
1592, Nov. n.d. Soliman and Perseda E. White E. Allde E. White Anon.
20
[Oxford] 1592 Ulysses Redux Joseph Univ. Gager.
Barnes
Meleager
Joseph
[Oxford] 1592 Panniculus Hippolyto Univ. Gager.
Barnes
assutus
1593, July 6 1594 Edward II W. Jones W. Jones Pembroke’s Marlowe.
1593, Oct. 8 1593 Edward I Jeffes Jeffes Barley (s) Peele.
1593, Oct. 1594 Cleopatra S. Waterson Roberts S. Waterson Closet Daniel.
19 and E.
Allde
1593, Oct. 1593 Jack Straw Danter Danter Barley (s) Anon.
23
1593, Queen’s
Dec. 1594 Orlando Furioso Danter Danter Burby Admiral’s Greene.
7 Strange’s
1594, Jan. 7 1594 Knack to Know a R. Jones R. Jones Strange’s Anon.
Knave
1594, Jan. 1594 Cornelia Ling and Roberts Ling and Transl. Kyd.
26 Busby Busby
1594, E. White (s) Derby’s
Feb. and Pembroke’s
1594 Titus Andronicus Danter Danter Shakespeare.
6 Millington Sussex’s
(s)
1594, Looking Glass for Queen’s?
Mar. 1594 London and Creede Creede Barley (s) Strange’s Greene.
5 England
1594, Mar. 1594 1 Contention of York Millington Creede Millington Pembroke’s? Anon.
12 and Lancaster
1594, May 2 1594 Taming of A Shrew Short Short Burby (s) Pembroke’s Anon.
1594, May 1595 Pedlar’s Prophecy Creede Creede Barley (s) Anon.
13
1594, May 1598 Famous Victories of Creede Creede Queen’s Anon.
14 Henry V
1594, May 1598 James IV Creede Creede Queen’s? Greene.
14
1594, Strange’s
Friar Bacon and Friar
May 1594 Islip E. White Sussex’s Greene.
Bungay
14 Queen’s
1594, May Islip Queen’s
14 Stafford Sussex’s
1605 King Leir Stafford J. Wright Anon.
1605,
May 8
1594, May ‘John of Gaunt’ E. White [App. M.]
14
1594, May 1599 David and Bethsabe Islip Islip Peele.
14
1594, May ‘Robin Hood and Islip [App. M.]
14 Little John’
1594, May 1633 Jew of Malta Ling and I. B. Vavasour Strange’s Marlowe.
17 Millington. Sussex’s
1592, Nov. n.d. Soliman and Perseda E. White E. Allde E. White Anon.
20
[Oxford] 1592 Ulysses Redux Joseph Univ. Gager.
Barnes
Meleager
Joseph
[Oxford] 1592 Panniculus Hippolyto Univ. Gager.
Barnes
assutus
1593, July 6 1594 Edward II W. Jones W. Jones Pembroke’s Marlowe.
1593, Oct. 8 1593 Edward I Jeffes Jeffes Barley (s) Peele.
1593, Oct. 1594 Cleopatra S. Waterson Roberts S. Waterson Closet Daniel.
19 and E.
Allde
1593, Oct. 1593 Jack Straw Danter Danter Barley (s) Anon.
23
1593, Queen’s
Dec. 1594 Orlando Furioso Danter Danter Burby Admiral’s Greene.
7 Strange’s
1594, Jan. 7 1594 Knack to Know a R. Jones R. Jones Strange’s Anon.
Knave
1594, Jan. 1594 Cornelia Ling and Roberts Ling and Transl. Kyd.
26 Busby Busby
1594, E. White (s) Derby’s
Feb. and Pembroke’s
1594 Titus Andronicus Danter Danter Shakespeare.
6 Millington Sussex’s
(s)
1594, Looking Glass for Queen’s?
Mar. 1594 London and Creede Creede Barley (s) Strange’s Greene.
5 England
1594, Mar. 1594 1 Contention of York Millington Creede Millington Pembroke’s? Anon.
12 and Lancaster
1594, May 2 1594 Taming of A Shrew Short Short Burby (s) Pembroke’s Anon.
1594, May 1595 Pedlar’s Prophecy Creede Creede Barley (s) Anon.
13
1594, May 1598 Famous Victories of Creede Creede Queen’s Anon.
14 Henry V
1594, May 1598 James IV Creede Creede Queen’s? Greene.
14
1594, Strange’s
Friar Bacon and Friar
May 1594 Islip E. White Sussex’s Greene.
Bungay
14 Queen’s
1594, May Islip Queen’s
14 Stafford Sussex’s
1605 King Leir Stafford J. Wright Anon.
1605,
May 8
1594, May ‘John of Gaunt’ E. White [App. M.]
14
1594, May 1599 David and Bethsabe Islip Islip Peele.
14
1594, May ‘Robin Hood and Islip [App. M.]
14 Little John’
1594, May 1633 Jew of Malta Ling and I. B. Vavasour Strange’s Marlowe.
17 Millington. Sussex’s
Page 453
1632, Vavasour Admiral’s
Nov. 20
1594, May 1594 Wounds of Civil War Danter Danter Admiral’s Lodge.
24
1594, June 8 1594 Cobbler’s Prophecy Burby Danter Burby Wilson.
1594, June 1595 Menaechmi Creede Creede Barley (s) Transl. Warner.
10
1594, June 1594 Mother Bombie Burby Scarlet Burby Paul’s Lyly.
18
1594, Admiral’s
Four Prentices of
June 1615 Danter I. W. Anne’s Heywood.
London
19
1594, June ‘Heliogabilus’ Danter [App. M.]
19
1594, June 1594 True Tragedy of Creede Creede Barley (s) Queen’s Anon.
19 Richard III
1594, July 1595 Locrine Creede Creede Anon.
20
T. N. and
n.d. Fair Em Strange’s Anon.
I. W.
Strange’s
1594 Battle of Alcazar E. Allde Bankworth Peele.
Admiral’s
1594 Selimus Creede Queen’s Anon.
1594 Wars of Cyrus E. A. Blackwall Chapel Anon.
[T. 1600, 1594 Dido [Lynley] J. Orwin Woodcock Chapel Marlowe.
June 26?]
1595, Apr. 1 1599 George a Greene Burby Stafford Burby Sussex’s Anon.
Hancock (s)
1595, Apr.
1595 Old Wive’s Tale Hancock Danter and Queen’s Peele.
16
Hardy (s)
1595, May ‘Ninus and Hardy [App. M.]
10 Semiramis’
1595, May T. Gosson
23 and
‘Valentine and Orson’ Queen’s [App. M.]
1600, Hancock.
Mar. 31 W. White
1595, Sept. 1597 Woman in the Moon Finch W. Jones Lyly.
22
1595, Nov. ‘Rufus I’ Blackwell Admiral’s? [App. M.]
24
1595, Nov. 1596 Knack to Know an Burby Burby Admiral’s Anon.
26 Honest Man
1595, Dec. 1 1596 Edward III Burby Burby Chamberlain’s? Anon.
[T. 1602, 1595 True Tragedy of [Millington] P. S. Millington Pembroke’s Anon.
Apr. 19] Richard
Duke of York
1596, Jan. ‘1 Chinon of England’ Gosson and
[App. M.]
20 [?] Danter
1597, Apr. ‘Eunuchus’ Linley Transl. Kyffyn
21
1597, Aug. 1597 Richard II Wise Simmes Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
29
Nov. 20
1594, May 1594 Wounds of Civil War Danter Danter Admiral’s Lodge.
24
1594, June 8 1594 Cobbler’s Prophecy Burby Danter Burby Wilson.
1594, June 1595 Menaechmi Creede Creede Barley (s) Transl. Warner.
10
1594, June 1594 Mother Bombie Burby Scarlet Burby Paul’s Lyly.
18
1594, Admiral’s
Four Prentices of
June 1615 Danter I. W. Anne’s Heywood.
London
19
1594, June ‘Heliogabilus’ Danter [App. M.]
19
1594, June 1594 True Tragedy of Creede Creede Barley (s) Queen’s Anon.
19 Richard III
1594, July 1595 Locrine Creede Creede Anon.
20
T. N. and
n.d. Fair Em Strange’s Anon.
I. W.
Strange’s
1594 Battle of Alcazar E. Allde Bankworth Peele.
Admiral’s
1594 Selimus Creede Queen’s Anon.
1594 Wars of Cyrus E. A. Blackwall Chapel Anon.
[T. 1600, 1594 Dido [Lynley] J. Orwin Woodcock Chapel Marlowe.
June 26?]
1595, Apr. 1 1599 George a Greene Burby Stafford Burby Sussex’s Anon.
Hancock (s)
1595, Apr.
1595 Old Wive’s Tale Hancock Danter and Queen’s Peele.
16
Hardy (s)
1595, May ‘Ninus and Hardy [App. M.]
10 Semiramis’
1595, May T. Gosson
23 and
‘Valentine and Orson’ Queen’s [App. M.]
1600, Hancock.
Mar. 31 W. White
1595, Sept. 1597 Woman in the Moon Finch W. Jones Lyly.
22
1595, Nov. ‘Rufus I’ Blackwell Admiral’s? [App. M.]
24
1595, Nov. 1596 Knack to Know an Burby Burby Admiral’s Anon.
26 Honest Man
1595, Dec. 1 1596 Edward III Burby Burby Chamberlain’s? Anon.
[T. 1602, 1595 True Tragedy of [Millington] P. S. Millington Pembroke’s Anon.
Apr. 19] Richard
Duke of York
1596, Jan. ‘1 Chinon of England’ Gosson and
[App. M.]
20 [?] Danter
1597, Apr. ‘Eunuchus’ Linley Transl. Kyffyn
21
1597, Aug. 1597 Richard II Wise Simmes Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
29
Page 454
1597, Oct. 1597 Richard III Wise Simmes Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
20
[T. 1607, 1597 Romeo and Juliet [Burby] Danter Hunsdon’s Shakespeare.
Jan. 22]
1598, Feb. 1598 1 Henry IV Wise P. S. Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
25
1598, July 1600 Merchant of Venice Roberts Roberts Hayes Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
22
1598, Aug. 1598 Blind Beggar of W. Jones W. Jones Admiral’s Chapman.
15 Alexandria
1598, Oct. 5 ‘Celestina’ Aspley [App. M.]
1598, Oct. 5 1598 Virtuous Octavia Ponsonby Ponsonby Closet Brandon.
[T. 1607, 1598 Love’s Labour’s Lost [Burby] W. W. Burby Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Jan. 22]
[T. 1618, 1598 Mucedorus [S. Jones] W. Jones Anon.
Sept. 17]
Adelphi
Andria
Eunuchus
[Cambridge] 1598 Legatt Transl. Bernard.
Heautontimoroumenos
Hecyra
Phormio
Oxenbridge H. Lownes
1599, Aug.
1600 1, 2 Edward IV and F. K. and Derby’s Anon.
28
Busby Oxenbridge
1599, Nov. 1599 Warning for Fair Aspley Simmes Aspley Chamberlain’s Anon.
17 Women
1599 Humourous Day’s Simmes Admiral’s Chapman.
Mirth
Two Angry Women of Hunt and
1599 Admiral’s Porter.
Abingdon Ferbrand
1599 Clyomon and Creede Queen’s Anon.
Clamydes
1599 Alphonsus Creede Greene.
1600, Feb. 1600 Old Fortunatus Aspley S. S. Aspley Admiral’s Dekker.
20
1600, Mar. 1603 Patient Grissell Burby Rocket Admiral’s Dekker.
28
1600, Apr. 8 1600 Every Man Out of His Holme Ling Chamberlain’s Jonson.
Humour
1600, May ‘Cloth Breeches and Roberts Chamberlain’s
27 Velvet Hose’
1600, May 1602 A Larum for London Roberts Ferbrand Chamberlain’s Anon.
29
1600, July 1600 Maid’s Oliffe Creede Oliffe Paul’s Anon.
24 Metamorphosis
1600, July ‘Give a Man Luck, Oliffe
24 and
Throw Him into the
Sea’
[Stayed
1600, [1623] As You Like It Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Aug. 4]
20
[T. 1607, 1597 Romeo and Juliet [Burby] Danter Hunsdon’s Shakespeare.
Jan. 22]
1598, Feb. 1598 1 Henry IV Wise P. S. Wise Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
25
1598, July 1600 Merchant of Venice Roberts Roberts Hayes Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
22
1598, Aug. 1598 Blind Beggar of W. Jones W. Jones Admiral’s Chapman.
15 Alexandria
1598, Oct. 5 ‘Celestina’ Aspley [App. M.]
1598, Oct. 5 1598 Virtuous Octavia Ponsonby Ponsonby Closet Brandon.
[T. 1607, 1598 Love’s Labour’s Lost [Burby] W. W. Burby Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Jan. 22]
[T. 1618, 1598 Mucedorus [S. Jones] W. Jones Anon.
Sept. 17]
Adelphi
Andria
Eunuchus
[Cambridge] 1598 Legatt Transl. Bernard.
Heautontimoroumenos
Hecyra
Phormio
Oxenbridge H. Lownes
1599, Aug.
1600 1, 2 Edward IV and F. K. and Derby’s Anon.
28
Busby Oxenbridge
1599, Nov. 1599 Warning for Fair Aspley Simmes Aspley Chamberlain’s Anon.
17 Women
1599 Humourous Day’s Simmes Admiral’s Chapman.
Mirth
Two Angry Women of Hunt and
1599 Admiral’s Porter.
Abingdon Ferbrand
1599 Clyomon and Creede Queen’s Anon.
Clamydes
1599 Alphonsus Creede Greene.
1600, Feb. 1600 Old Fortunatus Aspley S. S. Aspley Admiral’s Dekker.
20
1600, Mar. 1603 Patient Grissell Burby Rocket Admiral’s Dekker.
28
1600, Apr. 8 1600 Every Man Out of His Holme Ling Chamberlain’s Jonson.
Humour
1600, May ‘Cloth Breeches and Roberts Chamberlain’s
27 Velvet Hose’
1600, May 1602 A Larum for London Roberts Ferbrand Chamberlain’s Anon.
29
1600, July 1600 Maid’s Oliffe Creede Oliffe Paul’s Anon.
24 Metamorphosis
1600, July ‘Give a Man Luck, Oliffe
24 and
Throw Him into the
Sea’
[Stayed
1600, [1623] As You Like It Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Aug. 4]
Page 455
[Stayed Millington
1600, and
Aug. 4] 1600 Henry V [?] Creede Busby (sen.) Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
[T. 1600,
Aug. 14]
[Stayed Burby
1600, and
Every Man In His
Aug. 4] 1601 Burre Burre Chamberlain’s Jonson.
Humour
1600, Aug.
14
[Stayed Wise Wise
1600, and and
Much Ado About
Aug. 4] 1600 Aspley V. S. Aspley Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Nothing
1600, Aug.
23
1600, Aug. 1 Sir John Oldcastle Pavier
1600 V. S. Pavier Admiral’s Drayton.
11 ‘2 Sir John Oldcastle’ Pavier
1600, Aug. 1605 Captain Thomas Pavier Pavier Admiral’s? Anon.
11 Stukeley
1600, Aug. ‘Tartarian Cripple, Burby [App. M.]
14 Emperor
of Constantinople’
1600, Aug. Wise and Wise and
1600 2 Henry IV V. S. Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
23 Aspley Aspley
1600, Sept. 1601 Jack Drum’s F. Norton Oliffe Paul’s Anon.
8 Entertainment
1600, Oct. 7 1600 Wisdom of Dr. Oliffe Creede Oliffe Paul’s Anon.
Dodipoll
1600, Oct. 8 1600 Midsummer Night’s Fisher Fisher Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Dream
1600, Oct. 1600 Weakest Goeth to the Oliffe Creede Oliffe Oxford’s Anon.
23 Wall
1600, Oct. Summer’s Last Will Burby and
1600 Stafford Burre Private Nashe.
28 and Testament Burre
1600, Nov. 1601 Love’s Wood Wood Paul’s, Chapel Lyly.
25 Metamorphosis
1600, Dec. 1 1601 1, 2 Robert Earl of Leake Leake Admiral’s Munday.
Huntingdon
1600 Look About You Ferbrand Admiral’s Anon.
[T. 1610, 1600 Shoemaker’s Holiday [Simmes] Simmes Admiral’s Dekker.
Apr. 19]
1601, Jan. 7 1604 Dr. Faustus Bushell V. S. Bushell Admiral’s Marlowe.
1601, Mar. ‘God Speed the John Harrison [App. M.]
1 Plough’
1601, May 1601 Cynthia’s Revels Burre Burre Chapel Jonson.
23
1601, July 3 ‘George E. Allde Oxford’s [App. M.]
Scanderbarge’
1601, Aug. 1616 Englishmen for my W. White W. White Admiral’s Haughton.
3 Money
1601, Sept. 1602 Pastor Fido S. Waterson S. Waterson Transl. Anon.
16
1600, and
Aug. 4] 1600 Henry V [?] Creede Busby (sen.) Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
[T. 1600,
Aug. 14]
[Stayed Burby
1600, and
Every Man In His
Aug. 4] 1601 Burre Burre Chamberlain’s Jonson.
Humour
1600, Aug.
14
[Stayed Wise Wise
1600, and and
Much Ado About
Aug. 4] 1600 Aspley V. S. Aspley Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Nothing
1600, Aug.
23
1600, Aug. 1 Sir John Oldcastle Pavier
1600 V. S. Pavier Admiral’s Drayton.
11 ‘2 Sir John Oldcastle’ Pavier
1600, Aug. 1605 Captain Thomas Pavier Pavier Admiral’s? Anon.
11 Stukeley
1600, Aug. ‘Tartarian Cripple, Burby [App. M.]
14 Emperor
of Constantinople’
1600, Aug. Wise and Wise and
1600 2 Henry IV V. S. Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
23 Aspley Aspley
1600, Sept. 1601 Jack Drum’s F. Norton Oliffe Paul’s Anon.
8 Entertainment
1600, Oct. 7 1600 Wisdom of Dr. Oliffe Creede Oliffe Paul’s Anon.
Dodipoll
1600, Oct. 8 1600 Midsummer Night’s Fisher Fisher Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
Dream
1600, Oct. 1600 Weakest Goeth to the Oliffe Creede Oliffe Oxford’s Anon.
23 Wall
1600, Oct. Summer’s Last Will Burby and
1600 Stafford Burre Private Nashe.
28 and Testament Burre
1600, Nov. 1601 Love’s Wood Wood Paul’s, Chapel Lyly.
25 Metamorphosis
1600, Dec. 1 1601 1, 2 Robert Earl of Leake Leake Admiral’s Munday.
Huntingdon
1600 Look About You Ferbrand Admiral’s Anon.
[T. 1610, 1600 Shoemaker’s Holiday [Simmes] Simmes Admiral’s Dekker.
Apr. 19]
1601, Jan. 7 1604 Dr. Faustus Bushell V. S. Bushell Admiral’s Marlowe.
1601, Mar. ‘God Speed the John Harrison [App. M.]
1 Plough’
1601, May 1601 Cynthia’s Revels Burre Burre Chapel Jonson.
23
1601, July 3 ‘George E. Allde Oxford’s [App. M.]
Scanderbarge’
1601, Aug. 1616 Englishmen for my W. White W. White Admiral’s Haughton.
3 Money
1601, Sept. 1602 Pastor Fido S. Waterson S. Waterson Transl. Anon.
16
Page 456
M. Lownes M. Lownes
1601, Oct. 1, 2 Antonio and
1602 and and Fisher. Paul’s Marston.
24 Mellida
Fisher Fisher
1601, Nov. Chamberlain’s
1602 Satiromastix John Barnes E. White Dekker.
11 Paul’s
1601, Dec. 1602 Poetaster M. Lownes M. Lownes Chapel Jonson.
21
1601 Two Lamentable Lawe Admiral’s? Yarington.
Tragedies
1602, Jan. 1602 Merry Wives of Busby (sen.) T. C. A. Johnson Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
18 Windsor
1602, June 7 1602 Blurt Master E. Allde Rocket Paul’s Middleton.
Constable
1602, July Ling and
1603 Hamlet Roberts [Simmes] King’s Shakespeare.
26 Trundle
1602, Aug. 1602 Thomas Lord Cotton W. Jones Chamberlain’s Anon.
11 Cromwell
1602 Liberality and Stafford Vincent Chapel? Anon.
Prodigality
1602 How a Man may Lawe Worcester’s Anon.
Choose a
Good Wife from a
Bad
[Edinburgh] 1602 Satire of the Three Charteris [Lindsay.]
Estaitis
1603, Feb. 7 Roberts. Bonian
1609, Jan. 1609 Troilus and Cressida Bonian and Eld and King’s Shakespeare.
28 Walley Walley
1603, Feb. [t.p. Nero Blount Blount Univ. Gwynne.
23 impf.]
[Edinburgh] 1603 Darius Waldegrave Closet Alexander.
[Edinburgh] 1603 Philotus Charteris Anon.
Strange’s
n.d. Massacre at Paris E. A. E. White Marlowe.
Admiral’s
1604 Croesus
1604, Apr.
1607 Alexandraean Blount Simmes Blount Closet Alexander.
30
1607 Julius Caesar
Aspley and
1604, July 5 1604 Malcontent V. S. Aspley Revels, King’s Marston.
Thorpe
1604, Nov. 1605 Sejanus Blount Eld Thorpe King’s Jonson.
2
1604, Nov. 1604 1 Honest Whore T. Man (jun.) V. S. Hodgets Henry’s Dekker.
9
1604, Nov. S. Waterson S. Waterson
1605 Philotas Eld Revels Daniel.
29 and Blount and Blount
1604, Dec. 4 1605 Trial of Chivalry Butter Stafford Butter Derby’s Anon.
1604 Wit of a Woman E. White Anon.
1605, Feb. 8 ‘Richard Whittington’ Pavier Henry’s [App. M.]
1605, Feb. 8 1605 Fair Maid of Bristow Pavier Pavier King’s Anon.
1605, Feb. 1605 When You See Me, Butter Butter Henry’s S. Rowley.
12 You Know Me
1601, Oct. 1, 2 Antonio and
1602 and and Fisher. Paul’s Marston.
24 Mellida
Fisher Fisher
1601, Nov. Chamberlain’s
1602 Satiromastix John Barnes E. White Dekker.
11 Paul’s
1601, Dec. 1602 Poetaster M. Lownes M. Lownes Chapel Jonson.
21
1601 Two Lamentable Lawe Admiral’s? Yarington.
Tragedies
1602, Jan. 1602 Merry Wives of Busby (sen.) T. C. A. Johnson Chamberlain’s Shakespeare.
18 Windsor
1602, June 7 1602 Blurt Master E. Allde Rocket Paul’s Middleton.
Constable
1602, July Ling and
1603 Hamlet Roberts [Simmes] King’s Shakespeare.
26 Trundle
1602, Aug. 1602 Thomas Lord Cotton W. Jones Chamberlain’s Anon.
11 Cromwell
1602 Liberality and Stafford Vincent Chapel? Anon.
Prodigality
1602 How a Man may Lawe Worcester’s Anon.
Choose a
Good Wife from a
Bad
[Edinburgh] 1602 Satire of the Three Charteris [Lindsay.]
Estaitis
1603, Feb. 7 Roberts. Bonian
1609, Jan. 1609 Troilus and Cressida Bonian and Eld and King’s Shakespeare.
28 Walley Walley
1603, Feb. [t.p. Nero Blount Blount Univ. Gwynne.
23 impf.]
[Edinburgh] 1603 Darius Waldegrave Closet Alexander.
[Edinburgh] 1603 Philotus Charteris Anon.
Strange’s
n.d. Massacre at Paris E. A. E. White Marlowe.
Admiral’s
1604 Croesus
1604, Apr.
1607 Alexandraean Blount Simmes Blount Closet Alexander.
30
1607 Julius Caesar
Aspley and
1604, July 5 1604 Malcontent V. S. Aspley Revels, King’s Marston.
Thorpe
1604, Nov. 1605 Sejanus Blount Eld Thorpe King’s Jonson.
2
1604, Nov. 1604 1 Honest Whore T. Man (jun.) V. S. Hodgets Henry’s Dekker.
9
1604, Nov. S. Waterson S. Waterson
1605 Philotas Eld Revels Daniel.
29 and Blount and Blount
1604, Dec. 4 1605 Trial of Chivalry Butter Stafford Butter Derby’s Anon.
1604 Wit of a Woman E. White Anon.
1605, Feb. 8 ‘Richard Whittington’ Pavier Henry’s [App. M.]
1605, Feb. 8 1605 Fair Maid of Bristow Pavier Pavier King’s Anon.
1605, Feb. 1605 When You See Me, Butter Butter Henry’s S. Rowley.
12 You Know Me
Page 457
1605, Mar. 1607 Westward Ho Rocket Hodgets (s) Paul’s Dekker.
2
[cancelled]
1605, June 1605 Dutch Courtesan Hodgets T. P. Hodgets Revels Marston.
26
1605, July 5 1605 1 If You Know Not Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood.
Me,
You Know Nobody
1605, Sept. Aspley and
1605 Eastward Ho Aspley Revels Chapman.
4 Thorpe
1605, Sept. 1606 2 If You Know Not Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood.
14 Me,
You Know Nobody
1605, Oct. 1606 3 Parnassus J. Wright Eld J. Wright Univ. Anon.
16
1605, Nov. 1606 Queen’s Arcadia S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ. Daniel.
26
1605, Nov. 1606 Gentleman Usher Simmes Simmes Thorpe Chapel? Chapman.
26
1605 All Fools Thorpe Revels Chapman.
1605 London Prodigal T. C. Butter King’s Anon.
1605 1 Jeronimo Pavier Chamberlain’s? Anon.
1606, Jan. 1606 Sir Giles Goosecap Blount Windet Blount Chapel Anon.
10
1606, Mar. n.d. Nobody and Trundle Trundle Anne’s Anon.
12 Somebody
1606, Mar. 1606 Fawn Cotton T. P. Cotton Revels, Paul’s Marston.
12
1606, Mar. 1606 Sophonisba Edgar Windet Revels Marston.
17
1606, May Trundle
1607 Fleir F. B. F. B. (s) Revels Sharpham.
13 and Busby
J. Wright
1606, June 5 n.d. Caesar’s Revenge and G. E. J. Wright Univ. Anon.
Fosbrooke
1606, Nov. 1606 Wily Beguiled C. Knight H. L. C. Knight Paul’s? Anon.
12
1606 M. D’Olive T. C. Holmes Revels Chapman.
1606 Isle of Gulls Hodgets (s) Revels Day.
1607, Feb. 1607 Lingua S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ.? Tomkis.
23
1607, Apr. 1607 Claudius Tiberius Burton Burton Univ.? Anon.
10 Nero
1607, Apr. Butter and
1607 Whore of Babylon Butter Henry’s Dekker.
20 Trundle
1607, Apr. 1607 Fair Maid of the Rocket Rocket Anon.
24 Exchange
1607, May 9 1607 Phoenix Johnson E. A. Johnson Paul’s Middleton.
1607, May 1607 Michaelmas Term Johnson Johnson Paul’s Middleton.
15
1607, May Edgar and
1607 Woman Hater R. R. Hodgets (s) Paul’s Beaumont.
20 R. Jackson
2
[cancelled]
1605, June 1605 Dutch Courtesan Hodgets T. P. Hodgets Revels Marston.
26
1605, July 5 1605 1 If You Know Not Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood.
Me,
You Know Nobody
1605, Sept. Aspley and
1605 Eastward Ho Aspley Revels Chapman.
4 Thorpe
1605, Sept. 1606 2 If You Know Not Butter Butter Anne’s? Heywood.
14 Me,
You Know Nobody
1605, Oct. 1606 3 Parnassus J. Wright Eld J. Wright Univ. Anon.
16
1605, Nov. 1606 Queen’s Arcadia S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ. Daniel.
26
1605, Nov. 1606 Gentleman Usher Simmes Simmes Thorpe Chapel? Chapman.
26
1605 All Fools Thorpe Revels Chapman.
1605 London Prodigal T. C. Butter King’s Anon.
1605 1 Jeronimo Pavier Chamberlain’s? Anon.
1606, Jan. 1606 Sir Giles Goosecap Blount Windet Blount Chapel Anon.
10
1606, Mar. n.d. Nobody and Trundle Trundle Anne’s Anon.
12 Somebody
1606, Mar. 1606 Fawn Cotton T. P. Cotton Revels, Paul’s Marston.
12
1606, Mar. 1606 Sophonisba Edgar Windet Revels Marston.
17
1606, May Trundle
1607 Fleir F. B. F. B. (s) Revels Sharpham.
13 and Busby
J. Wright
1606, June 5 n.d. Caesar’s Revenge and G. E. J. Wright Univ. Anon.
Fosbrooke
1606, Nov. 1606 Wily Beguiled C. Knight H. L. C. Knight Paul’s? Anon.
12
1606 M. D’Olive T. C. Holmes Revels Chapman.
1606 Isle of Gulls Hodgets (s) Revels Day.
1607, Feb. 1607 Lingua S. Waterson Eld S. Waterson Univ.? Tomkis.
23
1607, Apr. 1607 Claudius Tiberius Burton Burton Univ.? Anon.
10 Nero
1607, Apr. Butter and
1607 Whore of Babylon Butter Henry’s Dekker.
20 Trundle
1607, Apr. 1607 Fair Maid of the Rocket Rocket Anon.
24 Exchange
1607, May 9 1607 Phoenix Johnson E. A. Johnson Paul’s Middleton.
1607, May 1607 Michaelmas Term Johnson Johnson Paul’s Middleton.
15
1607, May Edgar and
1607 Woman Hater R. R. Hodgets (s) Paul’s Beaumont.
20 R. Jackson
Page 458
1607, June 3 1607 Bussy D’Ambois Aspley Aspley Paul’s Chapman.
1607, June Busby and
1607 Cupid’s Whirligig E. Allde Johnson (s) King’s Revels Sharpham.
29 Johnson
1607, June 1607 Travels of the Three J. Wright J. Wright Anne’s Day.
29 English Brothers
1607, July 1607 Miseries of Enforced Vincent Vincent King’s Wilkins.
31 Marriage
1607, Aug. 1607 Puritan Eld Eld Paul’s Anon.
6
1607, Aug. 1607 Northward Ho Eld Eld Paul’s Dekker.
6
1607, Aug. 1607 What You Will Thorpe Eld Thorpe Paul’s? Marston.
6
1607, Oct. 7 1607 Revenger’s Tragedy Eld Eld King’s Anon.
1607, Oct. 7 1608 Trick to Catch the Old Eld Eld Paul’s Middleton.
One
1607, Oct. Browne and
1608 Family of Love Helme King’s Revels Middleton.
12 Helme
1607, Oct. E. Allde and
‘Jesuits Comedy’ [App. M.]
14 Johnson
1607, Oct. 1607 Devil’s Charter J. Wright G. E. J. Wright King’s Barnes.
16
1607, Oct. 1608 Merry Devil of Johnson Ballard Johnson King’s Anon.
22 Edmonton
1607, Nov. Butter and
1608 King Lear [Okes] Butter King’s Shakespeare.
26 Busby (sen.)
[T. 1610, 1607 Volpone [Thorpe] Thorpe King’s Jonson.
Oct. 3]
1607 Woman Killed with W. Jaggard Hodgets (s) Anne’s Heywood.
Kindness
1607 Sir Thomas Wyatt E. A. T. Archer Anne’s Dekker.
1607 Vertumnus Okes Blount Univ. Gwynne.
1608, Mar. n.d. Your Five Gallants Bonian Bonian Revels Middleton.
22
1608, Mar. ‘Adams Tragedy’ W. White [App. M.]
26
1608, Mar. 1608 Law Tricks Moore Moore Revels Day.
28
1608, Apr. 1608 Humour out of Breath Helme Helme King’s Revels Day.
12
1608, Apr. T. Man (jun.)
29 Butter
1630 2 Honest Whore Eliz. Allde Butter Henry’s Dekker.
1630, June
29
1608, May 2 1608 Yorkshire Tragedy Pavier R. B. Pavier King’s Anon.
1608, May 1609 Pericles Blount H. Gosson King’s Shakespeare.
20
W. Jaggard
1608, May
Blount. and Blount
20
1623 Antony and Cleopatra Blount and W. Jaggard and King’s Shakespeare.
1623, Nov.
I. Jaggard Smethwick
8
and Aspley
1607, June Busby and
1607 Cupid’s Whirligig E. Allde Johnson (s) King’s Revels Sharpham.
29 Johnson
1607, June 1607 Travels of the Three J. Wright J. Wright Anne’s Day.
29 English Brothers
1607, July 1607 Miseries of Enforced Vincent Vincent King’s Wilkins.
31 Marriage
1607, Aug. 1607 Puritan Eld Eld Paul’s Anon.
6
1607, Aug. 1607 Northward Ho Eld Eld Paul’s Dekker.
6
1607, Aug. 1607 What You Will Thorpe Eld Thorpe Paul’s? Marston.
6
1607, Oct. 7 1607 Revenger’s Tragedy Eld Eld King’s Anon.
1607, Oct. 7 1608 Trick to Catch the Old Eld Eld Paul’s Middleton.
One
1607, Oct. Browne and
1608 Family of Love Helme King’s Revels Middleton.
12 Helme
1607, Oct. E. Allde and
‘Jesuits Comedy’ [App. M.]
14 Johnson
1607, Oct. 1607 Devil’s Charter J. Wright G. E. J. Wright King’s Barnes.
16
1607, Oct. 1608 Merry Devil of Johnson Ballard Johnson King’s Anon.
22 Edmonton
1607, Nov. Butter and
1608 King Lear [Okes] Butter King’s Shakespeare.
26 Busby (sen.)
[T. 1610, 1607 Volpone [Thorpe] Thorpe King’s Jonson.
Oct. 3]
1607 Woman Killed with W. Jaggard Hodgets (s) Anne’s Heywood.
Kindness
1607 Sir Thomas Wyatt E. A. T. Archer Anne’s Dekker.
1607 Vertumnus Okes Blount Univ. Gwynne.
1608, Mar. n.d. Your Five Gallants Bonian Bonian Revels Middleton.
22
1608, Mar. ‘Adams Tragedy’ W. White [App. M.]
26
1608, Mar. 1608 Law Tricks Moore Moore Revels Day.
28
1608, Apr. 1608 Humour out of Breath Helme Helme King’s Revels Day.
12
1608, Apr. T. Man (jun.)
29 Butter
1630 2 Honest Whore Eliz. Allde Butter Henry’s Dekker.
1630, June
29
1608, May 2 1608 Yorkshire Tragedy Pavier R. B. Pavier King’s Anon.
1608, May 1609 Pericles Blount H. Gosson King’s Shakespeare.
20
W. Jaggard
1608, May
Blount. and Blount
20
1623 Antony and Cleopatra Blount and W. Jaggard and King’s Shakespeare.
1623, Nov.
I. Jaggard Smethwick
8
and Aspley
Page 459
Busby and
1608, June 3 1608 Rape of Lucrece Busby Anne’s Heywood.
Butter
1608, June 5 1608 Conspiracy and Thorpe Eld Thorpe Revels Chapman.
Tragedy of Byron
A Mad World, my Burre and
1608, Oct. 4 1608 H. B. Burre Paul’s Middleton.
Masters Edgar
1608, Oct. 6 1608 Dumb Knight Bache Okes Bache King’s Revels Markham.
1608, Nov. 1609 Mustapha Butter Butter Closet Greville.
25
1609 Jan. 26 H. Walley
1609 July and
1609 The Case is Altered B. Sutton Revels Jonson.
20 Bonian and
B. Sutton
1609, Jan. ‘Bonos Nochios’ Charlton [App. M.]
27
1609, Jan. ‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Charlton [App. M.]
27 Back’
1609, Mar. 1610 Turk Busby (jun.) E. A. Busby (jun.) King’s Revels Mason.
10
1609 Every Woman in Her E. A. Archer King’s Revels? Anon.
Humour
1609 Two Maids of N. O. Archer King’s Revels Armin.
Moreclack
Bonian and
n.d. Faithful Shepherdess Revels? Beaumont.
H. Walley
1610, Sept. 1612? Browne and
Epicoene Stansby Browne (s) Revels Jonson.
20 1620 Busby (jun.)
Burre
1610, Oct. 3 1612 Alchemist Burre Snodham King’s Jonson.
Stepney (s)
1610, Oct. 1610 Histriomastix Thorpe Thorpe Paul’s? Anon.
31
1610, Nov. 1611 Ram Alley Wilson Eld Wilson King’s Revels Barry.
9
Stepney
1611, Sept.
1611 Atheist’s Tragedy Stepney and Tourneur.
14
Redmer
1611, Oct. 1611 Golden Age Barrenger Barrenger Anne’s Heywood.
14
1611, Nov. 1612 Woman a Budge Budge Revels Field.
23 Weathercock
[T. 1635, 1611 Catiline [Burre] Burre King’s Jonson.
July 4]
1611 May Day Browne Revels Chapman.
1611 Roaring Girl Archer Henry’s Dekker.
1612, Feb. 1 1612 Christian Turned Turk Barrenger Barrenger Daborne.
1612, Feb. Blount
15 Moseley
‘Nobleman’ King’s Tourneur.
1653, Sept.
9
1612, Feb. ‘Twins’ Tragedy’ Blount King’s Niccols.
15
1608, June 3 1608 Rape of Lucrece Busby Anne’s Heywood.
Butter
1608, June 5 1608 Conspiracy and Thorpe Eld Thorpe Revels Chapman.
Tragedy of Byron
A Mad World, my Burre and
1608, Oct. 4 1608 H. B. Burre Paul’s Middleton.
Masters Edgar
1608, Oct. 6 1608 Dumb Knight Bache Okes Bache King’s Revels Markham.
1608, Nov. 1609 Mustapha Butter Butter Closet Greville.
25
1609 Jan. 26 H. Walley
1609 July and
1609 The Case is Altered B. Sutton Revels Jonson.
20 Bonian and
B. Sutton
1609, Jan. ‘Bonos Nochios’ Charlton [App. M.]
27
1609, Jan. ‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Charlton [App. M.]
27 Back’
1609, Mar. 1610 Turk Busby (jun.) E. A. Busby (jun.) King’s Revels Mason.
10
1609 Every Woman in Her E. A. Archer King’s Revels? Anon.
Humour
1609 Two Maids of N. O. Archer King’s Revels Armin.
Moreclack
Bonian and
n.d. Faithful Shepherdess Revels? Beaumont.
H. Walley
1610, Sept. 1612? Browne and
Epicoene Stansby Browne (s) Revels Jonson.
20 1620 Busby (jun.)
Burre
1610, Oct. 3 1612 Alchemist Burre Snodham King’s Jonson.
Stepney (s)
1610, Oct. 1610 Histriomastix Thorpe Thorpe Paul’s? Anon.
31
1610, Nov. 1611 Ram Alley Wilson Eld Wilson King’s Revels Barry.
9
Stepney
1611, Sept.
1611 Atheist’s Tragedy Stepney and Tourneur.
14
Redmer
1611, Oct. 1611 Golden Age Barrenger Barrenger Anne’s Heywood.
14
1611, Nov. 1612 Woman a Budge Budge Revels Field.
23 Weathercock
[T. 1635, 1611 Catiline [Burre] Burre King’s Jonson.
July 4]
1611 May Day Browne Revels Chapman.
1611 Roaring Girl Archer Henry’s Dekker.
1612, Feb. 1 1612 Christian Turned Turk Barrenger Barrenger Daborne.
1612, Feb. Blount
15 Moseley
‘Nobleman’ King’s Tourneur.
1653, Sept.
9
1612, Feb. ‘Twins’ Tragedy’ Blount King’s Niccols.
15
Page 460
1612, Apr. 1612 Widow’s Tears Browne Browne Revels Chapman.
17
1612, Apr. 1613 Revenge of Bussy Browne T. S. Helme (s) Revels Chapman.
17
1612, Dec. 1613 Mariam Hawkins Creed Hawkins Closet Carey.
17
1612 White Devil N. O. Archer Anne’s Webster.
If It Be not Good, the I.T.
1612 Anne’s Dekker.
Devil is in It Marchant (s)
1613 Silver Age Okes Lightfoot (s) Anne’s Heywood.
1613 Brazen Age Okes Rand Anne’s? Heywood.
1613 Cynthia’s Revenge R. Barnes Stephens.
1613 Insatiate Countess T. S. Archer Revels Marston.
1613 Knight of the Burning Burre Revels Beaumont.
Pestle
1614, May 1614 Hog Hath Lost his Redmer Redmer Prentices Tailor.
23 Pearl
1614 Greene’s Tu Quoque Trundle Anne’s Cooke.
1615, Jan. 1615 Hymen’s Triumph Constable Constable Somerset Daniel.
13 House
1615, Feb. 1615 Ruff, Cuff, and Band Partrich Stansby Partrich Univ. Anon.
10
1615, Feb. 1615 Valiant Welshman R. Lownes Purslowe R. Lownes Charles’s Anon.
21
1615,
[Cambridge] Melanthe Legge Univ. Brooke.
Mar. 27
1615, Apr. Burre
18 Edmondson
1630 Ignoramus T. P. I. S. Univ. Ruggle.
1630, July and Spencer
20
1615, Apr. 1615 Hector of Germany Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison Prentices Smith.
24
1615, Apr. 1615 Cupid’s Revenge Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison Revels Beaumont.
24
1615, Apr. 1615 Albumazar Okes Okes Burre Univ. Tomkis.
28
Meighen
1615, July 4 1615 Work for Cutlers Meighen Creede and Univ. Anon.
T. Jones
1615, Aug. 1616 Honest Lawyer Redmer Purslowe Woodroffe Anne’s Anon.
14
1616, Mar. 1616 Scornful Lady Partrich Partrich Revels Beaumont.
19
1618, Aug. 1619 A King and No King Blount Walkley King’s Beaumont.
7
Charles’s
1618 Amends for Ladies Eld Walbancke Field.
Elizabeth’s
Higgenbotham
1619, Apr.
1619 Maid’s Tragedy and Constable King’s Beaumont.
28
Constable
1620, Jan. 1620 Philaster Walkley Walkley King’s Beaumont.
10
17
1612, Apr. 1613 Revenge of Bussy Browne T. S. Helme (s) Revels Chapman.
17
1612, Dec. 1613 Mariam Hawkins Creed Hawkins Closet Carey.
17
1612 White Devil N. O. Archer Anne’s Webster.
If It Be not Good, the I.T.
1612 Anne’s Dekker.
Devil is in It Marchant (s)
1613 Silver Age Okes Lightfoot (s) Anne’s Heywood.
1613 Brazen Age Okes Rand Anne’s? Heywood.
1613 Cynthia’s Revenge R. Barnes Stephens.
1613 Insatiate Countess T. S. Archer Revels Marston.
1613 Knight of the Burning Burre Revels Beaumont.
Pestle
1614, May 1614 Hog Hath Lost his Redmer Redmer Prentices Tailor.
23 Pearl
1614 Greene’s Tu Quoque Trundle Anne’s Cooke.
1615, Jan. 1615 Hymen’s Triumph Constable Constable Somerset Daniel.
13 House
1615, Feb. 1615 Ruff, Cuff, and Band Partrich Stansby Partrich Univ. Anon.
10
1615, Feb. 1615 Valiant Welshman R. Lownes Purslowe R. Lownes Charles’s Anon.
21
1615,
[Cambridge] Melanthe Legge Univ. Brooke.
Mar. 27
1615, Apr. Burre
18 Edmondson
1630 Ignoramus T. P. I. S. Univ. Ruggle.
1630, July and Spencer
20
1615, Apr. 1615 Hector of Germany Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison Prentices Smith.
24
1615, Apr. 1615 Cupid’s Revenge Jos. Harrison Creede Jos. Harrison Revels Beaumont.
24
1615, Apr. 1615 Albumazar Okes Okes Burre Univ. Tomkis.
28
Meighen
1615, July 4 1615 Work for Cutlers Meighen Creede and Univ. Anon.
T. Jones
1615, Aug. 1616 Honest Lawyer Redmer Purslowe Woodroffe Anne’s Anon.
14
1616, Mar. 1616 Scornful Lady Partrich Partrich Revels Beaumont.
19
1618, Aug. 1619 A King and No King Blount Walkley King’s Beaumont.
7
Charles’s
1618 Amends for Ladies Eld Walbancke Field.
Elizabeth’s
Higgenbotham
1619, Apr.
1619 Maid’s Tragedy and Constable King’s Beaumont.
28
Constable
1620, Jan. 1620 Philaster Walkley Walkley King’s Beaumont.
10
Page 461
1621, Oct. 6 1622 Othello Walkley N. O. Walkley King’s Shakespeare.
1621, Dec. 7 1622 Virgin Martyr T. Jones B. A. T. Jones Dekker.
1621 Thierry and Theodoret Walkley King’s Beaumont.
Tempest
Two Gentlemen of
Verona
Measure for Measure
Comedy of Errors
[As You Like It] [W.
All’s Well that Ends Jaggard]
Well at charges
Twelfth Night Blount of
1623, Nov. I. Jaggard
1623 Winter’s Tale and W. Jaggard King’s Shakespeare.
8 and Blount
I Henry VI I. Jaggard and Blount
Henry VIII and
Coriolanus Smethwick
Timon of Athens and Aspley
Julius Caesar
Macbeth
[Anthony and
Cleopatra]
Cymbeline
1623 Duchess of Malfi Okes J. Waterson King’s Webster.
1628, Jan. 9 1632 [Six Court Comedies] Blount Stansby Blount Lyly.
1630, Feb. 1631 Hoffman J. Grove I. N. Perry Henry’s? Chettle.
26
1630, Apr. 8 1630 Chaste Maid in Constable Constable Elizabeth’s Middleton.
Cheapside
1630, Nov. Alsop and
1631 Match Me in London Seile Seile Dekker.
8 Fawcet
1631, Feb. 9 1631 Pedantius Milborne W. S. Milborne Univ. [App. K.]
1631, Apr. 1631 Sicelides Sheares I. N. Sheares Univ. P. Fletcher.
25
1631, May Jackman
16 1634 Noble Soldier Vavasour Vavasour Dekker.
1633, Dec. 9
1631, May Jackman
16 Vavasour
1636 Wonder of a Kingdom Raworth Vavasour Dekker.
1636, Feb.
24
Edmonson
1631, May
1631 Caesar and Pompey Harper Harper (s) Chapman.
18
Alchorne (s)
1631, Nov. 1632 A New Wonder Constable G. P. Constable Anne’s? W. Rowley.
24
1631 Bartholomew Fair I. B. Allott Elizabeth’s Jonson.
1631 The Devil is an Ass I. B. Allott King’s Jonson.
1632, May 9 1632 Roxana Crooke Badger Crooke Univ. Alabaster.
1632, Nov. 1633 Alaham Seile E. P. Seile Closet Greville.
10
1632 1, 2 Iron Age Okes Anne’s? Heywood.
1633, Jan.15 1633 Match at Midnight Sheares Mathewes Sheares W. Rowley.
1634, Apr. 8 1634 Two Noble Kinsmen J. Waterson Cotes J. Waterson King’s Beaumont.
1621, Dec. 7 1622 Virgin Martyr T. Jones B. A. T. Jones Dekker.
1621 Thierry and Theodoret Walkley King’s Beaumont.
Tempest
Two Gentlemen of
Verona
Measure for Measure
Comedy of Errors
[As You Like It] [W.
All’s Well that Ends Jaggard]
Well at charges
Twelfth Night Blount of
1623, Nov. I. Jaggard
1623 Winter’s Tale and W. Jaggard King’s Shakespeare.
8 and Blount
I Henry VI I. Jaggard and Blount
Henry VIII and
Coriolanus Smethwick
Timon of Athens and Aspley
Julius Caesar
Macbeth
[Anthony and
Cleopatra]
Cymbeline
1623 Duchess of Malfi Okes J. Waterson King’s Webster.
1628, Jan. 9 1632 [Six Court Comedies] Blount Stansby Blount Lyly.
1630, Feb. 1631 Hoffman J. Grove I. N. Perry Henry’s? Chettle.
26
1630, Apr. 8 1630 Chaste Maid in Constable Constable Elizabeth’s Middleton.
Cheapside
1630, Nov. Alsop and
1631 Match Me in London Seile Seile Dekker.
8 Fawcet
1631, Feb. 9 1631 Pedantius Milborne W. S. Milborne Univ. [App. K.]
1631, Apr. 1631 Sicelides Sheares I. N. Sheares Univ. P. Fletcher.
25
1631, May Jackman
16 1634 Noble Soldier Vavasour Vavasour Dekker.
1633, Dec. 9
1631, May Jackman
16 Vavasour
1636 Wonder of a Kingdom Raworth Vavasour Dekker.
1636, Feb.
24
Edmonson
1631, May
1631 Caesar and Pompey Harper Harper (s) Chapman.
18
Alchorne (s)
1631, Nov. 1632 A New Wonder Constable G. P. Constable Anne’s? W. Rowley.
24
1631 Bartholomew Fair I. B. Allott Elizabeth’s Jonson.
1631 The Devil is an Ass I. B. Allott King’s Jonson.
1632, May 9 1632 Roxana Crooke Badger Crooke Univ. Alabaster.
1632, Nov. 1633 Alaham Seile E. P. Seile Closet Greville.
10
1632 1, 2 Iron Age Okes Anne’s? Heywood.
1633, Jan.15 1633 Match at Midnight Sheares Mathewes Sheares W. Rowley.
1634, Apr. 8 1634 Two Noble Kinsmen J. Waterson Cotes J. Waterson King’s Beaumont.
Page 462
1634, Apr. B. A. and
1635 Bellum Grammaticale Spencer Spencer Univ. [App. K.]
17 Fawcet
1635, July 1636 Labyrinthus Robinson Univ. Hawkesworth.
17
1635, Aug. Pleasant Dialogues Hearne
1637 Hearne R. O. Closet Heywood.
29 and Dramas Slater (s)
1637, Mar. 1637 Royal King and Loyal Becket N. and J. Becket Henrietta’s Heywood.
25 Subject Okes
1637, Nov. 1638 A Shoemaker a J. Okes J. Okes Cooper (s) Anne’s? W. Rowley.
28 Gentleman
1638, Mar. 1638 Wise Woman of Shephard M. P. Shephard Anne’s? Heywood.
12 Hogsdon
1638, Oct. Chabot Admiral of Crooke and Crooke and
1639 Cotes Henrietta’s Chapman.
24 France Cooke Cooke
1639, Jan. 1639 Monsieur Thomas J. Waterson Harper J. Waterson King’s Beaumont.
22
1639, Apr. Crooke and Crooke and
1639 Wit Without Money Cotes Henrietta’s Beaumont.
25 Cooke Cooke
1639, Apr. Crooke and Crooke and
1640 Nightwalker Cotes Henrietta’s Beaumont.
25 Cooke Cooke
1641, Mar. 1641 Parliament of Bees Ley Ley Closet Day.
23
1646, Sept. Robinson and
4 Mayor of Moseley.
1661 Herringham King’s Middleton.
1661, Feb. Quinborough Herringham
13
Captain King’s
Coxcomb Revels
Bonduca Robinson Robinson King’s
1646, Sept.
1647 Woman’s Prize and and King’s? Beaumont.
4
Love’s Cure Moseley Moseley King’s?
Honest Man’s Fortune Elizabeth’s
Valentinian King’s
Wit at Several Robinson Robinson
1660, June
1647 Weapons and and Beaumont.
29
Four Plays in One Moseley Moseley
1652, Apr. 1652 Widow Moseley Moseley King’s Middleton.
12
1653, Sept. 1654 Alphonsus, Emperor Moseley Moseley King’s Anon.
9 of Germany
‘Jew of Venice’ Dekker.
‘History of Cardennio’ King’s Shakespeare.
No Wit, no Help, like Middleton.
1657 a Woman’s Anon.
1653, Sept. Second Maiden’s Shakespeare.
Moseley Moseley
9 [1824– Tragedy Shakespeare.
5]
‘Henry ye first’ Charles’s W. Rowley.
‘Hen. ye 2d’
‘Knave in Print’
1654, Apr. 8 ‘Maidens Holiday’ Moseley Marlowe.
1654, May 1654 Appius and Virginia Marriott [No imprint] Anne’s? Webster.
13
1635 Bellum Grammaticale Spencer Spencer Univ. [App. K.]
17 Fawcet
1635, July 1636 Labyrinthus Robinson Univ. Hawkesworth.
17
1635, Aug. Pleasant Dialogues Hearne
1637 Hearne R. O. Closet Heywood.
29 and Dramas Slater (s)
1637, Mar. 1637 Royal King and Loyal Becket N. and J. Becket Henrietta’s Heywood.
25 Subject Okes
1637, Nov. 1638 A Shoemaker a J. Okes J. Okes Cooper (s) Anne’s? W. Rowley.
28 Gentleman
1638, Mar. 1638 Wise Woman of Shephard M. P. Shephard Anne’s? Heywood.
12 Hogsdon
1638, Oct. Chabot Admiral of Crooke and Crooke and
1639 Cotes Henrietta’s Chapman.
24 France Cooke Cooke
1639, Jan. 1639 Monsieur Thomas J. Waterson Harper J. Waterson King’s Beaumont.
22
1639, Apr. Crooke and Crooke and
1639 Wit Without Money Cotes Henrietta’s Beaumont.
25 Cooke Cooke
1639, Apr. Crooke and Crooke and
1640 Nightwalker Cotes Henrietta’s Beaumont.
25 Cooke Cooke
1641, Mar. 1641 Parliament of Bees Ley Ley Closet Day.
23
1646, Sept. Robinson and
4 Mayor of Moseley.
1661 Herringham King’s Middleton.
1661, Feb. Quinborough Herringham
13
Captain King’s
Coxcomb Revels
Bonduca Robinson Robinson King’s
1646, Sept.
1647 Woman’s Prize and and King’s? Beaumont.
4
Love’s Cure Moseley Moseley King’s?
Honest Man’s Fortune Elizabeth’s
Valentinian King’s
Wit at Several Robinson Robinson
1660, June
1647 Weapons and and Beaumont.
29
Four Plays in One Moseley Moseley
1652, Apr. 1652 Widow Moseley Moseley King’s Middleton.
12
1653, Sept. 1654 Alphonsus, Emperor Moseley Moseley King’s Anon.
9 of Germany
‘Jew of Venice’ Dekker.
‘History of Cardennio’ King’s Shakespeare.
No Wit, no Help, like Middleton.
1657 a Woman’s Anon.
1653, Sept. Second Maiden’s Shakespeare.
Moseley Moseley
9 [1824– Tragedy Shakespeare.
5]
‘Henry ye first’ Charles’s W. Rowley.
‘Hen. ye 2d’
‘Knave in Print’
1654, Apr. 8 ‘Maidens Holiday’ Moseley Marlowe.
1654, May 1654 Appius and Virginia Marriott [No imprint] Anne’s? Webster.
13
Page 463
1655, June Fortune by Land and Pollard and
1655 Sweeting Henrietta’s Heywood.
20 Sea Sweeting
1655, June Pollard and
1655 Lovesick King Sweeting Provincial? Brewer.
20 Sweeting
1655, June Pollard and
1655 Poor Man’s Comfort Sweeting Daborne.
20 Sweeting
1656 Old Law E. Archer Middleton.
1656 Sun’s Darling Bell Penneycuicke Dekker.
1657, Sept. Blind Beggar of Pollard and
1659 F. Grove Admiral’s Day.
14 Bethnal Green Dring
F. K.
1657 Lust’s Dominion Marlowe.
Pollard (s)
1658, May 1658 Witch of Edmonton Blackmore Cottrel Blackmore Dekker.
21
[1812] Faithful Friends Beaumont.
‘History of Madon Beaumont.
King of Britain’ Dekker.
‘Philenzo & Dekker.
Hypollita’ Shakespeare.
‘Antonio & Vallia’ Shakespeare.
‘History of King Shakespeare.
Stephen’ Ford.
1660, June
‘Duke Humphrey’ Moseley King’s Ford.
29
‘Iphis & Iantha’ Dekker.
‘An Ill Beginning has Dekker.
a Good End’
‘London Merchant’
‘Gustavus, King of
Swethland’
‘Tale of Joconda and
Astolso’
1661 Thracian Wonder T. Johnson Kirkman (s) Anon.
Kirkman
1662 Birth of Merlin T. Johnson and W. Rowley.
H. Marsh
1662 Grim the Collier of R. D. Anon.
Croydon
1655 Sweeting Henrietta’s Heywood.
20 Sea Sweeting
1655, June Pollard and
1655 Lovesick King Sweeting Provincial? Brewer.
20 Sweeting
1655, June Pollard and
1655 Poor Man’s Comfort Sweeting Daborne.
20 Sweeting
1656 Old Law E. Archer Middleton.
1656 Sun’s Darling Bell Penneycuicke Dekker.
1657, Sept. Blind Beggar of Pollard and
1659 F. Grove Admiral’s Day.
14 Bethnal Green Dring
F. K.
1657 Lust’s Dominion Marlowe.
Pollard (s)
1658, May 1658 Witch of Edmonton Blackmore Cottrel Blackmore Dekker.
21
[1812] Faithful Friends Beaumont.
‘History of Madon Beaumont.
King of Britain’ Dekker.
‘Philenzo & Dekker.
Hypollita’ Shakespeare.
‘Antonio & Vallia’ Shakespeare.
‘History of King Shakespeare.
Stephen’ Ford.
1660, June
‘Duke Humphrey’ Moseley King’s Ford.
29
‘Iphis & Iantha’ Dekker.
‘An Ill Beginning has Dekker.
a Good End’
‘London Merchant’
‘Gustavus, King of
Swethland’
‘Tale of Joconda and
Astolso’
1661 Thracian Wonder T. Johnson Kirkman (s) Anon.
Kirkman
1662 Birth of Merlin T. Johnson and W. Rowley.
H. Marsh
1662 Grim the Collier of R. D. Anon.
Croydon
Page 464
Page 465
APPENDIX M
LOST PLAYS
[Bibliographical Note.—As unknown prints have turned up in the sale of an Irish
collection (1907) and the Mostyn sale (1919), and others may yet turn up from time to
time, I give a list of plays as to the existence or preparation for publication of which
there is some evidence. These are mainly taken either from the Stationers’ Register or
from the publishers’ advertisement lists (Rogers and Ley’s in 1656, Archer’s in 1656,
Kirkman’s in 1661 and 1671), analysed by W. W. Greg in an appendix to his Masques
(1902). One is included in Sir John Harington’s catalogue of his library of plays
apparently compiled in 1610 (cf. ch. xxii). Probably some of the registered titles, in
which the description ‘play’ or ‘interlude’ is not used, do not relate to plays at all. I
might have added a few more of this type from A. Esdaile, List of English Tales and
Romances (1912, Bibl. Soc.), xxxiii. And it must be borne in mind that registration is
not proof of publication. In particular, it is pretty clear that the two long series of
entries by Humphrey Moseley on 9 Sept. 1653 and 29 June 1660, from which I have
taken those conceivably relating to pre-1616 work, represent unaccomplished
enterprises. They are fully discussed in W. W. Greg, The Bakings of Betsy (1911, 3
Library, ii. 225), together with John Warburton’s (ob. 1759) list in Lansd. MS. 807, f.
1, of plays which he claims to have possessed in MS., until ‘through my own
carelesness and the ignorance of my ser[vant] in whose hands I had lodgd them they
was unluckely burnd or put under Pye bottoms’. As this list is evidently in some way
related to Moseley’s entries, I have, for the sake of completeness, cited a few titles
which it adds.]
A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending.
By Ford (q.v.).
Adam’s Tragedy.
S. R. 1608, March 26 (Pasfield). ‘A book called Adams tragedie.’ W. White (Arber,
iii. 372).
This is not likely to have been a play.
Antonio and Vallia.
By Massinger (q.v.).
Baggs Seneca.
See ch. xxiii (Seneca).
Bartholomew Fairing.
Comedy in Archer’s list as well as Jonson’s B. Fair.
Battle of Affliction.
Tragedy in Archer’s list.
LOST PLAYS
[Bibliographical Note.—As unknown prints have turned up in the sale of an Irish
collection (1907) and the Mostyn sale (1919), and others may yet turn up from time to
time, I give a list of plays as to the existence or preparation for publication of which
there is some evidence. These are mainly taken either from the Stationers’ Register or
from the publishers’ advertisement lists (Rogers and Ley’s in 1656, Archer’s in 1656,
Kirkman’s in 1661 and 1671), analysed by W. W. Greg in an appendix to his Masques
(1902). One is included in Sir John Harington’s catalogue of his library of plays
apparently compiled in 1610 (cf. ch. xxii). Probably some of the registered titles, in
which the description ‘play’ or ‘interlude’ is not used, do not relate to plays at all. I
might have added a few more of this type from A. Esdaile, List of English Tales and
Romances (1912, Bibl. Soc.), xxxiii. And it must be borne in mind that registration is
not proof of publication. In particular, it is pretty clear that the two long series of
entries by Humphrey Moseley on 9 Sept. 1653 and 29 June 1660, from which I have
taken those conceivably relating to pre-1616 work, represent unaccomplished
enterprises. They are fully discussed in W. W. Greg, The Bakings of Betsy (1911, 3
Library, ii. 225), together with John Warburton’s (ob. 1759) list in Lansd. MS. 807, f.
1, of plays which he claims to have possessed in MS., until ‘through my own
carelesness and the ignorance of my ser[vant] in whose hands I had lodgd them they
was unluckely burnd or put under Pye bottoms’. As this list is evidently in some way
related to Moseley’s entries, I have, for the sake of completeness, cited a few titles
which it adds.]
A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending.
By Ford (q.v.).
Adam’s Tragedy.
S. R. 1608, March 26 (Pasfield). ‘A book called Adams tragedie.’ W. White (Arber,
iii. 372).
This is not likely to have been a play.
Antonio and Vallia.
By Massinger (q.v.).
Baggs Seneca.
See ch. xxiii (Seneca).
Bartholomew Fairing.
Comedy in Archer’s list as well as Jonson’s B. Fair.
Battle of Affliction.
Tragedy in Archer’s list.
Page 466
Belinus.
Brennus.
Sir John Harington’s catalogue of his plays in 1610 (7 N. Q. ix. 382) includes
‘Belynus, Brennus’. This might represent either two plays or one.
Bonos Nochios.
S. R. 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called Bonos Nochios.’ Charlton (Arber,
iii. 400).
Cardenio.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.) and Fletcher.
Celestina.
S. R. 1598, Oct. 5. ‘A booke intituled The tragicke Comedye of Celestina, wherein
are discoursed in most pleasant stile manye Philosophicall sentences and
advertisementes verye necessarye for younge gentlemen Discoveringe the sleightes of
treacherous servantes and the subtile cariages of filthye bawdes.’ William Aspley
(Arber, iii. 127).
This was doubtless, like the earlier Calisto and Meliboea (Mediaeval Stage, ii.
455) and James Mabbe’s The Spanish Bawd (1631), a version of the Spanish
Celestina (1499) of Fernando de Rojas, but it can hardly have been Mabbe’s, which
was entered in S. R. on 27 Feb. 1630, while Mabbe, although born in 1572, is first
heard of as a writer in 1611, and appears to have turned his attention to things Spanish
as a result of a visit to Spain in that year.
1 Chinon of England.
S. R. 1596, Jan. 20. ‘The ffirste parte of the famous historye of Chinan of England.’
T. Gosson and Danter (Arber, iii. 57).
The Admiral’s produced ‘Chinone of Ingland’ as a new play on 3 Jan. 1596. Greg,
ii. 178, is probably right in relating the S. R. entry to Christopher Middleton’s
romance, The Famous Historie of Chinon of England, printed by Danter for Cuthbert
Burby in 1597. But ‘Chinon of England’ is in Rogers and Ley’s list.
Cleopatra.
An unascribed ‘Cleopatra’, in addition to the plays of Daniel (q.v.) and May, is in
Rogers and Ley’s list.
Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose.
S. R. 1600, May 27. ‘A morall of Clothe breches and veluet hose, As yt is acted by
my lord Chamberlens servantes.’ Roberts (Arber, iii. 161).
This is one of the plays stayed by a note in the Register on the same day (cf. ch.
xxii).
College of Canonical Clerks.
Brennus.
Sir John Harington’s catalogue of his plays in 1610 (7 N. Q. ix. 382) includes
‘Belynus, Brennus’. This might represent either two plays or one.
Bonos Nochios.
S. R. 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called Bonos Nochios.’ Charlton (Arber,
iii. 400).
Cardenio.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.) and Fletcher.
Celestina.
S. R. 1598, Oct. 5. ‘A booke intituled The tragicke Comedye of Celestina, wherein
are discoursed in most pleasant stile manye Philosophicall sentences and
advertisementes verye necessarye for younge gentlemen Discoveringe the sleightes of
treacherous servantes and the subtile cariages of filthye bawdes.’ William Aspley
(Arber, iii. 127).
This was doubtless, like the earlier Calisto and Meliboea (Mediaeval Stage, ii.
455) and James Mabbe’s The Spanish Bawd (1631), a version of the Spanish
Celestina (1499) of Fernando de Rojas, but it can hardly have been Mabbe’s, which
was entered in S. R. on 27 Feb. 1630, while Mabbe, although born in 1572, is first
heard of as a writer in 1611, and appears to have turned his attention to things Spanish
as a result of a visit to Spain in that year.
1 Chinon of England.
S. R. 1596, Jan. 20. ‘The ffirste parte of the famous historye of Chinan of England.’
T. Gosson and Danter (Arber, iii. 57).
The Admiral’s produced ‘Chinone of Ingland’ as a new play on 3 Jan. 1596. Greg,
ii. 178, is probably right in relating the S. R. entry to Christopher Middleton’s
romance, The Famous Historie of Chinon of England, printed by Danter for Cuthbert
Burby in 1597. But ‘Chinon of England’ is in Rogers and Ley’s list.
Cleopatra.
An unascribed ‘Cleopatra’, in addition to the plays of Daniel (q.v.) and May, is in
Rogers and Ley’s list.
Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose.
S. R. 1600, May 27. ‘A morall of Clothe breches and veluet hose, As yt is acted by
my lord Chamberlens servantes.’ Roberts (Arber, iii. 161).
This is one of the plays stayed by a note in the Register on the same day (cf. ch.
xxii).
College of Canonical Clerks.
Page 467
S. R. 1566–7. ‘An interlude named the Colledge of canonycall clerkes.’ John
Charlewod (Arber, i. 335).
Craft Upon Subtlety’s Back.
S. R. 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called, Crafte vppon Subtiltyes backe.’
Charlton (Arber, iii. 400).
Crafty Cromwell.
A tragi-comedy in Kirkman’s list of 1661. Greg, Masques, lx, thinks it may be a
duplicate entry of Cromwell’s Conspiracy (1660).
Destruction of Jerusalem.
By Legge (q.v.).
Duke Humphrey.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
English Arcadia.
A comedy in Archer’s list, but probably, as suggested by Greg, Masques, lxv, an
error for Gervase Markham’s romance (1607, 1613) of that name.
Eunuchus.
By Kyffyn (q.v.)?
Faithful Friends.
Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.) and Fletcher.
Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies.
S. R. 1566–7. ‘A playe intituled farre fetched and deare bowght ys good for lades.’
Thomas Hackett (Arber, i. 331).
Fatal Love.
Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).
Fortune.
S. R. 1566–7. ‘A playe of Fortune to know eche one hyr conditions and gentle
manours aswell of Women as of men &c.’ Thomas Purfoote (Arber, i. 332).
Collier, Stationers’ Registers, i. 155, suggested that this was a ‘lottery, or game’,
not an interlude, and this receives support from a transfer of his father’s copies to
Purfoot’s son on 6 Nov. 1615 (Arber, iii. 576), which includes ‘The little booke of
Fortune with pictures’.
George Scanderbeg.
Charlewod (Arber, i. 335).
Craft Upon Subtlety’s Back.
S. R. 1609, Jan. 27 (Segar). ‘An enterlude called, Crafte vppon Subtiltyes backe.’
Charlton (Arber, iii. 400).
Crafty Cromwell.
A tragi-comedy in Kirkman’s list of 1661. Greg, Masques, lx, thinks it may be a
duplicate entry of Cromwell’s Conspiracy (1660).
Destruction of Jerusalem.
By Legge (q.v.).
Duke Humphrey.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
English Arcadia.
A comedy in Archer’s list, but probably, as suggested by Greg, Masques, lxv, an
error for Gervase Markham’s romance (1607, 1613) of that name.
Eunuchus.
By Kyffyn (q.v.)?
Faithful Friends.
Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.) and Fletcher.
Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies.
S. R. 1566–7. ‘A playe intituled farre fetched and deare bowght ys good for lades.’
Thomas Hackett (Arber, i. 331).
Fatal Love.
Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).
Fortune.
S. R. 1566–7. ‘A playe of Fortune to know eche one hyr conditions and gentle
manours aswell of Women as of men &c.’ Thomas Purfoote (Arber, i. 332).
Collier, Stationers’ Registers, i. 155, suggested that this was a ‘lottery, or game’,
not an interlude, and this receives support from a transfer of his father’s copies to
Purfoot’s son on 6 Nov. 1615 (Arber, iii. 576), which includes ‘The little booke of
Fortune with pictures’.
George Scanderbeg.
Page 468
S. R. 1601, July 3. ‘The true historye of George Scanderbarge as yt was lately
playd by the right honorable the Earle of Oxenforde his servantes.’ E. Allde (Arber, iii.
187).
There seems no adequate reason for ascribing this to Marlowe (q.v.) or Nashe.
Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea.
S. R. 1600, July 24. ‘Two plaies or thinges ... the other gyve a man luck and throw
him into the sea.’ Oliffe (Arber, iii. 168).
Godfrey of Bulloigne.
See Heywood, Four Prentices of London.
God Speed the Plough.
S. R. 1601, March 1. ‘A booke called God spede the ploughe.’ Harrison (Arber, iii.
180).
This is not necessarily the play acted by Sussex’s men for Henslowe in Dec. 1593
(ch. xiii), or indeed a play at all.
Guise.
Entered in Rogers and Ley’s list as by Marston (q.v.), in Archer’s as a comedy by
Webster (q.v.), and in Kirkman’s of 1661 and 1671 without ascription; that of 1671
calls it a tragedy.
Gustavus, King of Swethland.
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
Heliogabalus.
S. R. 1594, June 19. ‘An ... enterlude of the lyfe and deathe of Heliogabilus.’
Danter (Arber, ii. 654).
Can this be the play on ‘the mad priest of the Sun’ apparently referred to by Greene
(q.v.) in Perimides (1588)?
Hemidos and Thelay.
S. R. 1569–70. ‘A boke intituled the Rufful tragedy of Hemidos and Thelay by
Rychard Robynson.’ Henry Bynneman (Arber, i. 411).
Probably not a play.
Henry I.
Henry II.
Both ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
Hunting of Cupid.
By Peele (q.v.).
playd by the right honorable the Earle of Oxenforde his servantes.’ E. Allde (Arber, iii.
187).
There seems no adequate reason for ascribing this to Marlowe (q.v.) or Nashe.
Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea.
S. R. 1600, July 24. ‘Two plaies or thinges ... the other gyve a man luck and throw
him into the sea.’ Oliffe (Arber, iii. 168).
Godfrey of Bulloigne.
See Heywood, Four Prentices of London.
God Speed the Plough.
S. R. 1601, March 1. ‘A booke called God spede the ploughe.’ Harrison (Arber, iii.
180).
This is not necessarily the play acted by Sussex’s men for Henslowe in Dec. 1593
(ch. xiii), or indeed a play at all.
Guise.
Entered in Rogers and Ley’s list as by Marston (q.v.), in Archer’s as a comedy by
Webster (q.v.), and in Kirkman’s of 1661 and 1671 without ascription; that of 1671
calls it a tragedy.
Gustavus, King of Swethland.
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
Heliogabalus.
S. R. 1594, June 19. ‘An ... enterlude of the lyfe and deathe of Heliogabilus.’
Danter (Arber, ii. 654).
Can this be the play on ‘the mad priest of the Sun’ apparently referred to by Greene
(q.v.) in Perimides (1588)?
Hemidos and Thelay.
S. R. 1569–70. ‘A boke intituled the Rufful tragedy of Hemidos and Thelay by
Rychard Robynson.’ Henry Bynneman (Arber, i. 411).
Probably not a play.
Henry I.
Henry II.
Both ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
Hunting of Cupid.
By Peele (q.v.).
Page 469
Impatient Grissell.
A comedy in Archer’s list.
Iphis and Iantha.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
The Jesuits’ Comedy.
S. R. 1607, Oct. 14 (Jackson). ‘A book called the Jesuytes Commedie. Acted at
Lyons in Fraunce the 7 and 8 of August 1607.’ Allde and Johnson (Arber, iii. 361).
Probably only a narrative of this famous performance; cf. ch. x.
The Jew of Venice.
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
Job.
Ascribed to Greene (q.v.).
Joconda and Astolso.
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
John of Gaunt.
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled the famous historye of John of Gaunte
sonne to Kinge Edward the Third with his Conquest of Spaine and marriage of his
Twoo daughters to the Kinges of Castile and Portugale &c.’ E. White (Arber, ii. 649).
Probably not a play but the chap-book source of that begun by Hathway (q.v.) and
Rankins for the Admiral’s in 1601 (cf. Greg, Henslowe, ii. 216). Arber, v. 176,
however, describes it as a play printed for White by Islip.
Joseph’s Afflictions.
An interlude in the lists of Archer and Kirkman.
A Knave in Print.
By W. Rowley (q.v.).
The London Merchant.
By Ford (q.v.).
Madon, King of Britain.
Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.).
The Maiden’s Holiday.
Ascribed to Marlowe (q.v.) and Day.
A comedy in Archer’s list.
Iphis and Iantha.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
The Jesuits’ Comedy.
S. R. 1607, Oct. 14 (Jackson). ‘A book called the Jesuytes Commedie. Acted at
Lyons in Fraunce the 7 and 8 of August 1607.’ Allde and Johnson (Arber, iii. 361).
Probably only a narrative of this famous performance; cf. ch. x.
The Jew of Venice.
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
Job.
Ascribed to Greene (q.v.).
Joconda and Astolso.
Ascribed to Dekker (q.v.).
John of Gaunt.
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled the famous historye of John of Gaunte
sonne to Kinge Edward the Third with his Conquest of Spaine and marriage of his
Twoo daughters to the Kinges of Castile and Portugale &c.’ E. White (Arber, ii. 649).
Probably not a play but the chap-book source of that begun by Hathway (q.v.) and
Rankins for the Admiral’s in 1601 (cf. Greg, Henslowe, ii. 216). Arber, v. 176,
however, describes it as a play printed for White by Islip.
Joseph’s Afflictions.
An interlude in the lists of Archer and Kirkman.
A Knave in Print.
By W. Rowley (q.v.).
The London Merchant.
By Ford (q.v.).
Madon, King of Britain.
Ascribed to Beaumont (q.v.).
The Maiden’s Holiday.
Ascribed to Marlowe (q.v.) and Day.
Page 470
Manhood and Misrule (?).
In Rogers and Ley’s list; presumably identical with the comedy of Manhood and
Wisdom in those of Archer and Kirkman.
The Second Maiden’s Tragedy.
Extant in MS. (cf. ch. xxiv).
Marriage of Wit and Wisdom.
By Merbury (q.v.); extant in MS.
Mother Rumming.
A comedy in Archer’s list. Greg, Masques, xc, suggests an error for T. Thompson’s
late Mother Shipton, which Archer omits. Elinor Rumming, however, might well have
made a play-theme.
The Netherlands.
In Rogers and Ley’s list.
Niniveh’s Repentance.
An interlude in Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists.
Ninus and Semiramis.
S. R. 1595, May 10. ‘The tragedie of Ninus and Semiramis, the first Monarchs of
the world.’ Hardy (Arber, ii. 297).
The Nobleman.
By Tourneur (q.v.).
2 Sir John Oldcastle.
By Drayton (q.v.).
Ortenus.
Archer’s list has both Ortenas, a tragedy, and Ortenus, a comedy.
The Owl.
By Daborne (q.v.).
Philenzo and Hippolyta.
By Massinger (q.v.).
The Queen.
A tragedy in Archer’s list. Fletcher’s name is given, but Greg, Masques, c, says this
has ‘crept in from another entry’.
In Rogers and Ley’s list; presumably identical with the comedy of Manhood and
Wisdom in those of Archer and Kirkman.
The Second Maiden’s Tragedy.
Extant in MS. (cf. ch. xxiv).
Marriage of Wit and Wisdom.
By Merbury (q.v.); extant in MS.
Mother Rumming.
A comedy in Archer’s list. Greg, Masques, xc, suggests an error for T. Thompson’s
late Mother Shipton, which Archer omits. Elinor Rumming, however, might well have
made a play-theme.
The Netherlands.
In Rogers and Ley’s list.
Niniveh’s Repentance.
An interlude in Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists.
Ninus and Semiramis.
S. R. 1595, May 10. ‘The tragedie of Ninus and Semiramis, the first Monarchs of
the world.’ Hardy (Arber, ii. 297).
The Nobleman.
By Tourneur (q.v.).
2 Sir John Oldcastle.
By Drayton (q.v.).
Ortenus.
Archer’s list has both Ortenas, a tragedy, and Ortenus, a comedy.
The Owl.
By Daborne (q.v.).
Philenzo and Hippolyta.
By Massinger (q.v.).
The Queen.
A tragedy in Archer’s list. Fletcher’s name is given, but Greg, Masques, c, says this
has ‘crept in from another entry’.
Page 471
Richard Whittington.
S. R. 1605, Feb. 8. ‘The history of Richard Whittington of his lowe byrthe, his
great fortune, as yt was plaid by the prynces servantes.’ Pavier (Arber, iii. 282).
The play is referred to in K. B. P. ind. 22.
Robin Hood and Little John.
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled a pastorall plesant Commedie of Robin
Hood and Little John.’ Islip (Arber, ii. 649).
Arber, v. 176, describes the play as printed by Islip for E. White, to whom the copy
was passed by a cancel. It appears in Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists of 1656.
Greg, Henslowe, ii. 190, finds an allusion to its ‘merry jests’ in Munday’s Downfall of
Robin Hood, iv. 2.
Rufus I.
S. R. 1595, Nov. 24. ‘A booke intituled The true tragicall historie of kinge Rufus
the First with the life and deathe of Belyn Dun the first thief that ever was hanged in
England.’ W. Blackwell (Arber, iii. 54).
Greg, Henslowe, ii. 164, thinks this the Bellendon played as a new piece by the
Admiral’s and Chamberlain’s for Henslowe on 10 June 1594 (cf. ch. xiii). The title
curiously resembles that of another book, probably, as Greg suggests, a chap-book,
entered in S. R. by T. Gosson on 17 May 1594 as ‘a book intituled The famous
Cronicle of Henrye the First, with the life and death of Bellin Dunn the firste thief that
ever was hanged in England’ (Arber, ii. 650). Perhaps this was the source of the play.
A Sackful of News.
S. R. 1557–8. ‘These bokes folowynge called ... a sacke full of newes.’ J. King
(Arber, i. 75).
1582, Jan. 15. Transfer from S. Awdeley to John Charlwood (Arber, ii. 405).
1586, Sept. 5. ‘A sackfull of newes, beinge an old copie: whiche the said Edward is
ordered to haue printed by Abell Jeffes.’ Edward White (Arber, ii. 456).
This is less likely to have been the ‘lewd’ play suppressed at the Boar’s Head,
Aldgate, in Aug. 1557 (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 223) than the jest-book known to Captain
Cox in 1575 (F. J. Furnivall, Laneham’s Letter, lxvi. 30) and printed from the earliest
extant edition of 1673 by W. C. Hazlitt, Old English Jest Books, ii. 163.
King Stephen.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
Susanna.
By T. Garter (q.v.).
The Tartarian Cripple.
S. R. 1600, Aug. 14. ‘The famous Tragicall history, of ye Tartarian Crippell
Emperour of Constantinople.’ Burby (Arber, iii. 169).
S. R. 1605, Feb. 8. ‘The history of Richard Whittington of his lowe byrthe, his
great fortune, as yt was plaid by the prynces servantes.’ Pavier (Arber, iii. 282).
The play is referred to in K. B. P. ind. 22.
Robin Hood and Little John.
S. R. 1594, May 14. ‘A booke entituled a pastorall plesant Commedie of Robin
Hood and Little John.’ Islip (Arber, ii. 649).
Arber, v. 176, describes the play as printed by Islip for E. White, to whom the copy
was passed by a cancel. It appears in Rogers and Ley’s and Archer’s lists of 1656.
Greg, Henslowe, ii. 190, finds an allusion to its ‘merry jests’ in Munday’s Downfall of
Robin Hood, iv. 2.
Rufus I.
S. R. 1595, Nov. 24. ‘A booke intituled The true tragicall historie of kinge Rufus
the First with the life and deathe of Belyn Dun the first thief that ever was hanged in
England.’ W. Blackwell (Arber, iii. 54).
Greg, Henslowe, ii. 164, thinks this the Bellendon played as a new piece by the
Admiral’s and Chamberlain’s for Henslowe on 10 June 1594 (cf. ch. xiii). The title
curiously resembles that of another book, probably, as Greg suggests, a chap-book,
entered in S. R. by T. Gosson on 17 May 1594 as ‘a book intituled The famous
Cronicle of Henrye the First, with the life and death of Bellin Dunn the firste thief that
ever was hanged in England’ (Arber, ii. 650). Perhaps this was the source of the play.
A Sackful of News.
S. R. 1557–8. ‘These bokes folowynge called ... a sacke full of newes.’ J. King
(Arber, i. 75).
1582, Jan. 15. Transfer from S. Awdeley to John Charlwood (Arber, ii. 405).
1586, Sept. 5. ‘A sackfull of newes, beinge an old copie: whiche the said Edward is
ordered to haue printed by Abell Jeffes.’ Edward White (Arber, ii. 456).
This is less likely to have been the ‘lewd’ play suppressed at the Boar’s Head,
Aldgate, in Aug. 1557 (Mediaeval Stage, ii. 223) than the jest-book known to Captain
Cox in 1575 (F. J. Furnivall, Laneham’s Letter, lxvi. 30) and printed from the earliest
extant edition of 1673 by W. C. Hazlitt, Old English Jest Books, ii. 163.
King Stephen.
Ascribed to Shakespeare (q.v.).
Susanna.
By T. Garter (q.v.).
The Tartarian Cripple.
S. R. 1600, Aug. 14. ‘The famous Tragicall history, of ye Tartarian Crippell
Emperour of Constantinople.’ Burby (Arber, iii. 169).
Page 472
Not necessarily a play.
’Tis Good Sleeping in a Whole Skin.
By W. Wager (q.v.).
Tityrus and Galatea.
Possibly identical with Lyly’s Galathea (q.v.).
The Twins’ Tragedy.
By Niccolls (q.v.).
The Two Sins of King David.
S. R. 1561–2. ‘An new interlude of the ij synmes of kynge Davyd.’ Hacket (Arber,
i. 181).
Valentine and Orson.
S. R. 1595, May 23. ‘An enterlude of Valentyne and Orsson, plaid by her maiesties
Players.’ T. Gosson and Hancock (Arber; ii. 298).
1600, March 31 (in full court). ‘A famous history called Valentine and Orsson
played by her maiesties Players.’ W. White (Arber, iii. 159).
The relation of this Queen’s play to that written by Hathaway and Munday (q.v.)
for the Admiral’s in 1598 is uncertain.
Witless.
S. R. 1560–1. ‘Playe of wytles.’ Hacket (Arber, i. 154).
Probably John Heywood’s dialogue of Witty and Witless, extant in MS. (Mediaeval
Stage, ii. 446).
A Yorkshire Gentlewoman and her Son.
Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).
’Tis Good Sleeping in a Whole Skin.
By W. Wager (q.v.).
Tityrus and Galatea.
Possibly identical with Lyly’s Galathea (q.v.).
The Twins’ Tragedy.
By Niccolls (q.v.).
The Two Sins of King David.
S. R. 1561–2. ‘An new interlude of the ij synmes of kynge Davyd.’ Hacket (Arber,
i. 181).
Valentine and Orson.
S. R. 1595, May 23. ‘An enterlude of Valentyne and Orsson, plaid by her maiesties
Players.’ T. Gosson and Hancock (Arber; ii. 298).
1600, March 31 (in full court). ‘A famous history called Valentine and Orsson
played by her maiesties Players.’ W. White (Arber, iii. 159).
The relation of this Queen’s play to that written by Hathaway and Munday (q.v.)
for the Admiral’s in 1598 is uncertain.
Witless.
S. R. 1560–1. ‘Playe of wytles.’ Hacket (Arber, i. 154).
Probably John Heywood’s dialogue of Witty and Witless, extant in MS. (Mediaeval
Stage, ii. 446).
A Yorkshire Gentlewoman and her Son.
Ascribed to Chapman (q.v.).
Page 473
APPENDIX N
MANUSCRIPT PLAYS
[Bibliographical Note.—This list includes only English texts. Most of the Latin
plays (cf. App. K) also exist in MS. The English ones so preserved are generally of an
academic type; on the general character of the few that are of playhouse origin, cf. ch.
xxii. Of the fifteen play texts collected in Egerton MS. 1994, only three appear to be
of plays written before 1616; descriptions of this collection are in A. H. Bullen, O. E.
P. ii. 417, and F. S. Boas, A Seventeenth-Century Theatrical Repertoire (3 Library,
July 1917). In addition to the plays named below, there are a Pelopidarum Secunda in
Harleian MS. 5110, which may be of any date in the first half of the seventeenth
century, and a Welsh ‘enterlut’, dated 1584 and without ascription or title in Peniarth
MS. 68 (H. M. C. Welsh MSS. i. 2. 467). A full account of the Plots (‘plott’ ‘plotte’,
‘platt’) is given, with the seven texts, by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 127. They have
sometimes been taken for ‘scenarie’ of impromptu plays, like the Italian ‘Commedie
dell’arte’, although one of them is for the extant Battle of Alcazar; but they were
probably for the use of the ‘bookholder’ or the ‘tireman’, and consist of skeleton
outlines of the action, with notes of entrances and exits, and of the points at which
properties and music are required. The names of the dramatis personae are generally
accompanied by those of the actors who represented them. The paper on which they
are written is mounted on pasteboard, and a hole cut near the top probably served to
suspend them on a peg in the playhouse. All seven probably belong to companies
(Strange’s and Admiral’s) with which Edward Alleyn was connected. One was utilized
for the cover of a Dulwich MS., and G. Steevens, who once owned three of the others,
found ‘reason to suppose that these curiosities once belonged to the collection of
Alleyn’.]
PLAYS
Alaham (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle.
Alice and Alexis. Bodl. MS. 21745 (Douce MS. 171).
Antipoe (Verney). Bodl. MS. 31041.
Aphrodysial (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.
Arabia Sitiens (Percy). Ibid.
Birth of Hercules. B.M. Addl. MS. 28722.
Bugbears (Jeffere). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.
Charlemagne. B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
Club Law. St. John’s College, Cambridge, MS. S. 62.
Cuck-Queans and Cuckolds Errant (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of
Devonshire.
Cupid’s Sacrifice (Percy). Ibid.
Faery Pastoral (Percy). Ibid.
MANUSCRIPT PLAYS
[Bibliographical Note.—This list includes only English texts. Most of the Latin
plays (cf. App. K) also exist in MS. The English ones so preserved are generally of an
academic type; on the general character of the few that are of playhouse origin, cf. ch.
xxii. Of the fifteen play texts collected in Egerton MS. 1994, only three appear to be
of plays written before 1616; descriptions of this collection are in A. H. Bullen, O. E.
P. ii. 417, and F. S. Boas, A Seventeenth-Century Theatrical Repertoire (3 Library,
July 1917). In addition to the plays named below, there are a Pelopidarum Secunda in
Harleian MS. 5110, which may be of any date in the first half of the seventeenth
century, and a Welsh ‘enterlut’, dated 1584 and without ascription or title in Peniarth
MS. 68 (H. M. C. Welsh MSS. i. 2. 467). A full account of the Plots (‘plott’ ‘plotte’,
‘platt’) is given, with the seven texts, by Greg, Henslowe Papers, 127. They have
sometimes been taken for ‘scenarie’ of impromptu plays, like the Italian ‘Commedie
dell’arte’, although one of them is for the extant Battle of Alcazar; but they were
probably for the use of the ‘bookholder’ or the ‘tireman’, and consist of skeleton
outlines of the action, with notes of entrances and exits, and of the points at which
properties and music are required. The names of the dramatis personae are generally
accompanied by those of the actors who represented them. The paper on which they
are written is mounted on pasteboard, and a hole cut near the top probably served to
suspend them on a peg in the playhouse. All seven probably belong to companies
(Strange’s and Admiral’s) with which Edward Alleyn was connected. One was utilized
for the cover of a Dulwich MS., and G. Steevens, who once owned three of the others,
found ‘reason to suppose that these curiosities once belonged to the collection of
Alleyn’.]
PLAYS
Alaham (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle.
Alice and Alexis. Bodl. MS. 21745 (Douce MS. 171).
Antipoe (Verney). Bodl. MS. 31041.
Aphrodysial (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.
Arabia Sitiens (Percy). Ibid.
Birth of Hercules. B.M. Addl. MS. 28722.
Bugbears (Jeffere). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.
Charlemagne. B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
Club Law. St. John’s College, Cambridge, MS. S. 62.
Cuck-Queans and Cuckolds Errant (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of
Devonshire.
Cupid’s Sacrifice (Percy). Ibid.
Faery Pastoral (Percy). Ibid.
Page 474
Faithful Friends (Beaumont and Fletcher). Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce MS.
10.
Gentleman Usher (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber collection.
Gismund of Salerne (Wilmot). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 786. B.M. Hargrave MS. 205.
MS. in private collection, now unknown.
Hercules Oetaeus (Elizabeth). Bodl. MS. e Museo 55.
Honest Man’s Fortune (Beaumont and Fletcher). Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce
MS. 9.
Hymen’s Triumph (Daniel). Edinburgh University, Drummond MS.
Iphigeneia (Lumley). B.M. Royal MS. 15 A. ix.
Jocasta (Gascoigne). B.M. Addl. MS. 34063.
John a Kent and John a Cumber (Munday). MS. in collection of Lord Mostyn.
Judith. National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS. 508 (formerly Hengwrt MS.).
Love Feigned and Unfeigned. B.M. I. B. 2172.
Marriage Between Wit and Wisdom (Merbury). B.M. Addl. MS. 26782.
Massacre at Paris (Marlowe). Alleged fragmentary MS.
Mayor of Quinborough (Middleton). A late MS.
Meleager (argument). MS. formerly in possession of Mr. B. Dobell.
Misogonus (Johnson). Formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.
Monsieur d’Olive (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber Collection.
Sir Thomas More. B.M. Harleian MS. 7368.
Mustapha (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle. Cambridge University Library MS. Ff.
ii. 35.
Narcissus. Bodl. MS. 147303 (Rawlinson Poet. MS. 212).
Necromantes (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.
Nobleman (Tourneur). Alleged MS. in private collection at Oxford.
Oration of Gwgan and Poetry (Owen). National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS. 65.
Orlando Furioso (Greene). Dulwich MS. i. 138.
Parliament of Bees (Day). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 725.
Parnassus. Bodl. Rawlinson MS. D. 398. MS. formerly in collection of J. O.
Halliwell-Phillipps.
Poor Man’s Comfort (Daborne). B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
1 Richard II. B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
Ruff, Cuff, and Band. B.M. Addl. MS. 23723.
Second Maiden’s Tragedy. B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.
Sicelides (P. Fletcher). Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 214. B.M. Addl. MS. 4453.
10.
Gentleman Usher (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber collection.
Gismund of Salerne (Wilmot). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 786. B.M. Hargrave MS. 205.
MS. in private collection, now unknown.
Hercules Oetaeus (Elizabeth). Bodl. MS. e Museo 55.
Honest Man’s Fortune (Beaumont and Fletcher). Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce
MS. 9.
Hymen’s Triumph (Daniel). Edinburgh University, Drummond MS.
Iphigeneia (Lumley). B.M. Royal MS. 15 A. ix.
Jocasta (Gascoigne). B.M. Addl. MS. 34063.
John a Kent and John a Cumber (Munday). MS. in collection of Lord Mostyn.
Judith. National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS. 508 (formerly Hengwrt MS.).
Love Feigned and Unfeigned. B.M. I. B. 2172.
Marriage Between Wit and Wisdom (Merbury). B.M. Addl. MS. 26782.
Massacre at Paris (Marlowe). Alleged fragmentary MS.
Mayor of Quinborough (Middleton). A late MS.
Meleager (argument). MS. formerly in possession of Mr. B. Dobell.
Misogonus (Johnson). Formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.
Monsieur d’Olive (Chapman). Alleged MS. in Heber Collection.
Sir Thomas More. B.M. Harleian MS. 7368.
Mustapha (Greville). MS. at Warwick Castle. Cambridge University Library MS. Ff.
ii. 35.
Narcissus. Bodl. MS. 147303 (Rawlinson Poet. MS. 212).
Necromantes (Percy). MS. formerly in collection of Duke of Devonshire.
Nobleman (Tourneur). Alleged MS. in private collection at Oxford.
Oration of Gwgan and Poetry (Owen). National Library of Wales, Peniarth MS. 65.
Orlando Furioso (Greene). Dulwich MS. i. 138.
Parliament of Bees (Day). B.M. Lansdowne MS. 725.
Parnassus. Bodl. Rawlinson MS. D. 398. MS. formerly in collection of J. O.
Halliwell-Phillipps.
Poor Man’s Comfort (Daborne). B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
1 Richard II. B.M. Egerton MS. 1994.
Ruff, Cuff, and Band. B.M. Addl. MS. 23723.
Second Maiden’s Tragedy. B.M. Lansdowne MS. 807.
Sicelides (P. Fletcher). Bodl. Rawl. Poet. MS. 214. B.M. Addl. MS. 4453.
Page 475
Timon. Victoria and Albert Museum, Dyce MS. 52.
Volpone (Jonson). MS. as yet unprinted.
PLOTS
Battle of Alcazar. B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.
Dead Man’s Fortune. Ibid.
2 Fortune’s Tennis. Ibid.
Frederick and Basilea. Ibid.
1 Tamar Cham. MS. formerly in the collection of George Steevens, not now known.
Troilus and Cressida. B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.
2 Seven Deadly Sins. Dulwich MS. xix.
MASKS
Ashby Entertainment (Marston). B.M. Sloane MS. 848. MS. at Bridgewater House.
Mask of Blackness (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 17 B. xxxi.
Mask of Queens (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 18 A. xlv. B.M. Harleian MS. 6947.
Twelve Months. MS. formerly in the collection of J. P. Collier, now unknown.
Ulysses and Circe (Browne). Cambridge, Emmanuel College MS. 68. MS. in
collection of Mr. H. C. Pole-Gell.
Volpone (Jonson). MS. as yet unprinted.
PLOTS
Battle of Alcazar. B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.
Dead Man’s Fortune. Ibid.
2 Fortune’s Tennis. Ibid.
Frederick and Basilea. Ibid.
1 Tamar Cham. MS. formerly in the collection of George Steevens, not now known.
Troilus and Cressida. B.M. Addl. MS. 10449.
2 Seven Deadly Sins. Dulwich MS. xix.
MASKS
Ashby Entertainment (Marston). B.M. Sloane MS. 848. MS. at Bridgewater House.
Mask of Blackness (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 17 B. xxxi.
Mask of Queens (Jonson). B.M. Royal MS. 18 A. xlv. B.M. Harleian MS. 6947.
Twelve Months. MS. formerly in the collection of J. P. Collier, now unknown.
Ulysses and Circe (Browne). Cambridge, Emmanuel College MS. 68. MS. in
collection of Mr. H. C. Pole-Gell.
Page 476
INDEXES
I. OF PLAYS
II. OF PERSONS
III. OF PLACES
IV. OF SUBJECTS
I. OF PLAYS
II. OF PERSONS
III. OF PLACES
IV. OF SUBJECTS
Page 477
INDEXES
These indexes are selective, not exhaustive. That of Plays is, I hope, full.
Classical and foreign plays, including plays given by English players
abroad, but not Latin plays written in England, are printed in italics; plays
not clearly extant in inverted commas. Translations and fragmentary texts
are indicated by ‘tr.’ and ‘fr.’ respectively, and compositions not properly to
be classed as plays are also noted. Duplicate titles which might cause
confusion are distinguished by dates or authorship. References to the main
notices, in vol. iii, pp. 201–518, and vol. iv, pp. 1–74, and occasionally
elsewhere, of plays belonging or conjecturally assigned to the period 1558–
1616 are printed in blacker type. Titles are shortened by the omission of
such words as ‘A’, ‘The’, ‘King’, and cross-references are only given from
the better-known alternative titles. The index of Persons gives those
connected with the Court and with stage affairs, other as a rule than the
players and playwrights, who are alphabetically arranged in chh. xv and
xxiii respectively. The index of Places includes, besides London localities,
all those recorded in Appendix A as visited by Elizabeth, but not, unless for
some special reason, those at which travelling players performed. In the
index of Subjects inverted commas are used for technical terms and for
ordinary objects as represented on the stage.
Pages to Vol. I, II and III have external links to the relevant pages. To view these
pages, an Internet connection is necessary.
INDEX I: OF PLAYS
A
‘A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending’, iii. 315; iv. 127, 180.
A Woman is a Weathercock, iii. 313.
A Woman will have her Will. See Englishmen for my Money.
Abraham, iii. 322, 514.
‘Abraham and Lot’, ii. 95.
These indexes are selective, not exhaustive. That of Plays is, I hope, full.
Classical and foreign plays, including plays given by English players
abroad, but not Latin plays written in England, are printed in italics; plays
not clearly extant in inverted commas. Translations and fragmentary texts
are indicated by ‘tr.’ and ‘fr.’ respectively, and compositions not properly to
be classed as plays are also noted. Duplicate titles which might cause
confusion are distinguished by dates or authorship. References to the main
notices, in vol. iii, pp. 201–518, and vol. iv, pp. 1–74, and occasionally
elsewhere, of plays belonging or conjecturally assigned to the period 1558–
1616 are printed in blacker type. Titles are shortened by the omission of
such words as ‘A’, ‘The’, ‘King’, and cross-references are only given from
the better-known alternative titles. The index of Persons gives those
connected with the Court and with stage affairs, other as a rule than the
players and playwrights, who are alphabetically arranged in chh. xv and
xxiii respectively. The index of Places includes, besides London localities,
all those recorded in Appendix A as visited by Elizabeth, but not, unless for
some special reason, those at which travelling players performed. In the
index of Subjects inverted commas are used for technical terms and for
ordinary objects as represented on the stage.
Pages to Vol. I, II and III have external links to the relevant pages. To view these
pages, an Internet connection is necessary.
INDEX I: OF PLAYS
A
‘A Bad Beginning Makes a Good Ending’, iii. 315; iv. 127, 180.
A Woman is a Weathercock, iii. 313.
A Woman will have her Will. See Englishmen for my Money.
Abraham, iii. 322, 514.
‘Abraham and Lot’, ii. 95.
Page 478
Abraham Sacrifiant, i. 249; iii. 322.
Abraham’s Sacrifice (tr.), iii. 322.
‘Absalom’ (1602), ii. 228.
Absalon (c. 1535), iii. 506; iv. 246.
‘Abuses’, iv. 33.
‘Adams Tragedie’, iv. 398.
Adelphe, i. 131; iv. 127.
Adelphi (tr.), iii. 236.
Aegio (fr.), iii. 209.
‘Aemilia’, i. 131.
‘Aeneas and Dido’, iv. 122.
‘Aesop’s Crow’, ii. 83.
Agamemnon (tr.), iii. 477.
‘Agamemnon’, ii. 169.
‘Agamemnon and Ulysses’, ii. 17, 101; iv. 101, 160.
Agarite, iii. 16.
‘Ajax and Ulysses’, ii. 63; iv. 87, 146.
‘Ajax Flagellifer’, i. 130, 233.
‘Ajax Flagellifer’ (tr.), i. 127.
Alaham, iii. 331.
Alarum for London, iv. 1.
‘Alba’, i. 130.
‘Albere Galles’, ii. 227; iii. 341; iv. 37.
Albion Knight (fr.), iv. 1.
Albumazar, i. 131; iii. 498.
Alchemist, iii. 123, 222, 224, 371, 499; iv. 51, 127, 180, 371.
‘Alcmaeon’, ii. 15; iv. 89, 147.
‘Alexander and Lodowick’, ii. 144, 167, 170.
Alexandraean Tragedy, iii. 209.
‘Alexius’, iv. 2.
‘Alfonso’, iv. 2.
Alice and Alexis (fr.), iv. 2.
‘Alice Pierce’, ii. 132, 166.
All Fools, iii. 146, 252; iv. 119, 171.
‘All Fools but the Fool’. See ‘The World Runs on Wheels’.
All for Money, iii. 23, 411.
‘All is not Gold that Glisters’, ii. 178.
Abraham’s Sacrifice (tr.), iii. 322.
‘Absalom’ (1602), ii. 228.
Absalon (c. 1535), iii. 506; iv. 246.
‘Abuses’, iv. 33.
‘Adams Tragedie’, iv. 398.
Adelphe, i. 131; iv. 127.
Adelphi (tr.), iii. 236.
Aegio (fr.), iii. 209.
‘Aemilia’, i. 131.
‘Aeneas and Dido’, iv. 122.
‘Aesop’s Crow’, ii. 83.
Agamemnon (tr.), iii. 477.
‘Agamemnon’, ii. 169.
‘Agamemnon and Ulysses’, ii. 17, 101; iv. 101, 160.
Agarite, iii. 16.
‘Ajax and Ulysses’, ii. 63; iv. 87, 146.
‘Ajax Flagellifer’, i. 130, 233.
‘Ajax Flagellifer’ (tr.), i. 127.
Alaham, iii. 331.
Alarum for London, iv. 1.
‘Alba’, i. 130.
‘Albere Galles’, ii. 227; iii. 341; iv. 37.
Albion Knight (fr.), iv. 1.
Albumazar, i. 131; iii. 498.
Alchemist, iii. 123, 222, 224, 371, 499; iv. 51, 127, 180, 371.
‘Alcmaeon’, ii. 15; iv. 89, 147.
‘Alexander and Lodowick’, ii. 144, 167, 170.
Alexandraean Tragedy, iii. 209.
‘Alexius’, iv. 2.
‘Alfonso’, iv. 2.
Alice and Alexis (fr.), iv. 2.
‘Alice Pierce’, ii. 132, 166.
All Fools, iii. 146, 252; iv. 119, 171.
‘All Fools but the Fool’. See ‘The World Runs on Wheels’.
All for Money, iii. 23, 411.
‘All is not Gold that Glisters’, ii. 178.
Page 479
All is True. See Henry VIII.
All’s One. See Yorkshire Tragedy.
All’s Well that Ends Well, ii. 207; iii. 487.
Allot Pageant, iii. 455.
‘Almanac’, ii. 190; iv. 125, 178.
Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany, iv. 2.
Alphonsus, King of Arragon, ii. 286; iii. 327; iv. 36.
‘Alt Proculo’, ii. 286.
Althorp Entertainment, i. 126; iii. 391.
‘Alucius’, ii. 35; iv. 97, 156.
Amantes Amentes, ii. 285.
Amends for Ladies, iii. 297, 313.
Aminta, ii. 262; iii. 317.
Amphitrio, iii. 4, 5.
‘Amphitryo’, ii. 286; iii. 345.
Andria, iii. 7.
Andria (tr. Bernard), iii. 236.
Andria (tr. Kyffin), iii. 398.
‘Anglia’, ii. 277.
Anglorum Feriae (tilt), iii. 463.
‘Annabella eines Hertzogen Tochter von Ferrara’, ii. 284, 286; iii.
432.
Annus Recurrens. See Vertumnus.
Antigone (tr.), iv. 234, 246.
Antipoe, iii. 503.
1, 2 Antonio and Mellida, iii. 139, 256, 429.
Antonio’s Revenge. See Antonio and Mellida.
Antony, iii. 337.
Antony and Cleopatra, ii. 213; iii. 124, 220, 275, 488.
‘Antony and Valia’, ii. 147; iii. 301.
Aphrodysial, iii. 137, 464.
Apius and Virginia (R. B.), iii. 23; iv. 3.
Appius and Virginia (Webster), iii. 508.
Ara Fortunae. See Christmas Prince.
Arabia Sitiens, iii. 464.
Arcadia Reformed. See Queen’s Arcadia.
‘Arcadian Virgin’, ii. 173.
All’s One. See Yorkshire Tragedy.
All’s Well that Ends Well, ii. 207; iii. 487.
Allot Pageant, iii. 455.
‘Almanac’, ii. 190; iv. 125, 178.
Alphonsus, Emperor of Germany, iv. 2.
Alphonsus, King of Arragon, ii. 286; iii. 327; iv. 36.
‘Alt Proculo’, ii. 286.
Althorp Entertainment, i. 126; iii. 391.
‘Alucius’, ii. 35; iv. 97, 156.
Amantes Amentes, ii. 285.
Amends for Ladies, iii. 297, 313.
Aminta, ii. 262; iii. 317.
Amphitrio, iii. 4, 5.
‘Amphitryo’, ii. 286; iii. 345.
Andria, iii. 7.
Andria (tr. Bernard), iii. 236.
Andria (tr. Kyffin), iii. 398.
‘Anglia’, ii. 277.
Anglorum Feriae (tilt), iii. 463.
‘Annabella eines Hertzogen Tochter von Ferrara’, ii. 284, 286; iii.
432.
Annus Recurrens. See Vertumnus.
Antigone (tr.), iv. 234, 246.
Antipoe, iii. 503.
1, 2 Antonio and Mellida, iii. 139, 256, 429.
Antonio’s Revenge. See Antonio and Mellida.
Antony, iii. 337.
Antony and Cleopatra, ii. 213; iii. 124, 220, 275, 488.
‘Antony and Valia’, ii. 147; iii. 301.
Aphrodysial, iii. 137, 464.
Apius and Virginia (R. B.), iii. 23; iv. 3.
Appius and Virginia (Webster), iii. 508.
Ara Fortunae. See Christmas Prince.
Arabia Sitiens, iii. 464.
Arcadia Reformed. See Queen’s Arcadia.
‘Arcadian Virgin’, ii. 173.
Page 480
Arches of Triumph. See Coronation Triumph.
Archipropheta, iii. 31.
Arden of Feversham, ii. 108; iii. 395, 518; iv. 3.
‘Ariodante and Geneuora’, ii. 76; iv. 99, 159.
‘Arraignment of London’, ii. 253; iii. 35, 272.
Arraignment of Paris, iii. 459; iv. 236.
‘Arthur, King’, ii. 166.
Ashby Entertainment, iii. 434.
Asinaria, iii. 5.
‘As Plain as can Be’, iv. 84, 144.
As You Like It, ii. 6, 204, 209, 296; iii. 486; iv. 117.
Astrologo, iii. 499.
Atalanta, iv. 373.
Atheist’s Tragedy, iii. 499; iv. 42.
Aulularia, i. 127.
B
Bacchides, iii. 5.
Balet Comique de la Royne, i. 176; iii. 15.
Ball, iii. 260.
Band, Cuff and Ruff. See Ruff, Cuff and Band.
‘Barnardo and Fiammetta’, ii. 144.
Bartholomew Fair, i. 262; ii. 469; iii. 227, 372; iv. 33, 42, 130, 183.
‘Bartholomew Fairing’, iv. 398.
‘Battle of Affliction’, iv. 398.
Battle of Alcazar, ii. 175; iii. 459; iv. 5.
‘Battle of Evesham’, iii. 214.
‘Battle of Hexham’, iii. 214.
‘Baxster’s Tragedy’, ii. 179.
‘Bear a Brain’, ii. 171; iv. 28.
Bearing down the Inn. See Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants.
Beaumont’s Mask, i. 173.
Beauty (mask), i. 173; iii. 379; iv. 122.
‘Beauty and Housewifery’, ii. 192; iv. 99, 159.
‘Beech’s Tragedy’. See ‘Thomas Merry’.
‘Behendig Dieb’, ii. 286.
Archipropheta, iii. 31.
Arden of Feversham, ii. 108; iii. 395, 518; iv. 3.
‘Ariodante and Geneuora’, ii. 76; iv. 99, 159.
‘Arraignment of London’, ii. 253; iii. 35, 272.
Arraignment of Paris, iii. 459; iv. 236.
‘Arthur, King’, ii. 166.
Ashby Entertainment, iii. 434.
Asinaria, iii. 5.
‘As Plain as can Be’, iv. 84, 144.
As You Like It, ii. 6, 204, 209, 296; iii. 486; iv. 117.
Astrologo, iii. 499.
Atalanta, iv. 373.
Atheist’s Tragedy, iii. 499; iv. 42.
Aulularia, i. 127.
B
Bacchides, iii. 5.
Balet Comique de la Royne, i. 176; iii. 15.
Ball, iii. 260.
Band, Cuff and Ruff. See Ruff, Cuff and Band.
‘Barnardo and Fiammetta’, ii. 144.
Bartholomew Fair, i. 262; ii. 469; iii. 227, 372; iv. 33, 42, 130, 183.
‘Bartholomew Fairing’, iv. 398.
‘Battle of Affliction’, iv. 398.
Battle of Alcazar, ii. 175; iii. 459; iv. 5.
‘Battle of Evesham’, iii. 214.
‘Battle of Hexham’, iii. 214.
‘Baxster’s Tragedy’, ii. 179.
‘Bear a Brain’, ii. 171; iv. 28.
Bearing down the Inn. See Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants.
Beaumont’s Mask, i. 173.
Beauty (mask), i. 173; iii. 379; iv. 122.
‘Beauty and Housewifery’, ii. 192; iv. 99, 159.
‘Beech’s Tragedy’. See ‘Thomas Merry’.
‘Behendig Dieb’, ii. 286.
Page 481
Believe as You List, i. 321.
‘Belin Dun’, ii. 141, 143; iv. 403.
‘Belinus’, iii. 182; iv. 398.
‘Bellman of London’, ii. 253.
‘Bellman of Paris’, iii. 289, 304.
Bellum Grammaticale, i. 129; iv. 238, 374.
‘Bendo and Richardo’, ii. 122.
Birth of Hercules, iv. 4.
Birth of Merlin, ii. 145; iii. 474.
Bisham Entertainment, iv. 66.
‘1, 2 Black Bateman of the North’, ii. 162, 166.
‘1, 2 Black Dog of Newgate’, ii. 227.
‘Black Joan’, ii. 132, 168.
Blackness (mask), i. 171; iii. 375; iv. 119.
‘Blacksmith’s Daughter’, ii. 394; iv. 204.
Blind Beggar of Alexandria, iii. 251.
Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green, iii. 285.
Blurt Master Constable, iii. 142, 439.
‘Bold Beauchamps’, iii. 347.
Bonduca, iii. 228.
‘Bonos Nochios’, iv. 399.
‘Boss of Billingsgate’, ii. 180.
‘Botzario ein Alt Römer’, ii. 284.
‘Bourbon’, ii. 132, 156, 167; iv. 50.
‘Brandimer’, ii. 122.
‘Branholt’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 230.
Brazen Age, iii. 109, 345.
‘Brennus’, iii. 183; iv. 398.
Bristol Entertainment (1574). iv. 60.
Bristol Entertainment (1613), iv. 74.
‘Bristol Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 304; iv. 12.
‘Bristow Merchant’, iii. 304.
Britanniae Primitiae, iv. 374.
‘Brute Greenshield’. See ‘Conquest of Brute’.
‘Buckingham’, ii. 95, 130, 202, 217.
Bugbears, ii. 14; iii. 28, 351.
Bussy D’Ambois, iii. 142, 253.
‘Belin Dun’, ii. 141, 143; iv. 403.
‘Belinus’, iii. 182; iv. 398.
‘Bellman of London’, ii. 253.
‘Bellman of Paris’, iii. 289, 304.
Bellum Grammaticale, i. 129; iv. 238, 374.
‘Bendo and Richardo’, ii. 122.
Birth of Hercules, iv. 4.
Birth of Merlin, ii. 145; iii. 474.
Bisham Entertainment, iv. 66.
‘1, 2 Black Bateman of the North’, ii. 162, 166.
‘1, 2 Black Dog of Newgate’, ii. 227.
‘Black Joan’, ii. 132, 168.
Blackness (mask), i. 171; iii. 375; iv. 119.
‘Blacksmith’s Daughter’, ii. 394; iv. 204.
Blind Beggar of Alexandria, iii. 251.
Blind Beggar of Bethnal Green, iii. 285.
Blurt Master Constable, iii. 142, 439.
‘Bold Beauchamps’, iii. 347.
Bonduca, iii. 228.
‘Bonos Nochios’, iv. 399.
‘Boss of Billingsgate’, ii. 180.
‘Botzario ein Alt Römer’, ii. 284.
‘Bourbon’, ii. 132, 156, 167; iv. 50.
‘Brandimer’, ii. 122.
‘Branholt’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 230.
Brazen Age, iii. 109, 345.
‘Brennus’, iii. 183; iv. 398.
Bristol Entertainment (1574). iv. 60.
Bristol Entertainment (1613), iv. 74.
‘Bristol Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 304; iv. 12.
‘Bristow Merchant’, iii. 304.
Britanniae Primitiae, iv. 374.
‘Brute Greenshield’. See ‘Conquest of Brute’.
‘Buckingham’, ii. 95, 130, 202, 217.
Bugbears, ii. 14; iii. 28, 351.
Bussy D’Ambois, iii. 142, 253.
Page 482
‘Byron’ (1602), ii. 228; iii. 258, 267.
Byron (1608). See Conspiracy and Tragedy.
C
Caesar and Pompey (Chapman), iii. 259.
‘Caesar and Pompey’ (c. 1582), ii. 394; iv. 216.
‘1, 2 Caesar and Pompey’ (1594–5), ii. 143–4; iii. 259.
Caesar and Pompey. See Caesar’s Revenge.
‘Caesar Interfectus’, iii. 309.
‘Caesar’s Fall, or, The Two Shapes’, ii. 179.
Caesar’s Revenge, iv. 4.
Calandra, iii. 9, 13.
Calisto and Melibaea, ii. 30; iv. 211, 399.
Calthrop Pageant, iii. 463.
Cambyses, iii. 37, 470; iv. 6, 79.
Campaspe, ii. 17, 39; iii. 32, 413.
Campbell, or, the Ironmongers’ Fair Field (show), i. 137; iv. 72.
Captain, iii. 226; iv. 127, 180.
‘Captain Mario’, iv. 214.
Captain Thomas Stukeley. See Stukeley.
‘Capture of Stuhl Weissenburg’, ii. 207, 367.
‘Cardenio’, ii. 217; iii. 489; iv. 127, 128, 180.
‘1, 2 Cardinal Wolsey’, ii. 178; iii. 266.
‘Cards’, i. 268; iii. 453; iv. 238.
‘Carolus Herzog aus Burgundt’, ii. 284.
Casina, iii. 5.
Cassaria, iii. 8, 11.
‘Castle of Security’, i. 333.
‘Catiline’ (1588), i. 222.
Catiline his Conspiracy (1611), iii. 372.
‘Catiline’s Conspiracies’ (c. 1579), ii. 394; iv. 204.
‘Catiline’s Conspiracy’ (1598–9), ii. 163, 170.
Caversham Entertainment, iii. 244.
Cecil House Entertainment, iii. 248.
‘Celestina’, iv. 399.
‘Celinde und Sedea’, ii. 284, 289.
Byron (1608). See Conspiracy and Tragedy.
C
Caesar and Pompey (Chapman), iii. 259.
‘Caesar and Pompey’ (c. 1582), ii. 394; iv. 216.
‘1, 2 Caesar and Pompey’ (1594–5), ii. 143–4; iii. 259.
Caesar and Pompey. See Caesar’s Revenge.
‘Caesar Interfectus’, iii. 309.
‘Caesar’s Fall, or, The Two Shapes’, ii. 179.
Caesar’s Revenge, iv. 4.
Calandra, iii. 9, 13.
Calisto and Melibaea, ii. 30; iv. 211, 399.
Calthrop Pageant, iii. 463.
Cambyses, iii. 37, 470; iv. 6, 79.
Campaspe, ii. 17, 39; iii. 32, 413.
Campbell, or, the Ironmongers’ Fair Field (show), i. 137; iv. 72.
Captain, iii. 226; iv. 127, 180.
‘Captain Mario’, iv. 214.
Captain Thomas Stukeley. See Stukeley.
‘Capture of Stuhl Weissenburg’, ii. 207, 367.
‘Cardenio’, ii. 217; iii. 489; iv. 127, 128, 180.
‘1, 2 Cardinal Wolsey’, ii. 178; iii. 266.
‘Cards’, i. 268; iii. 453; iv. 238.
‘Carolus Herzog aus Burgundt’, ii. 284.
Casina, iii. 5.
Cassaria, iii. 8, 11.
‘Castle of Security’, i. 333.
‘Catiline’ (1588), i. 222.
Catiline his Conspiracy (1611), iii. 372.
‘Catiline’s Conspiracies’ (c. 1579), ii. 394; iv. 204.
‘Catiline’s Conspiracy’ (1598–9), ii. 163, 170.
Caversham Entertainment, iii. 244.
Cecil House Entertainment, iii. 248.
‘Celestina’, iv. 399.
‘Celinde und Sedea’, ii. 284, 289.
Page 483
Chabot, Admiral of France, iii. 259.
Challenge at Tilt, iii. 393.
‘Chance Medley’, ii. 169.
Chapman’s Mask, i. 173; iii. 260.
‘Charlemagne’ (c. 1589), iii. 260, 329; iv. 5.
Charlemagne (c. 1600), iii. 260; iv. 5.
Chaste Maid in Cheapside, iii. 441.
Chester’s Triumph, iv. 71.
‘Chinon of England’, ii. 144; iv. 399.
‘Christabella’, ii. 286.
Christian Turned Turk, i. 328; iii. 271.
‘Christmas Comes but Once a Year’, ii. 227; iii. 267.
Christmas Prince (revels), iv. 71, 228.
Christus Redivivus, iii. 31.
Chrysanaleia (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
Chryso-Thriambos (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
City Gallant. See Greene’s Tu Quoque.
‘1, 2, 3 Civil Wars of France’, ii. 169; iii. 253.
Civitatis Amor (show), iii. 443.
Claudius Tiberius Nero, iv. 5.
‘Cleopatra’ (Anon.), iv. 399.
Cleopatra (Daniel), iii. 275.
Cléopâtre Captive, iii. 13.
‘Cloridon and Radiamanta’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.
‘Clorys and Orgasto’, ii. 122.
‘Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose’, iv. 399.
Club Law, iv. 5.
Clyomon and Clamydes, ii. 286; iii. 39; iv. 6.
‘Cobler of Queenhithe’, ii. 168.
Cobler’s Prophecy, iii. 35, 516; iv. 41.
Cockle de Moye. See Dutch Courtesan.
‘College of Canonical Clerks’, iv. 399.
‘Collier’, ii. 89; iii. 317; iv. 93, 151.
‘Columbus’, iii. 434.
Come See a Wonder. See Wonder of a Kingdom.
Comedy of Errors, i. 222; ii. 123, 130, 201, 211; iii. 482, 506; iv. 56,
119, 171, 246.
Challenge at Tilt, iii. 393.
‘Chance Medley’, ii. 169.
Chapman’s Mask, i. 173; iii. 260.
‘Charlemagne’ (c. 1589), iii. 260, 329; iv. 5.
Charlemagne (c. 1600), iii. 260; iv. 5.
Chaste Maid in Cheapside, iii. 441.
Chester’s Triumph, iv. 71.
‘Chinon of England’, ii. 144; iv. 399.
‘Christabella’, ii. 286.
Christian Turned Turk, i. 328; iii. 271.
‘Christmas Comes but Once a Year’, ii. 227; iii. 267.
Christmas Prince (revels), iv. 71, 228.
Christus Redivivus, iii. 31.
Chrysanaleia (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
Chryso-Thriambos (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
City Gallant. See Greene’s Tu Quoque.
‘1, 2, 3 Civil Wars of France’, ii. 169; iii. 253.
Civitatis Amor (show), iii. 443.
Claudius Tiberius Nero, iv. 5.
‘Cleopatra’ (Anon.), iv. 399.
Cleopatra (Daniel), iii. 275.
Cléopâtre Captive, iii. 13.
‘Cloridon and Radiamanta’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.
‘Clorys and Orgasto’, ii. 122.
‘Cloth Breeches and Velvet Hose’, iv. 399.
Club Law, iv. 5.
Clyomon and Clamydes, ii. 286; iii. 39; iv. 6.
‘Cobler of Queenhithe’, ii. 168.
Cobler’s Prophecy, iii. 35, 516; iv. 41.
Cockle de Moye. See Dutch Courtesan.
‘College of Canonical Clerks’, iv. 399.
‘Collier’, ii. 89; iii. 317; iv. 93, 151.
‘Columbus’, iii. 434.
Come See a Wonder. See Wonder of a Kingdom.
Comedy of Errors, i. 222; ii. 123, 130, 201, 211; iii. 482, 506; iv. 56,
119, 171, 246.
Page 484
Comedy of Humours. See Humorous Day’s Mirth.
‘Comedy of Jeronimo’, ii. 122; iv. 23.
Common Conditions, iii. 39; iv. 6.
‘Conan, Prince of Cornwall’, ii. 169.
Conflict of Conscience, iii. 25, 517.
‘1, 2 Conquest of Brute’, ii. 163, 169, 170.
‘Conquest of Spain by John of Gaunt’, ii. 161, 178.
‘Conquest of the West Indies’, ii. 161, 178.
Conspiracy and Tragedy of Byron, i. 327; ii. 53; iii. 147, 257.
‘Constantine’, ii. 122.
Contention between Liberality and Prodigality. See Liberality and
Prodigality.
Contention of York and Lancaster, ii. 129–30; iv. 7, 44.
Coriolanus, ii. 213; iii. 488, 509.
Cornelia, iii. 397.
Cornélie, iii. 16, 397.
Coronation Triumph (1559), iv. 60.
Coronation Triumph (1604), iii. 391; iv. 69.
‘Cosmo’, ii. 123.
Country Girl, iii. 237.
Country’s Tragedy in Vacuniam. See Cupid’s Sacrifice.
Cowdray Entertainment, iv. 65.
‘Cox of Collumpton’, ii. 171, 172.
Coxcomb, ii. 251; iii. 223; iv. 127, 181.
‘Crack Me this Nut’, ii. 144, 180.
‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Back’, iv. 399.
‘Crafty Cromwell’, iv. 399.
Creation of Henry Prince of Wales, iv. 72.
Croesus, iii. 209.
Cromwell, iv. 8, 28.
Cruel Debtor (fr.), iii. 505.
‘Cruelty of a Stepmother’, ii. 93; iv. 95, 154.
‘Crysella’, ii. 286; iii. 292.
Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants, iii. 136, 464.
‘Cupid’ (mask), i. 174; iii. 442; iv. 129.
‘Cupid and Psyche’, ii. 15, 171; iii. 346; iv. 216.
Cupid’s Revenge, iii. 225; iv. 125, 127, 178, 181.
‘Comedy of Jeronimo’, ii. 122; iv. 23.
Common Conditions, iii. 39; iv. 6.
‘Conan, Prince of Cornwall’, ii. 169.
Conflict of Conscience, iii. 25, 517.
‘1, 2 Conquest of Brute’, ii. 163, 169, 170.
‘Conquest of Spain by John of Gaunt’, ii. 161, 178.
‘Conquest of the West Indies’, ii. 161, 178.
Conspiracy and Tragedy of Byron, i. 327; ii. 53; iii. 147, 257.
‘Constantine’, ii. 122.
Contention between Liberality and Prodigality. See Liberality and
Prodigality.
Contention of York and Lancaster, ii. 129–30; iv. 7, 44.
Coriolanus, ii. 213; iii. 488, 509.
Cornelia, iii. 397.
Cornélie, iii. 16, 397.
Coronation Triumph (1559), iv. 60.
Coronation Triumph (1604), iii. 391; iv. 69.
‘Cosmo’, ii. 123.
Country Girl, iii. 237.
Country’s Tragedy in Vacuniam. See Cupid’s Sacrifice.
Cowdray Entertainment, iv. 65.
‘Cox of Collumpton’, ii. 171, 172.
Coxcomb, ii. 251; iii. 223; iv. 127, 181.
‘Crack Me this Nut’, ii. 144, 180.
‘Craft upon Subtlety’s Back’, iv. 399.
‘Crafty Cromwell’, iv. 399.
Creation of Henry Prince of Wales, iv. 72.
Croesus, iii. 209.
Cromwell, iv. 8, 28.
Cruel Debtor (fr.), iii. 505.
‘Cruelty of a Stepmother’, ii. 93; iv. 95, 154.
‘Crysella’, ii. 286; iii. 292.
Cuckqueans and Cuckolds Errants, iii. 136, 464.
‘Cupid’ (mask), i. 174; iii. 442; iv. 129.
‘Cupid and Psyche’, ii. 15, 171; iii. 346; iv. 216.
Cupid’s Revenge, iii. 225; iv. 125, 127, 178, 181.
Page 485
Cupid’s Sacrifice, iii. 464.
‘Cupid’s Vagaries’. See ‘Hymen’s Holiday’.
Cupid’s Whirligig, iii. 491.
‘Cutlack’, ii. 140–1, 146.
‘Cutting Dick’, ii. 228; iv. 50.
‘Cutwell’, i. 223; ii. 381; iv. 91, 152.
Cymbeline, ii. 214–15; iii. 111, 223, 489.
‘Cynocephali’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 152.
Cynthia and Ariadne (mask). See Ashby Entertainment.
Cynthia’s Revels, ii. 43; iii. 145, 363, 430; iv. 372.
Cynthia’s Revenge, iii. 495.
D
‘Damon and Pythias’ (Chettle), ii. 171.
Damon and Pythias (Edwardes), ii. 34; iii. 32, 310; iv. 81, 143, 193.
‘Damon and Pythias’ (puppet-play), iii. 373.
‘Danish Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 264.
Darius (Alexander), iii. 209.
Darius, King (Anon.), iii. 23; iv. 8.
David and Bethsabe, iii. 48, 461.
Dead Man’s Fortune (plot), ii. 136; iv. 9.
‘Death of the Duke of Guise’ (Anon.), i. 323.
Death of the Duke of Guise (Marlowe). See Massacre at Paris.
Death of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. See Robin Hood.
‘Delight’, ii. 89, 394; iv. 97, 158.
‘Delphrigus’, iv. 236, 241.
Denmark Entertainment, iii. 392; iv. 70.
Descensus Astraeae (show), i. 137; iii. 463.
‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Legge), iii. 408; iv. 246.
‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Smythe), iii. 409.
‘Destruction of Thebes’, i. 129; iv. 85.
‘Devil and Dives’, iii. 411.
Devil and his Dame. See Grim the Collier of Croydon.
‘Devil of Dowgate’, iii. 232.
Devil’s Charter, iii. 112, 214; iv. 122.
‘Dialogue of Dives’, iv. 241.
‘Cupid’s Vagaries’. See ‘Hymen’s Holiday’.
Cupid’s Whirligig, iii. 491.
‘Cutlack’, ii. 140–1, 146.
‘Cutting Dick’, ii. 228; iv. 50.
‘Cutwell’, i. 223; ii. 381; iv. 91, 152.
Cymbeline, ii. 214–15; iii. 111, 223, 489.
‘Cynocephali’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 152.
Cynthia and Ariadne (mask). See Ashby Entertainment.
Cynthia’s Revels, ii. 43; iii. 145, 363, 430; iv. 372.
Cynthia’s Revenge, iii. 495.
D
‘Damon and Pythias’ (Chettle), ii. 171.
Damon and Pythias (Edwardes), ii. 34; iii. 32, 310; iv. 81, 143, 193.
‘Damon and Pythias’ (puppet-play), iii. 373.
‘Danish Tragedy’, ii. 179; iii. 264.
Darius (Alexander), iii. 209.
Darius, King (Anon.), iii. 23; iv. 8.
David and Bethsabe, iii. 48, 461.
Dead Man’s Fortune (plot), ii. 136; iv. 9.
‘Death of the Duke of Guise’ (Anon.), i. 323.
Death of the Duke of Guise (Marlowe). See Massacre at Paris.
Death of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. See Robin Hood.
‘Delight’, ii. 89, 394; iv. 97, 158.
‘Delphrigus’, iv. 236, 241.
Denmark Entertainment, iii. 392; iv. 70.
Descensus Astraeae (show), i. 137; iii. 463.
‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Legge), iii. 408; iv. 246.
‘Destruction of Jerusalem’ (Smythe), iii. 409.
‘Destruction of Thebes’, i. 129; iv. 85.
‘Devil and Dives’, iii. 411.
Devil and his Dame. See Grim the Collier of Croydon.
‘Devil of Dowgate’, iii. 232.
Devil’s Charter, iii. 112, 214; iv. 122.
‘Dialogue of Dives’, iv. 241.
Page 486
Dido (Gager), i. 129; iii. 318.
‘Dido’ (Halliwell), i. 127.
‘Dido’ (Ritwise), ii. 11.
‘Dido and Aeneas’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 374, 427.
Dido Queen of Carthage (Marlowe), iii. 35, 426.
‘Diocletian’, ii. 143; iii. 298.
‘Disguises’, ii. 144; iii. 256.
Disobedient Child, iii. 25, 351.
Distracted Emperor. See Charlemagne.
Dixie Pageant, iii. 463.
Doctor Faustus, ii. 281, 286; iii. 329, 422; iv. 44, 48.
‘Don Horatio’, ii. 122; iv. 23.
Double Falsehood, iii. 490.
Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. See Robin Hood.
Dream of a Dry Year. See Arabia Sitiens.
Duchess of Malfi, iii. 510.
‘Duke Humphrey’, iii. 489.
Duke of Guise, iii. 26.
‘Duke of Milan and Marquis of Mantua’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.
Dumb Knight, ii. 289; iii. 418; iv. 11.
Dutch Courtesan, iii. 148, 430; iv. 127, 128, 180, 182.
E
‘1, 2 Earl Godwin and his Three Sons’, ii. 166.
‘Earl of Hertford’, ii. 180.
Eastward Ho! i. 326; ii. 51; iii. 149, 254, 257, 286, 367, 433; iv. 36, 42,
129, 182.
Edward I, iii. 460.
Edward II, iii. 425; iv. 9, 42, 44.
Edward III, iv. 9.
Edward IV, ii. 281; iv. 10.
Ehrebrecherin, ii. 275–6.
Elstrild. See Locrine.
Elvetham Entertainment, iv. 66.
Endymion, i. 327; ii. 18–19; iii. 33, 415; iv. 103.
England’s Joy (show), iii. 287, 500.
‘Dido’ (Halliwell), i. 127.
‘Dido’ (Ritwise), ii. 11.
‘Dido and Aeneas’, ii. 132, 166; iii. 374, 427.
Dido Queen of Carthage (Marlowe), iii. 35, 426.
‘Diocletian’, ii. 143; iii. 298.
‘Disguises’, ii. 144; iii. 256.
Disobedient Child, iii. 25, 351.
Distracted Emperor. See Charlemagne.
Dixie Pageant, iii. 463.
Doctor Faustus, ii. 281, 286; iii. 329, 422; iv. 44, 48.
‘Don Horatio’, ii. 122; iv. 23.
Double Falsehood, iii. 490.
Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntingdon. See Robin Hood.
Dream of a Dry Year. See Arabia Sitiens.
Duchess of Malfi, iii. 510.
‘Duke Humphrey’, iii. 489.
Duke of Guise, iii. 26.
‘Duke of Milan and Marquis of Mantua’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.
Dumb Knight, ii. 289; iii. 418; iv. 11.
Dutch Courtesan, iii. 148, 430; iv. 127, 128, 180, 182.
E
‘1, 2 Earl Godwin and his Three Sons’, ii. 166.
‘Earl of Hertford’, ii. 180.
Eastward Ho! i. 326; ii. 51; iii. 149, 254, 257, 286, 367, 433; iv. 36, 42,
129, 182.
Edward I, iii. 460.
Edward II, iii. 425; iv. 9, 42, 44.
Edward III, iv. 9.
Edward IV, ii. 281; iv. 10.
Ehrebrecherin, ii. 275–6.
Elstrild. See Locrine.
Elvetham Entertainment, iv. 66.
Endymion, i. 327; ii. 18–19; iii. 33, 415; iv. 103.
England’s Joy (show), iii. 287, 500.
Page 487
‘English Arcadia’, iv. 400.
‘English Fugitives’, ii. 173.
English Traveller, iii. 339.
Englishmen for my Money, iii. 334; iv. 16.
Enough is as Good as a Feast, iii. 504.
Epicoene, i. 327; ii. 59; iii. 222, 230, 369; iv. 371.
Epidicus, iii. 5.
Epithalamion on the Marquis of Huntly’s Marriage (show), iii. 351.
‘Erlösung aus der Löwengrube’, ii. 283–4.
‘Error’, ii. 15; iv. 93, 151.
Esther und Haman, ii. 285–6.
Eugène, iii. 13.
Eunuchus, iii. 5, 7.
Eunuchus (tr. Bernard), iii. 236.
‘Eunuchus’ (tr. Kyffin?), iii. 398.
Euribates Pseudomagus, iv. 374.
Every Man In his Humour, iii. 359; iv. 119, 171, 247.
Every Man Out of his Humour, i. 381; iii. 122, 128, 292, 360; iv. 19,
119, 171.
Every Woman in her Humour, iii. 418; iv. 11.
Exchange Ware at Second Hand. See Ruff, Cuff and Band.
‘Ezechias’, i. 127.
F
‘Fabii’. See ‘Four Sons of Fabius’.
Faery Pastoral, iii. 137, 464.
‘1, 2 Fair Constance of Rome’, ii. 161, 171, 173.
Fair Em, iii. 325, 329; iv. 11, 30, 36.
Fair Maid of Bristow, iii. 431; iv. 12.
‘Fair Maid of Italy’, ii. 95–6, 114.
‘Fair Maid of London’, i. 320.
Fair Maid of the Exchange, iv. 13.
‘Fairy Knight’, iii. 304.
Faithful Friends, iii. 232.
Faithful Shepherdess, iii. 151, 221, 313; iv. 41.
Fall of Mortimer (fr.), iii. 374.
‘English Fugitives’, ii. 173.
English Traveller, iii. 339.
Englishmen for my Money, iii. 334; iv. 16.
Enough is as Good as a Feast, iii. 504.
Epicoene, i. 327; ii. 59; iii. 222, 230, 369; iv. 371.
Epidicus, iii. 5.
Epithalamion on the Marquis of Huntly’s Marriage (show), iii. 351.
‘Erlösung aus der Löwengrube’, ii. 283–4.
‘Error’, ii. 15; iv. 93, 151.
Esther und Haman, ii. 285–6.
Eugène, iii. 13.
Eunuchus, iii. 5, 7.
Eunuchus (tr. Bernard), iii. 236.
‘Eunuchus’ (tr. Kyffin?), iii. 398.
Euribates Pseudomagus, iv. 374.
Every Man In his Humour, iii. 359; iv. 119, 171, 247.
Every Man Out of his Humour, i. 381; iii. 122, 128, 292, 360; iv. 19,
119, 171.
Every Woman in her Humour, iii. 418; iv. 11.
Exchange Ware at Second Hand. See Ruff, Cuff and Band.
‘Ezechias’, i. 127.
F
‘Fabii’. See ‘Four Sons of Fabius’.
Faery Pastoral, iii. 137, 464.
‘1, 2 Fair Constance of Rome’, ii. 161, 171, 173.
Fair Em, iii. 325, 329; iv. 11, 30, 36.
Fair Maid of Bristow, iii. 431; iv. 12.
‘Fair Maid of Italy’, ii. 95–6, 114.
‘Fair Maid of London’, i. 320.
Fair Maid of the Exchange, iv. 13.
‘Fairy Knight’, iii. 304.
Faithful Friends, iii. 232.
Faithful Shepherdess, iii. 151, 221, 313; iv. 41.
Fall of Mortimer (fr.), iii. 374.
Page 488
Family of Love, iii. 440; iv. 11, 29.
Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, ii. 202; iii. 472; iv. 17, 239.
‘Famous Wars of Henry I and the Prince of Wales’. See ‘Welshman’s
Prize’.
‘Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies’, iv. 400.
Fatal Dowry, iii. 314.
‘Fatal Love’, iii. 259; iv. 5.
Father’s Own Son. See Monsieur Thomas.
Fatum Vortigerni, iv. 374.
Favola d’Orfeo, iii. 6.
Fawn, or, Parasitaster, ii. 22, 284, 286; iii. 140, 432; iv. 42.
Fedele, iii. 316.
Fedele and Fortunio, iii. 28, 316; iv. 13.
‘Felix and Philiomena’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.
‘Felmelanco’, ii. 180; iii. 471.
‘Ferrar’, ii. 93; iv. 99, 159.
Ferrex and Porrex. See Gorboduc.
‘Ferrex and Porrex’ (Haughton), ii. 164, 171.
Filli di Sciro, iii. 238.
‘Finding of Truth’, ii. 79.
‘First Introduction of the Civil Wars of France’, ii. 164, 169.
‘Five Plays in One’ (1585), ii. 106; iii. 497; iv. 101, 160.
‘Five Plays in One’ (1597), ii. 144; iii. 347.
Fleir, iii. 151, 490.
Flora, iii. 13.
Flowers (mask), i. 174; iv. 59, 129.
‘Forces of Hercules’ (activities), ii. 90, 272.
Forest of Elves. See Faery Pastoral.
Fortress of Perfect Beauty (tilt), i. 144; iv. 63.
Fortunato, ii. 285–6.
‘Fortune’, iv. 88, 146.
‘Fortune’ (lottery), iv. 400.
Fortune by Land and Sea, iii. 343.
‘1, 2 Fortune’s Tennis’ (plot), ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. 14.
Fortunia. See Susenbrotus.
‘Fount of New Fashions’. See ‘Isle of a Woman’.
Fountain of Self-Love. See Cynthia’s Revels.
Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth, ii. 202; iii. 472; iv. 17, 239.
‘Famous Wars of Henry I and the Prince of Wales’. See ‘Welshman’s
Prize’.
‘Far Fetched and Dear Bought is Good for Ladies’, iv. 400.
Fatal Dowry, iii. 314.
‘Fatal Love’, iii. 259; iv. 5.
Father’s Own Son. See Monsieur Thomas.
Fatum Vortigerni, iv. 374.
Favola d’Orfeo, iii. 6.
Fawn, or, Parasitaster, ii. 22, 284, 286; iii. 140, 432; iv. 42.
Fedele, iii. 316.
Fedele and Fortunio, iii. 28, 316; iv. 13.
‘Felix and Philiomena’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.
‘Felmelanco’, ii. 180; iii. 471.
‘Ferrar’, ii. 93; iv. 99, 159.
Ferrex and Porrex. See Gorboduc.
‘Ferrex and Porrex’ (Haughton), ii. 164, 171.
Filli di Sciro, iii. 238.
‘Finding of Truth’, ii. 79.
‘First Introduction of the Civil Wars of France’, ii. 164, 169.
‘Five Plays in One’ (1585), ii. 106; iii. 497; iv. 101, 160.
‘Five Plays in One’ (1597), ii. 144; iii. 347.
Fleir, iii. 151, 490.
Flora, iii. 13.
Flowers (mask), i. 174; iv. 59, 129.
‘Forces of Hercules’ (activities), ii. 90, 272.
Forest of Elves. See Faery Pastoral.
Fortress of Perfect Beauty (tilt), i. 144; iv. 63.
Fortunato, ii. 285–6.
‘Fortune’, iv. 88, 146.
‘Fortune’ (lottery), iv. 400.
Fortune by Land and Sea, iii. 343.
‘1, 2 Fortune’s Tennis’ (plot), ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. 14.
Fortunia. See Susenbrotus.
‘Fount of New Fashions’. See ‘Isle of a Woman’.
Fountain of Self-Love. See Cynthia’s Revels.
Page 489
Four Elements, ii. 30; iii. 23.
‘Four Kings’, ii. 167, 169; iv. 6.
Four PP., ii. 30.
‘Four Plays in One’, ii. 122; iii. 497.
Four Plays in One. See Yorkshire Tragedy.
Four Plays or Moral Representations in One, iii. 231.
Four Prentices of London, iii. 221, 340.
‘Four Sons of Aymon’, ii. 181.
‘Four Sons of Fabius’, ii. 98, 394; iv. 97, 156, 216.
Fox. See Volpone.
Frederick and Basilea (plot), ii. 150; iv. 14.
Free Will (tr.), iii. 262.
‘Freeman’s Honour’, iii. 493.
‘French Comedy’ (1595), ii. 143.
‘French Comedy’ (1597), ii. 144.
‘French Doctor’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 301.
Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay, ii. 114; iii. 328; iv. 12.
‘Friar Fox and Gillian of Brentford’, ii. 169.
‘Friar Francis’, ii. 95; iv. 253.
‘Friar Rush and the Proud Woman of Antwerp’, ii. 178.
‘Friar Spendleton’, ii. 132, 156, 166.
‘Fromme Frau zu Antorf’, ii. 281.
Fucus, sive, Histriomastix, i. 253.
Fulgens and Lucres, iii. 22–4.
‘Funeral of Richard Cœur de Lion’, i. 320; ii. 166.
G
Galathea, ii. 18; iii. 34, 415; iv. 103.
‘Galiaso’, ii. 143.
Game at Chess, i. 327; iii. 438.
‘Game of the Cards’, i. 268; ii. 37; iv. 99, 158.
Gammer Gurton’s Needle, ii. 274; iii. 27; iv. 229.
Genièvre, iii. 14.
Gentle Craft. See Shoemaker’s Holiday.
Gentleman Usher, iii. 146, 251, 253.
Gentleness and Nobility, ii. 30.
‘Four Kings’, ii. 167, 169; iv. 6.
Four PP., ii. 30.
‘Four Plays in One’, ii. 122; iii. 497.
Four Plays in One. See Yorkshire Tragedy.
Four Plays or Moral Representations in One, iii. 231.
Four Prentices of London, iii. 221, 340.
‘Four Sons of Aymon’, ii. 181.
‘Four Sons of Fabius’, ii. 98, 394; iv. 97, 156, 216.
Fox. See Volpone.
Frederick and Basilea (plot), ii. 150; iv. 14.
Free Will (tr.), iii. 262.
‘Freeman’s Honour’, iii. 493.
‘French Comedy’ (1595), ii. 143.
‘French Comedy’ (1597), ii. 144.
‘French Doctor’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 301.
Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay, ii. 114; iii. 328; iv. 12.
‘Friar Fox and Gillian of Brentford’, ii. 169.
‘Friar Francis’, ii. 95; iv. 253.
‘Friar Rush and the Proud Woman of Antwerp’, ii. 178.
‘Friar Spendleton’, ii. 132, 156, 166.
‘Fromme Frau zu Antorf’, ii. 281.
Fucus, sive, Histriomastix, i. 253.
Fulgens and Lucres, iii. 22–4.
‘Funeral of Richard Cœur de Lion’, i. 320; ii. 166.
G
Galathea, ii. 18; iii. 34, 415; iv. 103.
‘Galiaso’, ii. 143.
Game at Chess, i. 327; iii. 438.
‘Game of the Cards’, i. 268; ii. 37; iv. 99, 158.
Gammer Gurton’s Needle, ii. 274; iii. 27; iv. 229.
Genièvre, iii. 14.
Gentle Craft. See Shoemaker’s Holiday.
Gentleman Usher, iii. 146, 251, 253.
Gentleness and Nobility, ii. 30.
Page 490
George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield, iv. 14.
‘George Scanderbeg’, iv. 400.
Gesta Grayorum (mask), i. 168; iii. 240; iv. 56, 109.
‘Gevatter’, ii. 286.
‘Ginecocratia’, iii. 470.
Giocasta, iii. 321.
Gismond of Salerne, iii. 30, 514; iv. 82.
‘Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea’, iv. 400.
Glass of Government, iii. 321; iv. 196.
‘God Speed the Plough’, ii. 95; iv. 400.
‘2 Godfrey of Bulloigne’, ii. 143; iii. 340.
Godly Queen Hester, iii. 25, 311, 350.
Golden Age, iii. 109, 114, 344.
Golden Age Restored (mask), i. 174; iii. 390; iv. 130.
‘Golden Ass’. See ‘Cupid and Psyche’.
Goosecap, Sir Giles, iii. 146, 251, 255; iv. 11, 15.
Gorboduc, i. 265; iii. 29, 456; iv. 80, 226.
‘Gowry’, i. 328; ii. 211.
‘Graf von Angiers’, ii. 286.
Great Duke of Florence, ii. 286.
‘Grecian Comedy’. See ‘Love of a Grecian Lady’.
‘Greek Maid’, ii. 89; iv. 96, 154.
Greene’s Tu Quoque, iii. 269; iv. 20, 125, 126, 178, 254.
Grim the Collier of Croydon, iv. 16.
Griseldis, iii. 292.
‘Guido’, ii. 144.
Guise (Marlowe). See Massacre at Paris.
‘Guise’ (Webster), iii. 426, 434; iv. 400.
‘Gustavus King of Swethland’, iii, 304.
Guy Earl of Warwick, iii. 304.
‘Guy of Warwick’, ii. 127; iii. 289, 304.
H
Haddington Mask, i. 173; iii. 381.
Hamlet, i. 380; ii. 193, 195, 202, 206, 209, 219, 286, 395; iii. 107, 112,
116, 117, 185, 252, 397, 486; iv. 33, 53, 234, 371.
‘George Scanderbeg’, iv. 400.
Gesta Grayorum (mask), i. 168; iii. 240; iv. 56, 109.
‘Gevatter’, ii. 286.
‘Ginecocratia’, iii. 470.
Giocasta, iii. 321.
Gismond of Salerne, iii. 30, 514; iv. 82.
‘Give a Man Luck and Throw him into the Sea’, iv. 400.
Glass of Government, iii. 321; iv. 196.
‘God Speed the Plough’, ii. 95; iv. 400.
‘2 Godfrey of Bulloigne’, ii. 143; iii. 340.
Godly Queen Hester, iii. 25, 311, 350.
Golden Age, iii. 109, 114, 344.
Golden Age Restored (mask), i. 174; iii. 390; iv. 130.
‘Golden Ass’. See ‘Cupid and Psyche’.
Goosecap, Sir Giles, iii. 146, 251, 255; iv. 11, 15.
Gorboduc, i. 265; iii. 29, 456; iv. 80, 226.
‘Gowry’, i. 328; ii. 211.
‘Graf von Angiers’, ii. 286.
Great Duke of Florence, ii. 286.
‘Grecian Comedy’. See ‘Love of a Grecian Lady’.
‘Greek Maid’, ii. 89; iv. 96, 154.
Greene’s Tu Quoque, iii. 269; iv. 20, 125, 126, 178, 254.
Grim the Collier of Croydon, iv. 16.
Griseldis, iii. 292.
‘Guido’, ii. 144.
Guise (Marlowe). See Massacre at Paris.
‘Guise’ (Webster), iii. 426, 434; iv. 400.
‘Gustavus King of Swethland’, iii, 304.
Guy Earl of Warwick, iii. 304.
‘Guy of Warwick’, ii. 127; iii. 289, 304.
H
Haddington Mask, i. 173; iii. 381.
Hamlet, i. 380; ii. 193, 195, 202, 206, 209, 219, 286, 395; iii. 107, 112,
116, 117, 185, 252, 397, 486; iv. 33, 53, 234, 371.
Page 491
‘Hannibal and Hermes’, ii. 166.
‘Hannibal and Scipio’, ii. 177.
‘Hardicanute’, ii. 132, 156, 167.
‘Hardshifte for Husbands’, iii. 472.
Harefield Entertainment, iv. 67.
Hay Mask, iii. 240.
Heautontimorumenus, i. 75; ii. 72; iv. 82.
Heautontimorumenus (tr.), iii. 236.
Heaven’s Blessing and Earth’s Joy. See Marriage of Frederick and
Elizabeth.
Hector of Germany, iii. 493.
Hecyra (tr.), iii. 236.
‘Heliogabalus’, iii. 324; iv. 401.
Hemetes the Hermit. See Woodstock Entertainment.
‘Hemidos and Thelay’, iv. 401.
‘Hengist’. See ‘Vortigern’.
‘Henry I’, ii. 144; iii. 307, 489.
‘Henry II’, iii. 489.
1 Henry IV, i. 220, 311; ii. 6, 196, 204, 217, 443; iii. 307, 484; iv. 36,
127, 180, 246, 371.
2 Henry IV, ii. 196, 217, 293, 443; iii. 485; iv. 127, 180, 246, 371.
‘Henry V’ (Anon.), ii. 144, 211; iv. 17.
Henry V (Shakespeare), ii. 203, 211, 415; iii. 485; iv. 9, 119, 171.
Henry V. See Famous Victories.
1 Henry VI, i. 260; ii. 122, 129–30, 201; iii. 55, 97, 481; iv. 8, 17, 238.
2 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 202; iii. 113, 481; iv. 8, 34, 43.
3 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 200, 202; iii. 481; iv. 8.
Henry VIII (Rowley). See When You See Me, You Know Me.
Henry VIII (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 217, 219, 419; iii. 489.
‘Henry of Cornwall’, ii. 122; iv. 2.
‘2 Henry Richmond’, ii. 161, 171.
‘Herbert Mask’, iii. 377.
‘1, 2 Hercules’, ii. 143–4, 167; iii. 345; iv. 4.
Hercules Furens (tr.), iii. 477.
Hercules Oetaeus (fr. tr.), iii. 311.
Hercules Oetaeus (tr.), iii. 478.
Herod and Antipater, iii. 417.
‘Hannibal and Scipio’, ii. 177.
‘Hardicanute’, ii. 132, 156, 167.
‘Hardshifte for Husbands’, iii. 472.
Harefield Entertainment, iv. 67.
Hay Mask, iii. 240.
Heautontimorumenus, i. 75; ii. 72; iv. 82.
Heautontimorumenus (tr.), iii. 236.
Heaven’s Blessing and Earth’s Joy. See Marriage of Frederick and
Elizabeth.
Hector of Germany, iii. 493.
Hecyra (tr.), iii. 236.
‘Heliogabalus’, iii. 324; iv. 401.
Hemetes the Hermit. See Woodstock Entertainment.
‘Hemidos and Thelay’, iv. 401.
‘Hengist’. See ‘Vortigern’.
‘Henry I’, ii. 144; iii. 307, 489.
‘Henry II’, iii. 489.
1 Henry IV, i. 220, 311; ii. 6, 196, 204, 217, 443; iii. 307, 484; iv. 36,
127, 180, 246, 371.
2 Henry IV, ii. 196, 217, 293, 443; iii. 485; iv. 127, 180, 246, 371.
‘Henry V’ (Anon.), ii. 144, 211; iv. 17.
Henry V (Shakespeare), ii. 203, 211, 415; iii. 485; iv. 9, 119, 171.
Henry V. See Famous Victories.
1 Henry VI, i. 260; ii. 122, 129–30, 201; iii. 55, 97, 481; iv. 8, 17, 238.
2 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 202; iii. 113, 481; iv. 8, 34, 43.
3 Henry VI, ii. 129–30, 200, 202; iii. 481; iv. 8.
Henry VIII (Rowley). See When You See Me, You Know Me.
Henry VIII (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 217, 219, 419; iii. 489.
‘Henry of Cornwall’, ii. 122; iv. 2.
‘2 Henry Richmond’, ii. 161, 171.
‘Herbert Mask’, iii. 377.
‘1, 2 Hercules’, ii. 143–4, 167; iii. 345; iv. 4.
Hercules Furens (tr.), iii. 477.
Hercules Oetaeus (fr. tr.), iii. 311.
Hercules Oetaeus (tr.), iii. 478.
Herod and Antipater, iii. 417.
Page 492
Herodes, iv. 375.
‘Herpetulus the Blue Knight and Perobia’, ii. 97; iv. 89, 148.
‘Herzog von Florenz und Edelmanns Tochter’, ii. 281, 286.
‘Herzog von Mantua und Herzog von Verona’, ii. 286.
‘Hester and Ahasuerus’, ii. 140, 193, 202.
Hickscorner, iii. 22.
Highgate Entertainment, i. 126; iii. 392.
Himatia Poleos (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
Hippolytus, iii. 3, 319.
Hippolytus (tr.), iii. 478.
Hispanus, iv. 375.
‘Histoire Angloise contre la Roine d’Angleterre’, i. 323.
‘History of Love and Fortune’, iv. 28.
‘History of the Old Testament’, ii. 11.
Histriomastix, i. 381–2; iii. 135, 362; iv. 17.
‘Hit Nail o’ th’ Head’, iii. 437.
Hoffman, iii. 264.
Honest Lawyer, iv. 19.
Honest Man’s Fortune, i. 321; ii. 251; iii. 227.
1, 2 Honest Whore, iii. 294.
Horestes, iii. 38, 466; iv. 84, 144.
‘Hot Anger Soon Cold’, ii. 169.
How a Man may Choose a Good Wife from a Bad, iii. 342; iv. 19.
‘How to Learn of a Woman to Woo’, iii. 342; iv. 119, 171.
Hue and Cry after Cupid. See Haddington Mask.
Huff, Suff, and Ruff. See Cambyses.
Humorous Day’s Mirth, iii. 251.
‘Humorous Earl of Gloucester with his Conquest of Portugal’, ii. 179;
iv. 28.
Humour out of Breath, iii. 287.
Hunting of Cupid, iii. 462; iv. 54.
‘Huon of Bordeaux’, ii. 95; iii. 304.
Hymenaei (mask), i. 172; iii. 378; iv. 120.
Hymenaeus, iv, 375.
‘Hymen’s Holiday’, ii. 244; iv. 126, 178.
Hymen’s Triumph, i. 174; iii. 276; iv. 129.
‘Herpetulus the Blue Knight and Perobia’, ii. 97; iv. 89, 148.
‘Herzog von Florenz und Edelmanns Tochter’, ii. 281, 286.
‘Herzog von Mantua und Herzog von Verona’, ii. 286.
‘Hester and Ahasuerus’, ii. 140, 193, 202.
Hickscorner, iii. 22.
Highgate Entertainment, i. 126; iii. 392.
Himatia Poleos (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
Hippolytus, iii. 3, 319.
Hippolytus (tr.), iii. 478.
Hispanus, iv. 375.
‘Histoire Angloise contre la Roine d’Angleterre’, i. 323.
‘History of Love and Fortune’, iv. 28.
‘History of the Old Testament’, ii. 11.
Histriomastix, i. 381–2; iii. 135, 362; iv. 17.
‘Hit Nail o’ th’ Head’, iii. 437.
Hoffman, iii. 264.
Honest Lawyer, iv. 19.
Honest Man’s Fortune, i. 321; ii. 251; iii. 227.
1, 2 Honest Whore, iii. 294.
Horestes, iii. 38, 466; iv. 84, 144.
‘Hot Anger Soon Cold’, ii. 169.
How a Man may Choose a Good Wife from a Bad, iii. 342; iv. 19.
‘How to Learn of a Woman to Woo’, iii. 342; iv. 119, 171.
Hue and Cry after Cupid. See Haddington Mask.
Huff, Suff, and Ruff. See Cambyses.
Humorous Day’s Mirth, iii. 251.
‘Humorous Earl of Gloucester with his Conquest of Portugal’, ii. 179;
iv. 28.
Humour out of Breath, iii. 287.
Hunting of Cupid, iii. 462; iv. 54.
‘Huon of Bordeaux’, ii. 95; iii. 304.
Hymenaei (mask), i. 172; iii. 378; iv. 120.
Hymenaeus, iv, 375.
‘Hymen’s Holiday’, ii. 244; iv. 126, 178.
Hymen’s Triumph, i. 174; iii. 276; iv. 129.
Page 493
I
If It be not Good, the Devil is in It, iii. 271, 297.
1, 2 If You Know not Me, You Know Nobody, iii. 342.
Ignoramus, i. 131; iii. 475.
Illusion Comique, iii. 16.
‘Impatient Grissell’, iv. 401.
Impatient Poverty, iii. 23; iv. 20, 31.
Inner Temple and Gray’s Inn Mask, iii. 233.
Insatiate Countess, iii. 433.
‘Iphigenia’ (Anon.), ii. 14; iii. 352; iv. 87, 146.
Iphigenia (tr. Lumley), ii. 14; iii. 411.
‘Iphigenia’ (tr. Peele), iii. 462.
Iphigenia in Aulis, iii. 411.
‘Iphis and Iantha’, iii. 489.
Ira seu Tumulus Fortuna. See Christmas Prince.
‘Irish Knight’, ii. 98, 381; iv. 91, 152.
Irish Mask, i. 173; iii. 247, 388; iv. 128.
1, 2 Iron Age, iii. 345.
Irus. See Blind Beggar of Alexandria.
‘Isle of a Woman’, ii. 167, 169; iii. 253.
‘Isle of Dogs’, i. 298, 324; ii. 132, 151; iii. 353, 364, 453; iv. 323.
Isle of Gulls, i. 326; ii. 52; iii. 150, 286, 295, 296.
‘Italian Tragedy’ (Day), ii. 173; iii. 518.
‘Italian Tragedy’ (Smith), ii. 227.
Ivy-Church, The Countess of Pembroke’s. See Phillis and Amyntas.
J
‘Jack and Jill’, iv. 84, 144.
Jack Drum’s Entertainment, i. 381; ii. 20; iii. 138; iv. 18, 19, 21.
Jack Juggler, iii. 27.
Jack Straw, iv. 22.
Jacob and Esau, iii. 24, 350; iv. 22.
James IV, ii. 296; iii. 330.
‘Jealous Comedy’, ii. 123, 130, 201.
Jemand und Niemand, ii. 281–2, 285–6.
If It be not Good, the Devil is in It, iii. 271, 297.
1, 2 If You Know not Me, You Know Nobody, iii. 342.
Ignoramus, i. 131; iii. 475.
Illusion Comique, iii. 16.
‘Impatient Grissell’, iv. 401.
Impatient Poverty, iii. 23; iv. 20, 31.
Inner Temple and Gray’s Inn Mask, iii. 233.
Insatiate Countess, iii. 433.
‘Iphigenia’ (Anon.), ii. 14; iii. 352; iv. 87, 146.
Iphigenia (tr. Lumley), ii. 14; iii. 411.
‘Iphigenia’ (tr. Peele), iii. 462.
Iphigenia in Aulis, iii. 411.
‘Iphis and Iantha’, iii. 489.
Ira seu Tumulus Fortuna. See Christmas Prince.
‘Irish Knight’, ii. 98, 381; iv. 91, 152.
Irish Mask, i. 173; iii. 247, 388; iv. 128.
1, 2 Iron Age, iii. 345.
Irus. See Blind Beggar of Alexandria.
‘Isle of a Woman’, ii. 167, 169; iii. 253.
‘Isle of Dogs’, i. 298, 324; ii. 132, 151; iii. 353, 364, 453; iv. 323.
Isle of Gulls, i. 326; ii. 52; iii. 150, 286, 295, 296.
‘Italian Tragedy’ (Day), ii. 173; iii. 518.
‘Italian Tragedy’ (Smith), ii. 227.
Ivy-Church, The Countess of Pembroke’s. See Phillis and Amyntas.
J
‘Jack and Jill’, iv. 84, 144.
Jack Drum’s Entertainment, i. 381; ii. 20; iii. 138; iv. 18, 19, 21.
Jack Juggler, iii. 27.
Jack Straw, iv. 22.
Jacob and Esau, iii. 24, 350; iv. 22.
James IV, ii. 296; iii. 330.
‘Jealous Comedy’, ii. 123, 130, 201.
Jemand und Niemand, ii. 281–2, 285–6.
Page 494
‘Jephthah’ (Dekker), ii. 179.
Jephthes (Buchanan), iii. 514; iv. 246.
1 Jeronimo, ii. 286; iii. 396; iv. 22.
‘Jeronimo, Comedy of’, ii. 122–3.
‘Jeronimo’. See Spanish Tragedy.
‘Jerusalem’, ii. 122; iii. 409.
‘Jesuits’ Comedy’, i. 323; iv. 401.
‘Jew’, ii. 380; iv. 204.
Jew of Malta, ii. 286; iii. 424.
‘Jew of Venice’, iii. 301.
‘Joan as Good as my Lady’, ii. 169.
‘Job’, iii. 330.
Jocasta, iii. 30, 320.
‘Joconda and Astolso’, iii. 304.
Johan, Kinge, i. 241, 245; iii. 22; iv. 79.
Johan Johan, ii. 30; iii. 23.
Johan the Evangelist, iii. 22.
John, King, ii. 194; iii. 483; iv. 24, 246.
John. See Troublesome Reign.
John a Kent and John a Cumber, iii. 446; iv. 32, 33.
John and Matilda, iii. 447.
John Baptist, i. 241.
‘John of Gaunt’, iv. 401.
Joseph, iii. 18.
‘Joseph’s Afflictions’, iv. 401.
Josephus Jude von Venedig, ii. 145, 147, 286.
‘Joshua’, ii. 180.
‘Judas’ (1600), ii. 173, 178.
‘Judas’ (1601), ii. 178.
‘Jude’, ii. 281.
Judith (fr. tr.), iv. 24.
‘Jugurtha’, ii. 171.
‘Julian the Apostate’ (Anon.), ii. 144.
‘Julian the Apostate’ (Ashton), iii. 210.
Julio und Hyppolita, ii. 145, 285; iii. 301.
Julius Caesar (Alexander), iii. 209.
Jephthes (Buchanan), iii. 514; iv. 246.
1 Jeronimo, ii. 286; iii. 396; iv. 22.
‘Jeronimo, Comedy of’, ii. 122–3.
‘Jeronimo’. See Spanish Tragedy.
‘Jerusalem’, ii. 122; iii. 409.
‘Jesuits’ Comedy’, i. 323; iv. 401.
‘Jew’, ii. 380; iv. 204.
Jew of Malta, ii. 286; iii. 424.
‘Jew of Venice’, iii. 301.
‘Joan as Good as my Lady’, ii. 169.
‘Job’, iii. 330.
Jocasta, iii. 30, 320.
‘Joconda and Astolso’, iii. 304.
Johan, Kinge, i. 241, 245; iii. 22; iv. 79.
Johan Johan, ii. 30; iii. 23.
Johan the Evangelist, iii. 22.
John, King, ii. 194; iii. 483; iv. 24, 246.
John. See Troublesome Reign.
John a Kent and John a Cumber, iii. 446; iv. 32, 33.
John and Matilda, iii. 447.
John Baptist, i. 241.
‘John of Gaunt’, iv. 401.
Joseph, iii. 18.
‘Joseph’s Afflictions’, iv. 401.
Josephus Jude von Venedig, ii. 145, 147, 286.
‘Joshua’, ii. 180.
‘Judas’ (1600), ii. 173, 178.
‘Judas’ (1601), ii. 178.
‘Jude’, ii. 281.
Judith (fr. tr.), iv. 24.
‘Jugurtha’, ii. 171.
‘Julian the Apostate’ (Anon.), ii. 144.
‘Julian the Apostate’ (Ashton), iii. 210.
Julio und Hyppolita, ii. 145, 285; iii. 301.
Julius Caesar (Alexander), iii. 209.
Page 495
Julius Caesar (Shakespeare), ii. 203, 217, 286, 365; iii. 486, 509; iv.
33, 54, 127, 180.
Juvenis, Pater, Uxor, iii. 351.
K
Kenilworth Entertainment, iv. 61.
King and No King, iii. 225; iv. 125, 127, 177, 180.
King of Denmark’s Entertainment, iv. 70.
‘King of Fairies’, iv. 236, 241.
‘King of Scots’, iii. 432; iv. 84, 144.
Knack to Know a Knave, iv. 24.
Knack to Know an Honest Man, iv. 24.
‘1, 2 Knaves’, ii. 244; iv. 127, 180.
‘Knight in the Burning Rock’, ii. 98; iv. 96, 155.
‘Knight of Rhodes iii. 462; iv. 47.
Knight of the Burning Pestle, iii. 151, 220, 237; iv. 36.
‘Knot of Fools’, iv. 127, 180.
‘König aus Arragona’, ii. 286; iii. 327.
‘König aus Engelandt und Goltschmitt Weib’, ii. 281.
‘König in Dennemark und König in Schweden’, ii. 286.
‘König in Spanien und Vice Roy in Portugall’, ii. 286.
‘König Ludwig und König Friedrich von Ungarn’, ii. 281.
‘König von Khipern und Herzog von Venedig’, ii. 281, 286.
Königes Sohne aus Engellandt und Königes Tochter aus Schottlandt,
ii. 281, 285, 286.
L
Labyrinthus, iii. 336.
‘Lady Amity’, iii. 215.
‘Lady Barbara’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.
1, 2 Lady Jane. See Sir Thomas Wyatt.
Lady of May (show), i. 124; ii. 89; iii. 491.
Laelia, iii. 212; iv. 53, 375.
‘Late Murder of the Son upon the Mother’, iii. 512.
Law Tricks, iii. 285.
Leander, iii. 336.
33, 54, 127, 180.
Juvenis, Pater, Uxor, iii. 351.
K
Kenilworth Entertainment, iv. 61.
King and No King, iii. 225; iv. 125, 127, 177, 180.
King of Denmark’s Entertainment, iv. 70.
‘King of Fairies’, iv. 236, 241.
‘King of Scots’, iii. 432; iv. 84, 144.
Knack to Know a Knave, iv. 24.
Knack to Know an Honest Man, iv. 24.
‘1, 2 Knaves’, ii. 244; iv. 127, 180.
‘Knight in the Burning Rock’, ii. 98; iv. 96, 155.
‘Knight of Rhodes iii. 462; iv. 47.
Knight of the Burning Pestle, iii. 151, 220, 237; iv. 36.
‘Knot of Fools’, iv. 127, 180.
‘König aus Arragona’, ii. 286; iii. 327.
‘König aus Engelandt und Goltschmitt Weib’, ii. 281.
‘König in Dennemark und König in Schweden’, ii. 286.
‘König in Spanien und Vice Roy in Portugall’, ii. 286.
‘König Ludwig und König Friedrich von Ungarn’, ii. 281.
‘König von Khipern und Herzog von Venedig’, ii. 281, 286.
Königes Sohne aus Engellandt und Königes Tochter aus Schottlandt,
ii. 281, 285, 286.
L
Labyrinthus, iii. 336.
‘Lady Amity’, iii. 215.
‘Lady Barbara’, ii. 96; iv. 87, 146.
1, 2 Lady Jane. See Sir Thomas Wyatt.
Lady of May (show), i. 124; ii. 89; iii. 491.
Laelia, iii. 212; iv. 53, 375.
‘Late Murder of the Son upon the Mother’, iii. 512.
Law Tricks, iii. 285.
Leander, iii. 336.
Page 496
Lear, King, ii. 212, 286; iii. 488, 499; iv. 25, 48, 121.
Leire, King, ii. 202; iv. 25, 48.
Lena, iii. 11.
Liberality and Prodigality, iii. 145; iv. 26.
Life and Repentance of Mary Magdalene, iii. 25, 503; iv. 194.
‘Like Quits Like’, iii. 267.
‘Like unto Like’ (1600), ii. 133; iv. 16.
Like will to Like (c. 1568), ii. 14; iii. 24, 317; iv. 16.
Lingua, iii. 497.
Lisandre et Caliste, iii. 16.
Little Thief. See Nightwalker.
Locrine, iii. 232; iv. 26, 44, 46.
‘London Against the Three Ladies,’ iii. 515; iv. 216.
‘1, 2 London Florentine’, ii. 180–1.
‘London Merchant’, iii. 315.
London Maid. See Thorny Abbey.
London Prodigal, iv. 27.
London’s Love to Prince Henry, iv. 72.
‘1 Long Meg of Westminster’, ii. 147, 190.
‘Longshanks’, ii. 144, 181; iii. 461.
‘Longsword, Sir William’, i. 320; ii. 170.
Look About You, iv. 28.
Looking Glass for London and England, ii. 280, 296; iii. 328.
Lords’ Mask, i. 173; iii. 241.
Love and Fortune, ii. 118; iii. 45; iv. 28, 99, 159.
‘Love and Self-Love’ (show), iii. 212, 306.
Love Feigned and Unfeigned, iv. 28.
Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly (mask), i. 173; iii. 386; iv. 125.
Love Lies Bleeding. See Philaster.
‘Love of a Grecian Lady’, ii. 146; iii. 462.
‘Love of an English Lady’, ii. 143.
‘Love Parts Friendship’, ii. 179; iii. 266; iv. 50.
‘Love Prevented’, ii. 166; iii. 467.
Love Restored (mask), i. 173; iii. 387; iv. 35, 58, 125.
Love’s Cure, iii. 231.
Love’s Labour’s Lost, ii. 194, 211; iii. 260, 482; iv. 119, 139, 171, 246.
‘Love’s Labour’s Won’, ii. 197; iii. 489; iv. 246.
Leire, King, ii. 202; iv. 25, 48.
Lena, iii. 11.
Liberality and Prodigality, iii. 145; iv. 26.
Life and Repentance of Mary Magdalene, iii. 25, 503; iv. 194.
‘Like Quits Like’, iii. 267.
‘Like unto Like’ (1600), ii. 133; iv. 16.
Like will to Like (c. 1568), ii. 14; iii. 24, 317; iv. 16.
Lingua, iii. 497.
Lisandre et Caliste, iii. 16.
Little Thief. See Nightwalker.
Locrine, iii. 232; iv. 26, 44, 46.
‘London Against the Three Ladies,’ iii. 515; iv. 216.
‘1, 2 London Florentine’, ii. 180–1.
‘London Merchant’, iii. 315.
London Maid. See Thorny Abbey.
London Prodigal, iv. 27.
London’s Love to Prince Henry, iv. 72.
‘1 Long Meg of Westminster’, ii. 147, 190.
‘Longshanks’, ii. 144, 181; iii. 461.
‘Longsword, Sir William’, i. 320; ii. 170.
Look About You, iv. 28.
Looking Glass for London and England, ii. 280, 296; iii. 328.
Lords’ Mask, i. 173; iii. 241.
Love and Fortune, ii. 118; iii. 45; iv. 28, 99, 159.
‘Love and Self-Love’ (show), iii. 212, 306.
Love Feigned and Unfeigned, iv. 28.
Love Freed from Ignorance and Folly (mask), i. 173; iii. 386; iv. 125.
Love Lies Bleeding. See Philaster.
‘Love of a Grecian Lady’, ii. 146; iii. 462.
‘Love of an English Lady’, ii. 143.
‘Love Parts Friendship’, ii. 179; iii. 266; iv. 50.
‘Love Prevented’, ii. 166; iii. 467.
Love Restored (mask), i. 173; iii. 387; iv. 35, 58, 125.
Love’s Cure, iii. 231.
Love’s Labour’s Lost, ii. 194, 211; iii. 260, 482; iv. 119, 139, 171, 246.
‘Love’s Labour’s Won’, ii. 197; iii. 489; iv. 246.
Page 497
Love’s Metamorphosis, iii. 34, 145, 416.
Love’s Mistress, iii. 346.
Lovesick King, iii. 237.
‘Loyalty and Beauty’, ii. 35; iv. 96, 155.
Lucidi, iii. 13.
‘Lud, King’, ii. 95.
‘Ludovico, ein König aus Hispania’, ii. 284.
‘Lustie London’, iii. 470.
Lust’s Dominion, iii. 427.
Lusty Juventus, iii. 22; iv. 380.
M
Macbeth, i. 126; ii. 212, 215, 269; iii. 332, 438, 439, 488, 498.
‘Machiavel’ (1592), ii. 122; iii. 272.
‘Machiavel and the Devil’ (1613), i. 374; ii. 252; iii. 272.
Machiavellus, iv. 376.
‘Mack’, ii. 143; iii. 299.
Mad World, my Masters, iii. 143, 439.
‘Madman’s Morris’, ii. 166.
‘Madon King of Britain’, iii. 233.
‘Mahomet’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 327; iv. 47.
‘Mahomet’s Poo’, iii. 327, 460, 462.
Maidenhead Well Lost, iii. 347.
‘Maiden’s Holiday’, iii. 289, 427.
Maid’s Metamorphosis, ii. 20; iii. 136; iv. 29.
Maid’s Tragedy, iii. 224; iv. 127, 180, 371.
‘Malcolm King of Scots’, ii. 179.
Malcontent, iii. 147, 431; iv. 23.
‘Mamillia’, ii. 89; iv. 89, 147.
‘Mandeville’, ii. 122–3; iv. 12.
‘Manhood and Misrule’, iv. 402.
Mankind, iv. 37.
‘Man’s Wit’, iv. 241.
Marc Antoine, iii. 337.
‘Marcus Geminus’, i. 128.
Mariam, iii. 247.
Love’s Mistress, iii. 346.
Lovesick King, iii. 237.
‘Loyalty and Beauty’, ii. 35; iv. 96, 155.
Lucidi, iii. 13.
‘Lud, King’, ii. 95.
‘Ludovico, ein König aus Hispania’, ii. 284.
‘Lustie London’, iii. 470.
Lust’s Dominion, iii. 427.
Lusty Juventus, iii. 22; iv. 380.
M
Macbeth, i. 126; ii. 212, 215, 269; iii. 332, 438, 439, 488, 498.
‘Machiavel’ (1592), ii. 122; iii. 272.
‘Machiavel and the Devil’ (1613), i. 374; ii. 252; iii. 272.
Machiavellus, iv. 376.
‘Mack’, ii. 143; iii. 299.
Mad World, my Masters, iii. 143, 439.
‘Madman’s Morris’, ii. 166.
‘Madon King of Britain’, iii. 233.
‘Mahomet’, ii. 146, 180; iii. 327; iv. 47.
‘Mahomet’s Poo’, iii. 327, 460, 462.
Maidenhead Well Lost, iii. 347.
‘Maiden’s Holiday’, iii. 289, 427.
Maid’s Metamorphosis, ii. 20; iii. 136; iv. 29.
Maid’s Tragedy, iii. 224; iv. 127, 180, 371.
‘Malcolm King of Scots’, ii. 179.
Malcontent, iii. 147, 431; iv. 23.
‘Mamillia’, ii. 89; iv. 89, 147.
‘Mandeville’, ii. 122–3; iv. 12.
‘Manhood and Misrule’, iv. 402.
Mankind, iv. 37.
‘Man’s Wit’, iv. 241.
Marc Antoine, iii. 337.
‘Marcus Geminus’, i. 128.
Mariam, iii. 247.
Page 498
Marius and Sulla. See Wounds of Civil War.
‘Marquis d’Ancre’, i. 327; iii. 511.
Marriage between Wit and Wisdom, iii. 437.
Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth (shows), iv. 73.
‘Marriage of Mind and Measure’, ii. 15; iii. 437; iv. 96, 154.
Marriage of Wit and Science, iv. 29.
‘Marshal Osric’, ii. 227; iii. 341.
‘Märtherin Dorothea’, ii. 286.
Martial Maid. See Love’s Cure.
‘Martin Swart’, ii. 144.
Mary Magdalene. See Life and Repentance.
Mask of Heroes, ii. 245.
Massacre at Paris, i. 323; ii. 123, 146; iii. 425.
Match at Midnight, iii. 474.
Match Me in London, iii. 297.
‘Match or No Match’, iii. 472.
May Day, iii. 147, 256.
‘May Lord’, iii. 374.
Mayor of Quinborough, iii. 442.
Measure for Measure, ii. 211; iii. 487; iv. 119, 171.
Medea (tr.), iii. 478.
‘Medicine for a Curst Wife’, ii. 179, 227.
Melanthe, i. 131; iii. 238.
Meleager, i. 129; iii. 32, 318; iv. 30.
Meleager (argument), ii. 18; iv. 30.
‘Melone König aus Dalmatia’, ii. 284.
Menaechmi, iii. 4, 5, 20.
Menaechmi (tr.), iii. 505.
Menechmes, iii. 17.
‘Merchant of Emden’, ii. 143.
Merchant of Venice, ii. 195, 211, 283, 286; iii. 301, 484; iv. 30, 53,
119, 171, 246.
Mercury Vindicated from the Alchemists (mask), i. 174; iii. 389; iv.
130.
‘Merry as May Be’, ii. 180.
Merry Devil of Edmonton, iv. 12, 30, 36, 127, 180.
‘Marquis d’Ancre’, i. 327; iii. 511.
Marriage between Wit and Wisdom, iii. 437.
Marriage of Frederick and Elizabeth (shows), iv. 73.
‘Marriage of Mind and Measure’, ii. 15; iii. 437; iv. 96, 154.
Marriage of Wit and Science, iv. 29.
‘Marshal Osric’, ii. 227; iii. 341.
‘Märtherin Dorothea’, ii. 286.
Martial Maid. See Love’s Cure.
‘Martin Swart’, ii. 144.
Mary Magdalene. See Life and Repentance.
Mask of Heroes, ii. 245.
Massacre at Paris, i. 323; ii. 123, 146; iii. 425.
Match at Midnight, iii. 474.
Match Me in London, iii. 297.
‘Match or No Match’, iii. 472.
May Day, iii. 147, 256.
‘May Lord’, iii. 374.
Mayor of Quinborough, iii. 442.
Measure for Measure, ii. 211; iii. 487; iv. 119, 171.
Medea (tr.), iii. 478.
‘Medicine for a Curst Wife’, ii. 179, 227.
Melanthe, i. 131; iii. 238.
Meleager, i. 129; iii. 32, 318; iv. 30.
Meleager (argument), ii. 18; iv. 30.
‘Melone König aus Dalmatia’, ii. 284.
Menaechmi, iii. 4, 5, 20.
Menaechmi (tr.), iii. 505.
Menechmes, iii. 17.
‘Merchant of Emden’, ii. 143.
Merchant of Venice, ii. 195, 211, 283, 286; iii. 301, 484; iv. 30, 53,
119, 171, 246.
Mercury Vindicated from the Alchemists (mask), i. 174; iii. 389; iv.
130.
‘Merry as May Be’, ii. 180.
Merry Devil of Edmonton, iv. 12, 30, 36, 127, 180.
Page 499
Merry Wives of Windsor, ii. 64, 204, 211; iii. 185, 486; iv. 30, 53, 119,
171.
Messallina, ii. 519.
Metropolis Coronata (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
Michaelmas Term, iii. 143, 440.
Midas, ii. 18; iii. 34, 416; iv. 104.
Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn Mask. See Chapman’s Mask.
Midsummer Night’s Dream, i. 124; ii. 117, 194; iii. 483; iv. 36, 109,
118, 246.
Miles Gloriosus, i. 75; ii. 72; iii. 5, 20; iv. 3, 82.
‘Miller’, ii. 168; iii. 407.
Minds (tr.), iv. 31.
‘Mingo’, ii. 89.
Miseries of Enforced Marriage, iii. 513; iv. 55.
Misfortunes of Arthur, iii. 30, 348; iv. 103.
Misogonus, iii. 24; iv. 31.
Moll Cut-Purse. See Roaring Girl.
Monsieur d’Olive, iii. 146, 252.
Monsieur Thomas, iii. 228.
Montague Mask, iii. 321.
More, Sir Thomas, i. 321; iv. 21, 32.
‘Mortimer’, iii. 425.
Mother Bombie, iii. 34, 416.
‘Mother Redcap’, ii. 166.
‘Mother Rumming’, iv. 402.
Mountebanks Mask, iii. 240, 435.
Mucedorus, i. 328; ii. 286; iii. 271; iv. 12, 30, 34.
Much Ado About Nothing, ii. 197, 217, 300, 312; iii. 485; iv. 16, 127,
180.
Mulleasses. See Turk.
‘Mulmutius Dunwallow’, ii. 170.
‘Muly Mollocco’, ii. 122–3; iii. 460.
‘Murderous Michael’, ii. 93; iv. 4, 96, 155.
Mustapha, iii. 331.
‘Mutius Scaevola’, ii. 35, 63; iv. 91, 151.
N
171.
Messallina, ii. 519.
Metropolis Coronata (show), i. 137; iii. 449.
Michaelmas Term, iii. 143, 440.
Midas, ii. 18; iii. 34, 416; iv. 104.
Middle Temple and Lincoln’s Inn Mask. See Chapman’s Mask.
Midsummer Night’s Dream, i. 124; ii. 117, 194; iii. 483; iv. 36, 109,
118, 246.
Miles Gloriosus, i. 75; ii. 72; iii. 5, 20; iv. 3, 82.
‘Miller’, ii. 168; iii. 407.
Minds (tr.), iv. 31.
‘Mingo’, ii. 89.
Miseries of Enforced Marriage, iii. 513; iv. 55.
Misfortunes of Arthur, iii. 30, 348; iv. 103.
Misogonus, iii. 24; iv. 31.
Moll Cut-Purse. See Roaring Girl.
Monsieur d’Olive, iii. 146, 252.
Monsieur Thomas, iii. 228.
Montague Mask, iii. 321.
More, Sir Thomas, i. 321; iv. 21, 32.
‘Mortimer’, iii. 425.
Mother Bombie, iii. 34, 416.
‘Mother Redcap’, ii. 166.
‘Mother Rumming’, iv. 402.
Mountebanks Mask, iii. 240, 435.
Mucedorus, i. 328; ii. 286; iii. 271; iv. 12, 30, 34.
Much Ado About Nothing, ii. 197, 217, 300, 312; iii. 485; iv. 16, 127,
180.
Mulleasses. See Turk.
‘Mulmutius Dunwallow’, ii. 170.
‘Muly Mollocco’, ii. 122–3; iii. 460.
‘Murderous Michael’, ii. 93; iv. 4, 96, 155.
Mustapha, iii. 331.
‘Mutius Scaevola’, ii. 35, 63; iv. 91, 151.
N
Page 500
‘Narcissus’ (1572), iv. 87, 146.
Narcissus (1603), iv. 36.
‘Nebuchadnezzar’, ii. 144.
Necromantes, iii. 464.
Nero (Anon.), iv. 5.
Nero (Gwynne), iii. 332.
‘Netherlands’, iv. 402.
New Custom, iv. 36.
New Wonder, A Woman Never Vexed, iii. 474.
‘New World’s Tragedy’, ii. 144.
Nice Wanton, iii. 23.
Nightwalker, iii. 230.
‘Niniveh’s Repentance’, iv. 402.
‘Ninus and Semiramis’, iv. 402.
No Wit, no Help, like a Woman’s, iii. 441.
Noble Soldier, iii. 288, 300.
‘Nobleman’, iii. 500; iv. 126, 127, 178, 180.
Nobody and Somebody, iv. 37.
Northern Man. See Too Good to be True.
Northward Ho! iii. 141, 286, 295.
‘Nugize’, iv. 37.
Narcissus (1603), iv. 36.
‘Nebuchadnezzar’, ii. 144.
Necromantes, iii. 464.
Nero (Anon.), iv. 5.
Nero (Gwynne), iii. 332.
‘Netherlands’, iv. 402.
New Custom, iv. 36.
New Wonder, A Woman Never Vexed, iii. 474.
‘New World’s Tragedy’, ii. 144.
Nice Wanton, iii. 23.
Nightwalker, iii. 230.
‘Niniveh’s Repentance’, iv. 402.
‘Ninus and Semiramis’, iv. 402.
No Wit, no Help, like a Woman’s, iii. 441.
Noble Soldier, iii. 288, 300.
‘Nobleman’, iii. 500; iv. 126, 127, 178, 180.
Nobody and Somebody, iv. 37.
Northern Man. See Too Good to be True.
Northward Ho! iii. 141, 286, 295.
‘Nugize’, iv. 37.
Page 501
O
Oberon (mask), i. 173; iii. 385; iv. 35, 58, 125.
Octavia (tr.), iii. 478.
Oedipus (fr.), iii. 319.
Oedipus (tr.), iii. 477.
Old Fortunatus, ii. 281, 286; iii. 290; iv. 112.
Old Law, iii. 438.
Old Wive’s Tale, iii. 48, 329, 461.
1, ‘2’ Oldcastle, ii. 6, 171, 218; iii. 306.
‘Olympo’, ii. 143; iii. 344.
Oration of Gwgan and Poetry (Welsh), iii. 457.
Orestes. See Horestes.
‘Orestes Furious’. See ‘Agamemnon’.
Orlando Furioso, i. 378; ii. 286; iii. 325, 329, 461, 472.
‘Orphans’ Tragedy’, ii. 173, 179; iii. 518.
‘Ortenus’, iv. 402.
‘Osric’, ii. 147.
Othello, ii. 207, 211, 215, 217; iii. 112, 487; iv. 68, 119, 127, 138, 171,
180, 371.
Overthrow of Rebels. See Sir Thomas Wyatt.
‘Owen Tudor’, ii. 173.
‘Owl’, ii. 253; iii. 233, 272.
P
‘Page of Plymouth’, ii. 171.
‘Painful Pilgrimage’, iv. 84, 144.
‘Painter’s Daughter’, ii. 98; iv. 93, 151.
‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Anon.), ii. 143.
‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Edwardes), i. 128; iii. 311.
Pammachius, i. 241.
Pandoste, iii. 16–17.
‘Panecia’, ii. 88; iv. 91, 149.
Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus, iii. 319.
‘Paradox’, ii. 144.
Parasitaster. See Fawn.
Oberon (mask), i. 173; iii. 385; iv. 35, 58, 125.
Octavia (tr.), iii. 478.
Oedipus (fr.), iii. 319.
Oedipus (tr.), iii. 477.
Old Fortunatus, ii. 281, 286; iii. 290; iv. 112.
Old Law, iii. 438.
Old Wive’s Tale, iii. 48, 329, 461.
1, ‘2’ Oldcastle, ii. 6, 171, 218; iii. 306.
‘Olympo’, ii. 143; iii. 344.
Oration of Gwgan and Poetry (Welsh), iii. 457.
Orestes. See Horestes.
‘Orestes Furious’. See ‘Agamemnon’.
Orlando Furioso, i. 378; ii. 286; iii. 325, 329, 461, 472.
‘Orphans’ Tragedy’, ii. 173, 179; iii. 518.
‘Ortenus’, iv. 402.
‘Osric’, ii. 147.
Othello, ii. 207, 211, 215, 217; iii. 112, 487; iv. 68, 119, 127, 138, 171,
180, 371.
Overthrow of Rebels. See Sir Thomas Wyatt.
‘Owen Tudor’, ii. 173.
‘Owl’, ii. 253; iii. 233, 272.
P
‘Page of Plymouth’, ii. 171.
‘Painful Pilgrimage’, iv. 84, 144.
‘Painter’s Daughter’, ii. 98; iv. 93, 151.
‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Anon.), ii. 143.
‘Palamon and Arcite’ (Edwardes), i. 128; iii. 311.
Pammachius, i. 241.
Pandoste, iii. 16–17.
‘Panecia’, ii. 88; iv. 91, 149.
Panniculus Hippolyto Assutus, iii. 319.
‘Paradox’, ii. 144.
Parasitaster. See Fawn.
Page 502
Pardoner and Frere, ii. 30; iii. 22.
‘Paris and Vienna’, ii. 75; iv. 87, 146.
Parliament of Bees (dialogues), iii. 287, 299, 300.
1, 2, 3 Parnassus, i. 381, 385; iv. 38.
Parthenia, iv. 376.
Pasquill and Katherine. See Jack Drum’s Entertainment.
‘Passion of Christ’, iii. 211.
Pastor Fido (tr.), iv. 40.
Pastor Fidus (tr.), iv. 376.
Pastoral Dialogue, iii. 492.
‘Pastoral Tragedy’, ii. 170.
Pathomachia, iii. 499.
Patient Grissell (Dekker), ii. 286; iii. 292.
Patient Grissell (Phillip), iii. 38, 465.
Pedantius, iv. 49, 238, 376.
Pedlar’s Prophecy, iv. 41.
Penates. See Highgate Entertainment.
Penulus, iii. 5.
Perfidus Etruscus, iv. 377.
Periander. See Christmas Prince.
Pericles, ii. 213; iii. 488, 513; iv. 41.
‘Perseus and Andromeda’, ii. 76; iv. 88, 90, 146, 148.
‘Phaethon’, ii. 164, 166, 178; iii. 300.
‘Phedrastus’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.
‘Phigon and Lucia’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.
Philaster, or, Love Lies Bleeding, iii. 222, 224; iv. 127, 180.
‘Philemon and Philecia’, ii. 88; iv. 90, 148.
‘Philenzo and Hypollita’, ii. 145; iii. 301.
‘Philip of Spain’, ii. 181; iii. 343.
‘Philipo and Hippolito’, ii. 143; iii. 300.
Phillis and Amyntas (tr.), iii. 316.
‘Philole und Mariana’, ii. 289; iii. 418.
Philomathes. See Christmas Prince.
Philomela. See Christmas Prince.
Philotas (Daniel), i. 326; iii. 150, 275.
‘Philotas’ (Lateware), iii. 275.
Philotus, iv. 41.
‘Paris and Vienna’, ii. 75; iv. 87, 146.
Parliament of Bees (dialogues), iii. 287, 299, 300.
1, 2, 3 Parnassus, i. 381, 385; iv. 38.
Parthenia, iv. 376.
Pasquill and Katherine. See Jack Drum’s Entertainment.
‘Passion of Christ’, iii. 211.
Pastor Fido (tr.), iv. 40.
Pastor Fidus (tr.), iv. 376.
Pastoral Dialogue, iii. 492.
‘Pastoral Tragedy’, ii. 170.
Pathomachia, iii. 499.
Patient Grissell (Dekker), ii. 286; iii. 292.
Patient Grissell (Phillip), iii. 38, 465.
Pedantius, iv. 49, 238, 376.
Pedlar’s Prophecy, iv. 41.
Penates. See Highgate Entertainment.
Penulus, iii. 5.
Perfidus Etruscus, iv. 377.
Periander. See Christmas Prince.
Pericles, ii. 213; iii. 488, 513; iv. 41.
‘Perseus and Andromeda’, ii. 76; iv. 88, 90, 146, 148.
‘Phaethon’, ii. 164, 166, 178; iii. 300.
‘Phedrastus’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.
‘Phigon and Lucia’, ii. 93; iv. 91, 149.
Philaster, or, Love Lies Bleeding, iii. 222, 224; iv. 127, 180.
‘Philemon and Philecia’, ii. 88; iv. 90, 148.
‘Philenzo and Hypollita’, ii. 145; iii. 301.
‘Philip of Spain’, ii. 181; iii. 343.
‘Philipo and Hippolito’, ii. 143; iii. 300.
Phillis and Amyntas (tr.), iii. 316.
‘Philole und Mariana’, ii. 289; iii. 418.
Philomathes. See Christmas Prince.
Philomela. See Christmas Prince.
Philotas (Daniel), i. 326; iii. 150, 275.
‘Philotas’ (Lateware), iii. 275.
Philotus, iv. 41.
Page 503
‘Phocas’, ii. 144, 167.
Phoenissae, iii. 321.
Phoenix, iii. 143, 439; iv. 118.
Phormio, ii. 11; iii. 20.
Phormio (tr.), iii. 236.
‘Phyllida and Corin’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.
Physiponomachia, iv. 377.
‘Pierce of Exton’, ii. 167.
‘Pierce of Winchester’, ii. 169.
Pinner of Wakefield. See George a Greene.
‘Plays and Pastimes’, i. 257; ii. 394; iv. 217.
Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas, ii. 448; iii. 346.
Poetaster, i. 380–1, 384; ii. 43; iii. 146, 293, 364, 430; iv. 21, 372.
Polyhymnia (tilt), i. 145; iii. 402.
‘Pompey’, ii. 15, 394; iv. 97, 158.
‘Pontius Pilate’, ii. 168, 180.
Poor Man’s Comfort, iii. 271.
‘Poor Man’s Paradise’, ii. 173.
‘Pope Joan’, ii. 122.
Porcie, iii. 397.
‘Portio and Demorantes’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.
‘Practice of Parasites’, iv. 206.
‘Praise at Parting’, iv. 214.
‘Predor and Lucia’, ii. 88; iv. 89, 147.
‘Pretestus’, ii. 97; iv. 91, 149.
Prince Henry’s Barriers, iii. 393.
Princely Pleasures at Kenilworth. See Kenilworth Entertainment.
Prodigal Child (fr.), iii. 445.
‘Prodigality’, iv. 26, 84, 144.
‘Progne’, i. 129; iii. 239.
Progne, iii. 239.
Progress of James I from Scotland, iv. 68.
Promos and Cassandra, iii. 29, 512; iv. 201.
Prophetae, i. 241.
Prophetess, iii. 298.
Proteus (mask). See Gesta Grayorum.
‘Proud Maid’s Tragedy’, iii. 441; iv. 126, 178.
Phoenissae, iii. 321.
Phoenix, iii. 143, 439; iv. 118.
Phormio, ii. 11; iii. 20.
Phormio (tr.), iii. 236.
‘Phyllida and Corin’, ii. 106; iv. 101, 160.
Physiponomachia, iv. 377.
‘Pierce of Exton’, ii. 167.
‘Pierce of Winchester’, ii. 169.
Pinner of Wakefield. See George a Greene.
‘Plays and Pastimes’, i. 257; ii. 394; iv. 217.
Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas, ii. 448; iii. 346.
Poetaster, i. 380–1, 384; ii. 43; iii. 146, 293, 364, 430; iv. 21, 372.
Polyhymnia (tilt), i. 145; iii. 402.
‘Pompey’, ii. 15, 394; iv. 97, 158.
‘Pontius Pilate’, ii. 168, 180.
Poor Man’s Comfort, iii. 271.
‘Poor Man’s Paradise’, ii. 173.
‘Pope Joan’, ii. 122.
Porcie, iii. 397.
‘Portio and Demorantes’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 156.
‘Practice of Parasites’, iv. 206.
‘Praise at Parting’, iv. 214.
‘Predor and Lucia’, ii. 88; iv. 89, 147.
‘Pretestus’, ii. 97; iv. 91, 149.
Prince Henry’s Barriers, iii. 393.
Princely Pleasures at Kenilworth. See Kenilworth Entertainment.
Prodigal Child (fr.), iii. 445.
‘Prodigality’, iv. 26, 84, 144.
‘Progne’, i. 129; iii. 239.
Progne, iii. 239.
Progress of James I from Scotland, iv. 68.
Promos and Cassandra, iii. 29, 512; iv. 201.
Prophetae, i. 241.
Prophetess, iii. 298.
Proteus (mask). See Gesta Grayorum.
‘Proud Maid’s Tragedy’, iii. 441; iv. 126, 178.
Page 504
Psyche et Filii ejus, iv. 377.
‘Ptolome’, ii. 380; iv. 204.
Puritan, i. 262; iii. 143; iv. 41, 249.
Pyrame et Thisbée, iii. 16–17.
‘Pyramo und Thisbe’, ii. 283.
‘Pythagoras’, ii. 144, 167.
Q
‘Queen’, iv. 402.
‘Queen of Ethiopia’, ii. 135.
Queens (mask), i. 173; iii. 382; iv. 123.
Queen’s Arcadia, i. 131; iii. 227, 276, 373.
‘Quintus Fabius’, ii. 63; iv. 89, 148.
R
Ralph Roister Doister, ii. 14, 70, 74; iii. 27; iv. 188.
Ram Alley, iii. 215; iv. 16.
‘Randulf Earl of Chester’, ii. 180; iii. 446.
‘Ranger’s Comedy’, ii. 96, 114, 140, 146.
Rape of Lucrece, iii. 343; iv. 126, 178.
‘Rape of the Second Helen’, ii. 93; iv. 96, 154.
Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. See Love and Fortune.
‘Raymond Duke of Lyons’, ii. 248; iv. 127, 181.
‘Re Vera’, iii. 476.
‘Red Knight’, ii. 93.
‘Reich Mann und arme Lazarus’, ii. 281, 286.
Rencontre, iii. 13.
Revenge for a Father. See Hoffman.
Revenge for Honour, iii. 260.
Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois, iii. 258.
Revenger’s Tragedy, iv. 42, 45.
1 Richard II (c. 1592), iv. 42.
Richard II, i. 220, 325; ii. 194, 204, 270; iii. 484; iv. 43, 246.
‘Richard II’ (1611), ii. 216.
‘Richard III’ (Rowley), iii. 472.
Richard III (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 448; iii. 481; iv. 44, 246.
‘Ptolome’, ii. 380; iv. 204.
Puritan, i. 262; iii. 143; iv. 41, 249.
Pyrame et Thisbée, iii. 16–17.
‘Pyramo und Thisbe’, ii. 283.
‘Pythagoras’, ii. 144, 167.
Q
‘Queen’, iv. 402.
‘Queen of Ethiopia’, ii. 135.
Queens (mask), i. 173; iii. 382; iv. 123.
Queen’s Arcadia, i. 131; iii. 227, 276, 373.
‘Quintus Fabius’, ii. 63; iv. 89, 148.
R
Ralph Roister Doister, ii. 14, 70, 74; iii. 27; iv. 188.
Ram Alley, iii. 215; iv. 16.
‘Randulf Earl of Chester’, ii. 180; iii. 446.
‘Ranger’s Comedy’, ii. 96, 114, 140, 146.
Rape of Lucrece, iii. 343; iv. 126, 178.
‘Rape of the Second Helen’, ii. 93; iv. 96, 154.
Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. See Love and Fortune.
‘Raymond Duke of Lyons’, ii. 248; iv. 127, 181.
‘Re Vera’, iii. 476.
‘Red Knight’, ii. 93.
‘Reich Mann und arme Lazarus’, ii. 281, 286.
Rencontre, iii. 13.
Revenge for a Father. See Hoffman.
Revenge for Honour, iii. 260.
Revenge of Bussy D’Ambois, iii. 258.
Revenger’s Tragedy, iv. 42, 45.
1 Richard II (c. 1592), iv. 42.
Richard II, i. 220, 325; ii. 194, 204, 270; iii. 484; iv. 43, 246.
‘Richard II’ (1611), ii. 216.
‘Richard III’ (Rowley), iii. 472.
Richard III (Shakespeare), ii. 95, 130, 202, 448; iii. 481; iv. 44, 246.
Page 505
Richard III. See True Tragedy.
‘Richard Crookback’, ii. 179.
Richard Duke of York. See Contention of York and Lancaster.
‘Richard the Confessor’, ii. 95.
‘Richard Whittington’, ii. 189; iv. 402.
Richardus Tertius, iii. 408; iv. 238, 246.
Rivales, i. 129, 251; iii. 319.
Roaring Girl, ii. 439; iii. 296; iv. 254.
Robert Laneham’s Letter. See Kenilworth Entertainment.
‘Robert II, or, The Scot’s Tragedy’, ii. 171.
‘Robin Goodfellow’, iii. 279.
‘Robin Goodfellow’ (forgery), iii. 267.
1, 2 Robin Hood, ii. 6; iii. 446.
Robin Hood (May game), iv. 44.
‘Robin Hood and Little John’, iii. 447; iv. 402.
‘Robin Hood’s Pennyworths’, ii. 178.
‘Roderick’, ii. 133.
Romeo and Juliet, ii. 194, 196, 203, 283, 286, 403; iii. 51, 58, 59, 66,
83, 94, 98, 99, 200, 483; iv. 246.
Romeus et Julietta, iv. 378.
Roxana, ii. 519; iii. 208.
Royal King and Loyal Subject, iii. 341.
‘Royal Widow of England’, ii. 46.
Ruff, Cuff and Band, iv. 44.
‘Rufus I’, iv. 403.
Running Stream Entertainment, iii. 443.
Rycote Entertainment, iv. 66.
S
‘Sackful of News’, ii. 444; iv. 403.
Sad Shepherd (fr.), iii. 374.
S. Albanus Protomartyr. See Britanniae Primitiae.
‘Samson’ (1567), ii. 380.
‘Samson’ (1602), ii. 180, 367.
‘Samson’ (c. 1607), iii. 120.
Sapho and Phao, ii. 17, 39; iii. 33, 414; iv. 100.
‘Richard Crookback’, ii. 179.
Richard Duke of York. See Contention of York and Lancaster.
‘Richard the Confessor’, ii. 95.
‘Richard Whittington’, ii. 189; iv. 402.
Richardus Tertius, iii. 408; iv. 238, 246.
Rivales, i. 129, 251; iii. 319.
Roaring Girl, ii. 439; iii. 296; iv. 254.
Robert Laneham’s Letter. See Kenilworth Entertainment.
‘Robert II, or, The Scot’s Tragedy’, ii. 171.
‘Robin Goodfellow’, iii. 279.
‘Robin Goodfellow’ (forgery), iii. 267.
1, 2 Robin Hood, ii. 6; iii. 446.
Robin Hood (May game), iv. 44.
‘Robin Hood and Little John’, iii. 447; iv. 402.
‘Robin Hood’s Pennyworths’, ii. 178.
‘Roderick’, ii. 133.
Romeo and Juliet, ii. 194, 196, 203, 283, 286, 403; iii. 51, 58, 59, 66,
83, 94, 98, 99, 200, 483; iv. 246.
Romeus et Julietta, iv. 378.
Roxana, ii. 519; iii. 208.
Royal King and Loyal Subject, iii. 341.
‘Royal Widow of England’, ii. 46.
Ruff, Cuff and Band, iv. 44.
‘Rufus I’, iv. 403.
Running Stream Entertainment, iii. 443.
Rycote Entertainment, iv. 66.
S
‘Sackful of News’, ii. 444; iv. 403.
Sad Shepherd (fr.), iii. 374.
S. Albanus Protomartyr. See Britanniae Primitiae.
‘Samson’ (1567), ii. 380.
‘Samson’ (1602), ii. 180, 367.
‘Samson’ (c. 1607), iii. 120.
Sapho and Phao, ii. 17, 39; iii. 33, 414; iv. 100.
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Sapientia Solomonis, ii. 74; iv. 378.
‘Sarpedon’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 157.
Satiromastix, i. 381; iii. 141, 253, 293, 353, 364–6; iv. 21, 40, 47.
Saturnalia. See Christmas Prince.
Satyr. See Althorp Entertainment.
‘Scipio Africanus’, ii. 15; iv. 97, 156.
‘Scogan and Skelton’, ii. 178.
Scornful Lady, iii. 229; iv. 371.
‘Scot’s Tragedy’. See Robert II.
Scourge of Simony. See Parnassus.
Scyros, i. 131; iii. 238; iv. 127.
Sea Feast. See Aphrodysial.
‘Sebastian of Portugal’, ii. 178.
Second Maiden’s Tragedy, i. 321; iii. 224; iv. 45.
Sejanus, i. 327; iii. 255, 366, 433.
‘Self Love’, ii. 83.
Selimus, iv. 27, 46.
‘Set at Maw’, ii. 143; iii. 297.
‘Set at Tennis’, ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. 14.
‘1, 2 Seven Days of the Week’, ii. 144.
Seven Days of the Week. See Christmas Prince.
Seven Deadly Sins, ii. 107, 122, 125; iii. 496; iv. 33.
‘Seven Wise Masters’, ii. 171.
‘She Saint’, ii. 253.
‘Shepherd’s Song’ (show), iii. 313.
Shoemaker a Gentleman, iii. 473.
Shoemaker’s Holiday, iii. 291; iv. 112.
Shore. See Edward IV.
‘Short and Sweet’, iii. 516; iv. 206.
Sicelides, i. 131; iii. 315.
Sidonia und Theagenes, ii. 285.
‘Siege of Dunkirk and Alleyn the Pirate’, ii. 181.
‘Siege of Edinburgh Castle’, iii. 283.
‘Siege of London’, ii. 146.
Silent Woman. See Epicoene.
Silvanus, iv. 378.
Silver Age, ii. 286; iii. 109, 344; iv. 126, 178.
‘Sarpedon’, ii. 93; iv. 97, 157.
Satiromastix, i. 381; iii. 141, 253, 293, 353, 364–6; iv. 21, 40, 47.
Saturnalia. See Christmas Prince.
Satyr. See Althorp Entertainment.
‘Scipio Africanus’, ii. 15; iv. 97, 156.
‘Scogan and Skelton’, ii. 178.
Scornful Lady, iii. 229; iv. 371.
‘Scot’s Tragedy’. See Robert II.
Scourge of Simony. See Parnassus.
Scyros, i. 131; iii. 238; iv. 127.
Sea Feast. See Aphrodysial.
‘Sebastian of Portugal’, ii. 178.
Second Maiden’s Tragedy, i. 321; iii. 224; iv. 45.
Sejanus, i. 327; iii. 255, 366, 433.
‘Self Love’, ii. 83.
Selimus, iv. 27, 46.
‘Set at Maw’, ii. 143; iii. 297.
‘Set at Tennis’, ii. 177, 180; iii. 448; iv. 14.
‘1, 2 Seven Days of the Week’, ii. 144.
Seven Days of the Week. See Christmas Prince.
Seven Deadly Sins, ii. 107, 122, 125; iii. 496; iv. 33.
‘Seven Wise Masters’, ii. 171.
‘She Saint’, ii. 253.
‘Shepherd’s Song’ (show), iii. 313.
Shoemaker a Gentleman, iii. 473.
Shoemaker’s Holiday, iii. 291; iv. 112.
Shore. See Edward IV.
‘Short and Sweet’, iii. 516; iv. 206.
Sicelides, i. 131; iii. 315.
Sidonia und Theagenes, ii. 285.
‘Siege of Dunkirk and Alleyn the Pirate’, ii. 181.
‘Siege of Edinburgh Castle’, iii. 283.
‘Siege of London’, ii. 146.
Silent Woman. See Epicoene.
Silvanus, iv. 378.
Silver Age, ii. 286; iii. 109, 344; iv. 126, 178.
Page 507
‘Silver Mine’, ii. 53.
‘Singer’s Voluntary’, ii. 177, 180; iii. 492.
Sir Clyomon and Clamydes. See Clyomon and Clamydes.
Sir Giles Goosecap. See Goosecap.
‘Sir John Mandeville’. See ‘Mandeville’.
Sir John Oldcastle. See Oldcastle.
Sir John van Olden Barnevelt. See Van Olden Barnevelt.
Sir Thomas More. See More.
Sir Thomas Wyatt. See Wyatt.
‘Sir William Longsword’. See ‘Longsword’.
‘1, 2 Six Clothiers’, ii. 178–9.
‘Six Fools’, iv. 84, 144.
‘Six Yeomen of the West’, ii. 162, 178.
‘Soldan and the Duke of ——’, ii. 118; iv. 97, 157.
Soliman and Perseda, iv. 28, 46.
‘Solitary Knight’, ii. 134; iv. 91, 152.
‘Solomon and Queen of Sheba’ (mask), i. 172; iv. 121.
Solymannidae, iv. 378.
Somnium Fundatoris. See Christmas Prince.
Sophonisba, iii. 148, 433.
Sophonisbe, iii. 13.
Spaniard’s Night-Walk. See Blurt Master Constable.
‘Spanish Comedy’, ii. 122.
‘Spanish Fig’, ii. 179; iii. 300.
‘Spanish Maze’, iv. 119, 137, 171.
‘Spanish Moor’s Tragedy’, ii. 173; iii. 427.
Spanish Tragedy, ii. 279, 286; iii. 395; iv. 23, 46, 253.
Speculum Aestheticum, iii. 498.
‘Spencers’, ii. 163, 169; iii. 425.
Spiritata, iii. 352.
Squires (mask), i. 173; iii. 245.
‘Stephen’, iii. 489.
‘Stepmother’s Tragedy’, ii. 171.
‘Stewtley’, iv. 47.
‘Strange News out of Poland’, ii. 171; iii. 465.
Studentes, iii. 351.
Stukeley, Captain Thomas, iv. 47.
‘Singer’s Voluntary’, ii. 177, 180; iii. 492.
Sir Clyomon and Clamydes. See Clyomon and Clamydes.
Sir Giles Goosecap. See Goosecap.
‘Sir John Mandeville’. See ‘Mandeville’.
Sir John Oldcastle. See Oldcastle.
Sir John van Olden Barnevelt. See Van Olden Barnevelt.
Sir Thomas More. See More.
Sir Thomas Wyatt. See Wyatt.
‘Sir William Longsword’. See ‘Longsword’.
‘1, 2 Six Clothiers’, ii. 178–9.
‘Six Fools’, iv. 84, 144.
‘Six Yeomen of the West’, ii. 162, 178.
‘Soldan and the Duke of ——’, ii. 118; iv. 97, 157.
Soliman and Perseda, iv. 28, 46.
‘Solitary Knight’, ii. 134; iv. 91, 152.
‘Solomon and Queen of Sheba’ (mask), i. 172; iv. 121.
Solymannidae, iv. 378.
Somnium Fundatoris. See Christmas Prince.
Sophonisba, iii. 148, 433.
Sophonisbe, iii. 13.
Spaniard’s Night-Walk. See Blurt Master Constable.
‘Spanish Comedy’, ii. 122.
‘Spanish Fig’, ii. 179; iii. 300.
‘Spanish Maze’, iv. 119, 137, 171.
‘Spanish Moor’s Tragedy’, ii. 173; iii. 427.
Spanish Tragedy, ii. 279, 286; iii. 395; iv. 23, 46, 253.
Speculum Aestheticum, iii. 498.
‘Spencers’, ii. 163, 169; iii. 425.
Spiritata, iii. 352.
Squires (mask), i. 173; iii. 245.
‘Stephen’, iii. 489.
‘Stepmother’s Tragedy’, ii. 171.
‘Stewtley’, iv. 47.
‘Strange News out of Poland’, ii. 171; iii. 465.
Studentes, iii. 351.
Stukeley, Captain Thomas, iv. 47.
Page 508
‘Sturgflattery’, ii. 132, 168.
Sudeley Entertainment, iv. 66.
Suffolk and Norfolk Entertainment, iv. 62.
Summer’s Last Will and Testament, iii. 35, 427, 451; iv. 52.
Sun’s Darling, iii. 299.
Supposes (tr.), iii. 27, 321.
Suppositi, iii. 9, 321.
‘Susanna’, iii. 319.
Susanna, ii. 275, 283–4.
Susenbrotus, i. 131; iv. 130, 378.
Swetnam the Woman Hater Arraigned by Women, ii. 448.
Sylvanaire, iii. 16.
T
Tale of a Tub, iii. 373.
‘1, 2 Tamar Cham’ (plot), ii. 122–3, 126, 144, 181; iv. 47.
1, 2 Tamburlaine, iii. 421; iv. 15, 24, 44, 48, 52.
Tamer Tamed. See Woman’s Prize.
Taming of A Shrew, ii. 130, 193, 311; iii. 324, 423, 472; iv. 48.
Taming of The Shrew, ii. 193, 197, 200, 202; iii. 222, 482; iv. 48.
Tancred and Gismund, iii. 30, 514; iv. 27.
‘Tancredo’, iii. 517.
‘Tanner of Denmark’, ii. 122.
‘Tartarian Cripple’, iv. 403.
‘Tasso’s Melancholy’, ii. 143, 181.
‘Telomo’, ii. 89; iv. 99, 159.
Temperance and Humility, iv. 1.
Tempest, ii. 216, 217; iii. 360, 373, 489; iv. 125, 127, 177, 180.
‘Terminus et non Terminus’, iii. 450, 453.
Tethys’ Festival (mask), i. 173; iii. 281; iv. 72, 124.
‘That Will Be Shall Be’, ii. 144.
‘Theagenes and Chariclea’, iv. 88, 146.
‘The Blind Eats Many a Fly’, ii. 227.
‘The Buck is a Thief’, iii. 232.
The Case is Altered, iii. 357.
The Devil is an Ass, iii. 373; iv. 30.
Sudeley Entertainment, iv. 66.
Suffolk and Norfolk Entertainment, iv. 62.
Summer’s Last Will and Testament, iii. 35, 427, 451; iv. 52.
Sun’s Darling, iii. 299.
Supposes (tr.), iii. 27, 321.
Suppositi, iii. 9, 321.
‘Susanna’, iii. 319.
Susanna, ii. 275, 283–4.
Susenbrotus, i. 131; iv. 130, 378.
Swetnam the Woman Hater Arraigned by Women, ii. 448.
Sylvanaire, iii. 16.
T
Tale of a Tub, iii. 373.
‘1, 2 Tamar Cham’ (plot), ii. 122–3, 126, 144, 181; iv. 47.
1, 2 Tamburlaine, iii. 421; iv. 15, 24, 44, 48, 52.
Tamer Tamed. See Woman’s Prize.
Taming of A Shrew, ii. 130, 193, 311; iii. 324, 423, 472; iv. 48.
Taming of The Shrew, ii. 193, 197, 200, 202; iii. 222, 482; iv. 48.
Tancred and Gismund, iii. 30, 514; iv. 27.
‘Tancredo’, iii. 517.
‘Tanner of Denmark’, ii. 122.
‘Tartarian Cripple’, iv. 403.
‘Tasso’s Melancholy’, ii. 143, 181.
‘Telomo’, ii. 89; iv. 99, 159.
Temperance and Humility, iv. 1.
Tempest, ii. 216, 217; iii. 360, 373, 489; iv. 125, 127, 177, 180.
‘Terminus et non Terminus’, iii. 450, 453.
Tethys’ Festival (mask), i. 173; iii. 281; iv. 72, 124.
‘That Will Be Shall Be’, ii. 144.
‘Theagenes and Chariclea’, iv. 88, 146.
‘The Blind Eats Many a Fly’, ii. 227.
‘The Buck is a Thief’, iii. 232.
The Case is Altered, iii. 357.
The Devil is an Ass, iii. 373; iv. 30.
Page 509
The Hog hath Lost his Pearl, iii. 496.
The Longer Thou Livest, the More Fool Thou Art, iii. 504.
The Tide Tarrieth No Man, iii. 505.
The Weakest Goeth to the Wall, iii. 503; iv. 52.
‘The Woman is too Hard for Him’, iii. 222.
‘The World Runs on Wheels’, ii. 169; iii. 252.
Thebais (tr.), iii. 478.
Thenot and Piers (show), i. 124; iii. 337.
Theobalds Entertainment (1591), iii. 247.
Theobalds Entertainment (1594), iii. 248.
Theobalds Entertainment (1607), i. 126; iii. 392.
Thersites, iii. 24.
Thierry and Theodoret, iii. 230.
Thomas Lord Cromwell. See Cromwell.
‘Thomas Merry’, ii. 171; iii. 518.
Thorny Abbey, iii. 506.
Thracian Wonder, iv. 49.
‘Three Brothers’, ii. 227.
Three Ladies of London, ii. 380; iii. 25, 515; iv. 217.
Three Lords and Three Ladies ofLondon, iii. 515.
‘Three Plays in One’, ii. 106; iii. 497; iv. 101, 160.
‘Three Sisters of Mantua’, ii. 98; iv. 95, 154.
Thyestes (tr.), iii. 477.
Tilbury Visit, iv. 64.
Time Triumphant. See Progress of James I.
Time’s Complaint. See Christmas Prince.
‘Time’s Triumph and Fortune’s’, ii. 147; iii. 346.
‘Timoclea at the Siege of Thebes by Alexander’, ii. 76; iv. 90, 148.
Timon, iv. 49.
Timon of Athens, ii. 213; iii. 260, 488, 513.
‘Tinker of Totnes’, ii. 144.
‘’Tis Good Sleeping in a Whole Skin’, iii. 505.
‘’Tis no Deceit to Deceive the Deceiver’, ii. 163, 170.
Titirus and Galathea. See Galathea.
Tito Andronico, ii. 285.
‘Titus and Gisippus’, ii. 15; iv. 91, 152.
‘Titus and Vespasian’, ii. 122–3, 129–30, 202.
The Longer Thou Livest, the More Fool Thou Art, iii. 504.
The Tide Tarrieth No Man, iii. 505.
The Weakest Goeth to the Wall, iii. 503; iv. 52.
‘The Woman is too Hard for Him’, iii. 222.
‘The World Runs on Wheels’, ii. 169; iii. 252.
Thebais (tr.), iii. 478.
Thenot and Piers (show), i. 124; iii. 337.
Theobalds Entertainment (1591), iii. 247.
Theobalds Entertainment (1594), iii. 248.
Theobalds Entertainment (1607), i. 126; iii. 392.
Thersites, iii. 24.
Thierry and Theodoret, iii. 230.
Thomas Lord Cromwell. See Cromwell.
‘Thomas Merry’, ii. 171; iii. 518.
Thorny Abbey, iii. 506.
Thracian Wonder, iv. 49.
‘Three Brothers’, ii. 227.
Three Ladies of London, ii. 380; iii. 25, 515; iv. 217.
Three Lords and Three Ladies ofLondon, iii. 515.
‘Three Plays in One’, ii. 106; iii. 497; iv. 101, 160.
‘Three Sisters of Mantua’, ii. 98; iv. 95, 154.
Thyestes (tr.), iii. 477.
Tilbury Visit, iv. 64.
Time Triumphant. See Progress of James I.
Time’s Complaint. See Christmas Prince.
‘Time’s Triumph and Fortune’s’, ii. 147; iii. 346.
‘Timoclea at the Siege of Thebes by Alexander’, ii. 76; iv. 90, 148.
Timon, iv. 49.
Timon of Athens, ii. 213; iii. 260, 488, 513.
‘Tinker of Totnes’, ii. 144.
‘’Tis Good Sleeping in a Whole Skin’, iii. 505.
‘’Tis no Deceit to Deceive the Deceiver’, ii. 163, 170.
Titirus and Galathea. See Galathea.
Tito Andronico, ii. 285.
‘Titus and Gisippus’, ii. 15; iv. 91, 152.
‘Titus and Vespasian’, ii. 122–3, 129–30, 202.
Page 510
Titus Andronicus, ii. 122, 126, 129–30, 193, 202; iii. 482; iv. 246.
‘Tobias’, ii. 179.
‘2 Tom Dough’, ii. 179.
Tom Tyler and his Wife, iii. 27; iv. 50.
Tomumbeius, iv. 379.
‘Too Good to be True’, ii. 162, 179; iii. 266.
‘Tooley’, ii. 134; iv. 93, 151.
‘Torrismount’, ii. 65.
‘Toy to Please Chaste Ladies’, ii. 144.
Tragedia del Libero Arbitrio, iii. 263.
‘Transformation of the King of Trinidadoes Daughters’, iii. 268.
Trappolaria, iii. 476.
Travels of the Three English Brothers, ii. 446; iii. 117, 221, 286.
Tres Sibyllae (show), i. 126, 130; iii. 332.
Trial of Chivalry, iii. 266, 495; iv. 50.
Trial of Treasure, iv. 51.
‘Triangle of Cuckolds’, ii. 166.
Trick to Catch the Old One, iii. 143, 439; iv. 123.
Trinummus, iii. 5.
‘Tristram of Lyons’, ii. 170.
Triumphs of Truth (show), i. 137; iii. 443.
Triumphs of Reunited Britannia (show), i. 137; iii. 448.
Troas (tr.), iii. 477.
Troilus and Cressida, ii. 207; iii. 487; iv. 19, 40.
Troilus and Cressida (plot), ii. 158, 169, 170; iv. 51.
Troja Nova Triumphans (show), i. 137; iii. 305.
Troublesome Reign of King John, ii. 202; iv. 23.
‘Troy’, ii. 144; iii. 345.
‘Troy’s Revenge and the Tragedy of Polyphemus’, ii. 163, 169.
True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York. See Contention of York and
Lancaster.
True Tragedy of Richard III, ii. 108; iv. 4, 43.
‘Truth, Faithfulness, and Mercy’, ii. 75; iv. 89, 147.
‘Truth’s Supplication to Candlelight’, ii. 173; iii. 296.
Tugend- und Liebesstreit, ii. 147.
‘Turcke’, ii. 289; iii. 435.
‘Tumholt’, i. 322.
‘Tobias’, ii. 179.
‘2 Tom Dough’, ii. 179.
Tom Tyler and his Wife, iii. 27; iv. 50.
Tomumbeius, iv. 379.
‘Too Good to be True’, ii. 162, 179; iii. 266.
‘Tooley’, ii. 134; iv. 93, 151.
‘Torrismount’, ii. 65.
‘Toy to Please Chaste Ladies’, ii. 144.
Tragedia del Libero Arbitrio, iii. 263.
‘Transformation of the King of Trinidadoes Daughters’, iii. 268.
Trappolaria, iii. 476.
Travels of the Three English Brothers, ii. 446; iii. 117, 221, 286.
Tres Sibyllae (show), i. 126, 130; iii. 332.
Trial of Chivalry, iii. 266, 495; iv. 50.
Trial of Treasure, iv. 51.
‘Triangle of Cuckolds’, ii. 166.
Trick to Catch the Old One, iii. 143, 439; iv. 123.
Trinummus, iii. 5.
‘Tristram of Lyons’, ii. 170.
Triumphs of Truth (show), i. 137; iii. 443.
Triumphs of Reunited Britannia (show), i. 137; iii. 448.
Troas (tr.), iii. 477.
Troilus and Cressida, ii. 207; iii. 487; iv. 19, 40.
Troilus and Cressida (plot), ii. 158, 169, 170; iv. 51.
Troja Nova Triumphans (show), i. 137; iii. 305.
Troublesome Reign of King John, ii. 202; iv. 23.
‘Troy’, ii. 144; iii. 345.
‘Troy’s Revenge and the Tragedy of Polyphemus’, ii. 163, 169.
True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York. See Contention of York and
Lancaster.
True Tragedy of Richard III, ii. 108; iv. 4, 43.
‘Truth, Faithfulness, and Mercy’, ii. 75; iv. 89, 147.
‘Truth’s Supplication to Candlelight’, ii. 173; iii. 296.
Tugend- und Liebesstreit, ii. 147.
‘Turcke’, ii. 289; iii. 435.
‘Tumholt’, i. 322.
Page 511
Turk, ii. 289; iii. 435.
‘Turkish Mahomet and Hiren the Fair Greek’, iii. 327, 462.
Twelfth Night, i. 222; ii. 207; iii. 487; iv. 53, 376.
‘Twelve Labours of Hercules’, iv. 241.
Twelve Months (mask), i. 173; iv. 58.
‘Twins’ Tragedy’, iv. 125, 127, 178, 180.
1, ‘2’ Two Angry Women of Abingdon, iii. 467.
Two Gentlemen of Verona, ii. 194, 285; iii. 483; iv. 246.
Two Italian Gentlemen. See Fedele and Fortunio.
Two Lamentable Tragedies, iii. 266, 518.
Two Maids of Moreclack, iii. 210.
‘Two Merry Women of Abingdon’, ii. 170.
Two Noble Kinsmen, ii. 217; iii. 226, 311, 373.
‘Two Shapes’. See ‘Caesar’s Fall’.
‘Two Sins of King David’, iv. 403.
Two Supposed Heads. See Necromantes.
Two Tragedies in One. See Two Lamentable Tragedies.
Two Wise Men and All the Rest Fools, iii. 260.
‘Tyrant’, iv. 45.
U
Ulysses and Circe (mask), i. 174; iii. 238.
Ulysses Redux, i. 251; iii. 318; iv. 245.
‘Unfortunate General’, ii. 227.
‘Ungehorsam Khauffmanns Sohn’, ii. 284.
‘Uther Pendragon’, ii. 144; iii. 475.
V
‘Valentine and Orson’, ii. 166; iv. 403.
Valentinian, iii. 229.
Valiant Welshman, iv. 51.
Van Olden Barnevelt, i. 321, 327.
‘Vanity’, iii. 178.
‘Vayvode’, ii. 170.
‘Venetian Comedy’, ii. 143; iii. 301.
‘Verity’. See ‘Re Vera’.
‘Turkish Mahomet and Hiren the Fair Greek’, iii. 327, 462.
Twelfth Night, i. 222; ii. 207; iii. 487; iv. 53, 376.
‘Twelve Labours of Hercules’, iv. 241.
Twelve Months (mask), i. 173; iv. 58.
‘Twins’ Tragedy’, iv. 125, 127, 178, 180.
1, ‘2’ Two Angry Women of Abingdon, iii. 467.
Two Gentlemen of Verona, ii. 194, 285; iii. 483; iv. 246.
Two Italian Gentlemen. See Fedele and Fortunio.
Two Lamentable Tragedies, iii. 266, 518.
Two Maids of Moreclack, iii. 210.
‘Two Merry Women of Abingdon’, ii. 170.
Two Noble Kinsmen, ii. 217; iii. 226, 311, 373.
‘Two Shapes’. See ‘Caesar’s Fall’.
‘Two Sins of King David’, iv. 403.
Two Supposed Heads. See Necromantes.
Two Tragedies in One. See Two Lamentable Tragedies.
Two Wise Men and All the Rest Fools, iii. 260.
‘Tyrant’, iv. 45.
U
Ulysses and Circe (mask), i. 174; iii. 238.
Ulysses Redux, i. 251; iii. 318; iv. 245.
‘Unfortunate General’, ii. 227.
‘Ungehorsam Khauffmanns Sohn’, ii. 284.
‘Uther Pendragon’, ii. 144; iii. 475.
V
‘Valentine and Orson’, ii. 166; iv. 403.
Valentinian, iii. 229.
Valiant Welshman, iv. 51.
Van Olden Barnevelt, i. 321, 327.
‘Vanity’, iii. 178.
‘Vayvode’, ii. 170.
‘Venetian Comedy’, ii. 143; iii. 301.
‘Verity’. See ‘Re Vera’.
Page 512
Verlorne Sohn, ii. 281, 284, 285–6.
‘Vertumnus’. See ‘Alba’.
Vertumnus, sive, Annus Recurrens, i. 130; iii. 332.
Victoria, iii. 31, 316.
Vincentio and Margaret. See Gentleman Usher.
Vincentius Ladislaus, ii. 276, 284.
Virgin Martyr, ii. 286; iii. 298.
Virtuous Octavia, iii. 236.
Vision of the Twelve Goddesses (mask), i. 171; iii. 277; iv. 118.
Volpone, iii. 286, 368, 432; iv. 16, 36, 248, 371.
‘Vortigern’, ii. 144, 180; iii. 442.
W
‘War without Blows and Love without Suit’, ii. 169; iv. 49.
‘Warlamchester’, ii. 146.
Warning for Fair Women, ii. 434; iv. 52.
Wars of Cyrus King of Persia, iii. 311; iv. 52.
Wealth and Health, ii. 22; iv. 380.
‘Welshman’, ii. 147; iv. 51.
‘Welshman’s Prize’, ii. 166; iii. 307.
Westward Ho! iii. 141, 256, 286, 295.
‘What Mischief Worketh in the Mind of Man’, ii. 104.
What You Will, i. 381; iii. 140, 293, 430.
What You Will. See Twelfth Night.
When You See Me, You Know Me, iii. 472.
White Devil, iii. 509.
Whore of Babylon, iii. 296.
Widow, iii. 442.
Widow of Watling Street. See Puritan.
‘Widow’s Charm’, ii. 181.
Widow’s Tears, ii. 367; iii. 147, 256; iv. 127, 181.
‘Will of a Woman’. See ‘Isle of a Woman’.
‘William Cartwright’, ii. 181.
‘William the Conqueror’, ii. 95; iv. 12.
Wily Beguiled, iii. 136, 472; iv. 53.
‘Vertumnus’. See ‘Alba’.
Vertumnus, sive, Annus Recurrens, i. 130; iii. 332.
Victoria, iii. 31, 316.
Vincentio and Margaret. See Gentleman Usher.
Vincentius Ladislaus, ii. 276, 284.
Virgin Martyr, ii. 286; iii. 298.
Virtuous Octavia, iii. 236.
Vision of the Twelve Goddesses (mask), i. 171; iii. 277; iv. 118.
Volpone, iii. 286, 368, 432; iv. 16, 36, 248, 371.
‘Vortigern’, ii. 144, 180; iii. 442.
W
‘War without Blows and Love without Suit’, ii. 169; iv. 49.
‘Warlamchester’, ii. 146.
Warning for Fair Women, ii. 434; iv. 52.
Wars of Cyrus King of Persia, iii. 311; iv. 52.
Wealth and Health, ii. 22; iv. 380.
‘Welshman’, ii. 147; iv. 51.
‘Welshman’s Prize’, ii. 166; iii. 307.
Westward Ho! iii. 141, 256, 286, 295.
‘What Mischief Worketh in the Mind of Man’, ii. 104.
What You Will, i. 381; iii. 140, 293, 430.
What You Will. See Twelfth Night.
When You See Me, You Know Me, iii. 472.
White Devil, iii. 509.
Whore of Babylon, iii. 296.
Widow, iii. 442.
Widow of Watling Street. See Puritan.
‘Widow’s Charm’, ii. 181.
Widow’s Tears, ii. 367; iii. 147, 256; iv. 127, 181.
‘Will of a Woman’. See ‘Isle of a Woman’.
‘William Cartwright’, ii. 181.
‘William the Conqueror’, ii. 95; iv. 12.
Wily Beguiled, iii. 136, 472; iv. 53.
Page 513
Winter’s Tale, ii. 215, 216, 217, 286; iii. 373, 489; iv. 125, 127, 177,
180.
Wisdom of Doctor Dodipoll, iii. 136; iv. 54.
‘Wise Man of West Chester’, ii. 143, 180; iii. 446.
Wise Woman of Hogsdon, iii. 342; iv. 20.
Wit and Science, ii. 11.
‘Wit and Will’, iv. 30, 84, 144.
Wit and Wisdom, iii. 24.
Wit at Several Weapons, iii. 232.
Wit of a Woman, iv. 54.
Wit without Money, iii. 229.
Witch of Edmonton, iii. 298.
‘Witch of Islington’, ii. 147.
‘Witless’, iv. 404.
‘Woman Hard to Please’, ii. 144; iii. 467.
Woman Hater, i. 327; iii. 143, 219.
Woman in the Moon, iii. 46, 416.
Woman Killed with Kindness, iii. 341, 342.
Woman’s Prize, iii. 222; iv. 33.
‘Woman’s Tragedy’, ii. 163, 167.
Wonder of a Kingdom, iii. 288, 299.
‘Wonder of a Woman’, ii. 144; iii. 433, 474.
Wonder of Women. See Sophonisba.
Woodstock Entertainment (1575), iii. 400.
Woodstock Entertainment (1592), iii. 404.
‘Wooer’, iii. 470.
‘Wooing of Death’, ii. 173.
Work for Cutlers, iv. 54.
‘World’s Tragedy’, ii. 144.
‘Worse Afeared than Hurt’, ii. 169.
Wounds of Civil War, iii. 410.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, iii. 293.
‘Wylie Beguylie’, iv. 53.
X
‘Xerxes’, ii. 63; iv. 91, 149.
180.
Wisdom of Doctor Dodipoll, iii. 136; iv. 54.
‘Wise Man of West Chester’, ii. 143, 180; iii. 446.
Wise Woman of Hogsdon, iii. 342; iv. 20.
Wit and Science, ii. 11.
‘Wit and Will’, iv. 30, 84, 144.
Wit and Wisdom, iii. 24.
Wit at Several Weapons, iii. 232.
Wit of a Woman, iv. 54.
Wit without Money, iii. 229.
Witch of Edmonton, iii. 298.
‘Witch of Islington’, ii. 147.
‘Witless’, iv. 404.
‘Woman Hard to Please’, ii. 144; iii. 467.
Woman Hater, i. 327; iii. 143, 219.
Woman in the Moon, iii. 46, 416.
Woman Killed with Kindness, iii. 341, 342.
Woman’s Prize, iii. 222; iv. 33.
‘Woman’s Tragedy’, ii. 163, 167.
Wonder of a Kingdom, iii. 288, 299.
‘Wonder of a Woman’, ii. 144; iii. 433, 474.
Wonder of Women. See Sophonisba.
Woodstock Entertainment (1575), iii. 400.
Woodstock Entertainment (1592), iii. 404.
‘Wooer’, iii. 470.
‘Wooing of Death’, ii. 173.
Work for Cutlers, iv. 54.
‘World’s Tragedy’, ii. 144.
‘Worse Afeared than Hurt’, ii. 169.
Wounds of Civil War, iii. 410.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, iii. 293.
‘Wylie Beguylie’, iv. 53.
X
‘Xerxes’, ii. 63; iv. 91, 149.
Page 514
Y
‘Yorkshire Gentlewoman and her Son’, iii. 260.
Yorkshire Tragedy, iii. 231; iv. 54.
Your Five Gallants, iii. 150, 440.
Youth, iii. 23; iv. 380.
Yuletide. See Christmas Prince.
Z
Zelotypus, iv. 379.
‘Zenobia’, ii. 122.
‘Zerstörung der Stadt Constantinopel’, ii. 289–90; iii. 462.
‘Zerstörung der Stadt Troja’, ii. 289; iii. 345.
‘Yorkshire Gentlewoman and her Son’, iii. 260.
Yorkshire Tragedy, iii. 231; iv. 54.
Your Five Gallants, iii. 150, 440.
Youth, iii. 23; iv. 380.
Yuletide. See Christmas Prince.
Z
Zelotypus, iv. 379.
‘Zenobia’, ii. 122.
‘Zerstörung der Stadt Constantinopel’, ii. 289–90; iii. 462.
‘Zerstörung der Stadt Troja’, ii. 289; iii. 345.
Page 515
INDEX II: OF PERSONS
A
Abercrombie, Mr., iii. 388.
Abergavenny (title). See Neville.
Acton, Richard, iii. 402.
Adams, Robert, ii. 343.
Agrippa, Henry Cornelius, on plays, iv. 195.
Alamanni, Luigi, iii. 13.
Alasco, Count Albert of, i. 129; iii. 318; iv. 100.
Alberghini, Angelica, ii. 263.
Alberti, Leo Battista, iii. 2.
Alençon, François, Duke of, also Duke of Anjou, i. 5, 16, 22, 90, 167;
iv. 96, 98.
Alexander, Robert, iii. 402; iv. 64.
Allde, John, stationer, iii. 444.
Allen, Giles, ii. 385, 398.
Allen, John, musician, i. 201; iii. 246, 383.
Allen, Sir William, ii. 401.
Alley, William, iii. 209;
on plays, i. 244; iv. 192.
Andreae, Joannes Valentinus, i. 344.
Anhalt-Cöthen, Louis Prince of, ii. 360.
Anne of Denmark, Queen, i. 6, 167, 170, 174, 199, 204, 212, 218, 325;
ii. 220, 265; iii. 241, 244, 278, 282, 380, 383, 386, 387, 392; iv.
116, 117, 125, 128, 183;
her men, ii. 225–40.
Ansell, Richard, mat-layer, iii. 262.
Ansley. See Harvey.
Anton Maria, ii. 263.
Archer, Francis, iii. 419.
Aremberg, Jean de Ligne, Count of, i. 25; iv. 170.
Ariosto, Ludovico, iii. 8, 321.
Aristotle, i. 240, 254.
Armstrong, Archie, court fool, i. 53.
Arnold, John, yeoman of revels, i. 79, 83, 86.
A
Abercrombie, Mr., iii. 388.
Abergavenny (title). See Neville.
Acton, Richard, iii. 402.
Adams, Robert, ii. 343.
Agrippa, Henry Cornelius, on plays, iv. 195.
Alamanni, Luigi, iii. 13.
Alasco, Count Albert of, i. 129; iii. 318; iv. 100.
Alberghini, Angelica, ii. 263.
Alberti, Leo Battista, iii. 2.
Alençon, François, Duke of, also Duke of Anjou, i. 5, 16, 22, 90, 167;
iv. 96, 98.
Alexander, Robert, iii. 402; iv. 64.
Allde, John, stationer, iii. 444.
Allen, Giles, ii. 385, 398.
Allen, John, musician, i. 201; iii. 246, 383.
Allen, Sir William, ii. 401.
Alley, William, iii. 209;
on plays, i. 244; iv. 192.
Andreae, Joannes Valentinus, i. 344.
Anhalt-Cöthen, Louis Prince of, ii. 360.
Anne of Denmark, Queen, i. 6, 167, 170, 174, 199, 204, 212, 218, 325;
ii. 220, 265; iii. 241, 244, 278, 282, 380, 383, 386, 387, 392; iv.
116, 117, 125, 128, 183;
her men, ii. 225–40.
Ansell, Richard, mat-layer, iii. 262.
Ansley. See Harvey.
Anton Maria, ii. 263.
Archer, Francis, iii. 419.
Aremberg, Jean de Ligne, Count of, i. 25; iv. 170.
Ariosto, Ludovico, iii. 8, 321.
Aristotle, i. 240, 254.
Armstrong, Archie, court fool, i. 53.
Arnold, John, yeoman of revels, i. 79, 83, 86.
Page 516
Arundel (title). See Fitzalan, Howard.
Ascham, Roger, on plays, i. 239; iv. 191.
Ashley, Sir Anthony, clerk of privy council, ii. 411, 517.
Ashley or Astley (b. Champernowne), Catherine, mistress of robes, i.
45.
Ashley or Astley, Sir John, master of revels, i. 104; iii. 241, 378.
Ashton, Roger, ii. 111, 266, 269.
Askewe, Anne Lady, iv. 99.
Aubigny (title). See Stuart.
Aubrey, William, master of requests, iv. 105, 106.
Auchternouty, Mr., iii. 388.
Austin, William, iii. 287.
Aylmer, John, bishop of London, ii. 110; iv. 229.
Ayrer, Jacob, ii. 271; iii. 396, 418, 462.
B
Babington, Gervase, on plays, i. 254; iv. 225.
Bacon (b. Cooke), Anne Lady, i. 264; ii. 381; iii. 211; iv. 56.
Bacon, Anthony, ii. 381; iii. 211; iv. 56.
Bacon, Sir Francis, ii. 371; iii. 187; iv. 59.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, lord keeper of the seals, i. 110, 117; iv. 88, 93.
Baden, Margrave of, i. 324.
Badger, Sir Thomas, iii. 241, 377.
Badius Ascensius, Jodocus, iii. 7.
Baile, Steven, groom of revels, i. 100.
Baines, Richard, iii. 419.
Baldwin, William, ii. 82–3.
Bale, John, i. 241.
Ball, Cutting, iii. 324.
Bame. See Baines.
Banbury (title). See Knollys.
Bancroft, Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 168.
Banks, horse trainer, ii. 383; iii. 279.
Barbarigo, Gregorio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25.
Barley, William, stationer, iv. 65.
Barlow, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Ascham, Roger, on plays, i. 239; iv. 191.
Ashley, Sir Anthony, clerk of privy council, ii. 411, 517.
Ashley or Astley (b. Champernowne), Catherine, mistress of robes, i.
45.
Ashley or Astley, Sir John, master of revels, i. 104; iii. 241, 378.
Ashton, Roger, ii. 111, 266, 269.
Askewe, Anne Lady, iv. 99.
Aubigny (title). See Stuart.
Aubrey, William, master of requests, iv. 105, 106.
Auchternouty, Mr., iii. 388.
Austin, William, iii. 287.
Aylmer, John, bishop of London, ii. 110; iv. 229.
Ayrer, Jacob, ii. 271; iii. 396, 418, 462.
B
Babington, Gervase, on plays, i. 254; iv. 225.
Bacon (b. Cooke), Anne Lady, i. 264; ii. 381; iii. 211; iv. 56.
Bacon, Anthony, ii. 381; iii. 211; iv. 56.
Bacon, Sir Francis, ii. 371; iii. 187; iv. 59.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, lord keeper of the seals, i. 110, 117; iv. 88, 93.
Baden, Margrave of, i. 324.
Badger, Sir Thomas, iii. 241, 377.
Badius Ascensius, Jodocus, iii. 7.
Baile, Steven, groom of revels, i. 100.
Baines, Richard, iii. 419.
Baldwin, William, ii. 82–3.
Bale, John, i. 241.
Ball, Cutting, iii. 324.
Bame. See Baines.
Banbury (title). See Knollys.
Bancroft, Richard, archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 168.
Banks, horse trainer, ii. 383; iii. 279.
Barbarigo, Gregorio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25.
Barley, William, stationer, iv. 65.
Barlow, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Page 517
Barnard, John, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 73; ii. 491–2.
Barrose, John, fencer, iii. 359.
Barry, Leonard, iii. 388.
Basil, Simon, surveyor of works, i. 180.
Baskervile, Susanna, ii. 236.
Bavande, William, on plays, i. 237; iv. 190.
Bawdewin, Thomas, ii. 301.
Beaumont, Comte de, French ambassador, i. 24, 204; iii. 258, 281,
376.
Becke, Mathew, sergeant of bears, ii. 450.
Bedford (title). See Russell.
Bedingfield, Anne, ii. 445.
Belgiojoso, Baldassarino da, i. 176.
Benger, Sir Thomas, master of revels, i. 75, 80, 319.
Berkeley (b. Carey), Elizabeth, ii. 194; iii. 272, 378.
Berkeley, George, 8th Lord, iii. 510.
Berkeley, Henry, 7th Lord, i. 115; ii. 103; iv. 90;
his men, ii. 103.
Berkeley, Thomas, ii. 103, 194.
Berkshire (title). See Norris.
Bertie (b. Willoughby), Catharine, Duchess of Suffolk, i. 108; ii. 2; iv.
83.
Bertie, Peregrine, 9th Lord Willoughby d’Eresby, ii. 440, 500; iv. 326.
Bertie, Richard, ii. 2.
Bertie, Robert, 10th Lord Willoughby d’Eresby, iii. 246, 377, 378.
Bethell, Mr., i. 210; iii. 381.
Bett, Henry, ii. 390, 397.
Betts, Robert, ii. 316.
Bevill (b. Knyvet), Frances Lady, iii. 375.
Beza, Theodore, i. 245, 249; iii. 322, 514.
Bibbiena, Bernardo da, iii. 9, 13.
Bill, William, dean of Westminster, ii. 70.
Biron, Charles, Duc de, i. 23; ii. 456; iii. 257; iv. 15.
Bishop, Nicolas, ii. 392.
Blackwell, William, ii. 485.
Blagrave, Thomas, clerk of tents and revels, acting master of revels, i.
73, 83, 85, 89, 93, 99; ii. 492, 499, 500, 502; iii. 409.
Barrose, John, fencer, iii. 359.
Barry, Leonard, iii. 388.
Basil, Simon, surveyor of works, i. 180.
Baskervile, Susanna, ii. 236.
Bavande, William, on plays, i. 237; iv. 190.
Bawdewin, Thomas, ii. 301.
Beaumont, Comte de, French ambassador, i. 24, 204; iii. 258, 281,
376.
Becke, Mathew, sergeant of bears, ii. 450.
Bedford (title). See Russell.
Bedingfield, Anne, ii. 445.
Belgiojoso, Baldassarino da, i. 176.
Benger, Sir Thomas, master of revels, i. 75, 80, 319.
Berkeley (b. Carey), Elizabeth, ii. 194; iii. 272, 378.
Berkeley, George, 8th Lord, iii. 510.
Berkeley, Henry, 7th Lord, i. 115; ii. 103; iv. 90;
his men, ii. 103.
Berkeley, Thomas, ii. 103, 194.
Berkshire (title). See Norris.
Bertie (b. Willoughby), Catharine, Duchess of Suffolk, i. 108; ii. 2; iv.
83.
Bertie, Peregrine, 9th Lord Willoughby d’Eresby, ii. 440, 500; iv. 326.
Bertie, Richard, ii. 2.
Bertie, Robert, 10th Lord Willoughby d’Eresby, iii. 246, 377, 378.
Bethell, Mr., i. 210; iii. 381.
Bett, Henry, ii. 390, 397.
Betts, Robert, ii. 316.
Bevill (b. Knyvet), Frances Lady, iii. 375.
Beza, Theodore, i. 245, 249; iii. 322, 514.
Bibbiena, Bernardo da, iii. 9, 13.
Bill, William, dean of Westminster, ii. 70.
Biron, Charles, Duc de, i. 23; ii. 456; iii. 257; iv. 15.
Bishop, Nicolas, ii. 392.
Blackwell, William, ii. 485.
Blagrave, Thomas, clerk of tents and revels, acting master of revels, i.
73, 83, 85, 89, 93, 99; ii. 492, 499, 500, 502; iii. 409.
Page 518
Blount, Charles, 8th Lord Mountjoy, Earl of Devonshire, i. 4, 220; iii.
212, 276, 402.
Bochan, dancer, i. 202; iii. 244, 387.
Bodley, Sir John, ii. 426.
Boier, Simon, gentleman usher of chamber, i. 108.
Boissise, Thumery de, French ambassador, i. 24, 169.
Bonarelli della Rovere, G., iii. 238.
Bonetti, Rocco, fencer, ii. 500–3.
Bouillon, Duc de, i. 24; iv. 126.
Bourke, John, 2nd Lord Bourke of Connell, iii. 402.
Bouset, Johan, ii. 275.
Bowes, Edward, ii. 451.
Bowes, Sir Jerome, i. 88; ii. 506; iv. 276.
Bowes, Ralph, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450, 486; iii. 402; iv. 64.
Bowes, Thomas, ii. 451.
Bowll, William, yeoman of chamber, deputy yeoman of revels, i. 79,
86.
Bowyer, Sir Henry, iii. 388.
Box, Edward, ii. 410.
Boyd, sergeant, iii. 388.
Brabine, Thomas, iii. 325.
Bracciano, Duke of, i. 6, 222.
Brackyn, Francis, iii. 476.
Bradshaw, Charles, ii. 495, 504.
Bramante Lazzari, iii. 9.
Brantôme, Pierre de Bourdeilles, Abbé de, i. 159, 176.
Braye, locksmith, ii. 388.
Brayne, John, ii. 380, 387, 397.
Brayne, Margaret, ii. 389.
Brend, Judith, ii. 431.
Brend, Sir Matthew, ii. 426–31.
Brend, Nicholas, ii. 415, 426.
Breton, Nicholas, iii. 320.
Brewe, Patrick, ii. 435.
Brewer, Thomas, iii. 237.
Bridges, John, dean of Salisbury, iv. 229.
Bridges, John, yeoman of revels, i. 73; iv. 135.
212, 276, 402.
Bochan, dancer, i. 202; iii. 244, 387.
Bodley, Sir John, ii. 426.
Boier, Simon, gentleman usher of chamber, i. 108.
Boissise, Thumery de, French ambassador, i. 24, 169.
Bonarelli della Rovere, G., iii. 238.
Bonetti, Rocco, fencer, ii. 500–3.
Bouillon, Duc de, i. 24; iv. 126.
Bourke, John, 2nd Lord Bourke of Connell, iii. 402.
Bouset, Johan, ii. 275.
Bowes, Edward, ii. 451.
Bowes, Sir Jerome, i. 88; ii. 506; iv. 276.
Bowes, Ralph, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450, 486; iii. 402; iv. 64.
Bowes, Thomas, ii. 451.
Bowll, William, yeoman of chamber, deputy yeoman of revels, i. 79,
86.
Bowyer, Sir Henry, iii. 388.
Box, Edward, ii. 410.
Boyd, sergeant, iii. 388.
Brabine, Thomas, iii. 325.
Bracciano, Duke of, i. 6, 222.
Brackyn, Francis, iii. 476.
Bradshaw, Charles, ii. 495, 504.
Bramante Lazzari, iii. 9.
Brantôme, Pierre de Bourdeilles, Abbé de, i. 159, 176.
Braye, locksmith, ii. 388.
Brayne, John, ii. 380, 387, 397.
Brayne, Margaret, ii. 389.
Brend, Judith, ii. 431.
Brend, Sir Matthew, ii. 426–31.
Brend, Nicholas, ii. 415, 426.
Breton, Nicholas, iii. 320.
Brewe, Patrick, ii. 435.
Brewer, Thomas, iii. 237.
Bridges, John, dean of Salisbury, iv. 229.
Bridges, John, yeoman of revels, i. 73; iv. 135.
Page 519
Brigham, Mark, ii. 442.
Bromfield, Robert, mercer, ii. 175, 184.
Bromley, Sir Thomas, lord chancellor, i. 287; iv. 92, 297, 282, 296.
Bromley, Thomas, ii. 334, 418.
Bromvill, Peter, iv. 112, 329.
Brooke, Christopher, iii. 262.
Brooke (b. Howard), Frances, Lady Cobham, formerly Countess of
Kildare, ii. 507.
Brooke, George, 9th Lord Cobham, ii. 476, 478, 485, 492–3.
Brooke, George, i. 199.
Brooke, Henry, 8th Lord Cobham, lord warden of Cinque Ports, i. 220;
ii. 507; iv. 37, 113.
Brooke, William, 7th Lord Cobham, lord warden of Cinque Ports, lord
chamberlain, i. 40, 169, 268; ii. 195, 495, 507; iv. 77, 89.
Brooke. See Parr.
Broughton. See Unton.
Browker, Hugh, ii. 413.
Browne, Anthony, 1st Viscount Montague, i. 111, 162–3; iii. 321; iv.
65.
Browne, Sir Anthony, judge, ii. 486.
Browne, Anthony, i. 163; iii. 322.
Browne, John, bearward, ii. 450.
Browne (b. Dormer), Mary, i. 163; iii. 322.
Browne, Thomas, i. 163.
Browne. See Dormer, Petre, Wriothesley.
Brunkerd, Henry, iv. 64.
Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, Henry Julius, Duke of, playwright, ii. 275,
284.
Bruskett, Thomas, ii. 503–5.
Bryan, Sir Francis, ii. 485.
Brydges (b. Bray), Dorothy, Lady Chandos, afterwards Lady Knollys,
iv. 115.
Brydges (b. Clinton), Frances, Lady Chandos, iv. 90.
Brydges, Giles, 3rd Lord Chandos, iv. 66, 92, 107.
Brydges, Grey, 5th Lord Chandos, iii. 246, 394.
Brydges, Katherine, iii. 401.
Brydges (b. Hopton), Mary, Lady Chandos, ii. 299; iii. 401.
Bromfield, Robert, mercer, ii. 175, 184.
Bromley, Sir Thomas, lord chancellor, i. 287; iv. 92, 297, 282, 296.
Bromley, Thomas, ii. 334, 418.
Bromvill, Peter, iv. 112, 329.
Brooke, Christopher, iii. 262.
Brooke (b. Howard), Frances, Lady Cobham, formerly Countess of
Kildare, ii. 507.
Brooke, George, 9th Lord Cobham, ii. 476, 478, 485, 492–3.
Brooke, George, i. 199.
Brooke, Henry, 8th Lord Cobham, lord warden of Cinque Ports, i. 220;
ii. 507; iv. 37, 113.
Brooke, William, 7th Lord Cobham, lord warden of Cinque Ports, lord
chamberlain, i. 40, 169, 268; ii. 195, 495, 507; iv. 77, 89.
Brooke. See Parr.
Broughton. See Unton.
Browker, Hugh, ii. 413.
Browne, Anthony, 1st Viscount Montague, i. 111, 162–3; iii. 321; iv.
65.
Browne, Sir Anthony, judge, ii. 486.
Browne, Anthony, i. 163; iii. 322.
Browne, John, bearward, ii. 450.
Browne (b. Dormer), Mary, i. 163; iii. 322.
Browne, Thomas, i. 163.
Browne. See Dormer, Petre, Wriothesley.
Brunkerd, Henry, iv. 64.
Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, Henry Julius, Duke of, playwright, ii. 275,
284.
Bruskett, Thomas, ii. 503–5.
Bryan, Sir Francis, ii. 485.
Brydges (b. Bray), Dorothy, Lady Chandos, afterwards Lady Knollys,
iv. 115.
Brydges (b. Clinton), Frances, Lady Chandos, iv. 90.
Brydges, Giles, 3rd Lord Chandos, iv. 66, 92, 107.
Brydges, Grey, 5th Lord Chandos, iii. 246, 394.
Brydges, Katherine, iii. 401.
Brydges (b. Hopton), Mary, Lady Chandos, ii. 299; iii. 401.
Page 520
Brydges, William, 4th Lord Chandos, ii. 299.
Brydges. See Kennedy.
Bucer, Martin, on plays, i. 239; iv. 188.
Buchanan, George, iii. 12, 514.
Buck, Sir George, master of revels, i. 46, 96–105, 322; ii. 68; iii. 170,
412; iv. 45.
Buckeridge, John, president of St. John’s, Oxford, iii. 168; iv. 377.
Buckhurst (title). See Sackville.
Buckingham (title). See Villiers.
Buggin, Edward, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 79, 82, 96.
Burby, Cuthbert, stationer, ii. 306.
Burgh, Sir John, ii. 361.
Burgh, Thomas, 5th Lord Burgh, lord deputy of Ireland, iv. 101, 110.
Burghley (title). See Cecil.
Burgram (Bingham), John, ii. 432.
Burnaby, Thomas, ii. 451, 464–5.
Burrough, Mrs., iii. 401.
Butler, Sir Philip, iii. 402; iv. 113.
Button, Sir William, deputy master of ceremonies, i. 53.
Bywater, Laurence, ii. 499.
C
Caesar, Sir Julius, master of requests, chancellor of exchequer, master
of the rolls, ii. 371, 451; iv. 111.
Calle, Mrs., tire-woman, ii. 228.
Calliopius, iii. 7.
Calvin, John, i. 245–9.
Camden, William, iii. 254, 359, 398, 507.
Campbell (b. Cornwallis), Anne, Countess of Argyll, ii. 317.
Campion, Edmund, iii. 468.
Campnies, Mr., iv. 57.
Cardell, Thomas, dancer, i. 202.
Carew, Sir Francis, iv. 84, 92, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106, 109, 111,
112, 113, 116.
Carew, George, 1st Lord Carew, iii. 212.
Carey (b. Morgan), Anne, Lady Hunsdon, i. 10; iii. 401.
Brydges. See Kennedy.
Bucer, Martin, on plays, i. 239; iv. 188.
Buchanan, George, iii. 12, 514.
Buck, Sir George, master of revels, i. 46, 96–105, 322; ii. 68; iii. 170,
412; iv. 45.
Buckeridge, John, president of St. John’s, Oxford, iii. 168; iv. 377.
Buckhurst (title). See Sackville.
Buckingham (title). See Villiers.
Buggin, Edward, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 79, 82, 96.
Burby, Cuthbert, stationer, ii. 306.
Burgh, Sir John, ii. 361.
Burgh, Thomas, 5th Lord Burgh, lord deputy of Ireland, iv. 101, 110.
Burghley (title). See Cecil.
Burgram (Bingham), John, ii. 432.
Burnaby, Thomas, ii. 451, 464–5.
Burrough, Mrs., iii. 401.
Butler, Sir Philip, iii. 402; iv. 113.
Button, Sir William, deputy master of ceremonies, i. 53.
Bywater, Laurence, ii. 499.
C
Caesar, Sir Julius, master of requests, chancellor of exchequer, master
of the rolls, ii. 371, 451; iv. 111.
Calle, Mrs., tire-woman, ii. 228.
Calliopius, iii. 7.
Calvin, John, i. 245–9.
Camden, William, iii. 254, 359, 398, 507.
Campbell (b. Cornwallis), Anne, Countess of Argyll, ii. 317.
Campion, Edmund, iii. 468.
Campnies, Mr., iv. 57.
Cardell, Thomas, dancer, i. 202.
Carew, Sir Francis, iv. 84, 92, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106, 109, 111,
112, 113, 116.
Carew, George, 1st Lord Carew, iii. 212.
Carey (b. Morgan), Anne, Lady Hunsdon, i. 10; iii. 401.
Page 521
Carey, George, 2nd Lord Hunsdon, knight marshal, lord chamberlain,
i. 40, 220; ii. 192, 204, 479, 501, 504, 508; iii. 450, 505; iv. 107,
114, 115, 320, 329;.
his men, ii. 195–208.
Carey, Henry, 1st Lord Hunsdon, lord chamberlain, i. 10, 40, 110, 141,
268; ii. 192, 411, 486, 497; iii. 505; iv. 99, 108, 280, 284, 288,
296;
his men, ii. 192–5.
Carey, Robert, 1st Earl of Monmouth, i. 145, 199; iii. 212, 267, 377,
402, 405.
Carey. See Berkeley, Hoby, Howard, Scrope.
Carlisle (title). See Hay.
Caron, Sir Noel, iv. 112.
Carr, Robert, Viscount Rochester, Earl of Somerset, lord chamberlain,
i. 12, 41, 53, 146, 148, 173, 200, 216; ii. 68, 372; iii. 220, 232,
240, 245, 250, 286, 388, 389, 393, 442; iv. 59, 128.
Carr, Mr., iii. 389.
Cartwright, William, player, iv. 43.
Cary, Henry, 1st Lord Falkland, iii. 241, 245, 294.
Cary, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Case, John, iii. 318;
on plays, i. 250; iv. 228.
Casimir, John, Prince Palatine, iv. 96.
Cason (b. Brend), Elizabeth, ii. 431.
Castelvetro, Ludovico, iii. 18.
Cavallerizzo, Claudio, ii. 265.
Cave. See Knollys.
Cavendish, Thomas, iv. 103.
Cavendish, William, Earl, Marquis, and Duke of Newcastle, i. 208; ii.
374; iii. 372.
Cavendish, Sir William, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; iv. 134.
Cavendish, Mrs., i. 45.
Cawarden, Elizabeth Lady, ii. 480.
Cawarden, Sir Thomas, master of revels, i. 34, 73; ii. 477, 480–93; iv.
135.
Cecil (b. Howard), Katharine, Viscountess Cranborne, iii. 383.
Cecil (b. Cooke), Mildred, Lady Burghley, iii. 248.
i. 40, 220; ii. 192, 204, 479, 501, 504, 508; iii. 450, 505; iv. 107,
114, 115, 320, 329;.
his men, ii. 195–208.
Carey, Henry, 1st Lord Hunsdon, lord chamberlain, i. 10, 40, 110, 141,
268; ii. 192, 411, 486, 497; iii. 505; iv. 99, 108, 280, 284, 288,
296;
his men, ii. 192–5.
Carey, Robert, 1st Earl of Monmouth, i. 145, 199; iii. 212, 267, 377,
402, 405.
Carey. See Berkeley, Hoby, Howard, Scrope.
Carlisle (title). See Hay.
Caron, Sir Noel, iv. 112.
Carr, Robert, Viscount Rochester, Earl of Somerset, lord chamberlain,
i. 12, 41, 53, 146, 148, 173, 200, 216; ii. 68, 372; iii. 220, 232,
240, 245, 250, 286, 388, 389, 393, 442; iv. 59, 128.
Carr, Mr., iii. 389.
Cartwright, William, player, iv. 43.
Cary, Henry, 1st Lord Falkland, iii. 241, 245, 294.
Cary, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Case, John, iii. 318;
on plays, i. 250; iv. 228.
Casimir, John, Prince Palatine, iv. 96.
Cason (b. Brend), Elizabeth, ii. 431.
Castelvetro, Ludovico, iii. 18.
Cavallerizzo, Claudio, ii. 265.
Cave. See Knollys.
Cavendish, Thomas, iv. 103.
Cavendish, William, Earl, Marquis, and Duke of Newcastle, i. 208; ii.
374; iii. 372.
Cavendish, Sir William, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; iv. 134.
Cavendish, Mrs., i. 45.
Cawarden, Elizabeth Lady, ii. 480.
Cawarden, Sir Thomas, master of revels, i. 34, 73; ii. 477, 480–93; iv.
135.
Cecil (b. Howard), Katharine, Viscountess Cranborne, iii. 383.
Cecil (b. Cooke), Mildred, Lady Burghley, iii. 248.
Page 522
Cecil, Robert Lord, Viscount Cranborne, 1st Earl of Salisbury,
secretary, lord treasurer, i. 10, 12, 96, 118, 121, 220; ii. 196; iii.
212, 247, 254, 257, 276, 331, 384, 392, 413, 496; iv. 69, 71, 108,
109, 111, 113, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 139, 315, 329, 335.
Cecil, Thomas, 2nd Lord Burghley, 1st Earl of Exeter, iii. 247; iv. 106,
108, 112, 115, 116.
Cecil, William, 1st Lord Burghley, secretary, lord treasurer, i. 20, 79,
80, 88, 91, 110, 117, 119, 167, 227, 244, 265, 267; ii. 100, 113,
306; iii. 160, 212, 247, 411, 459, 477; iv. 79, 81, 83, 87, 88, 91,
93, 94, 98, 100, 101, 102, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111, 266, 269, 276,
277, 281, 292, 296, 305, 310, 316.
Cecil, William, 2nd Earl of Salisbury, iii. 242, 246.
Cecil. See Hatton, Vere, Wentworth.
Cecilia of Sweden, i. 10, 23, 142, 324; iv. 82, 144, 378.
Cervantes, Miguel de, iii. 221.
Chaderton, Edmund, treasurer of chamber, i. 57.
Chaloner, Sir Thomas, i. 211; iii. 386.
Champagny, M. de, iii. 405; iv. 101.
Chandos (title). See Brydges.
Charles Duke of York, afterwards Charles I, i. 13, 171, 199, 322; ii.
241; iii. 238, 280, 281, 376, 382, 383, 443; iv. 119, 122, 123, 124,
127, 129, 130;
his men, ii. 241.
Charles IX, King of France, ii. 261.
Châtillon, Odet de Coligny, Cardinal of, i. 129; iv. 85.
Cheke, Sir John, ii. 493; iii. 262.
Chester, Charles, iii. 363.
Chettle, Henry, on plays, i. 261; iv. 242.
Cheyne, Henry Lord, iv. 81, 86, 91.
Cheyne (b. Wentworth), Jane Lady, iii. 263; iv. 123.
Cheyne, Sir Thomas, treasurer of household, lord warden of Cinque
Ports, i. 35; ii. 476, 485, 490–2, 499.
Cheyne. See Pole, Wriothesley.
Chichester (b. Harington), Frances Lady, iii. 380.
Chidley, Mr., iii. 269.
Chisan, Alexander, musician, i. 202; iii. 385.
Cholmley, John, i. 356, 361; ii. 406–8.
secretary, lord treasurer, i. 10, 12, 96, 118, 121, 220; ii. 196; iii.
212, 247, 254, 257, 276, 331, 384, 392, 413, 496; iv. 69, 71, 108,
109, 111, 113, 115, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 139, 315, 329, 335.
Cecil, Thomas, 2nd Lord Burghley, 1st Earl of Exeter, iii. 247; iv. 106,
108, 112, 115, 116.
Cecil, William, 1st Lord Burghley, secretary, lord treasurer, i. 20, 79,
80, 88, 91, 110, 117, 119, 167, 227, 244, 265, 267; ii. 100, 113,
306; iii. 160, 212, 247, 411, 459, 477; iv. 79, 81, 83, 87, 88, 91,
93, 94, 98, 100, 101, 102, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111, 266, 269, 276,
277, 281, 292, 296, 305, 310, 316.
Cecil, William, 2nd Earl of Salisbury, iii. 242, 246.
Cecil. See Hatton, Vere, Wentworth.
Cecilia of Sweden, i. 10, 23, 142, 324; iv. 82, 144, 378.
Cervantes, Miguel de, iii. 221.
Chaderton, Edmund, treasurer of chamber, i. 57.
Chaloner, Sir Thomas, i. 211; iii. 386.
Champagny, M. de, iii. 405; iv. 101.
Chandos (title). See Brydges.
Charles Duke of York, afterwards Charles I, i. 13, 171, 199, 322; ii.
241; iii. 238, 280, 281, 376, 382, 383, 443; iv. 119, 122, 123, 124,
127, 129, 130;
his men, ii. 241.
Charles IX, King of France, ii. 261.
Châtillon, Odet de Coligny, Cardinal of, i. 129; iv. 85.
Cheke, Sir John, ii. 493; iii. 262.
Chester, Charles, iii. 363.
Chettle, Henry, on plays, i. 261; iv. 242.
Cheyne, Henry Lord, iv. 81, 86, 91.
Cheyne (b. Wentworth), Jane Lady, iii. 263; iv. 123.
Cheyne, Sir Thomas, treasurer of household, lord warden of Cinque
Ports, i. 35; ii. 476, 485, 490–2, 499.
Cheyne. See Pole, Wriothesley.
Chichester (b. Harington), Frances Lady, iii. 380.
Chidley, Mr., iii. 269.
Chisan, Alexander, musician, i. 202; iii. 385.
Cholmley, John, i. 356, 361; ii. 406–8.
Page 523
Chytraeus, N., ii. 455.
Cicero, on plays, i. 238, 377; iv. 206, 215.
Cinthio, Giraldi, iii. 512.
Claiton, William, victualler, i. 304; iv. 340.
Clark, Francis, porter of St. John’s, Oxford, iv. 36.
Clarke, Roger, ii. 115.
Clarke, Sir William, i. 118; iv. 115.
Clatterbocke, Thomas, groom of revels, i. 93, 100.
Clifford, Francis, 4th Earl of Cumberland, i. 338; iv. 107.
Clifford, George, 3rd Earl of Cumberland, i. 145; iii. 212, 402; iv. 94,
117, 120.
Clifford (b. Russell), Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, iii. 268, 273,
399; iv. 94.
Clifford. See Sackville, Stanley, Wharton.
Clifton, Henry, ii. 42.
Clinton, Edward, 1st Earl of Lincoln, lord admiral, lord steward, i. 35,
109, 157; ii. 90, 96, 261; iv. 78, 79, 83, 86, 92, 93, 94, 97, 100,
284, 288;
his men, ii. 97.
Clinton, Henry, 2nd Earl of Lincoln, i. 328; ii. 96, 278; iv. 113;
his men, ii. 97.
Clowes, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Cobham (title). See Brooke.
Cock, Sir Henry, cofferer of household, iv. 100, 116.
Cocke, J., on players, iv. 255.
Coke, Sir Edward, solicitor- and attorney-general, chief justice of
common pleas and king’s bench, i. 103, 200, 306, 338; ii. 473; iv.
114.
Coke. See Hatton.
Cole, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Colet, John, dean of St. Paul’s, ii. 9.
Collins, Edward, ii. 390.
Collins, Richard, clerk to Stationers, iii. 158, 165.
Compton, William, 2nd Lord Compton, i. 220; iii. 212, 246, 394, 402;
iv. 88, 94, 120, 124, 126.
Confess, dancer, i. 202; iii. 244, 386, 387.
Constable, Sir William, ii. 205.
Cicero, on plays, i. 238, 377; iv. 206, 215.
Cinthio, Giraldi, iii. 512.
Claiton, William, victualler, i. 304; iv. 340.
Clark, Francis, porter of St. John’s, Oxford, iv. 36.
Clarke, Roger, ii. 115.
Clarke, Sir William, i. 118; iv. 115.
Clatterbocke, Thomas, groom of revels, i. 93, 100.
Clifford, Francis, 4th Earl of Cumberland, i. 338; iv. 107.
Clifford, George, 3rd Earl of Cumberland, i. 145; iii. 212, 402; iv. 94,
117, 120.
Clifford (b. Russell), Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, iii. 268, 273,
399; iv. 94.
Clifford. See Sackville, Stanley, Wharton.
Clifton, Henry, ii. 42.
Clinton, Edward, 1st Earl of Lincoln, lord admiral, lord steward, i. 35,
109, 157; ii. 90, 96, 261; iv. 78, 79, 83, 86, 92, 93, 94, 97, 100,
284, 288;
his men, ii. 97.
Clinton, Henry, 2nd Earl of Lincoln, i. 328; ii. 96, 278; iv. 113;
his men, ii. 97.
Clowes, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Cobham (title). See Brooke.
Cock, Sir Henry, cofferer of household, iv. 100, 116.
Cocke, J., on players, iv. 255.
Coke, Sir Edward, solicitor- and attorney-general, chief justice of
common pleas and king’s bench, i. 103, 200, 306, 338; ii. 473; iv.
114.
Coke. See Hatton.
Cole, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Colet, John, dean of St. Paul’s, ii. 9.
Collins, Edward, ii. 390.
Collins, Richard, clerk to Stationers, iii. 158, 165.
Compton, William, 2nd Lord Compton, i. 220; iii. 212, 246, 394, 402;
iv. 88, 94, 120, 124, 126.
Confess, dancer, i. 202; iii. 244, 386, 387.
Constable, Sir William, ii. 205.
Page 524
Conyers, John, auditor of the prest, i. 92.
Cooke, Sir Anthony, reformer, iv. 84.
Cooke, Sir Anthony, tilter, i. 144; iii. 402; iv. 64.
Cooke, Richard, iv. 96.
Cooke, W. iv. 57.
Cooke. See Bacon, Cecil, Russell.
Cooper or Coprario, John, musician, i. 202; iii. 244, 246.
Cop, Michel, i. 247.
Cope, Sir Walter, i. 220; iii. 306, 371, 389; iv. 111, 126, 139.
Cope. See Rich.
Cornwallis, Sir William, i. 111; iii. 391, 506; iv. 108, 111, 113, 118.
Corraro, Gregorio, iii. 239.
Correr, Marc’ Antonio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25.
Coryat, Thomas, ii. 276; iii. 315.
Cosin, Richard, corrector of books, iii. 167, 187.
Cossé, Artus de, Seigneur de Gonnor, i. 161.
Cotton, William, corrector of books, iii. 167, 451; iv. 319.
Cox, Samuel, on plays, iv. 237.
Cranborne (title). See Cecil.
Cranwigge, James, i. 361.
Crashaw, William, on plays, i. 262; iv. 249, 254.
Creede, Thomas, stationer, iii. 184.
Crichton, Robert, 6th Lord Sanquhar, ii. 413; iii. 382.
Crocus, Cornelius, iii. 18.
Croft, Sir James, comptroller of household, i. 35; iv. 284, 288.
Cromwell, Henry, Lord Cromwell, iv. 81.
Cromwell, Sir Oliver, iii. 498; iv. 81, 116.
Cromwell, Oliver, lord protector, iii. 498.
Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of Essex, lord privy seal, i. 242; ii. 74; iv. 8.
Crosse, Henry, on plays, iv. 247.
Crowley, Robert, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Cruso, Aquila, iv. 375.
Cumberland (title). See Clifford.
Cure, Thomas, ii. 411.
‘Cuthbert Cony-catcher’, pamphleteer, i. 377; iii. 325; iv. 25.
D
Cooke, Sir Anthony, reformer, iv. 84.
Cooke, Sir Anthony, tilter, i. 144; iii. 402; iv. 64.
Cooke, Richard, iv. 96.
Cooke, W. iv. 57.
Cooke. See Bacon, Cecil, Russell.
Cooper or Coprario, John, musician, i. 202; iii. 244, 246.
Cop, Michel, i. 247.
Cope, Sir Walter, i. 220; iii. 306, 371, 389; iv. 111, 126, 139.
Cope. See Rich.
Cornwallis, Sir William, i. 111; iii. 391, 506; iv. 108, 111, 113, 118.
Corraro, Gregorio, iii. 239.
Correr, Marc’ Antonio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25.
Coryat, Thomas, ii. 276; iii. 315.
Cosin, Richard, corrector of books, iii. 167, 187.
Cossé, Artus de, Seigneur de Gonnor, i. 161.
Cotton, William, corrector of books, iii. 167, 451; iv. 319.
Cox, Samuel, on plays, iv. 237.
Cranborne (title). See Cecil.
Cranwigge, James, i. 361.
Crashaw, William, on plays, i. 262; iv. 249, 254.
Creede, Thomas, stationer, iii. 184.
Crichton, Robert, 6th Lord Sanquhar, ii. 413; iii. 382.
Crocus, Cornelius, iii. 18.
Croft, Sir James, comptroller of household, i. 35; iv. 284, 288.
Cromwell, Henry, Lord Cromwell, iv. 81.
Cromwell, Sir Oliver, iii. 498; iv. 81, 116.
Cromwell, Oliver, lord protector, iii. 498.
Cromwell, Thomas, Earl of Essex, lord privy seal, i. 242; ii. 74; iv. 8.
Crosse, Henry, on plays, iv. 247.
Crowley, Robert, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Cruso, Aquila, iv. 375.
Cumberland (title). See Clifford.
Cure, Thomas, ii. 411.
‘Cuthbert Cony-catcher’, pamphleteer, i. 377; iii. 325; iv. 25.
D
Page 525
D’Ancre, Marshal, iii. 511.
Danter, John, stationer, iii. 187, 263.
Danvers, Sir Charles, iii. 402.
Danvers, Henry Lord, iii. 390.
Danvers. See Herbert.
Darcy, Thomas, iii. 393.
Dauncy, John, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 79, 93.
David, John, fencer, ii. 380; iv. 289.
Dee, John, astrologer, iii. 372, 398; iv. 91, 97.
De Laune, Gideon, ii. 507.
De Laune, William, physician, ii. 498, 504.
Delawarr (title). See West.
Denmark, Christian IV, King of, i. 12, 23, 134, 138, 146, 172, 179; ii.
22, 276, 458; iii. 316, 392; iv. 70, 121, 129.
Denny, Edward Lord, iii. 240, 402; iv. 64.
Denny. See Hay.
Denton, James, ii. 62.
Derby (title). See Stanley.
Derry, Thomas, court jester, i. 53.
D’Este, Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara, iii. 4.
D’Este, Hippolyte, iii. 13.
Dethick, Sir William, ii. 283.
Devereux (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Essex, afterwards of
Somerset, i. 172, 173; iii. 245, 282, 378, 383, 388, 393; iv. 59, 67,
120, 128.
Devereux (b. Knollys), Lettice, Countess of Essex, afterwards
Countess of Leicester and Lady Blount, i. 220; ii. 48, 85, 102; iv.
91;
her men, ii. 103.
Devereux, Robert, 2nd Earl of Essex, master of the horse, earl marshal,
lord deputy of Ireland, i. 6, 18, 33, 34, 45, 145, 220, 324, 385; ii.
102, 205, 415; iii. 211, 212, 276, 296, 318, 364, 402, 408; iv. 105,
108, 109, 112, 319, 375;
his men, ii. 103.
Devereux, Robert, 3rd Earl of Essex, lord chamberlain, i. 41, 146, 172;
iii. 378; iv. 120.
Danter, John, stationer, iii. 187, 263.
Danvers, Sir Charles, iii. 402.
Danvers, Henry Lord, iii. 390.
Danvers. See Herbert.
Darcy, Thomas, iii. 393.
Dauncy, John, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 79, 93.
David, John, fencer, ii. 380; iv. 289.
Dee, John, astrologer, iii. 372, 398; iv. 91, 97.
De Laune, Gideon, ii. 507.
De Laune, William, physician, ii. 498, 504.
Delawarr (title). See West.
Denmark, Christian IV, King of, i. 12, 23, 134, 138, 146, 172, 179; ii.
22, 276, 458; iii. 316, 392; iv. 70, 121, 129.
Denny, Edward Lord, iii. 240, 402; iv. 64.
Denny. See Hay.
Denton, James, ii. 62.
Derby (title). See Stanley.
Derry, Thomas, court jester, i. 53.
D’Este, Ercole I, Duke of Ferrara, iii. 4.
D’Este, Hippolyte, iii. 13.
Dethick, Sir William, ii. 283.
Devereux (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Essex, afterwards of
Somerset, i. 172, 173; iii. 245, 282, 378, 383, 388, 393; iv. 59, 67,
120, 128.
Devereux (b. Knollys), Lettice, Countess of Essex, afterwards
Countess of Leicester and Lady Blount, i. 220; ii. 48, 85, 102; iv.
91;
her men, ii. 103.
Devereux, Robert, 2nd Earl of Essex, master of the horse, earl marshal,
lord deputy of Ireland, i. 6, 18, 33, 34, 45, 145, 220, 324, 385; ii.
102, 205, 415; iii. 211, 212, 276, 296, 318, 364, 402, 408; iv. 105,
108, 109, 112, 319, 375;
his men, ii. 103.
Devereux, Robert, 3rd Earl of Essex, lord chamberlain, i. 41, 146, 172;
iii. 378; iv. 120.
Page 526
Devereux, Walter, 1st Earl of Essex, lord deputy of Ireland, i. 10; ii.
102; iii. 211, 349;
his men, ii. 102.
Devereux. See Percy, Rich.
Devonshire (title). See Blount.
De Witt, John, ii. 360, 456; iii. 72, 78, 90, 100.
Dickens, George, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Digby, Edward, iv. 64.
Digby, Sir Everard, iii. 402, 433.
Digby, Sir John, iii. 241.
Digby, Sir Kenelm, iii. 355.
Digby, Lady, iv. 67.
Dingwall (title). See Preston.
Dix, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Dodmer, Bryan, of the revels, i. 81, 86, 88.
Doncaster (title). See Hay.
Donne, John, i. 349, 359; ii. 298, 464; iii. 238, 355, 479.
Dormer (b. Browne), Elizabeth Lady, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dormer, Robert, 1st Lord, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dormer, Sir William, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dorrington, Sir John, master of Paris Garden, ii. 451–2.
Dorrington (Darrington), Richard, keeper of dogs, ii. 450.
Dorset (title). See Sackville.
Dossi, Dosso, iii. 11.
Dover, tailor, ii. 184.
Dowland, John, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Dowland, Robert, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Downes, John, iv. 372.
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 5; ii. 299; iv. 97.
Drawater, John, of the revels, i. 86.
Drummond, William, of Hawthornden, iii. 276, 354.
Drummond. See Ker.
Drury, William, i. 165.
Drury, Mr., iii. 212.
Du Bartas, Guillaume, iv. 5.
Dudley, Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, master of ordnance, i. 142; ii. 97,
117, 380; iv. 82, 83, 88, 93, 102, 104, 282, 284, 288, 289;
102; iii. 211, 349;
his men, ii. 102.
Devereux. See Percy, Rich.
Devonshire (title). See Blount.
De Witt, John, ii. 360, 456; iii. 72, 78, 90, 100.
Dickens, George, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Digby, Edward, iv. 64.
Digby, Sir Everard, iii. 402, 433.
Digby, Sir John, iii. 241.
Digby, Sir Kenelm, iii. 355.
Digby, Lady, iv. 67.
Dingwall (title). See Preston.
Dix, William, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Dodmer, Bryan, of the revels, i. 81, 86, 88.
Doncaster (title). See Hay.
Donne, John, i. 349, 359; ii. 298, 464; iii. 238, 355, 479.
Dormer (b. Browne), Elizabeth Lady, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dormer, Robert, 1st Lord, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dormer, Sir William, i. 163; iii. 322.
Dorrington, Sir John, master of Paris Garden, ii. 451–2.
Dorrington (Darrington), Richard, keeper of dogs, ii. 450.
Dorset (title). See Sackville.
Dossi, Dosso, iii. 11.
Dover, tailor, ii. 184.
Dowland, John, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Dowland, Robert, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Downes, John, iv. 372.
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 5; ii. 299; iv. 97.
Drawater, John, of the revels, i. 86.
Drummond, William, of Hawthornden, iii. 276, 354.
Drummond. See Ker.
Drury, William, i. 165.
Drury, Mr., iii. 212.
Du Bartas, Guillaume, iv. 5.
Dudley, Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, master of ordnance, i. 142; ii. 97,
117, 380; iv. 82, 83, 88, 93, 102, 104, 282, 284, 288, 289;
Page 527
his men, ii. 97.
Dudley, Ann, iii. 242.
Dudley (b. Russell), Anne, Countess of Warwick, i. 142; ii. 97; iii. 399,
401; iv. 67, 82, 315;
her men, ii. 99.
Dudley, Edward, 4th Lord, ii. 304; iv. 92.
Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, master of horse, lord steward, i. 4, 5,
34, 107, 109, 110, 112, 114, 118, 125, 129, 141, 227, 267, 288,
324; ii. 85, 342, 345, 453, 496; iii. 268, 318, 322, 349, 402, 456,
478; iv. 61, 79, 82, 83, 85, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 282,
284, 288;
his men, ii. 85–91.
Dudley, Sir Robert, i. 45; iii. 212.
Dudley. See Hastings.
Dun, fencer, ii. 413.
Dunbar (title). See Home.
D’Urfé, Honoré, iii. 228, 229.
Dutton, John, of Cheshire, i. 280, 299; ii. 314; iv. 46, 271, 324, 337.
Dymock, Sir Edward, i. 328; iv. 40.
E
Edmondes (b. Lydcott), Dorothy Lady, gentlewoman of privy chamber,
ii. 451; iv. 113.
Edmonds, Mary, ii. 418.
Edwardes, Richard, on plays, iv. 193.
Egerton, Thomas, Lord Ellesmere, Viscount Brackley, lord keeper of
the seal, lord chancellor, i. 98, 117; iv. 67, 115, 342.
Elizabeth, Queen, i. 3–6, 19, 107, 112, 113, 119, 120, 125, 142, 155,
267, 268, 327; ii. 173; iii. 253, 278, 310, 364, 469; iv. 60, 351;
alleged visit to playhouse, ii. 48;
references to, in plays, i. 323; iii. 296, 361, 452, 498; iv. 15, 26, 43,
47;
her men, ii. 83, 104–17.
Elizabeth, Lady, Princess of England, Electress Palatine, i. 7, 12, 17,
22, 139, 173, 199, 216, 218; ii. 246, 285; iii. 233, 241, 260, 282,
388; iv. 72, 128, 129, 181;
Dudley, Ann, iii. 242.
Dudley (b. Russell), Anne, Countess of Warwick, i. 142; ii. 97; iii. 399,
401; iv. 67, 82, 315;
her men, ii. 99.
Dudley, Edward, 4th Lord, ii. 304; iv. 92.
Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, master of horse, lord steward, i. 4, 5,
34, 107, 109, 110, 112, 114, 118, 125, 129, 141, 227, 267, 288,
324; ii. 85, 342, 345, 453, 496; iii. 268, 318, 322, 349, 402, 456,
478; iv. 61, 79, 82, 83, 85, 88, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 282,
284, 288;
his men, ii. 85–91.
Dudley, Sir Robert, i. 45; iii. 212.
Dudley. See Hastings.
Dun, fencer, ii. 413.
Dunbar (title). See Home.
D’Urfé, Honoré, iii. 228, 229.
Dutton, John, of Cheshire, i. 280, 299; ii. 314; iv. 46, 271, 324, 337.
Dymock, Sir Edward, i. 328; iv. 40.
E
Edmondes (b. Lydcott), Dorothy Lady, gentlewoman of privy chamber,
ii. 451; iv. 113.
Edmonds, Mary, ii. 418.
Edwardes, Richard, on plays, iv. 193.
Egerton, Thomas, Lord Ellesmere, Viscount Brackley, lord keeper of
the seal, lord chancellor, i. 98, 117; iv. 67, 115, 342.
Elizabeth, Queen, i. 3–6, 19, 107, 112, 113, 119, 120, 125, 142, 155,
267, 268, 327; ii. 173; iii. 253, 278, 310, 364, 469; iv. 60, 351;
alleged visit to playhouse, ii. 48;
references to, in plays, i. 323; iii. 296, 361, 452, 498; iv. 15, 26, 43,
47;
her men, ii. 83, 104–17.
Elizabeth, Lady, Princess of England, Electress Palatine, i. 7, 12, 17,
22, 139, 173, 199, 216, 218; ii. 246, 285; iii. 233, 241, 260, 282,
388; iv. 72, 128, 129, 181;
Page 528
her men, ii. 246–60.
Ellesmere (title). See Egerton.
Elyot, Sir Thomas, iii. 470;
on plays, i. 239; iv. 187.
Eottes (Eworth, Eeuwowts), Hans, i. 163, 165, 178.
Erasmus, Desiderius, ii. 449;
on plays, i. 238; iv. 184.
Erskine, James, master of Mar, iii. 382.
Erskine, Thomas, Viscount Fenton, Earl of Kelly, captain of guard,
groom of stole, i. 47, 53.
Erskine, Mr., iii. 382.
Essex (title). See Devereux.
Evelyn, George, ii. 117; iv. 100, 111, 112, 113;
his men, ii. 117.
Exeter (title). See Cecil.
F
Fanshawe, Thomas, king’s remembrancer in the exchequer, iv. 96.
Farel, William, i. 245, 248.
Farlyon, John, serjeant of tents, yeoman of revels, i. 72.
Farrant, Anne, ii. 496.
Favour, John, ii. 503.
Feake, James, ii. 341.
Feckenham, John, abbot of Westminster, i. 243.
Felton, Edmund, cofferer of household, i. 62; iv. 134.
Fennor, William, ii. 191, 468; iii. 500, 502.
Fenton, Christopher, ii. 499, 502, 505.
Fenton, Geoffrey, on plays, iv. 195.
Fenton (title). See Erskine.
Féria, Count of, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Ferrabosco, Alfonso, musician (the elder), i. 25, 49, 163, 178; ii. 264.
Ferrabosco, Alfonso, musician (the younger), i. 201; ii. 264; iii. 378,
382, 383, 385, 387.
Ferrarius, Joannes, on plays, i. 237; iv. 190.
Ferrers, George, ii. 82, 332, 341.
Field, John, ii. 316;
Ellesmere (title). See Egerton.
Elyot, Sir Thomas, iii. 470;
on plays, i. 239; iv. 187.
Eottes (Eworth, Eeuwowts), Hans, i. 163, 165, 178.
Erasmus, Desiderius, ii. 449;
on plays, i. 238; iv. 184.
Erskine, James, master of Mar, iii. 382.
Erskine, Thomas, Viscount Fenton, Earl of Kelly, captain of guard,
groom of stole, i. 47, 53.
Erskine, Mr., iii. 382.
Essex (title). See Devereux.
Evelyn, George, ii. 117; iv. 100, 111, 112, 113;
his men, ii. 117.
Exeter (title). See Cecil.
F
Fanshawe, Thomas, king’s remembrancer in the exchequer, iv. 96.
Farel, William, i. 245, 248.
Farlyon, John, serjeant of tents, yeoman of revels, i. 72.
Farrant, Anne, ii. 496.
Favour, John, ii. 503.
Feake, James, ii. 341.
Feckenham, John, abbot of Westminster, i. 243.
Felton, Edmund, cofferer of household, i. 62; iv. 134.
Fennor, William, ii. 191, 468; iii. 500, 502.
Fenton, Christopher, ii. 499, 502, 505.
Fenton, Geoffrey, on plays, iv. 195.
Fenton (title). See Erskine.
Féria, Count of, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Ferrabosco, Alfonso, musician (the elder), i. 25, 49, 163, 178; ii. 264.
Ferrabosco, Alfonso, musician (the younger), i. 201; ii. 264; iii. 378,
382, 383, 385, 387.
Ferrarius, Joannes, on plays, i. 237; iv. 190.
Ferrers, George, ii. 82, 332, 341.
Field, John, ii. 316;
Page 529
on plays, i. 267; iv. 219, 284.
Field, Nathan, on plays, iv. 259.
Field, Nathaniel, stationer, ii. 316.
Field, Richard, stationer, ii. 508.
Finett, Sir John, master of ceremonies, i. 25, 53, 203.
Finland, John Duke of, iv. 78.
Firenzuola, A., iii. 13.
Fish, Walter, yeoman of revels, i. 86, 96.
Fitton, Anne, ii. 326.
Fitton, Mary, maid of honour, i. 45, 169; iv. 115.
Fitzalan, Henry, 12th Earl of Arundel, lord steward, i. 4, 11, 35, 111,
157; ii. 116; iii. 411; iv. 77, 80, 82, 83, 91;
his men, ii. 116.
Fitzgerald (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Kildare, ii. 507; iv. 67.
Flecknoe, Richard, iv. 369.
Fleetwood, William, recorder of London, i. 265, 285, 292; iii. 512; iv.
201, 219, 277, 280, 284, 297, 322.
Fleetwood, Sir William, iv. 117.
Fleming, Abraham, iii. 400.
Florio, John, iii. 274;
on plays, iv. 201.
Flower, John, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Fluddie, Thomas, yeoman of bears, ii. 460.
Ford, Thomas, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Forsett, Edward, iv. 377.
Fortescue, Sir John, master of wardrobe, chancellor of exchequer,
chancellor of duchy of Lancaster, i. 80, 90; ii. 479; iv. 88, 108,
117, 315, 335.
Foscarini, Antonio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25, 264.
Fowler, Edmund, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Fox, Matthew, i. 130.
Francatrippa, ii. 263, 325.
Frederick V, Count and Elector Palatine (Palsgrave), i. 22, 24, 131,
173; ii. 134, 285; iii. 233, 238, 241, 260, 305, 493; iv. 73, 127,
128;
his men, ii. 190–2.
Fremownte, Jane, ii. 492.
Field, Nathan, on plays, iv. 259.
Field, Nathaniel, stationer, ii. 316.
Field, Richard, stationer, ii. 508.
Finett, Sir John, master of ceremonies, i. 25, 53, 203.
Finland, John Duke of, iv. 78.
Firenzuola, A., iii. 13.
Fish, Walter, yeoman of revels, i. 86, 96.
Fitton, Anne, ii. 326.
Fitton, Mary, maid of honour, i. 45, 169; iv. 115.
Fitzalan, Henry, 12th Earl of Arundel, lord steward, i. 4, 11, 35, 111,
157; ii. 116; iii. 411; iv. 77, 80, 82, 83, 91;
his men, ii. 116.
Fitzgerald (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Kildare, ii. 507; iv. 67.
Flecknoe, Richard, iv. 369.
Fleetwood, William, recorder of London, i. 265, 285, 292; iii. 512; iv.
201, 219, 277, 280, 284, 297, 322.
Fleetwood, Sir William, iv. 117.
Fleming, Abraham, iii. 400.
Florio, John, iii. 274;
on plays, iv. 201.
Flower, John, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Fluddie, Thomas, yeoman of bears, ii. 460.
Ford, Thomas, musician, i. 202; iii. 262.
Forsett, Edward, iv. 377.
Fortescue, Sir John, master of wardrobe, chancellor of exchequer,
chancellor of duchy of Lancaster, i. 80, 90; ii. 479; iv. 88, 108,
117, 315, 335.
Foscarini, Antonio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25, 264.
Fowler, Edmund, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Fox, Matthew, i. 130.
Francatrippa, ii. 263, 325.
Frederick V, Count and Elector Palatine (Palsgrave), i. 22, 24, 131,
173; ii. 134, 285; iii. 233, 238, 241, 260, 305, 493; iv. 73, 127,
128;
his men, ii. 190–2.
Fremownte, Jane, ii. 492.
Page 530
Freshwater, William, merchant tailor, ii. 228, 239.
Frith, Mary, iii. 296, 313.
Frith, Richard, dancing-master, ii. 494, 498–9.
G
Gager, William, on plays, i. 251; iv. 245.
Ganassa, Alberto, ii. 263, 294.
Gardiner, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, i. 275.
Gargrave, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Garland, Thomas, ii. 465.
Garnet, Henry, iv. 121.
Garnier, Robert, iii. 13, 337, 397.
Garret, Elizabeth, maid of honour, iii. 401.
Garret, Mr., i. 146.
Gascoigne, George, on plays, iv. 196.
Gawdy. See Hatton.
Genga, Girolamo, iii. 9; iv. 363.
Gentili, Alberico, iii. 318;
on plays, i. 253; iv. 245.
Gerard, Elizabeth Lady, iii. 380.
Gerard, Thomas, 1st Lord, iii. 402.
Germaine, Sir Thomas, iii. 377.
Gerrard, William, iii. 235.
Gerschow, Frederic, ii. 46, 367; iii. 256.
Gibson, Richard, serjeant of arms, revels, and tents, i. 72; iv. 135.
Giles, Thomas, dancer, i. 201–2; iii. 241, 244, 378, 380, 382, 383, 385.
Giles, Thomas, haberdasher, i. 79, 86, 164.
Gill, Daniel, ii. 435.
Giustinian, Giorgio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25; iii. 380.
Glemham (b. Sackville), Anne Lady, iv. 113.
Gonzaga, Louis, Duke of Nevers, ii. 261.
Goodyere, Sir Henry, iii. 280.
Gordon, George, 1st Marquis of Huntly, iii. 351.
Gordon (b. Stuart), Henrietta, Marchioness of Huntly, iii. 351.
Gordon, Sir Robert, iii. 393.
Gorges, Sir Arthur, iii. 267; iv. 112.
Frith, Mary, iii. 296, 313.
Frith, Richard, dancing-master, ii. 494, 498–9.
G
Gager, William, on plays, i. 251; iv. 245.
Ganassa, Alberto, ii. 263, 294.
Gardiner, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, i. 275.
Gargrave, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Garland, Thomas, ii. 465.
Garnet, Henry, iv. 121.
Garnier, Robert, iii. 13, 337, 397.
Garret, Elizabeth, maid of honour, iii. 401.
Garret, Mr., i. 146.
Gascoigne, George, on plays, iv. 196.
Gawdy. See Hatton.
Genga, Girolamo, iii. 9; iv. 363.
Gentili, Alberico, iii. 318;
on plays, i. 253; iv. 245.
Gerard, Elizabeth Lady, iii. 380.
Gerard, Thomas, 1st Lord, iii. 402.
Germaine, Sir Thomas, iii. 377.
Gerrard, William, iii. 235.
Gerschow, Frederic, ii. 46, 367; iii. 256.
Gibson, Richard, serjeant of arms, revels, and tents, i. 72; iv. 135.
Giles, Thomas, dancer, i. 201–2; iii. 241, 244, 378, 380, 382, 383, 385.
Giles, Thomas, haberdasher, i. 79, 86, 164.
Gill, Daniel, ii. 435.
Giustinian, Giorgio, Venetian ambassador, i. 25; iii. 380.
Glemham (b. Sackville), Anne Lady, iv. 113.
Gonzaga, Louis, Duke of Nevers, ii. 261.
Goodyere, Sir Henry, iii. 280.
Gordon, George, 1st Marquis of Huntly, iii. 351.
Gordon (b. Stuart), Henrietta, Marchioness of Huntly, iii. 351.
Gordon, Sir Robert, iii. 393.
Gorges, Sir Arthur, iii. 267; iv. 112.
Page 531
Gorges. See Parr.
Goring, Sir George, iii. 241; iv. 64.
Gosson, Stephen, on plays, i. 254; iv. 203, 206, 213.
Gosson, Mrs., tire-woman, ii. 184.
Goterant, M., iii. 509.
Gravett, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Grazzini, A. F., iii. 352.
Greene, Robert, on players, iv. 236, 240.
Grene, Jack, court fool, i. 48.
Grene, Robert, court fool, i. 48.
Gresham (b. Ferneley), Anne Lady, iv. 106, 108.
Gresham, Sir Thomas, i. 20; iv. 81, 82, 83, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 268,
277.
Gresham, William, iii. 402.
Greville, Sir Fulke, 1st Lord Brooke, secretary for Wales, treasurer of
the navy, chancellor of the exchequer, i. 144; iii. 187, 211, 402; iv.
64.
Grey (b. Blennerhasset), Anne Lady, ii. 485.
Grey, Anne Lady, iii. 514.
Grey, Arthur, 14th Lord Grey of Wilton, iii. 320; iv. 84.
Grey (b. Talbot), Elizabeth, Lady Ruthin, iii. 282.
Grey, Henry, 6th Earl of Kent, iv. 126.
Grey, Henry, 1st Lord Grey of Groby, iv. 64, 93, 111.
Grey, Lord John, iv. 79, 84.
Griffeth, John, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 93.
Griggs, John, carpenter, ii. 391, 406.
Grimald, Nicholas, iii. 31.
Grimes, Mr., iv. 57.
Grindal, Edmund, bishop of London, archbishop of Canterbury, i. 244,
278; ii. 73; iv. 266.
Groto, Luigi, iii. 208.
Guaras, Antonio de, Spanish agent, i. 24.
Guarini, G. Battista, iv. 41.
Guildford, Sir Henry, comptroller of household, i. 71.
Guildford (b. Somerset), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 282, 380, 383.
Guildford, Sir Richard, master of horse, ii. 476.
Goring, Sir George, iii. 241; iv. 64.
Gosson, Stephen, on plays, i. 254; iv. 203, 206, 213.
Gosson, Mrs., tire-woman, ii. 184.
Goterant, M., iii. 509.
Gravett, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Grazzini, A. F., iii. 352.
Greene, Robert, on players, iv. 236, 240.
Grene, Jack, court fool, i. 48.
Grene, Robert, court fool, i. 48.
Gresham (b. Ferneley), Anne Lady, iv. 106, 108.
Gresham, Sir Thomas, i. 20; iv. 81, 82, 83, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 268,
277.
Gresham, William, iii. 402.
Greville, Sir Fulke, 1st Lord Brooke, secretary for Wales, treasurer of
the navy, chancellor of the exchequer, i. 144; iii. 187, 211, 402; iv.
64.
Grey (b. Blennerhasset), Anne Lady, ii. 485.
Grey, Anne Lady, iii. 514.
Grey, Arthur, 14th Lord Grey of Wilton, iii. 320; iv. 84.
Grey (b. Talbot), Elizabeth, Lady Ruthin, iii. 282.
Grey, Henry, 6th Earl of Kent, iv. 126.
Grey, Henry, 1st Lord Grey of Groby, iv. 64, 93, 111.
Grey, Lord John, iv. 79, 84.
Griffeth, John, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 93.
Griggs, John, carpenter, ii. 391, 406.
Grimald, Nicholas, iii. 31.
Grimes, Mr., iv. 57.
Grindal, Edmund, bishop of London, archbishop of Canterbury, i. 244,
278; ii. 73; iv. 266.
Groto, Luigi, iii. 208.
Guaras, Antonio de, Spanish agent, i. 24.
Guarini, G. Battista, iv. 41.
Guildford, Sir Henry, comptroller of household, i. 71.
Guildford (b. Somerset), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 282, 380, 383.
Guildford, Sir Richard, master of horse, ii. 476.
Page 532
H
Habington (b. Wykes), Catharine, iii. 401.
Habington, John, cofferer of household, iv. 92.
Haddington (title). See Ramsay.
Hale, Thomas, groom of tents, ii. 499.
Hales, Robert, lutenist, i. 49; iii. 403.
Hall, Thomas, musician, ii. 499.
Hannam, Jack, iii. 365.
Hardy, Alexandre, iii. 15.
Harington, Sir James, iv. 83.
Harington, John, 1st Lord Harington of Exton, iii. 388; iv. 116.
Harington, Sir John, i. 172; iii. 183, 222, 329, 363, 370, 404, 498; iv.
48, 319, 374, 377, 398;
on plays, i. 258, 268; iv. 237, 245.
Harington. See Chichester, Russell.
Harmon, Edmund, barber, ii. 31.
Harper, Sir George, ii. 485, 492.
Harriot, Thomas, iii. 249; iv. 18.
Harrison, William, on plays, iv. 269.
Harsnett, Samuel, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Hart, Sir Percival, i. 214, 280; iv. 82, 89, 143.
Hartwell, Abraham, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Harvey (b. Ansley), Cordelia Lady, maid of honour, iv. 67.
Harvey, Gabriel, i. 97; ii. 4, 19; iii. 263, 325–6, 358, 363, 412, 419,
428, 450, 461, 494, 497; iv. 377.
Harvey, Richard, ii. 109; iii. 325, 450.
Harvey. See Wriothesley.
Hassett, Caleb, vaulter, iv. 174.
Hassett, John, vaulter, iv. 167, 174.
Hastings (b. Dudley), Catherine, Countess of Huntingdon, iv. 110.
Hastings, Lady Dorothy, maid of honour, iii. 278, 378; iv. 67.
Hastings (b. Stanley), Elizabeth, Countess of Huntingdon, iii. 383,
434.
Hastings, George, 4th Earl of Huntingdon, iv. 116.
Hastings, Henry, 5th Earl of Huntingdon, i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 126, 129.
Hastings, Mrs., iv. 67.
Habington (b. Wykes), Catharine, iii. 401.
Habington, John, cofferer of household, iv. 92.
Haddington (title). See Ramsay.
Hale, Thomas, groom of tents, ii. 499.
Hales, Robert, lutenist, i. 49; iii. 403.
Hall, Thomas, musician, ii. 499.
Hannam, Jack, iii. 365.
Hardy, Alexandre, iii. 15.
Harington, Sir James, iv. 83.
Harington, John, 1st Lord Harington of Exton, iii. 388; iv. 116.
Harington, Sir John, i. 172; iii. 183, 222, 329, 363, 370, 404, 498; iv.
48, 319, 374, 377, 398;
on plays, i. 258, 268; iv. 237, 245.
Harington. See Chichester, Russell.
Harmon, Edmund, barber, ii. 31.
Harper, Sir George, ii. 485, 492.
Harriot, Thomas, iii. 249; iv. 18.
Harrison, William, on plays, iv. 269.
Harsnett, Samuel, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Hart, Sir Percival, i. 214, 280; iv. 82, 89, 143.
Hartwell, Abraham, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Harvey (b. Ansley), Cordelia Lady, maid of honour, iv. 67.
Harvey, Gabriel, i. 97; ii. 4, 19; iii. 263, 325–6, 358, 363, 412, 419,
428, 450, 461, 494, 497; iv. 377.
Harvey, Richard, ii. 109; iii. 325, 450.
Harvey. See Wriothesley.
Hassett, Caleb, vaulter, iv. 174.
Hassett, John, vaulter, iv. 167, 174.
Hastings (b. Dudley), Catherine, Countess of Huntingdon, iv. 110.
Hastings, Lady Dorothy, maid of honour, iii. 278, 378; iv. 67.
Hastings (b. Stanley), Elizabeth, Countess of Huntingdon, iii. 383,
434.
Hastings, George, 4th Earl of Huntingdon, iv. 116.
Hastings, Henry, 5th Earl of Huntingdon, i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 126, 129.
Hastings, Mrs., iv. 67.
Page 533
Hastings. See Somerset.
Hatcher, John, vice-chancellor of Cambridge, ii. 100.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, K.G., gentleman of privy chamber, vice-
chamberlain, captain of guard, lord chancellor, i. 4, 42, 47, 109,
110, 112, 199; iii. 457, 468; iv. 60, 103, 104, 105, 106, 282, 284,
296.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, K.B., iv. 117, 123, 124, 126.
Hatton (b. Cecil), Elizabeth Lady, afterwards Lady Coke, i. 200; iii.
278, 376, 380.
Hatton (b. Gawdy), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 334.
Hatton or Newport, Sir William, iii. 334.
Hawes, Sir James, lord mayor, i. 282; iv. 273, 300.
Hawley, of Gray’s Inn, iv. 60.
Hay (b. Denny), Honora Lady, i. 172; iii. 240; iv. 122.
Hay, James Lord, Viscount Doncaster, 1st Earl of Carlisle, gentleman
of the bedchamber, master of the wardrobe, i. 172, 200; iii. 240,
242, 246, 280, 377, 378, 382, 393, 394; iv. 122.
Hayward, Katharine Lady, iv. 108, 110.
Hayward, Sir Rowland, lord mayor, iv. 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 272,
277, 305.
Hayward. See Knyvet.
Heardson, John, iv. 13.
Heath, Nicholas, archbishop of York, lord chancellor, i. 243; iv. 97.
Heath, Richard, mercer, ii. 184.
Helmes, Henry, lord of misrule, iv. 56.
Hemingham, Mary, iv. 112.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, gentleman of the privy chamber, treasurer of the
chamber, vice-chamberlain, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster,
i. 4, 42, 64; ii. 113; iv. 84, 94, 100, 134.
Heneage. See Wriothesley.
Henri IV, King of France, i. 23, 204, 323, 327; ii. 160; iii. 297; iv. 329.
Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, i. 7, 12, 22, 23, 131, 134, 138, 140,
147, 171, 173, 199, 304; ii. 134, 266; iii. 238, 250, 275, 282, 305,
382, 385, 387, 393, 507; iv. 58, 72, 117, 124, 125, 126, 127, 341,
353;
his men, ii. 186–90.
Hatcher, John, vice-chancellor of Cambridge, ii. 100.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, K.G., gentleman of privy chamber, vice-
chamberlain, captain of guard, lord chancellor, i. 4, 42, 47, 109,
110, 112, 199; iii. 457, 468; iv. 60, 103, 104, 105, 106, 282, 284,
296.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, K.B., iv. 117, 123, 124, 126.
Hatton (b. Cecil), Elizabeth Lady, afterwards Lady Coke, i. 200; iii.
278, 376, 380.
Hatton (b. Gawdy), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 334.
Hatton or Newport, Sir William, iii. 334.
Hawes, Sir James, lord mayor, i. 282; iv. 273, 300.
Hawley, of Gray’s Inn, iv. 60.
Hay (b. Denny), Honora Lady, i. 172; iii. 240; iv. 122.
Hay, James Lord, Viscount Doncaster, 1st Earl of Carlisle, gentleman
of the bedchamber, master of the wardrobe, i. 172, 200; iii. 240,
242, 246, 280, 377, 378, 382, 393, 394; iv. 122.
Hayward, Katharine Lady, iv. 108, 110.
Hayward, Sir Rowland, lord mayor, iv. 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 272,
277, 305.
Hayward. See Knyvet.
Heardson, John, iv. 13.
Heath, Nicholas, archbishop of York, lord chancellor, i. 243; iv. 97.
Heath, Richard, mercer, ii. 184.
Helmes, Henry, lord of misrule, iv. 56.
Hemingham, Mary, iv. 112.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, gentleman of the privy chamber, treasurer of the
chamber, vice-chamberlain, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster,
i. 4, 42, 64; ii. 113; iv. 84, 94, 100, 134.
Heneage. See Wriothesley.
Henri IV, King of France, i. 23, 204, 323, 327; ii. 160; iii. 297; iv. 329.
Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, i. 7, 12, 22, 23, 131, 134, 138, 140,
147, 171, 173, 199, 304; ii. 134, 266; iii. 238, 250, 275, 282, 305,
382, 385, 387, 393, 507; iv. 58, 72, 117, 124, 125, 126, 127, 341,
353;
his men, ii. 186–90.
Page 534
Henslowe, Philip, groom of chamber, sewer for chamber, i. 46, 47,
358–68; iii. 288; iv. 312.
Hentzner, Paul, i. 14; ii. 362, 456; iv. 351–3.
Herbert (b. Talbot), Catherine, Countess of Pembroke, i. 160; iv. 91.
Herbert, Henry, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, president of Wales, i. 160, 179;
ii. 128; iii. 318, 337, 394, 436; iv. 90, 107;
his men, ii. 128–34.
Herbert, Sir Henry, master of revels, i. 105, 316, 319, 321, 322, 370; ii.
346; iii. 183, 194, 222, 227.
Herbert, Sir John, secretary of state, iv. 335.
Herbert (b. Newport), Magdalen Lady, afterwards Lady Danvers, iii.
370.
Herbert (b. Sidney), Mary, Countess of Pembroke, iii. 272, 401, 404,
492.
Herbert (b. Talbot), Mary, Countess of Pembroke, iii. 316.
Herbert, Philip, 1st Earl of Montgomery and 4th Earl of Pembroke,
lord chamberlain, i. 41, 146, 172, 200; iii. 218, 242, 246, 268,
280, 316, 332, 377, 378, 382, 393, 394, 436; iv. 119.
Herbert (b. Vere), Susan, Countess of Montgomery, i. 54, 172, 200; iii.
278, 282, 316, 375, 377, 378, 380, 383; iv. 67, 119.
Herbert, Thomas, ii. 401.
Herbert, William, 1st Earl of Pembroke, lord steward, i. 35, 159; ii.
362; iii. 349, 372, 477; iv. 77, 80, 81, 82.
Herbert, William, 3rd Earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain, i. 41, 45,
53, 146, 200; ii. 308; iii. 246, 280, 316, 377, 382, 394; iv. 117,
342.
Herbert. See Talbot.
Herbert (title). See Somerset.
Héroard, Jean, ii. 293.
Heron, Jerome, dancer, i. 201–2; iii. 244, 382, 383, 386.
Heron, Sir John, treasurer of chamber, i. 58.
Hertford (title). See Seymour.
Hesse-Cassel, Maurice Landgrave of, ii. 277; iii. 498.
Hesse-Cassel, Otto Prince of, ii. 369, 457; iii. 498.
Heywood, John, ii. 12, 18, 30, 32; iii. 19.
Heywood, Thomas, on plays, i. 262; iv. 250.
Hicks, Sir Michael, i. 112; iv. 111, 118.
358–68; iii. 288; iv. 312.
Hentzner, Paul, i. 14; ii. 362, 456; iv. 351–3.
Herbert (b. Talbot), Catherine, Countess of Pembroke, i. 160; iv. 91.
Herbert, Henry, 2nd Earl of Pembroke, president of Wales, i. 160, 179;
ii. 128; iii. 318, 337, 394, 436; iv. 90, 107;
his men, ii. 128–34.
Herbert, Sir Henry, master of revels, i. 105, 316, 319, 321, 322, 370; ii.
346; iii. 183, 194, 222, 227.
Herbert, Sir John, secretary of state, iv. 335.
Herbert (b. Newport), Magdalen Lady, afterwards Lady Danvers, iii.
370.
Herbert (b. Sidney), Mary, Countess of Pembroke, iii. 272, 401, 404,
492.
Herbert (b. Talbot), Mary, Countess of Pembroke, iii. 316.
Herbert, Philip, 1st Earl of Montgomery and 4th Earl of Pembroke,
lord chamberlain, i. 41, 146, 172, 200; iii. 218, 242, 246, 268,
280, 316, 332, 377, 378, 382, 393, 394, 436; iv. 119.
Herbert (b. Vere), Susan, Countess of Montgomery, i. 54, 172, 200; iii.
278, 282, 316, 375, 377, 378, 380, 383; iv. 67, 119.
Herbert, Thomas, ii. 401.
Herbert, William, 1st Earl of Pembroke, lord steward, i. 35, 159; ii.
362; iii. 349, 372, 477; iv. 77, 80, 81, 82.
Herbert, William, 3rd Earl of Pembroke, lord chamberlain, i. 41, 45,
53, 146, 200; ii. 308; iii. 246, 280, 316, 377, 382, 394; iv. 117,
342.
Herbert. See Talbot.
Herbert (title). See Somerset.
Héroard, Jean, ii. 293.
Heron, Jerome, dancer, i. 201–2; iii. 244, 382, 383, 386.
Heron, Sir John, treasurer of chamber, i. 58.
Hertford (title). See Seymour.
Hesse-Cassel, Maurice Landgrave of, ii. 277; iii. 498.
Hesse-Cassel, Otto Prince of, ii. 369, 457; iii. 498.
Heywood, John, ii. 12, 18, 30, 32; iii. 19.
Heywood, Thomas, on plays, i. 262; iv. 250.
Hicks, Sir Michael, i. 112; iv. 111, 118.
Page 535
Hobart, Sir Henry, attorney-general, iii. 260.
Hoby, Sir Edward, i. 220; iv. 66, 99, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Hoby (b. Carey), Margaret Lady, iv. 99.
Hoby, Sir Thomas, iii. 263.
Hoby. See Russell.
Holderness (title). See Ramsay.
Holland, Aaron, ii. 445.
Holmes, Mr., i. 318; iv. 271.
Holst, Duke of, i. 24, 205; iii. 377; iv. 119.
Holt, John, yeoman of revels, i. 73, 79; ii. 492.
Home, Alexander, 1st Earl of, iv. 116.
Home, George, 1st Earl of Dunbar, keeper of privy purse, i. 63.
Honing, William, clerk comptroller, afterwards clerk, of tents and
revels, i. 95, 99.
Hooft, Pieter, iv. 36.
Hopton, Sir Owen, lieutenant of Tower, i. 89; iii. 321; iv. 62.
Horace, on comedy, i. 238.
Horley, John, ii. 494.
Howard (b. Talbot), Alethea, Countess of Arundel, i. 200; iii. 282, 380,
383.
Howard (b. St. John), Anne, Lady Howard of Effingham, iii. 375; iv.
67.
Howard (b. Knyvet), Catherine, Countess of Suffolk, i. 54, 210; iii.
278, 375.
Howard, Charles, 2nd Lord Howard of Effingham, 1st Earl of
Nottingham, lord chamberlain, lord admiral, lord steward, i. 18,
35, 40, 41, 98, 125; ii. 134, 274, 440, 451; iv. 101, 102, 112, 113,
115, 312, 315, 335, 336;
his men, ii. 134–86.
Howard, Sir Charles, iii. 245, 246.
Howard, Henry, Earl of Northampton, lord warden of Cinque Ports,
lord privy seal, i. 103; ii. 210; iii. 367; iv. 342.
Howard, Sir Henry, iii. 245, 246.
Howard (b. Carey), Katharine, Countess of Nottingham, mistress of
robes, i. 45; iii. 375, 401.
Howard, Katherine, iii. 401.
Howard (b. Stuart), Margaret, Countess of Nottingham, i. 54; iii. 278.
Hoby, Sir Edward, i. 220; iv. 66, 99, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Hoby (b. Carey), Margaret Lady, iv. 99.
Hoby, Sir Thomas, iii. 263.
Hoby. See Russell.
Holderness (title). See Ramsay.
Holland, Aaron, ii. 445.
Holmes, Mr., i. 318; iv. 271.
Holst, Duke of, i. 24, 205; iii. 377; iv. 119.
Holt, John, yeoman of revels, i. 73, 79; ii. 492.
Home, Alexander, 1st Earl of, iv. 116.
Home, George, 1st Earl of Dunbar, keeper of privy purse, i. 63.
Honing, William, clerk comptroller, afterwards clerk, of tents and
revels, i. 95, 99.
Hooft, Pieter, iv. 36.
Hopton, Sir Owen, lieutenant of Tower, i. 89; iii. 321; iv. 62.
Horace, on comedy, i. 238.
Horley, John, ii. 494.
Howard (b. Talbot), Alethea, Countess of Arundel, i. 200; iii. 282, 380,
383.
Howard (b. St. John), Anne, Lady Howard of Effingham, iii. 375; iv.
67.
Howard (b. Knyvet), Catherine, Countess of Suffolk, i. 54, 210; iii.
278, 375.
Howard, Charles, 2nd Lord Howard of Effingham, 1st Earl of
Nottingham, lord chamberlain, lord admiral, lord steward, i. 18,
35, 40, 41, 98, 125; ii. 134, 274, 440, 451; iv. 101, 102, 112, 113,
115, 312, 315, 335, 336;
his men, ii. 134–86.
Howard, Sir Charles, iii. 245, 246.
Howard, Henry, Earl of Northampton, lord warden of Cinque Ports,
lord privy seal, i. 103; ii. 210; iii. 367; iv. 342.
Howard, Sir Henry, iii. 245, 246.
Howard (b. Carey), Katharine, Countess of Nottingham, mistress of
robes, i. 45; iii. 375, 401.
Howard, Katherine, iii. 401.
Howard (b. Stuart), Margaret, Countess of Nottingham, i. 54; iii. 278.
Page 536
Howard, Mary, i. 45.
Howard, Philip, Earl of Surrey, afterwards 13th Earl of Arundel, i. 141,
144; ii. 116; iii. 506; iv. 63, 64, 95, 96, 100;
his men, ii. 116.
Howard, Theophilus, 2nd Lord Howard de Walden, iii. 241, 245, 246,
378, 382, 394.
Howard, Thomas, 4th Duke of Norfolk, i. 10, 33, 156; iv. 84, 87.
Howard, Thomas, 14th Earl of Arundel, i. 53, 147; iii. 316, 378, 382,
393.
Howard, Thomas, Lord Howard de Walden, Earl of Suffolk, lord
chamberlain, lord treasurer, i. 10, 40, 103, 200, 209; iii. 214, 255,
367, 388; iv. 59, 95, 96, 116, 128, 129, 336, 339, 342.
Howard, Sir Thomas, iii. 241, 245, 246, 378.
Howard, William, 1st Lord Howard of Effingham, lord admiral, lord
chamberlain, lord privy seal, i. 40, 110.
Howard, William, iii. 212.
Howard. See Brooke, Cecil, Devereux, Fitzgerald, Knollys, Seymour,
Southwell.
Humfrey, Laurence, vice-chancellor of Oxford, iii. 401.
Hunsdon (title). See Carey.
Huntingdon (title). See Hastings.
Huntley (title). See Gordon.
Hussey. See Russell.
Hutchinson, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Hutten, Leonard, iv. 374.
Hyde, John, ii. 389.
Hyde, Lucy, gentlewoman of the bedchamber, iv. 67.
Hynde, John, iii. 383.
Howard, Philip, Earl of Surrey, afterwards 13th Earl of Arundel, i. 141,
144; ii. 116; iii. 506; iv. 63, 64, 95, 96, 100;
his men, ii. 116.
Howard, Theophilus, 2nd Lord Howard de Walden, iii. 241, 245, 246,
378, 382, 394.
Howard, Thomas, 4th Duke of Norfolk, i. 10, 33, 156; iv. 84, 87.
Howard, Thomas, 14th Earl of Arundel, i. 53, 147; iii. 316, 378, 382,
393.
Howard, Thomas, Lord Howard de Walden, Earl of Suffolk, lord
chamberlain, lord treasurer, i. 10, 40, 103, 200, 209; iii. 214, 255,
367, 388; iv. 59, 95, 96, 116, 128, 129, 336, 339, 342.
Howard, Sir Thomas, iii. 241, 245, 246, 378.
Howard, William, 1st Lord Howard of Effingham, lord admiral, lord
chamberlain, lord privy seal, i. 40, 110.
Howard, William, iii. 212.
Howard. See Brooke, Cecil, Devereux, Fitzgerald, Knollys, Seymour,
Southwell.
Humfrey, Laurence, vice-chancellor of Oxford, iii. 401.
Hunsdon (title). See Carey.
Huntingdon (title). See Hastings.
Huntley (title). See Gordon.
Hussey. See Russell.
Hutchinson, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Hutten, Leonard, iv. 374.
Hyde, John, ii. 389.
Hyde, Lucy, gentlewoman of the bedchamber, iv. 67.
Hynde, John, iii. 383.
Page 537
I
Ibotson, Richard, ii. 383.
Il Bianchino, iii. 5.
Inghirami, Tommaso, iii. 3.
Ipolyta, the Tartarian, i. 48.
Isam, Mrs., iii. 326.
Isley. See Mason.
J
Jaggard, William, stationer, iii. 479–80.
James, King, i. 7, 13, 21, 23, 122, 125, 146, 167, 215, 264, 341; ii. 7,
111, 265, 275; iii. 255, 257, 372, 392; iv. 104;
references to, in plays, i. 323, 325; iv. 28, 35.
his men, ii. 208–20.
James, Walter, iii. 389.
Jarret, Sir Thomas, iii. 241.
Jeffes, Abel, stationer, iii. 395.
Jerningham, Sir Henry, ii. 478, 493.
Jerningham (b. Baynham), Mary, Lady, iv. 95.
Jerningham. See Kingston.
Jodelle, Étienne, iii. 13.
Johnson, Peter, ii. 504.
Johnson, Robert, musician, i. 202; iii. 244, 262, 385, 387.
Joinville, Prince de, i. 24; ii. 454; iii. 392; iv. 122.
Jones, Inigo, i. 7, 17, 130, 171, 178–80, 233, 234; iii. 242, 250, 262,
282, 354, 373, 375, 378, 382, 383, 386, 387.
Jonson, Benjamin, on Puritans, i. 262;
on plays, iv. 247, 248.
Joyner, William, fencer, ii. 499.
K
Katherens, Gilbert, carpenter, ii. 465.
Kellefet, Richard, groom of wardrobe of beds, iv. 99, 100, 108.
Kelly (title). See Erskine.
Ibotson, Richard, ii. 383.
Il Bianchino, iii. 5.
Inghirami, Tommaso, iii. 3.
Ipolyta, the Tartarian, i. 48.
Isam, Mrs., iii. 326.
Isley. See Mason.
J
Jaggard, William, stationer, iii. 479–80.
James, King, i. 7, 13, 21, 23, 122, 125, 146, 167, 215, 264, 341; ii. 7,
111, 265, 275; iii. 255, 257, 372, 392; iv. 104;
references to, in plays, i. 323, 325; iv. 28, 35.
his men, ii. 208–20.
James, Walter, iii. 389.
Jarret, Sir Thomas, iii. 241.
Jeffes, Abel, stationer, iii. 395.
Jerningham, Sir Henry, ii. 478, 493.
Jerningham (b. Baynham), Mary, Lady, iv. 95.
Jerningham. See Kingston.
Jodelle, Étienne, iii. 13.
Johnson, Peter, ii. 504.
Johnson, Robert, musician, i. 202; iii. 244, 262, 385, 387.
Joinville, Prince de, i. 24; ii. 454; iii. 392; iv. 122.
Jones, Inigo, i. 7, 17, 130, 171, 178–80, 233, 234; iii. 242, 250, 262,
282, 354, 373, 375, 378, 382, 383, 386, 387.
Jonson, Benjamin, on Puritans, i. 262;
on plays, iv. 247, 248.
Joyner, William, fencer, ii. 499.
K
Katherens, Gilbert, carpenter, ii. 465.
Kellefet, Richard, groom of wardrobe of beds, iv. 99, 100, 108.
Kelly (title). See Erskine.
Page 538
Kelway, Thomas, iv. 64.
Kennedy (b. Brydges), Elizabeth Lady, i. 45; iv. 67.
Kennedy, Sir John, iii. 382.
Kent (title). See Grey.
Ker (b. Drummond), Jean, Lady Roxborough, i. 174; iii. 277; iv. 129.
Ker, Robert, Lord Roxborough, i. 174; iii. 277; iv. 129.
Keyes, Thomas, ii. 464.
Kiddermister, Mrs., iv. 67.
Kiechel, Samuel, ii. 358.
Kildare (title). See Fitzgerald.
Killigrew, Sir William, groom of privy chamber, acting treasurer of
chamber, i. 65; iv. 113, 114, 117, 134.
Kingston, Felix, stationer, iii. 163.
Kingston (b. Scrope), Mary Lady, formerly Lady Jerningham, ii. 485,
501.
Kingston, Sir William, comptroller of household, ii. 476.
Kirkham, Edward, yeoman of revels, i. 96, 99.
Knasborough, James, ii. 424.
Knollys or Knowles (b. Howard), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 278, 375, 378.
Knollys, Sir Francis, vice-chamberlain, treasurer of the chamber,
treasurer of the household, i. 35, 42, 64, 161; iv. 90, 93, 134, 282,
296.
Knollys, Francis, iii. 212; iv. 64.
Knollys, Henry, i. 161; ii. 486; iv. 64, 82.
Knollys (b. Cave), Margaret, i. 161; iii. 401; iv. 82.
Knollys, Robert, iii. 212, 402; iv. 64.
Knollys, Sir Thomas, iii. 402.
Knollys, William, 1st Lord Knollys, afterwards Earl of Banbury,
comptroller and treasurer of the household, i. 35, 174; iii. 212,
244, 402; iv. 64, 114, 115, 128, 335, 336.
Knollys. See Brydges, Devereux, Paget.
Knowles, John, ii. 429, 432.
Knyvet or Knevet, Lady, iv. 67.
Knyvet, Thomas Lord, gentleman of privy chamber, keeper of
Whitehall, i. 102; iii. 283; iv. 111.
Knyvet. See Bevill, Howard.
Kennedy (b. Brydges), Elizabeth Lady, i. 45; iv. 67.
Kennedy, Sir John, iii. 382.
Kent (title). See Grey.
Ker (b. Drummond), Jean, Lady Roxborough, i. 174; iii. 277; iv. 129.
Ker, Robert, Lord Roxborough, i. 174; iii. 277; iv. 129.
Keyes, Thomas, ii. 464.
Kiddermister, Mrs., iv. 67.
Kiechel, Samuel, ii. 358.
Kildare (title). See Fitzgerald.
Killigrew, Sir William, groom of privy chamber, acting treasurer of
chamber, i. 65; iv. 113, 114, 117, 134.
Kingston, Felix, stationer, iii. 163.
Kingston (b. Scrope), Mary Lady, formerly Lady Jerningham, ii. 485,
501.
Kingston, Sir William, comptroller of household, ii. 476.
Kirkham, Edward, yeoman of revels, i. 96, 99.
Knasborough, James, ii. 424.
Knollys or Knowles (b. Howard), Elizabeth Lady, iii. 278, 375, 378.
Knollys, Sir Francis, vice-chamberlain, treasurer of the chamber,
treasurer of the household, i. 35, 42, 64, 161; iv. 90, 93, 134, 282,
296.
Knollys, Francis, iii. 212; iv. 64.
Knollys, Henry, i. 161; ii. 486; iv. 64, 82.
Knollys (b. Cave), Margaret, i. 161; iii. 401; iv. 82.
Knollys, Robert, iii. 212, 402; iv. 64.
Knollys, Sir Thomas, iii. 402.
Knollys, William, 1st Lord Knollys, afterwards Earl of Banbury,
comptroller and treasurer of the household, i. 35, 174; iii. 212,
244, 402; iv. 64, 114, 115, 128, 335, 336.
Knollys. See Brydges, Devereux, Paget.
Knowles, John, ii. 429, 432.
Knyvet or Knevet, Lady, iv. 67.
Knyvet, Thomas Lord, gentleman of privy chamber, keeper of
Whitehall, i. 102; iii. 283; iv. 111.
Knyvet. See Bevill, Howard.
Page 539
L
La Boderie, Antoine de, French ambassador, i. 24, 204; ii. 53; iii. 257,
380, 382, 384.
Lacy, John, i. 20; iv. 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108,
109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116.
Lake, Sir Thomas, clerk of signet, i. 22; ii. 53, 69.
Lambarde, William, ii. 206, 358; iii. 162.
Lambe, Sir John, dean of arches, iii. 163.
Lambert, John, iv. 57.
La Mothe-Fénelon, Bertrand de, French ambassador, i. 24.
Lane, Sir Robert, ii. 96; iv. 84;
his men, ii. 96.
Laneham, Robert, keeper of council chamber door, i. 69; ii. 328; iv.
403.
Langley, Francis, i. 368; ii. 131–3, 411–12; iv. 316.
Langworth, Arthur, ii. 451.
Lanier, Nicholas, musician, i. 201; iii. 246.
Latewar, Richard, iii. 275, 318.
Laud, William, president of St. John’s, Oxford, archbishop of
Canterbury, iv. 373.
Leath, Nicolas, iii. 503.
Lee (b. Paget), Anne Lady, iii. 399.
Lee, Sir Henry, K.G., master of the armoury, i. 18, 42, 141, 145–6; iv.
64, 92, 107, 117.
Lee, Sir Henry, baronet, iii. 400.
Lee, Sir John, iii. 377.
Leek, Sir Francis, i. 270.
Lees, Richard, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 73, 79.
Leicester (title). See Dudley, Sidney.
Lennox (title). See Stuart.
Lewknor, Sir Lewis, master of ceremonies, i. 53; iii. 377.
Lily, William, ii. 8, 16, 18.
Limbert, Stephen, master of Norwich grammar school, iv. 63.
Lincoln (title). See Clinton.
Lisle (title). See Sidney.
Lodge, Thomas, on plays, i. 256; iv. 206, 226.
La Boderie, Antoine de, French ambassador, i. 24, 204; ii. 53; iii. 257,
380, 382, 384.
Lacy, John, i. 20; iv. 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108,
109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116.
Lake, Sir Thomas, clerk of signet, i. 22; ii. 53, 69.
Lambarde, William, ii. 206, 358; iii. 162.
Lambe, Sir John, dean of arches, iii. 163.
Lambert, John, iv. 57.
La Mothe-Fénelon, Bertrand de, French ambassador, i. 24.
Lane, Sir Robert, ii. 96; iv. 84;
his men, ii. 96.
Laneham, Robert, keeper of council chamber door, i. 69; ii. 328; iv.
403.
Langley, Francis, i. 368; ii. 131–3, 411–12; iv. 316.
Langworth, Arthur, ii. 451.
Lanier, Nicholas, musician, i. 201; iii. 246.
Latewar, Richard, iii. 275, 318.
Laud, William, president of St. John’s, Oxford, archbishop of
Canterbury, iv. 373.
Leath, Nicolas, iii. 503.
Lee (b. Paget), Anne Lady, iii. 399.
Lee, Sir Henry, K.G., master of the armoury, i. 18, 42, 141, 145–6; iv.
64, 92, 107, 117.
Lee, Sir Henry, baronet, iii. 400.
Lee, Sir John, iii. 377.
Leek, Sir Francis, i. 270.
Lees, Richard, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 73, 79.
Leicester (title). See Dudley, Sidney.
Lennox (title). See Stuart.
Lewknor, Sir Lewis, master of ceremonies, i. 53; iii. 377.
Lily, William, ii. 8, 16, 18.
Limbert, Stephen, master of Norwich grammar school, iv. 63.
Lincoln (title). See Clinton.
Lisle (title). See Sidney.
Lodge, Thomas, on plays, i. 256; iv. 206, 226.
Page 540
Long, Sir Richard, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450.
L’Orme, Philibert de, iii. 14.
Lorraine, François de, i. 159.
Louis XIV, King of France, ii. 298.
Lovell, Gregory, cofferer of the household, iv. 90, 104.
Lovell, Sir Thomas, treasurer of chamber, i. 58.
Lucy, Sir Thomas, iv. 83, 88.
Lumley, John Lord, i. 11; iii. 411; iv. 100, 116.
Lupo, Thomas, musician, i. 202; iii. 241, 244, 385, 387.
Luther, Martin, on plays, i. 241.
Lygon, Roger, ii. 486.
Lyly, John, on plays, iv. 232.
Lyly, Peter, corrector of books, iii. 168, 413.
Lyzarde, William, painter, i. 230.
M
Mabbe, James, iv. 399.
Macrobius, i. 377.
Madox, Richard, i. 371; iii. 321.
Mahelot, Laurent, iii. 16.
Malim, William, master of Eton, ii. 74.
Malthouse, John, ii. 464.
Manners, Edward, 3rd Earl of Rutland, ii. 385, 401.
Manners (b. Sidney), Elizabeth, Countess of Rutland, i. 211; iii. 212,
354, 378.
Manners, Francis, 6th Earl of Rutland, i. 148; iii. 246, 394; iv. 126,
129.
Manners, Roger, 5th Earl of Rutland, i. 220; iv. 116.
Manners. See Russell, Sandys, Tyrwhitt.
Mantegna, Andrea, iii. 5.
Manwood, Sir Roger, chief baron of exchequer, iv. 89, 98.
Mar (title). See Erskine.
Marchand, Guillaume, iii. 15.
Markham, Gervase, i. 121.
Marprelate, Martin, on plays, iv. 229–33.
Marsigli, Bernardino, iii. 5.
L’Orme, Philibert de, iii. 14.
Lorraine, François de, i. 159.
Louis XIV, King of France, ii. 298.
Lovell, Gregory, cofferer of the household, iv. 90, 104.
Lovell, Sir Thomas, treasurer of chamber, i. 58.
Lucy, Sir Thomas, iv. 83, 88.
Lumley, John Lord, i. 11; iii. 411; iv. 100, 116.
Lupo, Thomas, musician, i. 202; iii. 241, 244, 385, 387.
Luther, Martin, on plays, i. 241.
Lygon, Roger, ii. 486.
Lyly, John, on plays, iv. 232.
Lyly, Peter, corrector of books, iii. 168, 413.
Lyzarde, William, painter, i. 230.
M
Mabbe, James, iv. 399.
Macrobius, i. 377.
Madox, Richard, i. 371; iii. 321.
Mahelot, Laurent, iii. 16.
Malim, William, master of Eton, ii. 74.
Malthouse, John, ii. 464.
Manners, Edward, 3rd Earl of Rutland, ii. 385, 401.
Manners (b. Sidney), Elizabeth, Countess of Rutland, i. 211; iii. 212,
354, 378.
Manners, Francis, 6th Earl of Rutland, i. 148; iii. 246, 394; iv. 126,
129.
Manners, Roger, 5th Earl of Rutland, i. 220; iv. 116.
Manners. See Russell, Sandys, Tyrwhitt.
Mantegna, Andrea, iii. 5.
Manwood, Sir Roger, chief baron of exchequer, iv. 89, 98.
Mar (title). See Erskine.
Marchand, Guillaume, iii. 15.
Markham, Gervase, i. 121.
Marprelate, Martin, on plays, iv. 229–33.
Marsigli, Bernardino, iii. 5.
Page 541
Marsigli, Fino, iii. 5.
Martial, i. 377.
Martin, Sir Richard, lord mayor, iv. 101, 103, 105, 305, 309, 314, 315,
316.
Martin, Richard, lawyer, i. 169; iii. 262, 365.
Mary, Queen of Scots, i. 23, 159.
Mason, Alexander, marshal of minstrels, iv. 33.
Mason (b. Isley), Elizabeth Lady, iv. 85.
Mason, Sir John, treasurer of chamber, i. 62; iii. 477; iv. 78, 134.
Mason, John, yeoman of crown, ii. 12.
Mason, Mathias, lute of privy chamber, i. 49.
Matthew, Sir Toby, iii. 212.
Maxwell, Mr., iv. 60.
Maynard, Sir Henry, i. 112.
Meade, Jacob, keeper of bears, ii. 452, 465.
Meautys, Hercules, iv. 64.
Medici, Catherine de, i. 176; iii. 12–13.
Medwall, Henry, ii. 79.
Melanchthon, Philip, i. 239.
Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Meres, Francis, on plays, iv. 246.
Meriton, George, iii. 212; iv. 375.
Merry, Edward, ii. 504.
Meyrick, Sir Gilly, i. 220; ii. 205.
Middlemore, Henry, groom of privy chamber, iv. 102.
Middlemore, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Middleton, Christopher, iv. 399.
Miklowe, John, treasurer of chamber, i. 59.
Mildmay, Sir Anthony, iv. 116, 120, 124, 126, 129.
Mildmay (b. Radcliffe), Frances Lady, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 83.
Mildmay, Sir Thomas, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 83.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, chancellor of exchequer, i. 76; iv. 83.
Miles, Ralph, ii. 390.
Miles, Robert, ii. 387–92.
Millet, William, ii. 426.
Moldavia, Prince of, iii. 371.
Molin, Nicolo, Venetian ambassador, i. 25; iii. 377.
Martial, i. 377.
Martin, Sir Richard, lord mayor, iv. 101, 103, 105, 305, 309, 314, 315,
316.
Martin, Richard, lawyer, i. 169; iii. 262, 365.
Mary, Queen of Scots, i. 23, 159.
Mason, Alexander, marshal of minstrels, iv. 33.
Mason (b. Isley), Elizabeth Lady, iv. 85.
Mason, Sir John, treasurer of chamber, i. 62; iii. 477; iv. 78, 134.
Mason, John, yeoman of crown, ii. 12.
Mason, Mathias, lute of privy chamber, i. 49.
Matthew, Sir Toby, iii. 212.
Maxwell, Mr., iv. 60.
Maynard, Sir Henry, i. 112.
Meade, Jacob, keeper of bears, ii. 452, 465.
Meautys, Hercules, iv. 64.
Medici, Catherine de, i. 176; iii. 12–13.
Medwall, Henry, ii. 79.
Melanchthon, Philip, i. 239.
Mendoza, Bernardino de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Meres, Francis, on plays, iv. 246.
Meriton, George, iii. 212; iv. 375.
Merry, Edward, ii. 504.
Meyrick, Sir Gilly, i. 220; ii. 205.
Middlemore, Henry, groom of privy chamber, iv. 102.
Middlemore, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Middleton, Christopher, iv. 399.
Miklowe, John, treasurer of chamber, i. 59.
Mildmay, Sir Anthony, iv. 116, 120, 124, 126, 129.
Mildmay (b. Radcliffe), Frances Lady, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 83.
Mildmay, Sir Thomas, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 83.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, chancellor of exchequer, i. 76; iv. 83.
Miles, Ralph, ii. 390.
Miles, Robert, ii. 387–92.
Millet, William, ii. 426.
Moldavia, Prince of, iii. 371.
Molin, Nicolo, Venetian ambassador, i. 25; iii. 377.
Page 542
Molineux, Mr., iv. 57.
Mompelgard, Count, iii. 452.
Monarcho, an Italian, i. 48.
Monmouth (title). See Carey.
Monox, William, iii. 326.
Monson, Sir Thomas, iii. 240.
Montague (title). See Browne.
Monteagle (title). See Parker.
Montgomery (title). See Herbert.
Montmorency, François, Duc de, French ambassador, i. 15, 80, 144,
157, 162.
Moore, Edward, iv. 64.
Mordaunt, Henry, 4th Lord, iv. 120.
More, Christopher, clerk of exchequer, ii. 476.
More, Sir George, ii. 486, 503, 506; iv. 114, 117.
More, Sir William, i. 74, 95, 109; ii. 476–506; iv. 84, 93, 100, 106.
More. See Wolley.
Morgan, Meredith, iii. 387, 391.
Morice, Ralph, ii. 460.
Morison. See Radcliffe.
Morley, Thomas, musician, corrector of books, iii. 168, 212.
Morley (title). See Parker.
Morrell, Roger, iv. 375.
Moseley, Humphrey, iii. 183; iv. 398.
Mountaine, George, iii. 212; iv. 375.
Mountford, Thomas, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Mountfort, Thomas, clerk to Stationers, iii. 165.
Mountjoy (title). See Blount.
Munday, Anthony, on plays, i. 254; iv. 208.
Muretus, iii. 12.
Murgatroyd, Michael, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Murray, Sir James, iii. 254.
N
Najera, Duke of, ii. 454.
Nannoccio, Andrea, iii. 13.
Mompelgard, Count, iii. 452.
Monarcho, an Italian, i. 48.
Monmouth (title). See Carey.
Monox, William, iii. 326.
Monson, Sir Thomas, iii. 240.
Montague (title). See Browne.
Monteagle (title). See Parker.
Montgomery (title). See Herbert.
Montmorency, François, Duc de, French ambassador, i. 15, 80, 144,
157, 162.
Moore, Edward, iv. 64.
Mordaunt, Henry, 4th Lord, iv. 120.
More, Christopher, clerk of exchequer, ii. 476.
More, Sir George, ii. 486, 503, 506; iv. 114, 117.
More, Sir William, i. 74, 95, 109; ii. 476–506; iv. 84, 93, 100, 106.
More. See Wolley.
Morgan, Meredith, iii. 387, 391.
Morice, Ralph, ii. 460.
Morison. See Radcliffe.
Morley, Thomas, musician, corrector of books, iii. 168, 212.
Morley (title). See Parker.
Morrell, Roger, iv. 375.
Moseley, Humphrey, iii. 183; iv. 398.
Mountaine, George, iii. 212; iv. 375.
Mountford, Thomas, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Mountfort, Thomas, clerk to Stationers, iii. 165.
Mountjoy (title). See Blount.
Munday, Anthony, on plays, i. 254; iv. 208.
Muretus, iii. 12.
Murgatroyd, Michael, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Murray, Sir James, iii. 254.
N
Najera, Duke of, ii. 454.
Nannoccio, Andrea, iii. 13.
Page 543
Napton, John, ii. 451.
Nashe, Thomas, on plays, i. 260; iv. 234, 238.
Necton, William, surveyor of works, i. 95.
Needham, John, iii. 212, 402.
Nevers, Duc de, i. 6, 23, 170; iv. 15.
Neville, Henry, 3rd Lord Abergavenny, ii. 92; iv. 89;
his men, ii. 92.
Neville, Sir Henry, ii. 493.
Neville, Lady Mary, iii. 380.
Neville, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 169; iv. 67.
Newcastle (title). See Cavendish.
Newdigate, Nicholas, i. 87, 165–6.
Newman, John, ii. 496.
Newport. See Hatton, Herbert.
Newton, Katharine Lady, iv. 67.
Nicoll, Basil, ii. 335, 418, 425.
Nicoll, William, ii. 390.
Nidd, Gervas, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Nigri, Francesco, de Bassano, iii. 263.
Niklaes, Henrick, iv. 31.
Noel, Henry, iii. 212, 402; iv. 64.
Norfolk (title). See Howard.
Norris, Sir Edward, iv. 114, 125.
Norris, Francis, 2nd Lord, afterwards Earl of Berkshire, iii. 394; iv.
127, 129.
Norris, Henry, 1st Lord, i. 112; iv. 66, 83, 85, 86, 92, 107.
Norris (b. Williams), Marjorie Lady, i. 112.
North, Dudley, 3rd Lord, iii. 245, 246, 394.
North, Edward, 1st Lord, i. 10; iv. 77, 79.
North, Sir John, ii. 500.
North, Roger, 2nd Lord, treasurer of household, i. 35; ii. 113; iv. 95.
Northampton (title). See Howard, Parr.
Northbrooke, John, i. 253;
on plays, iv. 198.
Northumberland (title). See Percy.
Norton, Thomas, city remembrancer, on plays, i. 265, 282; iv. 273.
Nottingham (title). See Howard.
Nashe, Thomas, on plays, i. 260; iv. 234, 238.
Necton, William, surveyor of works, i. 95.
Needham, John, iii. 212, 402.
Nevers, Duc de, i. 6, 23, 170; iv. 15.
Neville, Henry, 3rd Lord Abergavenny, ii. 92; iv. 89;
his men, ii. 92.
Neville, Sir Henry, ii. 493.
Neville, Lady Mary, iii. 380.
Neville, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 169; iv. 67.
Newcastle (title). See Cavendish.
Newdigate, Nicholas, i. 87, 165–6.
Newman, John, ii. 496.
Newport. See Hatton, Herbert.
Newton, Katharine Lady, iv. 67.
Nicoll, Basil, ii. 335, 418, 425.
Nicoll, William, ii. 390.
Nidd, Gervas, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Nigri, Francesco, de Bassano, iii. 263.
Niklaes, Henrick, iv. 31.
Noel, Henry, iii. 212, 402; iv. 64.
Norfolk (title). See Howard.
Norris, Sir Edward, iv. 114, 125.
Norris, Francis, 2nd Lord, afterwards Earl of Berkshire, iii. 394; iv.
127, 129.
Norris, Henry, 1st Lord, i. 112; iv. 66, 83, 85, 86, 92, 107.
Norris (b. Williams), Marjorie Lady, i. 112.
North, Dudley, 3rd Lord, iii. 245, 246, 394.
North, Edward, 1st Lord, i. 10; iv. 77, 79.
North, Sir John, ii. 500.
North, Roger, 2nd Lord, treasurer of household, i. 35; ii. 113; iv. 95.
Northampton (title). See Howard, Parr.
Northbrooke, John, i. 253;
on plays, iv. 198.
Northumberland (title). See Percy.
Norton, Thomas, city remembrancer, on plays, i. 265, 282; iv. 273.
Nottingham (title). See Howard.
Page 544
Nowell, Alexander, dean of St. Paul’s, ii. 16, 70.
O
Offley, Hugh, i. 139; iv. 102.
Ogle, wigmaker, ii. 184; iv. 33.
Oldcastle, Sir John, i. 324.
Overbury, Sir Thomas, iv. 257.
Oxford (title). See Vere.
P
Page, William, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Paget (b. Knollys), Lettice Lady, iv. 67.
Paget, Thomas, 3rd Lord, iv. 91.
Paget, William, 1st Lord, secretary of state, i. 275; iii. 399.
Paget. See Lee.
Pakenham, Edmund, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 96, 100.
Palladio, Andrea, iii. 11.
Palmer, Mr., dancer, iv. 115.
Parker, Edward, 10th Lord Morley, his men, ii. 113, 120, 124, 192.
Parker, Henry, 9th Lord Morley, iv. 79, 87, 93.
Parker (b. Harlestone), Margaret, i. 114.
Parker, Matthew, archbishop of Canterbury, i. 110, 114, 117; iv. 77, 78,
83, 89, 90, 265.
Parker, William, 4th Lord Monteagle, ii. 205.
Parr (b. Brooke), Elizabeth, Marchioness of Northampton, iv. 81.
Parr (b. Suavenberg), Helena, Marchioness of Northampton,
afterwards wife of Sir Thomas Gorges, iv. 86.
Parr, William, Marquis of Northampton, ii. 476; iii. 263; iv. 86.
Parry (b. Reade), Blanche Lady, lady of privy chamber, i. 45; iii. 401.
Parry, Sir Thomas, comptroller and treasurer of household, i. 35.
Parsons, Philip, iv. 373.
Parsons, Robert, ii. 63.
Parys, Robert de, ii. 459.
Pasfield, Zacharias, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Pasqualigo, Luigi, iv. 14.
Paulet, John, Lord St. John, 2nd Marquis of Winchester, iv. 85, 90.
O
Offley, Hugh, i. 139; iv. 102.
Ogle, wigmaker, ii. 184; iv. 33.
Oldcastle, Sir John, i. 324.
Overbury, Sir Thomas, iv. 257.
Oxford (title). See Vere.
P
Page, William, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Paget (b. Knollys), Lettice Lady, iv. 67.
Paget, Thomas, 3rd Lord, iv. 91.
Paget, William, 1st Lord, secretary of state, i. 275; iii. 399.
Paget. See Lee.
Pakenham, Edmund, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 96, 100.
Palladio, Andrea, iii. 11.
Palmer, Mr., dancer, iv. 115.
Parker, Edward, 10th Lord Morley, his men, ii. 113, 120, 124, 192.
Parker, Henry, 9th Lord Morley, iv. 79, 87, 93.
Parker (b. Harlestone), Margaret, i. 114.
Parker, Matthew, archbishop of Canterbury, i. 110, 114, 117; iv. 77, 78,
83, 89, 90, 265.
Parker, William, 4th Lord Monteagle, ii. 205.
Parr (b. Brooke), Elizabeth, Marchioness of Northampton, iv. 81.
Parr (b. Suavenberg), Helena, Marchioness of Northampton,
afterwards wife of Sir Thomas Gorges, iv. 86.
Parr, William, Marquis of Northampton, ii. 476; iii. 263; iv. 86.
Parry (b. Reade), Blanche Lady, lady of privy chamber, i. 45; iii. 401.
Parry, Sir Thomas, comptroller and treasurer of household, i. 35.
Parsons, Philip, iv. 373.
Parsons, Robert, ii. 63.
Parys, Robert de, ii. 459.
Pasfield, Zacharias, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Pasqualigo, Luigi, iv. 14.
Paulet, John, Lord St. John, 2nd Marquis of Winchester, iv. 85, 90.
Page 545
Paulet, John, 4th Marquis of Winchester, i. 117; iv. 114, 117, 122, 123,
126, 128, 130.
Paulet, William, 1st Marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer, i. 79; iv. 78,
85.
Paulet, William, 3rd Marquis of Winchester, ii. 91; iv. 106.
Pavier, Thomas, stationer, iii. 479.
Paylor, Mr., iv. 57.
Payne, Anthony, ii. 446.
Payne, Joan, ii. 464.
Payne, William, ii. 451, 462–4.
Peake, Robert, serjeant printer, iv. 353.
Peck, Mr., of Norwich, iv. 63.
Peckham, Sir George, ii. 385; iv. 86.
Pellegrino da Udine, iii. 9.
Pembroke (title). See Herbert.
Percy, Sir Charles, ii. 205.
Percy (b. Devereux), Dorothy, Countess of Northumberland, i. 220; iii.
375.
Percy, Henry, 8th Earl of Northumberland, i. 110; iv. 100.
Percy, Henry, 9th Earl of Northumberland, iii. 367.
Percy, Sir Josceline, ii. 205.
Perrot, Sir Thomas, i. 144; iv. 64.
Peruzzi, Baldassare, iii. 9.
Petre (b. Browne), Anne Lady, iv. 96.
Petre, John, 1st Lord, iv. 93.
Petre (b. Somerset), Katharine Lady, iii. 282, 380.
Petre (b. Waldegrave), Mary Lady iii. 514.
Petre, Sir William, iii. 160; iv. 79.
Pett, Phineas, iii. 234.
Phelips, Sir Edward, master of the rolls, iii. 260; iv. 126.
Philip II, King of Spain, i. 243, 323.
Philipps, Thomas, clerk of tents and revels, i. 73; ii. 492.
Pickering, Sir William, i. 4, 42.
Pickleherring, Robert, ii. 285.
Pinck, ii. 299.
Platter, Thomas, ii. 364, 456.
126, 128, 130.
Paulet, William, 1st Marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer, i. 79; iv. 78,
85.
Paulet, William, 3rd Marquis of Winchester, ii. 91; iv. 106.
Pavier, Thomas, stationer, iii. 479.
Paylor, Mr., iv. 57.
Payne, Anthony, ii. 446.
Payne, Joan, ii. 464.
Payne, William, ii. 451, 462–4.
Peake, Robert, serjeant printer, iv. 353.
Peck, Mr., of Norwich, iv. 63.
Peckham, Sir George, ii. 385; iv. 86.
Pellegrino da Udine, iii. 9.
Pembroke (title). See Herbert.
Percy, Sir Charles, ii. 205.
Percy (b. Devereux), Dorothy, Countess of Northumberland, i. 220; iii.
375.
Percy, Henry, 8th Earl of Northumberland, i. 110; iv. 100.
Percy, Henry, 9th Earl of Northumberland, iii. 367.
Percy, Sir Josceline, ii. 205.
Perrot, Sir Thomas, i. 144; iv. 64.
Peruzzi, Baldassare, iii. 9.
Petre (b. Browne), Anne Lady, iv. 96.
Petre, John, 1st Lord, iv. 93.
Petre (b. Somerset), Katharine Lady, iii. 282, 380.
Petre (b. Waldegrave), Mary Lady iii. 514.
Petre, Sir William, iii. 160; iv. 79.
Pett, Phineas, iii. 234.
Phelips, Sir Edward, master of the rolls, iii. 260; iv. 126.
Philip II, King of Spain, i. 243, 323.
Philipps, Thomas, clerk of tents and revels, i. 73; ii. 492.
Pickering, Sir William, i. 4, 42.
Pickleherring, Robert, ii. 285.
Pinck, ii. 299.
Platter, Thomas, ii. 364, 456.
Page 546
Plautus, i. 127, 222, 238–40; iii. 2, 19; iv. 186, 187, 188, 190, 191,
201, 256.
Plutarch, on poetry, i. 238.
Pod, puppet-showman, ii. 319.
Pole, Henry, ii. 499.
Pole, Margaret, formerly Cheyne, ii. 499.
Pomponius Laetus, iii. 3.
Pope, Morgan, ii. 410, 450–1, 463–4.
Popham, Sir John, chief justice of queen’s bench, ii. 205; iv. 108.
Porta, Giambattista, iii. 476, 499.
Porter, Henry, lutenist and sackbut, i. 49.
Portinari, Sir John, ii. 477, 490, 500–3.
Portington, William, master carpenter of works, i. 180; iii. 380.
Poupin, Abel, i. 247.
Powlter, Simon, yeoman of bears, ii. 450–1.
Pratt, Mr., iv. 375.
Prescot, Richard, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 100.
Preston, Richard, 1st Lord Dingwall, i. 146; iii. 241, 280, 377, 393,
394.
Pricket, Robert, i. 307.
Proby, Peter, i. 65.
Prynne, William, i. 253, 263, 306, 387; ii. 374, 423.
Puckering, Sir John, lord keeper of the seal, i. 125; iv. 110, 315.
Puttenham, George, iii. 470; iv. 90.
Puttenham, Richard, on plays, i. 258; iv. 233.
Q
Quadra, Alvarez de, bishop of Aquila, Spanish ambassador, i. 10, 24.
R
Radcliffe (b. Morison), Bridget, Countess of Sussex, iii. 397.
Radcliffe, Henry, 4th Earl of Sussex, ii. 92; iii. 394, 468;
his men, ii. 94.
Radcliffe (b. Pound), Honora, Countess of Sussex, ii. 92;
her men, ii. 94.
201, 256.
Plutarch, on poetry, i. 238.
Pod, puppet-showman, ii. 319.
Pole, Henry, ii. 499.
Pole, Margaret, formerly Cheyne, ii. 499.
Pomponius Laetus, iii. 3.
Pope, Morgan, ii. 410, 450–1, 463–4.
Popham, Sir John, chief justice of queen’s bench, ii. 205; iv. 108.
Porta, Giambattista, iii. 476, 499.
Porter, Henry, lutenist and sackbut, i. 49.
Portinari, Sir John, ii. 477, 490, 500–3.
Portington, William, master carpenter of works, i. 180; iii. 380.
Poupin, Abel, i. 247.
Powlter, Simon, yeoman of bears, ii. 450–1.
Pratt, Mr., iv. 375.
Prescot, Richard, porter of St. John’s gate, i. 100.
Preston, Richard, 1st Lord Dingwall, i. 146; iii. 241, 280, 377, 393,
394.
Pricket, Robert, i. 307.
Proby, Peter, i. 65.
Prynne, William, i. 253, 263, 306, 387; ii. 374, 423.
Puckering, Sir John, lord keeper of the seal, i. 125; iv. 110, 315.
Puttenham, George, iii. 470; iv. 90.
Puttenham, Richard, on plays, i. 258; iv. 233.
Q
Quadra, Alvarez de, bishop of Aquila, Spanish ambassador, i. 10, 24.
R
Radcliffe (b. Morison), Bridget, Countess of Sussex, iii. 397.
Radcliffe, Henry, 4th Earl of Sussex, ii. 92; iii. 394, 468;
his men, ii. 94.
Radcliffe (b. Pound), Honora, Countess of Sussex, ii. 92;
her men, ii. 94.
Page 547
Radcliffe, Robert, 5th Earl of Sussex, i. 46, 146; ii. 92; iii. 212, 213; iv.
106.
his men, ii. 94–6.
Radcliffe, Sir S., iii. 262.
Radcliffe, Thomas, 3rd Earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, i. 40, 88,
110, 141; ii. 92, 342; iv. 79, 96, 98, 271, 276, 282, 284, 288;
his men, ii. 92–3.
Radcliffe. See Mildmay, Ramsay.
Radford, tailor, ii. 184.
Rainolds, John, president of Corpus, Oxford, i. 129; iii. 318;
on plays, i. 250; iv. 185, 213, 245.
Raleigh (b. Throgmorton), Elizabeth Lady, i. 45, 220.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, captain of the guard, i. 4, 10, 42, 45, 47, 220, 324;
ii. 196, 204, 342, 456, 500; iii. 31, 267, 354, 363, 419.
Raleigh, Walter (the younger), ii. 323, 354.
Ramsay (b. Radcliffe), Elizabeth, Viscountess Haddington, i. 173; ii.
300; iii. 282, 381; iv. 123.
Ramsay, John, Viscount Haddington, afterwards Earl of Holderness, i.
173; ii. 300; iii. 381; iv. 123.
Rankins, William, on plays, i. 260; iv. 227.
Raphael, iii. 9.
Rastell, John, ii. 30, 80.
Ratcliffe, Mary, lady of the privy chamber, i. 45, 108; iv. 67.
Ratcliffe, Thomas, iv. 64.
Ratcliffe, Mr., iii. 212.
Ratsey, Gamaliel, i. 310, 340, 350, 353.
Rawlidge, Richard, i. 298; ii. 359.
Redman, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Retz, Marshal de, i. 165.
Reynolds, Edward, iii. 212.
Reynolds, Henry, iii. 384.
Rhenanus, Johannes, i. 344; iii. 498.
Riario, Raffaelle, iii. 3.
Rich, Sir Henry, iii. 243, 245.
Rich (b. Cope), Isabel Lady, iii. 243.
Rich (b. Devereux), Penelope Lady, i. 54, 220; iii. 278, 375, 492.
Rich, Richard, 1st Lord, ii. 91; iv. 79;
106.
his men, ii. 94–6.
Radcliffe, Sir S., iii. 262.
Radcliffe, Thomas, 3rd Earl of Sussex, lord chamberlain, i. 40, 88,
110, 141; ii. 92, 342; iv. 79, 96, 98, 271, 276, 282, 284, 288;
his men, ii. 92–3.
Radcliffe. See Mildmay, Ramsay.
Radford, tailor, ii. 184.
Rainolds, John, president of Corpus, Oxford, i. 129; iii. 318;
on plays, i. 250; iv. 185, 213, 245.
Raleigh (b. Throgmorton), Elizabeth Lady, i. 45, 220.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, captain of the guard, i. 4, 10, 42, 45, 47, 220, 324;
ii. 196, 204, 342, 456, 500; iii. 31, 267, 354, 363, 419.
Raleigh, Walter (the younger), ii. 323, 354.
Ramsay (b. Radcliffe), Elizabeth, Viscountess Haddington, i. 173; ii.
300; iii. 282, 381; iv. 123.
Ramsay, John, Viscount Haddington, afterwards Earl of Holderness, i.
173; ii. 300; iii. 381; iv. 123.
Rankins, William, on plays, i. 260; iv. 227.
Raphael, iii. 9.
Rastell, John, ii. 30, 80.
Ratcliffe, Mary, lady of the privy chamber, i. 45, 108; iv. 67.
Ratcliffe, Thomas, iv. 64.
Ratcliffe, Mr., iii. 212.
Ratsey, Gamaliel, i. 310, 340, 350, 353.
Rawlidge, Richard, i. 298; ii. 359.
Redman, William, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Retz, Marshal de, i. 165.
Reynolds, Edward, iii. 212.
Reynolds, Henry, iii. 384.
Rhenanus, Johannes, i. 344; iii. 498.
Riario, Raffaelle, iii. 3.
Rich, Sir Henry, iii. 243, 245.
Rich (b. Cope), Isabel Lady, iii. 243.
Rich (b. Devereux), Penelope Lady, i. 54, 220; iii. 278, 375, 492.
Rich, Richard, 1st Lord, ii. 91; iv. 79;
Page 548
his men, ii. 91.
Rich, Robert, 2nd Lord, ii. 91;
his men, ii. 92.
Rich, Sir Robert, i. 220; iii. 382.
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, ii. 77.
Rippon, Roger, i. 285.
Ritwise, John, ii. 11.
Roberts, James, stationer, iii. 188.
Roche, David, 5th Lord Roche of Fermoy, ii. 92.
Rochester (title). See Carr.
Roe, Sir John, i. 205; iii. 279.
Rogers, Sir Edward, vice-chamberlain, comptroller of household, i. 35,
41.
Rollinson, Francis, iv. 378.
Rookwood, Edward, i. 114; iv. 95.
Roper, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Rossello, Pietro, iii. 4.
Rous, Sir Anthony, treasurer of chamber, i. 59.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della, Duca d’Urbino, iii. 9; iv. 363.
Rovere, Guidobaldo della, Duca d’Urbino, iii. 9.
Rowe, John, iv. 36.
Roxborough (title). See Ker.
Rubidge, Rowland, musician, i. 202; iii. 385.
Russell (b. Hussey), Bridget, Countess of Bedford, formerly Countess
of Rutland, iv. 107.
Russell, Edward, 3rd Earl of Bedford, iii. 212.
Russell, Elizabeth, lady of privy chamber, i. 45.
Russell (b. Cooke), Elizabeth Lady, formerly Lady Hoby, i. 169; ii.
479, 508; iv. 66, 85, 107, 113, 320.
Russell, Francis, 2nd Earl of Bedford, i. 110; iii. 478; iv. 86, 88, 282,
296.
Russell (b. Harington), Lucy, Countess of Bedford, i. 54, 171, 200,
220; iii. 273, 278, 306, 354, 375, 378, 380, 383, 389, 399.
Russell, William, 1st Lord Russell of Thornhaugh, lord deputy of
Ireland, iv. 115.
Russell. See Clifford, Dudley, Somerset.
Ruthin (title). See .
Rich, Robert, 2nd Lord, ii. 91;
his men, ii. 92.
Rich, Sir Robert, i. 220; iii. 382.
Richard, Duke of Gloucester, ii. 77.
Rippon, Roger, i. 285.
Ritwise, John, ii. 11.
Roberts, James, stationer, iii. 188.
Roche, David, 5th Lord Roche of Fermoy, ii. 92.
Rochester (title). See Carr.
Roe, Sir John, i. 205; iii. 279.
Rogers, Sir Edward, vice-chamberlain, comptroller of household, i. 35,
41.
Rollinson, Francis, iv. 378.
Rookwood, Edward, i. 114; iv. 95.
Roper, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Rossello, Pietro, iii. 4.
Rous, Sir Anthony, treasurer of chamber, i. 59.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della, Duca d’Urbino, iii. 9; iv. 363.
Rovere, Guidobaldo della, Duca d’Urbino, iii. 9.
Rowe, John, iv. 36.
Roxborough (title). See Ker.
Rubidge, Rowland, musician, i. 202; iii. 385.
Russell (b. Hussey), Bridget, Countess of Bedford, formerly Countess
of Rutland, iv. 107.
Russell, Edward, 3rd Earl of Bedford, iii. 212.
Russell, Elizabeth, lady of privy chamber, i. 45.
Russell (b. Cooke), Elizabeth Lady, formerly Lady Hoby, i. 169; ii.
479, 508; iv. 66, 85, 107, 113, 320.
Russell, Francis, 2nd Earl of Bedford, i. 110; iii. 478; iv. 86, 88, 282,
296.
Russell (b. Harington), Lucy, Countess of Bedford, i. 54, 171, 200,
220; iii. 273, 278, 306, 354, 375, 378, 380, 383, 389, 399.
Russell, William, 1st Lord Russell of Thornhaugh, lord deputy of
Ireland, iv. 115.
Russell. See Clifford, Dudley, Somerset.
Ruthin (title). See .
Page 549
Rutland (title). See Manners.
S
Sackford, Sir Henry, master of tents, keeper of privy purse, i. 63, 74,
76, 80, 83; ii. 497.
Sackford, Thomas, master of requests, i. 89; iv. 298.
Sackville (b. Clifford), Anne, Countess of Dorset, afterwards of
Pembroke and Montgomery, i. 200; iii. 268, 273, 282, 380, 383,
399; iv. 67.
Sackville, Lady Anne, iii. 378.
Sackville, Edward, 4th Earl of Dorset, iii. 246, 248; iv. 181.
Sackville, Henry, iii. 398.
Sackville, Sir Richard, under treasurer, i. 76, 161; iv. 81.
Sackville, Richard, 3rd Earl of Dorset, iii. 245, 246, 268, 394.
Sackville, Robert, Lord Buckhurst, ii. 65, 516.
Sackville, Thomas, Lord Buckhurst, 1st Earl of Dorset, lord treasurer,
i. 110, 161; ii. 261; iii. 318, 398; iv. 315, 335, 375.
Sackville, Thomas, iii. 398.
Sackville, Sir William, iii. 398.
Sackville. See Glemham.
Sadler, Edmund, iii. 391.
Sadler, Sir Ralph, iv. 79, 95.
Saint-Gelais, Mellin de, iii. 13.
St. John, Oliver, 1st Lord St. John of Bletsoe, iv. 83.
St. John, Oliver, 3rd Lord St. John of Bletsoe, iv. 118, 120, 123, 124,
126.
St. John. See Howard.
St. John (title). See Paulet.
Salisbury (title). See Cecil.
Salterne, George, iv. 379.
Salvian, i. 254.
Sandys (b. Manners), Elizabeth Lady, iv. 85.
Sandys, William, 3rd Lord, iv. 85, 90, 106.
Sanford, Henry, iii. 279.
Sanquhar (title). See Crichton.
Sarmiento de Acuña, Diego, Conde de Gondomar, i. 25; iii. 230.
S
Sackford, Sir Henry, master of tents, keeper of privy purse, i. 63, 74,
76, 80, 83; ii. 497.
Sackford, Thomas, master of requests, i. 89; iv. 298.
Sackville (b. Clifford), Anne, Countess of Dorset, afterwards of
Pembroke and Montgomery, i. 200; iii. 268, 273, 282, 380, 383,
399; iv. 67.
Sackville, Lady Anne, iii. 378.
Sackville, Edward, 4th Earl of Dorset, iii. 246, 248; iv. 181.
Sackville, Henry, iii. 398.
Sackville, Sir Richard, under treasurer, i. 76, 161; iv. 81.
Sackville, Richard, 3rd Earl of Dorset, iii. 245, 246, 268, 394.
Sackville, Robert, Lord Buckhurst, ii. 65, 516.
Sackville, Thomas, Lord Buckhurst, 1st Earl of Dorset, lord treasurer,
i. 110, 161; ii. 261; iii. 318, 398; iv. 315, 335, 375.
Sackville, Thomas, iii. 398.
Sackville, Sir William, iii. 398.
Sackville. See Glemham.
Sadler, Edmund, iii. 391.
Sadler, Sir Ralph, iv. 79, 95.
Saint-Gelais, Mellin de, iii. 13.
St. John, Oliver, 1st Lord St. John of Bletsoe, iv. 83.
St. John, Oliver, 3rd Lord St. John of Bletsoe, iv. 118, 120, 123, 124,
126.
St. John. See Howard.
St. John (title). See Paulet.
Salisbury (title). See Cecil.
Salterne, George, iv. 379.
Salvian, i. 254.
Sandys (b. Manners), Elizabeth Lady, iv. 85.
Sandys, William, 3rd Lord, iv. 85, 90, 106.
Sanford, Henry, iii. 279.
Sanquhar (title). See Crichton.
Sarmiento de Acuña, Diego, Conde de Gondomar, i. 25; iii. 230.
Page 550
Saunders, Sir Nicholas, ii. 474, 486.
Saunders, Sir Thomas, ii. 474, 478, 486.
Saunders, Lady, ii. 474.
Sawnders, Ninian, ii. 474.
Scamozzi, Vincenzo, iii. 11.
Scaramelli, Giovanni, Venetian secretary of embassy, i. 25.
Schonaeus, Cornelius, iv. 24.
Scrope, Emmanuel, 11th Lord, iii. 394.
Scrope, Henry, 9th Lord, warden of west marches, ii, 266.
Scrope (b. Carey), Philadelphia Lady, iv. 67.
Scrope. See Kingston.
Scudamore, Sir John, gentleman usher of the chamber, iii. 212.
Scudamore, Mary Lady, i. 108; iii. 401; iv. 67.
Segar, Sir William, Garter king of arms, i. 319; iii. 170, 439.
Segna, Nicoletto, iii. 5.
Selden, John, iii. 254;
on plays, iv. 258.
Sellers, William, ii. 432.
Selman, John, cut-purse, iii. 387.
Serlio, Sebastiano, iii. 10, 12, 153; iv. 353–65.
Servi, Constantine de’, i. 173, 180; iii. 246.
Seton, Robert, 1st Earl of Wintoun, iv. 116.
Seymour (b. Stanhope), Anne, Duchess of Somerset, iv. 94.
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, i. 10, 123; ii. 116; iv. 66, 106;
his men, ii. 116.
Seymour (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Hertford, i. 54; ii. 278,
375, 401.
Seymour, Lord Henry, ii. 500–2.
Seymour, Jane, queen consort, ii. 80.
Shakespeare, Edmund, iv. 55.
Shakespeare, William, i. 349–50, 370, 381–2; ii. 90, 91, 95, 129, 199,
269, 272, 309, 340, 346, 361, 417–25, 474, 496, 541; iii. 331,
460, 495, 513; iv. 33, 40.
Sheffield, Edmund, 3rd Lord, ii. 299.
Shelton, Thomas, translator, iii. 221.
Shelton. See Walsingham.
Shenton, William, court fool, i. 48.
Saunders, Sir Thomas, ii. 474, 478, 486.
Saunders, Lady, ii. 474.
Sawnders, Ninian, ii. 474.
Scamozzi, Vincenzo, iii. 11.
Scaramelli, Giovanni, Venetian secretary of embassy, i. 25.
Schonaeus, Cornelius, iv. 24.
Scrope, Emmanuel, 11th Lord, iii. 394.
Scrope, Henry, 9th Lord, warden of west marches, ii, 266.
Scrope (b. Carey), Philadelphia Lady, iv. 67.
Scrope. See Kingston.
Scudamore, Sir John, gentleman usher of the chamber, iii. 212.
Scudamore, Mary Lady, i. 108; iii. 401; iv. 67.
Segar, Sir William, Garter king of arms, i. 319; iii. 170, 439.
Segna, Nicoletto, iii. 5.
Selden, John, iii. 254;
on plays, iv. 258.
Sellers, William, ii. 432.
Selman, John, cut-purse, iii. 387.
Serlio, Sebastiano, iii. 10, 12, 153; iv. 353–65.
Servi, Constantine de’, i. 173, 180; iii. 246.
Seton, Robert, 1st Earl of Wintoun, iv. 116.
Seymour (b. Stanhope), Anne, Duchess of Somerset, iv. 94.
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford, i. 10, 123; ii. 116; iv. 66, 106;
his men, ii. 116.
Seymour (b. Howard), Frances, Countess of Hertford, i. 54; ii. 278,
375, 401.
Seymour, Lord Henry, ii. 500–2.
Seymour, Jane, queen consort, ii. 80.
Shakespeare, Edmund, iv. 55.
Shakespeare, William, i. 349–50, 370, 381–2; ii. 90, 91, 95, 129, 199,
269, 272, 309, 340, 346, 361, 417–25, 474, 496, 541; iii. 331,
460, 495, 513; iv. 33, 40.
Sheffield, Edmund, 3rd Lord, ii. 299.
Shelton, Thomas, translator, iii. 221.
Shelton. See Walsingham.
Shenton, William, court fool, i. 48.
Page 551
Sherley (Shirley) family, iii. 286.
Shirley, James, iii. 259.
Shrewsbury (title). See Talbot.
Sidney, Sir Henry, iii. 337; iv. 282.
Sidney, Sir Philip, i. 144; ii. 90, 343; iii. 40, 211, 316, 317, 318, 330,
337; iv. 64, 203, 206;
on plays, i. 257; iv. 226.
Sidney, Sir Robert, Viscount Lisle, afterwards Earl of Leicester, i. 53,
121, 322; ii. 237; iv. 113.
Sidney, Sir Thomas, iii. 402.
Sidney. See Herbert, Manners, Wroth.
Silva, Diego de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Simier, M. de, i. 166; iv. 96.
Skipwith, Sir Richard, iv. 64.
Skipwith, Sir William, iii. 222.
Slawata, Gulielmus, iv. 352.
Smallpiece, Thomas, ii. 497.
Smith, John, of Christ’s, i. 250.
Smith, Sir Thomas, secretary, iii. 160; iv. 82.
Smith, Sir Thomas, clerk of privy council, master of requests, iv. 331.
Smith, William, ii. 399.
Smythe, John, iii. 409.
Soldino, ii. 263.
Somerset (b. Russell), Anne, Lady Herbert, i. 6, 169, 220; iii. 375; iv.
29, 113.
Somerset, Lady Blanch, iii. 378.
Somerset, Edward, Lord Herbert of Chepstow, 4th Earl of Worcester,
master of the horse, lord privy seal, i. 34, 200, 209; ii. 220; iv. 87,
250, 335, 336;
his men, ii. 225–9.
Somerset (b. Hastings), Elizabeth, Countess of Worcester, i. 54; iv. 67,
87.
Somerset, Henry, Lord Herbert of Chepstow, afterwards 5th Earl and
1st Marquis of Worcester, i. 169; iv. 113.
Somerset, Sir Thomas, iii. 280, 378, 393.
Somerset, William, 3rd Earl of Worcester, ii. 220;
his men, ii. 220.
Shirley, James, iii. 259.
Shrewsbury (title). See Talbot.
Sidney, Sir Henry, iii. 337; iv. 282.
Sidney, Sir Philip, i. 144; ii. 90, 343; iii. 40, 211, 316, 317, 318, 330,
337; iv. 64, 203, 206;
on plays, i. 257; iv. 226.
Sidney, Sir Robert, Viscount Lisle, afterwards Earl of Leicester, i. 53,
121, 322; ii. 237; iv. 113.
Sidney, Sir Thomas, iii. 402.
Sidney. See Herbert, Manners, Wroth.
Silva, Diego de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Simier, M. de, i. 166; iv. 96.
Skipwith, Sir Richard, iv. 64.
Skipwith, Sir William, iii. 222.
Slawata, Gulielmus, iv. 352.
Smallpiece, Thomas, ii. 497.
Smith, John, of Christ’s, i. 250.
Smith, Sir Thomas, secretary, iii. 160; iv. 82.
Smith, Sir Thomas, clerk of privy council, master of requests, iv. 331.
Smith, William, ii. 399.
Smythe, John, iii. 409.
Soldino, ii. 263.
Somerset (b. Russell), Anne, Lady Herbert, i. 6, 169, 220; iii. 375; iv.
29, 113.
Somerset, Lady Blanch, iii. 378.
Somerset, Edward, Lord Herbert of Chepstow, 4th Earl of Worcester,
master of the horse, lord privy seal, i. 34, 200, 209; ii. 220; iv. 87,
250, 335, 336;
his men, ii. 225–9.
Somerset (b. Hastings), Elizabeth, Countess of Worcester, i. 54; iv. 67,
87.
Somerset, Henry, Lord Herbert of Chepstow, afterwards 5th Earl and
1st Marquis of Worcester, i. 169; iv. 113.
Somerset, Sir Thomas, iii. 280, 378, 393.
Somerset, William, 3rd Earl of Worcester, ii. 220;
his men, ii. 220.
Page 552
Somerset. See Guildford, Petre, Windsor, Winter.
Somerset (title). See Carr.
Sophia, Princess, iv. 121.
Sotherton, John, baron of exchequer, i. 92.
Southampton (title). See Wriothesley.
Southwell (b. Howard), Elizabeth Lady, i. 54; iv. 67, 99.
Southwell, Elizabeth, i. 45.
Southwell, Sir Robert, iv. 95, 99.
Spark, Thomas, on plays, iv. 184, 208.
Sparo, Mother, i. 87.
Spencer, Sir John, iii. 500.
Spencer, John, iii. 391.
Spencer, Robert, 1st Lord, ii. 283; iii. 391.
Spencer, Sir William, iv. 107.
Spencer. See Stanley.
Spenser, Edmund, iii. 207, 328, 412; iv. 27.
Spes, Guerau de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Stafford, Alexander, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Stafford (b. Stafford), Dorothy Lady, mistress of Robes, i. 45.
Stafford, Edward, 3rd Lord, iii. 272; iv. 92.
Stafford, Sir Edward, iii. 272.
Stallard, Thomas, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Stanhope, John, 1st Lord Stanhope of Harrington, treasurer of
chamber, vice-chamberlain, i. 42, 64; iv. 134, 335, 336, 342.
Stanhope. See Seymour.
Stanley (b. Spencer), Alice, Countess of Derby, i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 67,
112.
Stanley (b. Vere), Elizabeth, Countess of Derby, i. 54, 168, 200; ii. 118,
127, 194, 301; iii. 278, 282, 375, 380, 383; iv. 67, 109.
Stanley, Ferdinando, Lord Strange, 5th Earl of Derby, ii. 118; iii. 394,
402, 450;
his men, ii. 118–26.
Stanley, Henry, Lord Strange, 4th Earl of Derby, lord steward, i. 35; ii.
118; iv. 311;
his men, ii. 118.
Stanley (b. Clifford), Margaret, Countess of Derby, iii. 401; iv. 94.
Stanley, William, 6th Earl of Derby, i. 168; ii. 117, 118, 194; iv. 109;
Somerset (title). See Carr.
Sophia, Princess, iv. 121.
Sotherton, John, baron of exchequer, i. 92.
Southampton (title). See Wriothesley.
Southwell (b. Howard), Elizabeth Lady, i. 54; iv. 67, 99.
Southwell, Elizabeth, i. 45.
Southwell, Sir Robert, iv. 95, 99.
Spark, Thomas, on plays, iv. 184, 208.
Sparo, Mother, i. 87.
Spencer, Sir John, iii. 500.
Spencer, John, iii. 391.
Spencer, Robert, 1st Lord, ii. 283; iii. 391.
Spencer, Sir William, iv. 107.
Spencer. See Stanley.
Spenser, Edmund, iii. 207, 328, 412; iv. 27.
Spes, Guerau de, Spanish ambassador, i. 24.
Stafford, Alexander, clerk comptroller of tents and revels, i. 100.
Stafford (b. Stafford), Dorothy Lady, mistress of Robes, i. 45.
Stafford, Edward, 3rd Lord, iii. 272; iv. 92.
Stafford, Sir Edward, iii. 272.
Stallard, Thomas, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Stanhope, John, 1st Lord Stanhope of Harrington, treasurer of
chamber, vice-chamberlain, i. 42, 64; iv. 134, 335, 336, 342.
Stanhope. See Seymour.
Stanley (b. Spencer), Alice, Countess of Derby, i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 67,
112.
Stanley (b. Vere), Elizabeth, Countess of Derby, i. 54, 168, 200; ii. 118,
127, 194, 301; iii. 278, 282, 375, 380, 383; iv. 67, 109.
Stanley, Ferdinando, Lord Strange, 5th Earl of Derby, ii. 118; iii. 394,
402, 450;
his men, ii. 118–26.
Stanley, Henry, Lord Strange, 4th Earl of Derby, lord steward, i. 35; ii.
118; iv. 311;
his men, ii. 118.
Stanley (b. Clifford), Margaret, Countess of Derby, iii. 401; iv. 94.
Stanley, William, 6th Earl of Derby, i. 168; ii. 117, 118, 194; iv. 109;
Page 553
his men, ii. 126.
Stanley. See Hastings.
Stephens, John, iv. 255.
Stettin-Pomerania, Philip Julius, Duke of, ii. 46, 367, 456; iii. 256.
Stocket, Lewis, surveyor of works, i. 80.
Stockfisch, Hans, ii. 291.
Stockwood, John, on plays, i. 254; iv. 199.
Stone, Philip, ii. 445.
Stone, Sir William, mercer, ii. 184; iii. 369.
Stone the fool, iii. 369.
Strange (title). See Stanley.
Strangwidge, Mrs., iv. 67.
Street, Peter, carpenter, ii. 399, 415, 436, 465.
Stuart, Lady Arabella, i. 54, 199, 212, 325, 327; ii. 59; iii. 282, 370,
380.
Stuart, Esmé, Lord Aubigny, i. 102; iii. 255, 280, 367, 382.
Stuart, Sir Francis, iii. 370.
Stuart, Ludovick, 2nd Duke of Lennox, Duke of Richmond, gentleman
of bedchamber, lord steward, i. 35, 146, 171; ii. 241; iii. 246, 258,
280, 316, 382, 393;
his men, ii. 241.
Stuart, Sir William, master of Paris Garden, ii. 452, 465.
Stuart. See Gordon, Howard.
Stubbes, Phillip, on plays, i. 253; iv. 221.
Stukeley, Thomas, i. 138.
Sturm, John, i. 239.
Stymmelius, Christopherus, iii. 351.
Suavenberg or Snachenberg. See Parr.
Suffolk (title). See Bertie, Howard.
Surrey (title). See Howard.
Sussex (title). See Radcliffe.
Sutton, Thomas, founder of Charterhouse, iii. 369.
Sutton, Thomas, preacher, i. 263; iv. 259.
Swallow, John, ghost-name, iii. 495.
Swego, Mrs., tire-woman, i. 163.
Swetkowyz, Adam, imperial ambassador, iv. 82.
Sylvester, William, carpenter, ii. 379.
Stanley. See Hastings.
Stephens, John, iv. 255.
Stettin-Pomerania, Philip Julius, Duke of, ii. 46, 367, 456; iii. 256.
Stocket, Lewis, surveyor of works, i. 80.
Stockfisch, Hans, ii. 291.
Stockwood, John, on plays, i. 254; iv. 199.
Stone, Philip, ii. 445.
Stone, Sir William, mercer, ii. 184; iii. 369.
Stone the fool, iii. 369.
Strange (title). See Stanley.
Strangwidge, Mrs., iv. 67.
Street, Peter, carpenter, ii. 399, 415, 436, 465.
Stuart, Lady Arabella, i. 54, 199, 212, 325, 327; ii. 59; iii. 282, 370,
380.
Stuart, Esmé, Lord Aubigny, i. 102; iii. 255, 280, 367, 382.
Stuart, Sir Francis, iii. 370.
Stuart, Ludovick, 2nd Duke of Lennox, Duke of Richmond, gentleman
of bedchamber, lord steward, i. 35, 146, 171; ii. 241; iii. 246, 258,
280, 316, 382, 393;
his men, ii. 241.
Stuart, Sir William, master of Paris Garden, ii. 452, 465.
Stuart. See Gordon, Howard.
Stubbes, Phillip, on plays, i. 253; iv. 221.
Stukeley, Thomas, i. 138.
Sturm, John, i. 239.
Stymmelius, Christopherus, iii. 351.
Suavenberg or Snachenberg. See Parr.
Suffolk (title). See Bertie, Howard.
Surrey (title). See Howard.
Sussex (title). See Radcliffe.
Sutton, Thomas, founder of Charterhouse, iii. 369.
Sutton, Thomas, preacher, i. 263; iv. 259.
Swallow, John, ghost-name, iii. 495.
Swego, Mrs., tire-woman, i. 163.
Swetkowyz, Adam, imperial ambassador, iv. 82.
Sylvester, William, carpenter, ii. 379.
Page 554
Symonds, Thomasine, ii. 405.
T
Tabarin, Giovanni, ii. 262.
Talbot (b. Herbert), Anne Lady, i. 160.
Talbot, Edward, i. 325.
Talbot, Francis, 5th Earl of Shrewsbury, president of the north, i. 277;
iv. 264.
Talbot, Francis Lord, i. 160.
Talbot, Gilbert, 7th Earl of Shrewsbury, i. 46; iii. 213; iv. 102, 111,
113, 116, 336.
Talbot, corrector of books, iii. 165.
Talbot. See Grey, Herbert, Howard.
Tamworth, John, groom of privy chamber, keeper of privy purse, i. 62.
Tanfield, Sir Lawrence, chief baron of exchequer, iv. 107.
Tasso, Torquato, iii. 317.
Taverner, Mr., iii. 170.
Taxis, Juan de, Spanish ambassador, i. 25, 26, 204; iii. 281, 376.
Taylor, John, waterman, ii. 127, 191, 370, 459, 468; iv. 16.
Taylor, John, witness, ii. 462.
Terence, i. 237–40; iii. 2, 6, 15; iv. 184, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 196,
201, 217.
Tevery, Jarvis, iv. 57.
Textor, J. Ravisius, iii. 351.
Theobald, Lewis, iii. 490.
Thomasina, court dwarf, i. 48.
Thornton, Thomas, i. 251; iv. 245.
Thrale, Hester, afterwards Piozzi, ii. 428.
Throgmorton, Arthur, i. 168.
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, i. 244.
Throgmorton. See Raleigh.
Thynne, Sir John, iv. 90.
Thynne, Mrs., iv. 67.
Tice, John, ii. 503, 506.
Tilney, Edmund, master of revels, i. 88, 93, 96, 318, 321; iii. 170; iv.
32, 106, 285, 293, 305, 306, 308, 309.
T
Tabarin, Giovanni, ii. 262.
Talbot (b. Herbert), Anne Lady, i. 160.
Talbot, Edward, i. 325.
Talbot, Francis, 5th Earl of Shrewsbury, president of the north, i. 277;
iv. 264.
Talbot, Francis Lord, i. 160.
Talbot, Gilbert, 7th Earl of Shrewsbury, i. 46; iii. 213; iv. 102, 111,
113, 116, 336.
Talbot, corrector of books, iii. 165.
Talbot. See Grey, Herbert, Howard.
Tamworth, John, groom of privy chamber, keeper of privy purse, i. 62.
Tanfield, Sir Lawrence, chief baron of exchequer, iv. 107.
Tasso, Torquato, iii. 317.
Taverner, Mr., iii. 170.
Taxis, Juan de, Spanish ambassador, i. 25, 26, 204; iii. 281, 376.
Taylor, John, waterman, ii. 127, 191, 370, 459, 468; iv. 16.
Taylor, John, witness, ii. 462.
Terence, i. 237–40; iii. 2, 6, 15; iv. 184, 186, 187, 188, 190, 191, 196,
201, 217.
Tevery, Jarvis, iv. 57.
Textor, J. Ravisius, iii. 351.
Theobald, Lewis, iii. 490.
Thomasina, court dwarf, i. 48.
Thornton, Thomas, i. 251; iv. 245.
Thrale, Hester, afterwards Piozzi, ii. 428.
Throgmorton, Arthur, i. 168.
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, i. 244.
Throgmorton. See Raleigh.
Thynne, Sir John, iv. 90.
Thynne, Mrs., iv. 67.
Tice, John, ii. 503, 506.
Tilney, Edmund, master of revels, i. 88, 93, 96, 318, 321; iii. 170; iv.
32, 106, 285, 293, 305, 306, 308, 309.
Page 555
Tiptoft, John, Earl of Worcester, ii. 293.
Topcliffe, Richard, i. 114; iii. 444, 455; iv. 323.
Topping, Richard, tailor, iii. 410.
Travers, John, serjeant of tents, i. 73.
Treheren, Mr., ii. 175.
Trentham. See Vere.
Tresham, William, iv. 64.
Tripp, Henry, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Tuke, Sir Brian, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; iv. 133.
Turenne, Viscount, iii. 403; iv. 105.
Turner, fencer, ii. 413.
Twyne, Thomas, on plays, iv. 202.
Tyrwhitt (b. Manners), Bridget Lady, i. 45.
Tyrwhitt, Robert, i. 45.
U
Ubaldini, Petruccio, i. 163, 178; ii. 264.
Udall, Nicholas, ii. 70, 74;
on plays, iv. 188.
Unton (b. Broughton), Dorothy Lady, i. 164.
Unton, Sir Edward, iv. 88, 90, 92.
Unton, Sir Henry, i. 64, 163.
V
Van Buchell, Arend, ii. 361.
Vaughan, Cuthbert, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450.
Vaughan, Richard, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Vaughan, Thomas, treasurer of chamber, i. 57.
Vaux, Edward, 4th Lord Vaux, ii. 103; iv. 120;
his men, ii. 103.
Vaux, William, 3rd Lord, ii. 103;
his men, ii. 103.
Vavasour, Sir Thomas, iii. 399, 402.
Vavasour or Finch, Anne, iii. 399, 407.
Vavisour. See Warburton.
Topcliffe, Richard, i. 114; iii. 444, 455; iv. 323.
Topping, Richard, tailor, iii. 410.
Travers, John, serjeant of tents, i. 73.
Treheren, Mr., ii. 175.
Trentham. See Vere.
Tresham, William, iv. 64.
Tripp, Henry, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Tuke, Sir Brian, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; iv. 133.
Turenne, Viscount, iii. 403; iv. 105.
Turner, fencer, ii. 413.
Twyne, Thomas, on plays, iv. 202.
Tyrwhitt (b. Manners), Bridget Lady, i. 45.
Tyrwhitt, Robert, i. 45.
U
Ubaldini, Petruccio, i. 163, 178; ii. 264.
Udall, Nicholas, ii. 70, 74;
on plays, iv. 188.
Unton (b. Broughton), Dorothy Lady, i. 164.
Unton, Sir Edward, iv. 88, 90, 92.
Unton, Sir Henry, i. 64, 163.
V
Van Buchell, Arend, ii. 361.
Vaughan, Cuthbert, master of Paris Garden, ii. 450.
Vaughan, Richard, corrector of books, iii. 167.
Vaughan, Thomas, treasurer of chamber, i. 57.
Vaux, Edward, 4th Lord Vaux, ii. 103; iv. 120;
his men, ii. 103.
Vaux, William, 3rd Lord, ii. 103;
his men, ii. 103.
Vavasour, Sir Thomas, iii. 399, 402.
Vavasour or Finch, Anne, iii. 399, 407.
Vavisour. See Warburton.
Page 556
Velasco, Juan Fernandez de, Constable of Castile, i. 12, 24; ii. 211,
453; iv. 118, 169.
Vere (b. Cecil), Anne, Countess of Oxford, iv. 87.
Vere, Edward, 17th Earl of Oxford, great chamberlain, i. 4, 141, 144;
ii. 99, 497; iii. 412, 444, 506; iv. 87, 96;
his players, ii. 100–2.
Vere (b. Trentham), Elizabeth, Countess of Oxford, iv. 126.
Vere, Sir Francis, i. 322; iii. 499.
Vere, Henry, 18th Earl of Oxford, ii. 301.
Vere, John, 16th Earl of Oxford, great chamberlain, ii. 99; iii. 322; iv.
79;
his men, ii. 99.
Vere, Lady Mary, iii. 401.
Vere, Lady Susan, iii. 401.
Vere. See Herbert, Stanley.
Vernon. See Wriothesley.
Verreyken, Ludovic, Flemish ambassador, i. 23, 25, 220; ii. 204.
Viaud, Théophile de, iii. 17.
Villiers, George, Duke of Buckingham, i. 174, 200; iii. 389.
Vitruvius, iii. 2; iv. 362.
Vittoria (Fioretta), ii. 262.
Vives, Johannes Ludovicus, on plays, i. 238; iv. 185.
W
Wager, Lewis, i. 261;
on plays, iv. 194.
Walden (title). See Howard.
Waller, Sir Walter, i. 280.
Walsingham (b. Shelton), Audrey Lady, i. 54, 200, 210, 220; iii. 278,
375, 380; iv. 67.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, secretary of state, i. 88, 89, 111, 266, 267; ii.
104, 343, 497; iii. 174, 187, 506; iv. 94, 99, 102, 104, 213, 294,
296, 303.
Walsingham, Sir Thomas, iii. 252, 257, 419; iv. 110, 115.
Walton, Henry, ii. 80.
Wapull, George, clerk to Stationers, iii. 158.
453; iv. 118, 169.
Vere (b. Cecil), Anne, Countess of Oxford, iv. 87.
Vere, Edward, 17th Earl of Oxford, great chamberlain, i. 4, 141, 144;
ii. 99, 497; iii. 412, 444, 506; iv. 87, 96;
his players, ii. 100–2.
Vere (b. Trentham), Elizabeth, Countess of Oxford, iv. 126.
Vere, Sir Francis, i. 322; iii. 499.
Vere, Henry, 18th Earl of Oxford, ii. 301.
Vere, John, 16th Earl of Oxford, great chamberlain, ii. 99; iii. 322; iv.
79;
his men, ii. 99.
Vere, Lady Mary, iii. 401.
Vere, Lady Susan, iii. 401.
Vere. See Herbert, Stanley.
Vernon. See Wriothesley.
Verreyken, Ludovic, Flemish ambassador, i. 23, 25, 220; ii. 204.
Viaud, Théophile de, iii. 17.
Villiers, George, Duke of Buckingham, i. 174, 200; iii. 389.
Vitruvius, iii. 2; iv. 362.
Vittoria (Fioretta), ii. 262.
Vives, Johannes Ludovicus, on plays, i. 238; iv. 185.
W
Wager, Lewis, i. 261;
on plays, iv. 194.
Walden (title). See Howard.
Waller, Sir Walter, i. 280.
Walsingham (b. Shelton), Audrey Lady, i. 54, 200, 210, 220; iii. 278,
375, 380; iv. 67.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, secretary of state, i. 88, 89, 111, 266, 267; ii.
104, 343, 497; iii. 174, 187, 506; iv. 94, 99, 102, 104, 213, 294,
296, 303.
Walsingham, Sir Thomas, iii. 252, 257, 419; iv. 110, 115.
Walton, Henry, ii. 80.
Wapull, George, clerk to Stationers, iii. 158.
Page 557
Warburton (b. Vavisour), Anne Lady, iii. 399; iv. 67.
Warburton, John, iv. 398.
Ward, Richard, cofferer of household, iv. 64, 93.
Warwick (title). See Dudley.
Webbe, William, on plays, i. 258; iv. 227.
Webster, John, on players, iv. 257.
Wedel, Lupold von, ii. 358, 455.
Weldon, Sir Ralph, clerk of green cloth, iv. 99.
Wentworth (b. Cecil), Elizabeth, iv. 81, 99.
Wentworth, Thomas, 2nd Lord Wentworth, iv. 276, 277, 280.
Wentworth, William, iv. 99.
West, Thomas, 11th Lord Delawarr, iv. 111.
West, Thomas, 12th Lord Delawarr, iv. 254.
West, William, 10th Lord Delawarr, iii. 412; iv. 106.
Wharton (b. Clifford), Frances Lady, iv. 94.
Wharton, Philip, 3rd Lord, iv. 94.
Wharton, Mrs., iv. 67.
Whetstone, George, on plays, iv. 201, 227.
White, Edward, stationer, iii. 395.
White, Thomas, on plays, i. 254; iv. 197.
White, William, property maker, ii. 184.
Whitgift, John, archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 166, 450, 451; iv. 101,
102, 103, 106, 108, 109, 111, 115, 306, 307, 308, 315.
Whithorne, Timothy, ii. 334.
Wiburne, Nathaniel, iv. 376.
Wilcox, Thomas, iv. 197.
Wilkes, Sir Thomas, clerk of privy council, iv. 100.
Wilkes, William, iii. 428.
Wilkins, Thomas, ii. 401.
Wilkinson, John, coriour, iv. 261.
Willett, John, mercer, ii. 228.
Williams, John, bishop of Lincoln, ii. 349.
Williams, Sir Roger, iii. 212.
Williams. See Norris.
Willis, R., i. 333.
Willoughby, Ambrose, esquire of body, i. 46.
Willoughby, Francis, ii. 2.
Warburton, John, iv. 398.
Ward, Richard, cofferer of household, iv. 64, 93.
Warwick (title). See Dudley.
Webbe, William, on plays, i. 258; iv. 227.
Webster, John, on players, iv. 257.
Wedel, Lupold von, ii. 358, 455.
Weldon, Sir Ralph, clerk of green cloth, iv. 99.
Wentworth (b. Cecil), Elizabeth, iv. 81, 99.
Wentworth, Thomas, 2nd Lord Wentworth, iv. 276, 277, 280.
Wentworth, William, iv. 99.
West, Thomas, 11th Lord Delawarr, iv. 111.
West, Thomas, 12th Lord Delawarr, iv. 254.
West, William, 10th Lord Delawarr, iii. 412; iv. 106.
Wharton (b. Clifford), Frances Lady, iv. 94.
Wharton, Philip, 3rd Lord, iv. 94.
Wharton, Mrs., iv. 67.
Whetstone, George, on plays, iv. 201, 227.
White, Edward, stationer, iii. 395.
White, Thomas, on plays, i. 254; iv. 197.
White, William, property maker, ii. 184.
Whitgift, John, archbishop of Canterbury, iii. 166, 450, 451; iv. 101,
102, 103, 106, 108, 109, 111, 115, 306, 307, 308, 315.
Whithorne, Timothy, ii. 334.
Wiburne, Nathaniel, iv. 376.
Wilcox, Thomas, iv. 197.
Wilkes, Sir Thomas, clerk of privy council, iv. 100.
Wilkes, William, iii. 428.
Wilkins, Thomas, ii. 401.
Wilkinson, John, coriour, iv. 261.
Willett, John, mercer, ii. 228.
Williams, John, bishop of Lincoln, ii. 349.
Williams, Sir Roger, iii. 212.
Williams. See Norris.
Willis, R., i. 333.
Willoughby, Ambrose, esquire of body, i. 46.
Willoughby, Francis, ii. 2.
Page 558
Willoughby. See Bertie.
Wilson, John, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Wilson, Thomas, master of requests, secretary of state, ii. 15; iii. 165.
Winchester (title). See Paulet.
Windsor, Edward, 3rd Lord, iv. 83.
Windsor, Frederick, 4th Lord, i. 144; iv. 64, 92, 96.
Windsor (b. Somerset), Katharine Lady, iii. 282, 380, 383.
Wingfield, Sir Anthony, i. 109; iv. 377.
Winter (b. Somerset), Anne Lady iii. 282, 380, 383.
Wintoun (title). See Seton.
Wistow, ii. 451.
Withens, Robert, ii. 406.
Wither, Anne, formerly Phillips, ii. 418.
Wither, John, ii. 334, 418, 423–4.
Wolf, John, stationer, iv. 327, 345.
Wolley (b. More), Elizabeth Lady, ii. 498.
Wolley, Sir John, Latin secretary, ii. 497; iv. 97, 99, 100.
Wood, Sir Robert, mayor of Norwich, iv. 62.
Woodford or Simball, Thomas, ii. 445, 516–17.
Woodhouse, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Woodman, victualler, ii. 493.
Woodward, Agnes, i. 358.
Woodward, Elizabeth, ii. 333.
Woodward, Joan, i. 358.
Worcester (title). See Somerset.
Wotton, Edward, 1st Lord, comptroller of household, i. 35, 64; iv. 342.
Wren, Christopher, iv. 377.
Wright, James, iv. 370–2.
Wriothesley (b. Vernon), Elizabeth, Countess of Southampton, i. 45.
Wriothesley, Henry, 2nd Earl of Southampton, i. 162; iii. 488; iv. 82.
Wriothesley, Henry, 3rd Earl of Southampton, i. 45, 46, 147, 220; iii.
212, 249, 358, 393, 417; iv. 106, 119, 121, 122, 123, 125, 128,
139.
Wriothesley (b. Cheyne), Jane, Countess of Southampton, iv. 85.
Wriothesley (b. Browne), Mary, Countess of Southampton, afterwards
Lady Heneage and Lady Hervey, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 82.
Wroth (b. Sidney), Mary Lady, iii. 371, 375.
Wilson, John, corrector of books, iii. 168.
Wilson, Thomas, master of requests, secretary of state, ii. 15; iii. 165.
Winchester (title). See Paulet.
Windsor, Edward, 3rd Lord, iv. 83.
Windsor, Frederick, 4th Lord, i. 144; iv. 64, 92, 96.
Windsor (b. Somerset), Katharine Lady, iii. 282, 380, 383.
Wingfield, Sir Anthony, i. 109; iv. 377.
Winter (b. Somerset), Anne Lady iii. 282, 380, 383.
Wintoun (title). See Seton.
Wistow, ii. 451.
Withens, Robert, ii. 406.
Wither, Anne, formerly Phillips, ii. 418.
Wither, John, ii. 334, 418, 423–4.
Wolf, John, stationer, iv. 327, 345.
Wolley (b. More), Elizabeth Lady, ii. 498.
Wolley, Sir John, Latin secretary, ii. 497; iv. 97, 99, 100.
Wood, Sir Robert, mayor of Norwich, iv. 62.
Woodford or Simball, Thomas, ii. 445, 516–17.
Woodhouse, Mrs., maid of honour, i. 54.
Woodman, victualler, ii. 493.
Woodward, Agnes, i. 358.
Woodward, Elizabeth, ii. 333.
Woodward, Joan, i. 358.
Worcester (title). See Somerset.
Wotton, Edward, 1st Lord, comptroller of household, i. 35, 64; iv. 342.
Wren, Christopher, iv. 377.
Wright, James, iv. 370–2.
Wriothesley (b. Vernon), Elizabeth, Countess of Southampton, i. 45.
Wriothesley, Henry, 2nd Earl of Southampton, i. 162; iii. 488; iv. 82.
Wriothesley, Henry, 3rd Earl of Southampton, i. 45, 46, 147, 220; iii.
212, 249, 358, 393, 417; iv. 106, 119, 121, 122, 123, 125, 128,
139.
Wriothesley (b. Cheyne), Jane, Countess of Southampton, iv. 85.
Wriothesley (b. Browne), Mary, Countess of Southampton, afterwards
Lady Heneage and Lady Hervey, i. 162; iii. 468; iv. 82.
Wroth (b. Sidney), Mary Lady, iii. 371, 375.
Page 559
Wroth, Sir Robert, iv. 105, 108, 111, 120, 322.
Württemberg, Frederick, Duke of, ii. 455.
Württemberg, Lewis Frederick, Prince of, ii. 369, 457.
Wyatt, Sir Henry, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; ii. 476.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, i. 59; ii. 476.
Y
Yaxley, John, mayor of Cambridge, iv. 6.
Yelverton, Sir Henry, solicitor-general, iv. 59.
Yetswiert, Nicasius, French secretary and clerk of signet, i. 98.
Yorke, Sir John, i. 305, 328.
Young, Sir John, mayor of Bristol, iv. 90, 198.
Young, Richard, i. 285; ii. 478; iv. 93, 96, 293, 297, 305, 310.
Z
Zanobi, iii. 13.
Zingerling, Justus, ii. 369, 457.
Württemberg, Frederick, Duke of, ii. 455.
Württemberg, Lewis Frederick, Prince of, ii. 369, 457.
Wyatt, Sir Henry, treasurer of chamber, i. 59; ii. 476.
Wyatt, Sir Thomas, i. 59; ii. 476.
Y
Yaxley, John, mayor of Cambridge, iv. 6.
Yelverton, Sir Henry, solicitor-general, iv. 59.
Yetswiert, Nicasius, French secretary and clerk of signet, i. 98.
Yorke, Sir John, i. 305, 328.
Young, Sir John, mayor of Bristol, iv. 90, 198.
Young, Richard, i. 285; ii. 478; iv. 93, 96, 293, 297, 305, 310.
Z
Zanobi, iii. 13.
Zingerling, Justus, ii. 369, 457.
Page 560
INDEX III: OF PLACES
A
Abbotstone (Hants), iv. 85, 90, 106.
Aberdeen, ii. 269.
Absey Court, iv. 114.
Aldbury (Herts.), iv. 81.
Aldeburgh (Suffolk), plays at, ii. 2.
Aldermaston (Berks.), iv. 85, 107, 114.
Aldersbrook (Essex), iv. 98.
Aldershot (Hants), iv. 124.
Alderton (Glos.), iv. 107.
Alderton (Northants), iv. 123.
Alresford (Hants), iv. 90.
Alrewas (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Althorp (Northants), i. 126; iii. 391; iv. 117.
Amersham (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107.
Amesbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Ampthill (Beds.), iv. 120, 126.
Andover (Hants), iv. 128, 130.
Ankerwyke (Bucks.), iv. 82.
Apethorpe (Northants), iv. 83, 116, 120, 124, 126, 129.
Ardern Hall (Essex), iv. 103.
Artington. See Loseley.
Ashby, Castle (Northants), iv. 120, 124, 126.
Ashby de la Zouch (Leicester), i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 116.
Ashdon (Essex), iv. 95.
Audley End (Essex), i. 75; iv. 87, 95, 129.
Aveley (Essex), iv. 103.
Avington (Berks.), iv. 107.
Aylesbury (Bucks.), iv. 117.
B
Bagshot (Surrey), iv. 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 90, 100, 106, 125, 130.
Barham Hall (Cambs.), iv. 95.
A
Abbotstone (Hants), iv. 85, 90, 106.
Aberdeen, ii. 269.
Absey Court, iv. 114.
Aldbury (Herts.), iv. 81.
Aldeburgh (Suffolk), plays at, ii. 2.
Aldermaston (Berks.), iv. 85, 107, 114.
Aldersbrook (Essex), iv. 98.
Aldershot (Hants), iv. 124.
Alderton (Glos.), iv. 107.
Alderton (Northants), iv. 123.
Alresford (Hants), iv. 90.
Alrewas (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Althorp (Northants), i. 126; iii. 391; iv. 117.
Amersham (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107.
Amesbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Ampthill (Beds.), iv. 120, 126.
Andover (Hants), iv. 128, 130.
Ankerwyke (Bucks.), iv. 82.
Apethorpe (Northants), iv. 83, 116, 120, 124, 126, 129.
Ardern Hall (Essex), iv. 103.
Artington. See Loseley.
Ashby, Castle (Northants), iv. 120, 124, 126.
Ashby de la Zouch (Leicester), i. 174; iii. 434; iv. 116.
Ashdon (Essex), iv. 95.
Audley End (Essex), i. 75; iv. 87, 95, 129.
Aveley (Essex), iv. 103.
Avington (Berks.), iv. 107.
Aylesbury (Bucks.), iv. 117.
B
Bagshot (Surrey), iv. 78, 82, 83, 84, 85, 90, 100, 106, 125, 130.
Barham Hall (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Page 561
Barn Elms (Surrey), iv. 94, 99, 101, 102, 104, 109.
Barnet (Herts.), iv. 92, 93, 102.
Barnstaple (Devon), plays at, ii. 1.
Basing (Hants), i. 117; iv. 78, 85, 106, 114, 117, 122, 123, 128, 130.
Bastead (Kent), iv. 89.
Batenhall Park (Worcester), iv. 92.
Bath (Somerset), i. 122, 334; iv. 90, 128.
Battersea (Surrey), iv. 109.
Beachampton (Bucks.), iv. 88.
Beaudesert (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Beaulieu (Hants), iv. 121, 122, 123, 125, 128.
Beaurepaire (Hants), iv. 114.
Beddington (Surrey), iv. 84, 92, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106, 109,
111, 112, 113, 116.
Bedfont (Middlesex), iv. 107, 115.
Bedgebury (Kent), iv. 89.
Belhus (Essex), iv. 103.
Belvoir (Leicester), i. 118; iv. 116, 126, 129;
plays at, ii. 2.
Benenden (Kent), iv. 89.
Berden (Essex), iv. 95.
Berkeley (Glos.), i. 115; iv. 90.
Berwick (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Bethnal Green (Middlesex), iv. 88.
Bicester (Oxon.), iv. 85.
Binfield (Berks.), iv. 90.
Birch Hall (Essex), iv. 88.
Birling (Kent), iv. 89.
Bisham (Berks.), iv. 66, 85, 107, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Bishop Auckland (Durham), iv. 116.
Bishop’s Cannings (Wilts.), iii. 312; iv. 128.
Bishop’s Itchington (Warwick), iv. 88.
Bishop’s Waltham (Hants), iv. 106.
Blackwater (Hants), iv. 100.
Bletsoe (Beds.), iv. 83, 118, 120, 123, 124, 126.
Blyth (Notts.), iv. 116.
Boddington (Glos.), iv. 90.
Barnet (Herts.), iv. 92, 93, 102.
Barnstaple (Devon), plays at, ii. 1.
Basing (Hants), i. 117; iv. 78, 85, 106, 114, 117, 122, 123, 128, 130.
Bastead (Kent), iv. 89.
Batenhall Park (Worcester), iv. 92.
Bath (Somerset), i. 122, 334; iv. 90, 128.
Battersea (Surrey), iv. 109.
Beachampton (Bucks.), iv. 88.
Beaudesert (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Beaulieu (Hants), iv. 121, 122, 123, 125, 128.
Beaurepaire (Hants), iv. 114.
Beddington (Surrey), iv. 84, 92, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106, 109,
111, 112, 113, 116.
Bedfont (Middlesex), iv. 107, 115.
Bedgebury (Kent), iv. 89.
Belhus (Essex), iv. 103.
Belvoir (Leicester), i. 118; iv. 116, 126, 129;
plays at, ii. 2.
Benenden (Kent), iv. 89.
Berden (Essex), iv. 95.
Berkeley (Glos.), i. 115; iv. 90.
Berwick (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Bethnal Green (Middlesex), iv. 88.
Bicester (Oxon.), iv. 85.
Binfield (Berks.), iv. 90.
Birch Hall (Essex), iv. 88.
Birling (Kent), iv. 89.
Bisham (Berks.), iv. 66, 85, 107, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Bishop Auckland (Durham), iv. 116.
Bishop’s Cannings (Wilts.), iii. 312; iv. 128.
Bishop’s Itchington (Warwick), iv. 88.
Bishop’s Waltham (Hants), iv. 106.
Blackwater (Hants), iv. 100.
Bletsoe (Beds.), iv. 83, 118, 120, 123, 124, 126.
Blyth (Notts.), iv. 116.
Boddington (Glos.), iv. 90.
Page 562
Boreham (Essex), iv. 79, 96.
Boughton (Northants), iv. 81.
Boughton Malherbe (Kent), iv. 89.
Brabourne (Kent), iv. 89.
Bracon Ash (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Bradenham (Bucks.), iv. 83, 92.
Bramshott (Hants), iv. 106.
Brasted (Kent), i. 280.
Bray (Berks.), iv. 86, 88, 92, 114.
Braybrooke (Northants), iv. 81.
Breckles (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Brent Pelham (Herts.), iv. 87.
Brentford (Middlesex), i. 388; iv. 100, 114.
Brentwood (Essex), iv. 96.
Brickhill (Bucks.), iv. 84.
Bridgnorth (Shropshire), i. 335.
Bristol (Glos.), i. 139; ii. 68; iv. 60, 74, 90, 128, 379;
plays at, ii. 1.
Broadlands (Hants), iv. 130.
Brockett Hall (Herts.), iv. 88.
Brooke (Rutland), iv. 126.
Broughton (Oxon.), iv. 83.
Broxbourne (Herts.), iv. 91, 116.
Buckingham, iv. 84.
Bulley Hill (Kent), iv. 89, 99.
Burderhope (Wilts.), iv. 107.
Burford (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Burghfield (Berks.), iv. 107.
Burghley (Northants), iv. 116.
Burley on the Hill (Rutland), iv. 116, 129.
Bury St. Edmunds (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Bushmead (Beds.), iv. 83.
Byfleet (Surrey), iv. 86, 93, 99, 115.
Bygrave (Herts.), iv. 83.
C
Boughton (Northants), iv. 81.
Boughton Malherbe (Kent), iv. 89.
Brabourne (Kent), iv. 89.
Bracon Ash (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Bradenham (Bucks.), iv. 83, 92.
Bramshott (Hants), iv. 106.
Brasted (Kent), i. 280.
Bray (Berks.), iv. 86, 88, 92, 114.
Braybrooke (Northants), iv. 81.
Breckles (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Brent Pelham (Herts.), iv. 87.
Brentford (Middlesex), i. 388; iv. 100, 114.
Brentwood (Essex), iv. 96.
Brickhill (Bucks.), iv. 84.
Bridgnorth (Shropshire), i. 335.
Bristol (Glos.), i. 139; ii. 68; iv. 60, 74, 90, 128, 379;
plays at, ii. 1.
Broadlands (Hants), iv. 130.
Brockett Hall (Herts.), iv. 88.
Brooke (Rutland), iv. 126.
Broughton (Oxon.), iv. 83.
Broxbourne (Herts.), iv. 91, 116.
Buckingham, iv. 84.
Bulley Hill (Kent), iv. 89, 99.
Burderhope (Wilts.), iv. 107.
Burford (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Burghfield (Berks.), iv. 107.
Burghley (Northants), iv. 116.
Burley on the Hill (Rutland), iv. 116, 129.
Bury St. Edmunds (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Bushmead (Beds.), iv. 83.
Byfleet (Surrey), iv. 86, 93, 99, 115.
Bygrave (Herts.), iv. 83.
C
Page 563
Camberwell (Kent), iv. 109.
Cambridge, i. 127, 131, 226, 233, 250; ii. 99, 113, 206; iv. 49, 53, 81,
127, 130, 373–9.
Campden (Glos.), iv. 92.
Canterbury (Kent), i. 110, 117, 165, 334, 339; iv. 89, 98.
Cavendish (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Caversham (Oxon.), i. 174, 199; iv. 90, 114, 128.
Chalfont St. Giles (Bucks.), iv. 93.
Chamberhouse (Berks.), iv. 107.
Charlecote (Warwick), iv. 83, 88.
Charlton (Northants), iv. 84.
Charlton (Wilts.), iv. 128.
Chartley (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Chatham (Kent), iv. 121.
Chelsea (Middlesex), i. 17, 20; iv. 96, 100, 104, 107, 110, 111, 112,
113.
Chenies (Bucks.), i. 110, 118; iv. 86, 107.
Chequers (Bucks.), iv. 107.
Chertsey (Surrey), iv. 85, 115.
Cheshire, iv. 271.
Cheshunt (Herts.), iv. 102.
Chessington (Surrey), iv. 105.
Chester, i. 134, 339, 387; iv. 71, 124, 271.
Chicheley (Bucks.), iv. 88, 91.
Chichester (Sussex), iv. 106.
Chigwell (Essex), iv. 93.
Chillington (Staffs.), iv. 92.
Chippenham (Wilts.), iv. 95.
Chislehurst (Kent), iv. 110.
Chiswick (Middlesex), iv. 91, 115.
Chobham (Surrey), iv. 97, 99, 100, 105.
Churcham (Glos.), iv. 90.
Cirencester (Glos.), iv. 107.
Clandon (Surrey), iv. 106, 114.
Clapham (Surrey), iv. 94, 99, 102.
Clarendon Park (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Claybury (Essex), iv. 111.
Cambridge, i. 127, 131, 226, 233, 250; ii. 99, 113, 206; iv. 49, 53, 81,
127, 130, 373–9.
Campden (Glos.), iv. 92.
Canterbury (Kent), i. 110, 117, 165, 334, 339; iv. 89, 98.
Cavendish (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Caversham (Oxon.), i. 174, 199; iv. 90, 114, 128.
Chalfont St. Giles (Bucks.), iv. 93.
Chamberhouse (Berks.), iv. 107.
Charlecote (Warwick), iv. 83, 88.
Charlton (Northants), iv. 84.
Charlton (Wilts.), iv. 128.
Chartley (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Chatham (Kent), iv. 121.
Chelsea (Middlesex), i. 17, 20; iv. 96, 100, 104, 107, 110, 111, 112,
113.
Chenies (Bucks.), i. 110, 118; iv. 86, 107.
Chequers (Bucks.), iv. 107.
Chertsey (Surrey), iv. 85, 115.
Cheshire, iv. 271.
Cheshunt (Herts.), iv. 102.
Chessington (Surrey), iv. 105.
Chester, i. 134, 339, 387; iv. 71, 124, 271.
Chicheley (Bucks.), iv. 88, 91.
Chichester (Sussex), iv. 106.
Chigwell (Essex), iv. 93.
Chillington (Staffs.), iv. 92.
Chippenham (Wilts.), iv. 95.
Chislehurst (Kent), iv. 110.
Chiswick (Middlesex), iv. 91, 115.
Chobham (Surrey), iv. 97, 99, 100, 105.
Churcham (Glos.), iv. 90.
Cirencester (Glos.), iv. 107.
Clandon (Surrey), iv. 106, 114.
Clapham (Surrey), iv. 94, 99, 102.
Clarendon Park (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Claybury (Essex), iv. 111.
Page 564
Cobham (Kent), i. 15; iv. 77, 89.
Cobham (Surrey), iv. 100.
Colchester (Essex), ii. 345; iv. 79.
Colly Weston (Northants), iv. 83.
Colnbrook (Bucks.), iv. 90, 92, 97, 99, 102, 107.
Colton (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Combe (Surrey), iv. 109.
Combe Abbey (Warwick), i. 12.
Comfort (Kent), iv. 89.
Compton Wyniates (Warwick), iv. 88.
Copt Hall (Essex), iv. 84, 94.
Cornbury (Oxon.), iv. 92.
Costessy (Norfolk), iv. 63, 95.
Coventry (Warwick), i. 116, 126, 335; iv. 83;
plays at, ii. 1.
Cowdray (Sussex), i. 110; iv. 65, 106.
Cranborne (Dorset), iv. 123.
Cranbrook (Kent), iv. 89.
Crondall (Hants), iv. 114.
Croydon (Surrey), ii. 160; iii. 426, 451; iv. 52, 77, 83, 89, 101, 102,
105, 106, 108, 113.
D
Dallington (Northants), iv. 81.
Dartford (Kent), iv. 77, 99.
Datchet (Bucks.), iv. 115.
De Greys (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Dean, West (Sussex), iv. 106.
Deene (Northants), iv. 83.
Denham (Bucks.), iv. 86, 107.
Deptford (Kent), iii. 419; iv. 78, 89, 92, 94, 96, 97, 98.
Dingley (Northants), iv. 83, 117, 127.
Ditchley (Oxon.), iii. 399, 407; iv. 107.
Ditton Park (Bucks.), iv. 97, 105.
Doncaster (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Donnington (Berks.), iv. 85, 107.
Cobham (Surrey), iv. 100.
Colchester (Essex), ii. 345; iv. 79.
Colly Weston (Northants), iv. 83.
Colnbrook (Bucks.), iv. 90, 92, 97, 99, 102, 107.
Colton (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Combe (Surrey), iv. 109.
Combe Abbey (Warwick), i. 12.
Comfort (Kent), iv. 89.
Compton Wyniates (Warwick), iv. 88.
Copt Hall (Essex), iv. 84, 94.
Cornbury (Oxon.), iv. 92.
Costessy (Norfolk), iv. 63, 95.
Coventry (Warwick), i. 116, 126, 335; iv. 83;
plays at, ii. 1.
Cowdray (Sussex), i. 110; iv. 65, 106.
Cranborne (Dorset), iv. 123.
Cranbrook (Kent), iv. 89.
Crondall (Hants), iv. 114.
Croydon (Surrey), ii. 160; iii. 426, 451; iv. 52, 77, 83, 89, 101, 102,
105, 106, 108, 113.
D
Dallington (Northants), iv. 81.
Dartford (Kent), iv. 77, 99.
Datchet (Bucks.), iv. 115.
De Greys (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Dean, West (Sussex), iv. 106.
Deene (Northants), iv. 83.
Denham (Bucks.), iv. 86, 107.
Deptford (Kent), iii. 419; iv. 78, 89, 92, 94, 96, 97, 98.
Dingley (Northants), iv. 83, 117, 127.
Ditchley (Oxon.), iii. 399, 407; iv. 107.
Ditton Park (Bucks.), iv. 97, 105.
Doncaster (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Donnington (Berks.), iv. 85, 107.
Page 565
Dover (Kent), iv. 89, 98;
plays at, ii. 1.
Down Ampney (Wilts.), iv. 107.
Drayton (Northants), iv. 120.
Drayton, West (Middlesex), iv. 115.
Dudley (Worcester), i. 119; iv. 92.
Dulwich (Surrey), i. 349, 360; ii. 298.
Dunglass (Haddington), iv. 116.
Dunstable (Beds.), iv. 84, 88.
Dunwich (Suffolk), plays at, ii. 2.
Durham, iv. 116.
E
Earlham (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Easton Neston (Northants), iv. 81, 84, 88, 117, 119.
Edgecott (Northants), iv. 88.
Edinburgh, ii. 78, 265–9.
Edmonton (Middlesex), iv. 100, 101, 111.
Egham (Surrey), iv. 99, 100, 108.
Ellenhall (Staffs.), iv. 92.
Elmley Bredon (Worcester), iv. 92.
Elsborough (Bucks.), iv. 107.
Eltham (Kent), i. 11, 15; iv. 77, 78, 79, 92, 98, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115,
126.
Elvetham (Hants), i. 123; iv. 66, 106.
Enfield (Middlesex), i. 11; iv. 79, 81, 84, 88, 102, 105, 108, 111.
Englefield (Berks.), iv. 114, 125.
Epsom (Surrey), iv. 114.
Erith (Kent), iv. 103.
Erlestoke (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Esher (Surrey), iv. 113.
Eton (Bucks.), ii. 73; iv. 97, 107, 119.
Euston (Suffolk), i. 114; iv. 95.
Evesham (Worcester), iv. 92.
Ewelme (Oxon.), iv. 85, 86, 88.
Exeter (Devon), ii. 69, 355; iii. 424;
plays at, ii. 1.
Down Ampney (Wilts.), iv. 107.
Drayton (Northants), iv. 120.
Drayton, West (Middlesex), iv. 115.
Dudley (Worcester), i. 119; iv. 92.
Dulwich (Surrey), i. 349, 360; ii. 298.
Dunglass (Haddington), iv. 116.
Dunstable (Beds.), iv. 84, 88.
Dunwich (Suffolk), plays at, ii. 2.
Durham, iv. 116.
E
Earlham (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Easton Neston (Northants), iv. 81, 84, 88, 117, 119.
Edgecott (Northants), iv. 88.
Edinburgh, ii. 78, 265–9.
Edmonton (Middlesex), iv. 100, 101, 111.
Egham (Surrey), iv. 99, 100, 108.
Ellenhall (Staffs.), iv. 92.
Elmley Bredon (Worcester), iv. 92.
Elsborough (Bucks.), iv. 107.
Eltham (Kent), i. 11, 15; iv. 77, 78, 79, 92, 98, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115,
126.
Elvetham (Hants), i. 123; iv. 66, 106.
Enfield (Middlesex), i. 11; iv. 79, 81, 84, 88, 102, 105, 108, 111.
Englefield (Berks.), iv. 114, 125.
Epsom (Surrey), iv. 114.
Erith (Kent), iv. 103.
Erlestoke (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Esher (Surrey), iv. 113.
Eton (Bucks.), ii. 73; iv. 97, 107, 119.
Euston (Suffolk), i. 114; iv. 95.
Evesham (Worcester), iv. 92.
Ewelme (Oxon.), iv. 85, 86, 88.
Exeter (Devon), ii. 69, 355; iii. 424;
Page 566
plays at, ii. 1.
Exton (Rutland), i. 12; iv. 83.
Eythorpe (Bucks.), iv. 86.
F
Fairthorne (Hants), iv. 106.
Farleigh (Hants), iv. 106.
Farnham (Surrey), iv. 78, 82, 84, 85, 90, 93, 106, 114, 117, 121, 123,
125, 128, 130.
Faversham (Kent), iv. 89, 98.
Fawsley (Northants), iv. 91.
Felix Hall (Essex), iv. 79.
Fenham (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Fold (Middlesex), iv. 88, 92, 93.
Folkestone (Kent), iv. 89.
Fotheringay (Northants), iv. 83.
Friern Barnet (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Frocester (Glos.), iv. 90.
Fulham (Middlesex), iv. 103, 114, 117.
G
Gaynes Park (Essex), iv. 95.
Giddy Hall (Essex), iv. 84, 96.
Gillingham (Kent), iv. 77, 89.
Gloucester, i. 333; iv. 90;
plays at, ii. 1.
Godmanchester (Hunts.), iv. 116.
Gorhambury (Herts.), i. 110, 117; iv. 88, 93.
Gosfield (Essex), iv. 79.
Goudhurst (Kent), iv. 89.
Grafton (Northants), iv. 81, 84, 91, 117, 120, 123, 124, 127, 129.
Grantchester (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Grantham (Lincs.), ii. 222.
Gravesend (Kent), i. 138; iv. 96, 121, 129.
Greenwich (Kent), i. 9, 12, 15, 138; ii. 33; iii. 349; iv. 77–130 passim,
351.
Exton (Rutland), i. 12; iv. 83.
Eythorpe (Bucks.), iv. 86.
F
Fairthorne (Hants), iv. 106.
Farleigh (Hants), iv. 106.
Farnham (Surrey), iv. 78, 82, 84, 85, 90, 93, 106, 114, 117, 121, 123,
125, 128, 130.
Faversham (Kent), iv. 89, 98.
Fawsley (Northants), iv. 91.
Felix Hall (Essex), iv. 79.
Fenham (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Fold (Middlesex), iv. 88, 92, 93.
Folkestone (Kent), iv. 89.
Fotheringay (Northants), iv. 83.
Friern Barnet (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Frocester (Glos.), iv. 90.
Fulham (Middlesex), iv. 103, 114, 117.
G
Gaynes Park (Essex), iv. 95.
Giddy Hall (Essex), iv. 84, 96.
Gillingham (Kent), iv. 77, 89.
Gloucester, i. 333; iv. 90;
plays at, ii. 1.
Godmanchester (Hunts.), iv. 116.
Gorhambury (Herts.), i. 110, 117; iv. 88, 93.
Gosfield (Essex), iv. 79.
Goudhurst (Kent), iv. 89.
Grafton (Northants), iv. 81, 84, 91, 117, 120, 123, 124, 127, 129.
Grantchester (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Grantham (Lincs.), ii. 222.
Gravesend (Kent), i. 138; iv. 96, 121, 129.
Greenwich (Kent), i. 9, 12, 15, 138; ii. 33; iii. 349; iv. 77–130 passim,
351.
Page 567
Grimsthorpe (Lincs.), iv. 83;
plays at, ii. 2.
Grimston (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Guildford (Surrey), i. 110; iv. 84, 85, 93, 100, 106.
Gunnersbury (Middlesex), iv. 87.
H
Hackney (Middlesex), iv. 84, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110.
Hadleigh (Suffolk), i. 338; iv. 319.
Hadley (Middlesex), iv. 77, 87.
Hallingbury, Great (Essex), iv. 79, 93.
Hallow Park (Worcester), iv. 92.
Ham (Surrey), iv. 86.
Ham, West (Essex), iii. 369; iv. 95.
Hammersmith (Middlesex), iv. 106.
Hampden (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107, 117.
Hampstead Marshall (Berks.), iv. 107.
Hampton Court (Middlesex), i. 9, 12, 13, 15, 108, 144; iii. 277; iv. 77–
128 passim.
Hanwell (Oxon.), iv. 120, 127.
Hanworth (Middlesex), iv. 94, 107, 113, 114, 117.
Harefield (Middlesex), i. 117, 125; ii. 207; iv. 67, 115.
Harlington (Middlesex), iv. 115.
Harmondsworth (Middlesex), iv. 97.
Harold’s Park (Essex), iv. 93.
Harrow (Middlesex), iv. 81, 87, 102.
Harrowden (Northants), iv. 120.
Hartlebury (Worcester), iv. 92.
Hartley Wintney (Hants), iv. 78, 85.
Harwich (Essex), iv. 79.
Haslingfield (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Hatfield (Herts.), i. 11, 12, 126; ii. 12, 13; iv. 77, 79, 83, 84, 87, 88, 91,
92, 93, 120.
Hatfield Broadoak (Essex), iv. 93, 95, 129.
Havering (Essex), i. 11, 12, 21; iv. 79, 84, 88, 93, 95, 96, 105, 111,
120, 126.
plays at, ii. 2.
Grimston (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Guildford (Surrey), i. 110; iv. 84, 85, 93, 100, 106.
Gunnersbury (Middlesex), iv. 87.
H
Hackney (Middlesex), iv. 84, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110.
Hadleigh (Suffolk), i. 338; iv. 319.
Hadley (Middlesex), iv. 77, 87.
Hallingbury, Great (Essex), iv. 79, 93.
Hallow Park (Worcester), iv. 92.
Ham (Surrey), iv. 86.
Ham, West (Essex), iii. 369; iv. 95.
Hammersmith (Middlesex), iv. 106.
Hampden (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107, 117.
Hampstead Marshall (Berks.), iv. 107.
Hampton Court (Middlesex), i. 9, 12, 13, 15, 108, 144; iii. 277; iv. 77–
128 passim.
Hanwell (Oxon.), iv. 120, 127.
Hanworth (Middlesex), iv. 94, 107, 113, 114, 117.
Harefield (Middlesex), i. 117, 125; ii. 207; iv. 67, 115.
Harlington (Middlesex), iv. 115.
Harmondsworth (Middlesex), iv. 97.
Harold’s Park (Essex), iv. 93.
Harrow (Middlesex), iv. 81, 87, 102.
Harrowden (Northants), iv. 120.
Hartlebury (Worcester), iv. 92.
Hartley Wintney (Hants), iv. 78, 85.
Harwich (Essex), iv. 79.
Haslingfield (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Hatfield (Herts.), i. 11, 12, 126; ii. 12, 13; iv. 77, 79, 83, 84, 87, 88, 91,
92, 93, 120.
Hatfield Broadoak (Essex), iv. 93, 95, 129.
Havering (Essex), i. 11, 12, 21; iv. 79, 84, 88, 93, 95, 96, 105, 111,
120, 126.
Page 568
Haynes (Beds.), iv. 129.
Hazelbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Hedgerley (Bucks.), iv. 93.
Hedingham (Essex), iv. 79.
Hemstead (Kent), iv. 89.
Hendon (Middlesex), iv. 83, 87, 92, 108.
Hengrave (Suffolk), iv. 63, 95.
Henham Park (Essex), iv. 87.
Herriard (Hants), iv. 90.
Hertford (Herts.), iv. 79, 81, 93, 346, 347, 348.
Heytesbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Highgate (Middlesex), i. 126; iii. 391; iv. 92, 93, 99, 104, 108, 111,
113, 118.
Hinchinbrook (Hunts.), i. 13, 127; iii. 498; iv. 81, 116.
Hindlip (Worcester), iv. 92.
Hitcham (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Holcutt (Beds.), iv. 91.
Holdenby (Northants), i. 13; iv. 117, 123, 124, 127, 129.
Holt (Sussex?), iv. 106.
Holton (Oxon.), iv. 88, 90, 92, 107.
Horham Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Horndon (Essex), iv. 103.
Horseheath (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Horsley, East (Surrey), iv. 106.
Horsley, West (Surrey), i. 15, 157; iv. 78, 79, 86.
Hothfield (Kent), iv. 89.
Houghton Conquest (Beds.), iv. 83, 86.
Hounslow (Middlesex), iv. 103, 115.
Hull (Yorks.), i. 339.
Hurst (Berks.), iv. 93, 107, 114.
Hurstbourne (Hants), iv. 85.
Hyde Hall (Herts.), iv. 95.
I
Ilford (Essex), iv. 96, 98.
Ingatestone (Essex), iv. 79, 96.
Hazelbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Hedgerley (Bucks.), iv. 93.
Hedingham (Essex), iv. 79.
Hemstead (Kent), iv. 89.
Hendon (Middlesex), iv. 83, 87, 92, 108.
Hengrave (Suffolk), iv. 63, 95.
Henham Park (Essex), iv. 87.
Herriard (Hants), iv. 90.
Hertford (Herts.), iv. 79, 81, 93, 346, 347, 348.
Heytesbury (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Highgate (Middlesex), i. 126; iii. 391; iv. 92, 93, 99, 104, 108, 111,
113, 118.
Hinchinbrook (Hunts.), i. 13, 127; iii. 498; iv. 81, 116.
Hindlip (Worcester), iv. 92.
Hitcham (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Holcutt (Beds.), iv. 91.
Holdenby (Northants), i. 13; iv. 117, 123, 124, 127, 129.
Holt (Sussex?), iv. 106.
Holton (Oxon.), iv. 88, 90, 92, 107.
Horham Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Horndon (Essex), iv. 103.
Horseheath (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Horsley, East (Surrey), iv. 106.
Horsley, West (Surrey), i. 15, 157; iv. 78, 79, 86.
Hothfield (Kent), iv. 89.
Houghton Conquest (Beds.), iv. 83, 86.
Hounslow (Middlesex), iv. 103, 115.
Hull (Yorks.), i. 339.
Hurst (Berks.), iv. 93, 107, 114.
Hurstbourne (Hants), iv. 85.
Hyde Hall (Herts.), iv. 95.
I
Ilford (Essex), iv. 96, 98.
Ingatestone (Essex), iv. 79, 96.
Page 569
Ipswich (Suffolk), i. 335; iv. 79;
plays at, ii. 2.
Irnham (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Iron Acton (Glos.), iv. 90.
Islehampstead (Bucks.), iv. 88.
Isleworth (Middlesex), iv. 94.
K
Katharine Hall (Surrey?), iv. 106.
Keddington (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Kendal (Westmorland), iv. 253.
Kenilworth (Warwick), i. 13, 118, 122, 166; iii. 468; iv. 61, 83, 88, 91.
Kenninghall (Norfolk), iv. 63, 95.
Kennington (Surrey), i. 150.
Kensington (Middlesex), i. 220; iv. 103, 111, 126.
Kettering (Northants), iv. 31.
Kew (Surrey), i. 12, 125; iv. 110.
Keynsham (Somerset), iv. 90.
Kilndown (Kent), iv. 89.
Kimberley (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Kimbolton (Hunts.), iv. 81, 83.
King’s Lynn (Norfolk), iv. 253.
Kingscliffe (Northants), iv. 83.
Kingsley (Hants), iv. 85.
Kingston (Surrey), i. 87, 108; iv. 84, 100, 110, 111, 112, 113.
Kirby (Northants), iv. 124, 126.
Kirtling (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Knebworth (Herts.), iv. 83, 84, 87.
L
Lacock (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Laleham (Surrey), iv. 108.
Lambeth (Surrey), i. 20, 114; iv. 77–115 passim.
Lamer (Herts.), iv. 123.
Lancashire, i. 339; iv. 311.
Langley (Oxon.), iv. 88, 90, 92, 119.
plays at, ii. 2.
Irnham (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Iron Acton (Glos.), iv. 90.
Islehampstead (Bucks.), iv. 88.
Isleworth (Middlesex), iv. 94.
K
Katharine Hall (Surrey?), iv. 106.
Keddington (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Kendal (Westmorland), iv. 253.
Kenilworth (Warwick), i. 13, 118, 122, 166; iii. 468; iv. 61, 83, 88, 91.
Kenninghall (Norfolk), iv. 63, 95.
Kennington (Surrey), i. 150.
Kensington (Middlesex), i. 220; iv. 103, 111, 126.
Kettering (Northants), iv. 31.
Kew (Surrey), i. 12, 125; iv. 110.
Keynsham (Somerset), iv. 90.
Kilndown (Kent), iv. 89.
Kimberley (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Kimbolton (Hunts.), iv. 81, 83.
King’s Lynn (Norfolk), iv. 253.
Kingscliffe (Northants), iv. 83.
Kingsley (Hants), iv. 85.
Kingston (Surrey), i. 87, 108; iv. 84, 100, 110, 111, 112, 113.
Kirby (Northants), iv. 124, 126.
Kirtling (Cambs.), iv. 95.
Knebworth (Herts.), iv. 83, 84, 87.
L
Lacock (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Laleham (Surrey), iv. 108.
Lambeth (Surrey), i. 20, 114; iv. 77–115 passim.
Lamer (Herts.), iv. 123.
Lancashire, i. 339; iv. 311.
Langley (Oxon.), iv. 88, 90, 92, 119.
Page 570
Latimer (Bucks.), iv. 88, 93, 107.
Latton (Essex), iv. 87, 93, 95.
Launde (Leicester), iv. 81.
Lawshall (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Layer Marney (Essex), iv. 79.
Leatherhead (Surrey), iv. 106.
Lees (Essex), iv. 79, 87.
Leicester, i. 116, 334, 337; ii. 221; iv. 116, 126, 129;
plays at, ii. 2.
Leighton Bromswold (Hunts.), iv. 83.
Lewes (Sussex), i. 110.
Lewisham (Kent), iv. 101, 103, 115.
Leyton (Essex), iv. 98, 111, 118.
Lichfield (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Linton (Cambs.), iv. 95.
London, Westminster and Suburbs
—City of London and Whitefriars.
Artillery Garden, iii. 340;
Baynard’s Castle, i. 9, 159, 160; ii. 494; iv. 77, 80, 81, 82, 91, 113;
Bishopsgate (Bull), ii. 380; iv. 86, 87, 88;
Boar’s Head (Aldgate), ii. 356, 443;
Boar’s Head (Eastcheap), ii. 443;
Bridewell, ii. 52, 476, 481; iii. 496;
Britain’s Burse, i. 10; iii. 129;
Carpenters’ Hall, ii. 356;
Carter Lane, ii. 481, 483;
Castle Lane, ii. 481;
Christ Church, ii. 44;
Christ’s Hospital, iii. 458;
Clothworkers’ Hall, iv. 122;
Conduits, i. 132; ii. 453; iv. 121;
Convocation House, ii. 13, 16;
Counter (Poultry), ii. 164; iv. 367;
Counter (Wood St.), iv. 282;
Creed Lane, ii. 481;
Crosby Hall, i. 10;
Dorset (Sackville) House, i. 161; ii. 516; iv. 81, 113;
Latton (Essex), iv. 87, 93, 95.
Launde (Leicester), iv. 81.
Lawshall (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Layer Marney (Essex), iv. 79.
Leatherhead (Surrey), iv. 106.
Lees (Essex), iv. 79, 87.
Leicester, i. 116, 334, 337; ii. 221; iv. 116, 126, 129;
plays at, ii. 2.
Leighton Bromswold (Hunts.), iv. 83.
Lewes (Sussex), i. 110.
Lewisham (Kent), iv. 101, 103, 115.
Leyton (Essex), iv. 98, 111, 118.
Lichfield (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Linton (Cambs.), iv. 95.
London, Westminster and Suburbs
—City of London and Whitefriars.
Artillery Garden, iii. 340;
Baynard’s Castle, i. 9, 159, 160; ii. 494; iv. 77, 80, 81, 82, 91, 113;
Bishopsgate (Bull), ii. 380; iv. 86, 87, 88;
Boar’s Head (Aldgate), ii. 356, 443;
Boar’s Head (Eastcheap), ii. 443;
Bridewell, ii. 52, 476, 481; iii. 496;
Britain’s Burse, i. 10; iii. 129;
Carpenters’ Hall, ii. 356;
Carter Lane, ii. 481, 483;
Castle Lane, ii. 481;
Christ Church, ii. 44;
Christ’s Hospital, iii. 458;
Clothworkers’ Hall, iv. 122;
Conduits, i. 132; ii. 453; iv. 121;
Convocation House, ii. 13, 16;
Counter (Poultry), ii. 164; iv. 367;
Counter (Wood St.), iv. 282;
Creed Lane, ii. 481;
Crosby Hall, i. 10;
Dorset (Sackville) House, i. 161; ii. 516; iv. 81, 113;
Page 571
East Smithfield, i. 301, 304; iv. 327, 340;
Ely Place, i. 102; iii. 235; iv. 103, 104, 105, 106;
Fleet Ditch, ii. 476, 481;
Fleet St., ii. 159;
Gracechurch St. (Bell, Cross Keys), ii. 344, 380–2;
Guildhall, i. 135; iv. 121;
Heneage House, iv. 100;
Holborn, i. 220; ii. 475; iv. 112;
Huntingdon House, iv. 110;
Leadenhall, iv. 290;
London Bridge, ii. 366, 376;
Ludgate Hill or Bowier Row (Bel Savage), ii. 382, 481;
Merchant Taylors, i. 134, 174; ii. 75, 213; iii. 442; iv. 102, 122, 129;
New Fish St., ii. 159;
Newgate, ii. 54; iv. 298;
Northumberland Place, ii. 356; iii. 502;
Puddle Wharf, ii. 472, 481;
St. Andrew’s Hill, i. 9; ii. 474;
St. Andrew’s (Holborn), iii. 507;
St. Antholin’s, i. 262;
St. Bartholomew’s, ii. 44;
St. Botolph’s (Aldersgate), ii. 356;
St. Giles’s (Cripplegate), ii. 295, 435; iv. 12;
St. Gregory’s, ii. 13, 16;
St. Leonard’s (Shoreditch), ii. 295, 384;
St. Mary’s (Aldermanbury), ii. 311, 320;
St. Mary-le-Bow, i. 104;
St. Mary Woolnoth, ii. 73;
St. Mildred’s (Bread St.), ii. 404;
St. Paul’s Cathedral, i. 135; ii. 9–11; iii. 128; iv. 103;
its weathercock, iii. 466; iv. 31, 37;
St. Paul’s Churchyard, iii. 420;
St. Paul’s Cross, i. 254, 262; iv. 208;
St. Paul’s Grammar School, i. 132, 133; iv. 56;
St. Peter’s Hill, i. 103;
Salisbury Court, ii. 516–17;
Southampton House, iv. 119;
Ely Place, i. 102; iii. 235; iv. 103, 104, 105, 106;
Fleet Ditch, ii. 476, 481;
Fleet St., ii. 159;
Gracechurch St. (Bell, Cross Keys), ii. 344, 380–2;
Guildhall, i. 135; iv. 121;
Heneage House, iv. 100;
Holborn, i. 220; ii. 475; iv. 112;
Huntingdon House, iv. 110;
Leadenhall, iv. 290;
London Bridge, ii. 366, 376;
Ludgate Hill or Bowier Row (Bel Savage), ii. 382, 481;
Merchant Taylors, i. 134, 174; ii. 75, 213; iii. 442; iv. 102, 122, 129;
New Fish St., ii. 159;
Newgate, ii. 54; iv. 298;
Northumberland Place, ii. 356; iii. 502;
Puddle Wharf, ii. 472, 481;
St. Andrew’s Hill, i. 9; ii. 474;
St. Andrew’s (Holborn), iii. 507;
St. Antholin’s, i. 262;
St. Bartholomew’s, ii. 44;
St. Botolph’s (Aldersgate), ii. 356;
St. Giles’s (Cripplegate), ii. 295, 435; iv. 12;
St. Gregory’s, ii. 13, 16;
St. Leonard’s (Shoreditch), ii. 295, 384;
St. Mary’s (Aldermanbury), ii. 311, 320;
St. Mary-le-Bow, i. 104;
St. Mary Woolnoth, ii. 73;
St. Mildred’s (Bread St.), ii. 404;
St. Paul’s Cathedral, i. 135; ii. 9–11; iii. 128; iv. 103;
its weathercock, iii. 466; iv. 31, 37;
St. Paul’s Churchyard, iii. 420;
St. Paul’s Cross, i. 254, 262; iv. 208;
St. Paul’s Grammar School, i. 132, 133; iv. 56;
St. Peter’s Hill, i. 103;
Salisbury Court, ii. 516–17;
Southampton House, iv. 119;
Page 572
Stationers’ Hall, iii. 166, 174, 186, 422;
Tower, i. 9, 131, 134; iv. 77, 79, 82, 100, 116, 118, 120, 123, 124;
Trinity Hall, ii. 356;
Wardrobe, i. 9; ii. 473, 476;
Warwick Inn, i. 74; ii. 491;
Water Lane (Fleet St.), ii. 516;
Whitefriars, i. 10, 103; ii. 477–9, 515–7.
—Blackfriars, i. 10, 74, 76, 95, 169; ii. 48, 194, 475–515; iv. 107, 113,
114, 115;
Ankerhouse, ii. 483;
Apothecaries’ Hall, ii. 492, 507; iv. 372;
Bridewell Lane, ii. 482;
Cobham House, ii. 485, 488, 492, 504;
Duchy Chamber, ii. 490, 502;
Fleet Bridge, ii. 481;
Gate St., ii. 481;
Glass-house, ii. 506;
High St., ii. 482;
Hunsdon House, ii. 501, 504, 506;
Ireland Yard, ii. 482–3;
King’s Printing House, ii. 506;
Pipe Office, ii. 498, 504;
Porter’s Hall playhouse, ii. 472;
Printing House Lane, ii. 501;
St. Anne’s, ii. 474, 478, 482, 486, 491, 511; iv. 320;
Shoemakers’ Row, ii. 483;
Stairs, ii. 481;
Water Lane, ii. 482, 484, 501, 508.
—Middlesex Suburbs.
Blackwall, iv. 113, 121;
Charterhouse, i. 10; iv. 77, 79, 84, 97, 116;
Finsbury, ii. 435;
Finsbury Fields, ii. 370, 385–6, 396;
Golden Lane (Fortune), ii. 435;
Holywell (Theatre, Curtain), ii. 363, 384, 400;
Hoxton fields, ii. 158, 400; iii. 353;
Islington (Saracen’s Head), ii. 127, 356;
Tower, i. 9, 131, 134; iv. 77, 79, 82, 100, 116, 118, 120, 123, 124;
Trinity Hall, ii. 356;
Wardrobe, i. 9; ii. 473, 476;
Warwick Inn, i. 74; ii. 491;
Water Lane (Fleet St.), ii. 516;
Whitefriars, i. 10, 103; ii. 477–9, 515–7.
—Blackfriars, i. 10, 74, 76, 95, 169; ii. 48, 194, 475–515; iv. 107, 113,
114, 115;
Ankerhouse, ii. 483;
Apothecaries’ Hall, ii. 492, 507; iv. 372;
Bridewell Lane, ii. 482;
Cobham House, ii. 485, 488, 492, 504;
Duchy Chamber, ii. 490, 502;
Fleet Bridge, ii. 481;
Gate St., ii. 481;
Glass-house, ii. 506;
High St., ii. 482;
Hunsdon House, ii. 501, 504, 506;
Ireland Yard, ii. 482–3;
King’s Printing House, ii. 506;
Pipe Office, ii. 498, 504;
Porter’s Hall playhouse, ii. 472;
Printing House Lane, ii. 501;
St. Anne’s, ii. 474, 478, 482, 486, 491, 511; iv. 320;
Shoemakers’ Row, ii. 483;
Stairs, ii. 481;
Water Lane, ii. 482, 484, 501, 508.
—Middlesex Suburbs.
Blackwall, iv. 113, 121;
Charterhouse, i. 10; iv. 77, 79, 84, 97, 116;
Finsbury, ii. 435;
Finsbury Fields, ii. 370, 385–6, 396;
Golden Lane (Fortune), ii. 435;
Holywell (Theatre, Curtain), ii. 363, 384, 400;
Hoxton fields, ii. 158, 400; iii. 353;
Islington (Saracen’s Head), ii. 127, 356;
Page 573
Kingsgate, i. 13;
Marylebone Park, i. 11;
Mile End, i. 139: iv. 77, 102;
Moorfields, ii. 401;
New River, i. 137; iii. 443;
Nightingale Lane, iv. 327;
St. James’s (Clerkenwell), ii. 445;
St. John’s (Clerkenwell), i. 11, 76, 79, 95, 101, 223; ii. 481; iv. 250,
252;
St. John St. (Red Bull), ii. 445;
Stepney (Red Lion), ii. 380;
Stratford at Bow, iv. 93, 96, 121;
Whitechapel (Boar’s Head), ii. 67, 242, 444;
Whitecross St., ii. 435.
—Southwark and Surrey Suburbs.
Bankside (Rose, Globe, Hope), ii. 359, 363, 370, 376–8, 449;
Barge, Bell and Cock, ii. 464;
Bargehouse, i. 8; ii. 413, 460;
Bearsfoot Alley, ii. 470;
Beargardens, ii. 449–65;
Beargardens Lane, ii. 463, 470;
Bermondsey, ii. 459; iv. 83, 86;
Clink, ii. 228, 359, 376, 406, 459, 461;
Copt Hall, ii. 411, 461;
Cuckold’s Haven, iii. 149;
Deadman’s Place, ii. 377, 427;
Globe Alley, ii. 378, 427–33;
Holland St., ii. 377, 461;
Horseshoe Alley, ii. 433;
Lambeth Marsh, ii. 459;
Maid (Maiden) Lane, ii. 359, 377, 405, 427–33;
Marshalsea, ii. 132, 163; iii. 353; iv. 280, 310, 323;
Mason Stairs, ii. 462;
Newington (Newington Butts), ii. 359, 404; iv. 111, 113;
Paris Garden or Wideflete (Swan), i. 8, 63; ii. 342, 359, 376, 449,
458–61;
Palmyra, ii. 428;
Marylebone Park, i. 11;
Mile End, i. 139: iv. 77, 102;
Moorfields, ii. 401;
New River, i. 137; iii. 443;
Nightingale Lane, iv. 327;
St. James’s (Clerkenwell), ii. 445;
St. John’s (Clerkenwell), i. 11, 76, 79, 95, 101, 223; ii. 481; iv. 250,
252;
St. John St. (Red Bull), ii. 445;
Stepney (Red Lion), ii. 380;
Stratford at Bow, iv. 93, 96, 121;
Whitechapel (Boar’s Head), ii. 67, 242, 444;
Whitecross St., ii. 435.
—Southwark and Surrey Suburbs.
Bankside (Rose, Globe, Hope), ii. 359, 363, 370, 376–8, 449;
Barge, Bell and Cock, ii. 464;
Bargehouse, i. 8; ii. 413, 460;
Bearsfoot Alley, ii. 470;
Beargardens, ii. 449–65;
Beargardens Lane, ii. 463, 470;
Bermondsey, ii. 459; iv. 83, 86;
Clink, ii. 228, 359, 376, 406, 459, 461;
Copt Hall, ii. 411, 461;
Cuckold’s Haven, iii. 149;
Deadman’s Place, ii. 377, 427;
Globe Alley, ii. 378, 427–33;
Holland St., ii. 377, 461;
Horseshoe Alley, ii. 433;
Lambeth Marsh, ii. 459;
Maid (Maiden) Lane, ii. 359, 377, 405, 427–33;
Marshalsea, ii. 132, 163; iii. 353; iv. 280, 310, 323;
Mason Stairs, ii. 462;
Newington (Newington Butts), ii. 359, 404; iv. 111, 113;
Paris Garden or Wideflete (Swan), i. 8, 63; ii. 342, 359, 376, 449,
458–61;
Palmyra, ii. 428;
Page 574
Park, ii. 431;
Pike Garden, ii. 462;
Rose Alley, ii. 406;
St. George’s Fields, ii. 359; iv. 86;
St. Margaret’s, ii. 405, 427;
St. Mary Overies, i. 262, 263, 376, 427;
St. Saviour’s, ii. 405, 427;
Stews, i. 359; ii. 376, 405, 460, 462;
Southwark, i. 275, 300, 315, 317, 359; ii. 99, 295, 355, 359, 376,
407, 449; iv. 80, 94;
Winchester House, ii. 376; iii. 234.
—Liberty of Duchy of Lancaster.
Arundel House, iv. 83, 100, 101, 115;
Bedford House, iv. 82, 104;
Cecil House, iii. 248; iv. 119;
Leicester (Essex) House, iv. 92, 93, 94, 96;
Savoy, i. 9; iv. 82, 109, 115, 144;
Somerset House (Denmark House, Queen’s Court), i. 10, 12, 174,
216; ii. 211; iii. 277; iv. 77–112 passim, 118, 121, 129, 130,
169, 183;
Strand, iii. 392; iv. 79, 108, 109, 113.
—Westminster.
Banqueting House, i. 15–17; ii. 453, 480; iii. 234, 242, 245, 282,
375, 378, 379, 383, 385, 386; iv. 59, 87, 171;
Baptista’s, i. 102;
Burghley House, i. 168; ii. 194; iv. 81, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111;
Cockpit, i. 8, 13, 146, 216, 218, 234; iv. 87, 175, 177, 179, 181;
Conduit Court, ii. 453;
Covent Garden, iv. 105;
Durham Place, i. 10; iv. 93, 123, 170;
Exchequer Chamber, i. 135;
Gatehouse, i. 328; iv. 280;
Haunce’s, i. 102;
Hyde Park, i. 11;
King’s Road, i. 13;
St. James’s, i. 11, 13; iv. 77–116 passim;
St. James’s Park, i. 8; iv. 115;
Pike Garden, ii. 462;
Rose Alley, ii. 406;
St. George’s Fields, ii. 359; iv. 86;
St. Margaret’s, ii. 405, 427;
St. Mary Overies, i. 262, 263, 376, 427;
St. Saviour’s, ii. 405, 427;
Stews, i. 359; ii. 376, 405, 460, 462;
Southwark, i. 275, 300, 315, 317, 359; ii. 99, 295, 355, 359, 376,
407, 449; iv. 80, 94;
Winchester House, ii. 376; iii. 234.
—Liberty of Duchy of Lancaster.
Arundel House, iv. 83, 100, 101, 115;
Bedford House, iv. 82, 104;
Cecil House, iii. 248; iv. 119;
Leicester (Essex) House, iv. 92, 93, 94, 96;
Savoy, i. 9; iv. 82, 109, 115, 144;
Somerset House (Denmark House, Queen’s Court), i. 10, 12, 174,
216; ii. 211; iii. 277; iv. 77–112 passim, 118, 121, 129, 130,
169, 183;
Strand, iii. 392; iv. 79, 108, 109, 113.
—Westminster.
Banqueting House, i. 15–17; ii. 453, 480; iii. 234, 242, 245, 282,
375, 378, 379, 383, 385, 386; iv. 59, 87, 171;
Baptista’s, i. 102;
Burghley House, i. 168; ii. 194; iv. 81, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111;
Cockpit, i. 8, 13, 146, 216, 218, 234; iv. 87, 175, 177, 179, 181;
Conduit Court, ii. 453;
Covent Garden, iv. 105;
Durham Place, i. 10; iv. 93, 123, 170;
Exchequer Chamber, i. 135;
Gatehouse, i. 328; iv. 280;
Haunce’s, i. 102;
Hyde Park, i. 11;
King’s Road, i. 13;
St. James’s, i. 11, 13; iv. 77–116 passim;
St. James’s Park, i. 8; iv. 115;
Page 575
St. Stephen’s, ii. 25;
Tilt-yard, i. 8, 18, 141–8; ii. 453; iii. 211, 261, 268, 402–5;
Westminster Abbey, ii. 70, 361;
Westminster Hall, i. 135, 150;
Westminster palace, i. 8, 102;
Whitehall, i. 8, 15, 19, 143; iv. 77–129 passim;
York House, iv. 112.
Long Itchington (Warwick), iv. 91.
Long Melford (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Long Stanton (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Longleat (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Loseley (Surrey), i. 109; iv. 84, 93, 100, 106, 114, 117.
Loughborough (Essex), iv. 93, 95, 98, 108, 111.
Loughborough (Leicester), iv. 126.
Loughton (Essex), iv. 79, 111, 120.
Lulworth (Dorset), iv. 130.
Lumley (Durham), iv. 116.
Lumley House, Greenwich (Kent), iv. 112.
Luton (Beds.), iv. 91, 120.
Lydiard (Wilts.), iv. 107, 128.
Lyons, iv. 401.
M
Maidenhead (Berks.), iv. 107.
Maldon (Essex), i. 339;
plays at, ii. 2.
Manningtree (Suffolk), iv. 253.
Manuden (Essex), iv. 95.
Mark Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 93, 95.
Marlborough (Wilts.), plays at, ii. 1.
Mayfield (Kent), iv. 89.
Melchet (Hants), iv. 85.
Meriden (Warwick), iv. 91.
Merton (Surrey), iv. 90, 104.
Micheldever (Hants), iv. 78.
Middleton (Warwick), iv. 91.
Tilt-yard, i. 8, 18, 141–8; ii. 453; iii. 211, 261, 268, 402–5;
Westminster Abbey, ii. 70, 361;
Westminster Hall, i. 135, 150;
Westminster palace, i. 8, 102;
Whitehall, i. 8, 15, 19, 143; iv. 77–129 passim;
York House, iv. 112.
Long Itchington (Warwick), iv. 91.
Long Melford (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Long Stanton (Cambs.), iv. 81.
Longleat (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Loseley (Surrey), i. 109; iv. 84, 93, 100, 106, 114, 117.
Loughborough (Essex), iv. 93, 95, 98, 108, 111.
Loughborough (Leicester), iv. 126.
Loughton (Essex), iv. 79, 111, 120.
Lulworth (Dorset), iv. 130.
Lumley (Durham), iv. 116.
Lumley House, Greenwich (Kent), iv. 112.
Luton (Beds.), iv. 91, 120.
Lydiard (Wilts.), iv. 107, 128.
Lyons, iv. 401.
M
Maidenhead (Berks.), iv. 107.
Maldon (Essex), i. 339;
plays at, ii. 2.
Manningtree (Suffolk), iv. 253.
Manuden (Essex), iv. 95.
Mark Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 93, 95.
Marlborough (Wilts.), plays at, ii. 1.
Mayfield (Kent), iv. 89.
Melchet (Hants), iv. 85.
Meriden (Warwick), iv. 91.
Merton (Surrey), iv. 90, 104.
Micheldever (Hants), iv. 78.
Middleton (Warwick), iv. 91.
Page 576
Mimms, South (Middlesex), iv. 88.
Missenden, Great (Bucks.), iv. 117.
Mitcham (Surrey), iv. 106, 107, 109, 110, 111.
Molesey (Surrey), iv. 97, 99, 102, 104, 107, 113.
Morecroft (Somerset), iv. 90.
Mortlake (Surrey), i. 218; ii. 209; iv. 91, 94, 97, 100, 105, 168.
Mottisfont (Hants), iv. 85, 90.
Moulsham (Essex), iv. 96.
Mount Surrey (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Mousehold (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Muresley. See Salden.
N
Netley (Hants), iv. 78.
New Hall (Essex), i. 111; iv. 79, 96.
Newark (Notts.), iv. 116, 126, 129.
Newbury (Berks.), iv. 85, 107.
Newcastle (Northumberland), i. 334; iv. 116;
plays at, ii. 2.
Newington (Kent), iv. 98.
Newmarket (Cambs.), i. 13.
Newstead (Notts.), iv. 126, 129.
Nonsuch (Surrey), i. 11, 12, 20, 157; iv. 77–113 passim, 116.
Northampton, iv. 81.
Northiam (Sussex), iv. 89.
Northiaw (Herts.), iv. 88, 93, 102.
Northleach (Glos.), iv. 107.
Norwich (Norfolk), i. 126, 166, 306, 336, 339, 387; ii. 59, 60, 105,
221, 326, 345; iii. 517; iv. 62, 95;
plays at, ii. 1.
Nottingham, i. 159, 335; iv. 116, 126, 129.
O
Oatlands (Surrey), i. 11, 12, 20; iv. 77–115 passim, 116, 118, 121, 122,
128, 130.
Odiham (Hants), iv. 78, 84, 85, 90, 93, 106.
Missenden, Great (Bucks.), iv. 117.
Mitcham (Surrey), iv. 106, 107, 109, 110, 111.
Molesey (Surrey), iv. 97, 99, 102, 104, 107, 113.
Morecroft (Somerset), iv. 90.
Mortlake (Surrey), i. 218; ii. 209; iv. 91, 94, 97, 100, 105, 168.
Mottisfont (Hants), iv. 85, 90.
Moulsham (Essex), iv. 96.
Mount Surrey (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Mousehold (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Muresley. See Salden.
N
Netley (Hants), iv. 78.
New Hall (Essex), i. 111; iv. 79, 96.
Newark (Notts.), iv. 116, 126, 129.
Newbury (Berks.), iv. 85, 107.
Newcastle (Northumberland), i. 334; iv. 116;
plays at, ii. 2.
Newington (Kent), iv. 98.
Newmarket (Cambs.), i. 13.
Newstead (Notts.), iv. 126, 129.
Nonsuch (Surrey), i. 11, 12, 20, 157; iv. 77–113 passim, 116.
Northampton, iv. 81.
Northiam (Sussex), iv. 89.
Northiaw (Herts.), iv. 88, 93, 102.
Northleach (Glos.), iv. 107.
Norwich (Norfolk), i. 126, 166, 306, 336, 339, 387; ii. 59, 60, 105,
221, 326, 345; iii. 517; iv. 62, 95;
plays at, ii. 1.
Nottingham, i. 159, 335; iv. 116, 126, 129.
O
Oatlands (Surrey), i. 11, 12, 20; iv. 77–115 passim, 116, 118, 121, 122,
128, 130.
Odiham (Hants), iv. 78, 84, 85, 90, 93, 106.
Page 577
Olantigh (Kent), iv. 89.
Onehouse (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Orpington (Kent), iv. 89.
Oseburn (Sussex), iv. 106.
Osterley (Middlesex), i. 20, 139; iii. 267; iv. 81, 82, 83, 86, 90, 91, 92,
94, 106, 108.
Otford (Kent), iv. 77, 89.
Oxenheath (Kent), iv. 89.
Oxford, i. 87, 116, 126, 128–30, 142, 227, 233, 250; ii. 40, 206; iv. 83,
85, 107, 120, 127, 129, 373–9;
plays at, ii. 2.
P
Peckham, West (Kent), iv. 89.
Pendley (Herts.), iv. 86.
Penrhyn (Cornwall), iv. 250, 253.
Pershore (Worcester), ii. 300.
Petworth (Sussex), i. 110, 111; iv. 100.
Philberds (Berks.), iv. 86, 88, 92, 114.
Plymouth (Devon), plays at, ii. 1.
Ponsbourne (Herts.), iv. 100.
Pontefract (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Portsmouth (Hants), iv. 78, 106.
Princes Risborough (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107.
Putney (Surrey), i. 20; iv. 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105,
108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116.
Pyneste (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Pyrford (Surrey), iv. 92, 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 117.
Pyrgo (Essex), iv. 79, 84, 93, 111.
Q
Quarrendon (Bucks.), iii. 398, 407.
Queenborough (Kent), iv. 79.
R
Onehouse (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Orpington (Kent), iv. 89.
Oseburn (Sussex), iv. 106.
Osterley (Middlesex), i. 20, 139; iii. 267; iv. 81, 82, 83, 86, 90, 91, 92,
94, 106, 108.
Otford (Kent), iv. 77, 89.
Oxenheath (Kent), iv. 89.
Oxford, i. 87, 116, 126, 128–30, 142, 227, 233, 250; ii. 40, 206; iv. 83,
85, 107, 120, 127, 129, 373–9;
plays at, ii. 2.
P
Peckham, West (Kent), iv. 89.
Pendley (Herts.), iv. 86.
Penrhyn (Cornwall), iv. 250, 253.
Pershore (Worcester), ii. 300.
Petworth (Sussex), i. 110, 111; iv. 100.
Philberds (Berks.), iv. 86, 88, 92, 114.
Plymouth (Devon), plays at, ii. 1.
Ponsbourne (Herts.), iv. 100.
Pontefract (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Portsmouth (Hants), iv. 78, 106.
Princes Risborough (Bucks.), iv. 81, 107.
Putney (Surrey), i. 20; iv. 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105,
108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116.
Pyneste (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Pyrford (Surrey), iv. 92, 93, 94, 97, 99, 100, 117.
Pyrgo (Essex), iv. 79, 84, 93, 111.
Q
Quarrendon (Bucks.), iii. 398, 407.
Queenborough (Kent), iv. 79.
R
Page 578
Ramsbury (Wilts.), iii. 337; iv. 107.
Reading (Berks.), i. 11, 13, 20; iv. 85, 86, 88, 90, 93, 107, 114, 128,
151;
plays at, ii. 2.
Rendcombe (Glos.), iv. 107.
Richmond (Surrey), i. 9, 13, 15; iv. 77–116 passim, 121, 129.
Riddings (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Ridgmont (Beds.), iv. 86, 91.
Rochester (Kent), iv. 89, 98, 99, 121, 128, 129.
Rockingham (Northants), iv. 120.
Roding Abbess (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Romford (Essex), iv. 84, 96.
Romsey (Hants), iv. 122.
Rookwood Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Rotherfield (Hants), iv. 78.
Rotherfield Greys (Oxon.), iv. 90, 93.
Royston (Cambs.), i. 13, 131; iv. 116, 129, 130, 378.
Ruckholt (Essex), i. 111; iv. 111, 118.
Rufford (Notts.), iv. 126, 129.
Rycote (Oxon.), i. 111, 125; iv. 66, 83, 85, 86, 92, 107, 127, 129.
Rye (Sussex), iv. 89.
S
Saffron Walden (Essex), iv. 87;
plays at, ii. 2.
St. Albans (Herts.), i. 13; iv. 81, 84, 93, 126, 348.
St. Osyth (Essex), iv. 79.
Salden (Bucks.), iv. 88, 117.
Salisbury (Wilts.), iv. 90, 117, 122, 123, 125, 128, 130.
Sandgate (Kent), iv. 89.
Sandwich (Kent), iv. 89, 98.
Sawbridgeworth (Herts.), iv. 95.
Scadbury (Kent), iii. 419; iv. 110.
Seale (Surrey), iv. 114.
Segenhoe (Beds.), iv. 86, 91.
Sempringham (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Reading (Berks.), i. 11, 13, 20; iv. 85, 86, 88, 90, 93, 107, 114, 128,
151;
plays at, ii. 2.
Rendcombe (Glos.), iv. 107.
Richmond (Surrey), i. 9, 13, 15; iv. 77–116 passim, 121, 129.
Riddings (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Ridgmont (Beds.), iv. 86, 91.
Rochester (Kent), iv. 89, 98, 99, 121, 128, 129.
Rockingham (Northants), iv. 120.
Roding Abbess (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Romford (Essex), iv. 84, 96.
Romsey (Hants), iv. 122.
Rookwood Hall (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Rotherfield (Hants), iv. 78.
Rotherfield Greys (Oxon.), iv. 90, 93.
Royston (Cambs.), i. 13, 131; iv. 116, 129, 130, 378.
Ruckholt (Essex), i. 111; iv. 111, 118.
Rufford (Notts.), iv. 126, 129.
Rycote (Oxon.), i. 111, 125; iv. 66, 83, 85, 86, 92, 107, 127, 129.
Rye (Sussex), iv. 89.
S
Saffron Walden (Essex), iv. 87;
plays at, ii. 2.
St. Albans (Herts.), i. 13; iv. 81, 84, 93, 126, 348.
St. Osyth (Essex), iv. 79.
Salden (Bucks.), iv. 88, 117.
Salisbury (Wilts.), iv. 90, 117, 122, 123, 125, 128, 130.
Sandgate (Kent), iv. 89.
Sandwich (Kent), iv. 89, 98.
Sawbridgeworth (Herts.), iv. 95.
Scadbury (Kent), iii. 419; iv. 110.
Seale (Surrey), iv. 114.
Segenhoe (Beds.), iv. 86, 91.
Sempringham (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Page 579
Seton (Haddington), iv. 116.
Shardeloes (Bucks.), iv. 81.
Shaw (Berks.), iv. 107, 117.
Sheen (Surrey), i. 9, 13; iv. 105.
Sheffield (Yorks.), ii. 301.
Shelley Hall (Suffolk), iv. 79.
Shenley (Herts.), iv. 83.
Sherborne (Glos.), iv. 90, 92, 107.
Sherborne St. John (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
Shrewsbury (Shropshire), iii. 110;
plays at, ii. 1.
Silchester (Hants), iv. 114.
Sion (Middlesex), iv. 92, 100, 102, 108, 116.
Sissinghurst (Kent), iv. 89.
Siston (Glos.), iv. 128.
Sittingbourne (Kent), iv. 98.
Smallbridge (Suffolk), iv. 79.
Smarden (Kent), iv. 89.
Soberton (Hants), iv. 85.
Somborne (Hants), iv. 90.
Somersham (Hunts.), iv. 118.
Southampton (Hants), i. 387; iv. 78, 85, 106, 117;
plays at, ii. 1.
Southfleet (Kent), iv. 98.
Southwell (Notts.), iv. 116.
Southwick (Hants), iv. 78, 106.
Stafford, iv. 92.
Staines (Middlesex), iv. 94, 102, 105, 114.
Stamford (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Stamford Hill (Middlesex), iv. 116.
Standon (Herts.), iv. 79, 95, 116.
Stanstead (Sussex), iv. 106.
Stanstead Abbots (Herts.), iv. 87, 93, 94.
Stanwell (Middlesex), iv. 80, 90.
Steventon (Hants), iv. 85.
Stockwell (Surrey), iv. 100, 103.
Stoke d’Abernon (Surrey), iv. 105, 114.
Shardeloes (Bucks.), iv. 81.
Shaw (Berks.), iv. 107, 117.
Sheen (Surrey), i. 9, 13; iv. 105.
Sheffield (Yorks.), ii. 301.
Shelley Hall (Suffolk), iv. 79.
Shenley (Herts.), iv. 83.
Sherborne (Glos.), iv. 90, 92, 107.
Sherborne St. John (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
Shrewsbury (Shropshire), iii. 110;
plays at, ii. 1.
Silchester (Hants), iv. 114.
Sion (Middlesex), iv. 92, 100, 102, 108, 116.
Sissinghurst (Kent), iv. 89.
Siston (Glos.), iv. 128.
Sittingbourne (Kent), iv. 98.
Smallbridge (Suffolk), iv. 79.
Smarden (Kent), iv. 89.
Soberton (Hants), iv. 85.
Somborne (Hants), iv. 90.
Somersham (Hunts.), iv. 118.
Southampton (Hants), i. 387; iv. 78, 85, 106, 117;
plays at, ii. 1.
Southfleet (Kent), iv. 98.
Southwell (Notts.), iv. 116.
Southwick (Hants), iv. 78, 106.
Stafford, iv. 92.
Staines (Middlesex), iv. 94, 102, 105, 114.
Stamford (Lincs.), iv. 83.
Stamford Hill (Middlesex), iv. 116.
Standon (Herts.), iv. 79, 95, 116.
Stanstead (Sussex), iv. 106.
Stanstead Abbots (Herts.), iv. 87, 93, 94.
Stanwell (Middlesex), iv. 80, 90.
Steventon (Hants), iv. 85.
Stockwell (Surrey), iv. 100, 103.
Stoke d’Abernon (Surrey), iv. 105, 114.
Page 580
Stoke Newington (Middlesex), iv. 91, 93, 103.
Stoke Poges (Bucks.), iv. 114.
Stokes Croft (Somerset), iv. 90.
Stoneham, South (Hants), iv. 106.
Stowmarket (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Stratford-on-Avon (Warwick), ii. 91, 107, 305, 320, 321, 361;
plays at, ii. 2.
Streatham (Surrey), iv. 98, 100, 102, 108.
Sudeley (Glos.), iv. 66, 90, 92, 107.
Sunbury (Middlesex), iv. 113.
Sundridge (Kent), iv. 98.
Sunninghill (Berks.), iv. 80, 82, 94, 97, 99, 100, 105, 108.
Sutton (Kent), iv. 89.
Sutton Place, Woking (Surrey), iv. 78, 106.
Swinfen (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Sydenham (Kent), iv. 105, 106.
Sydmonscourt (Kent), iv. 115.
T
Taplow (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Tarrant (Dorset), iv. 123.
Taynton (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Tew, Great (Oxon.), iv. 88.
Thatcham (Berks.), iv. 107.
Thaxted (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Theobalds (Herts.), i. 13, 20, 113, 118, 120, 124, 126; iii. 247–9, 392;
iv. 69, 71, 81, 87, 88, 91, 93, 94, 100, 101, 102, 105, 108, 111,
116, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 126, 129.
Thetford (Norfolk), i. 13; iv. 95.
Theydon Bois (Essex), iv. 88, 95.
Theydon Garnon (Essex), iv. 95.
Thoby (Essex), iv. 96.
Thornton (Bucks.), iv. 81.
Thorpe (Surrey), iv. 93, 94, 113, 115.
Tichborne (Hants), iv. 106, 125, 130.
Tichfield (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
Stoke Poges (Bucks.), iv. 114.
Stokes Croft (Somerset), iv. 90.
Stoneham, South (Hants), iv. 106.
Stowmarket (Suffolk), iv. 95.
Stratford-on-Avon (Warwick), ii. 91, 107, 305, 320, 321, 361;
plays at, ii. 2.
Streatham (Surrey), iv. 98, 100, 102, 108.
Sudeley (Glos.), iv. 66, 90, 92, 107.
Sunbury (Middlesex), iv. 113.
Sundridge (Kent), iv. 98.
Sunninghill (Berks.), iv. 80, 82, 94, 97, 99, 100, 105, 108.
Sutton (Kent), iv. 89.
Sutton Place, Woking (Surrey), iv. 78, 106.
Swinfen (Staffs.), iv. 91.
Sydenham (Kent), iv. 105, 106.
Sydmonscourt (Kent), iv. 115.
T
Taplow (Bucks.), iv. 115.
Tarrant (Dorset), iv. 123.
Taynton (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Tew, Great (Oxon.), iv. 88.
Thatcham (Berks.), iv. 107.
Thaxted (Essex), iv. 87, 95.
Theobalds (Herts.), i. 13, 20, 113, 118, 120, 124, 126; iii. 247–9, 392;
iv. 69, 71, 81, 87, 88, 91, 93, 94, 100, 101, 102, 105, 108, 111,
116, 118, 120, 121, 122, 123, 126, 129.
Thetford (Norfolk), i. 13; iv. 95.
Theydon Bois (Essex), iv. 88, 95.
Theydon Garnon (Essex), iv. 95.
Thoby (Essex), iv. 96.
Thornton (Bucks.), iv. 81.
Thorpe (Surrey), iv. 93, 94, 113, 115.
Tichborne (Hants), iv. 106, 125, 130.
Tichfield (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
Page 581
Tilbury (Essex), iv. 64, 70, 103, 121.
Toddington (Beds.), iv. 81, 86, 91, 123.
Tooting (Surrey), iv. 113.
Topcliffe (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Tottenham (Middlesex), iv. 94, 101, 103, 105.
Tunstall (Kent), iv. 89.
Twickenham (Middlesex), iii. 211.
U
Upshire (Essex), iv. 93.
Urbino, iv. 363.
Utrecht, ii. 90.
Uxbridge (Middlesex), iv. 107.
V
Vauxhall (Surrey), iv. 112.
Vicenza, iv. 355, 356.
Vine (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
W
Wallingford (Berks.), iv. 85.
Waltham (Essex), iv. 102, 104, 108, 111.
Waltons (Essex), iv. 95.
Walworth (Durham), iv. 116.
Wanstead (Essex), i. 125; iii. 492; iv. 79, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 126.
Ware (Herts.), i. 13; iv. 119.
Warnborough, South (Hants), iv. 114, 117.
Warnford (Hants), iv. 106.
Warwick, i. 139; iv. 83, 88.
Wells (Somerset), i. 126; iv. 128.
Westenhanger (Kent), iv. 89.
Weymouth (Dorset), plays at, ii. 2.
Whaddon (Bucks.), iv. 84.
Wheathampstead (Herts.), iv. 123.
Wherwell (Hants), iv. 85.
Toddington (Beds.), iv. 81, 86, 91, 123.
Tooting (Surrey), iv. 113.
Topcliffe (Yorks.), iv. 116.
Tottenham (Middlesex), iv. 94, 101, 103, 105.
Tunstall (Kent), iv. 89.
Twickenham (Middlesex), iii. 211.
U
Upshire (Essex), iv. 93.
Urbino, iv. 363.
Utrecht, ii. 90.
Uxbridge (Middlesex), iv. 107.
V
Vauxhall (Surrey), iv. 112.
Vicenza, iv. 355, 356.
Vine (Hants), iv. 85, 106.
W
Wallingford (Berks.), iv. 85.
Waltham (Essex), iv. 102, 104, 108, 111.
Waltons (Essex), iv. 95.
Walworth (Durham), iv. 116.
Wanstead (Essex), i. 125; iii. 492; iv. 79, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 126.
Ware (Herts.), i. 13; iv. 119.
Warnborough, South (Hants), iv. 114, 117.
Warnford (Hants), iv. 106.
Warwick, i. 139; iv. 83, 88.
Wells (Somerset), i. 126; iv. 128.
Westenhanger (Kent), iv. 89.
Weymouth (Dorset), plays at, ii. 2.
Whaddon (Bucks.), iv. 84.
Wheathampstead (Herts.), iv. 123.
Wherwell (Hants), iv. 85.
Page 582
Whittington (Glos.), iv. 107.
Widdrington (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Wield (Hants), iv. 106.
Wight, Isle of, iv. 117, 122, 125.
Willesden (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Willington (Beds.), iv. 83.
Wilton (Wilts.), i. 122, 143; ii. 209; iii. 238, 272, 337, 492; iv. 90, 117,
168.
Wimbledon (Surrey), iv. 101, 106, 108, 112, 115.
Winchelsea (Sussex), iv. 89.
Winchester (Hants), i. 11; iii. 285, 468; iv. 78, 90, 106, 117, 350;
plays at, ii. 1.
Windsor (Berks.), i. 9, 15, 20, 142; ii. 61, 160; iv. 77–130 passim.
Windsor Forest—Burley Bushes, iv. 100;
Folly John Park, iv. 93, 99, 105, 114;
Mote Park, iv. 99, 114;
New Lodge, iv. 80, 102, 105, 113, 115;
Twelve Oaks, iv. 80.
Wing (Bucks.), iv. 86.
Wingham (Kent), iv. 89.
Winterslow (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Witney (Oxon.), iv. 37, 107.
Woburn (Beds.), i. 110; iv. 88.
Woking (Surrey), i. 13; iv. 84, 85, 97, 99, 100, 105, 115, 120.
Wollaton (Notts.), iv. 116;
plays at, ii. 2.
Wooburn (Bucks.), iv. 92.
Wood Rising (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Woodhall (Herts.), iv. 91.
Woodstock (Oxon.), i. 11, 13, 121, 142; iii. 267, 400–2, 404–7; iv. 83,
88, 90, 92, 107, 117, 119, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Woolwich (Kent), iii. 369; iv. 77, 124, 129.
Worcester, i. 116, 387; iv. 92.
Worksop (Notts.), iv. 116.
Wrest (Beds.), iv. 83, 126.
Wroxton (Oxon.), iv. 120.
Wye (Kent), iv. 89.
Widdrington (Northumberland), iv. 116.
Wield (Hants), iv. 106.
Wight, Isle of, iv. 117, 122, 125.
Willesden (Middlesex), iv. 108.
Willington (Beds.), iv. 83.
Wilton (Wilts.), i. 122, 143; ii. 209; iii. 238, 272, 337, 492; iv. 90, 117,
168.
Wimbledon (Surrey), iv. 101, 106, 108, 112, 115.
Winchelsea (Sussex), iv. 89.
Winchester (Hants), i. 11; iii. 285, 468; iv. 78, 90, 106, 117, 350;
plays at, ii. 1.
Windsor (Berks.), i. 9, 15, 20, 142; ii. 61, 160; iv. 77–130 passim.
Windsor Forest—Burley Bushes, iv. 100;
Folly John Park, iv. 93, 99, 105, 114;
Mote Park, iv. 99, 114;
New Lodge, iv. 80, 102, 105, 113, 115;
Twelve Oaks, iv. 80.
Wing (Bucks.), iv. 86.
Wingham (Kent), iv. 89.
Winterslow (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Witney (Oxon.), iv. 37, 107.
Woburn (Beds.), i. 110; iv. 88.
Woking (Surrey), i. 13; iv. 84, 85, 97, 99, 100, 105, 115, 120.
Wollaton (Notts.), iv. 116;
plays at, ii. 2.
Wooburn (Bucks.), iv. 92.
Wood Rising (Norfolk), iv. 95.
Woodhall (Herts.), iv. 91.
Woodstock (Oxon.), i. 11, 13, 121, 142; iii. 267, 400–2, 404–7; iv. 83,
88, 90, 92, 107, 117, 119, 120, 124, 127, 129.
Woolwich (Kent), iii. 369; iv. 77, 124, 129.
Worcester, i. 116, 387; iv. 92.
Worksop (Notts.), iv. 116.
Wrest (Beds.), iv. 83, 126.
Wroxton (Oxon.), iv. 120.
Wye (Kent), iv. 89.
Page 583
Wylye (Wilts.), iv. 90.
Page 584
Y
Yarmouth (Norfolk), i. 298, 336, 355; iii. 451.
Yarnton (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Yattendon (Berks.), iv. 85.
York, i. 336; iv. 69, 116;
plays at, ii. 1.
Yorkshire, i. 277, 304, 328; iv. 264.
Yarmouth (Norfolk), i. 298, 336, 355; iii. 451.
Yarnton (Oxon.), iv. 107.
Yattendon (Berks.), iv. 85.
York, i. 336; iv. 69, 116;
plays at, ii. 1.
Yorkshire, i. 277, 304, 328; iv. 264.
Page 585
INDEX IV: OF SUBJECTS
A
Abergavenny’s men, ii. 92.
‘Above’, iii. 91–8, 115, 133, 153.
Abridgement of plays, iii. 186, 251.
Academic plays, lists of, i. 127–31; iv. 273–9;
staging of, i. 226;
critics of, i. 249.
Accession day, i. 18, 128, 141–8; iii. 212, 402, 405–6, 463; iv. 85, 375.
Accidents at performances, i. 128, 228, 256, 264, 283, 290; ii. 135,
175, 462; iii. 311; iv. 208, 219, 225, 274, 292–5.
Activities, i. 123, 282, 300; ii. 99, 101, 110, 111, 118–19, 136, 182,
261–3, 272, 292, 294, 413, 529, 550; iv. 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103,
104, 105, 112, 114, 154, 156, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 167, 174,
205, 206, 217, 273, 279, 283.
Actors. See Players.
Acts, iii. 124, 130, 199.
Admiral, lord, i. 67.
Admiral’s men, ii. 134–86.
Adult companies, list of, ii. 77.
‘Alcove’, iii. 82, 111, 120.
Allowances. See Licences.
Almonry, i. 35;
boys of, ii. 9, 70.
Alphabetical figures in masks, i. 198; iii. 378, 383.
‘Alternationist’ theory of staging, iii. 120.
Amalgamation of companies, i. 355; ii. 17, 94, 95, 112, 113, 120, 124,
129, 132, 136, 140, 155, 192–3, 225, 244, 248, 258; iii. 343–4.
Amanuensis to playwright, iii. 368.
Ambassadors, i. 22–5, 204; iii. 241, 243, 246, 277, 280, 283, 376, 380,
382, 384, 385, 386, 389, 390; iv. 63, 77, 79, 81, 84, 87, 96, 98,
100, 118, 119, 120.
Animals on stage, i. 372; iii. 75.
Anne, warrant to players from, ii. 234.
‘Antemasque’, i. 194; iii. 261, 281; iv. 59.
A
Abergavenny’s men, ii. 92.
‘Above’, iii. 91–8, 115, 133, 153.
Abridgement of plays, iii. 186, 251.
Academic plays, lists of, i. 127–31; iv. 273–9;
staging of, i. 226;
critics of, i. 249.
Accession day, i. 18, 128, 141–8; iii. 212, 402, 405–6, 463; iv. 85, 375.
Accidents at performances, i. 128, 228, 256, 264, 283, 290; ii. 135,
175, 462; iii. 311; iv. 208, 219, 225, 274, 292–5.
Activities, i. 123, 282, 300; ii. 99, 101, 110, 111, 118–19, 136, 182,
261–3, 272, 292, 294, 413, 529, 550; iv. 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103,
104, 105, 112, 114, 154, 156, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 167, 174,
205, 206, 217, 273, 279, 283.
Actors. See Players.
Acts, iii. 124, 130, 199.
Admiral, lord, i. 67.
Admiral’s men, ii. 134–86.
Adult companies, list of, ii. 77.
‘Alcove’, iii. 82, 111, 120.
Allowances. See Licences.
Almonry, i. 35;
boys of, ii. 9, 70.
Alphabetical figures in masks, i. 198; iii. 378, 383.
‘Alternationist’ theory of staging, iii. 120.
Amalgamation of companies, i. 355; ii. 17, 94, 95, 112, 113, 120, 124,
129, 132, 136, 140, 155, 192–3, 225, 244, 248, 258; iii. 343–4.
Amanuensis to playwright, iii. 368.
Ambassadors, i. 22–5, 204; iii. 241, 243, 246, 277, 280, 283, 376, 380,
382, 384, 385, 386, 389, 390; iv. 63, 77, 79, 81, 84, 87, 96, 98,
100, 118, 119, 120.
Animals on stage, i. 372; iii. 75.
Anne, warrant to players from, ii. 234.
‘Antemasque’, i. 194; iii. 261, 281; iv. 59.
Page 586
‘Antick’ dance, iii. 385.
‘Antick’ play, iii. 502; iv. 101, 159.
‘Anticke-maske’, i. 194; iii. 244; iv. 59.
Antimask, i. 193; iii. 381, 383, 385, 386.
Apparel of players, i. 348, 352, 358, 362, 371, 372; ii. 131, 168, 184,
215, 228, 243, 245, 248, 254, 256; iv. 199, 204, 217, 237, 240,
241, 304.
‘Apparelling’ charges, i. 63.
Apprentices, plays by, iii. 493, 496.
Apprentices to players, i. 371; ii. 154, 212.
Arbori, iv. 362.
‘Arbours’, iii. 55, 89.
Archery, i. 139, 290.
Armada day, i. 22.
Armoury, office of, i. 49; iii. 399.
Arms of players, i. 350; ii. 98, 305, 333.
‘Arras’, iii. 80, 111, 133; iv. 367.
Arthur and Round Table show, i. 139; iv. 102.
Articles of players, i. 352, 364–5, 379; ii. 45, 65, 241, 245, 247, 254–5.
Arundel’s men, ii. 116.
Assaults in masks, i. 151, 154, 191.
‘Assembled’ texts of plays, iii. 185, 194.
Associations of players, i. 352; ii. 3.
Atmospheric phenomena on stage, iii. 76, 110.
Attacks on plays. See Ethics.
Attendants in playhouses, i. 371; ii. 150, 187, 541.
Audit, i. 58–62; iv. 131.
Auditorium. See Court plays, Playhouses.
Augmentations, court of, i. 60.
Aulaeum, iii. 11.
‘Ave, Caesar’, iv. 10.
B
Baboons, iii. 215, 234, 261, 369; iv. 11, 16, 254.
Back cloths, iii. 129.
Badges of players, i. 311, 382; ii. 81, 91.
‘Antick’ play, iii. 502; iv. 101, 159.
‘Anticke-maske’, i. 194; iii. 244; iv. 59.
Antimask, i. 193; iii. 381, 383, 385, 386.
Apparel of players, i. 348, 352, 358, 362, 371, 372; ii. 131, 168, 184,
215, 228, 243, 245, 248, 254, 256; iv. 199, 204, 217, 237, 240,
241, 304.
‘Apparelling’ charges, i. 63.
Apprentices, plays by, iii. 493, 496.
Apprentices to players, i. 371; ii. 154, 212.
Arbori, iv. 362.
‘Arbours’, iii. 55, 89.
Archery, i. 139, 290.
Armada day, i. 22.
Armoury, office of, i. 49; iii. 399.
Arms of players, i. 350; ii. 98, 305, 333.
‘Arras’, iii. 80, 111, 133; iv. 367.
Arthur and Round Table show, i. 139; iv. 102.
Articles of players, i. 352, 364–5, 379; ii. 45, 65, 241, 245, 247, 254–5.
Arundel’s men, ii. 116.
Assaults in masks, i. 151, 154, 191.
‘Assembled’ texts of plays, iii. 185, 194.
Associations of players, i. 352; ii. 3.
Atmospheric phenomena on stage, iii. 76, 110.
Attacks on plays. See Ethics.
Attendants in playhouses, i. 371; ii. 150, 187, 541.
Audit, i. 58–62; iv. 131.
Auditorium. See Court plays, Playhouses.
Augmentations, court of, i. 60.
Aulaeum, iii. 11.
‘Ave, Caesar’, iv. 10.
B
Baboons, iii. 215, 234, 261, 369; iv. 11, 16, 254.
Back cloths, iii. 129.
Badges of players, i. 311, 382; ii. 81, 91.
Page 587
Ballet in France, i. 176.
Banqueting houses, i. 15–17, 74, 80, 84, 90, 116, 157, 202, 216; iii.
401.
Banquets after masks, i. 206; iii. 235, 280, 283, 376.
Barbaturiae, i. 152, 192.
Barriers, i. 19, 140; iii. 378, 385, 393; iv. 57, 64, 77, 86, 87, 96, 98,
109, 114, 120, 124;
in play, i. 232;
in show, iii. 501.
Battle scenes, iii. 52, 106.
Battlements in court plays, i. 231; iii. 44, 91.
‘Beam’ on Paul’s stage, iii. 136.
Bear-baiting, ii. 375, 449–71;
days for, i. 316; ii. 257, 471; iv. 307.
See Blind Bear.
Beargardens, ii. 376–9, 449–72.
‘Beards’, ii. 105.
‘Bears’ in masks, iii. 385, 388;
in plays, iv. 35.
Bears, names of, ii. 457.
Bed Chamber, i. 14, 53.
Bed ‘thrust out’, iii. 113.
‘Bed-curtains’, iii. 86, 112.
Bel Savage playhouse, ii. 382.
Bell playhouse, ii. 381.
‘Benefits’, i. 370, 373; ii. 172.
Berkeley’s men, ii. 103.
‘Bills’, ii. 113, 514, 547; iii. 373, 501; iv. 199, 205, 228, 267, 283, 289,
303.
Birthday of sovereign, i. 20.
Black stages, iii. 79.
Blackfriars, children of, ii. 53–5.
Blackfriars playhouse (1576), ii. 495–7.
Blackfriars playhouse (1596), ii. 503–15.
Blind bear, whipping of, ii. 456–8, 469.
Board and cord game, i. 123.
Boar’s Head playhouse, ii. 443–5.
Banqueting houses, i. 15–17, 74, 80, 84, 90, 116, 157, 202, 216; iii.
401.
Banquets after masks, i. 206; iii. 235, 280, 283, 376.
Barbaturiae, i. 152, 192.
Barriers, i. 19, 140; iii. 378, 385, 393; iv. 57, 64, 77, 86, 87, 96, 98,
109, 114, 120, 124;
in play, i. 232;
in show, iii. 501.
Battle scenes, iii. 52, 106.
Battlements in court plays, i. 231; iii. 44, 91.
‘Beam’ on Paul’s stage, iii. 136.
Bear-baiting, ii. 375, 449–71;
days for, i. 316; ii. 257, 471; iv. 307.
See Blind Bear.
Beargardens, ii. 376–9, 449–72.
‘Beards’, ii. 105.
‘Bears’ in masks, iii. 385, 388;
in plays, iv. 35.
Bears, names of, ii. 457.
Bed Chamber, i. 14, 53.
Bed ‘thrust out’, iii. 113.
‘Bed-curtains’, iii. 86, 112.
Bel Savage playhouse, ii. 382.
Bell playhouse, ii. 381.
‘Benefits’, i. 370, 373; ii. 172.
Berkeley’s men, ii. 103.
‘Bills’, ii. 113, 514, 547; iii. 373, 501; iv. 199, 205, 228, 267, 283, 289,
303.
Birthday of sovereign, i. 20.
Black stages, iii. 79.
Blackfriars, children of, ii. 53–5.
Blackfriars playhouse (1576), ii. 495–7.
Blackfriars playhouse (1596), ii. 503–15.
Blind bear, whipping of, ii. 456–8, 469.
Board and cord game, i. 123.
Boar’s Head playhouse, ii. 443–5.
Page 588
Bonds of players, i. 352; ii. 131, 224.
‘Bookholders’, ii. 540; iv. 404.
‘Books’, as stock of players, i. 372; ii. 65, 161, 168; iii. 193;
used by prompter, i. 227; ii. 540;
provided for court audience, i. 227; ii. 72; iv. 378;
describing masks, i. 207; ii. 264; iii. 278, 281, 382;
describing tilt, i. 145.
See Original, Play-texts.
Books hawked in playhouses, ii. 549.
‘Bouche of court’, i. 51.
‘Boxes’, ii. 531, 555; iii. 496.
‘Boxholders’, i. 356; ii. 187, 388, 514, 532; iv. 228.
Boy bishop, ii. 11.
Boy companies, ii. 8–76, 88, 100–1, 119;
list of, ii. 8;
organization of, i. 378, 386; ii. 47;
staging for, iii. 130–54.
Boys in women’s clothes, i. 248, 251, 254, 262, 362, 371; iii. 373; iv.
217, 249, 252, 256, 258.
Brandenburg, players at court of, ii. 288–92.
Brawls, i. 198; iii. 239.
Bride ale, i. 123.
Bristol, children of Chamber of, ii. 68.
Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, players at court of, ii. 275–7.
Bull playhouse, ii. 380.
Bull-baiting, ii. 449, 454–8.
Bullettini (tickets), iii. 496.
Burning of playhouses, ii. 419, 442.
‘By’ progresses, i. 20, 120.
C
Calciatura, i. 51.
Calvinism and plays, i. 245.
Camera regis, i. 54.
Camerarii, i. 36.
Camp scenes, iii. 53, 106.
‘Bookholders’, ii. 540; iv. 404.
‘Books’, as stock of players, i. 372; ii. 65, 161, 168; iii. 193;
used by prompter, i. 227; ii. 540;
provided for court audience, i. 227; ii. 72; iv. 378;
describing masks, i. 207; ii. 264; iii. 278, 281, 382;
describing tilt, i. 145.
See Original, Play-texts.
Books hawked in playhouses, ii. 549.
‘Bouche of court’, i. 51.
‘Boxes’, ii. 531, 555; iii. 496.
‘Boxholders’, i. 356; ii. 187, 388, 514, 532; iv. 228.
Boy bishop, ii. 11.
Boy companies, ii. 8–76, 88, 100–1, 119;
list of, ii. 8;
organization of, i. 378, 386; ii. 47;
staging for, iii. 130–54.
Boys in women’s clothes, i. 248, 251, 254, 262, 362, 371; iii. 373; iv.
217, 249, 252, 256, 258.
Brandenburg, players at court of, ii. 288–92.
Brawls, i. 198; iii. 239.
Bride ale, i. 123.
Bristol, children of Chamber of, ii. 68.
Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, players at court of, ii. 275–7.
Bull playhouse, ii. 380.
Bull-baiting, ii. 449, 454–8.
Bullettini (tickets), iii. 496.
Burning of playhouses, ii. 419, 442.
‘By’ progresses, i. 20, 120.
C
Calciatura, i. 51.
Calvinism and plays, i. 245.
Camera regis, i. 54.
Camerarii, i. 36.
Camp scenes, iii. 53, 106.
Page 589
Candelieri, iv. 364.
Candlemas, i. 20, 213.
‘Canopy’, ii. 557; iii. 138, 141, 142, 148.
Capitalism and profit-sharing, i. 360–8; ii. 248–50.
Captain of Guard, i. 47.
Cards in playhouse, ii. 549; iv. 368.
Cart-takers, i. 117.
Casamenti (houses), iii. 5; iv. 355, 356, 359, 360.
Case (houses), iii. 3–12.
‘Castles’, i. 11.
‘Casts’, number of players required for, i. 332; iii. 179, 317, 437, 470,
504, 505, 517; iv. 7, 13, 20, 21, 37, 51;
players’ names in, iii. 510.
Censorship, i. 224, 239, 240, 246, 249, 266, 271, 275, 282, 283, 288,
289, 295, 303, 318–22; iii. 158–77, 191, 365, 367; iv. 2, 6, 32, 35,
45, 261, 263, 264, 269, 271, 274, 288, 306.
See Licences, Master of Revels, Play-texts, Restraints, Satire,
Sedition.
Ceremonies, Master of, i. 53.
Challenges for tilt, i. 142.
Chamber accounts, i. 58–66; iv. 132–5, 140, 142–83 (extracts).
Chamber as organ of administration, i. 56.
Chamber officers, i. 42–7.
Chamber scenes, iii. 65, 94, 111.
Chamberers, i. 44.
Chamberlain, Great, i. 32.
Chamberlain of Household, Lord, i. 36–41, 48, 50, 66, 67, 100, 108,
205, 209, 218, 224, 226;
of Queen Anne’s household, ii. 237.
Chamberlain’s men, ii. 92–3, 134–5, 193–208.
‘Chameleon’ players, i. 340, 376, 378, 383; ii. 3, 98; iii. 325.
Chancellor, Lord, iv. 67.
Chancery, i. 31, 55.
Chapel, children of, ii. 23–48, 50, 52, 59, 60.
Chapel Royal, i. 14, 48; ii. 24; iv. 352;
plays in, ii. 35.
‘Cheques’ for tilt, iv. 64.
Candlemas, i. 20, 213.
‘Canopy’, ii. 557; iii. 138, 141, 142, 148.
Capitalism and profit-sharing, i. 360–8; ii. 248–50.
Captain of Guard, i. 47.
Cards in playhouse, ii. 549; iv. 368.
Cart-takers, i. 117.
Casamenti (houses), iii. 5; iv. 355, 356, 359, 360.
Case (houses), iii. 3–12.
‘Castles’, i. 11.
‘Casts’, number of players required for, i. 332; iii. 179, 317, 437, 470,
504, 505, 517; iv. 7, 13, 20, 21, 37, 51;
players’ names in, iii. 510.
Censorship, i. 224, 239, 240, 246, 249, 266, 271, 275, 282, 283, 288,
289, 295, 303, 318–22; iii. 158–77, 191, 365, 367; iv. 2, 6, 32, 35,
45, 261, 263, 264, 269, 271, 274, 288, 306.
See Licences, Master of Revels, Play-texts, Restraints, Satire,
Sedition.
Ceremonies, Master of, i. 53.
Challenges for tilt, i. 142.
Chamber accounts, i. 58–66; iv. 132–5, 140, 142–83 (extracts).
Chamber as organ of administration, i. 56.
Chamber officers, i. 42–7.
Chamber scenes, iii. 65, 94, 111.
Chamberers, i. 44.
Chamberlain, Great, i. 32.
Chamberlain of Household, Lord, i. 36–41, 48, 50, 66, 67, 100, 108,
205, 209, 218, 224, 226;
of Queen Anne’s household, ii. 237.
Chamberlain’s men, ii. 92–3, 134–5, 193–208.
‘Chameleon’ players, i. 340, 376, 378, 383; ii. 3, 98; iii. 325.
Chancellor, Lord, iv. 67.
Chancery, i. 31, 55.
Chapel, children of, ii. 23–48, 50, 52, 59, 60.
Chapel Royal, i. 14, 48; ii. 24; iv. 352;
plays in, ii. 35.
‘Cheques’ for tilt, iv. 64.
Page 590
Children, of Blackfriars, ii. 53–5;
Chamber of Bristol, ii. 68;
Chapel, ii. 23–48, 50, 52, 59, 60;
Eton, ii. 73;
King’s Revels, ii. 64–8;
Merchant Taylors, ii. 75;
Paul’s, ii. 8–23;
Queen’s Revels, ii. 48–51, 56–61;
Revels, ii. 51;
Revels to Queen Anne (1623), iii. 474; iv. 43;
Westminster, ii. 69–73;
Whitefriars, ii. 55;
Windsor, ii. 61–4.
Children of the Chapel Stript and Whipt, i. 278; ii. 34.
‘Christian Terence’, i. 239; iii. 12, 321.
Christmas, i. 19, 213; ii. 24, 71, 74; iv. 237.
Christmas Prince, iv. 71.
Churches, plays in, i. 336; ii. 35;
advertised in, iv. 210.
‘Cities’ in court plays, i. 231; iii. 44.
Civic receptions, i. 126, 131.
Claque, ii. 549.
Clerk of Market, i. 116.
Clerk of Revels and Tents, i. 73, 83, 94.
Clerk Comptroller of Revels and Tents, i. 73, 94.
‘Clerk plays’ ii. 265.
Clinton’s men, ii. 96.
‘Close walk’, iii. 56.
Closet, i. 14, 48.
‘Closet’ plays, iii. 19, 208, 236, 247, 275, 321, 330.
Clowns, ii. 152, 334.
Cockmaster, i. 53.
Cockpit at court, i. 8;
as playhouse, i. 216, 234.
Cockpit, Drury Lane, playhouse, ii. 238, 240, 302, 372; iv. 15.
Coffer Chamber, i. 45.
Cofferer of Household, i. 35, 50, 115; iv. 134.
Chamber of Bristol, ii. 68;
Chapel, ii. 23–48, 50, 52, 59, 60;
Eton, ii. 73;
King’s Revels, ii. 64–8;
Merchant Taylors, ii. 75;
Paul’s, ii. 8–23;
Queen’s Revels, ii. 48–51, 56–61;
Revels, ii. 51;
Revels to Queen Anne (1623), iii. 474; iv. 43;
Westminster, ii. 69–73;
Whitefriars, ii. 55;
Windsor, ii. 61–4.
Children of the Chapel Stript and Whipt, i. 278; ii. 34.
‘Christian Terence’, i. 239; iii. 12, 321.
Christmas, i. 19, 213; ii. 24, 71, 74; iv. 237.
Christmas Prince, iv. 71.
Churches, plays in, i. 336; ii. 35;
advertised in, iv. 210.
‘Cities’ in court plays, i. 231; iii. 44.
Civic receptions, i. 126, 131.
Claque, ii. 549.
Clerk of Market, i. 116.
Clerk of Revels and Tents, i. 73, 83, 94.
Clerk Comptroller of Revels and Tents, i. 73, 94.
‘Clerk plays’ ii. 265.
Clinton’s men, ii. 96.
‘Close walk’, iii. 56.
Closet, i. 14, 48.
‘Closet’ plays, iii. 19, 208, 236, 247, 275, 321, 330.
Clowns, ii. 152, 334.
Cockmaster, i. 53.
Cockpit at court, i. 8;
as playhouse, i. 216, 234.
Cockpit, Drury Lane, playhouse, ii. 238, 240, 302, 372; iv. 15.
Coffer Chamber, i. 45.
Cofferer of Household, i. 35, 50, 115; iv. 134.
Page 591
Comedie, iv. 358–60.
Comedy, definitions of, i. 238, 239, 257.
Comitas, i. 250.
Commedia dell’ arte, ii. 262–3, 553; iii. 13.
Commedia sostenuta, ii. 264; iii. 11, 13.
Commissions, to take up boys, ii. 17, 24, 27, 31, 33, 41, 43, 50, 52, 62,
64;
for Revels office, i. 84, 89.
‘Commoning’ in mask, i. 153, 197.
Competition of companies, i. 386; ii. 7, 367.
‘Compositions’ of players, i. 352; ii. 174, 191, 237.
Comptroller of Household, i. 35, 55, 67.
Continent, players on, i. 342–7; ii. 271–94.
Contracts for playhouses, ii. 436, 466;
with players, ii. 151–5.
Conversion of players abroad, ii. 290.
Copper lace, i. 208; ii. 184; iv. 367.
‘Copy’ for printed plays, iii. 193, 432.
Copyright, iii. 159, 172–7, 186–91, 395; iv. 48.
Corantos, i. 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 375, 378, 380, 383,
385, 390, 435; iv. 57, 59, 115.
‘Coronation’ Day. See Accession day.
Coronations, i. 131–4; ii. 29; iii. 392; iv. 60, 69.
Corrector of press, iv. 40.
‘Correctors’ of books, iii. 165, 167, 192.
Council Chamber, i. 14.
‘Counting-house’, iii. 69.
Court plays, i. 213–19, 223–34;
statistics of, ii. 3–8;
seasons for, i. 213;
rooms for, i. 216;
rewards for, i. 217;
Revels officers at, i. 223;
lighting of, i. 225;
auditorium for, i. 226;
staging of, i. 229; iii. 1–46.
Comedy, definitions of, i. 238, 239, 257.
Comitas, i. 250.
Commedia dell’ arte, ii. 262–3, 553; iii. 13.
Commedia sostenuta, ii. 264; iii. 11, 13.
Commissions, to take up boys, ii. 17, 24, 27, 31, 33, 41, 43, 50, 52, 62,
64;
for Revels office, i. 84, 89.
‘Commoning’ in mask, i. 153, 197.
Competition of companies, i. 386; ii. 7, 367.
‘Compositions’ of players, i. 352; ii. 174, 191, 237.
Comptroller of Household, i. 35, 55, 67.
Continent, players on, i. 342–7; ii. 271–94.
Contracts for playhouses, ii. 436, 466;
with players, ii. 151–5.
Conversion of players abroad, ii. 290.
Copper lace, i. 208; ii. 184; iv. 367.
‘Copy’ for printed plays, iii. 193, 432.
Copyright, iii. 159, 172–7, 186–91, 395; iv. 48.
Corantos, i. 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 375, 378, 380, 383,
385, 390, 435; iv. 57, 59, 115.
‘Coronation’ Day. See Accession day.
Coronations, i. 131–4; ii. 29; iii. 392; iv. 60, 69.
Corrector of press, iv. 40.
‘Correctors’ of books, iii. 165, 167, 192.
Council Chamber, i. 14.
‘Counting-house’, iii. 69.
Court plays, i. 213–19, 223–34;
statistics of, ii. 3–8;
seasons for, i. 213;
rooms for, i. 216;
rewards for, i. 217;
Revels officers at, i. 223;
lighting of, i. 225;
auditorium for, i. 226;
staging of, i. 229; iii. 1–46.
Page 592
See Auditorium, Battlements, Cities, Domus, Front Curtains,
Maisons, Payments, Perspective, Rehearsals, Senate houses,
State, Walls.
Courtyard scenes, iii. 61.
Cressets, ii. 543.
Cross Keys playhouse, ii. 383.
‘Cues’, ii. 541; iv. 367.
Curia regis, i. 30, 54, 66.
Curtain playhouse, ii. 400–4.
Curtains, iii. 78, 81, 111;
on court stage, i. 231; iii. 21, 30, 33, 35, 44, 46;
in masks, i. 181.
See Arras, Aulaeum, Bed curtains, Black, Discoveries, Front
curtains, Hangings, Sinking, Traverse, Veil.
Cutpurses in playhouses, i. 264, 283, 304, 317; ii. 403, 441, 447, 545;
at court, iii. 376–7, 387.
D
Dances, i. 6, 198;
in masks, i. 149, 195, 199;
after plays, ii. 550;
between acts, ii. 557; iii. 130;
in nets, iv. 200.
See Jigs.
Dancing bears, ii. 449.
Dancing masters, i. 201; ii. 494.
Dates, styles used for, iii. 355, 362, 390.
Daylight playing, iv. 372.
Days for playing, i. 285, 288, 290, 291, 293, 295, 301, 302, 303, 314,
316; iv. 200, 205, 303, 307, 312, 331.
‘Dead rent’ of playhouse, ii. 22.
Debts of players, i. 351, 363, 368; ii. 149, 157, 175, 191, 226, 245,
248.
Declared Accounts, iv. 132.
Decorum, i. 256.
Maisons, Payments, Perspective, Rehearsals, Senate houses,
State, Walls.
Courtyard scenes, iii. 61.
Cressets, ii. 543.
Cross Keys playhouse, ii. 383.
‘Cues’, ii. 541; iv. 367.
Curia regis, i. 30, 54, 66.
Curtain playhouse, ii. 400–4.
Curtains, iii. 78, 81, 111;
on court stage, i. 231; iii. 21, 30, 33, 35, 44, 46;
in masks, i. 181.
See Arras, Aulaeum, Bed curtains, Black, Discoveries, Front
curtains, Hangings, Sinking, Traverse, Veil.
Cutpurses in playhouses, i. 264, 283, 304, 317; ii. 403, 441, 447, 545;
at court, iii. 376–7, 387.
D
Dances, i. 6, 198;
in masks, i. 149, 195, 199;
after plays, ii. 550;
between acts, ii. 557; iii. 130;
in nets, iv. 200.
See Jigs.
Dancing bears, ii. 449.
Dancing masters, i. 201; ii. 494.
Dates, styles used for, iii. 355, 362, 390.
Daylight playing, iv. 372.
Days for playing, i. 285, 288, 290, 291, 293, 295, 301, 302, 303, 314,
316; iv. 200, 205, 303, 307, 312, 331.
‘Dead rent’ of playhouse, ii. 22.
Debts of players, i. 351, 363, 368; ii. 149, 157, 175, 191, 226, 245,
248.
Declared Accounts, iv. 132.
Decorum, i. 256.
Page 593
Defences of plays, i. 250–3, 256–60, 262; iv. 184, 186, 187, 188, 190,
191, 193, 194, 196, 201, 206, 226, 228, 237, 238, 243, 245, 250,
257, 259.
Denmark, players in, ii. 271, 276, 284.
‘Deputations’ of players, i. 336; ii. 59–60.
Derby’s men, ii. 118–27.
‘Descents’, iii. 77, 108, 132.
Devices in masks, i. 190; iii. 279;
in tilts, i. 143;
on progress, i. 122–6.
Devil on the stage, i. 256; iii. 423.
Diagrams of stage, iii. 84.
Dicitori (players), iv. 358, 364.
‘Diet’, i. 51.
Dining in state, i. 15, 34, 46.
Disard, ii. 82.
‘Discoveries’, iii. 28, 81, 96, 111, 133.
Disguising, i. 151.
Disorders at playhouses, i. 264, 266, 283, 287, 291, 293, 297, 298,
304, 317; ii. 100, 104, 105, 396, 441, 447; iii. 501; iv. 244, 274,
277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 297, 310, 318, 321, 341.
Division of companies, i. 293, 332, 341; ii. 106, 111, 121, 129, 239; iv.
302, 312, 343.
Domus, ii. 539; iii. 6–8, 31.
Doors of playhouse, ii. 538;
on stage, iii. 73, 83, 100, 132; iv. 366.
Double mask, i. 152, 154, 191.
Doubling of parts, i. 371.
Drama. See Plays.
Dramatists. See Playwrights.
Drums and trumpets announcing plays, ii. 160, 547; iv. 199, 203, 219,
228, 291, 316, 320.
Duke of York’s men, ii. 241–4.
Duration of plays, iv. 195, 198, 230, 316.
Duretto, i. 198; iii. 234; iv. 59.
Dwarfs at court, i. 48.
191, 193, 194, 196, 201, 206, 226, 228, 237, 238, 243, 245, 250,
257, 259.
Denmark, players in, ii. 271, 276, 284.
‘Deputations’ of players, i. 336; ii. 59–60.
Derby’s men, ii. 118–27.
‘Descents’, iii. 77, 108, 132.
Devices in masks, i. 190; iii. 279;
in tilts, i. 143;
on progress, i. 122–6.
Devil on the stage, i. 256; iii. 423.
Diagrams of stage, iii. 84.
Dicitori (players), iv. 358, 364.
‘Diet’, i. 51.
Dining in state, i. 15, 34, 46.
Disard, ii. 82.
‘Discoveries’, iii. 28, 81, 96, 111, 133.
Disguising, i. 151.
Disorders at playhouses, i. 264, 266, 283, 287, 291, 293, 297, 298,
304, 317; ii. 100, 104, 105, 396, 441, 447; iii. 501; iv. 244, 274,
277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 297, 310, 318, 321, 341.
Division of companies, i. 293, 332, 341; ii. 106, 111, 121, 129, 239; iv.
302, 312, 343.
Domus, ii. 539; iii. 6–8, 31.
Doors of playhouse, ii. 538;
on stage, iii. 73, 83, 100, 132; iv. 366.
Double mask, i. 152, 154, 191.
Doubling of parts, i. 371.
Drama. See Plays.
Dramatists. See Playwrights.
Drums and trumpets announcing plays, ii. 160, 547; iv. 199, 203, 219,
228, 291, 316, 320.
Duke of York’s men, ii. 241–4.
Duration of plays, iv. 195, 198, 230, 316.
Duretto, i. 198; iii. 234; iv. 59.
Dwarfs at court, i. 48.
Page 594
E
Earl Marshal, i. 33.
‘Earnest’, ii. 161.
Earthquake, i. 256, 286–7; iv. 208.
‘Easer’ to playhouse, ii. 393, 402.
Economics of stage, i. 308, 348–88.
Edge of stage, action on, iii. 29, 90, 107, 154.
Educational value of plays, i. 237–40, 249, 251; iv. 184, 186, 187, 188,
191, 199.
Εκκύκλημα, iii. 97.
Elector Palatine’s men, ii. 190–2.
‘End’ of stage, iii. 74.
Engelische Comedien und Tragedien, ii. 285.
Enrolled Accounts, iv. 132, 134.
Entrance fees, ii. 531–4, 556; iii. 501; iv. 194, 219, 228, 230, 232, 240,
243, 366.
Entrances to stage, iii. 73.
Entremets, i. 152.
Entry of maskers, i. 182.
Epilogue, ii. 547, 550; iv. 256.
Esquires of Body, i. 46, 50;
of Household, i. 42–4.
Essex’s men, ii. 102.
Ethics of the stage, i. 236–68; iv. 184–259 (extracts), 267, 269, 273,
279, 281, 284, 291, 294, 295, 300, 303, 307, 317, 318, 321.
Eton, children of, ii. 73.
Evelyn’s men, ii. 117.
Exchequer, i. 5, 31, 54, 60, 62; iv. 131.
Exchequer court, i. 8.
‘Excursions’, iii. 53.
Execution scenes, iii. 57, 97.
Executions near playhouse, ii. 396.
Exemplifications of patents, i. 305, 355; ii. 192, 235, 259.
‘Extempore’ plays, ii. 553; iii. 287, 444–5.
‘Extraordinary’ household officers, i. 46, 49.
Extravagance of plays, i. 252, 255, 263.
Earl Marshal, i. 33.
‘Earnest’, ii. 161.
Earthquake, i. 256, 286–7; iv. 208.
‘Easer’ to playhouse, ii. 393, 402.
Economics of stage, i. 308, 348–88.
Edge of stage, action on, iii. 29, 90, 107, 154.
Educational value of plays, i. 237–40, 249, 251; iv. 184, 186, 187, 188,
191, 199.
Εκκύκλημα, iii. 97.
Elector Palatine’s men, ii. 190–2.
‘End’ of stage, iii. 74.
Engelische Comedien und Tragedien, ii. 285.
Enrolled Accounts, iv. 132, 134.
Entrance fees, ii. 531–4, 556; iii. 501; iv. 194, 219, 228, 230, 232, 240,
243, 366.
Entrances to stage, iii. 73.
Entremets, i. 152.
Entry of maskers, i. 182.
Epilogue, ii. 547, 550; iv. 256.
Esquires of Body, i. 46, 50;
of Household, i. 42–4.
Essex’s men, ii. 102.
Ethics of the stage, i. 236–68; iv. 184–259 (extracts), 267, 269, 273,
279, 281, 284, 291, 294, 295, 300, 303, 307, 317, 318, 321.
Eton, children of, ii. 73.
Evelyn’s men, ii. 117.
Exchequer, i. 5, 31, 54, 60, 62; iv. 131.
Exchequer court, i. 8.
‘Excursions’, iii. 53.
Execution scenes, iii. 57, 97.
Executions near playhouse, ii. 396.
Exemplifications of patents, i. 305, 355; ii. 192, 235, 259.
‘Extempore’ plays, ii. 553; iii. 287, 444–5.
‘Extraordinary’ household officers, i. 46, 49.
Extravagance of plays, i. 252, 255, 263.
Page 595
F
Fairies in shows, i. 124; iii. 401–2; iv. 63.
Family of Love, iii. 440, 441; iv. 11, 16, 29.
‘Fee lists’, i. 29.
Fees of household, i. 29, 50;
of players, ii. 78, 83.
Fencing, i. 289, 305, 361; ii. 343, 380, 382, 404, 410, 413–14, 470,
499, 500, 529; iv. 54, 79, 121, 205, 206, 270, 277, 283, 289, 293,
294, 324, 337.
Ferrara, plays at, iii. 4, 8.
Finance of masks, i. 207–12.
Finance of stage. See Boxholders, Entrance fees, Fees of players,
Gallery takings, Gatherers, Gratuity, Henslowe, Highway,
Hospitals, Housekeepers, Pensions, Poor, Profits, Rewards,
Sharers, Stock, Takings.
Fines of players, ii. 256.
Finestre (windows), iv. 360.
Fireworks, i. 123, 139; ii. 455; iv. 72, 73, 74, 88, 121, 122, 124, 127.
Flags on playhouses, ii. 546; iv. 219.
Folgore (lightning), iv. 365.
Folk-survivals in masks, i. 150.
Fools, at court, i. 48, 53;
on stage, ii. 327, 339.
See Clowns.
Foreshortening of space, iii. 25, 33, 37, 38, 41, 43, 50, 99, 117, 137,
150.
Forgeries, i. 59; ii. 79, 108, 159, 195, 207, 211, 229, 480, 496, 508,
510, 515; iii. 247, 252, 266–7, 274, 292, 421, 423, 425, 426, 428,
434, 459, 490, 512; iv. 1, 68, 136–41.
Fortune playhouse, ii. 435–43.
France, players in, ii. 292–4.
Free list, i. 361, 374; ii. 387, 406.
French players in England, iii. 19.
Front curtains, i. 231; iii. 10, 21, 30, 44, 79.
G
Fairies in shows, i. 124; iii. 401–2; iv. 63.
Family of Love, iii. 440, 441; iv. 11, 16, 29.
‘Fee lists’, i. 29.
Fees of household, i. 29, 50;
of players, ii. 78, 83.
Fencing, i. 289, 305, 361; ii. 343, 380, 382, 404, 410, 413–14, 470,
499, 500, 529; iv. 54, 79, 121, 205, 206, 270, 277, 283, 289, 293,
294, 324, 337.
Ferrara, plays at, iii. 4, 8.
Finance of masks, i. 207–12.
Finance of stage. See Boxholders, Entrance fees, Fees of players,
Gallery takings, Gatherers, Gratuity, Henslowe, Highway,
Hospitals, Housekeepers, Pensions, Poor, Profits, Rewards,
Sharers, Stock, Takings.
Fines of players, ii. 256.
Finestre (windows), iv. 360.
Fireworks, i. 123, 139; ii. 455; iv. 72, 73, 74, 88, 121, 122, 124, 127.
Flags on playhouses, ii. 546; iv. 219.
Folgore (lightning), iv. 365.
Folk-survivals in masks, i. 150.
Fools, at court, i. 48, 53;
on stage, ii. 327, 339.
See Clowns.
Foreshortening of space, iii. 25, 33, 37, 38, 41, 43, 50, 99, 117, 137,
150.
Forgeries, i. 59; ii. 79, 108, 159, 195, 207, 211, 229, 480, 496, 508,
510, 515; iii. 247, 252, 266–7, 274, 292, 421, 423, 425, 426, 428,
434, 459, 490, 512; iv. 1, 68, 136–41.
Fortune playhouse, ii. 435–43.
France, players in, ii. 292–4.
Free list, i. 361, 374; ii. 387, 406.
French players in England, iii. 19.
Front curtains, i. 231; iii. 10, 21, 30, 44, 79.
G
Page 596
‘Gag’, i. 322.
Galleries, of stage, ii. 534; iii. 45, 90–8, 119;
of auditorium, ii. 514, 530–4, 555.
Gallery takings, i. 355; ii. 131, 139, 182, 239, 245, 249, 256, 388, 393,
412.
Galliards, i. 6, 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 378, 380, 383,
385, 390, 435; iv. 56, 57, 59, 115, 217.
Garden scenes, iii. 55.
Garderoba, i. 55.
Garter, i. 20, 139; ii. 61, 160.
Gatherers, i. 356, 371; ii. 150, 174, 187, 389, 392, 393, 406, 445, 538.
‘Gatheryngs’, ii. 532; iii. 504.
Gelosi, ii. 262–3.
Geneva, history of plays at, i. 245.
Gentlemen of Chapel, ii. 24–30; iv. 150;
of Privy Chamber, i. 43, 50.
Gentlemen Ushers of Chamber, i. 44–5, 50, 108, 205, 226.
Germany, players in, i. 342–7; ii. 272–92.
‘Gests’ of progresses, i. 108; iv. 117, 120, 126.
‘Get-penny’, i. 373.
‘Ghost-names’, ii. 108, 312, 319; iii. 495.
Gifts in mask, i. 150, 160, 168, 196; iii. 278, 279, 282, 375, 435, 468;
on progress, i. 113, 116, 125.
Globe playhouse, ii. 414–34.
‘Good’ and ‘bad’ Shakespearian quartos, iii. 185.
Gowry Day, i. 21.
Grades in household, i. 42.
Gradi (tiers of seats), iv. 355, 358.
Graphic dances, i. 199.
‘Gratuity’ to players, i. 339.
Gray’s Inn, i. 214, 222; iii. 233, 239, 320–1, 348; iv. 56, 59, 82, 109,
127, 143, 162.
Great Chamber, i. 13, 216.
Green Cloth, board of, i. 35.
Groom Porter of Chamber, i. 45, 100.
Grooms of Chamber, i. 45, 50, 208, 311, 358;
of Privy Chamber, i. 43, 50;
Galleries, of stage, ii. 534; iii. 45, 90–8, 119;
of auditorium, ii. 514, 530–4, 555.
Gallery takings, i. 355; ii. 131, 139, 182, 239, 245, 249, 256, 388, 393,
412.
Galliards, i. 6, 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 378, 380, 383,
385, 390, 435; iv. 56, 57, 59, 115, 217.
Garden scenes, iii. 55.
Garderoba, i. 55.
Garter, i. 20, 139; ii. 61, 160.
Gatherers, i. 356, 371; ii. 150, 174, 187, 389, 392, 393, 406, 445, 538.
‘Gatheryngs’, ii. 532; iii. 504.
Gelosi, ii. 262–3.
Geneva, history of plays at, i. 245.
Gentlemen of Chapel, ii. 24–30; iv. 150;
of Privy Chamber, i. 43, 50.
Gentlemen Ushers of Chamber, i. 44–5, 50, 108, 205, 226.
Germany, players in, i. 342–7; ii. 272–92.
‘Gests’ of progresses, i. 108; iv. 117, 120, 126.
‘Get-penny’, i. 373.
‘Ghost-names’, ii. 108, 312, 319; iii. 495.
Gifts in mask, i. 150, 160, 168, 196; iii. 278, 279, 282, 375, 435, 468;
on progress, i. 113, 116, 125.
Globe playhouse, ii. 414–34.
‘Good’ and ‘bad’ Shakespearian quartos, iii. 185.
Gowry Day, i. 21.
Grades in household, i. 42.
Gradi (tiers of seats), iv. 355, 358.
Graphic dances, i. 199.
‘Gratuity’ to players, i. 339.
Gray’s Inn, i. 214, 222; iii. 233, 239, 320–1, 348; iv. 56, 59, 82, 109,
127, 143, 162.
Great Chamber, i. 13, 216.
Green Cloth, board of, i. 35.
Groom Porter of Chamber, i. 45, 100.
Grooms of Chamber, i. 45, 50, 208, 311, 358;
of Privy Chamber, i. 43, 50;
Page 597
of Revels, i. 93, 100;
of Stole, i. 53.
Grooms, in playhouses. See Attendants.
Groundlings, ii. 527; iv. 366.
Guard Chamber, i. 13.
Guilds and plays, i. 289, 296.
Gunpowder Day, i. 21; iii. 367.
H
Hall officers, i. 34, 226.
‘Hall’ or ‘room’, for masks, ii. 189;
for interludes, iii. 23, 27.
Hall scenes, iii. 63, 86.
Hallowmas, i. 21; iv. 237.
Halls of palaces, i. 13, 15, 202, 216.
Hangings, iii. 78, 111, 133, 501; iv. 367, 370.
Harbingers, i. 46, 108.
Harlots in playhouses, i. 255, 264; ii. 549; iv. 203, 209, 211, 218, 223.
‘Heavens’, ii. 544–6, 555; iii. 30, 75–7, 108, 133, 501.
‘Hell’, ii. 528; iii. 30, 501.
Hell-mouth, i. 232; ii. 528; iii. 72, 90.
Henchmen, i. 45.
Henslowe’s companies, finance of, ii. 94, 121, 123, 139–43, 148, 156–
7, 159–64, 174, 181–5, 189, 225–8, 245, 248–50, 254–7.
Hercules, Labours of, i. 152, 246; ii. 90.
Hereditary household officers, i. 32.
Hertford’s men, ii. 116.
Hesse-Cassel, players at court of, ii. 277–83.
High Commission, i. 275–6; iii. 162, 166–8, 171–2; iv. 265, 303.
Highway rates on playhouses, i. 317; iv. 344.
Hireling players, i. 362, 370; ii. 184, 250; iv. 204.
Hiring of playhouses, i. 369; ii. 448, 516.
Hissing, ii. 549.
Hobby-horses, i. 232; iii. 475; iv. 91, 217.
Hock Tuesday play, i. 123.
‘Honour’ in dance, i. 198; iii. 241.
of Stole, i. 53.
Grooms, in playhouses. See Attendants.
Groundlings, ii. 527; iv. 366.
Guard Chamber, i. 13.
Guilds and plays, i. 289, 296.
Gunpowder Day, i. 21; iii. 367.
H
Hall officers, i. 34, 226.
‘Hall’ or ‘room’, for masks, ii. 189;
for interludes, iii. 23, 27.
Hall scenes, iii. 63, 86.
Hallowmas, i. 21; iv. 237.
Halls of palaces, i. 13, 15, 202, 216.
Hangings, iii. 78, 111, 133, 501; iv. 367, 370.
Harbingers, i. 46, 108.
Harlots in playhouses, i. 255, 264; ii. 549; iv. 203, 209, 211, 218, 223.
‘Heavens’, ii. 544–6, 555; iii. 30, 75–7, 108, 133, 501.
‘Hell’, ii. 528; iii. 30, 501.
Hell-mouth, i. 232; ii. 528; iii. 72, 90.
Henchmen, i. 45.
Henslowe’s companies, finance of, ii. 94, 121, 123, 139–43, 148, 156–
7, 159–64, 174, 181–5, 189, 225–8, 245, 248–50, 254–7.
Hercules, Labours of, i. 152, 246; ii. 90.
Hereditary household officers, i. 32.
Hertford’s men, ii. 116.
Hesse-Cassel, players at court of, ii. 277–83.
High Commission, i. 275–6; iii. 162, 166–8, 171–2; iv. 265, 303.
Highway rates on playhouses, i. 317; iv. 344.
Hireling players, i. 362, 370; ii. 184, 250; iv. 204.
Hiring of playhouses, i. 369; ii. 448, 516.
Hissing, ii. 549.
Hobby-horses, i. 232; iii. 475; iv. 91, 217.
Hock Tuesday play, i. 123.
‘Honour’ in dance, i. 198; iii. 241.
Page 598
Hope playhouse, ii. 448–71.
Horse and ape baited, ii. 454–7.
Horse, performing, ii. 383; iii. 279.
Hospitals, subsidies by players to, iv. 272, 275.
Hosteria (inn), iv. 360.
Hôtel de Bourgogne, staging at, iii. 15–19.
Hour of performances, i. 289, 313; ii. 543, 556; iv. 262, 288, 300, 316.
Household, i. 30–70.
Household accounts, iv. 131.
‘Housekeepers’, i. 356, 368; ii. 417, 425, 442, 510.
‘Houses’ for plays, i. 78, 229; iii. 21, 42.
Howard’s men, ii. 134–86.
Humanism and the stage, i. 237, 250.
Hunsdon’s men, ii. 192–208.
Hunt in plays, i. 232.
Hunting, i. 7, 11, 13, 17, 21, 22.
‘Hut’, ii. 544–6; iii. 78.
I
Imprese, i. 143, 148, 197; iii. 213, 403; iv. 57, 231.
Improvisation, ii. 553.
Infamia of players, i. 252, 254; iv. 195, 199, 215, 217.
‘Ingle’, ii. 550.
Inhibition of plays. See Restraint.
Inner Temple, i. 214, 221; iii. 215, 233, 237, 238, 457, 514; iv. 80, 82,
127.
‘Innovation’, restraint for, ii. 206.
Inns, plays in, i. 283, 284, 304; ii. 356, 379–83, 527; iv. 267, 273, 288,
340, 369.
Inter-act dances, ii. 557; iii. 130;
music, ii. 541, 557; iii. 125, 130.
Interior action, iii. 63, 70, 119, 133, 152.
Interlude, early use of term, i. 56.
Interlude players of Household, i. 48, 63; ii. 77–85.
Interludes, setting of, iii. 21–7.
Intermedii, i. 152, 185; iii. 6, 384; iv. 356.
Horse and ape baited, ii. 454–7.
Horse, performing, ii. 383; iii. 279.
Hospitals, subsidies by players to, iv. 272, 275.
Hosteria (inn), iv. 360.
Hôtel de Bourgogne, staging at, iii. 15–19.
Hour of performances, i. 289, 313; ii. 543, 556; iv. 262, 288, 300, 316.
Household, i. 30–70.
Household accounts, iv. 131.
‘Housekeepers’, i. 356, 368; ii. 417, 425, 442, 510.
‘Houses’ for plays, i. 78, 229; iii. 21, 42.
Howard’s men, ii. 134–86.
Humanism and the stage, i. 237, 250.
Hunsdon’s men, ii. 192–208.
Hunt in plays, i. 232.
Hunting, i. 7, 11, 13, 17, 21, 22.
‘Hut’, ii. 544–6; iii. 78.
I
Imprese, i. 143, 148, 197; iii. 213, 403; iv. 57, 231.
Improvisation, ii. 553.
Infamia of players, i. 252, 254; iv. 195, 199, 215, 217.
‘Ingle’, ii. 550.
Inhibition of plays. See Restraint.
Inner Temple, i. 214, 221; iii. 215, 233, 237, 238, 457, 514; iv. 80, 82,
127.
‘Innovation’, restraint for, ii. 206.
Inns, plays in, i. 283, 284, 304; ii. 356, 379–83, 527; iv. 267, 273, 288,
340, 369.
Inter-act dances, ii. 557; iii. 130;
music, ii. 541, 557; iii. 125, 130.
Interior action, iii. 63, 70, 119, 133, 152.
Interlude, early use of term, i. 56.
Interlude players of Household, i. 48, 63; ii. 77–85.
Interludes, setting of, iii. 21–7.
Intermedii, i. 152, 185; iii. 6, 384; iv. 356.
Page 599
Inventories of Admiral’s, ii. 165.
Ireland, players in, i. 341.
Italian plays, ii. 261–5.
Italy, player in, ii. 273.
J
Jesuit plays, i. 323; iv. 374, 377, 401.
Jewel House, i. 42, 57, 63.
Jigs, i. 304; ii. 325, 342, 404, 455, 542, 551; iii. 496; iv. 217, 243, 340.
Jugglers, iv. 192, 217, 270.
Justices, control of plays by, i. 271, 274, 276, 279, 285, 299, 306, 337.
‘Juxtaposition’ of backgrounds, iii. 18, 21.
K
Keepers of Bears, ii. 450–2;
of Dogs, ii. 450–1;
of Council Chamber Door, i. 69.
King of the Bean, i. 19; iv. 82.
King’s men, ii. 208–20.
King’s Revels (1629–37), iv. 43.
King’s Revels, children of, ii. 64–8.
Kirk of Scotland and plays, ii. 265–8.
Knight Marshal, i. 33.
Knight of Crown, i. 141; iii. 403.
Knight of Pendragon Castle, iii. 268.
Knights of Body, i. 42–4.
Knights, satirized in plays, iii. 215, 252, 253, 255, 257, 439, 440; iv.
37, 38.
L
Labels, for localities, iii. 30, 40, 122, 126, 137, 154;
for play-titles, iii. 20, 41, 126, 137, 154;
for properties, iii. 137.
Ladies at playhouses, ii. 549, 555.
Ladies of Bed Chamber, i. 44, 54;
Ireland, players in, i. 341.
Italian plays, ii. 261–5.
Italy, player in, ii. 273.
J
Jesuit plays, i. 323; iv. 374, 377, 401.
Jewel House, i. 42, 57, 63.
Jigs, i. 304; ii. 325, 342, 404, 455, 542, 551; iii. 496; iv. 217, 243, 340.
Jugglers, iv. 192, 217, 270.
Justices, control of plays by, i. 271, 274, 276, 279, 285, 299, 306, 337.
‘Juxtaposition’ of backgrounds, iii. 18, 21.
K
Keepers of Bears, ii. 450–2;
of Dogs, ii. 450–1;
of Council Chamber Door, i. 69.
King of the Bean, i. 19; iv. 82.
King’s men, ii. 208–20.
King’s Revels (1629–37), iv. 43.
King’s Revels, children of, ii. 64–8.
Kirk of Scotland and plays, ii. 265–8.
Knight Marshal, i. 33.
Knight of Crown, i. 141; iii. 403.
Knight of Pendragon Castle, iii. 268.
Knights of Body, i. 42–4.
Knights, satirized in plays, iii. 215, 252, 253, 255, 257, 439, 440; iv.
37, 38.
L
Labels, for localities, iii. 30, 40, 122, 126, 137, 154;
for play-titles, iii. 20, 41, 126, 137, 154;
for properties, iii. 137.
Ladies at playhouses, ii. 549, 555.
Ladies of Bed Chamber, i. 44, 54;
Page 600
of Drawing Chamber, i. 54;
of Presence Chamber, i. 45;
of Privy Chamber, i. 44, 54.
Lady Elizabeth’s men, ii. 246–60.
Lady Essex’s men, ii. 103.
Lady Warwick’s men, ii. 99.
Lampo, iv. 365.
Lane’s men, ii. 96.
Lavoltas, i. 198; iii. 241, 435.
Lawsuits of players, ii. 23, 43, 57, 64, 80, 128, 131, 156, 202, 221,
236–40, 241–3, 383, 387–93, 398–400, 414, 424, 445, 515–17.
Leap-year, in plays, iii. 253, 292, 440; iv. 21, 29.
Learned counsel, i. 69.
Leicester’s boys, ii. 88.
Leicester’s men, ii. 85–91.
Length of plays, ii. 543, 556.
Lennox’s men, ii. 241.
Lent, restraint in, i. 286, 297, 301, 315; ii. 141–2, 159–60; iv. 256, 278,
297, 332, 336, 342.
Liaison, iii. 200.
‘Liberties’, ii. 477–80.
Licences, for plays, by high commission, i. 275;
by local officers, i. 276;
by master of revels, i. 318; ii. 222; iii. 276;
by privy council, i. 275;
by secondaries of the compter, i. 275;
by sovereign, i. 275;
by special commission, i. 295, 319;
by Samuel Daniel, ii. 49;
for playhouses, by local officers, i. 276, 279, 299, 306, 337;
by master of revels, i. 288, 295;
by privy council, i. 300;
for playing companies, by lords, i. 266, 270, 274, 276, 279, 286,
294, 299, 304, 310, 335, 337, 354; ii. 222;
by master of revels, i. 288; ii. 221;
by privy council, i. 274, 300; ii. 94, 123;
under signet, i. 306, 338; ii. 260;
of Presence Chamber, i. 45;
of Privy Chamber, i. 44, 54.
Lady Elizabeth’s men, ii. 246–60.
Lady Essex’s men, ii. 103.
Lady Warwick’s men, ii. 99.
Lampo, iv. 365.
Lane’s men, ii. 96.
Lavoltas, i. 198; iii. 241, 435.
Lawsuits of players, ii. 23, 43, 57, 64, 80, 128, 131, 156, 202, 221,
236–40, 241–3, 383, 387–93, 398–400, 414, 424, 445, 515–17.
Leap-year, in plays, iii. 253, 292, 440; iv. 21, 29.
Learned counsel, i. 69.
Leicester’s boys, ii. 88.
Leicester’s men, ii. 85–91.
Length of plays, ii. 543, 556.
Lennox’s men, ii. 241.
Lent, restraint in, i. 286, 297, 301, 315; ii. 141–2, 159–60; iv. 256, 278,
297, 332, 336, 342.
Liaison, iii. 200.
‘Liberties’, ii. 477–80.
Licences, for plays, by high commission, i. 275;
by local officers, i. 276;
by master of revels, i. 318; ii. 222; iii. 276;
by privy council, i. 275;
by secondaries of the compter, i. 275;
by sovereign, i. 275;
by special commission, i. 295, 319;
by Samuel Daniel, ii. 49;
for playhouses, by local officers, i. 276, 279, 299, 306, 337;
by master of revels, i. 288, 295;
by privy council, i. 300;
for playing companies, by lords, i. 266, 270, 274, 276, 279, 286,
294, 299, 304, 310, 335, 337, 354; ii. 222;
by master of revels, i. 288; ii. 221;
by privy council, i. 274, 300; ii. 94, 123;
under signet, i. 306, 338; ii. 260;
Page 601
for printing books, by correctors, iii. 162–77, 187–92;
by high commission, iii. 162, 166–8;
by lord chamberlain, iii. 192;
by master of revels, iii. 158, 169, 191, 258;
by privy council, iii. 159–63, 168;
by sovereign, iii. 160;
by Stationers’ company, iii. 162–77, 187–92;
subject to conditions, iii. 169, 188–90.
See Censorship, Deputations, Exemplifications, Patents, Restraints.
Liebeskampff, ii. 285.
Lighting of plays, i. 225, 227; ii. 541, 543, 556; iv. 372.
Lincoln’s Inn, i. 222; iii. 260; iv. 127.
Lincoln’s men, ii. 96.
Lion-baiting, ii. 454.
Lists for tilt, i. 140.
Livery of Household, i. 51, 539;
of players, i. 311, 313; ii. 82, 86, 105, 107, 211, 229, 239.
Local players, i. 280, 310, 328.
Locality, indicated in dialogue, iii. 41, 127;
change of, iii. 18, 25, 34, 36, 38–9, 43, 102, 121.
See Edge, Foreshortening, Juxtaposition, Labels, Multiple, Split
Scenes, Unity.
Loggia, iii. 25, 32, 36, 43.
Long Parliament, plays suppressed by, i. 306, 387.
Lord Lieutenant, plays licensed by, i. 276.
Lord Mayor’s show, i. 135–8; iii. 305, 443, 445, 448, 455, 463; iv. 72.
Lords of Misrule, i. 19, 135; iv. 55, 71, 80, 200.
Lords of players, i. 266, 270, 274, 276, 279, 286, 294, 299, 304, 310,
335, 337, 354; ii. 3, 221; iii. 180, 188; iv. 205, 210, 230, 237, 263,
264, 268, 293, 298, 316, 319, 320, 324, 326, 328, 334, 337.
Lords’ rooms, ii. 531, 535–7; iii. 118; iv. 366.
Lost plays (list), iv. 398–404.
Lotteries, iv. 67, 400.
Lumi artificiali, iv. 355, 363.
Luoghi deputati, iii. 6.
Lutenists, i. 49; ii. 31, 277.
by high commission, iii. 162, 166–8;
by lord chamberlain, iii. 192;
by master of revels, iii. 158, 169, 191, 258;
by privy council, iii. 159–63, 168;
by sovereign, iii. 160;
by Stationers’ company, iii. 162–77, 187–92;
subject to conditions, iii. 169, 188–90.
See Censorship, Deputations, Exemplifications, Patents, Restraints.
Liebeskampff, ii. 285.
Lighting of plays, i. 225, 227; ii. 541, 543, 556; iv. 372.
Lincoln’s Inn, i. 222; iii. 260; iv. 127.
Lincoln’s men, ii. 96.
Lion-baiting, ii. 454.
Lists for tilt, i. 140.
Livery of Household, i. 51, 539;
of players, i. 311, 313; ii. 82, 86, 105, 107, 211, 229, 239.
Local players, i. 280, 310, 328.
Locality, indicated in dialogue, iii. 41, 127;
change of, iii. 18, 25, 34, 36, 38–9, 43, 102, 121.
See Edge, Foreshortening, Juxtaposition, Labels, Multiple, Split
Scenes, Unity.
Loggia, iii. 25, 32, 36, 43.
Long Parliament, plays suppressed by, i. 306, 387.
Lord Lieutenant, plays licensed by, i. 276.
Lord Mayor’s show, i. 135–8; iii. 305, 443, 445, 448, 455, 463; iv. 72.
Lords of Misrule, i. 19, 135; iv. 55, 71, 80, 200.
Lords of players, i. 266, 270, 274, 276, 279, 286, 294, 299, 304, 310,
335, 337, 354; ii. 3, 221; iii. 180, 188; iv. 205, 210, 230, 237, 263,
264, 268, 293, 298, 316, 319, 320, 324, 326, 328, 334, 337.
Lords’ rooms, ii. 531, 535–7; iii. 118; iv. 366.
Lost plays (list), iv. 398–404.
Lotteries, iv. 67, 400.
Lumi artificiali, iv. 355, 363.
Luoghi deputati, iii. 6.
Lutenists, i. 49; ii. 31, 277.
Page 602
M
Machines, i. 179, 184, 232, 233; iii. 77, 97, 282, 376, 378–9, 383, 386;
iv. 370, 371.
Maids of Honour, i. 45; iii. 514; iv. 114, 352.
‘Maisons’, iii. 16.
Managers of companies, i. 352; ii. 219, 238–9.
Manuscript plays (list), iv. 404–6.
Manuscripts used by players, iii. 193–7; iv. 4, 32, 43, 45.
Maps and plans of London, ii. 353–5, 376–9, 433.
Marprelate controversy, i. 261, 294; ii. 18, 110, 412; iii. 450; iv. 229–
33.
Mascarade, i. 176.
‘Mask’, etymology of, i. 153.
Masks, i. 75, 76, 78, 79, 86, 100, 149–212; iii. 500;
characters in, i. 158, 192;
inserted in plays, i. 186–90.
See Alphabetical, Antimask, Assaults, Banquets, Books,
Commoning, Devices, Double Mask, Entry, Finance, Folk-
survivals, Gifts, Hall, Honour, Patterns, Perspective,
Proscenium, Revels, Scenes, Spectators, Taking out, Torch-
bearers, Truchmen.
‘Masque’, so spelt by Jonson, i. 176.
Master of Ceremonies, i. 53;
of Horse, i. 34, 67, 100, 107, 209;
of Paris Garden, ii. 450–3;
of Posts, i. 48, 62, 69;
of Requests, i. 48, 69;
of Robes, i. 52.
Master of Revels, i. 71–105, 282, 288, 295, 299, 300, 303, 305, 318–
22; iv. 135–41, 272, 285, 293, 305, 308–9, 325, 338, 340, 342,
343;
fees of, i. 319; ii. 184;
play-texts altered by, i. 320;
supposed players of, i. 318; ii. 223.
See Licences.
Masters of Chapel, ii. 23, 27;
Machines, i. 179, 184, 232, 233; iii. 77, 97, 282, 376, 378–9, 383, 386;
iv. 370, 371.
Maids of Honour, i. 45; iii. 514; iv. 114, 352.
‘Maisons’, iii. 16.
Managers of companies, i. 352; ii. 219, 238–9.
Manuscript plays (list), iv. 404–6.
Manuscripts used by players, iii. 193–7; iv. 4, 32, 43, 45.
Maps and plans of London, ii. 353–5, 376–9, 433.
Marprelate controversy, i. 261, 294; ii. 18, 110, 412; iii. 450; iv. 229–
33.
Mascarade, i. 176.
‘Mask’, etymology of, i. 153.
Masks, i. 75, 76, 78, 79, 86, 100, 149–212; iii. 500;
characters in, i. 158, 192;
inserted in plays, i. 186–90.
See Alphabetical, Antimask, Assaults, Banquets, Books,
Commoning, Devices, Double Mask, Entry, Finance, Folk-
survivals, Gifts, Hall, Honour, Patterns, Perspective,
Proscenium, Revels, Scenes, Spectators, Taking out, Torch-
bearers, Truchmen.
‘Masque’, so spelt by Jonson, i. 176.
Master of Ceremonies, i. 53;
of Horse, i. 34, 67, 100, 107, 209;
of Paris Garden, ii. 450–3;
of Posts, i. 48, 62, 69;
of Requests, i. 48, 69;
of Robes, i. 52.
Master of Revels, i. 71–105, 282, 288, 295, 299, 300, 303, 305, 318–
22; iv. 135–41, 272, 285, 293, 305, 308–9, 325, 338, 340, 342,
343;
fees of, i. 319; ii. 184;
play-texts altered by, i. 320;
supposed players of, i. 318; ii. 223.
See Licences.
Masters of Chapel, ii. 23, 27;
Page 603
of Eton, ii. 73;
of Merchant Taylors, ii. 75;
of Paul’s, ii. 8, 21;
of Westminster, ii. 69;
of Windsor Chapel, ii. 61.
Masters of companies, i. 379, 386; iv. 371.
Masterships in Household, i. 34.
Matachines, iii. 280, 382; iv. 162.
Mat-layer, i. 182, 208; iii. 262.
May games, i. 4, 6, 20, 120, 135, 303; iii. 268, 391; iv. 44, 77, 94, 113,
115, 200, 231–3, 247, 311, 338.
Mayors, control of plays by. See Justices, Restraint.
Measures, i. 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 375, 378, 383, 385,
386, 434; iv. 56, 57, 59.
Men companies, list of, ii. 77.
Merchant Taylors, i. 296; ii. 72, 75, 213; iii. 394, 493; iv. 309;
children of, ii. 75.
‘Merriments’, ii. 325; iv. 24.
Messalina engraving, ii. 519.
Messengers of Chamber, i. 45, 69; ii. 114; iii. 444.
‘Mewing’, ii. 549; iv. 369.
Middle Temple, i. 222; iii. 260; iv. 111, 127.
Midsummer bonfires, i. 20;
watch, i. 4, 135; iv. 81.
Mimorum aedes, ii. 538.
Minstrels, i. 48; iv. 337.
‘Momer’, ii. 324, 332.
Momeries, i. 152.
‘Monarke’ at Revels office, i. 87.
‘Morals’ written for printing, iii. 179.
Morascos, i. 198; iv. 59.
Moresche, i. 195; iii. 6; iv. 356.
Morley’s men, ii. 113, 120, 124, 192.
Morris dance, i. 4, 124, 126, 135, 151, 156, 195, 262; ii. 326; iii. 362,
391, 453, 513; iv. 77, 78, 96, 200, 217, 231, 311, 367.
Mother of the Maids, i. 45, 54; iv. 67.
Motions, i. 281; iii. 373; iv. 271;
of Merchant Taylors, ii. 75;
of Paul’s, ii. 8, 21;
of Westminster, ii. 69;
of Windsor Chapel, ii. 61.
Masters of companies, i. 379, 386; iv. 371.
Masterships in Household, i. 34.
Matachines, iii. 280, 382; iv. 162.
Mat-layer, i. 182, 208; iii. 262.
May games, i. 4, 6, 20, 120, 135, 303; iii. 268, 391; iv. 44, 77, 94, 113,
115, 200, 231–3, 247, 311, 338.
Mayors, control of plays by. See Justices, Restraint.
Measures, i. 198; iii. 234, 239, 241, 278, 280, 282, 375, 378, 383, 385,
386, 434; iv. 56, 57, 59.
Men companies, list of, ii. 77.
Merchant Taylors, i. 296; ii. 72, 75, 213; iii. 394, 493; iv. 309;
children of, ii. 75.
‘Merriments’, ii. 325; iv. 24.
Messalina engraving, ii. 519.
Messengers of Chamber, i. 45, 69; ii. 114; iii. 444.
‘Mewing’, ii. 549; iv. 369.
Middle Temple, i. 222; iii. 260; iv. 111, 127.
Midsummer bonfires, i. 20;
watch, i. 4, 135; iv. 81.
Mimorum aedes, ii. 538.
Minstrels, i. 48; iv. 337.
‘Momer’, ii. 324, 332.
Momeries, i. 152.
‘Monarke’ at Revels office, i. 87.
‘Morals’ written for printing, iii. 179.
Morascos, i. 198; iv. 59.
Moresche, i. 195; iii. 6; iv. 356.
Morley’s men, ii. 113, 120, 124, 192.
Morris dance, i. 4, 124, 126, 135, 151, 156, 195, 262; ii. 326; iii. 362,
391, 453, 513; iv. 77, 78, 96, 200, 217, 231, 311, 367.
Mother of the Maids, i. 45, 54; iv. 67.
Motions, i. 281; iii. 373; iv. 271;
Page 604
in masks, iii. 382, 387.
‘Mouth’, officers for, i. 46.
‘Multiple’ staging, iii. 18, 21, 25, 43.
Mumming, i. 150–1.
Music, ii. 541, 556.
Music house, i. 225; ii. 542, 557; iii. 139.
Music room, iii. 96, 120.
Music tree, ii. 557; iii. 137.
Musicians at court, i. 48, 63;
in masks, i. 201.
N
‘ne’, significance of, ii. 122, 141, 145; iii. 421.
Netherlands, players in, ii. 273–4, 285, 288, 291, 292.
New Year’s Day, i. 19, 213.
Newington Butts playhouse, ii. 404.
Night performances, i. 304; iv. 225, 247, 268, 302, 306, 340.
Nîmes, synod of, i. 249.
Nottingham’s men, ii. 141–86.
O
Open country scenes, iii. 51.
Orchestra, ii. 530.
Ordinanze di figurette (plots?), iv. 364.
Original Accounts, iv. 132.
‘Originals’ of plays, iii. 193, 227.
Orizonte (vanishing-point), iv. 355–8.
Ostend, siege of, iv. 39.
Out-of-doors action, convention of, iii. 29, 42, 60, 63.
Outer Chamber, i. 42, 45.
‘Over the stage’, ii. 534.
Oxford’s boys, ii. 100–1.
Oxford’s men, ii. 99–102.
P
‘Mouth’, officers for, i. 46.
‘Multiple’ staging, iii. 18, 21, 25, 43.
Mumming, i. 150–1.
Music, ii. 541, 556.
Music house, i. 225; ii. 542, 557; iii. 139.
Music room, iii. 96, 120.
Music tree, ii. 557; iii. 137.
Musicians at court, i. 48, 63;
in masks, i. 201.
N
‘ne’, significance of, ii. 122, 141, 145; iii. 421.
Netherlands, players in, ii. 273–4, 285, 288, 291, 292.
New Year’s Day, i. 19, 213.
Newington Butts playhouse, ii. 404.
Night performances, i. 304; iv. 225, 247, 268, 302, 306, 340.
Nîmes, synod of, i. 249.
Nottingham’s men, ii. 141–86.
O
Open country scenes, iii. 51.
Orchestra, ii. 530.
Ordinanze di figurette (plots?), iv. 364.
Original Accounts, iv. 132.
‘Originals’ of plays, iii. 193, 227.
Orizonte (vanishing-point), iv. 355–8.
Ostend, siege of, iv. 39.
Out-of-doors action, convention of, iii. 29, 42, 60, 63.
Outer Chamber, i. 42, 45.
‘Over the stage’, ii. 534.
Oxford’s boys, ii. 100–1.
Oxford’s men, ii. 99–102.
P
Page 605
‘Pageanter’, iii. 445.
Pageants, i. 126, 132, 135, 138, 151, 160, 175, 303; ii. 90; iii. 20, 305,
358, 445; iv. 60, 63, 77, 92, 118, 121, 231, 339.
Pages of Chamber, i. 45.
Palaces, i. 8–15.
Palsgrave’s men, ii. 190–2.
Papist plays, i. 328.
Pariete (scenic wall), iv. 355, 362.
Paris Garden, ii. 450–65.
Parliaments, i. 22.
‘Parts’ of plays, ii. 44; iii. 185, 194, 329.
Passports, ii. 138, 274.
Patents, stages of, i. 272;
for Master of Revels, i. 89, 99; iv. 285;
for playing companies, i. 281, 302, 304, 305, 385; ii. 49, 55, 56, 67,
68, 87, 187, 190, 208, 218, 229, 230, 243, 246; iv. 270, 272,
335–43, 344;
for playhouse, ii. 472.
Patterns for masks, i. 163, 165.
Paul’s, children of, ii. 8–23;
grammar school, ii. 9–11, 16, 21;
playhouse, ii. 16; iii. 144.
Payments for court plays, iv. 141–83.
Pembroke’s men, ii. 128–34, 166, 199.
Pendentia (rake of stage), iv. 356.
Pensioners, i. 47, 50, 140; iv. 352.
Pensions of players, i. 352; ii. 191, 237.
Pent-house, ii. 544.
Pergoli (balconies), iv. 360.
Περίακτοι (turn-tables), i. 233; iii. 3.
Perspective, in mask-settings, i. 184;
on court stage, i. 231;
on Italian stage, iii. 8–10, 13; iv. 355;
on French stage, iii. 17;
on court stage, iii. 21, 44;
in private theatres, iii. 133, 154.
Phoenix playhouse, ii. 372, 375.
Pageants, i. 126, 132, 135, 138, 151, 160, 175, 303; ii. 90; iii. 20, 305,
358, 445; iv. 60, 63, 77, 92, 118, 121, 231, 339.
Pages of Chamber, i. 45.
Palaces, i. 8–15.
Palsgrave’s men, ii. 190–2.
Papist plays, i. 328.
Pariete (scenic wall), iv. 355, 362.
Paris Garden, ii. 450–65.
Parliaments, i. 22.
‘Parts’ of plays, ii. 44; iii. 185, 194, 329.
Passports, ii. 138, 274.
Patents, stages of, i. 272;
for Master of Revels, i. 89, 99; iv. 285;
for playing companies, i. 281, 302, 304, 305, 385; ii. 49, 55, 56, 67,
68, 87, 187, 190, 208, 218, 229, 230, 243, 246; iv. 270, 272,
335–43, 344;
for playhouse, ii. 472.
Patterns for masks, i. 163, 165.
Paul’s, children of, ii. 8–23;
grammar school, ii. 9–11, 16, 21;
playhouse, ii. 16; iii. 144.
Payments for court plays, iv. 141–83.
Pembroke’s men, ii. 128–34, 166, 199.
Pendentia (rake of stage), iv. 356.
Pensioners, i. 47, 50, 140; iv. 352.
Pensions of players, i. 352; ii. 191, 237.
Pent-house, ii. 544.
Pergoli (balconies), iv. 360.
Περίακτοι (turn-tables), i. 233; iii. 3.
Perspective, in mask-settings, i. 184;
on court stage, i. 231;
on Italian stage, iii. 8–10, 13; iv. 355;
on French stage, iii. 17;
on court stage, iii. 21, 44;
in private theatres, iii. 133, 154.
Phoenix playhouse, ii. 372, 375.
Page 606
Pianta (ground-plan of stage), iv. 355.
Pippins in playhouses, iv. 203, 218.
‘Piracy’ of plays, iii. 184–92.
Pit, ii. 555; iv. 372.
‘Place’, iii. 22, 27, 37.
‘Place behind the stage’, iii. 82.
Plagiarism, iii. 408.
Plague, history of, in London, i. 329; iv. 345–51;
bills of, i. 292, 302, 330; iv. 301, 336, 338, 345;
restraint of plays for, i. 267, 278, 282, 286–97, 302–4, 329; ii. 113;
iv. 259–345, 346–51;
subsidies to King’s men in, i. 218; ii. 210, 214; iv. 168, 174, 176;
in progress time, i. 109, 111, 119, 121.
Platea, iii. 16, 22.
Plaudite, ii. 549; iii. 370; iv. 366.
Players as covenant servants, ii. 154;
as gentlemen, i. 349; ii. 98, 298;
as Grooms of Chamber, i. 47, 52, 311; ii. 105, 211; iv. 169;
as rogues and vagabonds, i. 254, 270, 279, 287, 292, 294, 299, 305,
383; iv. 224, 230, 255, 258, 270, 300, 324, 337;
in masks, i. 200; ii. 217;
in poets’ feathers, i. 376; iii. 326, 450;
in prison, i. 298, 339; ii. 52, 55, 155, 323; iii. 257, 353, 496; iv. 305,
323;
on the road, i. 332, 376, 380, 383–4; iii. 353; iv. 236, 241, 257;
pressing of, i. 383; iv. 18.
See Apparel, Apprentices, Arms, Boys, Casts, Chameleon, Clowns,
Continent, Contracts, Conversion, Copper lace, Debts,
Doubling, Fines, Hireling, Infamia, Lawsuits, Quality, Ranting,
Recognisances, Statutes, Supers, Temperament, Vizards,
Women.
Playhouses, list of, ii. 379;
succession of, ii. 355–79;
iconography of, ii. 519;
audience in, ii. 548, 555;
auditorium of, ii. 526–38, 555;
cost of, i. 368; ii. 387, 391, 406–9, 423, 436, 441, 443;
Pippins in playhouses, iv. 203, 218.
‘Piracy’ of plays, iii. 184–92.
Pit, ii. 555; iv. 372.
‘Place’, iii. 22, 27, 37.
‘Place behind the stage’, iii. 82.
Plagiarism, iii. 408.
Plague, history of, in London, i. 329; iv. 345–51;
bills of, i. 292, 302, 330; iv. 301, 336, 338, 345;
restraint of plays for, i. 267, 278, 282, 286–97, 302–4, 329; ii. 113;
iv. 259–345, 346–51;
subsidies to King’s men in, i. 218; ii. 210, 214; iv. 168, 174, 176;
in progress time, i. 109, 111, 119, 121.
Platea, iii. 16, 22.
Plaudite, ii. 549; iii. 370; iv. 366.
Players as covenant servants, ii. 154;
as gentlemen, i. 349; ii. 98, 298;
as Grooms of Chamber, i. 47, 52, 311; ii. 105, 211; iv. 169;
as rogues and vagabonds, i. 254, 270, 279, 287, 292, 294, 299, 305,
383; iv. 224, 230, 255, 258, 270, 300, 324, 337;
in masks, i. 200; ii. 217;
in poets’ feathers, i. 376; iii. 326, 450;
in prison, i. 298, 339; ii. 52, 55, 155, 323; iii. 257, 353, 496; iv. 305,
323;
on the road, i. 332, 376, 380, 383–4; iii. 353; iv. 236, 241, 257;
pressing of, i. 383; iv. 18.
See Apparel, Apprentices, Arms, Boys, Casts, Chameleon, Clowns,
Continent, Contracts, Conversion, Copper lace, Debts,
Doubling, Fines, Hireling, Infamia, Lawsuits, Quality, Ranting,
Recognisances, Statutes, Supers, Temperament, Vizards,
Women.
Playhouses, list of, ii. 379;
succession of, ii. 355–79;
iconography of, ii. 519;
audience in, ii. 548, 555;
auditorium of, ii. 526–38, 555;
cost of, i. 368; ii. 387, 391, 406–9, 423, 436, 441, 443;
Page 607
destruction of, ii. 374;
luxury of, i. 285, 348; ii. 358, 395, 530; iv. 197, 200, 217, 269;
profits of, i. 355, 368; ii. 391, 424–5, 510, 512;
seating of, ii. 530–8, 555;
shape of, ii. 524, 554;
size of, ii. 527, 554;
structure of, ii. 393, 409, 434, 439, 443, 448, 522–57;
suppression of, in city, ii. 359;
visits of foreigners to, ii. 358–69.
See Accidents, Attendants, Bills, Bookholders, Books, Boxes,
Boxholders, Bullettini, Burning, Cards, Contracts, Cressets,
Cutpurses, Disorders, Doors, Entrance fees, Executions, Flags,
Free list, Galleries, Gatherers, Groundlings, Harlots, Hiring,
Hissing, Hour, Housekeepers, Hut, Ladies, Licences, Lighting,
Lords’ rooms, Mewing, Night, Pent-house, Pippins, Pit,
Plaudite, Private, Public, Refreshments, Rooms, Round,
Shadow, Seats, Signs, Smoking, Sounding, Square, Stage,
Stagekeepers, Staging, Stinkards, Stools, Taphouses, Tiring
house, Tombs, Top, Trumpets, Understanders, Upper rooms,
Yard.
Playing companies, lists of, i. 341; ii. 8, 77;
succession of, ii. 3–8;
organization of, i. 310–13, 352–68, 378.
See Adult, Amalgamation, Articles, Associations, Badges, Bonds,
Boy, Competition, Compositions, Deputations, Division,
Exemplifications, Finance, Housekeepers, Licences, Local,
Lords, Managers, Masters, Patents, Pensions, Provincial,
Sharers, Size, Stock, Syndicates.
Plays, lists of, iv. 373–406;
called ballads, iii. 504, 505;
falsity of, i. 254; iv. 211, 217;
incongruities in, iii. 40, 88; iv. 201, 203, 215, 226, 248;
preferred to sermons, i. 255, 258; iv. 199, 219, 223, 304;
price of, i. 372; ii. 160–4;
written for printing, iii. 28;
within plays, iii. 93.
luxury of, i. 285, 348; ii. 358, 395, 530; iv. 197, 200, 217, 269;
profits of, i. 355, 368; ii. 391, 424–5, 510, 512;
seating of, ii. 530–8, 555;
shape of, ii. 524, 554;
size of, ii. 527, 554;
structure of, ii. 393, 409, 434, 439, 443, 448, 522–57;
suppression of, in city, ii. 359;
visits of foreigners to, ii. 358–69.
See Accidents, Attendants, Bills, Bookholders, Books, Boxes,
Boxholders, Bullettini, Burning, Cards, Contracts, Cressets,
Cutpurses, Disorders, Doors, Entrance fees, Executions, Flags,
Free list, Galleries, Gatherers, Groundlings, Harlots, Hiring,
Hissing, Hour, Housekeepers, Hut, Ladies, Licences, Lighting,
Lords’ rooms, Mewing, Night, Pent-house, Pippins, Pit,
Plaudite, Private, Public, Refreshments, Rooms, Round,
Shadow, Seats, Signs, Smoking, Sounding, Square, Stage,
Stagekeepers, Staging, Stinkards, Stools, Taphouses, Tiring
house, Tombs, Top, Trumpets, Understanders, Upper rooms,
Yard.
Playing companies, lists of, i. 341; ii. 8, 77;
succession of, ii. 3–8;
organization of, i. 310–13, 352–68, 378.
See Adult, Amalgamation, Articles, Associations, Badges, Bonds,
Boy, Competition, Compositions, Deputations, Division,
Exemplifications, Finance, Housekeepers, Licences, Local,
Lords, Managers, Masters, Patents, Pensions, Provincial,
Sharers, Size, Stock, Syndicates.
Plays, lists of, iv. 373–406;
called ballads, iii. 504, 505;
falsity of, i. 254; iv. 211, 217;
incongruities in, iii. 40, 88; iv. 201, 203, 215, 226, 248;
preferred to sermons, i. 255, 258; iv. 199, 219, 223, 304;
price of, i. 372; ii. 160–4;
written for printing, iii. 28;
within plays, iii. 93.
Page 608
See Acts, Calvinism, Closet, Defences, Duration, Epilogue, Ethics,
Extempore, Get-penny, Length, Morals, Plots, Politics, Prayers,
Prologue, Puritans, Religious, Revision, Revivals, Runs, Satire,
Sedition, Topical, Vice.
Play-texts, sold to printers, iii. 184, 194;
printing of, i. 341; ii. 114, 128; iii. 158–200, 479.
See Abridgement, Assembled, Copy, Copyright, Corrector, Good
and Bad, Manuscripts, Morals, Originals, Parts, Piracy, Press-
corrections, Publishers, Scriveners, Shorthand, Stage-
directions, Star Chamber, Stationers, Staying, Surreptitious.
Playwrights, collaboration of, ii. 161, 253; iii. 368;
in prison, iii. 254, 257, 263, 270, 353, 367, 394, 419, 428, 454, 500;
relation of, to players, i. 372–86; ii. 162, 251–3; iii. 325, 365, 450;
iv. 236, 241, 450;
to boy companies, i. 378; ii. 50.
See Amanuensis, Benefits, Earnest.
Pléiade, plays of, iii. 13, 19.
‘Plot’ of playhouse, ii. 439.
‘Plots’ of plays, ii. 125, 136, 150, 158, 175–7; iii. 125, 459, 496, 500;
iv. 9, 14, 47, 51, 404.
Poetomachia, i. 381; iii. 252, 292, 293, 353, 365, 369, 428, 430; iv. 11,
17, 21, 40, 47.
Poggiuoli (balconies), iv. 360.
Politics in plays, i. 244, 262–3, 276, 304, 321, 322–8; ii. 51–5, 196,
204, 210, 211, 215; iii. 254, 257, 271, 275, 286, 296, 364, 367,
415.
Pomponiani, iii. 3.
Poor rate on playhouses, i. 281, 283, 294, 300, 301, 317; ii. 410; iv.
304, 316, 324, 325, 327, 328.
Porter of St. John’s Gate, i. 79, 93, 100.
Porter’s Hall playhouse, ii. 472–4; iii. 272.
Porticus, ii. 530.
Posts, Master of, i. 48, 62, 69.
Posts on stage, ii. 544–5; iii. 27, 38, 72, 75, 108.
Prayers at end of plays, i. 245, 311; ii. 550; iii. 180, 466, 470, 504,
505; iv. 3, 37, 50, 51.
Prayer-time, restraint in, i. 282, 283, 289, 292, 313; ii. 123.
Extempore, Get-penny, Length, Morals, Plots, Politics, Prayers,
Prologue, Puritans, Religious, Revision, Revivals, Runs, Satire,
Sedition, Topical, Vice.
Play-texts, sold to printers, iii. 184, 194;
printing of, i. 341; ii. 114, 128; iii. 158–200, 479.
See Abridgement, Assembled, Copy, Copyright, Corrector, Good
and Bad, Manuscripts, Morals, Originals, Parts, Piracy, Press-
corrections, Publishers, Scriveners, Shorthand, Stage-
directions, Star Chamber, Stationers, Staying, Surreptitious.
Playwrights, collaboration of, ii. 161, 253; iii. 368;
in prison, iii. 254, 257, 263, 270, 353, 367, 394, 419, 428, 454, 500;
relation of, to players, i. 372–86; ii. 162, 251–3; iii. 325, 365, 450;
iv. 236, 241, 450;
to boy companies, i. 378; ii. 50.
See Amanuensis, Benefits, Earnest.
Pléiade, plays of, iii. 13, 19.
‘Plot’ of playhouse, ii. 439.
‘Plots’ of plays, ii. 125, 136, 150, 158, 175–7; iii. 125, 459, 496, 500;
iv. 9, 14, 47, 51, 404.
Poetomachia, i. 381; iii. 252, 292, 293, 353, 365, 369, 428, 430; iv. 11,
17, 21, 40, 47.
Poggiuoli (balconies), iv. 360.
Politics in plays, i. 244, 262–3, 276, 304, 321, 322–8; ii. 51–5, 196,
204, 210, 211, 215; iii. 254, 257, 271, 275, 286, 296, 364, 367,
415.
Pomponiani, iii. 3.
Poor rate on playhouses, i. 281, 283, 294, 300, 301, 317; ii. 410; iv.
304, 316, 324, 325, 327, 328.
Porter of St. John’s Gate, i. 79, 93, 100.
Porter’s Hall playhouse, ii. 472–4; iii. 272.
Porticus, ii. 530.
Posts, Master of, i. 48, 62, 69.
Posts on stage, ii. 544–5; iii. 27, 38, 72, 75, 108.
Prayers at end of plays, i. 245, 311; ii. 550; iii. 180, 466, 470, 504,
505; iv. 3, 37, 50, 51.
Prayer-time, restraint in, i. 282, 283, 289, 292, 313; ii. 123.
Page 609
Presence Chamber, i. 14; iv. 351–3.
Presenters, iii. 92, 128.
President of Council, i. 68.
Press-corrections, iii. 197.
Prices of seats, ii. 531–4, 536.
Prince Charles’s men, ii. 241–6.
Prince Henry’s men, ii. 186–90.
Printed plays (list), iv. 379–97.
Prison scenes, iii. 62, 66.
Private performances, i. 219, 283, 292, 340; ii. 159; iii. 451–3; iv. 36,
276, 300, 302, 308.
‘Private’ playhouses, i. 380; ii. 355, 511, 522, 536; iii. 149; iv. 366,
372;
arrangements of, ii. 554–6;
staging in, iii. 130–54.
‘Privileges’ for books, iii. 159.
Privy Chamber, i. 14, 42.
Privy Council, i. 66–70;
Clerks of, i. 48, 68;
register of, i. 68, 277; iv. 259;
control of plays by, i. 69, 217, 266–8, 269–307; iii. 367; iv. 259–
345;
of printing, iii. 159–63, 168, 172;
Privy Gallery, i. 14.
Privy Garden, i. 14.
Privy Purse, i. 62, 66.
Privy Seal, i. 54, 56, 67.
Proclamations, i. 68, 270, 273, 276, 279, 302.
Profanity in plays, i. 255, 303, 322; iv. 338.
Profilo (section of playhouse), iv. 353–5.
Profits of players, i. 348, 368–70; iv. 200, 219, 269, 371.
Progresses, i. 17, 21, 107–31; ii. 25;
plays during, i. 214.
Prologue, ii. 542, 547; iii. 72; iv. 367.
Prompters. See Bookholders.
Properties, i. 224, 231, 372; ii. 168; iii. 88, 137; iv. 367.
Proscenio (floor of stage), iii. 4; iv. 355, 358.
Presenters, iii. 92, 128.
President of Council, i. 68.
Press-corrections, iii. 197.
Prices of seats, ii. 531–4, 536.
Prince Charles’s men, ii. 241–6.
Prince Henry’s men, ii. 186–90.
Printed plays (list), iv. 379–97.
Prison scenes, iii. 62, 66.
Private performances, i. 219, 283, 292, 340; ii. 159; iii. 451–3; iv. 36,
276, 300, 302, 308.
‘Private’ playhouses, i. 380; ii. 355, 511, 522, 536; iii. 149; iv. 366,
372;
arrangements of, ii. 554–6;
staging in, iii. 130–54.
‘Privileges’ for books, iii. 159.
Privy Chamber, i. 14, 42.
Privy Council, i. 66–70;
Clerks of, i. 48, 68;
register of, i. 68, 277; iv. 259;
control of plays by, i. 69, 217, 266–8, 269–307; iii. 367; iv. 259–
345;
of printing, iii. 159–63, 168, 172;
Privy Gallery, i. 14.
Privy Garden, i. 14.
Privy Purse, i. 62, 66.
Privy Seal, i. 54, 56, 67.
Proclamations, i. 68, 270, 273, 276, 279, 302.
Profanity in plays, i. 255, 303, 322; iv. 338.
Profilo (section of playhouse), iv. 353–5.
Profits of players, i. 348, 368–70; iv. 200, 219, 269, 371.
Progresses, i. 17, 21, 107–31; ii. 25;
plays during, i. 214.
Prologue, ii. 542, 547; iii. 72; iv. 367.
Prompters. See Bookholders.
Properties, i. 224, 231, 372; ii. 168; iii. 88, 137; iv. 367.
Proscenio (floor of stage), iii. 4; iv. 355, 358.
Page 610
Proscenium, ii. 528, 540; iii. 16, 31.
Proscenium arch of masks, i. 181, 234;
of plays, i. 234; iii. 20.
Provinces, plays in, i. 304, 328, 332–41, 387; ii. 1; iv. 36, 273, 311,
319.
‘Provision’, offices of, i. 35.
Public halls, plays in, ii. 356.
‘Public’ playhouses, ii. 355, 511, 522, 536; iv. 366.
Publishers, iv. 379;
play-lists of, iv. 398.
Pueri elemosinariae, ii. 9, 70.
Puppet plays. See Motions.
Puritans and plays, i. 236–68, 294; iv. 184–259 (extracts).
Purveyance, i. 116.
Q
Quadri (squares), iv. 356, 358.
‘Quality’ of players, i. 309.
‘Queen’ of folk, i. 124; iv. 78.
Queen’s men, ii. 83, 104–15, 229–40.
Queen’s Revels, children of, ii. 48–51, 56–61; iii. 273.
Quintain, i. 123.
R
‘Rake’ of stage, i. 233; iv. 356.
Ranting of players, i. 384; ii. 447.
Rappresentazioni, iii. 6.
Recesses on stage, iii. 42, 51, 70, 81, 110.
Recognisances by players, i. 283, 300, 319; iv. 261, 269, 275, 298,
325, 327, 333, 340.
Recreation, i. 267, 309.
Red Bull playhouse, ii. 445–8.
Red Lion playhouse, ii. 379.
Rederijker, iii. 102.
Refreshments, ii. 548.
Regensburg theatre, iii. 78.
Proscenium arch of masks, i. 181, 234;
of plays, i. 234; iii. 20.
Provinces, plays in, i. 304, 328, 332–41, 387; ii. 1; iv. 36, 273, 311,
319.
‘Provision’, offices of, i. 35.
Public halls, plays in, ii. 356.
‘Public’ playhouses, ii. 355, 511, 522, 536; iv. 366.
Publishers, iv. 379;
play-lists of, iv. 398.
Pueri elemosinariae, ii. 9, 70.
Puppet plays. See Motions.
Puritans and plays, i. 236–68, 294; iv. 184–259 (extracts).
Purveyance, i. 116.
Q
Quadri (squares), iv. 356, 358.
‘Quality’ of players, i. 309.
‘Queen’ of folk, i. 124; iv. 78.
Queen’s men, ii. 83, 104–15, 229–40.
Queen’s Revels, children of, ii. 48–51, 56–61; iii. 273.
Quintain, i. 123.
R
‘Rake’ of stage, i. 233; iv. 356.
Ranting of players, i. 384; ii. 447.
Rappresentazioni, iii. 6.
Recesses on stage, iii. 42, 51, 70, 81, 110.
Recognisances by players, i. 283, 300, 319; iv. 261, 269, 275, 298,
325, 327, 333, 340.
Recreation, i. 267, 309.
Red Bull playhouse, ii. 445–8.
Red Lion playhouse, ii. 379.
Rederijker, iii. 102.
Refreshments, ii. 548.
Regensburg theatre, iii. 78.
Page 611
Rehearsals, i. 87, 223; iv. 149, 152, 157, 252, 286, 372.
Religious subjects in plays, i. 239–45, 255, 266, 323, 325; ii. 265; iv.
185, 188, 196, 198, 222, 369.
Remembrancia of City, i. 277, 286; iv. 259.
‘Removes’, i. 17, 20.
Renghiere (balconies), iv. 360.
‘Repertory’ theatres, ii. 148;
output of, ii. 162;
Requests, Masters of, i. 48, 69.
Restraint of plays, i. 265, 269–307; iv. 259–345.
area of, i. 278, 282, 331; ii. 94, 123.
See Innovation, Lent, Plague, Prayer-time, Royal deaths, Sedition,
Sunday.
Retainers, i. 271, 279; ii. 86; iv. 268, 293.
Revels, children of, ii. 51.
Revels companies in provinces, ii. 53, 59–61, 67.
‘Revels’ in mask, i. 198; iii. 386.
Revels Office, i. 71–105, 116, 223;
airings in, i. 78, 101;
allowances to officers of, i. 76, 79, 90, 94, 101;
arms and seal of, i. 104;
commission for, i. 84, 89, 99;
finance and accounts of, i. 71–105; iv. 135–41, 142–83 (extracts);
functions of, at court plays, i. 223;
housing of, i. 74, 75, 81, 83, 87, 89, 95, 101; ii. 477, 491–3, 516;
inventories of, i. 73, 74, 76, 89, 158; iv. 136;
ledgers of, i. 74, 82.
See Clerk, Clerk Comptroller, Groom, Master, Yeoman.
Revision of plays, i. 373, 384; ii. 130, 170, 172, 179; iii. 396, 423, 431,
433, 440.
Revivals of plays, i. 373; ii. 43, 211; iii. 104, 364.
Rewards for plays, i. 217, 369; ii. 78–9.
Rich’s men, ii. 91.
‘Riding’ charges, i. 63.
Rings, ii. 355, 449, 525.
‘Rivers’, iii. 51, 58, 90, 107.
Robes, Master of, i. 52;
Religious subjects in plays, i. 239–45, 255, 266, 323, 325; ii. 265; iv.
185, 188, 196, 198, 222, 369.
Remembrancia of City, i. 277, 286; iv. 259.
‘Removes’, i. 17, 20.
Renghiere (balconies), iv. 360.
‘Repertory’ theatres, ii. 148;
output of, ii. 162;
Requests, Masters of, i. 48, 69.
Restraint of plays, i. 265, 269–307; iv. 259–345.
area of, i. 278, 282, 331; ii. 94, 123.
See Innovation, Lent, Plague, Prayer-time, Royal deaths, Sedition,
Sunday.
Retainers, i. 271, 279; ii. 86; iv. 268, 293.
Revels, children of, ii. 51.
Revels companies in provinces, ii. 53, 59–61, 67.
‘Revels’ in mask, i. 198; iii. 386.
Revels Office, i. 71–105, 116, 223;
airings in, i. 78, 101;
allowances to officers of, i. 76, 79, 90, 94, 101;
arms and seal of, i. 104;
commission for, i. 84, 89, 99;
finance and accounts of, i. 71–105; iv. 135–41, 142–83 (extracts);
functions of, at court plays, i. 223;
housing of, i. 74, 75, 81, 83, 87, 89, 95, 101; ii. 477, 491–3, 516;
inventories of, i. 73, 74, 76, 89, 158; iv. 136;
ledgers of, i. 74, 82.
See Clerk, Clerk Comptroller, Groom, Master, Yeoman.
Revision of plays, i. 373, 384; ii. 130, 170, 172, 179; iii. 396, 423, 431,
433, 440.
Revivals of plays, i. 373; ii. 43, 211; iii. 104, 364.
Rewards for plays, i. 217, 369; ii. 78–9.
Rich’s men, ii. 91.
‘Riding’ charges, i. 63.
Rings, ii. 355, 449, 525.
‘Rivers’, iii. 51, 58, 90, 107.
Robes, Master of, i. 52;
Page 612
Mistress of, i. 44;
Rome, plays at, iii. 3, 9.
‘Room’. See ‘Hall’.
‘Rooms’, ii. 530.
Roscius, i. 376–7; ii. 297–8, 329, 331; iii. 223, 353; iv. 195, 204, 228,
230, 236, 239.
Rose playhouse, ii. 405–10.
Round playhouses, ii. 355, 434, 524; iv. 372.
Roxana engraving, ii. 519.
Royal deaths, restraint for, i. 302, 304, 329, 339; iv. 335, 341.
Ruffiana (courtesan), iii. 32; iv. 359.
Running at the ring, iii. 243, 279; iv. 74, 80, 121, 125, 127.
‘Runs’ of plays, ii. 148.
Rushes on stage, ii. 529; iv. 366–8.
S
St. Elizabeth’s Day, i. 18.
St. George’s Day, i. 20; iii. 367; iv. 71.
St. Peter’s watch, iv. 81.
Salisbury Court playhouse, ii. 373, 375, 517.
Satire in plays, i. 258, 261–3, 268–9, 322–8; iv. 194, 238, 253, 256,
368;
of bishops, i. 294;
citizens, i. 264; iv. 239;
courtiers, iii. 310;
French, i. 323; ii. 53; iii. 257, 426;
Henri IV, ii. 53;
James, i. 325–8; ii. 53;
humours, i. 263;
lawyers, iii. 365, 475;
magistrates, iv. 254.
persons of honour, i. 321, 324, 327; ii. 343; iii. 455, 496; iv. 332;
Poles, iii. 455;
Puritans, i. 261, 262, 294; iii. 372, 476; iv. 229–33, 245, 249;
Scotch, i. 323, 326; ii. 51; iii. 254, 286, 354, 432;
soldiers, iii. 365;
Rome, plays at, iii. 3, 9.
‘Room’. See ‘Hall’.
‘Rooms’, ii. 530.
Roscius, i. 376–7; ii. 297–8, 329, 331; iii. 223, 353; iv. 195, 204, 228,
230, 236, 239.
Rose playhouse, ii. 405–10.
Round playhouses, ii. 355, 434, 524; iv. 372.
Roxana engraving, ii. 519.
Royal deaths, restraint for, i. 302, 304, 329, 339; iv. 335, 341.
Ruffiana (courtesan), iii. 32; iv. 359.
Running at the ring, iii. 243, 279; iv. 74, 80, 121, 125, 127.
‘Runs’ of plays, ii. 148.
Rushes on stage, ii. 529; iv. 366–8.
S
St. Elizabeth’s Day, i. 18.
St. George’s Day, i. 20; iii. 367; iv. 71.
St. Peter’s watch, iv. 81.
Salisbury Court playhouse, ii. 373, 375, 517.
Satire in plays, i. 258, 261–3, 268–9, 322–8; iv. 194, 238, 253, 256,
368;
of bishops, i. 294;
citizens, i. 264; iv. 239;
courtiers, iii. 310;
French, i. 323; ii. 53; iii. 257, 426;
Henri IV, ii. 53;
James, i. 325–8; ii. 53;
humours, i. 263;
lawyers, iii. 365, 475;
magistrates, iv. 254.
persons of honour, i. 321, 324, 327; ii. 343; iii. 455, 496; iv. 332;
Poles, iii. 455;
Puritans, i. 261, 262, 294; iii. 372, 476; iv. 229–33, 245, 249;
Scotch, i. 323, 326; ii. 51; iii. 254, 286, 354, 432;
soldiers, iii. 365;
Page 613
sovereigns, i. 327–8, 493; iv. 247, 254;
Spanish, i. 323;
Swedish, i. 324;
usurers, iii. 286, 288; iv. 239;
women, iii. 417; &c., &c.
See Marprelate, Sedition.
Satyre, iv. 362.
Saxony, players at court of, ii. 288–9.
Scale (steps), iv. 358.
Scena, ii. 539; iii. 3.
Scenae trigemina corona, i. 251.
Scenarie, iv. 404.
Scene, iv. 353–65.
Scenes, as background for stage, i. 233; iii. 12, 129; iv. 366, 370, 371,
372.
for masks, i. 155, 170–84;
as divisions of play, iii. 50, 125, 131, 199;
types of, iii. 50–68, 106.
See Perspective.
Scenic presentation. See Staging.
Schoolboy plays, i. 378; ii. 11, 69–76; iii. 211.
Scotland, players in, i. 341; ii. 78, 265–70.
Scriveners’ copies of plays, iii. 193.
Seasons for plays, i. 329.
Seats on stage, ii. 534–8; iv. 366–8.
Secondaries of the Compter, plays licensed by, i. 275.
Secretaries of State, i. 48, 56, 67, 68.
Secretarii, i. 55, 56.
Sedie (seats), iv. 355, 358.
Sedilia, ii. 530.
Sedition in plays, i. 264, 266, 271, 273, 275, 283, 295, 299; iii. 453–5;
iv. 322.
See Politics, Restraints, Satire, Theology.
‘Senate houses’, i. 231; iii. 44, 58, 95.
Serjeants, i. 34, 42;
at Arms, i. 47;
Servitors in playhouses. See Attendants.
Spanish, i. 323;
Swedish, i. 324;
usurers, iii. 286, 288; iv. 239;
women, iii. 417; &c., &c.
See Marprelate, Sedition.
Satyre, iv. 362.
Saxony, players at court of, ii. 288–9.
Scale (steps), iv. 358.
Scena, ii. 539; iii. 3.
Scenae trigemina corona, i. 251.
Scenarie, iv. 404.
Scene, iv. 353–65.
Scenes, as background for stage, i. 233; iii. 12, 129; iv. 366, 370, 371,
372.
for masks, i. 155, 170–84;
as divisions of play, iii. 50, 125, 131, 199;
types of, iii. 50–68, 106.
See Perspective.
Scenic presentation. See Staging.
Schoolboy plays, i. 378; ii. 11, 69–76; iii. 211.
Scotland, players in, i. 341; ii. 78, 265–70.
Scriveners’ copies of plays, iii. 193.
Seasons for plays, i. 329.
Seats on stage, ii. 534–8; iv. 366–8.
Secondaries of the Compter, plays licensed by, i. 275.
Secretaries of State, i. 48, 56, 67, 68.
Secretarii, i. 55, 56.
Sedie (seats), iv. 355, 358.
Sedilia, ii. 530.
Sedition in plays, i. 264, 266, 271, 273, 275, 283, 295, 299; iii. 453–5;
iv. 322.
See Politics, Restraints, Satire, Theology.
‘Senate houses’, i. 231; iii. 44, 58, 95.
Serjeants, i. 34, 42;
at Arms, i. 47;
Servitors in playhouses. See Attendants.
Page 614
Setting of plays. See Staging.
Sewers for Chamber, i. 46.
‘Shadow’, ii. 544.
Sharers, i. 352–8, 369; iv. 369.
Sharers Papers of 1635, i. 357; ii. 59, 384, 417, 425, 508–10.
Shepherds, king and queen of, iv. 66.
Ship-board scenes, iii. 116.
Shoes, in play, ii. 326, 365; iii. 362.
Shops on stage, iii. 59, 110.
Shorthand, plays reported by, iii. 185, 343–4.
Shrovetide, i. 20, 213; iv. 237.
Shrove-Tuesday riots, i. 265; ii. 240.
‘Side’ of stage, iii. 74.
Siege scenes, iii. 38, 54, 96.
Signet, Clerks of, i. 48, 57.
Signet licences for players, i. 306, 338; ii. 260.
Signs of theatres, ii. 362, 400, 424.
Silver mine, satire of, in play, ii. 53.
Sinking curtains, iii. 9, 30.
Size of companies, i. 354.
Small seals, i. 56.
Smoking in playhouse, ii. 548; iv. 367.
‘Solace’ of queen, i. 267, 292.
‘Soundings’ in playhouse, ii. 542; iii. 72; iv. 368.
Sovereign, plays licensed by, i. 275.
Spain, players in, ii. 292.
Spanish landings in Cornwall, iv. 251.
Spectators, rôle of, in mask, i. 150, 153, 155, 197.
‘Split’ scenes, iii. 86.
Square playhouse, ii. 439, 524.
Stage, structure of, ii. 528.
Stage-directions, nature of, iii. 180, 193–8;
players named in, iii. 196, 227, 271, 285, 295, 330; iv. 32, 43, 45.
Stagekeepers, ii. 109, 541; iv. 38.
Staging, in Italy, iii. 2–12; iv. 353–65;
in France, iii. 12–19;
at court, iii. 19–46;
Sewers for Chamber, i. 46.
‘Shadow’, ii. 544.
Sharers, i. 352–8, 369; iv. 369.
Sharers Papers of 1635, i. 357; ii. 59, 384, 417, 425, 508–10.
Shepherds, king and queen of, iv. 66.
Ship-board scenes, iii. 116.
Shoes, in play, ii. 326, 365; iii. 362.
Shops on stage, iii. 59, 110.
Shorthand, plays reported by, iii. 185, 343–4.
Shrovetide, i. 20, 213; iv. 237.
Shrove-Tuesday riots, i. 265; ii. 240.
‘Side’ of stage, iii. 74.
Siege scenes, iii. 38, 54, 96.
Signet, Clerks of, i. 48, 57.
Signet licences for players, i. 306, 338; ii. 260.
Signs of theatres, ii. 362, 400, 424.
Silver mine, satire of, in play, ii. 53.
Sinking curtains, iii. 9, 30.
Size of companies, i. 354.
Small seals, i. 56.
Smoking in playhouse, ii. 548; iv. 367.
‘Solace’ of queen, i. 267, 292.
‘Soundings’ in playhouse, ii. 542; iii. 72; iv. 368.
Sovereign, plays licensed by, i. 275.
Spain, players in, ii. 292.
Spanish landings in Cornwall, iv. 251.
Spectators, rôle of, in mask, i. 150, 153, 155, 197.
‘Split’ scenes, iii. 86.
Square playhouse, ii. 439, 524.
Stage, structure of, ii. 528.
Stage-directions, nature of, iii. 180, 193–8;
players named in, iii. 196, 227, 271, 285, 295, 330; iv. 32, 43, 45.
Stagekeepers, ii. 109, 541; iv. 38.
Staging, in Italy, iii. 2–12; iv. 353–65;
in France, iii. 12–19;
at court, iii. 19–46;
Page 615
in 16th century, iii. 47–102;
in 17th century, iii. 103–30;
in private theatres, iii. 130–54;
change of locality the problem of, iii. 18, 99, 121–30.
See Above, Academic, Alcove, Alternationist, Animals, Arbours,
Arras, Atmospheric, Back cloths, Beam, Bears, Bed, Black,
Canopy, Castles, Close walk, Counting house, Curtains,
Descents, Diagrams, Discoveries, Domus, Doors, Edge,
Εκκύκλημα, End, Entrance, Excursions, Foreshortening,
Hangings, Heavens, Hell, Houses, Hut, Interior action,
Interludes, Juxtaposition, Locality, Machines, Multiple, Out-of-
doors, Over, Perspective, Place, Posts, Properties, Rake,
Recesses, Rivers, Rushes, Scenes, Senate houses, Shops, Side,
Stairs, Standardization, Studies, Tents, Throne, Thunder, Titles,
Traps, Traverse, Trees, Upper stage, Walls, Windows, Wings.
‘Stairs’, iii. 95.
‘Standardization of effects’, iii. 2, 50, 131.
‘Standing’ houses, i. 8, 115;
offices, i. 49, 71, 102;
Stanley’s boys, ii. 119.
Star Chamber, i. 67, 69, 273, 300, 328; ii. 43; iv. 327;
orders of, on printing, iii. 162, 166, 172.
‘State’ for sovereign, i. 203, 226.
Stationers, ethics of, iii. 186.
Stationers’ Company, iii. 160–77, 186–91, 505; iv. 265, 303.
Stationers’ Register, iii. 158, 163–77, 188–91, 422; iv. 379, 398.
Statistics of plays, iii. 22, 49, 105, 177, 181–3.
Statutes concerning players, i. 270, 276, 279, 299, 303, 304; iv. 260,
263, 269, 324, 336, 338.
‘Staying’ of printing, ii. 172, 204; iii. 183–91, 292, 359–60.
Steward of Household, Lord, i. 35, 55, 67.
‘Stinkards’, ii. 533; iv. 366.
Stock of playing companies, i. 352, 372; ii. 55, 137, 230, 243.
Stole, Groom of, i. 53.
‘Stools’, ii. 535–7; iv. 366–8.
Strade (gangways), iv. 355.
Strange’s men, ii. 118–24.
in 17th century, iii. 103–30;
in private theatres, iii. 130–54;
change of locality the problem of, iii. 18, 99, 121–30.
See Above, Academic, Alcove, Alternationist, Animals, Arbours,
Arras, Atmospheric, Back cloths, Beam, Bears, Bed, Black,
Canopy, Castles, Close walk, Counting house, Curtains,
Descents, Diagrams, Discoveries, Domus, Doors, Edge,
Εκκύκλημα, End, Entrance, Excursions, Foreshortening,
Hangings, Heavens, Hell, Houses, Hut, Interior action,
Interludes, Juxtaposition, Locality, Machines, Multiple, Out-of-
doors, Over, Perspective, Place, Posts, Properties, Rake,
Recesses, Rivers, Rushes, Scenes, Senate houses, Shops, Side,
Stairs, Standardization, Studies, Tents, Throne, Thunder, Titles,
Traps, Traverse, Trees, Upper stage, Walls, Windows, Wings.
‘Stairs’, iii. 95.
‘Standardization of effects’, iii. 2, 50, 131.
‘Standing’ houses, i. 8, 115;
offices, i. 49, 71, 102;
Stanley’s boys, ii. 119.
Star Chamber, i. 67, 69, 273, 300, 328; ii. 43; iv. 327;
orders of, on printing, iii. 162, 166, 172.
‘State’ for sovereign, i. 203, 226.
Stationers, ethics of, iii. 186.
Stationers’ Company, iii. 160–77, 186–91, 505; iv. 265, 303.
Stationers’ Register, iii. 158, 163–77, 188–91, 422; iv. 379, 398.
Statistics of plays, iii. 22, 49, 105, 177, 181–3.
Statutes concerning players, i. 270, 276, 279, 299, 303, 304; iv. 260,
263, 269, 324, 336, 338.
‘Staying’ of printing, ii. 172, 204; iii. 183–91, 292, 359–60.
Steward of Household, Lord, i. 35, 55, 67.
‘Stinkards’, ii. 533; iv. 366.
Stock of playing companies, i. 352, 372; ii. 55, 137, 230, 243.
Stole, Groom of, i. 53.
‘Stools’, ii. 535–7; iv. 366–8.
Strade (gangways), iv. 355.
Strange’s men, ii. 118–24.
Page 616
Street scenes, iii. 56.
Strenae, i. 5, 19.
‘Strolling’ players, i. 332.
‘Studies’, iii. 67, 110.
Suburbs convenient for players, i. 278, 284, 298, 300; ii. 370.
Sunday performances, i. 255, 283, 285, 287–90, 293–6, 301, 302, 314;
iv. 195, 200, 201, 202, 203, 206, 210, 221, 225, 249, 262, 267,
268, 275, 279, 282, 285, 288, 292, 295, 296, 297, 302, 305, 307,
310, 329, 335.
‘Supers’, i. 371.
‘Surreptitious’ prints of plays, iii. 184–92.
Surveyors, court of, i. 58.
Sussex’s men, ii. 92–6.
Swan playhouse, ii. 411–14, 521 (drawing), 526–31, 538–9, 544–7.
Sweden, players in, ii. 274.
Sword dance, i. 171; iii. 280; iv. 117.
Syndicates for companies, i. 379; ii. 43, 45, 56, 65.
T
‘Taking out’ in mask, i. 150, 153, 155, 197.
Takings of playhouses, i. 370; ii. 122, 148.
Taphouses at playhouses, i. 369; ii. 406, 424, 442.
Tectum, ii. 531.
Telari (scenic cloths), iv. 358.
Temperament of players, i. 351.
Tenancy, joint and in common, ii. 417.
Tents, office of, i. 49, 72, 74, 76, 82, 94, 102; ii. 491.
Tents on stage, iii. 53, 86, 106.
Terence engravings, iii. 6, 15.
Théâtre en demi-rond, iii. 14.
Theatre playhouse, ii. 383–400.
Théâtre tout en pastoralle, iii. 17, 34, 35, 44, 48, 52.
Theatres. See Playhouses.
Theatri, iv. 353–65.
Themes, ii. 191, 300, 343–4, 349, 553; iv. 244, 246.
Theocracy at Geneva, i. 245.
Strenae, i. 5, 19.
‘Strolling’ players, i. 332.
‘Studies’, iii. 67, 110.
Suburbs convenient for players, i. 278, 284, 298, 300; ii. 370.
Sunday performances, i. 255, 283, 285, 287–90, 293–6, 301, 302, 314;
iv. 195, 200, 201, 202, 203, 206, 210, 221, 225, 249, 262, 267,
268, 275, 279, 282, 285, 288, 292, 295, 296, 297, 302, 305, 307,
310, 329, 335.
‘Supers’, i. 371.
‘Surreptitious’ prints of plays, iii. 184–92.
Surveyors, court of, i. 58.
Sussex’s men, ii. 92–6.
Swan playhouse, ii. 411–14, 521 (drawing), 526–31, 538–9, 544–7.
Sweden, players in, ii. 274.
Sword dance, i. 171; iii. 280; iv. 117.
Syndicates for companies, i. 379; ii. 43, 45, 56, 65.
T
‘Taking out’ in mask, i. 150, 153, 155, 197.
Takings of playhouses, i. 370; ii. 122, 148.
Taphouses at playhouses, i. 369; ii. 406, 424, 442.
Tectum, ii. 531.
Telari (scenic cloths), iv. 358.
Temperament of players, i. 351.
Tenancy, joint and in common, ii. 417.
Tents, office of, i. 49, 72, 74, 76, 82, 94, 102; ii. 491.
Tents on stage, iii. 53, 86, 106.
Terence engravings, iii. 6, 15.
Théâtre en demi-rond, iii. 14.
Theatre playhouse, ii. 383–400.
Théâtre tout en pastoralle, iii. 17, 34, 35, 44, 48, 52.
Theatres. See Playhouses.
Theatri, iv. 353–65.
Themes, ii. 191, 300, 343–4, 349, 553; iv. 244, 246.
Theocracy at Geneva, i. 245.
Page 617
Theology in plays, i. 242, 271, 273, 294; ii. 328; iv. 254.
Threshold scenes, iii. 59.
‘Throne’, iii. 64, 72, 77, 87, 89, 108; iv. 248.
Thunder on stage, iii. 76, 110; iv. 248.
Thursdays kept for bear-baiting, i. 316.
Tilts, i. 18, 19, 20, 21, 139–48; iii. 212–13, 245, 268–9, 316, 393, 399,
402–5, 463, 509; iv. 63.
See Books, Challenges, Cheques, Devices, Lists, Tourney.
Tiltyards, i. 141.
‘Tiph, toph’, ii. 293.
Tire-men, i. 371; ii. 149, 226, 541; iii. 83; iv. 404.
Tire-women, i. 163; iii. 387.
Tiring house, i. 100, 225, 229, 231; ii. 392, 538, 555; iii. 72, 82; iv.
248, 370.
Titles. See Labels.
‘Tombs’, iii. 59, 110.
‘Top’, iii. 98.
Topical allusions in plays, i. 322–8.
See Satire, Sedition.
Torch-bearers in mask, i. 195.
Torze (torches), iv. 364.
Touching for evil, i. 123.
Tourney, i. 140.
Tragedie, iv. 360.
Tragedy, definitions of, i. 240, 257.
Traps, ii. 528; iii. 42, 89, 96, 107, 133.
‘Traverse’, i. 181; iii. 25, 78, 234, 279, 282, 434; iv. 59.
Treason, executions for, iii. 286, 433, 440, 491.
Treasurer, Lord High, i. 54, 67;
of Chamber, i. 54–67, 217; iv. 132–5;
of Household, i. 35, 37, 55, 67.
Trees on stage, iii. 52, 89, 107.
Trionfi, i. 152.
Truchmen, i. 163, 165, 166, 190.
Trumpets in playhouse, iv. 367.
Tumblers. See Activities.
Tuono (thunder), iv. 365.
Threshold scenes, iii. 59.
‘Throne’, iii. 64, 72, 77, 87, 89, 108; iv. 248.
Thunder on stage, iii. 76, 110; iv. 248.
Thursdays kept for bear-baiting, i. 316.
Tilts, i. 18, 19, 20, 21, 139–48; iii. 212–13, 245, 268–9, 316, 393, 399,
402–5, 463, 509; iv. 63.
See Books, Challenges, Cheques, Devices, Lists, Tourney.
Tiltyards, i. 141.
‘Tiph, toph’, ii. 293.
Tire-men, i. 371; ii. 149, 226, 541; iii. 83; iv. 404.
Tire-women, i. 163; iii. 387.
Tiring house, i. 100, 225, 229, 231; ii. 392, 538, 555; iii. 72, 82; iv.
248, 370.
Titles. See Labels.
‘Tombs’, iii. 59, 110.
‘Top’, iii. 98.
Topical allusions in plays, i. 322–8.
See Satire, Sedition.
Torch-bearers in mask, i. 195.
Torze (torches), iv. 364.
Touching for evil, i. 123.
Tourney, i. 140.
Tragedie, iv. 360.
Tragedy, definitions of, i. 240, 257.
Traps, ii. 528; iii. 42, 89, 96, 107, 133.
‘Traverse’, i. 181; iii. 25, 78, 234, 279, 282, 434; iv. 59.
Treason, executions for, iii. 286, 433, 440, 491.
Treasurer, Lord High, i. 54, 67;
of Chamber, i. 54–67, 217; iv. 132–5;
of Household, i. 35, 37, 55, 67.
Trees on stage, iii. 52, 89, 107.
Trionfi, i. 152.
Truchmen, i. 163, 165, 166, 190.
Trumpets in playhouse, iv. 367.
Tumblers. See Activities.
Tuono (thunder), iv. 365.
Page 618
Turkish rope-dancer, ii. 111, 261, 550.
Twelfth Night, i. 19, 205, 213; iii. 281.
Twelfth Night, i. 19, 205, 213; iii. 281.
Page 619
U
Unchastity in plays, i. 252, 255, 258, 282–3, 304.
‘Understanders’, ii. 527.
Unity of place, iii. 18, 22, 29, 34, 36, 40, 121, 134.
See Locality.
Universities, public plays within, ii. 100, 113, 213; iii. 469;
criticism of plays at, i. 249.
University receptions, i. 127.
Unlocated scenes, iii. 50.
Upper rooms, ii. 387.
Upper stage, iii. 120, 153.
Ursarii, ii. 449.
V
Vaux’s men, ii. 103.
‘Veil’, iii. 80.
Verge, iii. 387.
Versurae (wings), iii. 3, 11, 100.
Vexillatores, ii. 547.
Viae ad forum, iii. 4, 100.
‘Vice’, iii. 317, 412, 437, 466, 504, 505; iv. 3, 6, 7, 9, 229, 233.
Vice-Chamberlain of household, i. 41, 67.
Vitruvius on stage, iii. 3.
Vizards, i. 151, 196, 371; iii. 241, 376, 387; iv. 38.
‘Void’, i. 152.
Vuota di dicitori (tiring room?), iv. 364.
W
Wager paid in play, iv. 181.
Wager plays, ii. 297, 468, 554.
‘Wages’ at court, i. 51.
Wagner Book, iii. 71.
‘Walls’, ii. 36, 39, 44; iii. 54, 72, 96, 106.
Wardrobe as organ of administration, i. 55.
Unchastity in plays, i. 252, 255, 258, 282–3, 304.
‘Understanders’, ii. 527.
Unity of place, iii. 18, 22, 29, 34, 36, 40, 121, 134.
See Locality.
Universities, public plays within, ii. 100, 113, 213; iii. 469;
criticism of plays at, i. 249.
University receptions, i. 127.
Unlocated scenes, iii. 50.
Upper rooms, ii. 387.
Upper stage, iii. 120, 153.
Ursarii, ii. 449.
V
Vaux’s men, ii. 103.
‘Veil’, iii. 80.
Verge, iii. 387.
Versurae (wings), iii. 3, 11, 100.
Vexillatores, ii. 547.
Viae ad forum, iii. 4, 100.
‘Vice’, iii. 317, 412, 437, 466, 504, 505; iv. 3, 6, 7, 9, 229, 233.
Vice-Chamberlain of household, i. 41, 67.
Vitruvius on stage, iii. 3.
Vizards, i. 151, 196, 371; iii. 241, 376, 387; iv. 38.
‘Void’, i. 152.
Vuota di dicitori (tiring room?), iv. 364.
W
Wager paid in play, iv. 181.
Wager plays, ii. 297, 468, 554.
‘Wages’ at court, i. 51.
Wagner Book, iii. 71.
‘Walls’, ii. 36, 39, 44; iii. 54, 72, 96, 106.
Wardrobe as organ of administration, i. 55.
Page 620
Wardrobe, Great, i. 72, 80, 90, 94, 211.
Wardrobe officers, i. 42, 56.
Warwick’s men, ii. 97–9.
Watching Chamber, i. 13.
Water triumphs, i. 123, 134, 138; iv. 72, 73, 74, 103, 124, 127.
Watermen, i. 63, 296; ii. 121, 370; iv. 312, 368.
Waymaker, i. 108, 116.
Weddings at court, iii. 233, 239, 241, 245, 260, 276, 351, 378, 381,
388, 393; iv. 82, 83, 86, 87, 94, 99, 109, 112, 113, 119, 120, 122,
123, 127, 128, 129.
Welsh play, iii. 457.
Westminster, children of, ii. 69–73.
White staves, i. 39, 205, 226.
Whitefriars, children of, ii. 55.
Whitefriars playhouse, ii. 515–17.
Wild men. See Woodwoses.
‘Windows’, iii. 42, 58, 95, 98, 116, 119, 153.
Windsor chapel, children of, ii. 61–4.
‘Wings’, iii. 100.
Withdrawing Chamber, i. 14.
Wits engraving, ii. 519.
Women on stage, i. 371; iii. 296.
Woodcuts in plays, iii. 210, 322, 328; iv. 20.
‘Woodwoses’, i. 123–4, 135, 194; iv. 65, 66.
Worcester’s men, ii. 220–9.
Works, office of, i. 49, 80, 90, 211, 226.
Y
‘Yard’, ii. 527.
Yeomen of Chamber, i. 44;
of Crown, i. 47;
of Guard, i. 47, 63;
of Revels, i. 72, 94.
Yeomen Ushers of Chamber, i. 45, 47, 69; iv. 353.
‘Young minstrels’, ii. 13, 31–2.
Wardrobe officers, i. 42, 56.
Warwick’s men, ii. 97–9.
Watching Chamber, i. 13.
Water triumphs, i. 123, 134, 138; iv. 72, 73, 74, 103, 124, 127.
Watermen, i. 63, 296; ii. 121, 370; iv. 312, 368.
Waymaker, i. 108, 116.
Weddings at court, iii. 233, 239, 241, 245, 260, 276, 351, 378, 381,
388, 393; iv. 82, 83, 86, 87, 94, 99, 109, 112, 113, 119, 120, 122,
123, 127, 128, 129.
Welsh play, iii. 457.
Westminster, children of, ii. 69–73.
White staves, i. 39, 205, 226.
Whitefriars, children of, ii. 55.
Whitefriars playhouse, ii. 515–17.
Wild men. See Woodwoses.
‘Windows’, iii. 42, 58, 95, 98, 116, 119, 153.
Windsor chapel, children of, ii. 61–4.
‘Wings’, iii. 100.
Withdrawing Chamber, i. 14.
Wits engraving, ii. 519.
Women on stage, i. 371; iii. 296.
Woodcuts in plays, iii. 210, 322, 328; iv. 20.
‘Woodwoses’, i. 123–4, 135, 194; iv. 65, 66.
Worcester’s men, ii. 220–9.
Works, office of, i. 49, 80, 90, 211, 226.
Y
‘Yard’, ii. 527.
Yeomen of Chamber, i. 44;
of Crown, i. 47;
of Guard, i. 47, 63;
of Revels, i. 72, 94.
Yeomen Ushers of Chamber, i. 45, 47, 69; iv. 353.
‘Young minstrels’, ii. 13, 31–2.
Page 621
Z
Zoglia (lintle), iii. 21.
PRINTED IN ENGLAND
AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Zoglia (lintle), iii. 21.
PRINTED IN ENGLAND
AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Page 622
FOOTNOTES:
[1] P. C. (Nov. 22, 24); Machyn, 179; Lettenhove, i. 300.
[2] Machyn, 180; Burghley, Diary.
[3] P. C. (Dec. 4, 5); Machyn, 180; Stowe, Annales.
[4] P. C. (Dec. 22, 23); V. P. vii. 2.
[5] Cf. ch. v.
[6] P. C. (Jan. 14); V. P. vii. 11; Machyn, 186; Stowe, Annales.
[7] Machyn, 186; Stowe, Annales; cf. ch. xxiv.
[8] Machyn, 186; Nichols, i. 60; from Bodl. Ashm. MS., 863; V. P., vii. 11.
[9] Machyn, 187; V. P. vii. 18.
[10] Machyn, 191.
[11] S. P. D.
[12] Machyn, 196; V. P. vii. 80.
[13] Machyn, 196.
[14] V. P. vii. 84; Lettenhove, i. 522.
[15] Machyn, 198; V. P. vii. 91; cf. chh. i, v.
[16] Machyn, 198.
[17] Sp. P. i. 79.
[18] Machyn, 201.
[19] Machyn, 202.
[20] C. A.; Machyn, 203.
[21] Machyn, 203.
[22] C. A.; S. P. F.; Sc. P. (July 28, Aug. 7); Sadler Papers (Aug. 8); Burghley,
Diary; Machyn, 204, 206.
[23] Procl. 513; Machyn, 206.
[24] C. A.; Procl. 514; S. P. F. (Aug. 16; S. P. D. (Aug. 23); Machyn, 207
(app. Aug. 15 in error); Nichols, i. 75; Feuillerat, Eliz. 105. Quadra (Aug. 18, C.
D. I. lxxxvii. 231), ‘Los Embajadores de Suecia se van muy quejosos y
agraviados porque creo que ha llegado á su noticia que burlaban en Palacio
dellos, y la Reina mejor que los demás’ hardly bears out the interpretation of M.
A. S. Hume, Courtships of Elizabeth, 32, that the ridicule was in a mask.
[25] Sp. P. i. 98; Sadler Papers, i. 462.
[26] Machyn, 216.
[1] P. C. (Nov. 22, 24); Machyn, 179; Lettenhove, i. 300.
[2] Machyn, 180; Burghley, Diary.
[3] P. C. (Dec. 4, 5); Machyn, 180; Stowe, Annales.
[4] P. C. (Dec. 22, 23); V. P. vii. 2.
[5] Cf. ch. v.
[6] P. C. (Jan. 14); V. P. vii. 11; Machyn, 186; Stowe, Annales.
[7] Machyn, 186; Stowe, Annales; cf. ch. xxiv.
[8] Machyn, 186; Nichols, i. 60; from Bodl. Ashm. MS., 863; V. P., vii. 11.
[9] Machyn, 187; V. P. vii. 18.
[10] Machyn, 191.
[11] S. P. D.
[12] Machyn, 196; V. P. vii. 80.
[13] Machyn, 196.
[14] V. P. vii. 84; Lettenhove, i. 522.
[15] Machyn, 198; V. P. vii. 91; cf. chh. i, v.
[16] Machyn, 198.
[17] Sp. P. i. 79.
[18] Machyn, 201.
[19] Machyn, 202.
[20] C. A.; Machyn, 203.
[21] Machyn, 203.
[22] C. A.; S. P. F.; Sc. P. (July 28, Aug. 7); Sadler Papers (Aug. 8); Burghley,
Diary; Machyn, 204, 206.
[23] Procl. 513; Machyn, 206.
[24] C. A.; Procl. 514; S. P. F. (Aug. 16; S. P. D. (Aug. 23); Machyn, 207
(app. Aug. 15 in error); Nichols, i. 75; Feuillerat, Eliz. 105. Quadra (Aug. 18, C.
D. I. lxxxvii. 231), ‘Los Embajadores de Suecia se van muy quejosos y
agraviados porque creo que ha llegado á su noticia que burlaban en Palacio
dellos, y la Reina mejor que los demás’ hardly bears out the interpretation of M.
A. S. Hume, Courtships of Elizabeth, 32, that the ridicule was in a mask.
[25] Sp. P. i. 98; Sadler Papers, i. 462.
[26] Machyn, 216.
Page 623
[27] Machyn, 221, ‘the plaers plad suche matter that they wher commondyd
to leyff off, and contenent the maske cam in dansyng’.
[28] Machyn, 221.
[29] Machyn, 230.
[30] Machyn, 231.
[31] C. A.; Machyn, 232.
[32] Machyn, 233.
[33] Machyn, 234; Lodge1, i. 313.
[34] Procl. 525.
[35] C. A.
[36] Machyn, 241; Parker, 120; Sc. P. i. 459.
[37] Machyn, 241; Sc. P. i. 459.
[38] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 23, 27); S. P. F. (Aug. 22, 27, 28); Sc. P. i. 475;
Machyn, 241; Wright, i. 43; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 50, 142; Howard, 215; V. H.
Hants, iii. 531.
[39] S. P. D. Addl.; Lodge, i. 423.
[40] Procl. 529; S. P. F. (Sept. 30).
[41] C. A.
[42] S. P. F. (Nov. 10, 25).
[43] C. A.; Hardwicke Papers, i. 163; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 62.
[44] C. A.
[45] Christopher Playter to Mr. Kytson (J. Gage, Hist. of Hengrave, 180), ‘at
the corte new plays, which lasted almost all night—the name of the play was
huff-suff-and ruff, with other masks, both of ladies and gents’. The only date is
‘21 Feb.’, but the year can be fixed by references in the letter to the masters of
fence at court, and to Procl. 538 and 541 of this winter.
[46] Machyn, 251.
[47] Machyn, 250.
[48] S. P. F. (Apr. 26, 29).
[49] Machyn, 261; Sp. P. i. 208.
[50] Nichols, i. 92, from Cofferer’s Account in Cott. MS. Vesp. C. xiv; C. A.;
Works Account in Lansd. MS., 5; S. P. D. (Aug. 9, 11); S. P. F. (July 15, 21; Aug.
16, 17, 27; Sept. 10, 17); Sc. P. (July 13; Aug. 16; Sept. 3, 17); Procl. 547–50;
Rymer (July 27); Machyn, 263, 267; Parker (Aug. 9, 12, 22); Wright, i. 67, 68,
69, 71; Hardwicke, i. 174; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 752; Hatfield MSS. v. 69; cf. M.
Christy in Essex Review, xxvi. 115, 181.
[51] Fleay, 62, suggests a revival of Bale’s Kinge Johan, the MS. of which
was found at Ipswich.
[52] Machyn, 267; Nichols, i. 103.
to leyff off, and contenent the maske cam in dansyng’.
[28] Machyn, 221.
[29] Machyn, 230.
[30] Machyn, 231.
[31] C. A.; Machyn, 232.
[32] Machyn, 233.
[33] Machyn, 234; Lodge1, i. 313.
[34] Procl. 525.
[35] C. A.
[36] Machyn, 241; Parker, 120; Sc. P. i. 459.
[37] Machyn, 241; Sc. P. i. 459.
[38] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 23, 27); S. P. F. (Aug. 22, 27, 28); Sc. P. i. 475;
Machyn, 241; Wright, i. 43; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 50, 142; Howard, 215; V. H.
Hants, iii. 531.
[39] S. P. D. Addl.; Lodge, i. 423.
[40] Procl. 529; S. P. F. (Sept. 30).
[41] C. A.
[42] S. P. F. (Nov. 10, 25).
[43] C. A.; Hardwicke Papers, i. 163; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 62.
[44] C. A.
[45] Christopher Playter to Mr. Kytson (J. Gage, Hist. of Hengrave, 180), ‘at
the corte new plays, which lasted almost all night—the name of the play was
huff-suff-and ruff, with other masks, both of ladies and gents’. The only date is
‘21 Feb.’, but the year can be fixed by references in the letter to the masters of
fence at court, and to Procl. 538 and 541 of this winter.
[46] Machyn, 251.
[47] Machyn, 250.
[48] S. P. F. (Apr. 26, 29).
[49] Machyn, 261; Sp. P. i. 208.
[50] Nichols, i. 92, from Cofferer’s Account in Cott. MS. Vesp. C. xiv; C. A.;
Works Account in Lansd. MS., 5; S. P. D. (Aug. 9, 11); S. P. F. (July 15, 21; Aug.
16, 17, 27; Sept. 10, 17); Sc. P. (July 13; Aug. 16; Sept. 3, 17); Procl. 547–50;
Rymer (July 27); Machyn, 263, 267; Parker (Aug. 9, 12, 22); Wright, i. 67, 68,
69, 71; Hardwicke, i. 174; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 752; Hatfield MSS. v. 69; cf. M.
Christy in Essex Review, xxvi. 115, 181.
[51] Fleay, 62, suggests a revival of Bale’s Kinge Johan, the MS. of which
was found at Ipswich.
[52] Machyn, 267; Nichols, i. 103.
Page 624
[53] Machyn, 270; Brantôme, i. 312; cf. ch. v.
[54] Parker, 156; Wallace, ii. 65.
[55] Machyn, 273.
[56] Machyn, 275.
[57] Machyn, 276. The word ‘played’, after ‘Sesar’, appears to be in a
modern hand; cf. Wallace, i. 200.
[58] Machyn, 276.
[59] Machyn, 277.
[60] Sp. P. i. 243; Machyn, 284. Dasent, vii. 238, has a reference to this as ‘a
tyme of progresse begonne’, but there was no real progress; cf. Somers to
Throckmorton (Aug. 29, S. P. F. v. 269), ‘The Queen has all this summer kept
herself here, without accustomed progress or hunting pleasures, to attend to that
whereof she shall have honour’. On the unrealized plans for a meeting with
Mary of Scots and the mask devised, cf. ch. v.
[61] C. A.; S. P. D. (Sept. 16); S. P. F. (Sept. 19).
[62] C. A.
[63] Machyn, 295.
[64] S. P. D. Addl. (Dec. 14); S. P. F. (Dec. 14); Procl. 572.
[65] Machyn, 309.
[66] C. A.; Procl. 578, 579; Rutland MSS. (June 30); S. P. F. (Aug. 2); Parker,
184 (Aug. 1).
[67] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 4); S. P. F. (Aug. 4).
[68] C. A.
[69] Francis to Sir Thos. Chaloner (Froude, vii. 92), ‘Regina tota amoribus
dedita est venationibusque, aucupiis, choreis et rebus ludicris insumens dies
noctesque’.
[70] Wright, i. 171, 172 (Apr. 23); S. P. D. (May 5); S. P. F. (May 5).
[71] Cf. ch. v.
[72] Sp. P. i. 366.
[73] S. P. D. (June 30); Sp. P. i. 368.
[74] Sp. P. i. 367, 385; Parker, 219; Burghley, Diary.
[75] Burghley, Diary.
[76] S. P. D. Addl. (July 16).
[77] Procl. 597; Sp. P. i. 368.
[78] C. A.; Pipe Office D. A. (Works), 3202; P. C.; Procl. 598; S. P. F. (Aug. 1,
8; Sept. 11); Sp. P. i. 373, 374, 376, 379; Stowe, Annales; Haynes-Murdin, ii.
756; Nichols, i. 151, from Cambridge MSS.; Lysons, Magna Britannia, i. 143,
496, 571, 627, from Lord Hampden’s MSS. (year uncertain); Bridges, Northants,
i. 431 (misdated 1563).
[54] Parker, 156; Wallace, ii. 65.
[55] Machyn, 273.
[56] Machyn, 275.
[57] Machyn, 276. The word ‘played’, after ‘Sesar’, appears to be in a
modern hand; cf. Wallace, i. 200.
[58] Machyn, 276.
[59] Machyn, 277.
[60] Sp. P. i. 243; Machyn, 284. Dasent, vii. 238, has a reference to this as ‘a
tyme of progresse begonne’, but there was no real progress; cf. Somers to
Throckmorton (Aug. 29, S. P. F. v. 269), ‘The Queen has all this summer kept
herself here, without accustomed progress or hunting pleasures, to attend to that
whereof she shall have honour’. On the unrealized plans for a meeting with
Mary of Scots and the mask devised, cf. ch. v.
[61] C. A.; S. P. D. (Sept. 16); S. P. F. (Sept. 19).
[62] C. A.
[63] Machyn, 295.
[64] S. P. D. Addl. (Dec. 14); S. P. F. (Dec. 14); Procl. 572.
[65] Machyn, 309.
[66] C. A.; Procl. 578, 579; Rutland MSS. (June 30); S. P. F. (Aug. 2); Parker,
184 (Aug. 1).
[67] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 4); S. P. F. (Aug. 4).
[68] C. A.
[69] Francis to Sir Thos. Chaloner (Froude, vii. 92), ‘Regina tota amoribus
dedita est venationibusque, aucupiis, choreis et rebus ludicris insumens dies
noctesque’.
[70] Wright, i. 171, 172 (Apr. 23); S. P. D. (May 5); S. P. F. (May 5).
[71] Cf. ch. v.
[72] Sp. P. i. 366.
[73] S. P. D. (June 30); Sp. P. i. 368.
[74] Sp. P. i. 367, 385; Parker, 219; Burghley, Diary.
[75] Burghley, Diary.
[76] S. P. D. Addl. (July 16).
[77] Procl. 597; Sp. P. i. 368.
[78] C. A.; Pipe Office D. A. (Works), 3202; P. C.; Procl. 598; S. P. F. (Aug. 1,
8; Sept. 11); Sp. P. i. 373, 374, 376, 379; Stowe, Annales; Haynes-Murdin, ii.
756; Nichols, i. 151, from Cambridge MSS.; Lysons, Magna Britannia, i. 143,
496, 571, 627, from Lord Hampden’s MSS. (year uncertain); Bridges, Northants,
i. 431 (misdated 1563).
Page 625
[79] For Cambridge plays cf. ch. iv.
[80] For mask at Hinchinbrook cf. ch. v.
[81] Sp. P. i. 376, 379.
[82] Sp. P. i. 381.
[83] C. A.
[84] P. C.; Martin’s, 218; S. P. D. (Dec. 9).
[85] Sp. P. i. 403.
[86] Sp. P. i. 404.
[87] Cf. ch. v.
[88] Sp. P. i. 428.
[89] C. A.; Lambeth.
[90] C. A.; Burghley, Diary; Wright, i. 198.
[91] Stowe, Annales (June 24); Sp. P. i. 442.
[92] Martin’s, 222; Sp. P. i. 446; Procl. 611; P. C. (July 15).
[93] Sp. P. i. 446, 451; cf. ch. v.
[94] Martin’s, 222.
[95] Sp. P. i. 465; Pepys MSS. 67.
[96] C. A.
[97] Martin’s, 222; Sp. P. i. 475.
[98] C. A.
[99] Sp. P. i. 487, 494.
[100] C. A.; Lambeth; P. C. (Oct. 29, Nov. 2).
[101] C. A.; Leland, Collectanea, ii. 666.
[102] V. P. vii. 374.
[103] Martin’s, 228; Sp. P. i. 523.
[104] Sp. P. i. 526.
[105] Cf. ch. v.
[106] Martin’s, 229; Sp. P. i. 564.
[107] C. A.; Lambeth; cf. ch. v.
[108] C. A.; Pipe Office D. A. (Works), 3203; Works Account in Rawl. MS., A.
195c; S. P. D. (July 21); S. P. F. (July 29, Aug. 30, Sept. 8); Sp. P. i. 568, 571,
574, 577, 578; Margaret’s; Martin’s; Shaw, ii. 72; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 762 (Aug.
3, 5); Middleton MSS. (Hist. MSS.), 528; Stowe, Annales; Burgon, Gresham, ii.
155, 212; Nichols, i. 192, 197, 199*, 206, 247, from Coventry records, &c.;
Plummer, Elizabethan Oxford, 115, 175, 191, 198, 205; Boas, 385.
[80] For mask at Hinchinbrook cf. ch. v.
[81] Sp. P. i. 376, 379.
[82] Sp. P. i. 381.
[83] C. A.
[84] P. C.; Martin’s, 218; S. P. D. (Dec. 9).
[85] Sp. P. i. 403.
[86] Sp. P. i. 404.
[87] Cf. ch. v.
[88] Sp. P. i. 428.
[89] C. A.; Lambeth.
[90] C. A.; Burghley, Diary; Wright, i. 198.
[91] Stowe, Annales (June 24); Sp. P. i. 442.
[92] Martin’s, 222; Sp. P. i. 446; Procl. 611; P. C. (July 15).
[93] Sp. P. i. 446, 451; cf. ch. v.
[94] Martin’s, 222.
[95] Sp. P. i. 465; Pepys MSS. 67.
[96] C. A.
[97] Martin’s, 222; Sp. P. i. 475.
[98] C. A.
[99] Sp. P. i. 487, 494.
[100] C. A.; Lambeth; P. C. (Oct. 29, Nov. 2).
[101] C. A.; Leland, Collectanea, ii. 666.
[102] V. P. vii. 374.
[103] Martin’s, 228; Sp. P. i. 523.
[104] Sp. P. i. 526.
[105] Cf. ch. v.
[106] Martin’s, 229; Sp. P. i. 564.
[107] C. A.; Lambeth; cf. ch. v.
[108] C. A.; Pipe Office D. A. (Works), 3203; Works Account in Rawl. MS., A.
195c; S. P. D. (July 21); S. P. F. (July 29, Aug. 30, Sept. 8); Sp. P. i. 568, 571,
574, 577, 578; Margaret’s; Martin’s; Shaw, ii. 72; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 762 (Aug.
3, 5); Middleton MSS. (Hist. MSS.), 528; Stowe, Annales; Burgon, Gresham, ii.
155, 212; Nichols, i. 192, 197, 199*, 206, 247, from Coventry records, &c.;
Plummer, Elizabethan Oxford, 115, 175, 191, 198, 205; Boas, 385.
Page 626
[109] At the entry to Coventry the Corpus Christi pageant of the Tanners
stood at St. John’s Church, the Drapers at the Cross, the Smiths at Little Park
Street End, the Weavers at Much Park Street (H. Craig, Two Coventry C. C.
Plays, xxi, 106). The date is sometimes given as 1565 or 1567 in error.
[110] For the Oxford plays cf. ch. iv.
[111] S. P. F. (Sept. 10); Sp. P. i. 580.
[112] D. A. (Works).
[113] S. P. F. (Sept. 10, 17).
[114] Martin’s, 229; Sp. P. i. 582.
[115] Sp. P. i. 609.
[116] C. A.; Martin’s, 232; Sp. P. i. 609, 610, 612, 613.
[117] Shaw, ii. 73.
[118] Sp. P. i. 633: ‘The hatred that this Queen has of marriage is most
strange. They represented a comedy before her last night, until nearly one in the
morning, which ended in a marriage, and the Queen, as she told me herself,
expressed her dislike of the woman’s part.’
[119] Sp. P. i. 644.
[120] Sp. P. i. 661.
[121] Sc. P. ii. 373; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 764.
[122] C. A. (‘Mr. Kyrres’).
[123] C. A.; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 764; S. P. F. (Aug. 20, 24); Sc. P. (Aug. 29);
Sp. P. i. 672; Kempe, 265.
[124] Sp. P. i. 672.
[125] Sp. P. i. 679.
[126] Sp. P. i. 690; Martin’s, 234.
[127] Nichols, i. 266, from Privy Purse Acct.
[128] C. A.
[129] Sp. P. ii. 21; Martin’s, 239.
[130] C. A.; Parker Letters (July 7); Burghley, Diary; S. P. F. (July 11); C. D.
I. xc. 98, ‘Vino por el rio hasta Reder’; the translation ‘Reading’ in Sp. P. ii. 50 is
absurd; it might be Knightrider St.
[131] C. A.; Works Account in Rawl. MS. A. 195e; Burghley, Diary; S. P. D.
(July 30, Aug. 8); S. P. F. (July 22, Aug. 21, 27); Sc. P. (July 22, Aug. 14); Sp. P.
ii. 54, 57, 64, 71, 72, 74; Syd. P. i. 36; Procl. 628, 629; Shaw, ii. 73.
[132] Sp. P. ii. 73.
[133] S. P. D. (Oct. 3); Burghley, Diary (Oct. 20).
[134] La Mothe, i. 203.
stood at St. John’s Church, the Drapers at the Cross, the Smiths at Little Park
Street End, the Weavers at Much Park Street (H. Craig, Two Coventry C. C.
Plays, xxi, 106). The date is sometimes given as 1565 or 1567 in error.
[110] For the Oxford plays cf. ch. iv.
[111] S. P. F. (Sept. 10); Sp. P. i. 580.
[112] D. A. (Works).
[113] S. P. F. (Sept. 10, 17).
[114] Martin’s, 229; Sp. P. i. 582.
[115] Sp. P. i. 609.
[116] C. A.; Martin’s, 232; Sp. P. i. 609, 610, 612, 613.
[117] Shaw, ii. 73.
[118] Sp. P. i. 633: ‘The hatred that this Queen has of marriage is most
strange. They represented a comedy before her last night, until nearly one in the
morning, which ended in a marriage, and the Queen, as she told me herself,
expressed her dislike of the woman’s part.’
[119] Sp. P. i. 644.
[120] Sp. P. i. 661.
[121] Sc. P. ii. 373; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 764.
[122] C. A. (‘Mr. Kyrres’).
[123] C. A.; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 764; S. P. F. (Aug. 20, 24); Sc. P. (Aug. 29);
Sp. P. i. 672; Kempe, 265.
[124] Sp. P. i. 672.
[125] Sp. P. i. 679.
[126] Sp. P. i. 690; Martin’s, 234.
[127] Nichols, i. 266, from Privy Purse Acct.
[128] C. A.
[129] Sp. P. ii. 21; Martin’s, 239.
[130] C. A.; Parker Letters (July 7); Burghley, Diary; S. P. F. (July 11); C. D.
I. xc. 98, ‘Vino por el rio hasta Reder’; the translation ‘Reading’ in Sp. P. ii. 50 is
absurd; it might be Knightrider St.
[131] C. A.; Works Account in Rawl. MS. A. 195e; Burghley, Diary; S. P. D.
(July 30, Aug. 8); S. P. F. (July 22, Aug. 21, 27); Sc. P. (July 22, Aug. 14); Sp. P.
ii. 54, 57, 64, 71, 72, 74; Syd. P. i. 36; Procl. 628, 629; Shaw, ii. 73.
[132] Sp. P. ii. 73.
[133] S. P. D. (Oct. 3); Burghley, Diary (Oct. 20).
[134] La Mothe, i. 203.
Page 627
[135] C. A.; Sp. P. ii. 149; Feuillerat, Eliz. 124 (May 10); Nichols, i. 257 (May
9). The May 11 of La Mothe, i. 373, must be an error.
[136] Cf. ch. iv.
[137] Sp. P. ii. 178, 180. The July 27 or 28 of La Mothe, ii. 100, 133, 138,
must again be an error.
[138] Sp. P. ii. 182.
[139] C. A.; Works Accounts in Rawl. MS. A. 195c; S. P. F. (Sept. 4) Sc. P.
(Aug. 12, 20); Sp. P. ii. 189, 191; P. C. Wales (Aug. 22); Burghley, Diary;
Hatfield MSS. i. 418, 421, 435; Camden, 420; Nichols, i. 261; Finch MSS. (Aug.
9); V. H. Surrey, iii. 383; Lodge, i. 480, 482, 483, 485; La Mothe, ii. 196, 218,
223, 229, 237.
[140] Lodge, i. 483, 485; S. P. F. (Sept. 24); Parker Letters (Sept. 24).
[141] Cf. ch. i.
[142] C. A.
[143] Sp. P. ii. 228; Sadler Papers (Jan. 18).
[144] Sp. P. ii. 239.
[145] P. C. (June 18, 20).
[146] C. A.; Works Accounts in Rawl. MS. A. 195c; P. C.; S. P. D. (Sept. 25);
S. P. F. (Aug. 8; Sept. 7, 26); Procl. 657, 658; Finch MSS. (Hist. MSS.);
Burghley, Diary; Hatfield MSS. i. 481; Wiffen, i. 474; Digges, 5; Shaw, ii. 74; La
Mothe, iii. 240, 246, 258, 264, 289.
[147] La Mothe, iii. 317; P. C. (Sept. 30).
[148] P. C. (Nov. 6, 7).
[149] P. C. (Jan. 14, 19); La Mothe, iii. 434.
[150] Holinshed, iii. 1224; La Mothe, iii. 443, 450, 454; Margaret’s, 18.
[151] P. C. (Jan. 29).
[152] Sp. P. ii. 295; Rutland MSS. i. 91.
[153] P. C. (March 31); Stowe, Annales (Apr. 2).
[154] Lambeth.
[155] La Mothe, iv. 94; Rimbault, 160.
[156] Holinshed, iii. 1225; Nichols, ii. 334, from Segar; Arch, lxiii. 47; Arch.
Journal, lv. 315; lxi. 305; Clephan, 171, from Ashm. MSS. 837, 845; La Mothe,
iv. 88, 95.
[157] Digges, 108.
[158] Lambeth.
[159] P. C. (July 7); S. P. F. (July 8).
[160] C. A.; La Mothe, iv. 206; Kingston.
9). The May 11 of La Mothe, i. 373, must be an error.
[136] Cf. ch. iv.
[137] Sp. P. ii. 178, 180. The July 27 or 28 of La Mothe, ii. 100, 133, 138,
must again be an error.
[138] Sp. P. ii. 182.
[139] C. A.; Works Accounts in Rawl. MS. A. 195c; S. P. F. (Sept. 4) Sc. P.
(Aug. 12, 20); Sp. P. ii. 189, 191; P. C. Wales (Aug. 22); Burghley, Diary;
Hatfield MSS. i. 418, 421, 435; Camden, 420; Nichols, i. 261; Finch MSS. (Aug.
9); V. H. Surrey, iii. 383; Lodge, i. 480, 482, 483, 485; La Mothe, ii. 196, 218,
223, 229, 237.
[140] Lodge, i. 483, 485; S. P. F. (Sept. 24); Parker Letters (Sept. 24).
[141] Cf. ch. i.
[142] C. A.
[143] Sp. P. ii. 228; Sadler Papers (Jan. 18).
[144] Sp. P. ii. 239.
[145] P. C. (June 18, 20).
[146] C. A.; Works Accounts in Rawl. MS. A. 195c; P. C.; S. P. D. (Sept. 25);
S. P. F. (Aug. 8; Sept. 7, 26); Procl. 657, 658; Finch MSS. (Hist. MSS.);
Burghley, Diary; Hatfield MSS. i. 481; Wiffen, i. 474; Digges, 5; Shaw, ii. 74; La
Mothe, iii. 240, 246, 258, 264, 289.
[147] La Mothe, iii. 317; P. C. (Sept. 30).
[148] P. C. (Nov. 6, 7).
[149] P. C. (Jan. 14, 19); La Mothe, iii. 434.
[150] Holinshed, iii. 1224; La Mothe, iii. 443, 450, 454; Margaret’s, 18.
[151] P. C. (Jan. 29).
[152] Sp. P. ii. 295; Rutland MSS. i. 91.
[153] P. C. (March 31); Stowe, Annales (Apr. 2).
[154] Lambeth.
[155] La Mothe, iv. 94; Rimbault, 160.
[156] Holinshed, iii. 1225; Nichols, ii. 334, from Segar; Arch, lxiii. 47; Arch.
Journal, lv. 315; lxi. 305; Clephan, 171, from Ashm. MSS. 837, 845; La Mothe,
iv. 88, 95.
[157] Digges, 108.
[158] Lambeth.
[159] P. C. (July 7); S. P. F. (July 8).
[160] C. A.; La Mothe, iv. 206; Kingston.
Page 628
[161] C. A.; P. C.; C. D. I. xc. 492; Burghley, Diary; Hatfield MSS. i. 516; v.
70; Rutland MSS. i. 95; Wright, i. 393; Lodge, i. 525, 527; La Mothe, iv. 245;
Digges, 134, 138; Shaw, ii. 75; Hunter, Hallamshire, 111; Nichols, i. 280; cf. M.
Christy in Essex Review, xxvi. 115, 181.
[162] Rutland MSS. i. 96.
[163] La Mothe, iv. 245; Wandsworth.
[164] C. A., P. C.
[165] Sp. P. ii. 355; S. P. F. (Dec. 15, 16); Procl. 663 (Jan. 3). I think the P. C.
entries of Greenwich for Dec. 25, 31 must be errors.
[166] Hatfield MSS. v. 70; Rutland MSS. i. 94–96; La Mothe, iv. 319; Sp. P. ii.
358. The wedding was originally planned for Theobalds in Sept. (Hunter,
Hallamshire, 111).
[167] La Mothe, iv. 319, 321; Sp. P. ii. 358. Possibly Elizabeth was also at the
weddings of Lords Dudley and Paget this week.
[168] La Mothe, iv. 424.
[169] La Mothe, iv. 447.
[170] Sp. P. ii. 393.
[171] Martin’s, 268.
[172] Nichols, i. 305 (dating June 14), from Lambeth MS. 959; ii. 335. from
Segar.
[173] Martin’s, 268.
[174] C. A.; P. C. (July 31); S. P. D. (Aug. 10); S. P. F. (Aug. 22); Procl. 676;
Margaret’s; Martin’s; Select Committee on Public Records (1800), 174; Sp. P. ii.
399, 413, 417; Hatfield MSS. v. 69, xiii. 110; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 773; Finch
MSS. (Sept. 16); La Mothe, v. 47, 59, 63, 65, 76, 77, 79, 84, 89, 91, 92, 99, 122,
134; L. Howard, 195; Wilts. Arch. Mag. xviii. 261; 1 Ellis, ii. 265; Lodge, i. 540,
542, 548, 549; Strype, Sir T. Smith, 121; Zurich Letters, ii. 211; Digges, 228–65;
Nichols, i. 309, from Warwick Corporation MSS., with errors.
[175] At Kenilworth were ‘such princely sports as could be devised’ (Nichols,
i. 318, from Warwick Black Book).
[176] At Warwick on Aug. 17 were a country dance and a show of fireworks
(ibid.).
[177] Digges, 260, 263.
[178] Hatfield MSS. ii. 28; Sp. P. ii. 435; La Mothe, v. 200.
[179] Martin’s, 272 (Feb. 27, 28, in error?); Digges, 328 (Jan. 29); P. C. (Feb.
3); Feuillerat, Eliz. 171.
[180] C. A.; P. C.; La Mothe, v. 262, 267, 270; Sp. P. ii. 467; Wright, i. 466;
Hatfield MSS. v. 70 (misdated); Nichols, i. 378.
[181] Nichols, i. 332, 378, 548, from M. Parker, Matthaeus, Dering MS., and
local archives; C. A.; P. C.; W. D. Cooper, Winchelsea, 107, and in Sussex Arch.
Coll. v. 190, from Acct. of Controller of Household and local archives; Denne,
70; Rutland MSS. i. 95; Wright, i. 393; Lodge, i. 525, 527; La Mothe, iv. 245;
Digges, 134, 138; Shaw, ii. 75; Hunter, Hallamshire, 111; Nichols, i. 280; cf. M.
Christy in Essex Review, xxvi. 115, 181.
[162] Rutland MSS. i. 96.
[163] La Mothe, iv. 245; Wandsworth.
[164] C. A., P. C.
[165] Sp. P. ii. 355; S. P. F. (Dec. 15, 16); Procl. 663 (Jan. 3). I think the P. C.
entries of Greenwich for Dec. 25, 31 must be errors.
[166] Hatfield MSS. v. 70; Rutland MSS. i. 94–96; La Mothe, iv. 319; Sp. P. ii.
358. The wedding was originally planned for Theobalds in Sept. (Hunter,
Hallamshire, 111).
[167] La Mothe, iv. 319, 321; Sp. P. ii. 358. Possibly Elizabeth was also at the
weddings of Lords Dudley and Paget this week.
[168] La Mothe, iv. 424.
[169] La Mothe, iv. 447.
[170] Sp. P. ii. 393.
[171] Martin’s, 268.
[172] Nichols, i. 305 (dating June 14), from Lambeth MS. 959; ii. 335. from
Segar.
[173] Martin’s, 268.
[174] C. A.; P. C. (July 31); S. P. D. (Aug. 10); S. P. F. (Aug. 22); Procl. 676;
Margaret’s; Martin’s; Select Committee on Public Records (1800), 174; Sp. P. ii.
399, 413, 417; Hatfield MSS. v. 69, xiii. 110; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 773; Finch
MSS. (Sept. 16); La Mothe, v. 47, 59, 63, 65, 76, 77, 79, 84, 89, 91, 92, 99, 122,
134; L. Howard, 195; Wilts. Arch. Mag. xviii. 261; 1 Ellis, ii. 265; Lodge, i. 540,
542, 548, 549; Strype, Sir T. Smith, 121; Zurich Letters, ii. 211; Digges, 228–65;
Nichols, i. 309, from Warwick Corporation MSS., with errors.
[175] At Kenilworth were ‘such princely sports as could be devised’ (Nichols,
i. 318, from Warwick Black Book).
[176] At Warwick on Aug. 17 were a country dance and a show of fireworks
(ibid.).
[177] Digges, 260, 263.
[178] Hatfield MSS. ii. 28; Sp. P. ii. 435; La Mothe, v. 200.
[179] Martin’s, 272 (Feb. 27, 28, in error?); Digges, 328 (Jan. 29); P. C. (Feb.
3); Feuillerat, Eliz. 171.
[180] C. A.; P. C.; La Mothe, v. 262, 267, 270; Sp. P. ii. 467; Wright, i. 466;
Hatfield MSS. v. 70 (misdated); Nichols, i. 378.
[181] Nichols, i. 332, 378, 548, from M. Parker, Matthaeus, Dering MS., and
local archives; C. A.; P. C.; W. D. Cooper, Winchelsea, 107, and in Sussex Arch.
Coll. v. 190, from Acct. of Controller of Household and local archives; Denne,
Page 629
Bibl. Top. Brit. xlv. 211; Parker Corres. 436, 437, 441, 475; Arch. Cantiana, vi.
43; ix. 235; xi. 199; Zurich Letters, ii. 221; S. P. F. (Sept. 15); Lodge, ii. 33;
Shaw, ii. 75; La Mothe, v. 412; 1 Ellis, ii. 267.
[182] There was a reception at Orpington by a Nymph as Genius of the
house, and a sea-fight in a bark (Hasted, i. 134).
[183] A mock sea-fight was shown at Sandwich on Sept. 1 (Nichols, i. 337,
from town archives).
[184] There was a mask of Mariners at Canterbury on Sept. 7 (Feuillerat, Eliz.
183).
[185] Nichols, i. 351; La Mothe, v. 412.
[186] C. A.
[187] La Mothe, v. 454; P. C. (Nov. 25, 28, 29).
[188] Martin’s, 273; P. C. (Dec. 19, 21).
[189] Walsingham, Diary; La Mothe, vi. 8.
[190] Walsingham, Diary; La Mothe, vi. 34.
[191] La Mothe, vi. 39.
[192] Walsingham, Diary; Lambeth; Nichols, i. 325 (misdated), 384.
[193] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; La Mothe, vi. 167.
[194] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[195] C. A.; P. C.; Walsingham, Diary; Burghley, Diary; S. P. D. (Aug. 15); S.
P. F. (July 18, 30; Aug. 10, 11; Sept. 15); Zurich Letters, ii. 258; A. Hall, Life,
57; Shaw, ii. 75, 76; Lodge, ii. 43; La Mothe, vi. 197, 229; Nichols, i. 321
(misdated 1572), 379, 392, 408; R. H. Gretton, Burford Records, 415; cf. E.
Green in Proc. Bath Field Club, iv. 105.
[196] For Bristol Entertainment cf. ch. xxiv.
[197] Walsingham, Diary.
[198] Ibid.
[199] Walsingham, Diary.
[200] Some particulars of this winter’s revels appear to be in S. P. D. Eliz.
ciii. 54.
[201] Feuillerat, Eliz. 241 (Feb. 2); P. C. (Feb. 6).
[202] Lysons, i. 381; Dee, Compendious Rehearsal (ed. Hearne), 516.
[203] P. C. (March 21, 23, 25); Martin’s, 284.
[204] C. A.
[205] Martin’s, 284.
[206] Hunter, Hallamshire, 84.
[207] C. A.; P. C.; P. C. Wales (June 13, Aug. 17); S. P. D. (Aug. 21; Sept. 4,
12; Oct. 6); S. P. F. (July 12, Aug. 29, Sept. 4, 7); Procl. 693, 696; Sp. P. ii. 492,
498; La Mothe, vi. 437, 442, 444, 487, 495, 498, 502; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 776;
43; ix. 235; xi. 199; Zurich Letters, ii. 221; S. P. F. (Sept. 15); Lodge, ii. 33;
Shaw, ii. 75; La Mothe, v. 412; 1 Ellis, ii. 267.
[182] There was a reception at Orpington by a Nymph as Genius of the
house, and a sea-fight in a bark (Hasted, i. 134).
[183] A mock sea-fight was shown at Sandwich on Sept. 1 (Nichols, i. 337,
from town archives).
[184] There was a mask of Mariners at Canterbury on Sept. 7 (Feuillerat, Eliz.
183).
[185] Nichols, i. 351; La Mothe, v. 412.
[186] C. A.
[187] La Mothe, v. 454; P. C. (Nov. 25, 28, 29).
[188] Martin’s, 273; P. C. (Dec. 19, 21).
[189] Walsingham, Diary; La Mothe, vi. 8.
[190] Walsingham, Diary; La Mothe, vi. 34.
[191] La Mothe, vi. 39.
[192] Walsingham, Diary; Lambeth; Nichols, i. 325 (misdated), 384.
[193] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; La Mothe, vi. 167.
[194] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[195] C. A.; P. C.; Walsingham, Diary; Burghley, Diary; S. P. D. (Aug. 15); S.
P. F. (July 18, 30; Aug. 10, 11; Sept. 15); Zurich Letters, ii. 258; A. Hall, Life,
57; Shaw, ii. 75, 76; Lodge, ii. 43; La Mothe, vi. 197, 229; Nichols, i. 321
(misdated 1572), 379, 392, 408; R. H. Gretton, Burford Records, 415; cf. E.
Green in Proc. Bath Field Club, iv. 105.
[196] For Bristol Entertainment cf. ch. xxiv.
[197] Walsingham, Diary.
[198] Ibid.
[199] Walsingham, Diary.
[200] Some particulars of this winter’s revels appear to be in S. P. D. Eliz.
ciii. 54.
[201] Feuillerat, Eliz. 241 (Feb. 2); P. C. (Feb. 6).
[202] Lysons, i. 381; Dee, Compendious Rehearsal (ed. Hearne), 516.
[203] P. C. (March 21, 23, 25); Martin’s, 284.
[204] C. A.
[205] Martin’s, 284.
[206] Hunter, Hallamshire, 84.
[207] C. A.; P. C.; P. C. Wales (June 13, Aug. 17); S. P. D. (Aug. 21; Sept. 4,
12; Oct. 6); S. P. F. (July 12, Aug. 29, Sept. 4, 7); Procl. 693, 696; Sp. P. ii. 492,
498; La Mothe, vi. 437, 442, 444, 487, 495, 498, 502; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 776;
Page 630
Hatfield MSS. ii. 99, 107, 108, 112, 116; v. 70; xiii. 142; Walsingham, Diary;
Rutland MSS. i. 104, 105; Middleton MSS. 538; Shaw, ii. 76; Sydney Papers, i.
71; Wright, ii. 11, 16; Devon, i. 119; Wilts. Arch. Mag. xviii. 261; Kenilworth
Entertainments (cf. ch. xxiv); Nichols, i. 417, 529, 533, from local archives.
[208] For Kenilworth entertainments cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[209] Warwick’s players were at Lichfield (cf. ch. xiii).
[210] There were pageants by Ralph Wyatt and Thomas Heywood at the
Cross and St. Ellen’s Church, Worcester (Nichols, i. 537).
[211] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
[212] Walsingham, Diary.
[213] C. A.; Sp. P. ii. 515.
[214] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[215] Walsingham, Diary.
[216] Walsingham, Diary; Shaw, ii. 77.
[217] Hatfield MSS. ii. 134.
[218] P. C.
[219] C. A.
[220] Walsingham, Diary.
[221] P. C. (July 22, 23).
[222] C. A., apparently (Sp. P. ii. 531) a false start for the progress.
[223] C. A.; P. C.; Walsingham, Diary; S. P. D. (Sept. 6, 12); S. P. F. (Sept. 6);
Sp. P. ii. 533; Procl. 708; Syd. P. i. 392; Hatfield MSS. ii. 133; Kempe, 490;
Lodge, App. 38, 39; cf. App. B.
[224] Walsingham, Diary.
[225] Ibid.
[226] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; Martin’s, 297.
[227] C. A.
[228] P. C. (Apr. 27–29); Walsingham, Diary (May 6); Martin’s, 297 (Apr. 26
in error).
[229] Martin’s, 297.
[230] C. A.; P. C. (May 14); Birch, i. 12; Nichols, ii. 55, from Birch MS.
4100; Shaw, ii. 78; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 779; Hatfield MSS. v. 70; Walsingham,
Diary (May 25).
[231] Wiffen, i. 508.
[232] C. A.
[233] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[234] Hatfield MSS. ii. 157.
[235] Ibid.
Rutland MSS. i. 104, 105; Middleton MSS. 538; Shaw, ii. 76; Sydney Papers, i.
71; Wright, ii. 11, 16; Devon, i. 119; Wilts. Arch. Mag. xviii. 261; Kenilworth
Entertainments (cf. ch. xxiv); Nichols, i. 417, 529, 533, from local archives.
[208] For Kenilworth entertainments cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[209] Warwick’s players were at Lichfield (cf. ch. xiii).
[210] There were pageants by Ralph Wyatt and Thomas Heywood at the
Cross and St. Ellen’s Church, Worcester (Nichols, i. 537).
[211] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
[212] Walsingham, Diary.
[213] C. A.; Sp. P. ii. 515.
[214] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[215] Walsingham, Diary.
[216] Walsingham, Diary; Shaw, ii. 77.
[217] Hatfield MSS. ii. 134.
[218] P. C.
[219] C. A.
[220] Walsingham, Diary.
[221] P. C. (July 22, 23).
[222] C. A., apparently (Sp. P. ii. 531) a false start for the progress.
[223] C. A.; P. C.; Walsingham, Diary; S. P. D. (Sept. 6, 12); S. P. F. (Sept. 6);
Sp. P. ii. 533; Procl. 708; Syd. P. i. 392; Hatfield MSS. ii. 133; Kempe, 490;
Lodge, App. 38, 39; cf. App. B.
[224] Walsingham, Diary.
[225] Ibid.
[226] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; Martin’s, 297.
[227] C. A.
[228] P. C. (Apr. 27–29); Walsingham, Diary (May 6); Martin’s, 297 (Apr. 26
in error).
[229] Martin’s, 297.
[230] C. A.; P. C. (May 14); Birch, i. 12; Nichols, ii. 55, from Birch MS.
4100; Shaw, ii. 78; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 779; Hatfield MSS. v. 70; Walsingham,
Diary (May 25).
[231] Wiffen, i. 508.
[232] C. A.
[233] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[234] Hatfield MSS. ii. 157.
[235] Ibid.
Page 631
[236] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[237] P. C.; Walsingham, Diary: Finch MSS. (Sept. 4); Lodge, ii. 91.
[238] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[239] C. A.
[240] C. A.; S. P. F.; Walsingham, Diary.
[241] C. A.
[242] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[243] C. A. A lost device and play at Osterley by Churchyard (cf. ch. xxiii)
may belong to this visit.
[244] Walsingham, Diary; Fulham; Nichols, ii. 92.
[245] Walsingham, Diary.
[246] S. P. F.; Walsingham, Diary.
[247] Sp. P. ii. 576, 581.
[248] C. A.; S. P. D. (May 8, 9, 10); S. P. F. (May 6, 15); Walsingham, Diary;
Hatfield MSS. v. 70; Sp. P. ii. 582; Lodge, ii. 99. Sidney’s May Lady
entertainment may belong to this Wanstead visit or to that of 1579 (cf. ch. xxiii).
For Italian tumblers in 1577–8, cf. App. B.
[249] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; S. P. F. (May 16).
[250] C. A.; P. C.; Procl. 724; S. P. D. (July 11, 14, 17; Sept. 2, 21); Sp. P. ii.
607, 610; Shaw, ii. 78, 79; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 780; Hatfield MSS. ii. 190, 192;
xiii. 160; Sydney Papers, i. 270; Hatton, 93; Lodge, ii. 119; Kempe, 248
(misdated?); Archaeologia, xix. 283; Cullum, Hawsted, 130; Hollingsworth,
Stowmarket, 128; Nichols, ii. iii sqq., from local archives; Entertainments by
Churchyard and Garter (cf. ch. xxiv).
[251] Speeches and verses sent from Cambridge to Audley End are in G.
Harvey, Gratulationes Valdinenses (1578).
[252] A. G. H. Hollingsworth, Hist. of Stowmarket (1844), 128, 130, says that
players from Ipswich under John Corke were employed.
[253] For devices at Kenninghall, Norwich, and Hengrave, cf. Entertainments
by Churchyard and Garter (ch. xxiv). Blomefield, vii. 214, prints from Harl. MS.
890, f. 282, verses given at Norwich with a pair of golden spurs by William
(Edward?) Downes of Earlham.
[254] Dee, 5; S. P. D. Addl. (Sept. 25); P. C. (Sept. 26).
[255] C. A.
[256] Sp. P. ii. 627, 630.
[257] C. A.; P. C. (Jan. 20, 22).
[258] C. A.; Procl. 735.
[259] C. A.
[260] Devereux, i. 170; Lodge, ii. 140, 146, ‘There was never any of his cote
that was able to brag of the like entertainment’.
[237] P. C.; Walsingham, Diary: Finch MSS. (Sept. 4); Lodge, ii. 91.
[238] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[239] C. A.
[240] C. A.; S. P. F.; Walsingham, Diary.
[241] C. A.
[242] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[243] C. A. A lost device and play at Osterley by Churchyard (cf. ch. xxiii)
may belong to this visit.
[244] Walsingham, Diary; Fulham; Nichols, ii. 92.
[245] Walsingham, Diary.
[246] S. P. F.; Walsingham, Diary.
[247] Sp. P. ii. 576, 581.
[248] C. A.; S. P. D. (May 8, 9, 10); S. P. F. (May 6, 15); Walsingham, Diary;
Hatfield MSS. v. 70; Sp. P. ii. 582; Lodge, ii. 99. Sidney’s May Lady
entertainment may belong to this Wanstead visit or to that of 1579 (cf. ch. xxiii).
For Italian tumblers in 1577–8, cf. App. B.
[249] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; S. P. F. (May 16).
[250] C. A.; P. C.; Procl. 724; S. P. D. (July 11, 14, 17; Sept. 2, 21); Sp. P. ii.
607, 610; Shaw, ii. 78, 79; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 780; Hatfield MSS. ii. 190, 192;
xiii. 160; Sydney Papers, i. 270; Hatton, 93; Lodge, ii. 119; Kempe, 248
(misdated?); Archaeologia, xix. 283; Cullum, Hawsted, 130; Hollingsworth,
Stowmarket, 128; Nichols, ii. iii sqq., from local archives; Entertainments by
Churchyard and Garter (cf. ch. xxiv).
[251] Speeches and verses sent from Cambridge to Audley End are in G.
Harvey, Gratulationes Valdinenses (1578).
[252] A. G. H. Hollingsworth, Hist. of Stowmarket (1844), 128, 130, says that
players from Ipswich under John Corke were employed.
[253] For devices at Kenninghall, Norwich, and Hengrave, cf. Entertainments
by Churchyard and Garter (ch. xxiv). Blomefield, vii. 214, prints from Harl. MS.
890, f. 282, verses given at Norwich with a pair of golden spurs by William
(Edward?) Downes of Earlham.
[254] Dee, 5; S. P. D. Addl. (Sept. 25); P. C. (Sept. 26).
[255] C. A.
[256] Sp. P. ii. 627, 630.
[257] C. A.; P. C. (Jan. 20, 22).
[258] C. A.; Procl. 735.
[259] C. A.
[260] Devereux, i. 170; Lodge, ii. 140, 146, ‘There was never any of his cote
that was able to brag of the like entertainment’.
Page 632
[261] Lodge, ii. 146, ‘prettier than it happened to be performed’; Sp. P. ii.
655, ‘a grand ball, in which there were comedies and many inventions’. In the
previous August (Sp. P. ii. 607) Oxford had declined a request of the queen to
dance before Alençon’s agents, ‘as he did not want to entertain Frenchmen’.
[262] C. A.; Martin’s, 310; Sp. P. ii. 669, 679.
[263] Martin’s, 310; Sp. P. ii. 681.
[264] Martin’s, 310; Lambeth (June 2 in error).
[265] P. C. Wales, 192; Stowe, Annales.
[266] S. P. F. xiv. 46, 49; V. P. vii. 609, 611, 612, 614; Sp. P. ii. 690, 694;
Hatfield MSS. ii. 293.
[267] P. C.; Shaw, ii. 79.
[268] C. A.; P. C.; S. P. D. (Sept. 13, 27); Sp. P. ii. 697; Hatfield MSS. (Sept.
17); Procl. 740; cf. M. Christy in Essex Review, xxvi. 115, 181. But Nichols, ii.
285, has clearly used two abandoned ‘gests’.
[269] P. C. (Oct. 2).
[270] Martin’s, 311; P. C. (Dec. 21, 23).
[271] C. A.
[272] C. A.; P. C. (May 26, 29); Lysons, i. 297.
[273] C. A.
[274] C. A.; P. C. (July 11); Walsingham, Diary.
[275] C. A.
[276] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[277] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. ii. 340.
[278] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[279] Dee, 9.
[280] Dee, 9.
[281] C. A.; S. P. D. cl. 62 (app. misdated 1581).
[282] Martin’s, 321; Dee, 10.
[283] M. S. C. i. 181; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 199; Nichols, ii. 334, from Segar;
Feuillerat, Eliz. 336, noting devices in the ‘meane season’ between challenge and
tilt.
[284] Martin’s, 329.
[285] C. A.; Sp. P. iii. 95, 101; Nichols, ii. 303.
[286] Martin’s, 329.
[287] S. P. F. xv. 82, 115, 144, 202; Sp. P. iii. 110, 131; V. P. viii. 2–15;
Walsingham, Diary; Wright, ii. 134; Remembrancia, 487. On Apr. 6 the Queen
was only thinking ‘whether there are any new devices in the joust, or where a
ball is to be held, or what beautiful women are to be at court’ (Sp. P. iii. 91).
655, ‘a grand ball, in which there were comedies and many inventions’. In the
previous August (Sp. P. ii. 607) Oxford had declined a request of the queen to
dance before Alençon’s agents, ‘as he did not want to entertain Frenchmen’.
[262] C. A.; Martin’s, 310; Sp. P. ii. 669, 679.
[263] Martin’s, 310; Sp. P. ii. 681.
[264] Martin’s, 310; Lambeth (June 2 in error).
[265] P. C. Wales, 192; Stowe, Annales.
[266] S. P. F. xiv. 46, 49; V. P. vii. 609, 611, 612, 614; Sp. P. ii. 690, 694;
Hatfield MSS. ii. 293.
[267] P. C.; Shaw, ii. 79.
[268] C. A.; P. C.; S. P. D. (Sept. 13, 27); Sp. P. ii. 697; Hatfield MSS. (Sept.
17); Procl. 740; cf. M. Christy in Essex Review, xxvi. 115, 181. But Nichols, ii.
285, has clearly used two abandoned ‘gests’.
[269] P. C. (Oct. 2).
[270] Martin’s, 311; P. C. (Dec. 21, 23).
[271] C. A.
[272] C. A.; P. C. (May 26, 29); Lysons, i. 297.
[273] C. A.
[274] C. A.; P. C. (July 11); Walsingham, Diary.
[275] C. A.
[276] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[277] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. ii. 340.
[278] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[279] Dee, 9.
[280] Dee, 9.
[281] C. A.; S. P. D. cl. 62 (app. misdated 1581).
[282] Martin’s, 321; Dee, 10.
[283] M. S. C. i. 181; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 199; Nichols, ii. 334, from Segar;
Feuillerat, Eliz. 336, noting devices in the ‘meane season’ between challenge and
tilt.
[284] Martin’s, 329.
[285] C. A.; Sp. P. iii. 95, 101; Nichols, ii. 303.
[286] Martin’s, 329.
[287] S. P. F. xv. 82, 115, 144, 202; Sp. P. iii. 110, 131; V. P. viii. 2–15;
Walsingham, Diary; Wright, ii. 134; Remembrancia, 487. On Apr. 6 the Queen
was only thinking ‘whether there are any new devices in the joust, or where a
ball is to be held, or what beautiful women are to be at court’ (Sp. P. iii. 91).
Page 633
[288] Cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[289] Walsingham, Diary.
[290] Sp. P. iii. 141, 144.
[291] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[292] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 200; Rutland MSS. i. 127.
[293] C. A.
[294] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; Rutland MSS. i. 127.
[295] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 201.
[296] Walsingham, Diary.
[297] S. P. F. xv. 357; Sp. P. iii. 203; V. P. viii. 21.
[298] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; Dee, 13; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 201.
[299] Sp. P. iii. 222; Clephan, 132, from Bodl. Ashm. MS. 845, ff. 164, 167;
Hatfield MSS. xiii. 201.
[300] S. P. F. xv. 442, 453, 473, and V. P. viii. 26, note the princely
entertainment of Anjou.
[301] Feuillerat, Eliz. 344 (table); Nichols, ii. 336, from Segar.
[302] C. A.
[303] C. A.; P. C. (Feb. 1); Holinshed, iii. 1330; Walsingham, Diary; Sp. P. iii.
280, 282; Hatfield MSS. ii. 500; S. P. F. xv. 444 (misdated), 484, 485; V. P. viii.
29. Apparently the Sandwich and Dover stages are for Anjou only, and Elizabeth
remained at Canterbury Feb. 5–13.
[304] Walsingham, Diary; P. C. (Feb. 18).
[305] Hatfield MSS. v. 70; S. P. D. clv. 54; 3 Ellis, iv. 43; cf. ch. vii.
[306] C. A.
[307] C. A.
[308] Sp. P. iii. 375.
[309] Rutland MSS. i. 136; Shaw (May 22).
[310] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 203; Hatton, 255; Lysons, i. 297.
[311] C. A.
[312] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 12, 17).
[313] C. A.
[314] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[315] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[316] C. A.
[317] C. A.; S. P. D. Addl. (Jan. 12); Peck, 131 (Jan. 18).
[318] Walsingham, Diary; Dee, 18; Lambeth.
[289] Walsingham, Diary.
[290] Sp. P. iii. 141, 144.
[291] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[292] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 200; Rutland MSS. i. 127.
[293] C. A.
[294] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; Rutland MSS. i. 127.
[295] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 201.
[296] Walsingham, Diary.
[297] S. P. F. xv. 357; Sp. P. iii. 203; V. P. viii. 21.
[298] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary; Dee, 13; Hatfield MSS. xiii. 201.
[299] Sp. P. iii. 222; Clephan, 132, from Bodl. Ashm. MS. 845, ff. 164, 167;
Hatfield MSS. xiii. 201.
[300] S. P. F. xv. 442, 453, 473, and V. P. viii. 26, note the princely
entertainment of Anjou.
[301] Feuillerat, Eliz. 344 (table); Nichols, ii. 336, from Segar.
[302] C. A.
[303] C. A.; P. C. (Feb. 1); Holinshed, iii. 1330; Walsingham, Diary; Sp. P. iii.
280, 282; Hatfield MSS. ii. 500; S. P. F. xv. 444 (misdated), 484, 485; V. P. viii.
29. Apparently the Sandwich and Dover stages are for Anjou only, and Elizabeth
remained at Canterbury Feb. 5–13.
[304] Walsingham, Diary; P. C. (Feb. 18).
[305] Hatfield MSS. v. 70; S. P. D. clv. 54; 3 Ellis, iv. 43; cf. ch. vii.
[306] C. A.
[307] C. A.
[308] Sp. P. iii. 375.
[309] Rutland MSS. i. 136; Shaw (May 22).
[310] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 203; Hatton, 255; Lysons, i. 297.
[311] C. A.
[312] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 12, 17).
[313] C. A.
[314] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[315] C. A.; Walsingham, Diary.
[316] C. A.
[317] C. A.; S. P. D. Addl. (Jan. 12); Peck, 131 (Jan. 18).
[318] Walsingham, Diary; Dee, 18; Lambeth.
Page 634
[319] C. A.
[320] Lodge, app. 46; Rutland MSS. i. 149.
[321] C. A.; Dee, 20; Lambeth.
[322] Sp. P. iii. 474.
[323] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. v. 70; xiii. 229; Rutland MSS. i. 150, 151; Birch, i.
37.
[324] C. A.
[325] C. A.; S. P. I. (July 29, 30); Martin’s, 349; Margaret’s; Dee, 21; Finch
MSS.; Hatton, 346.
[326] C. A.; Kempe, 269; Sussex Arch. Colls. v. 193; S. P. D. clxi. 15.
[327] C. A.
[328] C. A.
[329] Martin’s, 349; Margaret’s; S. P. I. (Oct. 14).
[330] C. A.; Martin’s, 349; Remembrancia, 407, ‘for her private recreation, to
take the air abroad’.
[331] Martin’s, 350.
[332] Duke of Norfolk, Life of Philip Earl of Arundel, 22.
[333] Shaw, ii. 82.
[334] S. P. F. (Apr. 20); Peck, 149 (May 2).
[335] C. A.; S. P. D.; Shaw; Hatfield MSS. iii. 35.
[336] S. P. F. (July 17); Hatton, 382 (July 21).
[337] C. A.; Hatton, 388; Peck, 154.
[338] C. A.
[339] C. A.; Lodge, ii. 246.
[340] Sc. P. (Oct. 6); S. P. D. (Oct. 10).
[341] C. A.; S. P. F. xix. 92 (misdated Oct. 5?).
[342] C. A.; Stowe, Annales.
[343] 2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 258.
[344] Ibid. 262; Clephan, 171, from Bodl. Ashm. MS. 845, f. 168.
[345] C. A.; Duke of Norfolk, Life of Earl of Arundel, 193, puts this or
another visit after the Earl’s committal to the Tower on 25 Apr. 1585.
[346] Feuillerat, Eliz. 365.
[347] Ibid.; Martin’s, 371; S. P. I. (Feb. 8); S. P. F. (Feb. 12).
[348] Hatfield MSS. vi. 556.
[349] C. A.
[350] Margaret’s; Stowe, Annales (March 29).
[320] Lodge, app. 46; Rutland MSS. i. 149.
[321] C. A.; Dee, 20; Lambeth.
[322] Sp. P. iii. 474.
[323] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. v. 70; xiii. 229; Rutland MSS. i. 150, 151; Birch, i.
37.
[324] C. A.
[325] C. A.; S. P. I. (July 29, 30); Martin’s, 349; Margaret’s; Dee, 21; Finch
MSS.; Hatton, 346.
[326] C. A.; Kempe, 269; Sussex Arch. Colls. v. 193; S. P. D. clxi. 15.
[327] C. A.
[328] C. A.
[329] Martin’s, 349; Margaret’s; S. P. I. (Oct. 14).
[330] C. A.; Martin’s, 349; Remembrancia, 407, ‘for her private recreation, to
take the air abroad’.
[331] Martin’s, 350.
[332] Duke of Norfolk, Life of Philip Earl of Arundel, 22.
[333] Shaw, ii. 82.
[334] S. P. F. (Apr. 20); Peck, 149 (May 2).
[335] C. A.; S. P. D.; Shaw; Hatfield MSS. iii. 35.
[336] S. P. F. (July 17); Hatton, 382 (July 21).
[337] C. A.; Hatton, 388; Peck, 154.
[338] C. A.
[339] C. A.; Lodge, ii. 246.
[340] Sc. P. (Oct. 6); S. P. D. (Oct. 10).
[341] C. A.; S. P. F. xix. 92 (misdated Oct. 5?).
[342] C. A.; Stowe, Annales.
[343] 2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 258.
[344] Ibid. 262; Clephan, 171, from Bodl. Ashm. MS. 845, f. 168.
[345] C. A.; Duke of Norfolk, Life of Earl of Arundel, 193, puts this or
another visit after the Earl’s committal to the Tower on 25 Apr. 1585.
[346] Feuillerat, Eliz. 365.
[347] Ibid.; Martin’s, 371; S. P. I. (Feb. 8); S. P. F. (Feb. 12).
[348] Hatfield MSS. vi. 556.
[349] C. A.
[350] Margaret’s; Stowe, Annales (March 29).
Page 635
[351] C. A.; Hatton, 416.
[352] C. A.
[353] Hatton, 426.
[354] C. A.; Shaw, ii. 83; Nichols, ii. 427.
[355] Cf. ch. xxiii (Lee).
[356] Lambeth.
[357] Hatton, 406 (July 20); S. P. D. (July 24).
[358] Lysons, i. 297.
[359] C. A.; S. P. F. (Aug. 25).
[360] C. A.
[361] Sc. P. (Sept. 26); Nichols, ii. 440 (Oct. 1).
[362] C. A.; Rutland MSS. i. 183; Margaret’s.
[363] Martin’s, 374; Lambeth.
[364] Lambeth.
[365] Lambeth.
[366] C. A.; P. C. (July 10); Hatfield MSS. iii. 178; Rutland MSS. i. 199.
[367] C. A.
[368] C. A.; Nichols, ii. 460, from speech of Mayor of Windsor.
[369] C. A.
[370] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iii. 182.
[371] C. A.; Martin’s, 386; Lambeth.
[372] Nichols, ii. 529, from private MS.
[373] C. A.; Dasent, xv. 59, 64; Hatfield MSS. iii. 249.
[374] P. C. (May 2).
[375] C. A.
[376] C. A.; Rutland MSS. i. 215 (May 25); P. C. (May 29).
[377] C. A.; P. C.; S. P. D. (July 16, 18); Rutland MSS. i. 222; Hatfield MSS.
iii. 270; v. 71; Devon, i. 187; Goodman, ii. 1.
[378] C. A.; P. C. (Aug. 20).
[379] P. C. (Sept. 19, 24).
[380] Martin’s, 397; Margaret’s; Lambeth; Gawdy, 18.
[381] Gawdy, 25; Shaw.
[382] Gawdy, 25.
[383] Foljambe MSS. 28; Gawdy, 25, 29; Sc. P. (Dec. 2).
[384] Rutland MSS. i. 232; Hist. MSS. vii. 520.
[352] C. A.
[353] Hatton, 426.
[354] C. A.; Shaw, ii. 83; Nichols, ii. 427.
[355] Cf. ch. xxiii (Lee).
[356] Lambeth.
[357] Hatton, 406 (July 20); S. P. D. (July 24).
[358] Lysons, i. 297.
[359] C. A.; S. P. F. (Aug. 25).
[360] C. A.
[361] Sc. P. (Sept. 26); Nichols, ii. 440 (Oct. 1).
[362] C. A.; Rutland MSS. i. 183; Margaret’s.
[363] Martin’s, 374; Lambeth.
[364] Lambeth.
[365] Lambeth.
[366] C. A.; P. C. (July 10); Hatfield MSS. iii. 178; Rutland MSS. i. 199.
[367] C. A.
[368] C. A.; Nichols, ii. 460, from speech of Mayor of Windsor.
[369] C. A.
[370] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iii. 182.
[371] C. A.; Martin’s, 386; Lambeth.
[372] Nichols, ii. 529, from private MS.
[373] C. A.; Dasent, xv. 59, 64; Hatfield MSS. iii. 249.
[374] P. C. (May 2).
[375] C. A.
[376] C. A.; Rutland MSS. i. 215 (May 25); P. C. (May 29).
[377] C. A.; P. C.; S. P. D. (July 16, 18); Rutland MSS. i. 222; Hatfield MSS.
iii. 270; v. 71; Devon, i. 187; Goodman, ii. 1.
[378] C. A.; P. C. (Aug. 20).
[379] P. C. (Sept. 19, 24).
[380] Martin’s, 397; Margaret’s; Lambeth; Gawdy, 18.
[381] Gawdy, 25; Shaw.
[382] Gawdy, 25.
[383] Foljambe MSS. 28; Gawdy, 25, 29; Sc. P. (Dec. 2).
[384] Rutland MSS. i. 232; Hist. MSS. vii. 520.
Page 636
[385] Rutland MSS. i. 234.
[386] C. A.; Margaret’s; Lambeth; Rutland MSS. i. 236, 237.
[387] Cf. ch. xxiii (Churchyard).
[388] C. A.; P. C. (Apr. 12, 16); Wright, ii. 370.
[389] C. A.; Gawdy, 35.
[390] C. A.; P. C. (July 7, 8); Margaret’s; Lambeth.
[391] C. A.; P. C. (July 28, 29); Rutland MSS. i. 253; Lambeth; Margaret’s.
[392] C. A.; Wright, ii. 387, 389; Margaret’s; Lambeth; M. Christy in E. H. R.
xxxiv. 43, quoting J. Aske, Elizabetha Triumphans, and T. Deloney, The Queen’s
Visiting of the Camp at Tilbury (cf. ch. xxiv).
[393] Sp. P. iv. 419.
[394] Ibid.
[395] P. C. (Oct. 26); S. P. D. (Oct. 23, 26); Margaret’s (Oct. 15 in error).
[396] Sp. P. iv. 487 (Nov. 8); Arber, ii. 506; Nichols, ii. 544.
[397] P. C. (Nov. 17).
[398] Sp. P. iv. 494; Arber, ii. 508.
[399] C. A.; Stowe, Annales; Sp. P. iv. 494; Arber, ii. 508.
[400] Martin’s, 407; P. C. (Dec. 1).
[401] Sp. P. iv. 504; S. P. D. (Dec. 19); Margaret’s.
[402] C. A.
[403] Stowe, Annales; Martin’s, 411; Arber, v. lxxvii.
[404] Martin’s, 411; Margaret’s; Lambeth; Fulham; Lodge, ii. 368, 375,
‘whilst she is there may be moved to her but matter of delight and to content her,
which is the only cause of her going thither’.
[405] Margaret’s.
[406] C. A.; Lodge, ii. 379; Margaret’s.
[407] C. A.; P. C. (Aug. 10); Hatfield MSS. iii. 427; xiii. 416 (Aug. 10, 16).
[408] C. A.
[409] Dasent, xviii. 329 (Sept. 26); Rutland MSS. i. 276 (Sept. 27).
[410] Cf. ch. v.
[411] Martin’s, 413; Margaret’s.
[412] C. A.
[413] C. A.; Martin’s, 414; Margaret’s.
[414] Martin’s, 422; P. C. (Jan. 25).
[415] Martin’s, 422.
[416] C. A.; P. C.; Procl. 825; Margaret’s; Martin’s; Lodge, app. 83.
[386] C. A.; Margaret’s; Lambeth; Rutland MSS. i. 236, 237.
[387] Cf. ch. xxiii (Churchyard).
[388] C. A.; P. C. (Apr. 12, 16); Wright, ii. 370.
[389] C. A.; Gawdy, 35.
[390] C. A.; P. C. (July 7, 8); Margaret’s; Lambeth.
[391] C. A.; P. C. (July 28, 29); Rutland MSS. i. 253; Lambeth; Margaret’s.
[392] C. A.; Wright, ii. 387, 389; Margaret’s; Lambeth; M. Christy in E. H. R.
xxxiv. 43, quoting J. Aske, Elizabetha Triumphans, and T. Deloney, The Queen’s
Visiting of the Camp at Tilbury (cf. ch. xxiv).
[393] Sp. P. iv. 419.
[394] Ibid.
[395] P. C. (Oct. 26); S. P. D. (Oct. 23, 26); Margaret’s (Oct. 15 in error).
[396] Sp. P. iv. 487 (Nov. 8); Arber, ii. 506; Nichols, ii. 544.
[397] P. C. (Nov. 17).
[398] Sp. P. iv. 494; Arber, ii. 508.
[399] C. A.; Stowe, Annales; Sp. P. iv. 494; Arber, ii. 508.
[400] Martin’s, 407; P. C. (Dec. 1).
[401] Sp. P. iv. 504; S. P. D. (Dec. 19); Margaret’s.
[402] C. A.
[403] Stowe, Annales; Martin’s, 411; Arber, v. lxxvii.
[404] Martin’s, 411; Margaret’s; Lambeth; Fulham; Lodge, ii. 368, 375,
‘whilst she is there may be moved to her but matter of delight and to content her,
which is the only cause of her going thither’.
[405] Margaret’s.
[406] C. A.; Lodge, ii. 379; Margaret’s.
[407] C. A.; P. C. (Aug. 10); Hatfield MSS. iii. 427; xiii. 416 (Aug. 10, 16).
[408] C. A.
[409] Dasent, xviii. 329 (Sept. 26); Rutland MSS. i. 276 (Sept. 27).
[410] Cf. ch. v.
[411] Martin’s, 413; Margaret’s.
[412] C. A.
[413] C. A.; Martin’s, 414; Margaret’s.
[414] Martin’s, 422; P. C. (Jan. 25).
[415] Martin’s, 422.
[416] C. A.; P. C.; Procl. 825; Margaret’s; Martin’s; Lodge, app. 83.
Page 637
[417] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 52 (July 28); P. C. (Aug. 6).
[418] C. A.
[419] S. P. D. (Aug. 30); P. C. (Aug. 31); Rutland MSS. i. 283; Lodge, app.
83.
[420] C. A.; P. C. (Sept. 6).
[421] C. A.
[422] C. A.; Dasent, xx. 71, 75 (Nov. 8, 15); Lodge, ii. 422.
[423] Lodge, ii. 419; cf. ch. xxiii (Lee).
[424] C. A.
[425] Lodge, ii. 419 (Nov. 20), ‘secretly, as she thought’, to meet the French
ambassador, Viscount Turenne.
[426] Lodge, ii. 420; P. C. (Nov. 22); Dee, 36 (Nov. 20 in error).
[427] Dee, 37.
[428] Syd. P. i. 317; Martin’s, 430; Margaret’s.
[429] C. A.; P. C.; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 796; Hatfield MSS. iv. 108, 115; v. 71;
Rutland MSS. i. 291; Wright, ii. 412.
[430] Lodge, app. 68. Probably she did not go, as the letter refers to a plot to
murder her there.
[431] Hatfield MSS. v. 71; Burghley, Diary.
[432] C. A.; P. C.; Burghley, Diary; Hatfield MSS. v. 71; iv. 136; vi. 238; S. P.
D. (Aug. 1, 2, 5, 31); Rymer, xvi. 109, 116–23; Kempe, 270, 305; G. C.
Williamson, Earl of Cumberland, 77; Procl. 836; Nichols, iii. 96, 99; cf. W. D.
Cooper in Sussex Arch. Colls. v. 176, 196, with some doubtful localities.
[433] For Cowdray Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[434] For Elvetham Entertainment, cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[435] Burghley, Diary.
[436] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 144 (Oct. 4); P. C. (Oct. 7).
[437] C. A.; P. C. (Nov. 15); Burghley, Diary.
[438] C. A.; P. C. (Nov. 20).
[439] C. A.; G. C. Williamson, George Earl of Cumberland, 108.
[440] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 187; xiii. 465; P. C. (Apr. 12, 15, 16);
Margaret’s.
[441] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 465.
[442] Lambeth.
[443] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 220.
[444] C. A.; P. C.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 224, 226, 227; xiii. 466; S. P. D. (Aug.
13, Sept. 6); Procl. 851–3; Shaw; Lodge, app. 69, 70; Birch, i. 79; Rutland MSS.
[418] C. A.
[419] S. P. D. (Aug. 30); P. C. (Aug. 31); Rutland MSS. i. 283; Lodge, app.
83.
[420] C. A.; P. C. (Sept. 6).
[421] C. A.
[422] C. A.; Dasent, xx. 71, 75 (Nov. 8, 15); Lodge, ii. 422.
[423] Lodge, ii. 419; cf. ch. xxiii (Lee).
[424] C. A.
[425] Lodge, ii. 419 (Nov. 20), ‘secretly, as she thought’, to meet the French
ambassador, Viscount Turenne.
[426] Lodge, ii. 420; P. C. (Nov. 22); Dee, 36 (Nov. 20 in error).
[427] Dee, 37.
[428] Syd. P. i. 317; Martin’s, 430; Margaret’s.
[429] C. A.; P. C.; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 796; Hatfield MSS. iv. 108, 115; v. 71;
Rutland MSS. i. 291; Wright, ii. 412.
[430] Lodge, app. 68. Probably she did not go, as the letter refers to a plot to
murder her there.
[431] Hatfield MSS. v. 71; Burghley, Diary.
[432] C. A.; P. C.; Burghley, Diary; Hatfield MSS. v. 71; iv. 136; vi. 238; S. P.
D. (Aug. 1, 2, 5, 31); Rymer, xvi. 109, 116–23; Kempe, 270, 305; G. C.
Williamson, Earl of Cumberland, 77; Procl. 836; Nichols, iii. 96, 99; cf. W. D.
Cooper in Sussex Arch. Colls. v. 176, 196, with some doubtful localities.
[433] For Cowdray Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[434] For Elvetham Entertainment, cf. chh. iv, xxiv.
[435] Burghley, Diary.
[436] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 144 (Oct. 4); P. C. (Oct. 7).
[437] C. A.; P. C. (Nov. 15); Burghley, Diary.
[438] C. A.; P. C. (Nov. 20).
[439] C. A.; G. C. Williamson, George Earl of Cumberland, 108.
[440] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 187; xiii. 465; P. C. (Apr. 12, 15, 16);
Margaret’s.
[441] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 465.
[442] Lambeth.
[443] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 220.
[444] C. A.; P. C.; Hatfield MSS. iv. 224, 226, 227; xiii. 466; S. P. D. (Aug.
13, Sept. 6); Procl. 851–3; Shaw; Lodge, app. 69, 70; Birch, i. 79; Rutland MSS.
Page 638
i. 302; Rye, 11–14; Finch MSS. (Sept. 15); Nichols, Illustrations, 135; Plummer,
Elizabethan Oxford, 249, 261; Boas, 252.
[445] For Bisham Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[446] For a possible entertainment at Ramsbury, cf. ch. xxiii (Mary Herbert).
[447] For Sudeley Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[448] For Woodstock (or Ditchley) Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
[449] For Oxford plays, cf. ch. iv.
[450] For Rycote Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[451] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 466.
[452] Gawdy, 67.
[453] C. A.
[454] C. A.; Martin’s, 451.
[455] Martin’s, 451; P. C. (Feb. 7, 8, 11, 12, 14); Dee, 43.
[456] Martin’s, 451.
[457] Ibid.
[458] Gawdy, 67.
[459] Martin’s, 452.
[460] C. A.; Martin’s, 452; P. C. (May 6, 13, 14); S. P. D. (May 9); Hatfield
MSS. iv. 309 (May 5).
[461] Hatfield MSS. iv. 319 (May 22).
[462] C. A.; Procl. 861; P. C. (June 24).
[463] C. A.; P. C. (Aug. 1, 4).
[464] C. A.
[465] Carey, Memoirs, 32; Clephan, 133, from Bodl. Ashm. MS. 1109, f.
154v; Arber, ii. 640; G. C. Williamson, George Earl of Cumberland, 121.
[466] C. A.; Birch, i. 137.
[467] Birch, i. 146. ‘Mr. [Anthony] Standen was at the play and dancing on
twelfth-night, which lasted till one after midnight, more by constraint than by
choice, the earl of Essex having committed to him the placing and entertaining
of certain Germans. The queen appeared there in a high throne, richly adorned,
and “as beautiful”, says he, “to my old sight, as ever I saw her; and next to her
chair the earl, with whom she often devised in sweet and favourable manner”.’
[468] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 506; Martin’s, 462.
[469] C. A.; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 804; Hatfield MSS. iv. 539, 552, 558; v. 71;
Martin’s; Dee, 49; Rutland MSS. i. 320; Wright, ii. 433; J. H. Lloyd, Highgate,
225, from Frere MS. (misdated 1593); Gawdy, 85.
[470] Hatfield MSS. v. 71; xiii. 507; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 804.
[471] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. v. 1; xiii. 508.
Elizabethan Oxford, 249, 261; Boas, 252.
[445] For Bisham Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[446] For a possible entertainment at Ramsbury, cf. ch. xxiii (Mary Herbert).
[447] For Sudeley Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[448] For Woodstock (or Ditchley) Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee.
[449] For Oxford plays, cf. ch. iv.
[450] For Rycote Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[451] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 466.
[452] Gawdy, 67.
[453] C. A.
[454] C. A.; Martin’s, 451.
[455] Martin’s, 451; P. C. (Feb. 7, 8, 11, 12, 14); Dee, 43.
[456] Martin’s, 451.
[457] Ibid.
[458] Gawdy, 67.
[459] Martin’s, 452.
[460] C. A.; Martin’s, 452; P. C. (May 6, 13, 14); S. P. D. (May 9); Hatfield
MSS. iv. 309 (May 5).
[461] Hatfield MSS. iv. 319 (May 22).
[462] C. A.; Procl. 861; P. C. (June 24).
[463] C. A.; P. C. (Aug. 1, 4).
[464] C. A.
[465] Carey, Memoirs, 32; Clephan, 133, from Bodl. Ashm. MS. 1109, f.
154v; Arber, ii. 640; G. C. Williamson, George Earl of Cumberland, 121.
[466] C. A.; Birch, i. 137.
[467] Birch, i. 146. ‘Mr. [Anthony] Standen was at the play and dancing on
twelfth-night, which lasted till one after midnight, more by constraint than by
choice, the earl of Essex having committed to him the placing and entertaining
of certain Germans. The queen appeared there in a high throne, richly adorned,
and “as beautiful”, says he, “to my old sight, as ever I saw her; and next to her
chair the earl, with whom she often devised in sweet and favourable manner”.’
[468] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 506; Martin’s, 462.
[469] C. A.; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 804; Hatfield MSS. iv. 539, 552, 558; v. 71;
Martin’s; Dee, 49; Rutland MSS. i. 320; Wright, ii. 433; J. H. Lloyd, Highgate,
225, from Frere MS. (misdated 1593); Gawdy, 85.
[470] Hatfield MSS. v. 71; xiii. 507; Haynes-Murdin, ii. 804.
[471] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. v. 1; xiii. 508.
Page 639
[472] C. A.; S. P. D. (Oct. 31); Sc. P. (Oct. 25).
[473] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. v. 19; Martin’s (misdated Oct.).
[474] C. A.; Arber, ii. 664.
[475] Martin’s, 465; Rutland MSS. i. 324.
[476] Dee, 51.
[477] C. A.; S. P. I. (Dec. 8).
[478] Martin’s, 465.
[479] C. A.; Stowe, Annales.
[480] Martin’s, 471; cf. my paper on The Occasion of A Midsummer Night’s
Dream in Sh. Homage, 154. I there thought that the wedding must have been at
Burghley House, but I now find that C. A. confirms Stowe in placing it at
Greenwich, and must suppose that, after the ceremony, Elizabeth accompanied
the bridal pair to Burghley House. If M. N. D. was produced, it may have been at
either place.
[481] C. A.; Nichols, iii. 38; Hatfield MSS. v. 121.
[482] C. A.; Rutland MSS. i. 326; Hatfield MSS. v. 135, 138.
[483] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[484] C. A.; Gesta Grayorum, 68.
[485] Martin’s, 472.
[486] C. A.; Syd. P. i. 344; Lodge, app. 78; Martin’s, 472.
[487] C. A.
[488] C. A.; P. C. (Oct. 19); Birch, i. 311.
[489] Syd. P. i. 357.
[490] C. A.; Syd. P. i. 365 (misdated Nov. 25 for 15); Martin’s, 473.
[491] C. A.
[492] Syd. P. i. 366, 369, 371; Martin’s, 473.
[493] Syd. P. i. 376.
[494] Syd. P. i. 380; Martin’s, 474.
[495] Syd. P. i. 382.
[496] C. A.; P. C. (Dec. 28); Syd. P. i. 384; Martin’s, 474.
[497] C. A.; Martin’s, 483; P. C. (Apr. 4).
[498] Martin’s, 483.
[499] C. A.
[500] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 5, 6; Martin’s, 488; Margaret’s.
[501] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. vi. 425; Birch, ii. 173 (Oct. 13).
[502] C. A.; Wright, ii. 465.
[473] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. v. 19; Martin’s (misdated Oct.).
[474] C. A.; Arber, ii. 664.
[475] Martin’s, 465; Rutland MSS. i. 324.
[476] Dee, 51.
[477] C. A.; S. P. I. (Dec. 8).
[478] Martin’s, 465.
[479] C. A.; Stowe, Annales.
[480] Martin’s, 471; cf. my paper on The Occasion of A Midsummer Night’s
Dream in Sh. Homage, 154. I there thought that the wedding must have been at
Burghley House, but I now find that C. A. confirms Stowe in placing it at
Greenwich, and must suppose that, after the ceremony, Elizabeth accompanied
the bridal pair to Burghley House. If M. N. D. was produced, it may have been at
either place.
[481] C. A.; Nichols, iii. 38; Hatfield MSS. v. 121.
[482] C. A.; Rutland MSS. i. 326; Hatfield MSS. v. 135, 138.
[483] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[484] C. A.; Gesta Grayorum, 68.
[485] Martin’s, 472.
[486] C. A.; Syd. P. i. 344; Lodge, app. 78; Martin’s, 472.
[487] C. A.
[488] C. A.; P. C. (Oct. 19); Birch, i. 311.
[489] Syd. P. i. 357.
[490] C. A.; Syd. P. i. 365 (misdated Nov. 25 for 15); Martin’s, 473.
[491] C. A.
[492] Syd. P. i. 366, 369, 371; Martin’s, 473.
[493] Syd. P. i. 376.
[494] Syd. P. i. 380; Martin’s, 474.
[495] Syd. P. i. 382.
[496] C. A.; P. C. (Dec. 28); Syd. P. i. 384; Martin’s, 474.
[497] C. A.; Martin’s, 483; P. C. (Apr. 4).
[498] Martin’s, 483.
[499] C. A.
[500] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 5, 6; Martin’s, 488; Margaret’s.
[501] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. vi. 425; Birch, ii. 173 (Oct. 13).
[502] C. A.; Wright, ii. 465.
Page 640
[503] C. A.; cf. ch. xxiii (Bacon).
[504] Martin’s, 488.
[505] Syd. P. ii. 17; Fulham.
[506] Lysons, i. 297.
[507] Martin’s, 496.
[508] C. A.; Wright, ii. 477 (July 20); Hatfield MSS. vii. 306 (July 22).
[509] C. A.; P. C.; S. P. D. (Sept. 13); Hatfield MSS. vii. 361, 370, 378;
Rutland MSS. i. 342, 343; iv. 209; Stowe, Annales; Stiffkey, 141; Carey,
Memoirs, 51; 1 Ellis, ii. 274.
[510] C. A.; P. C. (Sept. 21).
[511] P. C.; Martin’s, 497.
[512] C. A.
[513] Cf. ch. v.
[514] Martin’s, 514; Rutland MSS. i. 345 (May 1).
[515] Martin’s, 515.
[516] C. A.
[517] C. A.
[518] C. A.; P. C. (Sept. 13); Chamberlain, 19; Lysons, i. 257.
[519] C. A.
[520] C. A.; Chamberlain, 20.
[521] C. A.; Stowe, Annales; Martin’s, 516; Chamberlain, 29.
[522] Chamberlain, 29.
[523] C. A.; Martin’s, 522; Rutland MSS. i. 351.
[524] Martin’s, 523; P. C. (Apr. 2, 3, 4).
[525] Henslowe, i. 104.
[526] Chamberlain, 52; Nichols, iii. 467.
[527] C. A.
[528] C. A.; Chamberlain, 57; Lambeth.
[529] Chamberlain, 57.
[530] Syd. P. ii. 118.
[531] Procl. 903.
[532] S. P. D.; Syd. P. ii. 119.
[533] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 129, 130.
[534] C. A.
[535] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 141; Martin’s, 525; Margaret’s; Stowe, Annales.
[504] Martin’s, 488.
[505] Syd. P. ii. 17; Fulham.
[506] Lysons, i. 297.
[507] Martin’s, 496.
[508] C. A.; Wright, ii. 477 (July 20); Hatfield MSS. vii. 306 (July 22).
[509] C. A.; P. C.; S. P. D. (Sept. 13); Hatfield MSS. vii. 361, 370, 378;
Rutland MSS. i. 342, 343; iv. 209; Stowe, Annales; Stiffkey, 141; Carey,
Memoirs, 51; 1 Ellis, ii. 274.
[510] C. A.; P. C. (Sept. 21).
[511] P. C.; Martin’s, 497.
[512] C. A.
[513] Cf. ch. v.
[514] Martin’s, 514; Rutland MSS. i. 345 (May 1).
[515] Martin’s, 515.
[516] C. A.
[517] C. A.
[518] C. A.; P. C. (Sept. 13); Chamberlain, 19; Lysons, i. 257.
[519] C. A.
[520] C. A.; Chamberlain, 20.
[521] C. A.; Stowe, Annales; Martin’s, 516; Chamberlain, 29.
[522] Chamberlain, 29.
[523] C. A.; Martin’s, 522; Rutland MSS. i. 351.
[524] Martin’s, 523; P. C. (Apr. 2, 3, 4).
[525] Henslowe, i. 104.
[526] Chamberlain, 52; Nichols, iii. 467.
[527] C. A.
[528] C. A.; Chamberlain, 57; Lambeth.
[529] Chamberlain, 57.
[530] Syd. P. ii. 118.
[531] Procl. 903.
[532] S. P. D.; Syd. P. ii. 119.
[533] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 129, 130.
[534] C. A.
[535] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 141; Martin’s, 525; Margaret’s; Stowe, Annales.
Page 641
[536] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 142.
[537] Devereux, ii. 92.
[538] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 149; Winwood, i. 137; Martin’s, 525.
[539] Syd. P. ii. 155 (Jan. 5): ‘Her Majestie is in very good health, and comes
much abroad these holidayes; for almost every night she is in the presence, to
see the ladies dawnce the old and new country dawnces, with the taber and
pipe.’
[540] Syd. P. ii. 161.
[541] C. A.; P. C. (Apr. 13, 20).
[542] Hatfield MSS. x. 139 (May 5), ‘The Queen would fain hear the French
gentleman sing and play who is so much commended, and saith if she had been
put in mind or could yet tell how to do it, she would see the gentleman who
danced on the rope and is so cunning in those voltiges’; Syd. P. ii. 194 (May 12),
‘Her Maiestie is very well; this day she appointes to see a Frenchman doe feates
upon a rope in the Conduit court. To morrow she hath comanded the beares, the
bull, and the ape, to be baited in the tilt-yard. Upon Wednesday she will have
solemn dawncing.’ On Peter Bromvill, cf. App. D, No. cxxiii.
[543] Syd. P. ii. 201.
[544] Cf. ch. v.
[545] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 208.
[546] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 210.
[547] Syd. P. ii. 210.
[548] Nichols, iii. 489.
[549] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 23); Syd. P. ii. 208–213.
[550] Syd. P. ii. 213.
[551] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 213.
[552] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 213, 214.
[553] Syd. P. ii. 215.
[554] C. A.
[555] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 217; Chamberlain, 89.
[556] C. A.; Stowe, Annales; Margaret’s.
[557] C. A.; Winwood, i. 271, 274; Gawdy, 103, 105; cf. ch. xxiii (Clifford).
[558] Hatfield MSS. x. 406. A visit of 1600 to Baynard’s Castle (Sir Robert
Sydney) described in Harrington, i. 312, must fall between Nov. 13 and the
Essex outbreak of 8 Feb. 1601, as Sydney was abroad earlier in 1600.
[559] Chamberlain, 97.
[560] Martin’s, 546; Hatfield MSS. xi. 543, ‘There is a great gest expected to
come a maying hither. I wish your leisure and disposition may serve for
maying’.
[537] Devereux, ii. 92.
[538] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 149; Winwood, i. 137; Martin’s, 525.
[539] Syd. P. ii. 155 (Jan. 5): ‘Her Majestie is in very good health, and comes
much abroad these holidayes; for almost every night she is in the presence, to
see the ladies dawnce the old and new country dawnces, with the taber and
pipe.’
[540] Syd. P. ii. 161.
[541] C. A.; P. C. (Apr. 13, 20).
[542] Hatfield MSS. x. 139 (May 5), ‘The Queen would fain hear the French
gentleman sing and play who is so much commended, and saith if she had been
put in mind or could yet tell how to do it, she would see the gentleman who
danced on the rope and is so cunning in those voltiges’; Syd. P. ii. 194 (May 12),
‘Her Maiestie is very well; this day she appointes to see a Frenchman doe feates
upon a rope in the Conduit court. To morrow she hath comanded the beares, the
bull, and the ape, to be baited in the tilt-yard. Upon Wednesday she will have
solemn dawncing.’ On Peter Bromvill, cf. App. D, No. cxxiii.
[543] Syd. P. ii. 201.
[544] Cf. ch. v.
[545] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 208.
[546] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 210.
[547] Syd. P. ii. 210.
[548] Nichols, iii. 489.
[549] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 23); Syd. P. ii. 208–213.
[550] Syd. P. ii. 213.
[551] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 213.
[552] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 213, 214.
[553] Syd. P. ii. 215.
[554] C. A.
[555] C. A.; Syd. P. ii. 217; Chamberlain, 89.
[556] C. A.; Stowe, Annales; Margaret’s.
[557] C. A.; Winwood, i. 271, 274; Gawdy, 103, 105; cf. ch. xxiii (Clifford).
[558] Hatfield MSS. x. 406. A visit of 1600 to Baynard’s Castle (Sir Robert
Sydney) described in Harrington, i. 312, must fall between Nov. 13 and the
Essex outbreak of 8 Feb. 1601, as Sydney was abroad earlier in 1600.
[559] Chamberlain, 97.
[560] Martin’s, 546; Hatfield MSS. xi. 543, ‘There is a great gest expected to
come a maying hither. I wish your leisure and disposition may serve for
maying’.
Page 642
[561] Hatfield MSS. xi. 185.
[562] Martin’s, 546.
[563] Lambeth.
[564] C. A.
[565] C. A.; Lambeth; Hatfield MSS. xi. 328, 329.
[566] C. A.
[567] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xi. 332; Chamberlain, 118; S. P. D. (Sept. 19).
[568] C. A.; P. C.; Shaw; S. P. D. (Aug. 27; Sept. 1, 19, 23); Stowe, Annales,
797; Chamberlain, 117; Hatfield MSS. xi. 381, 392, 394; Carew-Cecil Corres.
95; Goodman, ii. 22; Remembrancia, 286; Rutland MSS. i. 379, 380; Egerton
Papers, 328.
[569] Chamberlain, 117, ‘Mr. Controller made great chere, and entertained
her with many devises of singing, dauncing, and playing wenches, and such
like’; Hatfield MSS. xi. 362 (J. Herbert—R. Cecil), ‘Her Majesty, God be
praised, liketh her journey, the air of this soil and the pleasures and pastimes
shewed her in the way, marvellous well’.
[570] Rutland MS. i. 380.
[571] C. A.; P. C. (Oct. 25); Margaret’s; Martin’s, 548.
[572] C. A.
[573] Chamberlain in S. P. D. cclxxxii, 48, ‘There has been such a small court
this Christmas that the guard were not troubled to keep doors at the plays and
pastimes’.
[574] Hatfield MSS. xi. 544.
[575] S. P. D. Eliz. cclxxxii. 48, ‘The Q: dined this day priuatly at my Ld
Chamberlains; I came euen now from the Blackfriers, where I saw her at the
play with all her candidae auditrices’; cf. ch. xiii (Chamberlain’s) and M. L. R.
ii. 12.
[576] C. A.; Martin’s, 558; Lambeth (misdated 1602/3).
[577] Hatfield MSS. xii. 99.
[578] C. A.; Chamberlain, 126; Lambeth.
[579] C. A.; Chamberlain, 133. Lord Cumberland’s May Day show of
horsemen (cf. ch. xxiii) may belong to this year, or less probably 1601.
[580] Hatfield MSS. xii. 140; Chamberlain, 133.
[581] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xii. 226.
[582] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 4, 6, 7); Martin’s; Fulham; Hatfield MSS. xii.
302, 305, 358; Lodge, ii. 552, 554; Egerton Papers, 340; Winwood, i. 429;
Chamberlain, 150.
[583] For Harefield Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[584] S. P. D. (Aug. 6, 15).
[562] Martin’s, 546.
[563] Lambeth.
[564] C. A.
[565] C. A.; Lambeth; Hatfield MSS. xi. 328, 329.
[566] C. A.
[567] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xi. 332; Chamberlain, 118; S. P. D. (Sept. 19).
[568] C. A.; P. C.; Shaw; S. P. D. (Aug. 27; Sept. 1, 19, 23); Stowe, Annales,
797; Chamberlain, 117; Hatfield MSS. xi. 381, 392, 394; Carew-Cecil Corres.
95; Goodman, ii. 22; Remembrancia, 286; Rutland MSS. i. 379, 380; Egerton
Papers, 328.
[569] Chamberlain, 117, ‘Mr. Controller made great chere, and entertained
her with many devises of singing, dauncing, and playing wenches, and such
like’; Hatfield MSS. xi. 362 (J. Herbert—R. Cecil), ‘Her Majesty, God be
praised, liketh her journey, the air of this soil and the pleasures and pastimes
shewed her in the way, marvellous well’.
[570] Rutland MS. i. 380.
[571] C. A.; P. C. (Oct. 25); Margaret’s; Martin’s, 548.
[572] C. A.
[573] Chamberlain in S. P. D. cclxxxii, 48, ‘There has been such a small court
this Christmas that the guard were not troubled to keep doors at the plays and
pastimes’.
[574] Hatfield MSS. xi. 544.
[575] S. P. D. Eliz. cclxxxii. 48, ‘The Q: dined this day priuatly at my Ld
Chamberlains; I came euen now from the Blackfriers, where I saw her at the
play with all her candidae auditrices’; cf. ch. xiii (Chamberlain’s) and M. L. R.
ii. 12.
[576] C. A.; Martin’s, 558; Lambeth (misdated 1602/3).
[577] Hatfield MSS. xii. 99.
[578] C. A.; Chamberlain, 126; Lambeth.
[579] C. A.; Chamberlain, 133. Lord Cumberland’s May Day show of
horsemen (cf. ch. xxiii) may belong to this year, or less probably 1601.
[580] Hatfield MSS. xii. 140; Chamberlain, 133.
[581] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xii. 226.
[582] C. A.; S. P. D. (Aug. 4, 6, 7); Martin’s; Fulham; Hatfield MSS. xii.
302, 305, 358; Lodge, ii. 552, 554; Egerton Papers, 340; Winwood, i. 429;
Chamberlain, 150.
[583] For Harefield Entertainment, cf. ch. xxiv.
[584] S. P. D. (Aug. 6, 15).
Page 643
[585] C. A.
[586] C. A.; cf. Chamberlain, 152.
[587] Chamberlain, 157.
[588] C. A.; Chamberlain, 162; Martin’s, 561.
[589] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xii. 438, 459; Chamberlain, 163.
[590] Chamberlain, 167; Hatfield MSS. xii. 507, 560, 568; cf. ch. xxiii
(Cecil).
[591] Chamberlain, 169.
[592] Chamberlain, 172, ‘The court hath flourisht more then ordinarie’, with
‘many playes’; Syd. P. ii. 262, ‘Mrs. Mary [Fitton] upon St. Steuens day in the
afternoon dawnced before the Queen two galliards with one Mr. Palmer, the
admirablest dawncer of this tyme; both were much commended by her Majestie;
then she dawnced with hym a corante’.
[593] Chamberlain, 174.
[594] C. A.; Lysons, i. 297; Chamberlain, 174; Martin’s, 567.
[595] Contemporary Prints (cf. ch. xxiv); Stowe, Annales; Camden; Nichols,
iii. 306; iv. 1054; Shaw; 1 Ellis, iii. 71, 75; Procl. 943, 944; S. P. D. (Apr. 21, 22,
25, 29; May 10); Hawarde, 180; Egerton Papers, 369.
[596] At Worksop were huntsmen in green with a woodman’s speech
(Nichols, i. 86, from printed description).
[597] For an abandoned entertainment at Bishopsgate, cf. ch. xxiv (Dekker,
Coronation Entertainment).
[598] Stowe, Annales; Shaw; Hawarde, 181.
[599] Hawarde, 181.
[600] Hawarde, 182; Shaw; Gawdy, 132.
[601] Shaw; 2 Ellis, iii. 201, ‘having vewed all his housese’.
[602] Green, 4, from Account of Marmaduke Darrell; Nichols, i. 189; iv.
1056, and Leicestershire, i. 417; iii. 589; Kelly, Progresses, 318; Middleton
MSS. 463; Wiffen, ii. 70; 1 Ellis, iii. 73; Lodge, App. 108.
[603] For entertainment at Althorp, cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson).
[604] Lodge, iii. 15; 1 Ellis, iii. 81; Shaw; Gardiner, i. 113.
[605] There were ‘speeches and delicate presents’ at Grafton (Wiffen, ii. 71).
[606] Wiffen, ii. 71; Shaw.
[607] S. P. D. (July 13); Procl. 965.
[608] Stowe, Annales; V. P. x. 74.
[609] Stowe, Annales; V. P. x. 75.
[610] V. P. x. 74.
[586] C. A.; cf. Chamberlain, 152.
[587] Chamberlain, 157.
[588] C. A.; Chamberlain, 162; Martin’s, 561.
[589] C. A.; Hatfield MSS. xii. 438, 459; Chamberlain, 163.
[590] Chamberlain, 167; Hatfield MSS. xii. 507, 560, 568; cf. ch. xxiii
(Cecil).
[591] Chamberlain, 169.
[592] Chamberlain, 172, ‘The court hath flourisht more then ordinarie’, with
‘many playes’; Syd. P. ii. 262, ‘Mrs. Mary [Fitton] upon St. Steuens day in the
afternoon dawnced before the Queen two galliards with one Mr. Palmer, the
admirablest dawncer of this tyme; both were much commended by her Majestie;
then she dawnced with hym a corante’.
[593] Chamberlain, 174.
[594] C. A.; Lysons, i. 297; Chamberlain, 174; Martin’s, 567.
[595] Contemporary Prints (cf. ch. xxiv); Stowe, Annales; Camden; Nichols,
iii. 306; iv. 1054; Shaw; 1 Ellis, iii. 71, 75; Procl. 943, 944; S. P. D. (Apr. 21, 22,
25, 29; May 10); Hawarde, 180; Egerton Papers, 369.
[596] At Worksop were huntsmen in green with a woodman’s speech
(Nichols, i. 86, from printed description).
[597] For an abandoned entertainment at Bishopsgate, cf. ch. xxiv (Dekker,
Coronation Entertainment).
[598] Stowe, Annales; Shaw; Hawarde, 181.
[599] Hawarde, 181.
[600] Hawarde, 182; Shaw; Gawdy, 132.
[601] Shaw; 2 Ellis, iii. 201, ‘having vewed all his housese’.
[602] Green, 4, from Account of Marmaduke Darrell; Nichols, i. 189; iv.
1056, and Leicestershire, i. 417; iii. 589; Kelly, Progresses, 318; Middleton
MSS. 463; Wiffen, ii. 70; 1 Ellis, iii. 73; Lodge, App. 108.
[603] For entertainment at Althorp, cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson).
[604] Lodge, iii. 15; 1 Ellis, iii. 81; Shaw; Gardiner, i. 113.
[605] There were ‘speeches and delicate presents’ at Grafton (Wiffen, ii. 71).
[606] Wiffen, ii. 71; Shaw.
[607] S. P. D. (July 13); Procl. 965.
[608] Stowe, Annales; V. P. x. 74.
[609] Stowe, Annales; V. P. x. 75.
[610] V. P. x. 74.
Page 644
[611] Nichols, i. xi, 250 (from gests in B.M. Cole MS. xlvi. 324); iv. 1059; S.
P. D. (Aug. 17, 22, 31; Sept. 11, 15); Procl. 969–71 Shaw; Bradley, ii. 180–3;
Hawarde, 272; Lodge, iii. 22, 24, 26, 28, 33, 34 (‘our camp volant, which every
week dislodgeth’), 38, App. 108, 109, 115; V. P. x. 83.
[612] Lodge, iii. 34, 36, 41.
[613] Bradley, ii. 190 (Arabella Stuart to Lord Shrewsbury), ‘There was an
interlude, but not so ridiculous, as ridiculous as it was, as my letter’.
[614] Cf. ch. v.
[615] Shaw; Beaumont in King’s MS. cxxiv, f. 174v.
[616] Lodge, iii. 58; S. P. D. (Oct. 20); Procl. 974 (Oct. 24).
[617] Nichols, iv. 1059; S. P. D. (Nov. 1).
[618] S. P. D. (Dec. 21).
[619] Bradley, ii. 195, ‘It is said there shall be 30 playes’, 199; Wilbraham’s
Journal (Camd. Misc. x), 66, ‘manie plaies and dances with swordes.’ One of the
King’s men’s plays was Fair Maid of Bristow.
[620] Cf. ch. xxiii (Daniel, Twelve Goddesses).
[621] Law, Hampton Court, ii. 11.
[622] Margaret’s.
[623] Gawdy, 141 (Feb. 20), ‘Ther hath bene ij playes this shroftyde before
the king and ther shall be an other to morrow’.
[624] V. P. x. 139.
[625] Stowe, Annales.
[626] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[627] Arber, iii. 257.
[628] Shaw; cf. ch. xxii (Jonson).
[629] Shaw (May 30, June 2).
[630] Shaw.
[631] Shaw (July 3); S. P. D. (July 4).
[632] Procl. 995; S. P. D. (July 14, 18); Shaw; V. P. x. 171.
[633] S. P. D. (July 28, 29, 30; Aug. 2, 6); Shaw; V. P. x. 171; Lodge, App.
115.
[634] 2 Ellis, iii. 207; Egerton Papers, 395.
[635] C. D. I. lxxi. 483; Rye, 117; E. Law, Shakespeare as a Groom of the
Chamber; V. P. x. 175; Gawdy MSS. 95; Winwood, ii. 26; cf. App. B.
[636] S. P. D. (Sept. 6); Winwood, ii. 26; Gawdy MSS. 95; Warton, Hist. of
Kiddington (1815), 58; Shaw.
[637] Procl. 1001; S. P. D. (Sept. 16, 20).
[638] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 33.
P. D. (Aug. 17, 22, 31; Sept. 11, 15); Procl. 969–71 Shaw; Bradley, ii. 180–3;
Hawarde, 272; Lodge, iii. 22, 24, 26, 28, 33, 34 (‘our camp volant, which every
week dislodgeth’), 38, App. 108, 109, 115; V. P. x. 83.
[612] Lodge, iii. 34, 36, 41.
[613] Bradley, ii. 190 (Arabella Stuart to Lord Shrewsbury), ‘There was an
interlude, but not so ridiculous, as ridiculous as it was, as my letter’.
[614] Cf. ch. v.
[615] Shaw; Beaumont in King’s MS. cxxiv, f. 174v.
[616] Lodge, iii. 58; S. P. D. (Oct. 20); Procl. 974 (Oct. 24).
[617] Nichols, iv. 1059; S. P. D. (Nov. 1).
[618] S. P. D. (Dec. 21).
[619] Bradley, ii. 195, ‘It is said there shall be 30 playes’, 199; Wilbraham’s
Journal (Camd. Misc. x), 66, ‘manie plaies and dances with swordes.’ One of the
King’s men’s plays was Fair Maid of Bristow.
[620] Cf. ch. xxiii (Daniel, Twelve Goddesses).
[621] Law, Hampton Court, ii. 11.
[622] Margaret’s.
[623] Gawdy, 141 (Feb. 20), ‘Ther hath bene ij playes this shroftyde before
the king and ther shall be an other to morrow’.
[624] V. P. x. 139.
[625] Stowe, Annales.
[626] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[627] Arber, iii. 257.
[628] Shaw; cf. ch. xxii (Jonson).
[629] Shaw (May 30, June 2).
[630] Shaw.
[631] Shaw (July 3); S. P. D. (July 4).
[632] Procl. 995; S. P. D. (July 14, 18); Shaw; V. P. x. 171.
[633] S. P. D. (July 28, 29, 30; Aug. 2, 6); Shaw; V. P. x. 171; Lodge, App.
115.
[634] 2 Ellis, iii. 207; Egerton Papers, 395.
[635] C. D. I. lxxi. 483; Rye, 117; E. Law, Shakespeare as a Groom of the
Chamber; V. P. x. 175; Gawdy MSS. 95; Winwood, ii. 26; cf. App. B.
[636] S. P. D. (Sept. 6); Winwood, ii. 26; Gawdy MSS. 95; Warton, Hist. of
Kiddington (1815), 58; Shaw.
[637] Procl. 1001; S. P. D. (Sept. 16, 20).
[638] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 33.
Page 645
[639] Gawdy MSS. 96.
[640] Stowe, Annales, 823; Carey, Memoirs, 83.
[641] Gawdy MSS. 97; Margaret’s.
[642] This is probably the play which concluded an entertainment by the
Spanish ambassador to the Duke of Holst (Winwood, ii. 44; Sullivan, 26).
Carleton says, ‘After Dinner he came home to us, with a Play and a Banquett’.
[643] Cf. App. B (introd.).
[644] Cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson, Blackness).
[645] Winwood, ii. 51; S. P. D. (March 6).
[646] Winwood, ii. 54.
[647] V. P. x. 234.
[648] Lodge, iii. 162.
[649] Stowe, Annales.
[650] S. P. D.; Winwood, ii. 81.
[651] Stowe, Annales.
[652] Leland, Collectanea, ii. 626, from gests; Nichols, i. 517, apparently
from abandoned gests (Lodge, App. 97, 99), 518, 560; Procl. 1015, 1016; S. P.
D. (July 26, Aug. 5); V. P. x. 265; Shaw (July 27); Winwood, ii. 99, 107; Lodge,
iii. 171; Warton, Life of Sir T. Pope (1772), 413; Reliquiae Hearnianae2, ii. 68
(misdated 1608); and for Oxford, Camden, Annales; Nichols, i. 530, iv. 1067,
from description of Philip Stringer in Harl. MS. 7044; A. Nixon, The Oxford
Triumph (1605); I. Wake, Rex Platonicus (1607); A. Wood, Annals; S. P. D.
Addl. xxxvii. 66, 67; V. P. x. 270; Winwood, ii. 140.
[653] For plays at Oxford, cf. chh. iv, vii.
[654] Nichols, i. 518, 560, from Marlow Accts.
[655] S. P. D. (Sept. 10); Winwood, ii. 132.
[656] Rutland MSS. i. 396.
[657] Stowe, Annales, 882; Procl. 1030; V. P. x. 332; Winwood, ii. 204;
Margaret’s.
[658] V. P. x. 332; Winwood, ii. 205.
[659] Winwood, ii. 205.
[660] Margaret’s.
[661] Cf. ch. iv.
[662] S. P. D. (July 16); Shaw (July 15); Nichols, ii. 53, from Drummond
(app. a day out).
[663] Nichols, ii. 54; iv. 1072, from prints (cf. ch. xxiv); Stowe, 885;
Harington, i. 348; Boderie, i. 223, 226, 241, 259, 283, 297; V. P. x. 379, 383,
386, 391; Winwood, ii. 247; Birch, i. 65.
[664] Cf. ch. v.
[640] Stowe, Annales, 823; Carey, Memoirs, 83.
[641] Gawdy MSS. 97; Margaret’s.
[642] This is probably the play which concluded an entertainment by the
Spanish ambassador to the Duke of Holst (Winwood, ii. 44; Sullivan, 26).
Carleton says, ‘After Dinner he came home to us, with a Play and a Banquett’.
[643] Cf. App. B (introd.).
[644] Cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson, Blackness).
[645] Winwood, ii. 51; S. P. D. (March 6).
[646] Winwood, ii. 54.
[647] V. P. x. 234.
[648] Lodge, iii. 162.
[649] Stowe, Annales.
[650] S. P. D.; Winwood, ii. 81.
[651] Stowe, Annales.
[652] Leland, Collectanea, ii. 626, from gests; Nichols, i. 517, apparently
from abandoned gests (Lodge, App. 97, 99), 518, 560; Procl. 1015, 1016; S. P.
D. (July 26, Aug. 5); V. P. x. 265; Shaw (July 27); Winwood, ii. 99, 107; Lodge,
iii. 171; Warton, Life of Sir T. Pope (1772), 413; Reliquiae Hearnianae2, ii. 68
(misdated 1608); and for Oxford, Camden, Annales; Nichols, i. 530, iv. 1067,
from description of Philip Stringer in Harl. MS. 7044; A. Nixon, The Oxford
Triumph (1605); I. Wake, Rex Platonicus (1607); A. Wood, Annals; S. P. D.
Addl. xxxvii. 66, 67; V. P. x. 270; Winwood, ii. 140.
[653] For plays at Oxford, cf. chh. iv, vii.
[654] Nichols, i. 518, 560, from Marlow Accts.
[655] S. P. D. (Sept. 10); Winwood, ii. 132.
[656] Rutland MSS. i. 396.
[657] Stowe, Annales, 882; Procl. 1030; V. P. x. 332; Winwood, ii. 204;
Margaret’s.
[658] V. P. x. 332; Winwood, ii. 205.
[659] Winwood, ii. 205.
[660] Margaret’s.
[661] Cf. ch. iv.
[662] S. P. D. (July 16); Shaw (July 15); Nichols, ii. 53, from Drummond
(app. a day out).
[663] Nichols, ii. 54; iv. 1072, from prints (cf. ch. xxiv); Stowe, 885;
Harington, i. 348; Boderie, i. 223, 226, 241, 259, 283, 297; V. P. x. 379, 383,
386, 391; Winwood, ii. 247; Birch, i. 65.
[664] Cf. ch. v.
Page 646
[665] King of Denmarkes Welcome, 16, ‘On Wednesday at night, the Youthes
of Paules, commonlye cald the Children of Paules, plaide before the two Kings,
a playe called Abuses: containing both a Comedie and a Tragedie, at which the
Kinges seemed to take delight and be much pleased’.
[666] Shaw (Aug. 17).
[667] Procl. 1037; Shaw.
[668] Lodge, iii. 184.
[669] Procl. 1039; Shaw.
[670] Boderie, ii. 144.
[671] Boderie, ii. 253; V. P. x. 501.
[672] Boderie, ii. 247, 264, ‘Et à la fin d’icelui se présenta une Tragédie
d’Enée et de Didon, qui les tint jusques à deux heures après minuit’.
[673] Stowe, Annales, 890; V. P. x. 8; Nichols, ii. 133.
[674] Cf. ch. iv.
[675] S. P. D.; Margaret’s; Shaw; Procl. 1044; Birch, i. 68 (misdated), ‘The
King went home yesterday’.
[676] S. P. D.; Procl. 1046; Shaw; Winwood, ii. 328; Rymer, xvi. 664; Hunter,
Hallamshire, 95.
[677] S. P. D.
[678] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 344; Lodge, app. 102.
[679] Nichols, ii. 155; V. P. xi. 59.
[680] Birch, i. 69.
[681] Boderie, iii. 195.
[682] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 403.
[683] Margaret’s.
[684] Birch, i. 76; Procl. 1063–4; S. P. D. (July 14, 18, 20, 24; Aug. 10);
Rymer, xvi. 673; Lodge, App. 126; Shaw; Nichols, ii. 203.
[685] S. P. D. (Aug. 28).
[686] Procl. 1065; S. P. D. (Sept. 17).
[687] Procl. 1066; S. P. D. (Oct. 21).
[688] Birch, i. 85 (Jan. 3), ‘a dull and heavy Christmas hitherto’.
[689] V. P. xi. 243, 246.
[690] Birch, i. 92.
[691] Stowe, Annales.
[692] Birch, i. 96 (misdated Apr. 6).
[693] Procl. 1077, 1078, 1079.
[694] Stowe, Annales.
of Paules, commonlye cald the Children of Paules, plaide before the two Kings,
a playe called Abuses: containing both a Comedie and a Tragedie, at which the
Kinges seemed to take delight and be much pleased’.
[666] Shaw (Aug. 17).
[667] Procl. 1037; Shaw.
[668] Lodge, iii. 184.
[669] Procl. 1039; Shaw.
[670] Boderie, ii. 144.
[671] Boderie, ii. 253; V. P. x. 501.
[672] Boderie, ii. 247, 264, ‘Et à la fin d’icelui se présenta une Tragédie
d’Enée et de Didon, qui les tint jusques à deux heures après minuit’.
[673] Stowe, Annales, 890; V. P. x. 8; Nichols, ii. 133.
[674] Cf. ch. iv.
[675] S. P. D.; Margaret’s; Shaw; Procl. 1044; Birch, i. 68 (misdated), ‘The
King went home yesterday’.
[676] S. P. D.; Procl. 1046; Shaw; Winwood, ii. 328; Rymer, xvi. 664; Hunter,
Hallamshire, 95.
[677] S. P. D.
[678] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 344; Lodge, app. 102.
[679] Nichols, ii. 155; V. P. xi. 59.
[680] Birch, i. 69.
[681] Boderie, iii. 195.
[682] Shaw; Winwood, ii. 403.
[683] Margaret’s.
[684] Birch, i. 76; Procl. 1063–4; S. P. D. (July 14, 18, 20, 24; Aug. 10);
Rymer, xvi. 673; Lodge, App. 126; Shaw; Nichols, ii. 203.
[685] S. P. D. (Aug. 28).
[686] Procl. 1065; S. P. D. (Sept. 17).
[687] Procl. 1066; S. P. D. (Oct. 21).
[688] Birch, i. 85 (Jan. 3), ‘a dull and heavy Christmas hitherto’.
[689] V. P. xi. 243, 246.
[690] Birch, i. 92.
[691] Stowe, Annales.
[692] Birch, i. 96 (misdated Apr. 6).
[693] Procl. 1077, 1078, 1079.
[694] Stowe, Annales.
Page 647
[695] Margaret’s.
[696] Lodge, iii. 261.
[697] S. P. D. (July 26, Aug. 15, 20); Lodge, iii. 267, 268; Shaw (Aug. 2, 13,
misdated?); Nichols, ii. 263; Hutchins, Dorset, iii. 381.
[698] S. P. D. (Aug. 31).
[699] S. P. D. (Sept. 1, 7).
[700] Margaret’s.
[701] Cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson).
[702] At St. James’s, 10 p.m., after a supper by Henry to the players at
barriers (Arch. xii. 258).
[703] Nichols, ii. 287; V. P. xi. 453, 460.
[704] Nichols, ii. 307; Stowe, Annales, 895.
[705] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[706] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[707] Ibid.
[708] Arch. xii. 258. On June 10 a newswriter (Winwood, iii. 182) says, ‘As
often as he can he absents himself from the town, yet is quickly fetched again on
every occasion, which much troubles him’.
[709] Procl. 1095; S. P. D. (July 29; Aug. 5, 6, 7, 11, 13, 19, 23; Sept. 2);
Rymer, xvi. 703, 704; Nichols, ii. 364, and Illustrations, 135; Birch, i. 131;
Winwood, iii. 201, 213; Rutland MSS. i. 423; V. P. xii. 26, 41; Hearne,
Reliquiae2, ii. 69.
[710] Rutland MSS. i. 423; S. P. D. (Sept. 2).
[711] S. P. D. (Oct. 8, 18).
[712] Margaret’s.
[713] S. P. D.
[714] Ibid.
[715] Procl. 1115; S. P. D.; Nichols, iv. 1083.
[716] Procl. 1117.
[717] S. P. D. (Oct. 31).
[718] There is some doubt as to the dates of this winter’s plays; cf. p. 140.
[719] Cunningham, 211.
[720] Ibid.
[721] Ibid.
[722] Ibid.; Birch, i. 133 (Jan. 29), ‘The prince went on Saturday to Royston,
called thither from his martial sports of tilt, tourney, and barrier, which he
followed so earnestly, that he was every day five or six hours in armour. The rest
of the time was spent in—— and every night a play, in all which exercises the
[696] Lodge, iii. 261.
[697] S. P. D. (July 26, Aug. 15, 20); Lodge, iii. 267, 268; Shaw (Aug. 2, 13,
misdated?); Nichols, ii. 263; Hutchins, Dorset, iii. 381.
[698] S. P. D. (Aug. 31).
[699] S. P. D. (Sept. 1, 7).
[700] Margaret’s.
[701] Cf. ch. xxiii (Jonson).
[702] At St. James’s, 10 p.m., after a supper by Henry to the players at
barriers (Arch. xii. 258).
[703] Nichols, ii. 287; V. P. xi. 453, 460.
[704] Nichols, ii. 307; Stowe, Annales, 895.
[705] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[706] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[707] Ibid.
[708] Arch. xii. 258. On June 10 a newswriter (Winwood, iii. 182) says, ‘As
often as he can he absents himself from the town, yet is quickly fetched again on
every occasion, which much troubles him’.
[709] Procl. 1095; S. P. D. (July 29; Aug. 5, 6, 7, 11, 13, 19, 23; Sept. 2);
Rymer, xvi. 703, 704; Nichols, ii. 364, and Illustrations, 135; Birch, i. 131;
Winwood, iii. 201, 213; Rutland MSS. i. 423; V. P. xii. 26, 41; Hearne,
Reliquiae2, ii. 69.
[710] Rutland MSS. i. 423; S. P. D. (Sept. 2).
[711] S. P. D. (Oct. 8, 18).
[712] Margaret’s.
[713] S. P. D.
[714] Ibid.
[715] Procl. 1115; S. P. D.; Nichols, iv. 1083.
[716] Procl. 1117.
[717] S. P. D. (Oct. 31).
[718] There is some doubt as to the dates of this winter’s plays; cf. p. 140.
[719] Cunningham, 211.
[720] Ibid.
[721] Ibid.
[722] Ibid.; Birch, i. 133 (Jan. 29), ‘The prince went on Saturday to Royston,
called thither from his martial sports of tilt, tourney, and barrier, which he
followed so earnestly, that he was every day five or six hours in armour. The rest
of the time was spent in—— and every night a play, in all which exercises the
Page 648
Lord Cranbourne attended him, keeping an honourable table all the while they
were at Greenwich, and grows daily into his favour.’ The plays of Jan. 12 and 13
were certainly and those of Jan. 15, 19, 21, almost certainly at Greenwich. An
extant challenge to tilt of 1612 (Clephan, 133, 176, from Harl. MS. 4888) may
be of this period.
[723] Birch, i. 137.
[724] V. P. xii. 329; Cunningham, 211.
[725] V. P. xii. 349.
[726] Birch, i. 169, 174 (June 17, ‘The King has been coming and going to
Eltham all the last week’), 181; Shaw (June 3).
[727] Birch, i. 187.
[728] Nichols, ii. 450 (from records at Leicester and Nottingham); iv. 1083;
Kelly, Progresses, 344 (from Leicester gests); S. P. D. (July 23, 26, 28); Procl.
1123; Rymer, xvi. 724; Shaw; Birch, i. 188, 189, 197; Winwood, iii. 384.
[729] Birch, i. 197, ‘The prince made the king an entertainment, with some
devices, at Woodstock’.
[730] Procl. 1124; S. P. D. (Sept. 24).
[731] Winwood, iii. 403; Birch, i. 198; V. P. xii. 443; cf. ch. xxiv for
descriptions of visit and wedding.
[732] Birch, i. 198 (cf. App. B).
[733] Winwood, iii. 406.
[734] Birch, i. 201; Winwood, iii. 406.
[735] Ibid.
[736] Cf. App. B.
[737] Winwood, iii. 421; V. P. xii. 473.
[738] Birch, i. 229; Wood, Annals, ii. 315.
[739] Birch, i. 238; Rutland MSS. iv. 494; Arber, iii. 518.
[740] Stowe, 1007; Nichols, ii. 611.
[741] Nichols, ii. 628, 643; Wotton, ii. 20, 22, 29; Winwood, iii. 454, 461;
Birch, i. 243.
[742] For entertainment at Caversham, cf. ch. xxiii (Campion).
[743] For entertainment at Bristol, cf. ch. xxiv.
[744] For entertainment at Bishop’s Cannings, cf. ch. xxiii (Ferebe).
[745] Wotton, ii. 25 (misdated).
[746] S. P. D. (July 1, 3, 4); Shaw.
[747] Winwood, iii. 468.
[748] S. P. D. (July 19); Remembrancia, 290; Birch, i. 261.
were at Greenwich, and grows daily into his favour.’ The plays of Jan. 12 and 13
were certainly and those of Jan. 15, 19, 21, almost certainly at Greenwich. An
extant challenge to tilt of 1612 (Clephan, 133, 176, from Harl. MS. 4888) may
be of this period.
[723] Birch, i. 137.
[724] V. P. xii. 329; Cunningham, 211.
[725] V. P. xii. 349.
[726] Birch, i. 169, 174 (June 17, ‘The King has been coming and going to
Eltham all the last week’), 181; Shaw (June 3).
[727] Birch, i. 187.
[728] Nichols, ii. 450 (from records at Leicester and Nottingham); iv. 1083;
Kelly, Progresses, 344 (from Leicester gests); S. P. D. (July 23, 26, 28); Procl.
1123; Rymer, xvi. 724; Shaw; Birch, i. 188, 189, 197; Winwood, iii. 384.
[729] Birch, i. 197, ‘The prince made the king an entertainment, with some
devices, at Woodstock’.
[730] Procl. 1124; S. P. D. (Sept. 24).
[731] Winwood, iii. 403; Birch, i. 198; V. P. xii. 443; cf. ch. xxiv for
descriptions of visit and wedding.
[732] Birch, i. 198 (cf. App. B).
[733] Winwood, iii. 406.
[734] Birch, i. 201; Winwood, iii. 406.
[735] Ibid.
[736] Cf. App. B.
[737] Winwood, iii. 421; V. P. xii. 473.
[738] Birch, i. 229; Wood, Annals, ii. 315.
[739] Birch, i. 238; Rutland MSS. iv. 494; Arber, iii. 518.
[740] Stowe, 1007; Nichols, ii. 611.
[741] Nichols, ii. 628, 643; Wotton, ii. 20, 22, 29; Winwood, iii. 454, 461;
Birch, i. 243.
[742] For entertainment at Caversham, cf. ch. xxiii (Campion).
[743] For entertainment at Bristol, cf. ch. xxiv.
[744] For entertainment at Bishop’s Cannings, cf. ch. xxiii (Ferebe).
[745] Wotton, ii. 25 (misdated).
[746] S. P. D. (July 1, 3, 4); Shaw.
[747] Winwood, iii. 468.
[748] S. P. D. (July 19); Remembrancia, 290; Birch, i. 261.
Page 649
[749] S. P. D. (July 20, 23, 24, 26, 27, 31); Birch, i. 257; Winwood, iii. 461,
475; Egerton Papers, 462.
[750] Birch, i. 257, 275; V. P. xiii. 36; Hist. MSS. i. 107; Journal of Arch. Ass.
xvi. 319. For entertainment at Wells, cf. ch. iv.
[751] Birch, i. 269.
[752] S. P. D. (Sept. 9); Birch, i. 275.
[753] S. P. D.; Wotton, ii. 35.
[754] Cf. ch. xxiii (Middleton).
[755] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[756] Nichols, ii. 754.
[757] Nichols, ii. 759, from Harl. MS. 5171.
[758] Shaw; Wotton, ii. 39; Nichols, iii. 6.
[759] C. A.; Procl. 1145.
[760] Birch, i. 329.
[761] Nichols, iii. 10, from gests at Leicester; S. P. D. (July 14, 18, 21, 22);
Shaw; Stowe, Annales, 1012; Birch, i. 333, 339; Camden, Annales; Procl. 1147,
1148.
[762] Birch, i. 339; V. P. xiii. 166.
[763] Stowe, 1012.
[764] Birch, i. 341, 342; Stowe, 1012.
[765] Nichols, iii. 20; Kelly, Progresses, 360; Birch, i. 343; Shaw (Aug. 25);
Wood, Annals, ii. 319; Egerton Papers, 464.
[766] Birch, i. 346.
[767] Birch, i. 290, ‘They have plays at least every night, both holidays and
working days, wherein they show great——, being for the most part such poor
stuff, that instead of delight, they send the auditory away with discontent.
Indeed, our poets’ brains and inventions are grown very dry, insomuch that of
five new plays there is not one pleases, and therefore they are driven to furbish
over their old, which stand them in best stead, and bring them most profit’ (John
Chamberlain).
[768] Nichols, iii. 41.
[769] For plays at Cambridge in March and May, see chh. iv, vii.
[770] Birch, i. 358.
[771] S. P. D.
[772] S. P. D. (July 3, 5); Shaw.
[773] Birch, i. 368.
[774] Camden, Annales; S. P. D. (July 23, 26, 28–31); Shaw; Birch, i. 369;
Nichols, iii. 97.
[775] Birch, i. 369.
475; Egerton Papers, 462.
[750] Birch, i. 257, 275; V. P. xiii. 36; Hist. MSS. i. 107; Journal of Arch. Ass.
xvi. 319. For entertainment at Wells, cf. ch. iv.
[751] Birch, i. 269.
[752] S. P. D. (Sept. 9); Birch, i. 275.
[753] S. P. D.; Wotton, ii. 35.
[754] Cf. ch. xxiii (Middleton).
[755] Cf. ch. xxiv.
[756] Nichols, ii. 754.
[757] Nichols, ii. 759, from Harl. MS. 5171.
[758] Shaw; Wotton, ii. 39; Nichols, iii. 6.
[759] C. A.; Procl. 1145.
[760] Birch, i. 329.
[761] Nichols, iii. 10, from gests at Leicester; S. P. D. (July 14, 18, 21, 22);
Shaw; Stowe, Annales, 1012; Birch, i. 333, 339; Camden, Annales; Procl. 1147,
1148.
[762] Birch, i. 339; V. P. xiii. 166.
[763] Stowe, 1012.
[764] Birch, i. 341, 342; Stowe, 1012.
[765] Nichols, iii. 20; Kelly, Progresses, 360; Birch, i. 343; Shaw (Aug. 25);
Wood, Annals, ii. 319; Egerton Papers, 464.
[766] Birch, i. 346.
[767] Birch, i. 290, ‘They have plays at least every night, both holidays and
working days, wherein they show great——, being for the most part such poor
stuff, that instead of delight, they send the auditory away with discontent.
Indeed, our poets’ brains and inventions are grown very dry, insomuch that of
five new plays there is not one pleases, and therefore they are driven to furbish
over their old, which stand them in best stead, and bring them most profit’ (John
Chamberlain).
[768] Nichols, iii. 41.
[769] For plays at Cambridge in March and May, see chh. iv, vii.
[770] Birch, i. 358.
[771] S. P. D.
[772] S. P. D. (July 3, 5); Shaw.
[773] Birch, i. 368.
[774] Camden, Annales; S. P. D. (July 23, 26, 28–31); Shaw; Birch, i. 369;
Nichols, iii. 97.
[775] Birch, i. 369.
Page 650
[776] Nichols, iii. 104.
[777] Birch, i. 395, 397; cf. ch. iv, App. K (Susenbrotus).
[778] Birch, i. 394; Rutland MSS. iv. 508.
[779] This payment was by warrant of the Lord Chamberlain.
[780] P. C. Acts name Westcote.
[781] On the unrewarded plays of 1563–4 and 1564–5, cf. ch. vii.
[782] In P. C. Acts, by an obvious error, £7 13s. 8d.
[783] P. C. Acts specify ‘Shrove Tuesday’.
[784] Apparently one play was unrewarded.
[785] P. C. Acts describe the company as Lane’s, and put the performance 26
Dec., Windsor 27 Dec., and Paul’s 1 Jan.
[786] P. C. Acts give payees as ‘Lawrence Dutton and his fellows’. Wallace, i.
213, states in error that this and the next payment are not in D. A.
[787] P. C. Acts give payee as ‘——, Master of the Children of Westminster’.
[788] Wallace, i. 215, reads ‘cumyng’ in error.
[789] In view of the date in the warrant, the ‘Monday’ of the Revels Accounts
should clearly be ‘Sunday’.
[790] The D. A. give all three plays on Shrove Sunday, but Cunningham has
Shrove Monday for Warwick’s and omits Muncaster’s, which may have been on
the Tuesday, although two plays were sometimes given on the same night.
[791] The D. A. give Sunday before Shrovetide, which might mean either
Shrove Sunday (Mar. 4) or the preceding Sunday (Feb. 26).
[792] P. C. Acts name John Dutton, as well as Lawrence, and put Muncaster’s
play on Sunday. It is safer to follow D. A.
[793] As the entry stands, it should refer to Warwick’s, but I think it probably
does refer to Leicester’s.
[794] P. C. Acts have Chamberlain’s for Howard’s.
[795] As two plays on one night are exceptional, it is safer to follow the
Revels Account.
[796] The £10 payment has now become normal, but to the end of the reign is
stated, usually but not invariably, as made up of £6 13s. 4d. with a ‘more’ sum of
£3 6s. 8d., by way of Her Majesty’s ‘rewarde’, ‘speciall rewarde’, or ‘further
liberalitie and rewarde’.
[797] The Pipe Office D. A. date Sunday, Jan. ‘firste’. Jan. 5 was Sunday; the
‘fifte’ of A. O. (Wallace, i. 220) is right.
[798] Presumably the Revels Accounts put this play on 4 Jan. in error.
[799] The 27 Dec. of Revels Accounts is preferable.
[800] P. C. Acts give Shrove Sunday for the Chamberlain’s as well as
Warwick’s.
[777] Birch, i. 395, 397; cf. ch. iv, App. K (Susenbrotus).
[778] Birch, i. 394; Rutland MSS. iv. 508.
[779] This payment was by warrant of the Lord Chamberlain.
[780] P. C. Acts name Westcote.
[781] On the unrewarded plays of 1563–4 and 1564–5, cf. ch. vii.
[782] In P. C. Acts, by an obvious error, £7 13s. 8d.
[783] P. C. Acts specify ‘Shrove Tuesday’.
[784] Apparently one play was unrewarded.
[785] P. C. Acts describe the company as Lane’s, and put the performance 26
Dec., Windsor 27 Dec., and Paul’s 1 Jan.
[786] P. C. Acts give payees as ‘Lawrence Dutton and his fellows’. Wallace, i.
213, states in error that this and the next payment are not in D. A.
[787] P. C. Acts give payee as ‘——, Master of the Children of Westminster’.
[788] Wallace, i. 215, reads ‘cumyng’ in error.
[789] In view of the date in the warrant, the ‘Monday’ of the Revels Accounts
should clearly be ‘Sunday’.
[790] The D. A. give all three plays on Shrove Sunday, but Cunningham has
Shrove Monday for Warwick’s and omits Muncaster’s, which may have been on
the Tuesday, although two plays were sometimes given on the same night.
[791] The D. A. give Sunday before Shrovetide, which might mean either
Shrove Sunday (Mar. 4) or the preceding Sunday (Feb. 26).
[792] P. C. Acts name John Dutton, as well as Lawrence, and put Muncaster’s
play on Sunday. It is safer to follow D. A.
[793] As the entry stands, it should refer to Warwick’s, but I think it probably
does refer to Leicester’s.
[794] P. C. Acts have Chamberlain’s for Howard’s.
[795] As two plays on one night are exceptional, it is safer to follow the
Revels Account.
[796] The £10 payment has now become normal, but to the end of the reign is
stated, usually but not invariably, as made up of £6 13s. 4d. with a ‘more’ sum of
£3 6s. 8d., by way of Her Majesty’s ‘rewarde’, ‘speciall rewarde’, or ‘further
liberalitie and rewarde’.
[797] The Pipe Office D. A. date Sunday, Jan. ‘firste’. Jan. 5 was Sunday; the
‘fifte’ of A. O. (Wallace, i. 220) is right.
[798] Presumably the Revels Accounts put this play on 4 Jan. in error.
[799] The 27 Dec. of Revels Accounts is preferable.
[800] P. C. Acts give Shrove Sunday for the Chamberlain’s as well as
Warwick’s.
Page 651
[801] Both the ‘Twesday’ of the Pipe Office and the ‘Tewsday’ of the Audit
Office (Wallace, i. 223) D. A. are doubtless errors for ‘Twelfday’. P. C. Acts have
‘Twelfte Daye’.
[802] P. C. Acts give Shrove Sunday (Feb. 9).
[803] P. C. Acts give 23 Dec., obviously in error.
[804] So P. C. Acts.
[805] P. C. Acts do not name Ottewell, and call the company the Admiral’s.
[806] P. C. Acts give 27 Dec.
[807] Cf. p. 56.
[808] Dasent reads ‘Flemings’.
[809] P. C. Acts have ‘John’ Shawe.
[810] So P. C. Acts.
[811] For a discussion of these entries, cf. p. 136.
[812] For a discussion of these entries, cf. p. 140.
[813] The payment is for 12 plays; one date [13 Jan.?] is obviously omitted.
[814] Cunningham gives the date as 16 Jan.
[815] This item is entered in Account for 1612–13; Rawl. MS. gives the date.
[816] Cunningham gives this date as 18 Feb.
[817] The dates of the Prince’s, Lady Elizabeth’s, and Revels plays are given
by Rawl. MS. but not D. A.
[818] This is probably the play of 20 Oct. in the Cockpit to which (Birch, i.
198) Elizabeth invited Frederick.
[819] Both D. A. and Cunningham, xliii, have the error for £46 13s. 4d. Both
records also date the King’s men’s plays of this winter as ‘1614’ instead of
‘1613’.
[820] So D. A., but Cunningham’s 28 Dec. is more probable.
[821] Henceforward play payments are by warrant from Lord Chamberlain,
not Privy Council; cf. ch. vii.
[822] This item is entered in the Account for 1615–16.
[823] This item is entered in the Account for 1616–17.
[824] errant. Om. A. B has marginal note ‘Erratum in the last impression’.
[825] B adds in margin, King Agesilaus teaches the respect due to common
players in his answere to Callipides, who being a presumptious excellent actor;
& thinking himself not graced enough by the kings notice, as the king passed
along, doth sawcily interrupt him thus; doth not your grace know me? Yes, said
the king, thou art Calipides the Player.
[826] Hee ... goodnes. A, If hee cannot beleeue, hee doth coniecture strongly;
but dares not resolue vpon particulars.
[827] Epilogue. A adds: ‘vnlesse he be prevented’.
Office (Wallace, i. 223) D. A. are doubtless errors for ‘Twelfday’. P. C. Acts have
‘Twelfte Daye’.
[802] P. C. Acts give Shrove Sunday (Feb. 9).
[803] P. C. Acts give 23 Dec., obviously in error.
[804] So P. C. Acts.
[805] P. C. Acts do not name Ottewell, and call the company the Admiral’s.
[806] P. C. Acts give 27 Dec.
[807] Cf. p. 56.
[808] Dasent reads ‘Flemings’.
[809] P. C. Acts have ‘John’ Shawe.
[810] So P. C. Acts.
[811] For a discussion of these entries, cf. p. 136.
[812] For a discussion of these entries, cf. p. 140.
[813] The payment is for 12 plays; one date [13 Jan.?] is obviously omitted.
[814] Cunningham gives the date as 16 Jan.
[815] This item is entered in Account for 1612–13; Rawl. MS. gives the date.
[816] Cunningham gives this date as 18 Feb.
[817] The dates of the Prince’s, Lady Elizabeth’s, and Revels plays are given
by Rawl. MS. but not D. A.
[818] This is probably the play of 20 Oct. in the Cockpit to which (Birch, i.
198) Elizabeth invited Frederick.
[819] Both D. A. and Cunningham, xliii, have the error for £46 13s. 4d. Both
records also date the King’s men’s plays of this winter as ‘1614’ instead of
‘1613’.
[820] So D. A., but Cunningham’s 28 Dec. is more probable.
[821] Henceforward play payments are by warrant from Lord Chamberlain,
not Privy Council; cf. ch. vii.
[822] This item is entered in the Account for 1615–16.
[823] This item is entered in the Account for 1616–17.
[824] errant. Om. A. B has marginal note ‘Erratum in the last impression’.
[825] B adds in margin, King Agesilaus teaches the respect due to common
players in his answere to Callipides, who being a presumptious excellent actor;
& thinking himself not graced enough by the kings notice, as the king passed
along, doth sawcily interrupt him thus; doth not your grace know me? Yes, said
the king, thou art Calipides the Player.
[826] Hee ... goodnes. A, If hee cannot beleeue, hee doth coniecture strongly;
but dares not resolue vpon particulars.
[827] Epilogue. A adds: ‘vnlesse he be prevented’.
Page 652
[828] B, in margin, Iuxta Plautinum illud Collybisci: quin aedepol conductior
sum quam tragaedi aut comici.
[829] When ... eccho. Om. A.
[830] sawsie rude. A, lying.
[831] glaunce. A, glaunces.
[832] hath. A, hath once.
[833] To ... infected. Om. A.
[834] Reproofe ... blushing. Om. A.
[835] When ... board. Om. A.
[836] also. A, enough.
[837] commonwealth. A, common-wealths.
[838] Painting ... Revells. Om. A. B, in margin, I would haue the correcting
Pedant goe study Logicke.
[839] title. A, denomination.
[840] Yet ... number. Om. A.
Transcriber’s Notes:
1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected
silently.
2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.
3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words
have been retained as in the original.
4. In some cases a letter with a macron has been written as m¯ with a
straight upper bar to the right of the letter. The same for g̃ with tilde.
sum quam tragaedi aut comici.
[829] When ... eccho. Om. A.
[830] sawsie rude. A, lying.
[831] glaunce. A, glaunces.
[832] hath. A, hath once.
[833] To ... infected. Om. A.
[834] Reproofe ... blushing. Om. A.
[835] When ... board. Om. A.
[836] also. A, enough.
[837] commonwealth. A, common-wealths.
[838] Painting ... Revells. Om. A. B, in margin, I would haue the correcting
Pedant goe study Logicke.
[839] title. A, denomination.
[840] Yet ... number. Om. A.
Transcriber’s Notes:
1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been corrected
silently.
2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the original.
3. Some hyphenated and non-hyphenated versions of the same words
have been retained as in the original.
4. In some cases a letter with a macron has been written as m¯ with a
straight upper bar to the right of the letter. The same for g̃ with tilde.
Page 653
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