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Title: Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Vol. 2 of 7

Author: Edgar Thurston

Contributor: K. Rangachari

Release date: June 21, 2013 [eBook #42992]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CASTES AND
TRIBES OF SOUTHERN INDIA. VOL. 2 OF 7 ***

Castes and Tribes of Southern India

Castes and Tribes
of
Southern India

By
Edgar Thurston, C.I.E.,
Superintendent, Madras Government Museum;
Correspondant Étranger, Société d’Anthropologie de
Paris; Socio Corrispondante, Societa, Romana di
Anthropologia.

Assisted by K. Rangachari, M.A.,
of the Madras Government Museum.

Volume II—C to J
Government Press, Madras
1909.

List of Illustrations.
I. Chenchus.
II. Chenchu tree-climbing.
III. Chenchu.
IV. Chencu dance.
V. Dāsaris.
VI. Dēsāyi spoon.
VII. Dēvānga.
VIII. Ārē Dommara acrobat.
IX. Ārē Dommara acrobat.
X. Gamallas.
XI. Gamalla muggu.
XII. Gānga bride and bridegroom.
XIII. Golla juggler.
XIV. Golla Ganga muggu.
XV. Gōndaliga musicians.
XVI. Irula, Nilgiris.
XVII. Irula, Nilgiris.
XVIII. Irula, Chingleput.
XIX. Irula, Chingleput.
XX. Irulas collecting honey.
XXI. Statue of Gummata at Karkai.
XXII. Jain basti at Mudabidure.
XXIII. Jain basti at Karkal.
XXIV. Jōgi mendicant.

Castes and Tribes of Southern India.

Volume II.

C
C
anji (gruel).—An exogamous sept of Padma Sālē. Canji is the word “in use all
over India for the water, in which rice has been boiled. It also forms the usual
starch of Indian washermen.”1 As a sept of the Sālē weavers, it probably has
reference to the gruel, or size, which is applied to the warp.

Chacchadi.—Haddis who do scavenging work, with whom other Haddis do not freely
intermarry.

Chadarapu Dhompti (square space marriage offering).—A sub-division of Mādigas,
who, at marriages, offer food to the god in a square space.

Chākala.—See Tsākala.

Chakkān.—Recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a Malabar caste of oil-
pressers (chakku means an oil-mill). Followers of this calling are known also as
Vattakkādans in South Malabar, and as Vāniyans in North Malabar, but the former are
the higher in social status, the Nāyars being polluted by the touch of the Vāniyans and
Chakkāns, but not by that of the Vattakkādans. Chakkāns and Vāniyans may not enter
Brāhman temples. Their customs and manners are similar to those of the Nāyars, who
will not, however, marry their women.” Chakkingalavan appears as a synonym for
Chakkān.

Chakkiliyan.—“The Chakkiliyans,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,2 “are the leather-workers
of the Tamil districts, corresponding to the Mādigas of the Telugu country. The
Chakkiliyans appear to be immigrants from the Telugu or Canarese districts, for no
mention is made of this caste either in the early Tamil inscriptions, or in early Tamil
literature. Moreover, a very large proportion of the Chakkiliyans speak Telugu and
Canarese. In social position the Chakkiliyans occupy the lowest rank, though there is
much dispute on this point between them and the Paraiyans. Nominally they are Saivites,

but in reality devil-worshippers. The āvaram plant (Cassia auriculata) is held in much
veneration by them,3 and the tāli is tied to a branch of it as a preliminary to marriage.
Girls are not usually married before puberty. The bridegroom may be younger than the
bride. Their widows may remarry. Divorce can be obtained at the pleasure of either party
on payment of Rs. 12–12–0 to the other in the presence of the local head of the caste.
Their women are considered to be very beautiful, and it is a woman of this caste who is
generally selected for the coarser form of Sakti worship. They indulge very freely in
intoxicating liquors, and will eat any flesh, including beef, pork, etc. Hence they are
called, par excellence, the flesh-eaters (Sanskrit shatkuli).” It was noted by Sonnerat, in
the eighteenth century,4 that the Chakkiliyans are in more contempt than the Pariahs,
because they use cow leather in making shoes. “The Chucklers or cobblers,” the Abbé
Dubois writes,5 “are considered inferiors to the Pariahs all over the peninsula. They are
more addicted to drunkenness and debauchery. Their orgies take place principally in the
evening, and their villages resound, far into the night, with the yells and quarrels which
result from their intoxication. The very Pariahs refuse to have anything to do with the
Chucklers, and do not admit them to any of their feasts.” In the Madura Manual, 1868,
the Chakkiliyans are summed up as “dressers of leather, and makers of slippers, harness,
and other leather articles. They are men of drunken and filthy habits, and their morals are
very bad. Curiously enough, their women are held to be of the Padmani kind, i.e., of
peculiar beauty of face and form, and are also said to be very virtuous. It is well known,
however, that zamindars and other rich men are very fond of intriguing with them,
particularly in the neighbourhood of Paramagudi, where they live in great numbers.”
There is a Tamil proverb that even a Chakkili girl and the ears of the millet are beautiful
when mature. In the Tanjore district, the Chakkiliyans are said6 to be “considered to be
of the very lowest status. In some parts of the district they speak Telugu and wear the
nāmam (Vaishnavite sect mark) and are apparently immigrants from the Telugu country.”
Though they are Tamil-speaking people, the Chakkiliyans, like the Telugu Mādigas,
have exogamous septs called gōtra in the north, and kīlai in the south. Unlike the
Mādigas, they do not carry out the practice of making Basavis (dedicated prostitutes).

The correlation of the most important measurements of the Mādigas of the Telugu
country, and so-called Chakkiliyans of the city of Madras, is clearly brought out by the
following figures:—

Thirty Madigas. Fifty Chakkiliyans.
cm. cm.
Stature 163.1 162.2
Cephalic length 18.6 18.6
Cephalic breadth 13.9 13.9
Cephalic index 75. 75.
Nasal height 4.5 4.6

Thirty Madigas. Fifty Chakkiliyans.
cm. cm.
Nasal breadth 3.7 3.6
Nasal index 80.8 78.9

The Chakkiliyan men in Madras are tattooed not only on the forehead, but also with their
name, conventional devices, dancing-girls, etc., on the chest and upper extremities.

It has been noticed as a curious fact that, in the Madura district, “while the men belong
to the right-hand faction, the women belong to and are most energetic supporters of the
left. It is even said that, during the entire period of a faction riot, the Chakkili women
keep aloof from their husbands and deny them their marital rights.”7

In a very interesting note on the leather industry of the Madras Presidency, Mr. A.
Chatterton writes as follows.8 “The position of the Chakkiliyan in the south differs
greatly from that of the Mādiga of the north, and many of his privileges are enjoyed by a
‘sub-sect’ of the Pariahs called Vettiyans. These people possess the right of removing
dead cattle from villages, and in return have to supply leather for agricultural purposes.
The majority of Chakkiliyans are not tanners, but leather-workers, and, instead of getting
the hides or skins direct from the Vettiyan, they prefer to purchase them ready-tanned
from traders, who bring them from the large tanning centres. When the Chuckler starts
making shoes or sandals, he purchases the leather and skin which he requires in the
bazar, and, taking it home, first proceeds with a preliminary currying operation. The
leather is damped and well stretched, and dyed with aniline, the usual colour being
scarlet R.R. of the Badische Anilin Soda Fabrik. This is purchased in the bazar in
packets, and is dissolved in water, to which a little oxalic acid has been added. The dye
is applied with a piece of rag on the grain side, and allowed to dry. After drying,
tamarind paste is applied to the flesh side of the skin, and the latter is then rolled
between the hands, so as to produce a coarse graining on the outer side. In making the
shoes, the leather is usually wetted, and moulded into shape on wooden moulds or lasts.
As a rule, nothing but cotton is used for sewing, and the waxed ends of the English
cobbler are entirely unknown. The largest consumption of leather in this Presidency is
for water-bags or kavalais, which are used for raising water from wells, and for oil and
ghee (clarified butter) pots, in which the liquids are transported from one place to
another. Of irrigation wells there are in the Presidency more than 600,000, and, though
some of them are fitted with iron buckets, nearly all of them have leather bags with
leather discharging trunks. The buckets hold from ten to fifty gallons of water, and are
generally made from fairly well tanned cow hides, though for very large buckets buffalo
hides are sometimes used. The number of oil and ghee pots in use in the country is very
large. The use of leather vessels for this purpose is on the decline, as it is found much
cheaper and more convenient to store oil in the ubiquitous kerosine-oil tin, and it is not

improbable that eventually the industry will die out, as it has done in other countries.
The range of work of the country Chuckler is not very extensive. Besides leather straps
for wooden sandals, he makes crude harness for the ryot’s cattle, including leather
collars from which numerous bells are frequently suspended, leather whips for the cattle
drivers, ornamental fringes for the bull’s forehead, bellows for the smith, and small
boxes for the barber, in which to carry his razors. In some places, leather ropes are used
for various purposes, and it is customary to attach big coir (cocoanut fibre) ropes to the
bodies of the larger temple cars by leather harness, when they are drawn in procession
through the streets. Drum-heads and tom-toms are made from raw hides by Vettiyans
and Chucklers. The drums are often very large, and are transported upon the back of
elephants, horses, bulls and camels. For them raw hides are required, but for the smaller
instruments sheep-skins are sufficient. The raw hides are shaved on the flesh side, and
are then dried. The hair is removed by rubbing with wood-ashes. The use of lime in
unhairing is not permissible, as it materially decreases the elasticity of the parchment.”
The Chakkiliyans beat the tom-tom for Kammālans, Pallis and Kaikōlans, and for other
castes if desired to do so.

The Chakkiliyans do not worship Mātangi, who is the special deity of the Mādigas.
Their gods include Madurai Vīran, Māriamma, Mūneswara, Draupadi and Gangamma.
Of these, the last is the most important, and her festival is celebrated annually, if
possible. To cover the expenses thereof, a few Chakkiliyans dress up so as to represent
men and women of the Marāthi bird-catching caste, and go about begging in the streets
for nine days. On the tenth day the festival terminates. Throughout it, Gangamma,
represented by three decorated pots under a small pandal (booth) set up on the bank of a
river or tank beneath a margosa (Melia azadirachta), or pīpal (Ficus religiosa) tree, is
worshipped. On the last day, goats and fowls are sacrificed, and limes cut.

During the first menstrual period, the Chakkiliyan girl is kept under pollution in a hut
made of fresh green boughs, which is erected by her husband or maternal uncle. Meat,
curds, and milk are forbidden. On the last day, the hut is burnt down. At marriages a
Chakkiliyan usually officiates as priest, or the services of a Valluvan priest may be
enlisted. The consent of the girl’s maternal uncle to the marriage is essential. The
marriage ceremony closely resembles that of the Paraiyans. And, at the final death
ceremonies of a Chakkiliyan, as of a Paraiyan, two bricks are worshipped, and thrown
into a tank or stream.

Lean children, especially of the Māla, Mādiga, and Chakkiliyan classes, are made to
wear a leather strap, specially made for them by a Chakkiliyan, which is believed to help
their growth.

At times of census, some Chakkiliyans have returned themselves as Pagadaiyar, Madāri
(conceit or arrogance), and Ranavīran (brave warrior).

Chākkiyar.—The Chākkiyars are a class of Ambalavāsis, of whom the following
account is given in the Travancore Census Report, 1901. The name is generally derived
from Slaghyavākkukār (those with eloquent words), and refers to the traditional function
of the caste in Malabar society. According to the Jātinirnaya, the Chākkiyars represent a
caste growth of the Kaliyuga. The offence to which the first Chākkiyar owes his position
in society was, it would appear, brought to light after the due performance of the
upanayanasamskāra. Persons, in respect of whom the lapse was detected before that
spiritualizing ceremony took place, became Nambiyars. Manu derives Sūta, whose
functions are identical with the Malabar Chākkiyar, from a pratilōma union, i.e., of a
Brāhman wife with a Kshatriya husband.9 The girls either marry into their own caste, or
enter into the sambandham form of alliance with Nambūtiris. They are called
Illōttammamar. Their jewelry resembles that of the Nambūtiris. The Chākkiyar may
choose a wife for sambandham from among the Nambiyars. They are their own priests,
but the Brāhmans do the purification (punyāham) of house and person after birth or
death pollution. The pollution itself lasts for eleven days. The number of times the
Gāyatri (hymn) may be repeated is ten.

The traditional occupation of the Chākkiyans is the recitation of Purānic stories. The
accounts of the Avatāras have been considered the highest form of scripture of the non-
Brāhmanical classes, and the early Brāhmans utilised the intervals of their Vēdic rites,
i.e., the afternoons, for listening to their recitation by castes who could afford the leisure
to study and narrate them. Special adaptations for this purpose have been composed by
writers like Narayana Bhattapāda, generally known as the Bhattatirippāt, among whose
works Dūtavākya, Pānchālisvayamvara, Subhadrāhana and Kauntēyāshtaka are the most
popular. In addition to these, standard works like Bhōgachampu and Māhanātaka are
often pressed into the Chākkiyar’s service. Numerous upakathās or episodes are brought
in by way of illustration, and the marvellous flow of words, and the telling humour of
the utterances, keep the audience spell-bound. On the utsavam programme of every
important temple, especially in North Travancore, the Chākkiyarkūttu (Chākkiyar’s
performance) is an essential item. A special building, known as kūttampalam, is intended
for this purpose. Here the Chākkiyar instructs and regales his hearers, antiquely dressed,
and seated on a three-legged stool. He wears a peculiar turban with golden rim and silk
embossments. A long piece of cloth with coloured edges, wrapped round the loins in
innumerable vertical folds with an elaborateness of detail difficult to describe, is the
Chākkiyar’s distinctive apparel. Behind him stands the Nambiyar, whose traditional
kinship with the Chākkiyar has been referred to, with a big jar-shaped metal drum in
front of him called milāvu, whose bass sound resembles the echo of distant thunder. The
Nambiyar is indispensable for the Chākkiyarkūttu, and sounds his mighty instrument at
the beginning, at the end, and also during the course of his recitation, when the
Chākkiyar arrives at the middle and end of a Sanskrit verse. The Nangayar, a female of
the Nambiyar caste, is another indispensable element, and sits in front of the Chākkiyar
with a cymbal in hand, which she sounds occasionally. It is interesting to note that,

amidst all the boisterous merriment into which the audience may be thrown, there is one
person who has to sit motionless like a statue. If the Nangayar is moved to a smile, the
kūttu must stop, and there are cases where, in certain temples, the kūttu has thus become
a thing of the past. The Chākkiyar often makes a feint of representing some of his
audience as his characters for the scene under depictment. But he does it in such a
genteel way that rarely is offence taken. It is an unwritten canon of Chākkiyarkūttu that
the performance should stop at once if any of the audience so treated should speak out in
answer to the Chākkiyar, who, it may be added, would stare at an admiring listener, and
thrust questions on him with such directness and force as to need an extraordinary effort
to resist a reply. And so realistic is his performance that a tragic instance is said to have
occurred when, by a cruel irony of fate, his superb skill cost a Chākkiyar his life. While
he was explaining a portion of the Mahābhārata with inimitable theatrical effect, a
desperate friend of the Pāndavas rose from his seat in a fit of uncontrollable passion, and
actually knocked the Chākkiyar dead when, in an attitude of unmistakable though
assumed heartlessness, he, as personating Duryōdhana, inhumanely refused to allow
even a pin-point of ground to his exiled cousins. This, it is believed, occurred in a private
house, and thereafter kūttu was prohibited except at temples.

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “Chākkiyars or Slāghyar-vakukar are a caste
following makkattāyam (inheritance from father to son), and wear the pūnūl (thread).
They are recruited from girls born to a Nambūdiri woman found guilty of adultery, after
the date at which such adultery is found to have commenced, and boys of similar origin,
who have been already invested with the sacred thread. Boys who have not been
invested with the pūnūl when their mother is declared an adulteress, join the class known
as Chākkiyar Nambiyars, who follow marumakkattāyam (inheritance in the female line),
and do not wear the thread. The girls join either caste indifferently. Chākkiyars may
marry Nangiyars, but Chākkiyar Nambiyars may not marry Illōtammamar.”

Chāliyan.—The Chāliyans are a caste of Malayālam cotton weavers, concerning whom
Mr. Francis writes as follows10:—“In dress and manners they resemble the artisan castes
of Malabar, but, like the Pattar Brāhmans, they live in streets, which fact probably points
to their being comparatively recent settlers from the east coast. They have their own
barbers called Potuvāns, who are also their purōhits. They do not wear the sacred thread,
as the Sālē weavers of the east coast do. They practise ancestor worship, but without the
assistance of Brāhman priests. This is the only Malabar caste which has anything to do
with the right and left-hand faction disputes, and both divisions are represented in it, the
left hand being considered the superior. Apparently, therefore, it settled in Malabar some
time after the beginnings of this dispute on the east coast, that is, after the eleventh
century A. D. Some of them follow the marumakkatāyam and others the makkatāyam
law of inheritance, which looks as if the former were earlier settlers than the latter.”

The Chāliyans are so called because, unlike most of the west coast classes, they live in
streets, and Teruvan (teru, a street) occurs as a synonym for the caste name. The right-
hand section are said to worship the elephant god Ganēsa, and the left Bhagavāti.

The following account of the Chāliyans is given in the Gazetteer of the Malabar district:
“Chāliyans are almost certainly a class of immigrants from the east coast. They live in
regular streets, a circumstance strongly supporting this view. The traditional account is
to the same effect. It is said that they were originally of a high caste, and were imported
by one of the Zāmorins, who wished to introduce the worship of Ganapathi, to which
they are much addicted. The latter’s minister, the Mangatt Acchan, who was entrusted
with the entertainment of the new arrivals, and was nettled by their fastidiousness and
constant complaints about his catering, managed to degrade them in a body by the trick
of secretly mixing fish with their food. They do not, like their counterparts on the east
coast, wear the thread; but it is noticeable that their priests, who belong to their own
caste, wear it over the right shoulder instead of over the left like the Brāhman’s pūnūl,
when performing certain pūjas (worship). In some parts, the place of the regular pūnūl is
taken by a red scarf or sash worn in the same manner. They are remarkable for being the
only caste in Malabar amongst whom any trace of the familiar east coast division into
right-hand and left-hand factions is to be found. They are so divided; and those
belonging to the right-hand faction deem themselves polluted by the touch of those
belonging to the left-hand sect, which is numerically very weak. They are much addicted
to devil-dancing, which rite is performed by certain of their numbers called Kōmarams
in honour of Bhagavathi and the minor deities Vettekkorumagan and Gulikan (a demon).
They appear to follow makkatāyam (descent from father to son) in some places, and
marumakkatāyam (inheritance in the female line) in others. Their pollution period is ten
days, and their purification is performed by the Talikunnavan (sprinkler), who belongs to
a somewhat degraded section of the caste.”

The affairs of the caste are managed by headmen called Urālans, and the caste barber, or
Pothuvan, acts as the caste messenger. Council meetings are held at the village temple,
and the fines inflicted on guilty persons are spent in celebrating pūja (worship) thereat.

When a girl reaches puberty, the elderly females of Urālan families take her to a tank,
and pour water over her head from small cups made of the leaves of the jāk (Artocarpus
integrifolia) tree. She is made to sit apart on a mat in a room decorated with young
cocoanut leaves. Round the mat raw rice and paddy (unhusked rice) are spread, and a
vessel containing cocoanut flowers and cocoanuts is placed near her. On the third
evening, the washerman (Peruvannān) brings some newly-washed cloths (māttu). He is
presented with some rice and paddy, which he ties up in a leaf, and does pūja. He then
places the cloths on a plank, which he puts on his head. After repeating some songs or
verses, he sets it down on the floor. Some of the girl’s female relations take a lighted
lamp, a pot of water, a measure of rice, and go three times round the plank. On the

following day, the girl is bathed, and the various articles which have been kept in her
room are thrown into a river or tank.

Like many other Malabar castes, the Chāliyans perform the tāli kettu ceremony. Once in
several years, the girls of the village who have to go through this ceremony are brought
to the house of one of the Urālans, where a pandal (booth) has been set up. Therein a
plank, made of the wood of the pāla tree (Alstonia scholaris), a lighted lamp, betel
leaves and nuts, a measure of raw rice, etc., are placed. The girl takes her seat on the
plank, holding in her right hand a mimic arrow (shanthulkōl). The Pothuvan, who
receives a fanam (coin) and three bundles of betel leaves for his services, hands the tāli
to a male member of an Urālan family, who ties it on the girl’s neck.

On the day before the wedding-day the bridegroom, accompanied by his male relations,
proceeds to the house of the bride, where a feast is held. On the following day the bride
is bathed, and made to stand before a lighted lamp placed on the floor. The bridegroom’s
father or uncle places two gold fanams (coins) in her hands, and a further feast takes
place.

In the seventh month of pregnancy, the ceremony called puli kudi (or drinking tamarind)
is performed. The woman’s brother brings a twig of a tamarind tree, and, after the leaves
have been removed, plants it in the yard of the house. The juice is extracted from the
leaves, and mixed with the juice of seven cocoanuts. The elderly female relations of the
woman give her a little of the mixture. The ceremony is repeated during three days. Birth
pollution is removed by a barber woman sprinkling water on the ninth day.

The dead are buried. The son carries a pot of water to the grave, round which he takes it
three times. The barber makes a hole in the pot, which is then thrown down at the head
of the grave. The barber also tears off a piece of the cloth, in which the corpse is
wrapped. This is, on the tenth day, taken by the son and barber to the sea or a tank, and
thrown into it. Three stones are set up over the grave.

Chāliyan also occurs as an occupational title or sub-division of Nāyars, and Chāliannaya
as an exogamous sept of Bant. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Chāliyan is given as
a sub-caste of Vāniyan (oil-pressers). Some Chāliyans are, however, oilmongers by
profession.

Challa.—Challa, meaning apparently eaters of refuse, occurs as a sub-division of
Yānādis, and meaning buttermilk as an exogamous sept of Dēvānga. Challakūti,
meaning those who eat old or cold food, is an exogamous sept of Kāpus.

Chamar.—Nearly three hundred members of this Bengal caste of tanners and workers in
leather were returned at the census, 1901. The equivalent Chamura occurs as the name of
leather-workers from the Central Provinces.

Chandāla.—At the census, 1901, more than a thousand individuals returned themselves
as Chandāla, which is defined as a generic term, meaning one who pollutes, to many low
castes. “It is,” Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes,11 “characteristic of the Brāhmanical
intolerance of the compilers of the code that the origin of the lowest caste of all (the
Chandāla) should be ascribed to the intercourse of a Sūdra man and a Brāhman woman,
while the union of a Brāhman male with a Sūdra woman is said to have resulted in one
of the highest of the mixed classes.” By Manu it was laid down that “the abode of the
Chandāla and Swapaca must be out of the town. They must not have the use of entire
vessels. Their sole wealth must be dogs and asses. Their clothes must be the mantles of
the deceased; their dishes for food broken pots; their ornaments rusty iron; continually
must they roam from place to place. Let no man who regards his duty, religious and
civil, hold any intercourse with them, and let food be given to them in potsherds, but not
by the hand of the giver.”

Chandra (moon).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The name Chandravamsapu (moon
people) is taken by some Rāzus, who claim to be Kshatriyas, and to be descended from
the lunar race of kings of the Mahābhārata.

Chanipoyina (those who are dead).—An exogamous sept of Orugunta Kāpu.

Chāpa (mat).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Chappadi (insipid).—An exogamous sept of Jōgi.

Chapparam (a pandal or booth).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Chapparband.—The Chapparbands are manufacturers of spurious coin, who hail from
the Bombay Presidency, and are watched for by the police. It is noted, in the Police
Report, 1904, that good work was done in Ganjam in tracing certain gangs of these
coiners, and bringing them to conviction.

For the following note I am indebted to a report12 by Mr. H. N. Alexander of the
Bombay Police Department. The name Chapparband refers to their calling, chapa
meaning an impression or stamp. “Among themselves they are known as Bhadoos, but
in Hindustan, and among Thugs and cheats generally, they are known as Khoolsurrya,
i.e., false coiners. While in their villages, they cultivate the fields, rear poultry and breed
sheep, while the women make quilts, which the men sell while on their tours. But the
real business of this class is to make and pass off false coin. Laying aside their ordinary
Muhammadan dress, they assume the dress and appearance of fakirs of the Muddar
section, Muddar being their Pir, and, unaccompanied by their women, wander from
village to village. Marathi is their language, and, in addition, they have a peculiar slang
of their own. Like all people of this class, they are superstitious, and will not proceed on

an expedition unless a favourable omen is obtained. The following account is given,
showing how the false coin is manufactured. A mould serves only once, a new one being
required for every rupee or other coin. It is made of unslaked lime and a kind of yellow
earth called shedoo, finely powdered and sifted, and patiently kneaded with water to
about the consistency of putty. One of the coins to be imitated is then pressed with some
of the preparation, and covered over, and, being cut all round, is placed in some embers.
After becoming hardened, it is carefully laid open with a knife, and, the coin being taken
out, its impression remains. The upper and lower pieces are then joined together with a
kind of gum, and, a small hole being made on one side, molten tin is poured in, and thus
an imitation of the coin is obtained, and it only remains to rub it over with dirt to give it
the appearance of old money. The tin is purchased in any bazaar, and the false money is
prepared on the road as the gang travels along. Chapparbands adopt several ways of
getting rid of their false coin. They enter shops and make purchases, showing true rupees
in the first instance, and substituting false ones at the time of payment. They change
false rupees for copper money, and also in exchange for good rupees of other currencies.
Naturally, they look out for women and simple people, though the manner of passing off
the base coin is clever, being done by sleight of hand. The false money is kept in pockets
formed within the folds of their langutis (loin-cloths), and also hidden in the private
parts.”

The following additional information concerning Chapparbands is contained in the
Illustrated Criminal Investigation and Law Digest13:—“They travel generally in small
gangs, and their women never follow them. They consult omens before leaving their
villages. They do not leave their villages dressed as fakirs. They generally visit some
place far away from their residence, and there disguise themselves as Madari fakirs,
adding Shah to their names. They also add the title Sahib, and imitate the Sawals, a sing-
song begging tone of their class. Their leader, Khagda, is implicitly obeyed. He is the
treasurer of the gangs, and keeps with him the instruments used in coining, and the
necessary metal pieces. But the leader rarely keeps the coins with him. The duty of
passing the false coins belongs to the Bhondars. A boy generally accompanies a gang.
He is called Handiwal. He acts as a handy chokra (youngster), and also as a watch over
the camp when the false coins are being prepared. They generally camp on high ground
in close vicinity to water, which serves to receive the false coins and implements, should
danger be apprehended. When moving from one camp to another, the Khagda and his
chokra travel alone, the former generally riding a small pony. The rest of the gang keep
busy passing the coins in the neighbourhood, and eventually join the pair in the place
pre-arranged. If the place be found inconvenient for their purpose, another is selected by
the Khagda, but sufficient indication is given to the rest that the rendezvous might be
found out. This is done by making a mark on the chief pathway leading to the place
settled first, at a spot where another pathway leads from it in the direction he is going.
The mark consists of a mud heap on the side of the road, a foot in length, six inches in
breadth, and six in height, with an arrow mark pointing in the direction taken. The

Khagda generally makes three of these marks at intervals of a hundred yards, to avoid
the chance of any being effaced. Moulds are made of Multāni or some sticky clay.
Gopichandan and badap are also used. The clay, after being powdered and sifted, is
mixed with a little water and oil, and well kneaded. The two halves of the mould are then
roughly shaped with the hand, and a genuine coin is pressed between them, so as to
obtain the obverse on one half and the reverse impression on the other. The whole is then
hardened in an extempore oven, and the hole to admit the metal is bored, so as to admit
of its being poured in from the edge. The halves are then separated, and the genuine
rupee is tilted out; the molten alloy of tin or pewter is poured in, and allowed to cool.
According to the other method, badap clay brought from their own country is considered
the most suitable for the moulds, though Multāni clay may be used when they run out of
badap. Two discs are made from clay kneaded with water. These discs are then highly
polished on the inner surface with the top of a jvari stalk called danthal. A rupee, slightly
oiled, is then placed between the discs, which are firmly pressed over it. The whole is
then thoroughly hardened in the fire. The alloy used in these moulds differs from that
used in the others, and consists of an alloy of lead and copper. In both cases, the milling
is done by the hand with a knife or a piece of shell. The Chapperbands select their
victims carefully. They seem to be fairly clever judges of persons from their
physiognomy. They easily find out the duffer and the gull in both sexes, and take care to
avoid persons likely to prove too sharp for them. They give preference to women over
men. The commonest method is for the Bhondar to show a quantity of copper collected
by him in his character of beggar, and ask for silver in its place. The dupe produces a
rupee, which he looks at. He then shakes his head sadly, and hands back a counterfeit
coin, saying that such coins are not current in his country, and moves on to try the same
trick elsewhere. Their dexterity in changing the rupees is very great, the result of long
practice when a Handiwal.”

Further information in connection with the Chapparbands has recently been published by
Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu, from whose account14 the following extract is taken.
“Chapperbands, as their name implies, are by profession builders of roofs, or, in a more
general term, builders of huts. They are Sheikh Muhammadans, and originally belonged
to the Punjab. During the Moghul invasion of the Carnatic, as far back as 1687–88, a
large number of them followed the great Moghul army as builders of huts for the men.
They appear to have followed the Moghul army to Aurangabad, Ahmednagar, and
Seringapatam until the year 1714, when Bijapur passed into the hands of the Peshwas.
The Chapperbands then formed part of the Peshwa’s army in the same capacity, and
remained as such till the advent of the British in the year 1818, when it would appear a
majority of them, finding their peculiar profession not much in demand, returned to the
north. A part of those who remained behind passed into the Nizam’s territory, while a
part settled down in the Province of Talikota. A legendary tale, narrated before the
Superintendent of Police, Raipur, in 1904, by an intelligent Chapperband, shows that
they learnt this art of manufacturing coins during the Moghul period. He said ‘In the

time of the Moghul Empire, Chapperbands settled in the Bijapur district. At that time, a
fakir named Pir Bhai Pir Makhan lived in the same district. One of the Chapperbands
went to this fakir, and asked him to intercede with God, in order that Chapperbands
might be directed to take up some profession or other. The fakir gave the man a rupee,
and asked him to take it to his house quickly, and not to look backwards as he proceeded
on his way. As the man ran home, some one called him, and he turned round to see who
it was. When he reached his house, he found the rupee had turned into a false one. The
man returned to the fakir, and complained that the rupee was a false one. The fakir was
much enraged at the man’s account of having looked back as he ran, but afterwards said
that Chapperbands would make a living in future by manufacturing false coins. Since
that time, Chapperbands have become coiners of false money.’ On every Sunday, they
collect all their false rupees, moulds, and other implements, and, placing these in front of
them, they worship Pir Makhan, also called Pir Madar. They sacrifice a fowl to him, take
out its eyes and tail, and fix them on three thorns of the trees bābul, bir, and thalmakana;
and, after the worship is over, they throw them in the direction in which they intend to
start. The Chapperbands conceal a large number of rupees in the rectum, long misusage
often forming a cavity capable of containing ten to twenty rupees. So also cavities are
formed in the mouth below the tongue.”

In a case recorded by Mr. M. Kennedy,15 “when a Chapperband was arrested on
suspicion, on his person being examined by the Civil Surgeon, no less than seven rupees
were found concealed in a cavity in his rectum. The Civil Surgeon was of opinion that it
must have taken some considerable time to form such a cavity.” A similar case came
before the Sessions Judge in South Canara a few years ago.

The following case of swindling, which occurred in the Tanjore district, is recorded in
the Police Report, 1903. “A gang of Muhammadans professed to be able to duplicate
currency notes. The method was to place a note with some blank sheets of paper
between two pieces of glass. The whole was then tied round with string and cloth, and
smoked over a fire. On opening the packet, two notes were found, a second genuine one
having been surreptitiously introduced. The success of the first operations with small
notes soon attracted clients, some of them wealthy; and, when the bait had had time to
work, and some very large notes had been submitted for operation, the swindlers
declared that these large notes took longer to duplicate, and that the packet must not be
opened for several days. Before the time appointed for opening, they disappeared, and
the notes were naturally not found in the packets. One gentleman was fleeced in this way
to the value of Rs. 4,600.” The administration of an enema to a false coiner will
sometimes bring to light hidden treasure.

Chaptēgāra.—The Chaptēgāras or Cheptēgāras are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart16 as
“carpenters who speak Konkani, and are believed to have come from the Konkan
country. Caste affairs are managed by a Gurikar or headman, and the fines collected are

paid to the Sringēri math. They wear the sacred thread, and employ Karādi Brāhmans as
purōhits. Infant marriage is practised, and widow marriage is not permitted. The dead are
burned if means allow; otherwise they are buried. They are Saivites, and worship Durga
and Ganapati. They eat flesh and drink liquor. Their titles are Naik, Shenai, etc.” It is
noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that Sāraswat Brāhmans will eat with them.
Choutagāra has been recorded as a corrupt form of Chaptēgāra.

Charamūrti.—A class of Jangams, who go from village to village preaching.

Chārōdi.—The Chārōdis have been described17 as “Canarese carpenters corresponding
to the Konkani Cheptēgāras (or Chaptēgāras), and there is very little difference in the
customs and manners of the two castes, except that the former employ Shivalli and
Konkanashta Brāhmans instead of Karādis. Their title is Naika.” In the Madras Census
Report, 1901, Mēsta is returned as a Konkani-speaking sub-caste of Chārōdi.

Chātla (winnow).—An exogamous sept of Mādiga. Chātla Dhompti occurs as a sub-
division of Mādigas, who, at marriages, place the offering of food, etc. (dhompti), in a
winnow.

Chatri.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as an equivalent of Kshatriya.
It occurs also as the name of an exogamous sept, meaning umbrella, of the Holeyas.

Chaturākshari.—A sub-division of Sātānis, who believe in the efficacy of the four
syllables Rā-mā-nu-ja.

Chaudari.—Chaudari, or Chowdari, is recorded as a title of Haddi, Kālingi, and
Kōmati.

Chāya (colour) Kurup.—A class of Kollans in Malabar, who work in lacquer.

Chēli (goat).—An exogamous sept of Bottada and Mattiya.

Chēlu (scorpion).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba. The equivalent thēlu occurs among
the Padma Sālēs.

Chembadi.—The Chembadis are a Telugu caste, the occupations of which are fresh-
water fishing, and rowing boats or coracles. In fishing, unlike the Besthas who use a
cast-net, they employ a large drag-net, called baithivala, the two ends of which are
fastened to poles. When a new net is made, it is folded up, and placed on the edge of a
pond or tank. Mud is spread over it, and on it are placed three masses of mud kneaded
into a conical shape. These represent the God, and cakes, called kudumulu, are set before
them. A male member of the caste, biting one of the cakes and keeping it between his
teeth, goes round the net, and then drags it to the water, in which the conical masses

become disintegrated. Like the Besthas, they smear a new net with the blood of the first
fish caught in it, but they do not burn a mesh of the net.

Some Chembadis regard Gurappa Gurunathadu as their caste deity, and connect him, for
some unknown reason, with the jammi tree (Prosopis spicigera). Jammi occurs as the
name of a gōtra, and some children are named Gurappa or Gurunathadu. When such
children are five, seven, or nine years old, they are taken on an auspicious day to a
jammi tree and shaved, after the tree has been worshipped with offerings of cooked food,
etc.

At the betrothal ceremony in this caste, immediately after the girl has taken up areca
nuts, placed them in her lap, and folded them in her cloth, the headman takes up the betel
leaves and areca nuts (thambūlam) before him with crossed hands. This ceremony
corresponds to the thonuku thambūlam of the lower classes, e.g., Mālas and Mangalas.
Among the Mangalas and Tsākalas, the thambūlam is said to be taken up by a Balija
Setti. For the funeral ceremonies, the Chembadis engage a Dāsari of their own caste.
During their performances, flesh and toddy may not be offered to the deceased person.

Chembian.—A name assumed by some Pallis or Vanniyans, who claim that they belong
to the Chōla race, on the supposition that Chembinādu is a synonym for Chōla.

Chembillam (chembu, copper).—An exogamous section of Mukkuvan.

Chembōtti.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that the name Chembōtti is
derived from “chembu, copper, and kotti, he who beats.” They are coppersmiths in
Malabar, who are distinct from the Malabar Kammālans. They are supposed to be
descendants of men who made copper idols for temples, and so rank above the
Kammālans in social position, and about equally with the lower sections of the Nāyars.
The name is also used as an occupational term by the Konkan Native Christian
coppersmiths. In the Cochin and Travancore Census Reports, Chembukotti is recorded
as an occupational title or sub-caste of Nāyars who work in copper, chiefly in temples
and Brāhman houses.

In the Gazetteer of the Malabar district, the Chembōttis are described as copper-workers,
whose traditional business is the roofing of the Sri-kōvil, or inner shrine of the temple
with that metal. They are said to have originally formed part of the Kammālan
community. “When the great temple at Taliparamba was completed, it was purified on a
scale of unprecedented grandeur, no less than a thousand Brāhmans being employed.
What was their dismay when the ceremony was well forward, to see a Chembōtti coming
from the Sri-kōvil, where he had been putting finishing touches to the roof. This
appeared to involve a recommencement of the whole tedious and costly ritual, and the
Brāhmans gave vent to their feelings of despair, when a vision from heaven reassured

them, and thereafter the Chembōttis have been raised in the social scale, and are not
regarded as a polluting caste.”

Chembetti, or Chemmatti, meaning hammer, occurs as an exogamous sept of the Telugu
Yānādis.

Chempakarāman.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as an honorific
title of Nāyars.

Chenchu.—The Chenchus or Chentsus are a Telugu-speaking jungle tribe inhabiting the
hills of the Kurnool and Nellore districts. In a letter addressed to the Bengal Asiatic
Society,18 transmitting vocabularies of various tribes inhabiting Vizagapatam, by Mr.
Newill, it is stated that “the Chenchu tribe, whose language is almost entirely corrupt
Hindi and Urdu with a few exceptions from Bengāli, affords one more example to the
many forthcoming of an uncultured aboriginal race having abandoned their own
tongue.” The compiler of the Kurnool Manual (1885) remarks that Mr. Newill’s
vocabulary “seems to belong to the dialect spoken by Lambādis, who sometimes wander
about the hills, and it is not unlikely that he was misled as to the character of the persons
from whom his list was taken.” As examples of the words given by Mr. Newill, the
following may be quoted:—

Bone, had. One, yek.
Cat, billeyi. Ten, das.
Ear, kān. Far, dūr.
Elephant, hate. Drink, pi.
Tiger, bāg. Sweet, mithā.

It is probable that Mr. Newill confused the Chenchus with the Bonthuk Savaras (q.v.)
who speak corrupt Oriya, and are called Chenchu vāndlu, and, like the Chenchus,
believe that the god Narasimha of Ahōbilam married a girl belonging to their tribe. As a
further example of the confusion concerning the Chenchus, I may quote the remarks of
Buchanan19 about the Irulas, who are a Tamil-speaking jungle tribe: “In this hilly tract
there is a race of men called by the other natives Cad Eriligaru, but who call themselves
Cat Chensu. The language of the Chensu is a dialect of the Tamil, with occasionally a
few Karnata or Telinga words intermixed, but their accent is so different from that of
Madras that my servants did not at first understand what they said. Their original
country, they say, is the Animalaya forest below the ghāts, which is confirmed by their
dialect.” In the Census Report, 1901, Chenchu is said to be the name by which Irulas of
North Arcot and the Mysore plateau are called sometimes, and, in the Census Report,
1891, Chenchu is given as a sub-division of the Yānādis. There can be little doubt that

the Chenchus and Yānādis are descended from the same original stock. Mackenzie, in
the local records collected by him, speaks of the Chenchus as being called Yānādi
Chenchus. The Chenchus themselves at the present day say that they and the Yānādis are
one and the same, and that the tribes intermarry.

In Scott’s ‘Ferishta,’ the Chenchus are described as they appeared before Prince
Muhammad Masúm, a son of Aurangzib, who passed through the Kurnool district in
1694, as “exceedingly black, with long hair, and on their heads wore caps made of the
leaves of trees. Each man had with him unbarbed arrows and a bow for hunting. They
molest no one, and live in caverns or under the shady branches of trees. The prince
presented some of them with gold and silver, but they did not seem to put any value on
either, being quite unconcerned at receiving it. Upon the firing of a gun, they darted up
the mountains with a surprising swiftness uncommon to man. In Taylor’s ‘Catalogue
raisonné of Oriental Manuscripts,’ the Chenchus are described as people who “live to the
westward of Ahōbalam, Srisailam, and other places, in the woods or wilds, and go about,
constantly carrying in their hands bows and arrows. They clothe themselves with leaves,
and live on the sago or rice of the bamboo. They rob travellers, killing them if they
oppose. This people afflict every living creature (kill for food is supposed to be meant).”
It is noted in the Kurnool Manual that in former times the Chenchu headman used to
“dispose of murder cases, the murderer, on proof of guilt, being put to death with the
same weapons with which the murder was committed.20 Captain Newbold, writing in
1846, says that, passing through the jungle near Pacharla, he observed a skull bleached
by the sun dangling from the branch of a tamarind tree, which he was informed was that
of a murderer and hill-robber put to death by the headman. In the time of the Nabobs,
some of the Chenchu murderers were caught and punished, but the practice seems to
have prevailed among them more or less till the introduction of the new police in 1860,
since which time all cases are said to be reported to the nearest police officer.”

A Chenchu Taliāri (village watchman), who came to see me at Nandyal, was wearing a
badge with his name engraved on it in Telugu, which had been presented to him by
Government in recognition of his shooting with a double-barrelled gun two Donga
Oddes who had robbed a village. Another aged Taliāri had a silver bangle bearing a
Telugu inscription, which had been given to him in acknowledgment of his capturing a
murderer who was wanted by the police, and came to his hut. The casual visitor
explained that he was on his way to Hyderabad, but the Chenchu, noticing blood on his
clothes, tied him to a post, and gave information that he had secured him. The same man
had also received presents for reporting cases of illicit distillation under the Abkāri Act.

Chenchus.

In recent accounts of the Chenchus of the Nallamalai hills by a forest officer, it is noted
that pilgrims, on their way to the Srisailam temple, “are exploited at every turn, the
Chentzu being seen in his true colours at this period, and, being among the most active
agents in the exactions, but not being by any means the only plunderer. In return for the
protection, the Chentzu levies a toll per head, and as much more as he can extort. We had
to interfere with the perquisites of one drugged specimen of this race, who drew a knife
on a peon (orderly), and had to be sent down under escort.... It is commonly supposed
that the Chentzus are a semi-wild, innocent, inoffensive hill tribe, living on roots, honey,
wild fruits, and game. If this was so, we should have no difficulty in controlling them.
They are actually a semi-wild, lazy, drinking set of brigands. They levy blackmail from
every village along the foot of the hills, and, if any ryot (cultivator) refuses to pay up, his
crop silently disappears on some moonless night. They levy blackmail from every
pilgrim to the shrines in the hills. They levy blackmail from the graziers in the hills.
They borrow money from Kōmatis and Buniahs (merchants and money-lenders), and
repay it in kind—stolen timber, minor forest produce, etc. They are constantly in debt to
the Kōmatis, and are practically their slaves as regards the supply of timber and other
forest produce. They think nothing of felling a tree in order to collect its fruits, and they
fire miles of forest in order to be able to collect with ease certain minor produce, or to

trace game. They poison the streams throughout the hills, and in short do exactly as they
please throughout the length and breadth of the Nallamalais.” The Conservator of
Forests expressed his belief that this picture was not overdrawn, and added that the
Chenchus are “a danger to the forest in many ways, and I have always thought it a pity
that they were given some of the rights at settlement, which stand against their names.
These rights were—

(1) Rights of way, and to carry torches.
(2) Rights to draw and drink water from, wash or bathe in all streams, springs, wells
and pools.
(3) Rights to forest produce for home use.
(4) Rights to fish and shoot.
(5) Rights to graze a limited number of cattle, sheep and goats.
(6) Rights to collect for sale or barter certain minor produce.

In connection with right (3), the District Forest Officer suggested that “the quantity to be
taken annually must be limited, especially in the case of wood, bamboos, fibre, firewood
and honey. The quality of the wood and of other forest produce should be defined.
Chenchus do not require teak or ebony beams or yegi (Pterocarpus Marsupium) spokes
and felloes for domestic purposes; but, as the right now stands, they can fell whatever
they like, and, though we may know it is for sale to merchants, the Chenchus have only
to say it is for domestic use, and they cannot be punished. The wood should be limited to
poles and smaller pieces of third-class and unclassified trees.”

In 1898 the Governor in Council made the following rules for regulating the exercise of
the rights of the Chenchus living in the reserved forests on the Nallamalais:—

1. The carrying of torches, and the lighting of fires in fire-protected blocks during the
fire season are prohibited.

2. There shall be no right to wash or bathe in such springs, wells, pools or portions of
streams as are especially set apart for drinking purposes by the District Forest Officer.

3. No more than the quantity which the Collector may consider to be actually required
for domestic use shall be removed in the exercise of the right to take wood, bamboos,
fibre, thatching grass, firewood, roots, fruits, honey and other forest produce. The term
“other forest produce” shall be taken to mean other minor forest produce, not including
tusks and horns. No wood other than poles and smaller pieces of third class and
unclassified trees shall be removed.

4. No gudem (Chenchu village) shall, without the special permission of the Collector, be
allowed to keep a larger number of guns than that for which licenses had been taken out
at the time of settlement. Every gun covered by a license shall be stamped with a

distinctive mark or number. The use of poison and explosives in water, and the setting of
cruives or fixed engines, or snares for the capture or destruction of fish, are strictly
prohibited.

5. For purposes of re-generation, a portion of the area set apart for the grazing of cattle,
not exceeding one-fifth, may be closed to grazing at any time, and for such length of
time as the District Forest Officer deems fit.

6. The right of pre-emption of all minor forest produce collected by the Chenchus for
sale or barter shall be reserved to the Forest department. The exercise of the right of
collecting wood and other produce for domestic use, and of collecting minor produce for
sale or barter, shall be confined to natural growth, and shall not include forest produce
which is the result of special plantation or protection on the part of the Forest
department.

In connection with a scheme for dealing with the minor forest produce in the
Nallamalais, the Conservator of Forests wrote as follows in 1905. “I believe that it is
generally recognised that it is imperative to obtain the good-will of the Chenchus even at
a considerable loss, both from a political and from a forest point of view; the latter being
that, if we do not do so, the whole of the Nallamalai forests will, at a not very remote
date, be utterly destroyed by fire. The Chenchus, being a most abnormal type of men,
must be treated in an abnormal way; and the proposals are based, therefore, on the
fundamental principle of allowing the two District Forest Officers a very free hand in
dealing with these people. What is mainly asked for is to make an experiment, of
endeavouring to get the Chenchus to collect minor produce for the department, the
District Forest Officers being allowed to fix the remuneration as they like, in money or
barter, as they may from time to time find on the spot to be best.” In commenting on the
scheme, the Board of Revenue stated that “action on the lines proposed is justified by the
present state of the Nallamalais. These valuable forests certainly stand in danger of rapid
destruction by fire, and, according to the local officers, the Chenchus are almost entirely
responsible. The department has at present no means of bringing influence to bear on the
Chenchus, or securing their assistance in putting out fires. Repressive measures will be
worse than useless, as the Chenchus will merely hide themselves, and do more damage
than ever. The only way of getting into touch with them is to enforce the right of pre-
emption in the matter of minor produce reserved to Government at the time of forest
settlement, and by dealing with them in a just and generous way to secure their
confidence. If this is achieved, the department may hope to secure their co-operation and
valuable assistance in preventing jungle fires. The department can certainly afford to sell
at a profit, and at the same time give the Chenchus better prices than the sowcars
(money-lenders), who are said invariably to cheat them. The Board believes that the
ultimate loss from advances will not be serious, as advances will ordinarily be small in
amount, except in cases where they may be required by Chenchus to pay off sowcars. It

will be well, therefore, if the Collector and the District Forest Officers will ascertain as
soon as possible how much the Chenchus are indebted to the sowcars, as it will probably
be necessary for the success of the scheme to liquidate these debts.”

From a note on the Chenchus of the Nallamalai hills, I gather that “a striking contrast is
afforded between those who inhabit the belt of forest stretching from Venkatapuram to
Bairnuti, and those who dwell in the jungle on the skirts of the great trunk road, which
formed the chief means of communication between the principal towns until the
Southern Mahratta railway diverted traffic into another channel. In the former we behold
the Chenchu semi-civilised and clothed. He possesses flocks and herds, smiling fields
and even gardens, and evinces an aptitude for barter. The superiority of the Bairnuti
Chenchu has been brought about by the influence, example, labours, and generosity of a
single Englishman, who built a substantial stone dwelling in the depths of the great
Bairnuti forest. There also he erected indigo vats, and planted indigo, and a grove of
choice mango grafts, orange and lime trees. He bought buffaloes, and by careful
selection and breeding evolved a magnificent type. These buffaloes have now become
almost entirely fruit-eaters, and are engaged in seeking for and devouring the forest
fruits, which—particularly the mowhra and forest fig—litter the ground in vast
quantities. This habit of fruit-eating imparts to their milk a peculiarly rich nutty flavour,
and the cream is of abnormally rich quality. The Chenchus manufacture this into ghee
(clarified butter), which they turn to profitable account. The brethren of the Bairnuti
Chenchus dwelling in the forest of Pacherla present very different conditions of life.
They accentuate their nakedness by a narrow bark thread bound round the waist, into
which are thrust their arrows and knife. This is their full dress. The hair, they aver, is the
great and natural covering of mankind. Why, therefore, violate the ordinary laws of
nature by inventing supererogatory clothing? A missionary sportsman was fairly non-
plussed by these arguments, particularly when his interlocutors pointed to a celebrated
pass or gorge, through which the amorous Kristna is averred to have pursued and
captured a fascinating Chenchu damsel. ‘You see,’ said the Chenchu logician, ‘the
beauty of her form was so manifest in its rude simplicity that even the god could not
resist it.’ En passant it may be noted that, when a Chenchu wishes to express superlative
admiration of a belle, he compares her to a monkey. In his eyes, the supremest beauty of
femininity is agility. The girl who can shin up a lofty tree, and bring him down fruit to
eat is the acme of feminine perfection. ‘Ah, my sweet monkey girl,’ said a demoralised
Chenchu, who was too idle to climb up a tree himself, ‘she has been climbing trees all
day, and throwing me fruit. There is not a man in the forest who can climb like my
monkey girl.’ The Chenchus are wisely employed by the authorities as road-police or
Taliāris, to prevent highway dacoities. This is an astute piece of diplomacy. The
Chenchus themselves are the only dacoits thereabouts, and the salary paid them as road-
police is virtually blackmail to induce them to guarantee the freedom of the forest
highways. The Chenchu barters the produce of the forests in which he lives, namely,
honey and wax, deer horns and hides, tamarinds, wood apples (Feronia elephantum),

and mowhra (Bassia latifolia) fruit and flowers, and realises a very considerable income
from these sources. He reaps annually a rich harvest of hides and horns. The sāmbur
(Cervus unicolor) and spotted deer (Cervus axis) shed their horns at certain seasons.
These horns are hidden in the rank luxuriant grass. But, when the heat of the dry weather
has withered it, the Chenchu applies fire to it by rubbing two dried sticks together, and,
walking in the wake of the flames, picks up the horns disclosed to view by the reduction
of the vegetation to ashes. He supplements this method with his bow and rifle, and by
the latter means alone obtains his hides. The Chenchu is every bit as bad a shot as the
average aboriginal. He rarely stalks, but, when he does, he makes up by his skill in
woodcraft for his inexpertness with his gun. He understands the importance of not giving
the deer a slant of his wind, and, if they catch a glimpse of him, he will stand motionless
and black as the tree trunks around. The ambush by the salt-lick or water-hole, however,
is his favourite method of sport. Here, fortified with a supply of the pungent-smelling
liquor which he illicitly distils from the mowhra flower he will lie night and day
ruthlessly murdering sāmbur, spotted deer, nilgai (Boselaphus tràgocamelus); four-
horned antelope (Tetracerus quadricornis). Tigers often stalk down, and drink and roll in
the pool, but the Chenchu dares not draw a bead on him. Perhaps the indifference of his
shooting, of which he is conscious, deters him.” When in danger from tigers or leopards,
the Chenchus climb a tree, and shout. The Chenchus recognise two distinct varieties of
leopards called chirra puli and chirta puli, concerning which Blanford writes as
follows.21 “Most of the sportsmen who have hunted in Central India, and many native
shikāris (sportsmen) distinguish two forms, and in parts of the country there is some
appearance of two races—a larger form that inhabits the hills and forests, and a smaller
form commonly occurring in patches of grass and bushes amongst cultivated fields and
gardens. The larger form is said to have a shorter tail, a longer head with an occipital
crest, and clearly defined spots on a paler ground-colour. The smaller form has a
comparatively longer tail, a rounder head, less clearly defined spots, and rougher fur. I
cannot help suspecting that the difference is very often due to age.”

Chenchu tree-climbing.

A Chenchu who was asked by me whether they kill wild beasts replied that they are wild
beasts themselves. In devouring a feast of mutton provided for those who were my
guests in camp, they certainly behaved as such, gnawing at the bones and tearing off the
flesh. To the Chenchus a feast, on however liberal a scale the food may be, is nothing
without a copious supply of toddy, of which even infants receive a small share. In the
absence of toddy, they sometimes manufacture illicit liquor from the flower-buds of the
mahua (or mowhra) tree. The man who gained the prize (a coarse cotton cloth) in a
shooting match with bow and arrow, with the head of a straw scarecrow as bull’s-eye,
was in an advanced stage of intoxication, and used his success as an argument in favour

of drink. In a long distance shooting match, the prize was won with a carry of 144 yards,
the arrow being shot high into the air. It was noted by Captain Newbold that the
Chenchus are not remarkably expert as archers, to judge from the awkwardness they
exhibited in dispatching an unfortunate sheep picketed for them at forty yards, which
was held out to them as the prize for the best marksman. Some time ago a Chenchu, who
was the bully of his settlement, beat another Chenchu and his wife. The injured man
appealed to the District Forest Officer, and, explaining that he knew the law did not
allow him to kill his enemy, applied for a written permit to go after him with a bow and
arrow.

Chenchu.

Some Chenchus bear on the head a cap made of wax-cloth, deer or hare skin. By the
more fashionable the tufted ear or bushy tail-end of the large Indian squirrel (Sciurus
Indicus) is attached by way of ornament to the string with which the hair of the head is
tied into a bunch behind. Leafy garments have been replaced by white loin-cloths, and
some of the women have adopted the ravikē (bodice), in imitation of the female costume
in the plains. Boys, girls, and women wear bracelets made of Phœnix or palmyra palm
leaves. By some pieces of stick strung on a thread, or seeds of Givotia rottleriformis, are
worn as a charm to ward off various forms of pain. Some of the women are tattooed on
the forehead, corners of the eyes, and arms. And I saw a few men tattooed on the
shoulder as a cure for rheumatism.

The huts of which a present day gudem is composed are either in the shape of bee-hives
like those of the Yānādis, or oblong with sloping roof, and situated in a grove near a
pond or stream. The staple food of the Chenchus consists of cereals, supplemented by
yams (Dioscorea) which are uprooted with a digging-stick tipped with iron, forest fruits,
and various animals such as peacock, crow, lizard (Varanus), bear, and black monkey.
They are very fond of the young flowers and buds of the mahua tree, and tamarind fruits,
the acidity of which is removed by mixing with them the ashes of the bark of the same
tree.

The forest products collected by the Chenchus include myrabolams, fruits of the
tamarind, Semecarpus anacardiúm, Sapindus trifoliatus (soap-nut), Buchanania latifolia,
Buchanania angustifolia, and Ficus glomerata; roots of Aristolochia Indica and
Hemidesmus Indicus; seeds of Abrus precatorius; flowers of Bassia latifolia; horns, and
honey.

The Chenchus recognise two kinds of bees, large and small, and gather honey from nests
in trees or rocks. It is stated in the Cuddapah Manual that “the Yenādis or Chenchus
alone are able to climb miraculously into difficult and apparently inaccessible places,
and over perpendicular cliffs in some places from a hundred to two hundred feet high.
This they do by means of a plaited rope made of young bamboos tied together. Accidents
sometimes happen by the rope giving way. It is a nervous sight to watch them climbing
up and down this frail support. From below the men look like little babies hanging
midway. The rope being fastened on the top of the cliff by means of a peg driven into the
ground or by a tree, the man swings suspended in the air armed with a basket and a stick.
The Chenchu first burns some brushwood or grass under the hive, which is relinquished
by most of the bees. This accomplished, he swings the rope, until it brings him close to
the hive, which he pokes with his stick, at the same time holding out his basket to catch
the pieces broken off from the hive. When the basket is full, he shakes the rope, and is
drawn up (generally by his wife’s brother). The bamboo ropes are never taken away; nor
are they used a second time, a fresh one being made on each occasion, and at each place.
They are to be seen hanging for years, until they decay and fall down of themselves.”

Like other Telugu classes, the Chenchus have exogamous septs or intipēru, of which the
following are examples:—gurram (horse), arati (plantain tree), mānla (trees), tōta
(garden), mēkala (goats), indla (houses), savaram (sovereign, gold coin), and gundam
(pit).

Of the marriage customs the following account is given in the Kurnool Manual. “The
Chenchus do not follow a uniform custom in respect to marriage ceremonies. Their
marriage is performed in three ways. A man wishing to marry selects his own bride, and
both retire for one night by mutual consent from the gudem. On the following morning,
when they return, their parents invite their friends and relatives, and by formally
investing them with new clothes, declare them duly married. To complete the ceremony,
a meal is given to those assembled. The second method is as follows. A small space,
circular in form, is cleaned and besmeared with cowdung. In the centre a bow and arrow
tied together are fixed in the ground, and the bride and bridegroom are made to move
round it, when the men assembled bless them by throwing some rice over them, and the
marriage is complete. According to the third mode, a Brāhmin is consulted by the elders
of the family. An auspicious day is fixed, and a raised pial (platform) is formed, on
which the bride and bridegroom being seated, a tāli (marriage badge) is tied, and rice
poured over their heads. The services of the Brāhmin are engaged for three or four days,
and are rewarded with a piece of new cloth and some money. This ceremony resembles
that of the ryot (cultivating) class among the Hindus. It is evidently a recent Brahminical
innovation. On marriage occasions generally tom-toms, if available, are beaten, and a
dance takes place.” In the second form of marriage, as described to me, the bride and
bridegroom sit opposite each other with four arrows stuck in the ground between them.
In Mackenzie’s record it is stated that the Chenchus make the bridal pair sit with a single
arrow between them, and, when there is no shadow, some elderly men and women throw
rice over their heads. The importance of the arrow with the Chenchus, as with the
Yānādis, is that the moment when it casts no shadow is the auspicious time for the
completion of the marriage rite. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and the second
husband is said to be in most cases a brother of the deceased one.

As an example of the Chenchu songs, the following marriage song, sung by two men
and a woman, and recorded by my phonograph, may be cited:—

The tāli was of āvaram22 leaves,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
The bashingham23 was made of the leaf of a wild tree,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Wild turmeric was used for the kankanam24,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Wearing a garment made of the leaves of the pāru tree,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.

Wearing a bodice made of the leaves of the pannu tree,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Roaming over inaccessible hills,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Wandering through dense forests,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Committing acts that ought not to be done,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Ōbalēsa’s marriage was celebrated,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
A four-cornered dais was made,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
On the dais arrows were stuck,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Bamboo rice was used to throw on the heads of the pair,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
Cocoanut cups were stuck on the points of the arrow,
Oh! the lord of the Chenchus.
The marriage was thus celebrated.

At a dance in my honour, men and women executed a series of step dances in time with
a drum (thappata) resembling a big tambourine, which, at the conclusion of each dance,
was passed to and fro through a blazing fire of cholum straw to bring it up to the proper
pitch. An elderly hag went through a variety of gesticulations like those of a Dēva-dāsi
(dancing-girl). A man dressed up in straw and fragments of mats picked up near my
camp, and another disguised as a woman, with bells round his ankles, supplied the comic
business.

Chencu dance.

In the Kurnool Manual it is stated that “as soon as a child is born, the umbilical cord is
cut (with a knife or arrow), and the child is washed in cold or hot water, according as the
season is hot or cold. On the third day, all the women of the tribe are invited, and served
with betel nut. On the fourth day, an old woman gives a name to the child. The baby is
generally laid in a cradle made of deer skins, and suspended from a bamboo by means of
strings or dusara creepers.”

The dead are carried to the burial-place in a cloth slung on a pole. The body, after it has
been laid in the grave, is covered over with leafy twigs, and the grave is filled in. The
spot is marked by a mound of earth and stones piled up. On the second or third day,
some cooked food is offered to the soul of the deceased person, near the grave, and, after
some of it has been set apart for the crows, the remainder is buried in the mound or
within the grave. The same rite is repeated after the eighth day.

The Chenchus are said25, like the Yānādis, to worship a god called Chenchu Dēvata, to
whom offerings of honey and fruits are sometimes made. They believe, as has been
mentioned already, that the god Narasimha of Ahōbilam, whom they call Ōbalēsudu,
carried off a beautiful Chenchu girl, named Chenchita, and married her. To prevent the

occurrence of a similar fate to other females of the tribe, Chenchita ordained that they
should in future be born ugly, and be devoid of personal charms. The Chenchus claim
Ōbalēsudu as their brother-in-law, and, when they go to the temple for the annual
festival, carry cloths as presents for the god and goddess. The legend of their origin is
told as follows by Captain Newbold. “Previous to the incarnation of Sri Krishna in the
Dwapara Yug (the third of the great ages), the Chenchwars were shepherds of the Yerra
Golla caste. Obal Iswara, the swāmi (deity) of Obalam, a celebrated hill shrine in the
Nalla Mallas, having taken away and kept as a Chenchita a maid of the Yerra Golla
family, begat upon her children, of whom they are descendants.” Among other minor
deities, the Chenchus are said to worship Ankalamma, Potu Rāzu, Sunkalamma,
Mallamma, and Guruppa.

In the absence of lucifer matches, the Chenchus make fire with flint and steel, and the
slightly charred floss of the white cotton tree, Eriodendron anfractuosum, I am informed
that, like the Paniyans of Malabar, they also obtain fire by friction, by means of the
horizontal or sawing method, with two pieces of split bamboo.

Some Chenchus still exhibit the primitive short stature and high nasal index, which are
characteristic of other jungle tribes such as the Kādirs, Paniyans, and Kurumbas. But
there is a very conspicuous want of uniformity in their physical characters, and many
individuals are to be met with, above middle height or tall, with long narrow noses. A
case is noted in the Kurnool Manual, in which a brick-maker married a Chenchu girl.
And I was told of a Bōya man who had married into the tribe, and was living in a
gudem. In this way is the pure type of Chenchu metamorphosed.

Stature, cm. Nasal index.
AV. MAX. MIN. AV. MAX. MIN.
162.5 175 149.6 81.9 95.7 68.1

By the dolichocephalic type of head which has persisted, and which the Chenchus
possess in common with various other jungle tribes, they are, as shown by the following
table, at once differentiated from the mesaticephalic dwellers in the plains near the foot
of the Nallamalais:—

Cephalic Index. Number of cases in which index exceeded 80.
40 Chenchus 74.3 1
60 Gollas 77.5 9
50 Boyas 77.9 14
39 Tota Balijas 78. 10
49 Motāti Kapus 78. 16
19 Upparas 78.8 4

Cephalic Index. Number of cases in which index exceeded 80.
16 Mangalas 78.8 7
17 Yerukalas 78.6 6
12 Mēdaras 80.7 8

The visual acuity of the Chenchus was tested with Cohn’s letter E, No. 6. For clinical
purposes, the visual acuity would be represented by a fraction, of which 6 is the
denominator, and the number of metres at which the position of the letter was recognised
by the individual tested is the numerator, e.g.,

V.A. = 13m/6 = 2.16.

The average distances in metres, at which the letter was recognised by the various castes
and tribes examined by myself and Dr. W. H. R. Rivers, were as follows:—

16 Shōlagas (Rivers) 12.9
94 Kotas 12.8
180 Badagas 12.6
50 Paraiyans 12.5
58 Telugu ryats 12.4
28 Chenchus 12.3
55 Urālis (Rivers) 12.2
30 Brāhmans, Mysore 12.2
30 Non-Brāhmans, Mysore 12.2

In all classes, it may be noted, the average acuity was between 12 and 13 metres (13 to
14 yards), and ranged between V.A. = 2·15 and V.A. = 2·03. The maxima distances, at
which the position of the letter was recognised, were:—Shōlaga, 18m; Paraiyan, 19m;
Badaga and Dīkshitar Brāhman, 20m. No cases of extraordinary hyper-acuity were met
with. The nine classes, or groups of classes examined, cover a wide range of degrees of
civilisation from the wild jungle Chenchus, Shōlagas, and Urālis, to the cultured
Brāhman. And, though the jungle man, who has to search for his food and mark the
tracks and traces of wild beasts, undoubtedly possesses a specially trained keenness of
vision for the exigencies of his primitive life, the figures show that, as regards ordinary
visual acuity, he has no advantage over the more highly civilised classes.

There were, in 1904–05, two Board upper primary schools for the Chenchus of the
Kurnool district, which were attended by seventy-three pupils, who were fed and
clothed, and supplied with books and slates free of charge.

Chēnu (dry field).—An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Chēppāt.—A sub-division of Mārān.

Chērukāra.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of
Nāyar.

Cheruku.—Cheruku (sugar-cane) or Cherukula has been recorded as an exogamous sept
of Bōya, Jōgi and Odde.

Cheruman.—The Cherumans or Cherumukkal have been defined as a Malayālam caste
of agricultural serfs, and as members of an inferior caste in Malabar, who are, as a rule,
toilers attached to the soil. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is stated that “this caste
is called Cheruman in South Malabar and Pulayan in North Malabar. Even in South
Malabar where they are called Cheruman, a large sub-division numbering over 30,000 is
called Pula Cheruman. The most important of the sub-divisions returned are Kanakkan,
Pula Cheruman, Erālan, Kūdān and Rōlan. Kanakkan and Pula Cheruman are found in
all the southern tāluks, Kūdān almost wholly in Walluvanād, and Erālan in Pālghat and
Walluvanād.” In the Census Report, 1901, Ālan (slave), and Paramban are given as sub-
castes of Cheruman.

According to one version, the name Cheruma or Cheramakkal signifies sons of the soil;
and, according to another, Cheriamakkal means little children, as Parasurāma directed
that they should be cared for, and treated as such. The word Pulayan is said to be derived
from pula, meaning pollution.

Of the Cherumans, the following account is given in the Gazetteer of Malabar. “They are
said to be divided into 39 divisions, the more important of which are the Kanakka
Cherumans, the Pula Cherumans or Pulayas, the Era Cherumans or Erālans, the Rōli
Cherumans or Rōlans, and the Kūdāns. Whether these sub-divisions should be treated as
separate castes or not, it is hardly possible to determine; some of them at least are
endogamous groups, and some are still further sub-divided. Thus the Pulayas of
Chirakkal are said to be divided into one endogamous and eleven exogamous groups,
called Māvadan, Elamanām, Tacchakudiyan, Kundatōn, Cheruvulan, Mulattan, Tālan,
Vannatam, Eramālōdiyan, Mullaviriyan, Egudan, and Kundōn. Some at least of these
group names obviously denote differences of occupation. The Kundōtti, or woman of the
last group, acts as midwife; and in consequence the group is considered to convey
pollution by touch to members of the other groups, and they will neither eat nor marry
with those belonging to it. Death or birth pollution is removed by a member of the
Māvadan class called Maruttan, who sprinkles cowdung mixed with water on the feet,
and milk on the head of the person to be purified. At weddings, the Maruttan receives 32
fanams, the prescribed price of a bride, from the bridegroom, and gives it to the bride’s
people. The Era Cherumans and Kanakkans, who are found only in the southern tāluks
of the district, appear to be divided into exogamous groups called Kūttams, many of

which seem to be named after the house-name of the masters whom they serve. The
Cherumans are almost solely employed as agricultural labourers and coolies; but they
also make mats and baskets.”

It is noted26 by Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer that “from traditions current among the
Pulayas, it would appear that, once upon a time, they had dominion over several parts of
the country. A person called Aikkara Yajaman, whose ancestors were Pulaya kings, is
still held in considerable respect by the Pulayas of North Travancore, and acknowledged
as their chieftain and lord, while the Aikkaranād in the Kunnethnād tāluk still remains to
lend colour to the tale. In Trivandrum, on the banks of the Velli lake, is a hill called
Pulayanar Kotta, where it is believed that a Pulaya king once ruled. In other places, they
are also said to have held sway. As a Paraya found at Melkota the image of Selvapillai,
as a Savara was originally in possession of the sacred stone which became the idol in the
temple of Jaganath, so also is the worship of Padmanābha at Trivandrum intimately
connected with a Pulayan. Once a Pulaya woman, who was living with her husband in
the Ananthan kādu (jungle), suddenly heard the cry of a baby. She rushed to the spot, and
saw to her surprise a child lying on the ground, protected by a snake. She took pity on it,
and nursed it like her own child. The appearance of the snake intimated to her the divine
origin of the infant. This proved to be true, for the child was an incarnation of Vishnu. As
soon as the Rāja of Travancore heard of the wonderful event, he built a shrine on the
spot where the baby had been found, and dedicated it to Padmanābha. The Pulayas round
Trivandrum assert to this day that, in former times, a Pulaya king ruled, and had his
castle not far from the present capital of Travancore. The following story is also current
among them. The Pulayas got from the god Siva a boon, with spade and axe, to clear
forests, own lands, and cultivate them. When other people took possession of them, they
were advised to work under them.”

According to Mr. Logan,27 the Cherumans are of two sections, one of which, the Iraya,
are of slightly higher social standing than the Pulayan. “As the names denote, the former
are permitted to come as far as the eaves (ira) of their employers’ houses, while the latter
name denotes that they convey pollution to all whom they meet or approach.” The name
Cheruman is supposed to be derived from cheru, small, the Cheruman being short of
stature, or from chera, a dam or low-lying rice field. Mr. Logan, however, was of opinion
that there is ample evidence that “the Malabar coast at one time constituted the kingdom
or Empire of Chēra, and the nād or county of Chēranād lying on the coast and inland
south-east of Calicut remains to the present day to give a local habitation to the ancient
name. Moreover, the name of the great Emperor of Malabar, who is known to every
child on the coast as Chēramān Perumal, was undoubtedly the title and not the name of
the Emperor, and meant the chief (literally, big man) of the Chēra people.”

Of the history of slavery in Malabar an admirable account is given by Mr. Logan, from
which the following extracts are taken. “In 1792, the year in which British rule

commenced, a proclamation was issued against dealing in slaves. In 1819, the principal
Collector wrote a report on the condition of the Cherumar, and received orders that the
practice of selling slaves for arrears of revenue be immediately discontinued. In 1821,
the Court of Directors expressed considerable dissatisfaction at the lack of precise
information which had been vouchsafed to them, and said ‘We are told that part of the
cultivators are held as slaves: that they are attached to the soil, and marketable property.’
In 1836, the Government ordered the remission in the Collector’s accounts of Rs. 927–
13–0, which was the annual revenue from slaves on the Government lands in Malabar,
and the Government was at the same time ‘pleased to accede to the recommendation in
favour of emancipating the slaves on the Government lands in Malabar.’ In 1841, Mr. E.
B. Thomas, the Judge at Calicut, wrote in strong terms a letter to the Sadr Adālat, in
which he pointed out that women in some tāluks (divisions) fetched higher prices, in
order to breed slaves; that the average cost of a young male under ten years was about
Rs. 3–8–0, of a female somewhat less; that an infant ten months old was sold in a court
auction for Rs. 1–10–6 independent of the price of its mother; and that, in a recent suit,
the right to twenty-seven slaves was the ‘sole matter of litigation, and was disposed of
on its merits.’ In a further letter, Mr. Thomas pointed out that the slaves had increased in
numbers from 144,000 at the Census, 1835, to 159,000 at the Census, 1842. It was
apparently these letters which decided the Board of Directors to send out orders to
legislate. And the Government of India passed Act V of 1843, of which the provisions
were widely published through Malabar. The Collector explained to the Cherumar that it
was in their interest, as well as their duty, to remain with their masters, if kindly treated.
He proclaimed that ‘the Government will not order a slave who is in the employ of an
individual to forsake him and go to the service of another claimant; nor will the
Government interfere with the slave’s inclination as to where he wishes to work.’ And
again, ‘Any person claiming a slave as janmam, kānam or panayam, the right of such
claim or claims will not be investigated into at any one of the public offices or courts.’ In
1852, and again in 1855, the fact that traffic in slaves still continued was brought to the
notice of Government, but on full consideration no further measures for the
emancipation of the Cherumar were deemed to be necessary. The Cherumar even yet
have not realised what public opinion in England would probably have forced down their
throats fifty years ago, and there is reason to think that they are still, even now, with their
full consent bought and sold and hired out, although, of course, the transaction must be
kept secret for fear of the penalties of the Penal Code, which came into force in 1862,
and was the real final blow at slavery in India. The slaves, however, as a caste will never
understand what real freedom means, until measures are adopted to give them
indefeasible rights in the small orchards occupied by them as house-sites.” It is noted by
Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that “though slavery has been abolished many years ago, the
name valliyal (a person receiving valli, i.e., paddy given to a slave) still survives.”

By the Penal Code it is enacted that—

Whoever imports, exports, removes, buys, sells, or disposes of any person as a slave, or accepts, receives,
or detains against his will any person as a slave, shall be punished with imprisonment for a term which
may extend to seven years, and shall also be liable to a fine.

Whoever habitually imports, exports, removes, buys, sells, traffics or deals in slaves, shall be punished
with transportation for life, or with imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years, and shall be liable to
a fine.

Whoever unlawfully compels any person to labour against the will of that person, shall be punished with
imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year, or with a fine, or with both.

“Very low indeed,” Mr. S. Appadorai Iyer writes,28 “is the social position of these
miserable beings. When a Cherumar meets a person of superior caste; he must stand at a
distance of thirty feet. If he comes within this prohibited distance, his approach is said to
cause pollution, which is removed only by bathing in water. A Cherumar cannot
approach a Brāhman village or temple, or tank. If he does so, purification becomes
necessary. Even while using the public road, if he sees his lord and master, he has to
leave the ordinary way and walk, it may be in the mud, to avoid his displeasure by
accidentally polluting him. To avoid polluting the passer-by, he repeats the unpleasant
sound ‘O, oh, O—’. [In some places, e.g., Palghāt, one may often see a Cheruman with a
dirty piece of cloth spread on the roadside, and yelling in a shrill voice ‘Ambrāne,
Ambarāne, give me some pice, and throw them on the cloth.’] His position is intolerable
in the Native States of Cochin and Travancore, where Brāhman influence is in the
ascendant; while in the Palghāt tāluk the Cherumars cannot, even to this day, enter the
bazaar.” A melancholy picture has been drawn of the Cherumans tramping along the
marshes in mud, often wet up to their waists, to avoid polluting their superiors. In 1904,
a Cheruman came within polluting distance of a Nāyar, and was struck with a stick. The
Cheruman went off and fetched another, whereupon the Nāyar ran away. He was,
however, pursued by the Cherumans. In defending himself with a spade, the Nāyar
struck the foremost Cheruman on the head, and killed him.29 In another case, a
Cheruman, who was the servant of a Māppilla, was fetching grass for his master, when
he inadvertently approached some Tiyans, and thereby polluted them. The indignant
Tiyans gave not only the Cheruman, but his master also, a sound beating by way of
avenging the insult offered to them.

The status of the Pulayas of the Cochin State is thus described by Mr. Anantha Krishna
Iyer. “They abstain from eating food prepared by the Velakkathalavans (barbers),
Mannans (washermen), Pānāns, Vettuvans, Parayans, Nayādis, Ulladans, Malayans, and
Kādars. The Pulayas in the southern parts of the State have to stand at a distance of 90
feet from Brāhmans and 64 feet from Nāyars, and this distance gradually diminishes
towards the lower castes. They are polluted by Pula Cherumas, Parayas, Nayādis, and
Ulladans. [The Pula Cherumas are said to eat beef, and sell the hides of cattle.] The
Kanakka Cherumas of the Chittūr tāluk pollute Era Cherumas and Konga Cherumas by
touch, and by approach within a distance of seven or eight feet, and are themselves

polluted by Pula Cherumas, Parayas, and Vettuvans, who have to stand at the same
distance. Pulayas and Vettuvans bathe when they approach one another, for their status is
a point of dispute as to which is superior to the other. When defiled by the touch of a
Nayādi, a Cheruman has to bathe in seven tanks, and let a few drops of blood flow from
one of his fingers. A Brāhman who enters the compound of a Pulayan has to change his
holy thread, and take panchagavyam (the five products of the cow) so as to be purified
from pollution. The Valluva Pulayan of the Trichūr tāluk fasts for three days, if he
happens to touch a cow that has been delivered of a calf. He lives on toddy and tender
cocoanuts. He has also to fast three days after the delivery of his wife.” In ordinary
conversation in Malabar, such expressions as Tiya-pād or Cheruma-pād (that is, the
distance at which a Tiyan or Cheruman has to keep) are said to be commonly used.30

By Mr. T. K. Gopal Panikkar the Cherumans are described31 as “a very inferior race,
who are regarded merely as agricultural instruments in the hands of the landlords their
masters, who supply them with houses on their estates. Their daily maintenance is
supplied to them by their masters themselves. Every morning the master’s agent
summons them to his house, and takes them away to work in the fields, in ploughing,
drawing water from wells, and in short doing the whole of the cultivation. In the evening
a certain quantity of paddy (unhusked rice) is distributed to them as wages. Both theory
and practice, in the great majority of cases, are that they are fed at the master’s cost the
whole year round, whether they work in the fields or not. But it is very seldom that they
can have a holiday, regard being had to the nature of agriculture in Malabar. It is the
Cheruma that should plough the land, sow the seed, transplant the seedlings, regulate the
flow of water in the fields, uproot the weeds, and see that the crops are not destroyed by
animals, or stolen. When the crops ripen, he has to keep watch at night. The sentry house
consists of a small oval-shaped portable roof, constructed of palmyra and cocoanut
leaves, supported by four posts, across which are tied bamboos, which form the
watchman’s bed. Wives sometimes accompany their husbands in their watches. When
the harvest season approaches, the Cheruman’s hands are full. He has to cut the crops,
carry them to the barn (kalam), separate the corn from the stalk, and winnow it. The
second crop operations immediately follow, and the Cheruma has to go through all these
processes again. It is in the summer season that his work is light, when he is set to
prepare vegetable gardens, or some odd job is found for him by his master. The old,
infirm, and the children look after their master’s cattle. Receiving his daily pittance of
paddy, the Cheruman enters his hut, and reserves a portion of it for the purchase of salt,
chillies, toddy, tobacco, and dried fish. The other portion is reserved for food. The
Cheruman spends the greater part of his wages on toddy. It is a very common sight in
Malabar to see a group of Cherumans, including women and children, sitting in front of
a toddy shop, the Cheruman transferring the unfinished portion of the toddy to his wife,
and the latter to the children. A Cheruman, however, rarely gets intoxicated, or commits
crime. No recess is allowed to the Cherumans, except on national holidays and

celebrated temple festivals observed in honour of the goddess Bhagavati or Kāli, when
they are quite free to indulge in drink. On these days, their hire is given in advance. With
this they get intoxicated, and go to the poora-paramba or temple premises, where the
festival is celebrated, in batches of four, each one tying his hands to another’s neck, and
reciting every two seconds the peculiar sound:

Lallē lallē lallē ho.
Lallē lallē lallē ho.

“On the European plantations in the Wynād the Cherumans are in great request, and
many are to be seen travelling nowadays without fear in railway carriages on their way
to the plantations. A few also work in the gold mines of Mysore.”

Like other servile classes, the Cherumans possess special privileges on special
occasions. For example, at the chāl (furrow) ceremony in Malabar “the master of the
house, the cultivating agent, and Cherumans assemble in the barn, a portion of the yard
in front of the building is painted with rice-water, and a lighted bell-lamp is placed near
at hand with some paddy and rice, and several cups made of the leaves of the kanniram
(Strychnos nux-vomica)—as many cups as there are varieties of seed in the barn. Then,
placing implicit faith in his gods, and deceased ancestors, the master of the house opens
the barn door, followed by the Cheruman with a new painted basket containing the leaf
cups. The master then takes a handful of seed from a seed-basket, and fills one of the
cups, and the cultivating agent, head Cheruman, and others who are interested in a good
harvest, fill the cups till the seeds are exhausted. The basket, with the cups, is next taken
to the decorated portion of the yard. A new ploughshare is fastened to a new plough, and
a pair of cattle are brought on to the scene. Plough, cattle, and basket are all painted with
rice-water. A procession proceeds to the fields, on reaching which the head Cheruman
lays down the basket, and makes a mound of earth with the spade. To this a little manure
is added, and the master throws a handful of seed into it. The cattle are then yoked, and
one turn is ploughed by the head Cheruman. Inside this at least seven furrows are made,
and the plough is dropped to the right. An offering is made to Ganapathi (the elephant
god), and the master throws some seed into a furrow. Next the head Cheruman calls out
‘May the gods on high and the deceased ancestors bless the seed, which has been thrown
broadcast, and the cattle which are let loose; the mother and children of the house, the
master, and the slaves, may they also vouchsafe to us a good crop, good sunshine, and
good harvest.’ A cocoanut is then cut on the ploughshare, and from the cut portions
several deductions are made. If the hinder part is larger than the front one, the harvest
will be moderate. If the cut passes through the eyes of the nut, or if no water is left in the
cut portions, certain misfortune is foreboded. The cut fragments are then taken with a
little water inside them, and a leaf of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum) dropped in. If the
leaf turns to the right, a prosperous harvest is assured; whereas, if it turns to the left,
certain calamity will follow. This ceremonial concluded, there is much shouting, and the

names of all the gods may be heard called out in a confused prayer. The party then
breaks up, and the unused seeds are divided among the workmen.”32 At the ceremony in
Malabar, when the transplantation of rice is completed, during which a goat is sacrificed
to Mūni, the protector of cattle and field labourers, the officiating priest is generally the
cultivation agent of the family, who is a Nāyar, or sometimes a Cheruman.

In connection with the harvest ceremonial in Cochin, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes as
follows. “There are some curious customs connected with the harvest, prevailing among
the Pulayas of the southern parts of the State. Before reaping, the Pulaya headman asks
his master whether he may begin to reap. With his permission, he faces the east, and puts
the sickle to the stalks. The first bundle he reserves for the gods of his master, and the
second for those of his castemen. Before thrashing, the same headman takes a few
bundles of corn from the sheaf intended for their gods, and sprinkles toddy on them.
Another Pulayan does the same for the various reapers, and says, as he does so ‘Come,
thrashing corn, increase.’ This is called filling the thrashing floor, and each man thrashes
his own sheaves. When the thrashing is over, the headman puts his master’s sheaf in the
centre of the floor, and his own at a short distance outside, in order that the two sets of
gods may look kindly on them. The headman is privileged to measure the corn sitting
with his two assistants, saying ‘Come, paddy, increase,’ as he counts. He also calls out
‘Good paddy, one’, ‘bad paddy, two’, and so on, until he counts ten. The eleventh is the
share for the reaper. He takes a handful, and places it in a basket, half of which falls to
him, his assistants and the watchman, while the other half is given away in charity to the
poor men that come to the thrashing place. In the northern parts of the State, before
reaping, offerings of goats, fowls, and cocoanuts, are made to Mallan and Mūni. The
Cheruma headman faces east, and applies his sickle to the stalks, reserving the first stalk
for the deities above mentioned. The corn is thrashed and measured by one of them, and,
as he does so, he says ‘Labham’ (profit) for one, ‘Chetham’ (loss) for two, and counts up
to ten. The eleventh goes to the share of the reapers. Thus they get one para for every ten
paras of corn. The poor people that attend are also given a handful of the grain. After
reaping, the members of the castes named in the table below receive a small portion of
the corn for their services rendered to the farmers in the course of the months during
which cultivation has been carried on:—

Caste. Purpose for which paddy is given. Remuneration.
Carpenters For making and repairing ploughs, etc. A big bundle of
corn.
Blacksmiths For making sickles, knives, and other tools. Do.
Parayan For lifting and placing the loads of stalks on the Do.
heads of the Cherumans, who carry them to the
farmyard.

Caste. Purpose for which paddy is given. Remuneration.
Washerman or For keeping off birds, insects, etc., from the fields by Do.
Mannān. magic.
Vilkurup For treating Cherumas during their illness, and for Do.
shampooing them.
Kaniyan or For giving information of the auspicious times for Do.
astrologer. ploughing, sowing, transplanting and reaping, and
also of the time for giving rice, vegetables, oil, etc.,
to the Cherumas during the Onam festival.

“The Pulayans receive, in return for watching, a small portion of the field near the
watchman’s rest-hut, which is left unreaped for him. It fetches him a para of paddy.

“The Cherumas who are engaged in reaping get two bundles of corn each for every field.
For measuring the corn from the farmyard, a Cheruman gets an edangazhy of paddy, in
addition to his daily wage. Three paras of paddy are set apart for the local village deity.
During the month of Karkadakam, the masters give every Cheruman a fowl, some oil,
garlic, mustard, anise seeds, pepper, and turmeric. They prepare a decoction of seeds,
and boil the flesh of the fowl in it, which they take for three days, during which they are
allowed to take rest. Three days’ wages are also given in advance.”

In Travancore, a festival named Macam is held, of which the following account has been
published.33 “The Macam (tenth constellation Regulus, which follows Thiru Onam in
August), is regarded by Hindus as a day of great festivity. One must enjoy it even at the
cost of one’s children, so runs an adage. The day is considered to be so lucky that a girl
born under the star Regulus is verily born with a silver spoon in her mouth. It was on
Macam, some say, that the Dēvas, to free themselves from the curse they were put under
by a certain sage, had to churn the sea of milk to procure ambrosia. Be the cause which
led to the celebration what it may, the Hindus of the present day have ever been
enthusiastic in its observance; only some of the rude customs connected with it have
died out in the course of time, or were put a stop to by Government. Sham fights were,
and are still, in some places a feature of the day. Such a sham fight used to be carried on
at Pallam until, about a hundred years ago, it was stopped through the intervention of
Colonel Munro, the British Resident in Travancore. The place is still called Patanilam
(battle field), and the tank, on opposite sides of which the contending parties assembled,
Chorakulam (pool of blood). The steel swords and spears, of curious and various shapes,
and shields large enough to cover a man, are even now preserved in the local temple.
Many lives were lost in these fights. It is not generally known, even to people in these
parts, that a sham fight takes place on Macam and the previous day every year at a place
called Wezhapra, between the Changanacherry and Ambalapuzha taluks. Three banyan
trees mark the place. People, especially Pulayas and Pariahs, to the number of many

thousands, collect round the outside trees with steel swords, spears, and slings in their
hands. A small bund (embankment) separates the two parties. They have to perform
certain religious rites near the tree which stands in the middle, and, in doing so, make
some movements with their swords and spears to the accompaniment of music. If those
standing on one side of the bund cross it, a regular fight is the result. In order to avoid
such things, without at the same time interfering with their liberty to worship at the spot,
the Government this year made all the necessary arrangements. The Police were sent for
the purpose. Everything went off smoothly but for one untoward event. The people had
been told not to come armed with steel weapons, but with wooden ones. They had to put
them down, and were then allowed to go and worship.”

Of conversion to Muhammadanism at the present time, a good example is afforded by
the Cherumans. “This caste,” the Census Superintendent, 1881, writes, “numbered
99,009 in Malabar at the census of 1871, and, in 1881, is returned as only 64,735. There
are 40,000 fewer Cherumans than there would have been but for some disturbing
influence, and this is very well known to be conversion to Muhammadanism. The
honour of Islam once conferred on the Cheruman, he moves at one spring several places
higher than that which he originally occupied.” “Conversion to Muhammadanism,” Mr.
Logan writes, “has had a marked effect in freeing the slave caste in Malabar from their
former burthens. By conversion a Cheruman obtains a distinct rise in the social scale,
and, if he is in consequence bullied or beaten, the influence of the whole Muhammadan
community comes to his aid.” It has been noted34 that Cheruman converts to Islam take
part in the Moplah (Māppilla) outbreaks, which from time to time disturb the peace of
Malabar.

The home of the Cheruman is called a chāla or hut, which has a thatched roof of grass
and palm-leaves resembling an immense bee-hive. A big underground cell, with a ceiling
of planks, forms the granary of the occupants of these huts. The chief house furniture
consists of a pestle and mortar, and two or three earthenware pots.

The habitations of the Pulayas of Cochin are thus described by Mr. Anantha Krishna
Iyer. “Their huts are generally called madams, which are put up on the banks of fields, in
the middle of rice flats, or on trees along their borders, so as to enable them to watch the
crops after the toils of the day. They are discouraged from erecting better huts, under the
idea that, if settled more comfortably, they would be less inclined to move as cultivation
required. The madams are very poor huts, supported on four small posts, and thatched
with leaves. The sides are protected with the same kind of leaves. There is only one
room, and the floor, though slightly raised, is very damp during the rainy months. These
temporary buildings are removed after the harvest, and put up in places where
cultivation has to be carried on. All the members of the family sleep together in the same
hut. Small temporary huts are sometimes erected, which are little better than inverted
baskets. These are placed in the rice field while the crop is on the ground, and near the

stacks while it is being thrashed. In the northern parts of the State, the Pulaya huts are
made of mud walls, and provided with wooden doors. The roofs are of bamboo
framework thatched with palmyra palm leaves. The floor is raised, and the huts are
provided with pyals (raised platforms) on three sides. They have also small compounds
(grounds) around them. There is only one room inside, which is the sleeping apartment
of the newly married youngsters. The others, I am told, sleep on the verandahs. The
utensils consist of a few earthen pots for cooking and keeping water, and a few earthen
dishes for taking food. In addition to these, I found a wooden mortar, a few pestles, two
pans, two winnowing pans, a fish basket for each woman, a few cocoanut shells for
keeping salt and other things, a few baskets of their own making, in one of which a few
dirty cloths were placed, some mats of their own making, a bamboo vessel for measuring
corn, and a vessel for containing toddy.”

“During the rainy season, the Cherumas in the field wear a few green leaves, especially
those of the plantain tree, tied round their waists, and a small cone-shaped cap, made of
plantain leaf, is worn on the head. This practice, among the females, has fallen into
disuse in Malabar, though it is to some extent still found in the Native States. The
Cherumi is provided with one long piece of thick cloth, which she wraps round her
waist, and which does not even reach the knees. She does not cover the chest.”35 The
Cheruma females have been described as wearing, when at work in the open, a big oval-
shaped handleless umbrella covered with palm leaves, which they place on their back,
and which covers the whole of their person in the stooping attitude. The men use, during
the rainy season, a short-handled palm-leaf umbrella.

The women are profusely decorated with cheap jewelry of which the following are
examples:

1. Lobes of both ears widely dilated by rolled leaden ornaments. Brass, and two glass
bead necklets, string necklet with flat brass ornaments, the size of a Venetian sequin,
with device as in old Travancore gold coins, with two brass cylinders pendent behind,
and tassels of red cotton. Three brass rings on right little finger; two on left ring finger,
one brass and two steel bangles on left wrist.

2. Several bead necklets, and a single necklet of many rows of beads. Brass necklet like
preceding, with steel prong and scoop, for removing wax from the ears and picking
teeth, tied to one of the necklets. Attached to, and pendent from one necklet, three palm
leaf rolls with symbols and Malayālam inscription to act as a charm in driving away
devils. Three ornamental brass bangles on right forearm, two on left. Iron bangle on left
wrist. Thin brass ring in helix of each ear. Seventy thin brass rings (alandōti) with heavy
brass ornament (adikaya) in dilated lobe of each ear.

3. In addition to glass bead necklets, a necklet with heavy heart-shaped brass pendants.
String round neck to ward off fever.

4. String necklet with five brass cylinders pendent; five brass bangles on right wrist; six
brass and two iron bangles on left wrist.

Right hand, one copper and five brass rings on middle finger; one iron and three brass
rings on little finger.

Left hand, one copper and five brass rings on middle finger; three brass and two copper
rings on ring finger; one brass ring on little finger.

5. Trouser button in helix of left ear.

6. Brass bead necklet with pendent brass ornament with legend “Best superior umbrella
made in Japan, made for Fazalbhoy Peeroo Mahomed, Bombay.”

A Cheruman, at Calicut, had his hair long and unkempt, as he played the drum at the
temple. Another had the hair arranged in four matted plaits, for the cure of disease in
performance of a vow. A man who wore a copper cylinder on his loin string, containing a
brass strip with mantrams (consecrated formulæ) engraved on it, sold it to me for a rupee
with the assurance that it would protect me from devils.

Concerning the marriage ceremony of the Cherumans in Malabar, Mr. Appadorai Iyer
writes that “the bridegroom’s sister is the chief performer. It is she who pays the bride’s
price, and carries her off. The consent of the parents is required, and is signified by an
interchange of visits between the parents of the bride and bridegroom. During these
visits, rice-water (conji) is sipped. Before tasting the conji, they drop a fanam (local
coin) into the vessel containing it, as a token of assent to the marriage. When the
wedding party sets out, a large congregation of Cherumans follow, and at intervals
indulge in stick play, the women singing in chorus to encourage them ‘Let us see, let us
see the stick play (vadi tallu), Oh! Cheruman.’ The men and women mingle
indiscriminately in the dance during the wedding ceremony. On the return to the
bridegroom’s hut, the bride is expected to weep loudly, and deplore her fate. On entering
the bridegroom’s hut, she must tread on a pestle placed across the threshold.” During the
dance, the women have been described as letting down their hair, and dancing with a
tolerable amount of rhythmic precision amid vigorous drumming and singing. According
to another account, the bridegroom receives from his brother-in-law a kerchief, which
the giver ties round his waist, and a bangle which is placed on his arm. The bride
receives a pewter vessel from her brother. Next her cousin ties a kerchief round the
groom’s forehead, and sticks a betel leaf in it. The bride is then handed over to the
bridegroom.

Of the puberty and marriage ceremonies of the Pulayas of Cochin, the following detailed
account is given by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer. “When a Pulaya girl comes of age, she is
located in a separate hut. Five Vallons (headmen), and the castemen of the kara
(settlement), are invited to take part in the performance of the ceremony. A song, called
malapattu, is sung for an hour by a Parayan to the accompaniment of drum and pipe. The
Parayan gets a para of paddy, and his assistants three annas each. As soon as this is over,
seven cocoanuts are broken, and the water thereof is poured over the head of the girl,
and the broken halves are distributed among the five Vallons and seven girls who are
also invited to be present. Some more water is also poured on the girl’s head at the time.
She is lodged in a temporary hut for seven days, during which food is served to her at a
distance. She is forbidden to go out and play with her friends. On the morning of the
seventh day, the Vallons of the kara and the castemen are again invited. The latter bring
with them some rice, vegetables, and toddy, to defray the expenses of the feast. At dawn,
the mother of the girl gives oil to the seven Pulaya maidens, and to her daughter for an
oil-bath. They then go to a neighbouring tank (pond) or stream to bathe, and return
home. The girl is then neatly dressed, and adorned in her best. Her face is painted
yellow, and marked with spots of various colours. She stands before a few Parayas, who
play on their flute and drum, to cast out the demons, if any, from her body. The girl leaps
with frantic movements, if she is possessed by them. In that case, they transfer them to a
tree close by driving a nail into the trunk after due offerings. If she is not possessed, she
remains unmoved, and the Parayas bring the music to a close. The girl is again bathed
with her companions, who are all treated to a dinner. The ceremony then comes to an
end with a feast to the castemen. The ceremony described is performed by the Valluva
Pulayas in the southern parts, near and around the suburbs of Cochin, but is unknown
among other sub-tribes elsewhere. The devil-driving by the Parayas is not attended to.
Nor is a temporary hut erected for the girl to be lodged in. She is allowed to remain in a
corner of the hut, but is not permitted to touch others. She is bathed on the seventh day,
and the castemen, friends and relations, are invited to a feast.

“Marriage is prohibited among members of the same koottam (family group). In the
Chittūr tāluk, members of the same village do not intermarry, for they believe that their
ancestors may have been the slaves of some local landlord, and, as such, the descendants
of the same parents. A young man may marry among the relations of his father, but not
among those of his mother. In the Palghat tāluk, the Kanakka Cherumas pride
themselves on the fact that they avoid girls within seven degrees of relationship. The
marriage customs vary according to the sub-division. In the southern parts of the State,
Pulaya girls are married before puberty, while in other places, among the Kanakka
Cherumas and other sub-tribes, they are married both before and after puberty. In the
former case, when a girl has not been married before puberty, she is regarded as having
become polluted, and stigmatised as a woman whose age is known. Her parents and
uncles lose all claim upon her. They formally drive her out of the hut, and proceed to
purify it by sprinkling water mixed with cow-dung both inside and outside, and also with

sand. She is thus turned out of caste. She was, in former times, handed over to the
Vallon, who either married her to his own son, or sold her to a slave master. If a girl is
too poor to be married before puberty, the castemen of the kara raise a subscription, and
marry her to one of themselves.

“When a young Pulayan wishes to marry, he applies to his master, who is bound to
defray the expenses. He gives seven fanams36 to the bride’s master, one fanam worth of
cloth to the bride-elect, and about ten fanams for the marriage feast. In all, his expenses
amount to ten rupees. The ceremony consists in tying a ring attached to a thread round
the neck of the bride. This is provided by her parents. When he becomes tired of his
wife, he may dispose of her to any other person who will pay the expenses incurred at
the marriage. There are even now places where husband and wife serve different
masters, but more frequently they serve the same master. The eldest male child belongs
to the master of the mother. The rest of the family remain with the mother while young,
but, being the property of the owner, revert to him when of an age to be useful. She also
follows them, in the event of her becoming a widow. In some places, a man brings a
woman to his master, and says that he wishes to keep her as his wife. She receives her
allowance of rice, but may leave her husband as she likes, and is not particular in
changing one spouse for another. In other places, the marriage ceremonies of the Era
Cherumas are more formal. The bridegroom’s party goes to the bride’s hut, and presents
rice and betel leaf to the head of the family, and asks for the bride. Consent is indicated
by the bride’s brother placing some rice and cloth before the assembly, and throwing rice
on the headman of the caste, who is present. On the appointed day, the bridegroom goes
to the hut with two companions, and presents the girl with cloth and twelve fanams.
From that day he is regarded as her husband, and cohabitation begins at once. But the
bride cannot accompany him until the ceremony called mangalam is performed. The
bridegroom’s party goes in procession to the bride’s hut, where a feast awaits them. The
man gives sweetmeats to the girl’s brother. The caste priest recites the family history of
the two persons, and the names of their masters and deities. They are then seated before
a lamp and a heap of rice in a pandal (booth). One of the assembly gets up, and delivers
a speech on the duties of married life, touching on the evils of theft, cheating, adultery,
and so forth. Rice is thrown on the heads of the couple, and the man prostrates himself at
the feet of the elders. Next day, rice is again thrown on their heads. Then the party
assembled makes presents to the pair, a part of which goes to the priest, and a part to the
master of the husband. Divorce is very easy, but the money paid must be returned to the
woman.

“In the Ooragam proverthy of the Trichūr tāluk, I find that the marriage among the
Pulayas of that locality and the neighbouring villages is a rude form of sambandham
(alliance), somewhat similar to that which prevails among the Nāyars, whose slaves a
large majority of them are. The husband, if he may be so called, goes to the woman’s hut
with his wages, to stay therein with her for the night. They may serve under different

masters. A somewhat similar custom prevails among the Pula Cherumas of the Trichūr
tāluk. The connection is called Merungu Kooduka, which means to tame, or to associate
with.

“A young man, who wishes to marry, goes to the parents of the young woman, and asks
their consent to associate with their daughter. If they approve, he goes to her at night as
often as he likes. The woman seldom comes to the husband’s hut to stay with him,
except with the permission of the thamar (landlord) on auspicious occasions. They are at
liberty to separate at their will and pleasure, and the children born of the union belong to
the mother’s landlord. Among the Kanakka Cherumas in the northern parts of the State,
the following marital relations are in force. When a young man chooses a girl, the
preliminary arrangements are made in her hut, in the presence of her parents, relations,
and the castemen of the village. The auspicious day is fixed, and a sum of five fanams is
paid as the bride’s price. The members assembled are treated to a dinner. A similar
entertainment is held at the bridegroom’s hut to the bride’s parents, uncles, and others
who come to see the bridegroom. On the morning of the day fixed for the wedding, the
bridegroom and his party go to the bride’s hut, where they are welcomed, and seated on
mats in a small pandal put up in front of the hut. A muri (piece of cloth), and two small
mundus (cloths) are the marriage presents to the bride. A vessel full of paddy (unhusked
rice), a lighted lamp, and a cocoanut are placed in a conspicuous place therein. The bride
is taken to the booth, and seated by the side of the bridegroom. Before she enters it, she
goes seven times round it, with seven virgins before her. With prayers to their gods for
blessings on the couple, the tāli (marriage badge) is tied round the bride’s neck. The
bridegroom’s sister completes the knot. By a strange custom, the bride’s mother does not
approach the bridegroom, lest it should cause a ceremonial pollution. The ceremony is
brought to a close with a feast to those assembled. Toddy is an indispensable item of the
feast. During the night, they amuse themselves by dancing a kind of wild dance, in
which both men and women joyfully take part. After this, the bridegroom goes along to
his own hut, along with his wife and his party, where also they indulge in a feast. After a
week, two persons from the bride’s hut come to invite the married couple. The bride and
bridegroom stay at the bride’s hut for a few days, and cannot return to his hut unless an
entertainment, called Vathal Choru, is given him.

“The marriage customs of the Valluva Pulayas in the southern parts of the State,
especially in the Cochin and Kanayannūr tāluks, are more formal. The average age of a
young man for marriage is between fifteen and twenty, while that of a girl is between ten
and twelve. Before a young Pulayan thinks of marriage, he has to contract a formal and
voluntary friendship with another young Pulayan of the same age and locality. If he is
not sociably inclined, his father selects one for him from a Pulaya of the same or higher
status, but not of the same illam (family group). If the two parents agree among
themselves, they meet in the hut of either of them to solemnise it. They fix a day for the
ceremony, and invite their Vallon and the castemen of the village. The guests are treated

to a feast in the usual Pulaya fashion. The chief guest and the host eat together from the
same dish. After the feast, the father of the boy, who has to obtain a friend for his son,
enquires of the Vallon and those assembled whether he may be permitted to buy
friendship by the payment of money. They give their permission, and the boy’s father
gives the money to the father of the selected friend. The two boys then clasp hands, and
they are never to quarrel. The new friend becomes from that time a member of the boy’s
family. He comes in, and goes out of their hut as he likes. There is no ceremony
performed at it, or anything done without consulting him. He is thus an inseparable
factor in all ceremonies, especially in marriages. I suspect that the friend has some
claims on a man’s wife. The first observance in marriage consists in seeing the girl. The
bridegroom-elect, his friend, father and maternal uncle, go to the bride’s hut, to be
satisfied with the girl. If the wedding is not to take place at an early date, the
bridegroom’s parents have to keep up the claim on the bride-elect by sending presents to
her guardians. The presents, which are generally sweetmeats, are taken to her hut by the
bridegroom and his friends, who are well fed by the mother of the girl, and are given a
few necessaries when they take leave of her the next morning. The next observance is
the marriage negotiation, which consists in giving the bride’s price, and choosing an
auspicious day in consultation with the local astrologer (Kaniyan). On the evening
previous to the wedding, the friends and relations of the bridegroom are treated to a feast
in his hut. Next day at dawn, the bridegroom and his friend, purified by a bath, and
neatly dressed in a white cloth with a handkerchief tied over it, and with a knife stuck in
their girdles, go to the hut of the bride-elect accompanied by his party, and are all well
received, and seated on mats spread on the floor. Over a mat specially made by the
bride’s mother are placed three measures of rice, some particles of gold, a brass plate,
and a plank with a white and red cover on it. The bridegroom, after going seven times
round the pandal, stands on the plank, and the bride soon follows making three rounds,
when four women hold a cloth canopy over her head, and seven virgins go in front of
her. The bride then stands by the side of the bridegroom, and they face each other. Her
guardian puts on the wedding necklace a gold bead on a string. Music is played, and
prayers are offered up to the sun to bless the necklace which is tied round the neck of the
girl. The bridegroom’s friend, standing behind, tightens the knot already made. The
religious part of the ceremony is now over, and the bridegroom and bride are taken
inside the hut, and food is served to them on the same leaf. Next the guests are fed, and
then they begin the poli or subscription. A piece of silk, or any red cloth, is spread on the
floor, or a brass plate is placed before the husband. The guests assembled put in a few
annas, and take leave of the chief host as they depart. The bride is soon taken to the
bridegroom’s hut, and her parents visit her the next day, and get a consideration in
return. On the fourth day, the bridegroom and bride bathe and worship the local deity,
and, on the seventh day, they return to the bride’s hut, where the tāli (marriage badge) is
formally removed from the neck of the girl, who is bedecked with brass beads round her
neck, rings on her ears, and armlets. The next morning, the mother-in-law presents her

son-in-law and his friend with a few necessaries of life, and sends them home with her
daughter.

“During the seventh month of pregnancy, the ceremony of puli kuti, or tamarind juice
drinking, is performed as among other castes. This is also an occasion for casting out
devils, if any, from the body. The pregnant woman is brought back to the hut of her own
family. The devil-driver erects a tent-like structure, and covers it with plantain bark and
leaves of the cocoanut palm. The flower of an areca palm is fixed at the apex. A
cocoanut palm flower is cut out and covered with a piece of cloth, the cut portion being
exposed. The woman is seated in front of the tent-like structure with the flower, which
symbolises the yet unborn child in the womb, in her lap. The water of a tender cocoanut
in spoons made of the leaf of the jack tree (Artocarpus integrifolia) is poured over the
cut end by the Vallon, guardian, and brothers and sisters present. The devil-driver then
breaks open the flower, and, by looking at the fruits, predicts the sex of the child. If there
are fruits at the end nearest the stem, the child will live and, if the number of fruits is
even, there will be twins. There will be deaths if any fruit is not well formed. The devil-
driver repeats an incantation, whereby he invokes the aid of Kali, who is believed to be
present in the tent. He fans the woman with the flower, and she throws rice and a flower
on it. He repeats another incantation, which is a prayer to Kali to cast out the devil from
her body. This magical ceremony is called Garbha Bali (pregnancy offering). The
structure, with the offering, is taken up, and placed in a corner of the compound reserved
for gods. The devotee then goes through the remaining forms of the ceremony. She pours
into twenty-one leaf spoons placed in front of the tent a mixture of cow’s milk, water of
the tender cocoanut, flower, and turmeric powder. Then she walks round the tent seven
times, and sprinkles the mixture on it with a palm flower. Next she throws a handful of
rice and paddy, after revolving each handful round her head, and then covers the offering
with a piece of cloth. She now returns, and her husband puts into her mouth seven
globules of prepared tamarind. The devil-driver rubs her body with Phlomis (?) petals
and paddy, and thereby finds out whether she is possessed or not. If she is, the devil is
driven out with the usual offerings. The devil-driver gets for his services twelve
measures and a half of paddy, and two pieces of cloth. The husband should not, during
this period, get shaved.

“When a young woman is about to give birth to a child, she is lodged in a small hut near
her dwelling, and is attended by her mother and a few elderly women of the family. After
the child is born, the mother and the baby are bathed. The woman is purified by a bath
on the seventh day. The woman who has acted as midwife draws seven lines on the
ground at intervals of two feet from one another, and spreads over them aloe leaves torn
to shreds. Then, with burning sticks in the hand, the mother with the baby goes seven
times over the leaves backwards and forwards, and is purified. For these seven days, the
father should not eat anything made of rice. He lives on toddy, fruits, and other things.
The mother remains with her baby in the hut for sixteen days, when she is purified by a

bath so as to be free from pollution, after which she goes to the main hut. Her enangathi
(relation by marriage) sweeps the hut and compound, and sprinkles water mixed with
cow-dung on her body as she returns after the bath. In some places, the bark of athi
(Ficus glomerata) and ithi (Ficus Tsiela?) is well beaten and bruised, and mixed with
water. Some milk is added to this mixture, which is sprinkled both inside and outside the
hut. Only after this do they think that the hut and compound are purified. Among the
Cherumas of Palghat, the pollution lasts for ten days.

“The ear-boring ceremony is performed during the sixth or seventh year. The Vallon,
who is invited, bores the ears with a sharp needle. The wound is healed by applying
cocoanut oil, and the hole is gradually widened by inserting cork, a wooden plug, or a
roll of palm leaves. The castemen of the village are invited, and fed. The landlord gives
the parents of the girl three paras of paddy, and this, together with what the guests bring,
goes to defray the expenses of the ceremony. After the meal they go, with drum-beating,
to the house of the landlord, and present him with a para of beaten rice, which is
distributed among his servants. The ear-borer receives eight edangazhis of paddy, a
cocoanut, a vessel of rice, and four annas.

“A woman found to be having intercourse with a Paraya is outcasted. She becomes a
convert to Christianity or Mahomedanism. If the irregularity takes place within the caste,
she is well thrashed, and prevented from resorting to the bad practice. In certain cases,
when the illicit connection becomes public, the castemen meet with their Vallon, and
conduct a regular enquiry into the matter, and pronounce a verdict upon the evidence. If
a young woman becomes pregnant before marriage, her lover, should he be a Pulaya, is
compelled to marry her, as otherwise she would be placed under a ban. If both are
married, the lover is well thrashed, and fined. The woman is taken before a Thandan
(Izhuva headman), who, after enquiry, gives her the water of a tender cocoanut, which
she is asked to drink, when she is believed to be freed from the sin. Her husband may
take her back again as his wife, or she is at liberty to marry another. The Thandan gets a
few annas, betel leaves and areca nuts, and tobacco. Both the woman’s father and the
lover are fined, and the fine is spent in the purchase of toddy, which is indulged in by
those present at the time. In the northern parts of the State, there is a custom that a young
woman before marriage mates with one or two paramours with the connivance of her
parents. Eventually one of them marries her, but this illicit union ceases at once on
marriage.”

Of the death ceremonies among the Cherumas of South Malabar, I gather that “as soon
as a Cheruman dies, his jenmi or landlord is apprised of the fact, and is by ancient
custom expected to send a field spade, a white cloth, and some oil. The drummers of the
community are summoned to beat their drums in announcement of the sad event. This
drumming is known as parayadikka. The body is bathed in oil, and the near relatives
cover it over with white and red cloths, and take it to the front yard. Then the relatives

have a bath, after which the corpse is removed to the burying ground, where a grave is
dug. All those who have come to the interment touch the body, which is lowered into the
grave after some of the red cloths have been removed. A mound is raised over the grave,
a stone placed at the head, another at the feet, and a third in the centre. The funeral
cortège, composed only of males, then returns to the house, and each member takes a
purificatory bath. The red cloths are torn into narrow strips, and a strip handed over as a
sacred object to a relative of the deceased. Meanwhile, each relative having on arrival
paid a little money to the house people, toddy is purchased, and served to the assembly.
The mourners in the house have to fast on the day of the death. Next morning they have
a bath, paddy is pounded, and gruel prepared for the abstainers. An elder of the
community, the Avakāsi, prepares a little basket of green palm leaves. He takes this
basket, and hangs it on a tree in the southern part of the compound (grounds). The gruel
is brought out, and placed on a mortar in the same part of the compound. Spoons are
made out of jack (Artocarpus integrifolia) leaves, and the elder serves out the gruel.
Then the relatives, who have gathered again, make little gifts of money and rice to the
house people. Vegetable curry and rice are prepared, and served to the visitors. A quaint
ceremony called ooroonulka is next gone through. A measure of rice and a measure of
paddy in husk are mixed, and divided into two shares. Four quarter-anna pieces are
placed on one heap, and eight on the other. The former share is made over to the house
people, and from the latter the Avakāsi removes four of the coins, and presents one to
each of the four leading men present. These four men must belong to the four several
points of the compass. The remaining copper is taken by the elder. From his share of rice
and paddy he gives a little to be parched and pounded. This is given afterwards to the
inmates. The visitors partake of betel and disperse, being informed that the Polla or post-
obituary ceremony will come off on the thirteenth day. On the forenoon of this day, the
relatives again gather at the mourning place. The inmates of the house bathe, and fish
and rice are brought for a meal. A little of the fish is roasted over a fire, and each one
present just nibbles at it. This is done to end pollution. After this the fish may be freely
eaten. Half a seer or a measure of rice is boiled, reduced to a pulpy mass, and mixed with
turmeric powder. Parched rice and the powder that remains after the rice has been
pounded, a cocoanut and tender cocoanut, some turmeric powder, plantain leaves, and
the rice that was boiled and coloured with turmeric, are then taken to the burial ground
by the Avakāsi, a singer known as a Kallādi or Moonpatkāren, and one or two close
relatives of the departed. With the pulped rice the elder moulds the form of a human
being. At the head of the grave a little mound is raised, cabalistic lines are drawn across
it with turmeric, and boiled rice powder and a plantain leaf placed over the lines. The
cocoanut is broken, and its kernel cut out in rings, each of which is put over the effigy,
which is then placed recumbent on the plantain leaf. Round the mound, strings of jungle
leaves are placed. Next the elder drives a pole into the spot where the chest of the dead
person would be, and it is said that the pole must touch the chest. On one side of the pole
the tender cocoanut is cut and placed, and on the other a shell containing some toddy.

Then a little copper ring is tied on to the top of the pole, oil from a shell is poured over
the ring, and the water from the tender cocoanut and toddy are in turn similarly poured.
After this mystic rite, the Kallādi starts a mournful dirge in monotone, and the other
actors in the solemn ceremony join in the chorus. The chant tells of the darkness and the
nothingness that were before the creation of the world, and unfolds a fanciful tale of how
the world came to be created. The chant has the weird refrain Oh! ho! Oh! ho. On its
conclusion, the effigy is left at the head of the grave, but the Kallādi takes away the pole
with him. The performers bathe and return to the house of mourning, where the Kallādi
gets into a state of afflation. The spirit of the departed enters into him, and speaks
through him, telling the mourners that he is happy, and does not want them to grieve
over much for him. The Kallādi then enters the house, and, putting a heap of earth in the
corner of the centre room, digs the pole into it. A light is brought and placed there, as
also some toddy, a tender cocoanut, and parched rice. The spirit of the deceased,
speaking again through the Kallādi, thanks his people for their gifts, and beseeches them
to think occasionally of him, and make him periodical offerings. The assembly then
indulge in a feed. Rice and paddy are mixed together and divided into two portions, to
one of which eight quarter-annas, and to the other twelve quarter-annas are added. The
latter share falls to the Avakāsi, while from the former the mixture and one quarter-anna
go to the Kallādi, and a quarter-anna to each of the nearest relatives. The basket which
had been hung up earlier in the day is taken down and thrown away, and the jenmi’s
spade is returned to him.”37

It is noted by Mr. Logan that “the Cherumans, like other classes, observe death pollution.
But, as they cannot at certain seasons afford to be idle for fourteen days consecutively,
they resort to an artifice to obtain this end. They mix cow-dung and paddy, and make it
into a ball, and place the ball in an earthen pot, the mouth of which they carefully close
with clay. The pot is laid in a corner of the hut, and, as long as it remains unopened, they
remain free from pollution, and can mix among their fellows. On a convenient day they
open the pot, and are instantly seized with pollution, which continues for forty days.
Otherwise fourteen days consecutive pollution is all that is required. On the forty-first or
fifteenth day, as the case may be, rice is thrown to the ancestors, and a feast follows.”

The following account of the death ceremonies is given by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer.
“When a Pulayan is dead, the castemen in the neighbourhood are informed. An offering
is made to the Kodungallūr Bhagavati, who is believed by the Pulayas to watch over
their welfare, and is regarded as their ancestral deity. Dead bodies are generally buried.
The relatives, one by one, bring a new piece of cloth, with rice and paddy tied at its four
corners, for throwing over the corpse. The cloth is placed thereon, and they cry aloud
three times, beating their breasts, after which they retire. A few Parayas are invited to
beat drums, and play on their musical instruments—a performance which is continued
for an hour or two. After this, a few bits of plantain leaves, with rice flour and paddy, are
placed near the corpse, to serve as food for the spirit of the dead. The bier is carried to

the graveyard by six bearers, three on each side. The pit is dug, and the body covered
with a piece of cloth. After it has been lowered into it, the pit is filled in with earth.
Twenty-one small bits of leaves are placed over the grave, above the spot where the
mouth of the dead man is, with a double-branched twig fixed to the centre, a cocoanut is
cut open, and its water is allowed to flow in the direction of the twig which represents
the dead man’s mouth. Such of the members of the family as could not give him kanji
(rice gruel) or boiled rice before death, now give it to him. The six coffin-bearers
prostrate themselves before the corpse, three on each side of the grave. The priest then
puts on it a ripe and tender cocoanut for the spirit of the dead man to eat and drink. Then
all go home, and indulge in toddy and aval (beaten rice). The priest gets twelve measures
of rice, the grave-diggers twelve annas, the Vallon two annas, and the coffin-bearers each
an anna. The son or nephew is the chief mourner, who erects a mound of earth on the
south side of the hut, and uses it as a place of worship. For seven days, both morning and
evening, he prostrates himself before it, and sprinkles the water of a tender cocoanut on
it. On the eighth day, his relatives, friends, the Vallon, and the devil-driver assemble
together. The devil-driver turns round and blows his conch, and finds out the position of
the ghost, whether it has taken up its abode in the mound, or is kept under restraint by
some deity. Should the latter be the case, the ceremony of deliverance has to be
performed, after which the spirit is set up as a household deity. The chief mourner bathes
early in the morning, and offers a rice-ball (pinda bali) to the departed spirit. This he
continues for fifteen days. On the morning of the sixteenth day, the members of the
family bathe to free themselves from pollution, and their enangan cleans the hut and the
compound by sweeping and sprinkling water mixed with cow-dung. He also sprinkles
the members of the family, as they return after the bath. The chief mourner gets shaved,
bathes, and returns to the hut. Some boiled rice, paddy, and pieces of cocoanut, are
placed on a plantain leaf, and the chief mourner, with the members of his family, calls on
the spirit of the dead to take them. Then they all bathe, and return home. The castemen,
who have assembled there by invitation, are sumptuously fed. The chief mourner allows
his hair to grow as a sign of mourning (diksha), and, after the expiry of the year, a
similar feast is given to the castemen.”

The Cherumans are said by Mr. Gopal Panikkar to “worship certain gods, who are
represented by rude stone images. What few ceremonies are in force amongst them are
performed by priests selected from their own ranks, and these priests are held in great
veneration by them. They kill cocks as offerings to these deities, who are propitiated by
the pouring on some stones placed near them of the fresh blood that gushes from the
necks of the birds.” The Cherumans are further said to worship particular sylvan gods,
garden deities, and field goddesses. In a note on cannibalism,38 the writer states that
“some sixteen years ago a Nair was murdered in Malabar by some Cherumans. The body
was mutilated, and, on my asking the accused (who freely confessed their crime) why
had this been done? they answered ‘Tinnāl pāpam tīrum, i.e., if one eats, the sin will
cease’.” It is a common belief among various castes of Hindus that one may kill,

provided it is done for food, and this is expressed in the proverb Konnapāvam thīnnāl
thirum, or the sin of killing is wiped away by eating. The Cheruman reply probably
referred only to the wreaking of vengeance, and consequent satisfaction, which is often
expressed by the lower classes in the words pasi thirndadu, or hunger is satisfied.

Concerning the religion of the Pulayas, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes as follows.
“The Pulayas are animists, but are slowly coming on to the higher forms of worship.
Their gods are Parakutty, Karinkutty, Chathan, and the spirits of their ancestors.
Offerings to these gods are given on Karkadaka and Makara Sankrantis, Onam, Vishu,
and other auspicious days, when one of the Pulayas present turns Velichapad (oracle),
and speaks to the assembly as if by inspiration. They are also devout worshippers of Kali
or Bhagavati, whose aid is invoked in all times of danger and illness. They take part in
the village festivals celebrated in honour of her. Kodungallur Bhagavati is their guardian
deity. The deity is represented by an image or stone on a raised piece of ground in the
open air. Their priest is one of their own castemen, and, at the beginning of the new year,
he offers to the goddess fowls, fruits, and toddy. The Pulayas also believe that spirits
exercise an influence over the members of their families, and therefore regular offerings
are given to them every year on Sankranti days. The chief festivals in which the Pulayas
take part are the following:—

1. Pooram Vela.—This, which may be described as the Saturnalia of Malabar, is an
important festival held at the village Bhagavati temple. It is a festival, in which the
members of all castes below Brāhmans take part. It takes place either in Kumbham
(February–March), or Meenam (March–April). The Cherumas of the northern part, as
well as the Pulayas of the southern parts of the State, attend the festival after a
sumptuous meal and toddy drinking, and join the procession. Toy horses are made, and
attached to long bamboo poles, which are carried to the neighbourhood of the temple. As
they go, they leap and dance to the accompaniment of pipe and drum. One among them
who acts as a Velichapad (devil-dancer) goes in front of them, and, after a good deal of
dancing and loud praying in honour of the deity, they return home.

2. Vittu Iduka.—This festival consists in putting seeds, or bringing paddy seeds to the
temple of the village Bhagavati. This also is an important festival, which is celebrated on
the day of Bharani, the second lunar day in Kumbham. Standing at a distance assigned to
them by the village authorities, where they offer prayers to Kali, they put the paddy
grains, which they have brought, on a bamboo mat spread in front of them, after which
they return home. In the Chittūr tāluk, there is a festival called Kathiru, celebrated in
honour of the village goddess in the month of Vrischikam (November-December), when
these people start from the farms of their masters, and go in procession, accompanied
with the music of pipe and drum. A special feature of the Kathiru festival is the presence,
at the temple of the village goddess, of a large number of dome-like structures made of
bamboo and plantain stems, richly ornamented, and hung with flowers, leaves, and ears

of corn. These structures are called sarakootams, and are fixed on a pair of parallel
bamboo poles. These agrestic serfs bear them in grand processions, starting from their
respective farms, with pipe and drum, shouting and dancing, and with fireworks. Small
globular packets of palmyra leaves, in which are packed handfuls of paddy rolled up in
straw, are also carried by them in huge bunches, along with the sarakootams. These
packets are called kathirkootoos (collection of ears of corn), and are thrown among the
crowd of spectators all along the route of the procession, and also on arrival at the
temple. The spectators, young and old, scramble to obtain as many of the packets as
possible, and carry them home. They are then hung in front of the houses, for it is
believed that their presence will help in promoting the prosperity of the family until the
festival comes round again next year. The greater the number of these trophies obtained
for a family by its members, the greater, it is believed, will be the prosperity of the
family. The festival is one of the very few occasions on which Pulayas and other agrestic
serfs, who are supposed to impart, so to speak, a long distant atmospheric pollution, are
freely allowed to enter villages, and worship in the village temples, which generally
occupy central positions in the villages. Processions carrying sarakootams and
kathirkootoos start from the several farms surrounding the village early enough to reach
the temple about dusk in the evening, when the scores of processions that have made
their way to the temple merge into one great concourse of people. The sarakootams are
arranged in beautiful rows in front of the village goddess. The Cherumas dance, sing,
and shout to their hearts content. Bengal lights are lighted, and fireworks exhibited.
Kathirkootoos are thrown by dozens and scores from all sides of the temple. The crowd
then disperses. All night, the Pulayas and other serfs, who have accompanied the
procession to the temple, are, in the majority of cases, fed by their respective masters at
their houses, and then all go back to the farms.

3. Mandalam Vilakku.—This is a forty-one days’ festival in Bhagavati temples,
extending from the first of Vrischikam (November-December) to the tenth of Dhanu
(December-January), during which temples are brightly illuminated both inside and
outside at night. There is much music and drum-beating at night, and offerings of cooked
peas or Bengal gram, and cakes, are made to the goddess, after which they are
distributed among those present. The forty-first day, on which the festival terminates, is
one of great celebration, when all castemen attend at the temple. The Cherumas,
Malayars, and Eravallars attend the festival in Chittūr. They also attend the Konga Pata
festival there. In rural parts of the State, a kind of puppet show performance (olapava
koothu) is acted by Kusavans (potters) and Tamil Chettis, in honour of the village deity,
to which they contribute their share of subscription. They also attend the cock festival of
Cranganore, and offer sacrifices of fowls.”

For the following note on the religion of the Pulayas of Travancore, I am indebted to Mr.
N. Subramani Iyer. “The Pulayas worship the spirits of deceased ancestors, known as
Chāvars. The Mātan, and the Anchu Tamprakkal, believed by the better informed section

of the caste to be the five Pāndavas, are specially adored. The Pulayas have no temples,
but raise squares in the midst of groves, where public worship is offered. Each Pulaya
places three leaves near each other, containing raw rice, beaten rice, and the puveri
(flowers) of the areca palm. He places a flower on each of these leaves, and prays with
joined hands. Chāvars are the spirits of infants, who are believed to haunt the earth,
harassed by a number of unsatisfied cravings. This species of supernatural being is held
in mingled respect and terror by Pulayas, and worshipped once a year with diverse
offerings. Another class of deities is called Tēvaratumpuran, meaning gods whom high
caste Hindus are in the habit of worshipping at Parassalay; the Pulayas are given certain
special concessions on festival days. Similar instances may be noted at Ochira,
Kumaranallur, and Nedumangad. At the last mentioned shrine, Mateer writes,39 ‘where
two or three thousand people, mostly Sudras and Izhuvas, attend for the annual festival
in March, one-third of the whole are Parayas, Kuravas, Vēdars, Kanikkars, and Pulayas,
who come from all parts around. They bring with them wooden models of cows, neatly
hung over, and covered, in imitation of shaggy hair, with ears of rice. Many of these
images are brought, each in a separate procession from its own place. The headmen are
finely dressed with cloths stained purple at the edge. The image is borne on a bamboo
frame, accompanied by a drum, and men and women in procession, the latter wearing
quantities of beads, such as several strings of red, then several of white, or strings of
beads, and then a row of brass ornaments like rupees, and all uttering the Kurava cry.
These images are carried round the temple, and all amuse themselves for the day.’ By far
the most curious of the religious festivals of the Pulayas is what is known as the Pula
Saturday in Makaram (January-February) at Sastamkotta in the Kunnattur tāluk. It is an
old observance, and is most religiously gone through by the Pulayas every year. The
Valluvan, or caste priest, leads the assembled group to the vicinity of the banyan tree in
front of the temple, and offerings of a diverse nature, such as paddy, roots, plantain
fruits, game, pulse, coins, and golden threads are most devoutly made. Pulayas assemble
for this ceremony from comparatively distant places. A deity, who is believed to be the
most important object of worship among the Pulayas, is Utaya Tampuran, by which
name they designate the rising sun. Exorcism and spirit-dancing are deeply believed in,
and credited with great remedial virtues. The Kokkara, or iron rattle, is an instrument
that is freely used to drive out evil spirits. The Valluvan who offers animal sacrifices
becomes immediately afterwards possessed, and any enquiries may be put to him
without it being at all difficult for him to furnish a ready answer. In North Travancore,
the Pulayas have certain consecrated buildings of their own, such as Kamancheri,
Omkara Bhagavathi, Yakshi Ampalam, Pey Koil, and Valiyapattu Muttan, wherein the
Valluvan performs the functions of priesthood. The Pulayas believe in omens. To see
another Pulaya, to encounter a Native Christian, to see an Izhuva with a vessel in the
hand, a cow behind, a boat containing rice or paddy sacks, etc., are regarded as good
omens. On the other hand, to be crossed by a cat, to see a fight between animals, to be
encountered by a person with a bundle of clothes, to meet people carrying steel

instruments, etc., are looked upon as very bad omens. The lizard is not believed to be a
prophet, as it is by members of the higher castes.”

Concerning the caste government of the Pulayas of Travancore, Mr. Subramania Iyer
writes as follows. “The Ayikkara Yajamanan, or Ayikkara Tamara (king) is the head of
the Pulaya community. He lives at Vayalar in the Shertalley tāluk in North Travancore,
and takes natural pride in a lace cap, said to have been presented to one of his ancestors
by the great Cheraman Perumāl. Even the Parayas of North Travancore look upon him as
their legitimate lord. Under the Tamara are two nominal headmen, known as Tatteri
Achchan and Mannat Koil Vallon. It is the Ayikkara Tamara who appoints the Valluvans,
or local priests, for every kara, for which they are obliged to remunerate him with a
present of 336 chuckrams. The Pulayas still keep accounts in the earliest Travancorean
coins (chuckrams). The Valluvan always takes care to obtain a written authority from the
Tamara, before he begins his functions. For every marriage, a sum of 49 chuckrams and
four mulikkas40 have to be given to the Tamara, and eight chuckrams and one mulikka to
the Valluvan. The Valluvan receives the Tamara’s dues, and sends them to Vayalar once
or twice a year. Beyond the power of appointing Valluvans and other office-bearers, the
authority of the Tamara extends but little. The Valluvans appointed by him prefer to call
themselves Head Valluvans, as opposed to the dignitaries appointed in ancient times by
temple authorities and other Brāhmans, and have a general supervising power over the
Pulayas of the territory that falls under their jurisdiction. Every Valluvan possesses five
privileges, viz., (1) the long umbrella, or an umbrella with a long bamboo handle; (2) the
five-coloured umbrella; (3) the bracelet of honour; (4) a long gold ear-ring; (5) a box for
keeping betel leaves. They are also permitted to sit on stools, to make use of carpets, and
to employ kettle-drums at marriage ceremonials. The staff of the Valluvan consists of (1)
the Kuruppan or accountant, who assists the Valluvan in the discharge of his duties; (2)
the Komarattan or exorciser; (3) the Kaikkaran or village representative; (4) the
Vatikkaran, constable or sergeant. The Kuruppan has diverse functions to perform, such
as holding umbrellas, and cutting cocoanuts from trees, on ceremonial occasions. The
Vatikkaran is of special importance at the bath that succeeds a Pulaya girl’s first menses.
Adultery is looked upon as the most heinous of offences, and used to be met with
condign punishment in times of old. The woman was required to thrust her hand into a
vessel of boiling oil, and the man was compelled to pay a fine of 336 or 64 chuckrams,
according as the woman with whom he connected himself was married or not, and was
cast out of society after a most cruel rite called Ariyum Pirayum Tittukka, the precise
nature of which does not appear to be known. A married woman is tried by the Valluvan
and other officers, when she shows disobedience to her husband.”

It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, that, “in the Palghat tāluk of South Malabar, it is
said that the Cherumas in former times used to hold grand meetings for cases of theft,
adultery, divorce, etc., at Kannati Kutti Vattal. These assemblies consisted of the
members of their caste in localities between Valayar forests and Karimpuzha (in

Valluvanād tāluk), and in those between the northern and southern hills. It is also said
that their deliberations used to last for several days together. In the event of anybody
committing a crime, the punishment inflicted on him was a fine of a few rupees, or
sometimes a sound thrashing. To prove his innocence, a man had to swear ‘By Kannati
Swarupam (assembly) I have not done it.’ It was held so sacred that no Cheruman who
had committed a crime would swear falsely by this assembly. As time went on, they
found it difficult to meet, and so left off assembling together.”

In connection with the amusements of the Pulayas, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes that
“their games appear to be connected in some way with their religious observances. Their
favourite dance is the kole kali, or club dance. A party of ten or twelve men, provided
with sticks, each a yard in length, stand in a circle, and move round, striking at the
sticks, keeping time with their feet, and singing at the same time. The circle is alternately
widened and narrowed. Vatta kali is another wild dance. This also requires a party of ten
or twelve men, and sometimes young women join them. The party move in a circle,
clapping their hands while they sing a kind of rude song. In thattinmel kali, four wooden
poles are firmly stuck in the ground, two of which are connected by two horizontal
pieces of wood, over which planks are arranged. A party of Pulayas dance on the top of
this, to the music of their pipe and drum. This is generally erected in front of the
Bhagavati temple, and the dancing takes place immediately after the harvest. This is
intended to propitiate the goddess. Women perform a circular dance on the occasions of
marriage celebrations.”

The Cherumas and Pulayas are, like the Koragas of South Canara, short of stature, and
dark-skinned. The most important measurements of the Cherumans whom I investigated
at Calicut were as follows:—

Stature, cm. Nasal index. Cephalic index.
Average. Average. Average.
Males 157.5 78.1 73.9
Females 147.8 77. 74.8

Cheruppu-katti (shoemaker).—Said to be a Malayālam synonym for Mādiga.

Chetti.—It is noted in the Census Report, 1891, that “the name Chetti is used both to
denote a distinct caste, and also a title, and people bearing this title describe themselves
loosely as belonging to the Chetti caste, in the same way as a Vellāla will say that he is a
Mudali. This use of Chetti has caused some confusion in the returns, for the sub-
divisions show that many other castes have been included as well as Chetti proper.”
Again, in the Census Report, 1901, it is recorded that “Chetti means trader, and is one of
those titular or occupational terms, which are often loosely employed as caste names.
The weavers, oil pressers, and others use it as a title, and many more tack it on to their

names, to denote that trade is their occupation. Strictly employed, it is nevertheless, the
name of a true caste.” The Chettis are so numerous, and so widely distributed, that their
many sub-divisions differ very greatly in their ways. The best known of them are the
Bēri Chettis, the Nagarattu Chettis, the Kāsukkar Chettis, and the Nāttukōttai Chettis. Of
these, the Bēri and Nāttukōttai Chettis are dealt with in special articles. The following
divisions of Chettis, inhabiting the Madura district, are recorded in my notes:—

(a) Men with head clean-shaved:—
Ilavagai or Karnakudi.
Sundaraththan.
Ariyūr.
Malampatti.
Pālayapattu.
Thedakōttai.
Periyakōttai-vellān.
Puliyangudi.
Vallam or Tiruvappūr.
Kurungalūr.
(b) Men with kudumi (hair knot):—
Puvaththukudi or Mannagudi.
Kiramangalam.
Vallanāttu.
Mārayakkāra.
Pandukudi or Manjapaththu.

Of these, the Puvaththukudi Chettis, who receive their name from a village in the
Tanjore district, are mostly itinerant petty traders and money-lenders, who travel about
the country. They carry on their shoulders a bag containing their personal effects, except
when they are cooking and sleeping. I am informed that the Puvaththukudi women
engage women, presumably with a flow of appropriate language ready for the occasion,
to abuse those with whom they have a quarrel. Among the Puvaththukudi Chettis,
marriages are, for reasons of economy, only celebrated at intervals of many years.
Concerning this custom, a member of the community writes to me as follows. “In our
village, marriages are performed only once in ten or fifteen years. My own marriage was
celebrated in the year Nandana (1892–93). Then seventy or eighty marriages took place.
Since that time, marriages have only taken place in the present year (1906). The god at
Avadaiyar kōvil (temple) is our caste god. For marriages, we must receive from that
temple garlands, sandal, and palanquins. We pay to the temple thirty-five rupees for
every bridegroom through our Nagaraththar (village headmen). The expenses incurred in
connection with the employment of washermen, barbers, nāgasaram (musical
instrument) players, talayāris (watchmen), carpenters, potters, blacksmiths, gurukkals
(priests), and garland-makers, are borne collectively and shared by the families in which

marriages are to take place.” Another Chetti writes that this system of clubbing
marriages together is practised at the villages of Puvaththukudi and Mannagudi, and that
the marriages of all girls of about seven years of age and upwards are celebrated. The
marriages are performed in batches, and the marriage season lasts over several months.

Palayasengadam in the Trichinopoly district is the head-quarters of a section of the
Chettis called the Pannirendām (twelfth) Chettis. “These are supposed to be descended
from eleven youths who escaped long ago from Kāvēripatnam, a ruined city in Tanjore.
A Chōla king, says the legend, wanted to marry a Chetti; whereupon the caste set fire to
the town, and only these eleven boys escaped. They rested on the Ratnagiri hill to divide
their property; but however they arranged it, it always divided itself into twelve shares
instead of eleven. The god of Ratnagiri then appeared, and asked them to give him one
share in exchange for a part of his car. They did so, and they now call themselves the
twelfth Chettis from the number of the shares, and at their marriages they carry the
bridegroom round in a car. They are said to be common in Coimbatore district.”41

At the census, 1871, some of the less fortunate traders returned themselves as “bankrupt
Chettis.”

The following castes and tribes are recorded as having assumed the title Chetti, or its
equivalent Setti:—

Balija. Telugu trading caste.
Bant. Tulu cultivating caste.
Bilimagga, Dēvānga, Patnūlkāran, Sāliyan, Sēdan, Seniyan. All weaving classes.
Dhōbi. Oriya washermen.
Gāniga. Oil pressers.
Gamalla. Telugu toddy-drawers.
Gauda. Canarese cultivators.
Gudigar. Canarese wood-carvers.
Jain.
Janappan. Said to have been originally a section of the Balijas, and manufacturers
of gunny-bags.
Kavarai. Tamil equivalent of Balija.
Kōmati. Telugu traders.
Koracha. A nomad tribe.
Kudumi. A Travancore caste, which does service in the houses of Konkani
Brāhmans.
Mandādan Chetti.
Mēdara. Telugu cane splitters and mat makers.
Nāyar. Occupational title of some Nāyars of Malabar.
Pattanavan. Tamil fishermen.

Pattapu. Fishermen in the Telugu country.
Sēnaikkudaiyān. Tamil betel-vine growers and traders.
Shānān. The great toddy-drawing class of the Tamil country.
Sonar. Goldsmiths.
Toreya. Canarese fishermen.
Uppiliyan. Salt-workers. Some style themselves Karpura (camphor) Chetti, because
they used to manufacture camphor.
Vāniyan. Tamil oil-pressers.
Wynaadan Chetti.

Of proverbs relating to Chettis,42 the following may be quoted:—

He who thinks before he acts is a Chetti, but he who acts without thinking is a fool.

When the Chetti dies, his affairs will become public.

She keeps house like a merchant caste woman, i.e., economically.

Though ruined, a Chetti is a Chetti, and, though torn, silk is still silk.

The Chetti reduced the amount of advance, and the weaver the quantity of silk in the border of the cloth.

From his birth a Chetti is at enmity with agriculture.

In a note on secret trade languages Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes as follows.43 “The
most interesting of these, perhaps, is that spoken by petty shopkeepers and cloth
merchants of Madras, who are mostly Moodellys and Chettis by caste. Their business
mostly consists in ready-money transactions, and so we find that they have a regular
table of numerals. Numbers one to ten have been given definite names, and they have
been so long in use that most of them do not understand the meaning of the terms they
use. Thus madi (mind) stands for one, mind being always represented in the Hindu
shastras as a single thing. Venē (act or deed) stands for two, for venē is of two kinds
only, nalvenē and thivenē or good and bad acts. Konam (quality) stands for three, since
three different sorts of qualities are recognised in Hindu metaphysics. These are rājasam,
thāmasam, and sāthmīkam. Shuruthi stands for four, for the Srutis or Vēdas are four in
numbers. Sara (arrow) stands for five, after Panchasara, the five-arrowed, a well-known
name of Manmatha, the Indian Cupid. Matha represents six, after the shan mathams or
six systems of Hindu philosophy. Thērē stands for seven, after the seven oceans
recognised by the Sanskrit geographers. Giri (mountain) represents eight, since it stands
for ashtagiri or the eight mountains of the Hindus. Mani stands for nine, after navamani,
the nine different sorts of precious stones recognised by the Hindus. Thisai represents
ten, from the ten points of the compass. The common name for rupee is vellē or the
white thing. Thangām vellē stands for half a rupee, pinji vellē for a quarter of a rupee,
and pū vellē for an eighth of a rupee. A fanam (or 1¼ annas) is known as shulai. The
principal objects with which those who use this language have to deal with are padi or

measure, vellē or rupee, and madi anā, one anna, so that madi padi means one measure,
madi vellē one rupee, and madi anā one anna. Similarly with the rest of the numerals.
The merchants of Trichinopoly have nearly the same table of numerals, but the names
for the fractions of a rupee vary considerably. Mūndri anā is, with them, one anna; ē anā
is two annas; pū anā is four annas; pani anā is eight annas and mūna anā is twelve annas.
Among them also vellē stands for a rupee. They have besides another table of numerals
in use, which is curious as being formed by certain letters of the Tamil alphabet. Thus
pīna stands for one, lāna for two, laina for three, yāna for four, līna for five, māna for six,
vāna for seven, nāna for eight, thīna for nine, and thuna for ten. These letters have been
strung into the mnemonic phrase Pillayalam Vanthathu, which literally means ‘the
children have come’. This table is also used in connection with measures, rupees, and
annas. Dealers in coarse country-made cloths all over Madras and the Chingleput district
have a table of their own. It is a very complete one from one pie to a thousand rupees.
Occasionally Hindu merchants are found using a secret language based on Hindustani.
This is the case in one part of Madras city. With them pāv khānē stands for one anna, ada
khānē for two annas, pāvak ruppē for one rupee, and so on. Brokers have terms of their
own. The Tamil phrase padiya par, when used by them, means ask less or say less,
according as it is addressed to the purchaser or seller. Similarly, mudukka par means ask
a higher price. When a broker says Sivan thāmbram, it is to be inferred that the price
given out by the seller includes his own brokerage. Telugu brokers have similar terms.
Among them, the phrase Malasu vakkādu and Nāsi vakkādu denote respectively increase
the rate, and decrease the rate stated.”

Chevvula (ears).—An exogamous sept of Bōya and Golla.

Cheyyakkāran.—A Malayālam form of the Canarese Servēgāra.

Chikala (broom).—An exogamous sept of Tōttiyan.

Chikka (small).—A sub-division of Kurni.

Chikkudu (Dolichos Lablab).—An exogamous sept of Mūka Dora.

Chilakala (paroquet).—An exogamous sept of Bōya, Kāpu and Yānādi.

Chilla (Strychnos potatorum: clearing-nut tree).—An exogamous sept of Kuruba, and
sub-division of Tōttiyan.

Chīmala (ant).—An exogamous sept of Bōya and Tsākala.

Chimpiga (tailor).—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a Lingāyat sub-
caste of Rangāri. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, Darjis are classified as follows:
—”(1) Darji, Chippiga, or Namdev; (2) Rangāre.” The first three, known by the

collective name of Darji, are professional tailors, while the Rangāres are also dyers and
calico printers.

Chimpiri (rags).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Chinērigādu.—A class of mendicants connected with the Padma Sālēs. (See Dēvānga.)

Chinda.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small caste of Oriya
cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam.

Chinese-Tamil Cross.—Halting in the course of an anthropological expedition on the
western side of the Nīlgiri plateau, I came across a small settlement of Chinese, who
have squatted for some time on the slopes of the hills between Naduvatam and Gudalūr
and developed, as the result of alliances with Tamil Pariah women, into a colony, earning
a modest livelihood by cultivating vegetables and coffee.

The original Chinese who arrived on the Nīlgiris were convicts from the Straits
Settlement, where there was no sufficient prison accommodation, who were confined in
the Nīlgiri jail. It is recorded44 that, in 1868, twelve of the Chinamen “broke out during a
very stormy night, and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for them.
They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight later. Some police weapons were found
in their possession, and one of the parties of police had disappeared—an ominous
circumstance. Search was made all over the country for the party, and at length their four
bodies were found lying in the jungle at Walaghāt, half way down the Sispāra ghāt path,
neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully placed on their shoulders.”

The measurements of a single family are recorded in the following table:—

Cephalic Cephalic Cephalic Nasal Nasal Nasal
length. breadth. index. length. breadth. index.
Tamil Mother of 18.1 13.9 76.8 4.7 3.7 78.7
Paraiyan. children.
Chinese Father of 18.6 14.6 78.5 5.3 3.8 71.7
children.
Chinese- Girl, aged 17.6 14.1 80.1 4.7 3.2 68.1
Tamil 18
Chinese- Boy, aged 18.1 14.3 79 4.6 3.3 71.7
Tamil 10
Chinese- Boy, aged 17 14 82.4 4.4 3.3 72.7
Tamil 9
Chinese- Boy, aged 17.1 13.7 80.1 4.1 2.8 68.3
Tamil 5

The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that, in the process of
conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged to “cut him tail off.” The mother was a
typical dark-skinned Tamil Paraiyan. The colour of the children was more closely allied
to the yellowish tint of the father than to that of the mother; and the semi-Mongol
parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose and (in one case) conspicuously
prominent cheek-bones.

To have recorded the entire series of measurements of the children would have been
useless for the purpose of comparison with those of the parents, and I selected from my
repertoire the length and breadth of the head and nose, which plainly indicate the
paternal influence on the external anatomy of the offspring. The figures given in the
table bring out very clearly the great breadth, as compared with the length, of the heads
of all the children, and the resultant high cephalic index. In other words, in one case a
mesaticephalic (79), and, in the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head (80.1;
80.1; 82.4) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic Chinaman (78.5) with a sub-
dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyan (76.8). How great is the breadth of the head in the
children may be emphasised by noting that the average head-breadth of the adult Tamil
Paraiyan man is only 13.7 cm., whereas that of the three boys, aged ten, nine, and five
only, was 14.3, 14, and 13.7 cm. respectively.

Quite as strongly marked is the effect of paternal influence on the character of the nose;
the nasal index, in the case of each child (68.1; 71.772; 7; 68.3), bearing a much closer
relation to that of the long-nosed father (71.7) than to the typical Paraiyan nasal index of
the broad-nosed mother (78.7).

It will be interesting to note hereafter what is the future of the younger members of this
quaint little colony, and to observe the physical characters, temperament, fecundity, and
other points relating to the cross breed resulting from the blend of Chinese and Tamil.

Chinna (little).—A sub-division of Bōya, Kunnuvan, Konda Dora, Pattanavan, and
Pattapu, and an exogamous sept of Māla. Chinna, chinnam, and chinnada, denoting gold,
occur as exogamous septs of Kuruba, Padma Sālē, Toreya, and Vakkaliga.

Chintala (tamarind: Tamarindus Indica).—An exogamous sept of Ghāsi, Golla, Mādiga,
and Māla. Chintyakula, or tamarind sept, occurs among the Kōmatis; chintaginjala
(tamarind seeds) as an exogamous sept of Padma Sālēs, and of Panta Reddis, who may
not touch or use the seeds; and Chintakai or Chintakayala (tamarind fruit) as an
exogamous sept of Bōyas and Devāngas.

Chirla (woman’s cloth).—An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Chitikan.—A synonym of Mārān, indicating one whose occupation relates to the funeral
pyre. A Chitikan, for example, performs the funeral rites for the Mūssads.

Chiti Karnam.—A name of the Oriya Karnam caste. A vulgar form of Sresta Karnam
(Sreshto Korono).

Chitra Ghāsi.—The Chitra Ghāsis, for the following note on whom I am indebted to
Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, are a class of artisans, whose name, meaning Ghāsis who make
artistic things, bears reference to their occupation. They are employed in the
manufacture of brass and bell-metal jewelry, such as is largely worn by the tribes
inhabiting the Jeypore Agency tracts, and are generally found attached to Kond and
Savara villages. They are a polluting class, and their dwellings are consequently situated
at some distance from the huts of the villagers. Their language is a corrupt form of
Oriya.

Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim his paternal aunt’s daughter in
marriage. When such a marriage is contemplated, his parents take a little rice and a pot
of liquor to the home of the paternal aunt. If they are accepted, it is taken as a sign that
the match is agreed to, and the jholla tonka (bride-price) of twelve rupees is paid. After
some time has elapsed, the bride is conducted to the home of her future husband, and the
marriage is there celebrated. A younger brother may marry the widow of an elder
brother, and, if such a woman contracts a marriage with some other man, her second
husband has to give a cow to the younger brother who has been passed over. The dead
are burnt, and death pollution is observed for three days, during which the caste
occupation is not carried on. On the third day, the ashes are collected together, and a
fowl is killed. The ashes are then buried, or thrown into running water.

Chitrakāra or Chitrakāro.—The Chitrakāros of Ganjam, who are a class of Oriya
painters (chitra, painting), are returned in the Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of
Muchi. In the Mysore Census Report, 1891, the Chitragāras are said to be “also called
Bannagāra of the Rāchevar (or Rāju) caste. They are painters, decorators and gilders,
and make trunks, palanquins, ‘lacquer’ toys and wooden images for temples, cars, etc.”
At Channapatna in Mysore, I interviewed a Telugu Chitrakāra, who was making toys out
of the white wood of Wrightia tinctoria. The wood was turned on a primitive lathe,
consisting of two steel spikes fixed into two logs of wood on the ground. Seated on the
floor in front of his lathe, the artisan chucked the wood between the spikes, and rotated it
by means of a bow held in the right hand, whereof the string was passed round the wood.
The chisel was held between the sole of the right foot and palm of the left hand. Colours
and varnish were applied to the rotating toy with sticks of paint like sealing-wax, and
strips of palm leaf smeared with varnish. In addition to the turned toys, models of fruits
were made from mud and sawdust, cane cradles made by Mēdaras were painted and
idols manufactured for the Holi festival at Bangalore, and the figure of Sidi Vīranna for
the local pseudo-hook-swinging ceremony. The Chitrakāras, whom I saw at Tumkūr, had
given up making toys, as it did not pay. They manufacture big wooden idols (grāma
dēvata), e.g., Ellamma and Māriamma, and vehicles for various deities in the shape of

bulls, snakes, peacocks, lions, tigers, and horses. They further make painted figures of
Lakshmi, and heads of Gauri, the wife of Siva, decorated with gold-leaf jewels, which
are worshipped by Brāhmans, Vakkaligas, Kōmatis, and others at the annual Gauri pūja;
and mandahāsa (god houses) with pillars carved with figures of Narasimha and
conventional designs. These mandahāsas serve as a receptacle for the household gods
(sālagrāma stone, lingam, etc.), which are worshipped daily by Smarta and Mādhva
Brāhmans. These Chitrakāras claimed to be Suryavamsam, or of the lunar race of
Kshatriyas, and wear the sacred thread.

Chitravaliar.—A synonym of Alavan.

Chōgan.—See Izhava.

Chōlapuram or Shōlavaram.—A sub-division of Chetti.

Chōliya Pattar.—A name for Pattar Brāhmans in Malabar.

Chondi.—See Sondi.

Chōutagāra.—A corrupt form of Chaptēgāra.

Chōvatton.—Priests of Mūttans and Tarakans.

Chuditiya.—See Kevuto.

Chunam (lime).—A sub-division of Toreyas, who are manufacturers of lime. Chunam,
made from calcined shells, limestone, etc., is largely used for building purposes, and the
chunam plaster of Madras has been long celebrated for its marble-like polish. Chunam is
also chewed with betel.

Chuvano.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small Oriya cultivating
caste, supposed to be of Kshatriya parentage.

1 Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson.
2 Manual of the North Arcot district.

3 The bark of the āvaram plant is one of the most valuable Indian tanning agents.
4 Voyage to the East Indies, 1774 and 1781.
5 Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies.
6 Manual of the Tanjore district, 1883.
7 Manual of the Madura district.
8 Monograph of Tanning and Working in Leather, 1904.

9 Pratilōma, as opposed to an anuloma union, is the marriage of a female of a higher caste with a man of a lower
one.

10 Madras Census Report, 1901.
11 Madras Census Report, 1871.
12 Madras Police Gazette, 1902.
13 I. No. 4. 1908, Vellore.
14 Criminal Tribes of India, No. III, 1907.
15 Criminal Classes in the Bombay Presidency.

16 Manual of the South Canara district.
17 Manual of the South Canara district.

18 Journal Asiatic Society, XXV, 1857.
19 Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar.
20 Journal Royal Asiatic Society, VIII, 1846.
21 Fauna, British India, Mammalia.
22 Cassia auriculata.
23 Marriage chaplet worn on the forehead.

24 Wrist-threads dyed with turmeric.
25 Madras Census Report, 1891.

26 Monograph, Eth. Survey of Cochin, No. 6, 1906.
27 Manual of Malabar.
28 Calcutta Review, 1900.
29 Madras Police Report, 1904.
30 Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
31 Malabar and its Folk, 1900.

32 Karunakara Menon, Madras Mus. Bull., V. 2, 1906.
33 Madras Mail, 1908.

34 S. Appadorai Iyer.
35 Calcutta Review, 1900.
36 One fanam = four annas eight pies.
37 Madras Mail, 1895.
38 Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
39 Native Life in Travancore.

40 A mulikka is the collective name for a present of five betel leaves, one areca nut, and two tobacco leaves.

41 Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district.
42 Rev. H. Jensen, Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897.
43 Madras Mail, 1904.
44 Gazetteer of the Nilgiris.

D
Dāindla.—The name, denoting those who hid or ran away, of a sub-division of Māla.

Daivampati.—Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a caste included
among Ambalavāsis, and a sub-division of Nāyar.

Dakkala.—Dakkala or Dakkali is the name of a class of mendicants who beg from
Mādigas only. In the Kurnool district they are said to have divided the district with the
Mushtis, and not to beg except within their own limits.

The following story is told as regards the origin of the Dakkalas. A smith was asked to
make a bottu (marriage badge) for Siva’s wedding, and for this purpose required
bellows, fire-pot, hammer, etc. Jāmbuvadu called his eldest son, and prepared the
various implements from sundry parts of the body, except the backbone. Being highly
pleased at this, the gods endowed the backbone with life, and the son went to his father
Jāmbuvadu, who failed to recognise him, and refused to admit him. He was told that he
must live as a beggar attached to the Mādigas, and was called Dakkala because he was
brought to life from a vertebral column (dakka).

The Dakkalas wander from place to place. They may not enter Mādiga houses, outside
which meals are given to them by males only, as females are not allowed to serve them.
Mādiga women may not tread on the footsteps of the Dakkalas.

Dakku (fear).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Dakni.—Dakni or Deccani is defined in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a
territorial name meaning a Musalman of the Deccan; also a name loosely applied to
converts to Islam.” In the Tanjore district, Muhammadans who speak Hindustani, and
claim pure Muhammadan descent, are spoken of as Daknis or Dakanis. In other Tamil
districts they are called Patānigal, to distinguish them from Labbais and Marakkāyars.

The Daknis follow the Muhammadan ritual except in their marriages, which afford an
example of a blend between Hindu and Muhammadan ceremonials. Like Hindus, they
erect, at times of marriage, a milk-post of bamboo, to which are tied a two-anna piece,
and a bit of sugar-candy done up in a Turkey red cloth. The post is handed to the
headman, who decorates it with a garland of flowers and a roll of betel, and places it in a
hole made in the court-yard of the house, wherein milk has been sprinkled. On the
following day, two big pots are placed near the milk-post, and filled with water by four
married couples. Around the pots, nine kinds of seed grains are sprinkled. On the third
day, the bridegroom’s party proceeds to the house of the bride with thirteen trays of
betel, fruits, flowers, sandal paste, and a paste made of turmeric and henna (Lawsonia
alba) leaves. The bride is decorated, and sits on a plank. Women smear the face and
hands of the bridal couple with the pastes, and one of them, or the bridegroom’s sister,
ties a string of black beads round the bride’s neck. While this is being done, no one
should sneeze. Wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the bride and
bridegroom. On the fourth day, the nikka rite is celebrated, and the newly-married
couple sit together while the nalagu ceremony of smearing them with sandal, and waving
coloured water (ārati), is performed. The two pots containing water are kept for forty
days, and then examined. If the water remains sweet, and does not “teem with vermin,”
it is regarded as a good omen. The seed grains, too, should by this time have developed
into healthy seedlings.

Dammula.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class of Telugu
beggars, and priests in the temples of village goddesses.

Dandāsi.—The Dandāsis are summed up in the Ganjam Manual as being village
watchmen, many of whom are great thieves. “It is curious,” Mr. S. P. Rice writes,1 “to
find that the word Naiko [meaning leader or chief], which is corrupted into the Telugu
Naidu, is the caste distinction of the lowest class, the village watcher and professional
thief. This man, for all that his cognomen is so lofty, goes by the generic name of
Dandāsi. This word means worthy of punishment, and assuredly no appellation ever
fitted its owner more completely than does this. He is the village policeman and the
village thief, a curious mixture of callings.” According to other versions, the name is
derived from danda, a stick, and āsi, sword, from dandabādi, a stout bamboo stick, or
from dandapāsi, stick and rope, in reference to the insignia of the Dandāsi’s office.

A large number of criminals, undergoing punishment in Ganjam for robbery and
thieving, are Dandāsis. The members of the caste, like the Tamil Kallans, believe that
thieving is their traditional occupation, and, as such, regard it as justifiable. There is a
legend that they adopted this occupation as their profession because their ancestors
assisted the Pāndavas to escape from the lac fort which was constructed by the Kurus
with a view to killing them, by digging a secret subterranean passage. According to
another story, the Dandāsis are descended from the offspring of a clandestine amour of

Krishna with Dhūuthika, Rādha’s handmaid. The Dandāsis perform an interesting
ceremony of initiation into the profession of thieving, when a child is born. When it is
three or five days old, the headman (Bēhara) is invited to attend. A breach is made in the
wall, or beneath the door sill. Through this the infant is passed by the Bēhara three times,
and received by some members of the family. Each time the Bēhara repeats the words
“Enter, baby enter. May you excel your father!” The Dandāsis, when questioned
concerning this custom, denied its existence, but some admitted that it was carried out in
former days. An old woman stated that her grandchild was passed through a breach
beneath the door, but was not inclined to enter into details.

A number of exogamous septs occur among the Dandāsis, of which the following may
be noted. Members of the Santarāsi sept must avoid using mats made of the sedge which
goes by this name. Kilalendias avoid touching the bamboo posts used by washermen to
support the ropes on which cloths are hung to dry. They sacrifice a pig and seven fowls
to their gods on the new-moon day, on which the head of a male child is first shaved.
Diyāsis show special reverence for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets),
garlands, and other articles to be used by the bride and bridegroom at a wedding, are
placed outside the house, so that they may be exposed to it. Members of the
Ekopothiriya sept are regarded as low in the social scale, and the following legend is
narrated to account for this. A Dandāsi went, with his relations and friends, to the house
of a Dandāsi of the Ekopothiriya sept, to arrange a marriage. The guests were hospitably
received, and the prospective bride asked her father what kind of curry was going to be
served to them. He replied that barikolora (backyard Momordica)2 was to be cooked.
This aroused the curiosity of some of the guests, who went to the backyard, where,
instead of Momordica, they saw several blood-suckers (lizards) running about. They
jumped to the conclusion that these were what the host referred to as barikolora, and all
the guests took their departure. Ekopothiriyas will not partake of food from the same
plate as their grown-up children, even if a married daughter comes on a visit to them.

The Dandāsis worship various Tākurānis (village deities), e.g., Sankaithuni,
Kulladankuni, Kombēsari and Kālimuki. The gods are either represented temporarily by
brass vessels, or permanently by three masses of clay, into each of which a small bit of
gold is thrust. When Bassia (mahuā) buds or mangoes are first eaten in their season, a
sacrifice is made, and a goat and fowl are killed before the produce of the harvest is first
partaken of.

The Dandāsis have a headman, called Bēhara, who exercises authority over several
groups of villages, and each group is under a Nāyako, who is assisted by a Dondia. For
every village there is a Bholloboya, and, in some places, there is an officer, called Boda
Mundi, appointed by the Zamindar, to whom irregularities in the community have to be
reported. When a woman is delivered of a still-born child, the whole family is under
pollution for eleven days. The headman is then invited to attend, and presents are given

to him. He sprinkles water over members of the family, and they are thereby freed from
this pollution.

A certain portion of the property stolen by Dandāsis is set apart for the headman, and,
like the Tamil Kallans and Maravans, they seem to have a blackmailing system. If a
Dandāsi is engaged as a watchman, property is safe, or, if stolen, is recovered and
restored to its owner.

Girls are married after puberty. A man may marry his maternal uncle’s, but not his
paternal aunt’s daughter. The marriage ceremonies usually last three days, but are
sometimes spread over seven days, in imitation of the higher castes. On the day (gondo
sono) before the wedding day, seven new pots are brought from a potter’s house, and
placed in a room. Seven women throw Zizyphus jujuba leaves over them, and they are
filled with water at a tank (pond). One of the pots must be carried by the sister-in-law of
the bridegroom. A brass vessel is tied up, and worshipped. Towards evening, a fowl is
sacrificed at an ‘ant’ hill. The bridegroom is shaved on this day by his sister’s husband.
Like other Oriya castes, the Dandāsis collect water at seven houses, but only from those
of members of castes higher than their own. The pot containing this water is hung up
over the marriage dais (bedi). On the wedding (bibha) day, the bridegroom sits on the
dais, with the bride, seated in her maternal uncle’s lap or at his side, in front of him. The
headman, or some respected elder of the community, places a betel nut cutter, on, or with
some rice and betel nut between the united hands of the contracting couple, and ties
them together with seven turns of a turmeric-dyed thread. He then announces that ... the
granddaughter of ... and daughter of ... is united to ... the grandson of ... and son of ...
The parents of the bride and bridegroom pour turmeric-water from a chank (Turbinella
rapa) shell or leaf over their united hands. The nut-cutter is removed by the bride’s
brother, and, after striking the bridegroom, he goes away. The couple then play with
cowry (Cypræ arabica) shells, and, while they are so engaged, the ends of their cloths
are tied together, and the rice which is in their hands is tied in a knot. When the play is
finished, this knot is untied, and the rice is measured in a small earthen pot, first on
behalf of the bride, and is pronounced to be all right. It is then again measured, and said
to have diminished in quantity. This gives rise to jokes at the expense of the bridegroom,
who is called a thief, and other hard names. Those who imitate the ceremonial of the
higher castes make the bridegroom go away in feigned anger, after he has broken the pot
which is hanging over the dais. He is brought back by his brother-in-law.

On the occasion of the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution for seven days. If
she is engaged to be married, her future father-in-law makes her a present of jewels and
money on the seventh day, and thereby confirms the marriage contract.

The dead are cremated. A widow accompanies the corpse of her husband to the boundary
of the village, carrying a ladle and pot, which she throws down at the boundary, and

returns home. On the day after the funeral, the embers are extinguished, and an effigy of
the deceased is made on the spot where he was cremated, and food offered to it. Toddy is
distributed among those who have assembled at the house. On the tenth day, food is
offered on ten fragments of pots. On the eleventh day, if the dead man was an important
personage in the community, a ceremony, corresponding to the jola jola handi of the
higher castes, is performed. A cloth is spread on the ground, on the spot where the corpse
was cremated, and the ground round it swept by women, whose backs are turned towards
the cloth, so that they cannot see it. Two men, with swords or big knives, sit by the side
of the cloth and wait till an insect settles on the cloth. They then at once put the swords
or knives on the cloth, and, folding it up, place it on a new winnowing-basket. It is taken
home, placed on the floor, and connected by means of a long thread with the household
god (mass of clay or vessel). It is then shaken near the god, so that the insect falls out.

Dandāsi further occurs as a sub-division of the Kondras, the members of which have
taken to the profession of village watchmen.

Dandi (a staff).—A house name of Korava.

Dandu (army).—A sub-division of Īdiga, and an exogamous sept of Bōya and Kāpu. It
has been suggested that the name is not Dandu but Dandē, meaning pole, in reference to
the apparatus used by the Īdigas in climbing palm trees for the extraction of toddy.
Dandu Agasa, indicating army washerman, occurs as a name for some Marātha Dhōbis
in Mysore, whose forefathers probably accompanied armies in times of war.

Dāra (stream of water).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Darabala.—Taken, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Māla. It is a
common house-name among many Telugu castes.

Dārāla (thread).—An exogamous sept of Mādiga.

Darzi.—Darzi or Darjī is a Muhammadan occupational term, meaning tailor. “The east,”
it has been said,3 “now sews by machinery. The name of Singer is known from the
Mediterranean to the Pacific. In every bazaar in India one may see men—they are
always men, not women—in turban or Mussalman cap, crouching over the needle-plate,
and working the pedals.” The value of the imports of sewing-machines rose, in British
India, from Rs. 5,91,046 in 1901–02 to Rs. 10,06,625 in 1904–05.

Dās.—The title of Jain immigrants from Northern India, most of whom are established
as merchants, and also of the Mahants of the Tirumala (Tirupati) temple, e.g., Balarām
Dās, Bhagavān Dās.

Dasari.—“Dasari or Tādan,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,4 “is a mendicant caste of
Vaishnavas, the reputed descendants of a wealthy Sūdra of one of the northern districts,
who, being devoid of offspring, vowed that, should he be blessed with children, he
would devote one to the service of his god. He subsequently had many sons, one of
whom he named Dāsan (servant), and placed entirely at the service of the deity. Dāsan
forfeited all claim to participate in his father’s estate, and his offspring are therefore all
beggars.

“The caste, like that of the Sātānis, is reinforced by idle members of the lower Sūdra
classes, who, being branded by the gurus of Tirupati and other shrines, become Dāsaris
thereby. They usually wander about, singing hymns to a monotonous accompaniment
upon a leather instrument called tappai (tabret). Some Sūdra castes engage them thus to
chant in front of the corpse at funerals, and many, accompanying bands of pilgrims
travelling to Tirupati, stimulate their religious excitement by singing sacred songs. A
few, called Yerudāndis, (q.v.), take possession of young bulls that have been devoted to a
swāmi, and teach them to perform tricks very cleverly. The bulls appear to understand
what is said to them, and go through various antics at the word of command. Some
Dāsaris exhibit what is called the Panda Sērvai performance, which consists in affecting
to be possessed by the spirit of the deity, and beating themselves all over the body with a
flaming torch, after covering it probably with some protecting substance. In such modes
do they wander about and receive alms, each wearing as a distinction a garland of beads
made of tulasi (Ocimum sanctum) wood. Every Dāsari is a Tengalai. They have six sub-
divisions, called Balija, Janappa, Palli, Valluva, Gangeddula, and Golla Dāsaris, which
neither eat together nor intermarry. As these are the names of existing and distinct castes,
it is probable that the Dāsaris were formerly members of those classes, who, through
their vagabond tastes, have taken to a mendicant life. Beyond prohibiting widow
remarriage, they have no social restrictions.”

Concerning the mendicants of Anantapur, Mr. W. Francis writes5 that “the beggars who
are most in evidence are the Dāsaris. This community is recruited from several castes,
such as the Kāpus, Balijas, Kurubas, Bōyas, and Mālas, and members of it who belong
to the last two of these (which are low in the social scale) are not allowed to dine with
the others. All Dāsaris are Vaishnavites, and admission to the community is obtained by
being branded by some Vaishnavite guru. Thenceforward the novice becomes a Dāsari,
and lives by begging from door to door. The profession is almost hereditary in some
families. The five insignia of a Dāsari are the conch shell, which he blows to announce
his arrival; the gong which he strikes as he goes his rounds; the tall iron lamp (with a
cocoanut to hold the oil for replenishing it) which he keeps lighted as he begs; the brass
or copper vessel (sometimes with the nāmam painted on it) suspended from his shoulder,
in which he places the alms received; and the small metal image of Hanumān, which he
hangs round his neck. Of these, the iron lamp is at once the most conspicuous and the
most indispensable. It is said to represent Venkatēsa, and it must be burning, as an

unlighted lamp is inauspicious. Dāsaris also subsist by doing pūja (worship) at
ceremonial and festival occasions for certain of the Hindu castes.” In the Kurnool
district, when a girl is dedicated as a Basavi (dedicated prostitute), she is not, as in some
other parts of the country, married to an idol, but tied by means of a garland of flowers to
the tall standard lamp (garudakambham) of a Dāsari, and released by the man who is to
receive her first favours, or by her maternal uncle.

The Dāsaris in Mysore are described in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as
“mendicants belonging to different classes of Sūdras. They become Dāsas or servants
dedicated to the God at Tirupati by virtue of a peculiar vow, made either by themselves
or their relatives, at some moment of anxiety or danger, and live by begging in His
name. Dāsaris are always Vaishnavites, as the vows are taken only by those castes which
are worshippers of that deity. Dāsaris are invited by Sūdras on ceremonial days, and
feasted. Properly speaking, Dāsari is not a caste, but simply an occupational division.
Among certain castes, the custom of taking a vow to become a Dāsari prevails. In
fulfilment of that vow the person becomes a Dāsari, and his eldest son is bound to follow
suit, the others taking to other walks of life. The following castes take the vow of
becoming Dāsari:—Telugu Banajiga, Holeya, Tigala, and Vakkaliga. The duty of a
Dāsari requires that he should daily bathe his head, and take care that, while eating with
the profane, their victuals do not get mixed with his. Every Saturday, after bathing and
praying for some hours, he must cook his own food in a clean pot. They go about the
streets singing some Hari Keerthanams, with a gong and conch to relieve the dull
monotony of their mumblings.”

Concerning the synonym Tādan, this is stated6 to be “a corruption of the Sanskrit dāsa
which, with the Tamil termination an, stands for dāsan. The word is often used in this
form, but often as Dāsari. The word is applied to Vaishnava mendicants. They go out
every morning, begging for alms of uncooked rice, and singing ballads or hymns. They
play on a small drum with their fingers, and often carry a conch shell, which they blow.
They are given to drinking.” In the Nellore Manual, the Dāsrivandlu are summed up as
being “mendicants and thieves in the Telugu and Canarese countries. They usually
practise what is known as scissor-theft.” The mendicant Dāsaris, who are dealt with in
the present note, are stated by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri7 to be called Gudi Dāsari, as the
gudi or temple is their home and to be a set of quiet, innocent and simple people, leading
a most idle and stupid life. “Quite opposed,” he adds, “to the Gudi Dāsaris in every way
are the Donga Dāsaris or thieving Dāsaris. They are the most dreaded of the criminal
classes in the Bellary district. These Donga Dāsaris are only Dāsaris in name.” (See
Donga Dāsari.)

Some Dāsaris are servants under Vaishnava Brāhmans, who act as gurus to various
castes. It is their duty to act as messengers to the guru, and carry the news of his arrival
to his disciples. At the time of worship, and when the guru approaches a village, the

Dāsari has to blow a long brass trumpet (tārai). As the Brāhman may not approach or
touch his Paraiyan disciples, it is the Dāsari who gives them the holy water (thirtham).
When a Paraiyan is to be branded, the Brāhman heats the instruments bearing the
devices of the chank and chakaram, and hands them to the Dāsari, who performs the
operation of branding. For councils, settlement of marriage, and the decision of other
social matters, the Dāsaris meet, at times of festivals, at well-known places such as
Tirutani, Tirupati or Tiruvallūr.

At the annual festival at the temple at Kāramadi in the Coimbatore district, which is
visited by very large numbers, belonging for the most part to the lower orders, various
vows are fulfilled. These include the giving of kavalam to Dāsaris. Kavalam consists of
plantain fruits cut up into small slices, and mixed with sugar, jaggery (crude sugar), fried
grain, or beaten rice. The Dāsaris are attached to the temple, and wear short drawers,
with strings of small brass bells tied to their wrists and ankles. They appear to be
possessed, and move wildly about to the beating of drums. As they go about, the devotee
puts some of the kavalam into their mouths. The Dāsaris eat a little, and spit out the
remainder into the hands of the devotees, who eat it. This is believed to cure all diseases,
and to give children to those who partake of it. In addition to kavalam, some put betel
leaves into the mouths of the Dāsaris, who, after chewing them, spit them into the
mouths of the devotees. At night the Dāsaris carry large torches made of rags, on which
the devotees pour ghī (clarified butter). Some say that, many years ago, barren women
used to take a vow to visit the temple at the festival time, and, after offering kavalam,
have sexual intercourse with the Dāsaris. The temple authorities, however, profess
ignorance of this practice.

Dāsaris.

When proceeding on a pilgrimage to the temple of Subramanya Swāmi at Palni, some
devotees pierce their cheeks with a long silver skewer, which traverses the mouth cavity;
pierce the tongue with a silver arrow, which is protruded vertically through the protruded
organ; and place a silver shield (mouth-lock) in front of the mouth. Some Dāsaris have
permanent holes in their cheeks, into which they insert skewers when they go about the
country in pursuit of their profession.

For the following note on Dāsaris in the Vizagapatam district, I am indebted to Mr. C.
Hayavadana Rao. The caste is an endogamous unit, the members calling themselves
Sankhu (or conch-blowing) Dāsaris, and is divided into numerous exogamous septs. The

mēnarikam custom, according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle’s
daughter, is followed. The remarriage of widows is permitted, but divorce is forbidden.
The dead are cremated, and the chinna (small) and pedda rōzu (big day) death
ceremonies are observed. These Dāsaris profess the Tengalai form of Vaishnavism, and
get themselves branded. The caste is more secular, and less religious than in the southern
districts. A Dāsari of the North Arcot or Anantapur type, with conch-shell, metal gong,
iron lamp, copper vessel, and metal image of Hanumān on his neck, is scarcely met with.
The Vizagapatam Dāsaris are the most popular among ballad-singers, and sing songs
about heroes and heroines, of which the following are the most appreciated:—

1. Bobbilipāta, which describes the siege and conquest of Bobbili by Bussy in 1757.

2. Ammi Nāyudupāta, which describes the tyrannical behaviour of one Ammi Nāyudu, a
village headman in the Pālkonda tāluk, who was eventually murdered, to the great relief
of those subject to him, by one of his dependents.

3. Lakshmammapāta, which relates the life and death of Lakshmamma, a Velama
woman, who went against the mēnarikam custom of the caste, and was put to death by
her husband.

4. Yerakammapērantāla-pāta, which recounts the story of one Yerakamma, who
committed sati.

Yerakamma is the local goddess at Srungavarapukōta in the Vizagapatam district. The
ballads sung about her say that she was the child of Dāsari parents, and that her birth was
foretold by a Yerukala woman (whence her name), who prophesied that she would have
the gift of second sight. She eventually married, and one day she begged her husband not
to go to his field, as she was sure he would be killed by a tiger if he did. Her husband
went notwithstanding, and was slain as she had foreseen. She committed sati on the spot
where her shrine still stands, and at this there is a festival at Sivarātri.

As ballad-singers, two Dāsaris generally travel about together, begging from house to
house, or at the weekly market, one singing, while the other plays, and joins in the
chorus.

The titles of these Dāsaris are Anna and Ayya.

Dāsari has been recorded as an exogamous sept of the Koravas, Mālas, and Yerukalas.

Dāsi (servant).—The name for a non-Brāhman female attendant upon a Nambūtiri
Brāhman woman, which should not, as sometimes happens, be confused with Dēva-dāsi,
(q.v.), which has quite another significance.

Dāyarē (Muhammadan).—The Dāyarē, Daira, or Māhadēv Muhammadans are found in
the Bangalore and Mysore districts of the Mysore province. Concerning them, we are
informed in the Mysore Gazetteer that “they differ from the general body of
Muhammadans in a point of belief concerning the advent of Imām Mahadi. The Dāyarēs
maintain that he has visited this earth and departed, while the orthodox Muhammadans
believe the Prophet (Imām) has not yet appeared, and that his coming will be a sign of
the end of the world. The following account of the origin of this body of dissenters has
been related. A child was born of the Sayad sect of Muhammadans at Guzrat about four
hundred years ago, who was named Sayad Ahmed, and afterwards became distinguished
by the title of Alam (superior to Maulvi) in consequence of his great learning. Sayad
Ahmed proclaimed himself the equal of Mahomet, and superior to all other Paigambars
or messengers of god. He succeeded in obtaining some followers who believed in him,
and repaired to Jivanpur in the Nizam’s territories, where he took the name of Imām
Mahadi. From thence he, with some disciples, proceeded to Mecca, but did not visit
Medina. After some time he returned to Hyderabad, still retaining the name of Imām
Mahadi. Such pretensions could not be tolerated by the great mass of Muhammadans,
and Sayad Ahmed, together with his disciples, being worsted in a great religious
controversy, was driven out of Hyderabad, and came to Channapatna in the Bangalore
district, where they settled. The descendants of these settlers believe that Sayad Ahmed
was the Prophet Imām Mahadi predicted in the Korān. They offer prayers in a masjid of
their own, separate from other Muhammadans, and do not intermarry with the rest. They
are an enterprising body, and carry on a brisk trade in silk with the western coast.” They
are mostly domiciled at Channapatna, where a considerable industry in the cocoons of
the mulberry silk-moth is carried on.

When an adult Hindu joins the Dāyarēs as a convert, an interesting mock rite of
circumcision is performed as a substitute for the real operation. A strip of betel leaf is
wrapped round the penis, so that it projects beyond the glans, and is snipped instead of
the prepuce.

Like other Muhammadan classes of Southern India, the Dāyarēs are as a whole
dolichocephalic. But the frequent occurrence of individuals with a high cephalic index
would seem to point to their recruitment from the mesaticephalic or brachycephalic
Canarese classes.

Class. Locality. Number Number of times cephalic index exceeded
examined. 80.
Māppilla Malabar 40 0
Saiyad Madras 40 2
Pathan Do. 40 2
Sheik Do. 40 2

Class. Locality. Number Number of times cephalic index exceeded
examined. 80.
Dāyarē Mysore 40 8

Dayyālakulam (devil’s family).—Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-caste of Gollas,
who are wrestlers and acrobats.

Dedingi.—Recorded as a sub-division of Poroja.

Dēra.—Dēra, Dēndra, and Dēvara occur as synonyms of Dēvānga.

Dēsa.—A sub-division of Balija. Dēsadhipati, denoting ruler of a country, is a name
assumed by some Janappans, who say that they are Balijas.

Dēsāyi.—For the following account of the Dēsāyi institution, I am indebted to an
excellent account thereof by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri.8 “The word Dēsāyi means of the
country. For almost every tāluk in the North Arcot district there is a headman, called the
Dēsāyi Chetti, who may be said in a manner to correspond to a Justice of the Peace. The
headmen belong to the Kavarai or Balija caste, their family name being Dhanapāla—a
common name among the Kavarais—which may be interpreted as ‘the protector of
wealth.’ The Dhanapāla Dēsāyi Chetti holds sway over eighteen castes, Kavarai, Uppara,
Lambādi, Jōgi, Īdiga, Paraiyan, etc. All those that are called valangai, or right-hand
caste, fall within his jurisdiction. He has an establishment of two peons (orderlies), who
are castemen, and another menial, a sort of bugler, who blows the horn whenever the
Dēsāyi Chetti goes on circuit. When any deviation in the moral conduct of any man or
woman occurs in a village under the Dēsāyi’s jurisdiction, a report of it is at once sent to
the Dēsāyi Chetti, through the Paraiya of the village, by the Dēsāyi’s representative in
that village. He has his local agent in every village within his jurisdiction. On receipt of
a report, he starts on circuit to the village, with all the quaint-looking paraphernalia
attached to his office. He moves about from place to place in his bullock coach, the
inside of which is upholstered with a soft cushion bed, with a profusion of pillows on all
sides. The Paraiya horn-blower runs in front of the carriage blowing the horn (bhamka),
which he carries suspended from his shoulder when it is not in use. On the Dēsāyi Chetti
arriving at a village, the horn is blown to announce his visit on professional matters.
While he camps at a village, people from the surrounding country within his jurisdiction
usually go to him with any representations they may have to make to him as the head of
their caste. The Dēsāyi generally encamps in a tope (grove) adjoining the village. At the
sound of the horn, the castemen on whose account the visit is made assemble at the place
of encampment, with the Dēsāyi’s local representative at their head. The personal
comforts of the Dēsāyi are first attended to, and he is liberally supplied with articles of
food by the party on whose account the visit has been undertaken. A large cup-shaped
spoon is the ensign of the Dēsāyi. On the outer surface, all round its edge, are carved in

relief eighteen figures, each one being typical of one of the castes of which the Dēsāyi is
the social head. Under each figure is inscribed in Tamil the name of the caste which that
figure typifies. The figures are smeared with red powder and sandal, and decorated with
flowers. The menial, taking up the cup, rings the bell attached to it, to summon the
parties. As soon as the sound is heard, the castemen amongst whom any offence has
occurred assemble, each house in the village being represented by a member, so as to
make up a panchāyat (council). The Dēsāyi’s emblem is then placed in front of him in
the midst of the panchāyat, and a regular enquiry held. Supposing a person stands
charged with adultery, the accused is brought before the assembly, and the charge
formally investigated with the advice of the panchāyat, the Dēsāyi declares the accused
guilty or not guilty, as the case may be. In the event of a man being pronounced guilty,
the panchāyat directs him to pay the aggrieved husband all the expenses he had incurred
in connection with his marriage. In addition to this, a fine ranging from ten to twenty
rupees is imposed on the offender by the Dēsāyi, and is collected at once. A small
fraction of this fine, never exceeding four annas, is paid to every representative who sits
in the panchāyat, the balance going into the Dēsāyi’s pocket. If the delinquent refuses to
pay the fine, a council of the same men is held, and he is excommunicated. The
recalcitrant offender soon realises the horrors of excommunication, and in a short time
appears before the Dēsāyi, and falls prostrate at his feet, promising to obey him. The
Dēsāyi then accompanies him to the village, calls the panchāyat again, and in their
presence removes the interdict. On this occasion, the excommunicated person has to pay
double the amount of the original fine. But disobedience is rare, as people are alive to
the serious consequences of excommunication. The Dēsāyi maintains a regular record of
all his enquiries and judgments, and in the days of the Nawābs these decisions were, it
would appear, recognised by the Courts of Justice. The same respect was, it is said, also
shown to the Dēsāyi’s decisions by the early courts of John Company.9

Dēsāyi spoon.

“Every house belonging to the eighteen castes sends to the village representative of the
Dēsāyi, who is called Periyatanakāran, a pagoda (Rs. 3–8) in cash, besides rice, dhāl
(Cajanus Indicus), and other articles of food for every marriage that takes place, in the
village. The representative reserves for himself all the perishable articles, sending only
the cash to the Dēsāyi. Thus, for every marriage within his jurisdiction, the Dēsāyi gets
one pagoda. Of late, in the case of those Dēsāyis who have purchased their rights as such
from the old Dēsāyis, instead of a pagoda, a fee of two annas and a half is levied on each
marriage. Every death which occurs in a village is equally a source of income to the
Dēsāyi, who receives articles of food, and four annas or more, according to the
circumstances of the parties in whose house the death has occurred. As in the case of
marriage, the local representative appropriates to himself the articles of food, and
transmits the money to the Dēsāyi. The local agent keeps a list of all domestic
occurrences that take place in the village, and this list is most carefully scrutinised and
checked by the Dēsāyi during his tours, and any amount left unpaid is then collected.
Whenever a marriage takes place in his own house, all the houses within his jurisdiction
are bound to send him rice, dhāl, and other articles, and any money they can afford to
pay. Sometimes rich people send large sums to the Dēsāyi, to enable him to purchase the

clothes, jewels, etc., required for the marriage. When a Dēsāyi finds his work too heavy
for him to attend to single-handed, he sells a portion of his jurisdiction for some
hundreds or thousands of rupees, according to its extent, to some relation. A regular sale
deed is executed and registered.” (See also Samaya.)

Dēsikar.—A sub-division and title of Pandāram.

Dēsūr.—The name of a sub-division of Kāpu, which is either territorial, or possibly
derived from dēha, body, and sūra, valour.

Dēva.—Dēva or Dēvara, meaning God, has been recorded as a synonym of Dēvānga and
Gāniga or Gāndla and a sept of Mogēr, and Dēva Telikulakali as a name for those who
express and sell oils in the Vizagapatam district. Dēvara occurs further as a title of the
Jangams. At the Madras Census, 1901, Dēvar was returned as the name of Telugu
merchants from Pondicherry trading in glassware. Dēvar is also the title of Ōcchans,
who are priests at temples of village deities. The title of Maravans is Dēvan or Tēvan. In
South Canara, the Halepaiks (toddy-drawers) are known as Dēvaru Makkalu (God’s
children), which, it has been suggested,10 is possibly a corruption of Tīvaru or Dīvaru
Makkalu, meaning children of the islanders, in reference to their supposed descent from
early immigrants from the island of Ceylon.

Dēva-dāsi.—In old Hindu works, seven classes of Dāsis are mentioned, viz., (1) Dattā,
or one who gives herself as a gift to a temple; (2) Vikrīta, or one who sells herself for the
same purpose; (3) Bhritya, or one who offers herself as a temple servant for the
prosperity of her family; (4) Bhakta, or one who joins a temple out of devotion; (5)
Hrita, or one who is enticed away, and presented to a temple; (6) Alankāra, or one who,
being well trained in her profession, and profusely decked, is presented to a temple by
kings and noblemen; (7) Rudraganika or Gopika, who receive regular wages from a
temple, and are employed to sing and dance. For the following general account I am
indebted to the Madras Census Report, 1901:—

“Dāsis or Dēva-dāsis (handmaidens of the gods) are dancing-girls attached to the Tamil
temples, who subsist by dancing and music, and the practice of ‘the oldest profession in
the world.’ The Dāsis were probably in the beginning the result of left-handed unions
between members of two different castes, but they are now partly recruited by
admissions, and even purchases, from other classes. The profession is not now held in
the consideration it once enjoyed. Formerly they enjoyed a considerable social position.
It is one of the many inconsistencies of the Hindu religion that, though their profession is
repeatedly and vehemently condemned by the Shāstras, it has always received the
countenance of the church. The rise of the caste, and its euphemistic name, seem both of
them to date from about the ninth and tenth centuries A.D., during which much activity
prevailed in Southern India in the matter of building temples, and elaborating the

services held in them. The dancing-girls’ duties, then as now, were to fan the idol with
chamaras (Tibetan ox tails), to carry the sacred light called kumbarti, and to sing and
dance before the god when he was carried in procession. Inscriptions11 show that, in
A.D. 1004, the great temple of the Chōla king Rājarāja at Tanjore had attached to it four
hundred talic’ chēri pendugal, or women of the temple, who lived in free quarters in the
four streets round about it, and were allowed tax-free land out of the endowment. Other
temples had similar arrangements. At the beginning of the last century there were a
hundred dancing-girls attached to the temple at Conjeeveram, who were, Buchanan tells
us,12 ‘kept for the honour of the deities and the amusement of their votaries; and any
familiarity between these girls and an infidel would occasion scandal.’ At Madura,
Conjeeveram, and Tanjore there are still numbers of them, who receive allowances from
the endowments of the big temples at these places. In former days, the profession was
countenanced not only by the church, but also by the State. Abdur Razaak, a Turkish
ambassador at the court of Vijayanagar in the fifteenth century, describes13 women of
this class as living in State-controlled institutions, the revenue of which went towards the
upkeep of the police.

“At the present day they form a regular caste, having its own laws of inheritance, its own
customs and rules of etiquette, and its own panchāyats (councils) to see that all these are
followed, and thus hold a position, which is perhaps without a parallel in any other
country. Dancing-girls, dedicated to the usual profession of the caste, are formally
married in a temple to a sword or a god, the tāli (marriage badge) being tied round their
necks by some men of their caste. It was a standing puzzle to the census enumerators
whether such women should be entered as married in the column referring to civil
condition.

“Among the Dāsis, sons and daughters inherit equally, contrary to ordinary Hindu usage.
Some of the sons remain in the caste, and live by playing music for the women to dance
to, and accompaniments to their songs, or by teaching singing and dancing to the
younger girls, and music to the boys. These are called Nattuvans. Others marry some girl
of the caste, who is too plain to be likely to be a success in the profession, and drift out
of the community. Some of these affix to their names the terms Pillai and Mudali, which
are the usual titles of the two castes (Vellāla and Kaikōla) from which most of the Dāsis
are recruited, and try to live down the stigma attaching to their birth. Others join the
Mēlakkārans or professional musicians. Cases have occurred, in which wealthy sons of
dancing-women have been allowed to marry girls of respectable parentage of other
castes, but they are very rare. The daughters of the caste, who are brought up to follow
the caste profession, are carefully taught dancing, singing, the art of dressing well, and
the ars amoris, and their success in keeping up their clientele is largely due to the
contrast which they thus present to the ordinary Hindu housewife, whose ideas are
bounded by the day’s dinner and the babies. The dancing-girl castes, and their allies the
Mēlakkārans, are now practically the sole repository of Indian music, the system of

which is probably one of the oldest in the world. Besides them and the Brāhmans, few
study the subject. The barbers’ bands of the villages usually display more energy than
science. A notable exception, however, exists in Madras city, which has been known to
attempt the Dead March in Saul at funerals in the Pariah quarters.

“There are two divisions among the Dāsis, called Valangai (right-hand) and Idangai (left-
hand). The chief distinction between them is that the former will have nothing to do with
the Kammālans (artisans) or any other of the left-hand castes, or play or sing in their
houses. The latter division is not so particular, and its members are consequently
sometimes known as the Kammāla Dāsis. Neither division, however, is allowed to have
any dealings with men of the lowest castes, and violation of this rule of etiquette is tried
by a panchāyat of the caste, and visited with excommunication.

“In the Telugu districts, the dancing-girls are called Bōgams and Sānis. They are
supposed to be dedicated to the gods, just as the Dāsis are, but there is only one temple
in the northern part of the Presidency which maintains a corps of these women in the
manner in vogue further south. This exception is the shrine of Srī Kurmam in
Vizagapatam, the dancing-girls attached to which are known as Kurmapus. In
Vizagapatam most of the Bōgams and Sānis belong to the Nāgavāsulu and Palli castes,
and their male children often call themselves Nāgavāsulus, but in Nellore, Kurnool and
Bellary they are often Balijas and Yerukalas. In Nellore the Bōgams are said to decline to
sing in the houses of Kōmatis. The men of the Sānis do not act as accompanists to their
women at nautch parties, as Bōgam and Dāsi men do.

“In the Oriya country the dancing-girl caste is called Guni, but there they have even less
connection with the temples than the Bōgams and Sānis, not being even dedicated to the
god.

“In the Canarese (or western) tāluks of Bellary, and in the adjoining parts of Dharwar
and Mysore, a curious custom obtains among the Bōyas, Bēdarus, and certain other
castes, under which a family which has no male issue must dedicate one of its daughters
as a Basavi. The girl is taken to a temple, and married there to the god, a tāli and toe-
rings being put on her, and thenceforward she becomes a public woman, except that she
does not consort with any one of lower caste than herself. She is not, however, despised
on this account, and indeed at weddings she prepares the tāli (perhaps because she can
never be a widow). Contrary to all Hindu Law, she shares in the family property as
though she was a son, but her right to do so has not yet been confirmed by the Civil
Courts. If she has a son, he takes her father’s name, but if only a daughter, that daughter
again becomes a Basavi. The children of Basavis marry within their own caste, without
restrictions of any kind.

“In Malabar there is no regular community of dancing-girls; nor is there among the
Mussalmans of any part of the Presidency.”

“No doubt,” Monier Williams writes,14 “Dāsis drive a profitable trade under the sanction
of religion, and some courtesans have been known to amass enormous fortunes. Nor do
they think it inconsistent with their method of making money to spend it in works of
piety. Here and there Indian bridges and other useful public works owe their existence to
the liberality of the frail sisterhood.” The large tank (lake) at Channarayapatna in Mysore
was built by two dancing-girls.

In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, the Dāsis of the Coromandel coast are
compared, in the words of a Sanskrit poet, to walking flesh-trees bearing golden fruits.
The observant Abbé Dubois noticed that, of all the women in India, it is especially the
courtesans who are the most decently clothed, as experience has taught them that for a
woman to display her charms damps sensual ardour instead of exciting it, and that the
imagination is more easily captivated than the eye.

It was noticed by Lord Dufferin, on the occasion of a Viceregal visit to Madura, that the
front part of the dress of the dancing-girls hangs in petticoats, but the back is only
trousers.

The Rev. A. Margöschis writes in connection with the practice of dilating the lobes of
the ears in Tinnevelly, that, as it was once the fashion and a mark of respectability to
have long ears, so now the converse is true. Until a few years ago, if a woman had short
ears, she was asked if she was a Dēva-dāsi, because that class kept their ears natural.
Now, with the change of customs all round, even dancing-girls are found with long ears.
“The dancing-girls are,” the Rev. M. Phillips writes,15 “the most accomplished women
among the Hindus. They read, write, sing and play as well as dance. Hence one of the
great objections urged at first against the education of girls was ‘We don’t want our
daughters to become dancing-girls’.”

It is on record16 that, in 1791, the Nabob of the Carnatic dined with the Governor of
Madras, and that, after dinner, they were diverted with the dancing wenches, and the
Nabob was presented with cordial waters, French brandy and embroidered China quilts.
The story is told of a Governor of Madras in more recent times, who, ignorant of the
inverse method of beckoning to a person to advance or retreat in the East, was
scandalised when a nautch girl advanced rapidly, till he thought she was going to sit in
his lap. At a nautch in the fort of the Mandasa Zemindar in honour of Sir M. E. Grant
Duff,17 the dancing-girls danced to the air of Malbrook se va t’en guerre. Bussy taught it
to the dancing-girls, and they to their neighbours. In the Vizagapatam and Godāvari
jungles, natives apostrophise tigers as Bussy. Whether the name is connected with Bussy
I know not.

Of Dēva-dāsis at the Court of Tippoo Sultan, the following account was published in
1801.18 “Comme Souverain d’une partie du Visapour, Tippoo-Saïb jouissoit de la facilité
d’avoir parmi ses bayadères celles qui étoient les plus renommées par leurs talens, leurs
graces, leur beauté, etc. Ces bayadères sont des danseuses supérieures dans leur genre;
tout danse et tout joue en même-tems chez elles; leur tête, leurs yeux, leurs bras, leurs
pieds, tout leur corps, semblent ne se mouvoir que from enchanter; elles sont d’une
incroyable légèreté, et ont le jarret aussi fort que souple; leur taille est des plus sveltes et
des plus élégantes, et elles n’ont pas un mouvement qui ne soit une grace. La plus âgée
de ces femmes n’avoit pas plus de seize à dix-sept ans. Aussi tot qu’elles atteignoient cet
âge, on les réformoit, et alors elles alloient courir les provinces, on s’attachoient à des
pagodes, dans lesqueles elles étoient entretenues, et ou leurs charmes étoient un des
meilleurs revenus des brames.”

General Burton narrates19 how a civilian of the old school built a house at Bhavāni, and
established a corps de ballet, i.e., a set of nautch girls, whose accomplishments actually
extended to singing God save the King, and this was kept up by their descendants, so
that, when he visited the place in 1852, he was “greeted by the whole party, bedizened in
all their finery, and squalling the national anthem as if they understood it, which they did
not.” With this may be contrasted a circular from a modern European official, which
states that “during my jamabandy (land revenue settlement) tour, people have sometimes
been kind enough to arrange singing or dancing parties, and, as it would have been
discourteous to decline to attend what had cost money to arrange, I have accepted the
compliment in the spirit in which it was offered. I should, however, be glad if you would
let it be generally known that I am entirely in accord with what is known as the anti-
nautch movement in regard to such performances.”

It was unanimously decided, in 1905, by the Executive Committee of the Prince and
Princess of Wales’ reception fund, that there should be no performance by nautch girls at
the entertainment to be given to Their Royal Highnesses at Madras.

In a note on Basavis, the Collector of the Bellary district writes that “it is usual among
Hindus to dedicate a bull for public use on the death of a member of their family. These
are the breeding bulls of the village flock. Similarly, cows are dedicated, and are called
Basavis. No stigma attaches to Basavis or their children, and they are received on terms
of equality by other members of their caste. The origin of the institution, it has been
suggested, may probably be traced to the time when the Bōyas, and other castes which
dedicate Basavis, were soldiers, and the Basavis acted as camp-followers and nurses of
the wounded in battle. According to Hindu custom, the wives of the men could not be
taken from their homes, and, other women of the caste being required to attend to their
comforts, the institution of Basavis might have been started; or, if they existed before
then as religious devotees attached to temples, they might have been pressed into their
service, and the number added to as occasion required. In Narayandēvarkeri there are

many Bōyas and many Basavis. On the car-festival day, the Bōyas cannot take meals
until the car is taken back to its original place after the procession. Sometimes, owing to
some accident, this cannot be done the same day, and the car-drawing Bōyas sleep near
the car, and do not go to their houses. Then it is their Basavis who bring them food, and
not their wives.” At Adoni I have seen a Basavi, who was working at a cotton press for a
daily wage of three annas, in full dress on a holiday in honour of a local deity, wearing
an elaborately chased silver waist belt and abundant silver jewelry. The following are
examples of petitions presented to a European Magistrate and Superintendent of Police
by girls who are about to become Basavis:—

Petition of __________ aged about 17 or 18.

I have agreed to become a Basavi, and get myself stamped by my guru (priest) according to the custom of
my caste. I request that my proper age, which entitles me to be stamped, may be personally ascertained,
and permission granted to be stamped.

The stamping refers to branding with the emblems of the chank and chakram.

Petition of _____ wife of _____.

I have got two daughters, aged 15 and 12 respectively. As I have no male issues, I have got to necessarily
celebrate the ceremony in the temple in connection with the tying of the goddess’s tāli to my two
daughters under the orders of the guru, in accordance with the customs of my caste. I, therefore, submit
this petition for fear that the authorities may raise any objection (under the Age of Consent Act). I,
therefore, request that the Honourable Court may be pleased to give permission to the tying of the tāli to
my daughters.

Petition of two girls, aged 17 to 19.

Our father and mother are dead. Now we wish to be like prostitutes, as we are not willing to be married,
and thus establish our house-name. Our mother also was of this profession. We now request permission to
be prostitutes according to our religion, after we are sent before the Medical Officer.

The permission referred to in the above petitions bears reference to a decision of the
High Court that, a girl who becomes a Basavi being incapable of contracting a legal
marriage, her dedication when a minor is an offence under the Penal Code.

At Adoni the dead body of a new-born infant was found in a ditch, and a Basavi,
working with others in a cotton factory, was suspected of foul play. The station-house
officer announced his intention of visiting the factory, and she who was in a state of
lactation, and could produce no baby to account for her condition, would be the culprit.
Writing concerning the Basavis of the Bellary district,20 Mr. W. Francis tells us that
“parents without male issue often, instead of adopting a son in the usual manner,
dedicate a daughter by a simple ceremony to the god of some temple, and thenceforth,
by immemorial custom, she may inherit her parents’ property, and perform their funeral
rites as if she was a son. She does not marry, but lives in her parents’ house with any

man of equal or higher caste whom she may select, and her children inherit her father’s
name and bedagu (sept), and not those of their own father. If she has a son, he inherits
her property; if she has only a daughter, that daughter again becomes a Basavi. Parents
desiring male issue of their own, cure from sickness in themselves or their children, or
relief from some calamity, will similarly dedicate their daughter. The children of a
Basavi are legitimate, and neither they nor their mothers are treated as being in any way
inferior to their fellows. A Basavi, indeed, from the fact that she can never be a widow, is
a most welcome guest at weddings. Basavis differ from the ordinary dancing-girls
dedicated at temples in that their duties in the temples (which are confined to the shrine
of their dedication) are almost nominal, and that they do not prostitute themselves
promiscuously for hire. A Basavi very usually lives faithfully with one man, who allows
her a fixed sum weekly for her maintenance, and a fixed quantity of new raiment
annually, and she works for her family as hard as any other woman. Basavis are
outwardly indistinguishable from other women, and are for the most part coolies. In
places there is a custom by which they are considered free to change their protectors
once a year at the village car-festival or some similar anniversary, and they usually seize
this opportunity of putting their partner’s affections to the test by suggesting that a new
cloth and bodice would be a welcome present. So poor, as a rule, are the husbands that
the police aver that the anniversaries are preceded by an unusual crop of petty thefts and
burglaries committed by them in their efforts to provide their customary gifts.” A recent
report of a Police Inspector in the Bellary district states that “crimes are committed here
and there, as this is Nagarapanchami time. Nagarapanchami festival is to be celebrated at
the next Ammavasya or new-moon day. It is at that time the people keeping the
prostitutes should pay their dues on that day; otherwise they will have their new
engagements.”

In the Kurnool district, the Basavi system is practised by the Bōyas, but differs from that
in vogue in Bellary and Mysore. The object of making a Basavi, in these two localities,
is to perpetuate the family when there is no male heir. If the only issue in a family is a
female, the family becomes extinct if she marries, as by marriage she changes her sept.
To prevent this, she is not married, but dedicated as a Basavi, and continues to belong to
her father’s sept, to which also any male issue which is born to her belongs. In the
Kurnool district the motive in making Basavis is different. The girl is not wedded to an
idol, but, on an auspicious day, is tied by means of a garland of flowers to the garuda
kambham (lamp) of a Balija Dāsari. She is released either by the man who is to receive
her first favours, or by her maternal uncle. A simple feast is held, and a string of black
beads tied round the girl’s neck. She becomes a prostitute, and her children do not marry
into respectable Bōya families.

“Basava women,” Dr. E. Balfour writes,21 “are sometimes married to a dagger,
sometimes to an idol. In making a female child over to the service of the temple, she is
taken and dedicated for life to some idol. A khanjar, or dagger, is placed on the ground,

and the girl who is to undergo the ceremony puts a garland thereon. Her mother then
puts rice on the girl’s forehead. The officiating priest then weds the girl to the dagger,
just as if he was uniting her to a boy in marriage, by reciting the marriage stanzas, a
curtain being held between the girl and the dagger.” In an account of the initiation
ceremony of the Basavis of the Bellary district Mr. F. Fawcett writes as follows.22 “A
sword with a lime stuck on its point is placed upright beside the novice, and held in her
right hand. It represents the bridegroom, who, in the corresponding ceremony of Hindu
marriage, sits on the bride’s right. A tray, on which are a kalasyam (vessel of water) and
a lamp, is then produced, and moved thrice in front of the girl. She rises, and, carrying
the sword in her right hand, places it in the god’s sanctuary. Among the dancing-girls
very similar ceremonies are performed. With them, the girl’s spouse is represented by a
drum instead of a sword, and she bows to it. Her insignia consist of a drum and bells.” In
a further note on the dedication of Basavis, Mr. Fawcett writes23 that “a tāli, on which is
depicted the nāmam of Vishnu, fastened to a necklace of black beads, is tied round her
neck. She is given by way of insignia a cane as a wand carried in the right hand, and a
gopālam or begging basket, which is slung on the left arm. She is then branded with the
emblems of the chank and chakra. In another account24 of the marriage ceremony among
dancing-girls, it is stated that the Bōgams, who are without exception prostitutes, though
they are not allowed to marry, go through a marriage ceremony, which is rather a costly
one. Sometimes a wealthy Native bears the expense, makes large presents to the bride,
and receives her first favours. Where no such opportunity offers itself, a sword or other
weapon represents the bridegroom, and an imaginary nuptial ceremony is performed.
Should the Bōgam woman have no daughter, she invariably adopts one, usually paying a
price for her, the Kaikōla (weaver) caste being the ordinary one from which to take a
child.

Among the Kaikōlan musicians of Coimbatore, at least one girl in every family should
be set apart for the temple service, and she is instructed in music and dancing. At the tāli-
tying ceremony she is decorated with jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy
(unhusked rice). A folded cloth is held before her by two Dāsis, who also stand on heaps
of paddy. The girl catches hold of the cloth, and her dancing master, who is seated
behind her, grasping her legs, moves them up and down in time with the music which is
played. In the evening she is taken, astride a pony, to the temple, where a new cloth for
the idol, the tāli, and other articles required for doing pūja (worship) have been got
ready. The girl is seated facing the idol, and the officiating Brāhman gives sandal and
flowers to her, and ties the tāli, which has been lying at the feet of the idol, round her
neck. The tāli consists of a golden disc and black beads. She continues to learn music
and dancing, and eventually goes through the form of a nuptial ceremony, The relations
are invited on an auspicious day, and the maternal uncle, or his representative, ties a
golden band on the girl’s forehead, and, carrying her, places her on a plank before the
assembled guests. A Brāhman priest recites mantrams (prayers), and prepares the sacred

fire (hōmam). For the actual nuptials a rich Brāhman, if possible, and, if not, a Brāhman
of more lowly status is invited. A Brāhman is called in, as he is next in importance to,
and the representative of, the idol. As a Dāsi can never become a widow, the beads in her
tāli are considered to bring good luck to women who wear them. And some people send
the tāli required for a marriage to a Dāsi, who prepares the string for it, and attaches to it
black beads from her own tāli. A Dāsi is also deputed to walk at the head of Hindu
marriage processions. Married women do not like to do this, as they are not proof
against evil omens, which the procession may meet. And it is believed that Dāsis, to
whom widowhood is unknown, possess the power of warding off the effects of
inauspicious omens. It may be remarked, en passant, that Dāsis are not at the present day
so much patronised at Hindu marriages as in olden times. Much is due in this direction
to the progress of enlightened ideas, which have of late been strongly put forward by
Hindu social reformers. When a Kaikōlan Dāsi dies, her body is covered with a new
cloth removed from the idol, and flowers are supplied from the temple, to which she
belonged. No pūja is performed in the temple till the corpse is disposed of, as the idol,
being her husband, has to observe pollution.

“In former times, dancing-girls used to sleep three nights at the commencement of their
career in the inner shrine of the Koppēsvara temple at Palivela in the Godāvari district,
so as to be embraced by the god. But one of them, it is said, disappeared one night, and
the practice has ceased. The funeral pyre of every girl of the dancing girl (Sāni) caste
dying in the village should be lit with fire brought from the temple. The same practice is
found in the Srīrangam temple near Trichinopoly.”25

The following account of Dāsis in Travancore, where their total strength is only about
four hundred, is taken from a note by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyer. “While the Dāsis of
Kartikappalli, Ambalapuzha, and Shertallay belonged originally to the Konkan coast,
those of Shenkottah belonged to the Pāndian country. But the South Travancore Dāsis
are an indigenous class. The female members of the caste are, besides being known by
the ordinary name of Tēvadiyāl and Dāsi, both meaning servant of God, called Kudikkar,
meaning those belonging to the house (i.e., given rent free by the Sirkar), and Pendukal,
or women, the former of these designations being more popular than the latter. Males are
called Tēvadiyan, though many prefer to be known as Nanchināt Vellālas. Males, like
these Vellālas, take the title of Pillai. In ancient days Dēva-dāsis, who became experts in
singing and dancing, received the title of Rāyar (king) which appears to have been last
conferred in 1847 A.D. The South Travancore Dāsis neither interdine nor intermarry
with the dancing-girls of the Tamil-speaking districts. They adopt girls only from a
particular division of the Nāyars, Tamil Padam, and dance only in temples. Unlike their
sisters outside Travancore, they do not accept private engagements in houses on the
occasion of marriage. The males, in a few houses, marry the Tamil Padam and
Padamangalam Nāyars, while some Padamangalam Nāyars and Nanchināt Vellālas in
their turn take their women as wives.

“When a dancing-woman becomes too old or diseased, and thus unable to perform her
usual temple duties, she applies to the temple authorities for permission to remove her
ear-pendants (todus). The ceremony takes place at the palace of the Mahārāja. At the
appointed spot the officers concerned assemble, and the woman, seated on a wooden
plank, proceeds to unhook the pendants, and places them, with a nuzzur (gift) of twelve
fanams (coins), on the plank. Directly after this she turns about, and walks away without
casting a second glance at the ear-ornaments which have been laid down. She becomes
immediately a taikkizhavi or old mother, and is supposed to lead a life of retirement and
resignation. By way of distinction, a Dāsi in active service is referred to as ātumpātram.
Though the ear-ornaments are at once returned to her from the palace, the woman is
never again permitted to put them on, but only to wear the pampadam, or antiquated ear-
ornament of Tamil Sūdra women. Her temple wages undergo a slight reduction,
consequent on her proved incapacity.

“In some temples, as at Kēralapuram, there are two divisions of dancing-girls, one
known as the Murakkudi to attend to the daily routine, the other as the Chirappukuti to
serve on special occasions. The special duties that may be required of the South
Travancore Dāsis are:—(1) to attend the two Utsavas at Sri Padmanābahswāmi’s temple,
and the Dusserah at the capital; (2) to meet and escort members of the royal family at
their respective village limits; (3) to undertake the prescribed fasts for the Apamargam
ceremony in connection with the annual festival of the temple. On these days strict
continence is enjoined, and they are fed at the temple, and allowed only one meal a day.

“The principal deities of the dancing-girls are those to whom the temples, in which they
are employed, are dedicated. They observe the new and full-moon days, and the last
Friday of every month as important. The Onam, Sivarātri, Tye-Pongal, Dīpāvali, and
Chitrapurnami are the best recognised religious festivals. Minor deities, such as
Bhadrakāli, Yakshi, and Ghandarva are worshipped by the figure of a trident or sword
being drawn on the wall of the house, to which food and sweetmeats are offered on
Fridays. The priests on these occasions are Ōcchans. There are no recognized headmen
in the caste. The services of Brāhmans are resorted to for the purpose of purification, of
Nampiyans and Saiva Vellālas for the performance of funeral rites, and of Kurukkals on
occasions of marriage, and for the final ceremonies on the sixteenth day after death.

“Girls belonging to this caste may either be dedicated to temple service, or married to a
male member of the caste. No woman can be dedicated to the temple after she has
reached puberty. On the occasion of marriage, a sum of from fifty to a hundred and fifty
rupees is given to the bride’s house, not as a bride-price, but for defraying the marriage
expenses. There is a preliminary ceremony of betrothal, and the marriage is celebrated at
an auspicious hour. The Kurukkal recites a few hymns, and the ceremonies, which
include the tying of the tāli, continue for four days. The couple commence joint life on
the sixteenth day after the girl has reached puberty. It is easy enough to get a divorce, as

this merely depends upon the will of one of the two parties, and the woman becomes free
to receive clothes from another person in token of her having entered into a fresh
matrimonial alliance.

“All applications for the presentation of a girl to the temple are made to the temple
authorities by the senior dancing-girl of the temple, the girl to be presented being in all
cases from six to eight years of age. If she is closely related to the applicant, no enquiries
regarding her status and claim need be made. In all other cases, formal investigations are
instituted, and the records taken are submitted to the chief revenue officer of the division
for orders. Some paddy (rice) and five fanams are given to the family from the temple
funds towards the expenses of the ceremony. The practice at the Suchindrum temple is to
convene, on an auspicious day, a yōga or meeting, composed of the Valiya Sri-
kariyakkar, the Yogattil Potti, the Vattappalli Muttatu, and others, at which the
preliminaries are arranged. The girl bathes, and goes to the temple on the morning of the
selected day with two new cloths, betel leaves and nuts. The temple priest places the
cloths and the tāli at the feet of the image, and sets apart one for the divine use. The tāli
consists of a triangular bottu, bearing the image of Ganēsa, with a gold bead on either
side. Taking the remaining cloth and the tāli, and sitting close to the girl, the priest,
facing to the north, proceeds to officiate. The girl sits, facing the deity, in the inner
sanctuary. The priest kindles the fire, and performs all the marriage ceremonies,
following the custom of the Tirukkalyānam festival, when Siva is represented as
marrying Parvati. He then teaches the girl the Panchakshara hymn if the temple is
Saivite, and Ashtakshara if it is Vaishnavite, presents her with the cloth, and ties the tāli
round her neck. The Nattuvan, or dancing-master, instructs her for the first time in his
art, and a quantity of raw rice is given to her by the temple authorities. The girl, thus
married, is taken to her house, where the marriage festivities are celebrated for two or
three days. As in Brāhmanical marriages, the rolling of a cocoanut to and fro is gone
through, the temple priest or an elderly Dāsi, dressed in male attire, acting the part of the
bridegroom. The girl is taken in procession through the streets.

“The birth of male children is not made an occasion for rejoicing, and, as the proverb
goes, the lamp on these occasions is only dimly lighted. Inheritance is in the female line,
and women are the absolute owners of all property earned. When a dancing-girl dies,
some paddy and five fanams are given from the temple to which she was attached, to
defray the funeral expenses. The temple priest gives a garland, and a quantity of ashes
for decorating the corpse. After this, a Nampiyan, an Ōcchan, some Vellāla headmen,
and a Kudikkari, having no pollution, assemble at the house of the deceased. The
Nampiyan consecrates a pot of water with prayers, the Ōcchan plays on his musical
instrument, and the Vellālas and Kudikkari powder the turmeric to be smeared over the
corpse. In the case of temple devotees, their dead bodies must be bathed with this
substance by the priest, after which alone the funeral ceremonies may proceed. The
Kartā (chief mourner), who is the nearest male relative, has to get his whole head

shaved. When a temple priest dies, though he is a Brāhman, the dancing-girl, on whom
he has performed the vicarious marriage rite, has to go to his death-bed, and prepare the
turmeric powder to be dusted over his corpse. The anniversary of the death of the mother
and maternal uncle are invariably observed.

“The adoption of a dancing-girl is a lengthy ceremony. The application to the temple
authorities takes the form of a request that the girl to be adopted may be made heir to
both kuti and pati, that is, to the house and temple service of the person adopting. The
sanction of the authorities having been obtained, all concerned meet at the house of the
person who is adopting, a document is executed, and a ceremony, of the nature of the
Jātakarma, performed. The girl then goes through the marriage rite, and is handed over
to the charge of the music teacher to be regularly trained in her profession.”

As bearing on the initiation, laws of inheritance, etc., of Dēva-dāsis, the following cases,
which have been argued in the Madras High Court, may be quoted26:—

(a) In a charge against a dancing-girl of having purchased a young girl, aged five, with
the intent that she would be used for the purpose of prostitution, or knowing it to be
likely that she would be so used, evidence was given of the fact of purchase for sixty
rupees, and that numerous other dancing-girls, residing in the neighbourhood, were in
the habit of obtaining girls and bringing them up as dancing-girls or prostitutes, and that
there were no instances of girls brought up by dancing-girls ever having been married.
One witness stated that there were forty dancing-girls’ houses in the town (Adōni), and
that their chief source of income was prostitution, and that the dancing-girls, who have
no daughters of their own, get girls from others, bring them up, and eventually make
them dancing-girls or prostitutes. He added that the dancing-girls get good incomes by
bringing up girls in preference to boys. Another witness stated that dancing-girls, when
they grow old, obtain girls and bring them up to follow their profession, and that good-
looking girls are generally bought.27

(b) The evidence showed that two of the prisoners were dancing-girls of a certain
temple, that one of them took the two daughters of the remaining prisoner to the pagoda,
to be marked as dancing-girls, and that they were so marked, and their names entered in
the accounts of the pagoda. The first prisoner (the mother of the girls) disposed of the
children to the third prisoner for the consideration of a neck ornament and thirty-five
rupees. The children appeared to be of the ages of seven and two years, respectively.
Evidence was taken, which tended to prove that dancing-girls gain their livelihood by
the performance of certain offices in pagodas, by assisting in the performance of
ceremonies in private houses, by dancing and singing upon the occasion of marriage, and
by prostitution.28

(c) The first prisoner presented an application for the enrolment of his daughter as a
dancing-girl at one of the great pagodas. He stated her age to be thirteen. She attained
puberty a month or two after her enrolment. Her father was the servant of a dancing-girl,
the second prisoner, who had been teaching the minor dancing for some five years. The
evidence showed that the second prisoner brought the girl to the pagoda, that both first
and second prisoners were present when the bottu (or tāli) was tied, and other
ceremonies of the dedication performed; that third prisoner, as Battar of the temple, was
the person who actually tied the bottu, which denotes that the Dāsi is wedded to the idol.
There was the usual evidence that dancing-girls live by prostitution, though occasionally
kept by the same man for a year or more.29

(d) The plaintiff, a Dēva-dāsi, complained that, when she brought offerings according to
custom and placed them before the God at a certain festival, and asked the Archakas
(officiating priests) to present the offerings to the God, burn incense, and then distribute
them, they refused to take the offerings on the ground that the Dēva-dāsi had gone to a
Kōmati’s house to dance. She claimed damages, Rs. 10, for the rejected offerings, and
Rs. 40 for loss of honour, and a perpetual injunction to allow her to perform the mantapa
hadi (sacrifice) at the Chittrai Vasanta festival. The priests pleaded that the dancing-girl
had, for her bad conduct in having danced at a Kōmati’s house, and subsequently refused
to expiate the deed by drinking panchagavyan (five products of the cow) according to
the shastras, been expelled both from her caste and from the temple.30

(e) In a certain temple two dancing-girls were dedicated by the Dharmakarta to the
services of the temple without the consent of the existing body of dancing-girls, and the
suit was instituted against the Dharmakarta and these two Dēva-dāsis, asking that the
Court should ascertain and declare the rights of the Dēva-dāsis of the pagoda in regard
(1) to the dedication of Dēva-dāsis, (2) to the Dharmakarta’s power to bind and suspend
them; and that the Court should ascertain and declare the rights of the plaintiff, the
existing Dēva-dāsis, as to the exclusion of all other Dēva-dāsis, save those who are
related to or adopted by some one of the Dēva-dāsis for the time being, or those who,
being approved by all, are elected and proposed to the Dharmakarta for dedication. That
the new Dāsis may be declared to have been improperly dedicated, and not entitled to
any of the rights of Dēva-dāsis, and restrained from attending the pagoda in that
character, and from interfering with the duly dedicated Dēva-dāsis in the exercise of
their office. That first defendant be restrained from stamping and dedicating other Dēva-
dāsis but such as are duly approved. The Judge dismissed the case on the ground that it
would be contrary to public policy to make the declaration prayed for, as, in so doing,
the Court would be lending itself to bringing the parties under the criminal law. In the
appeal, which was dismissed, one of the Judges remarked that the plaintiffs claimed a
right exclusive to themselves and a few other dancing-women, professional prostitutes,
to present infant female children for dedication to the temple as dancing-girls to be

stamped as such, and so accredited to become at maturity professional prostitutes,
private or public.31

(f) A Dēva-dāsi sued to establish her right to the mirāsi (fees) of dancing-girls in a
certain pagoda, and to be put in possession of the said mirāsi together with the honours
and perquisites attached thereto, and to recover twenty-four rupees, being the value of
said perquisites and honours for the year preceding. She alleged that the Dharmakarta of
the pagoda and his agents wrongfully dismissed her from the office because she had
refused to acquiesce in the admission by the Dharmakarta of new dancing-girls into the
pagoda service, of which she claimed the monopoly for herself and the then existing
families of dancing-girls. The District Judge dismissed the suit, but the High Court
ordered a re-investigation as to the question of the existence of an hereditary office with
endowments or emoluments attached to it.32

(g) A girl, aged seventeen, instituted a suit against the trustees of a pagoda. It was alleged
that a woman who died some years previously was one of the dancing-women attached
to the pagoda, and, as such, entitled to the benefit of one of the temple endowments; that
she had taken in adoption the plaintiff, who was accordingly entitled to succeed to her
office and the emoluments attached to it; that the plaintiff could not enter on the office
until a bottu-tāli had been tied on her in the temple; and that the trustees did not permit
this to be done. The prayer of the plaint was that the defendants be compelled to allow
the tāli to be tied in the temple in view to the girl performing the dancing service, and
enjoying the honours and endowments attached thereto. The Judge dismissed the suit on
the ground that the claim was inadmissible, as being in effect a claim by the plaintiff to
be enlisted as a public prostitute.33

(h) On the death of a prostitute dancing-girl, her adopted niece, belonging to the same
class, succeeds to her property, in whatever way it is acquired, in preference to a brother
remaining in his caste. The general rule is that the legal relation between a prostitute
dancing-girl and her undegraded relations remaining in caste be severed.34

(i) A pauper sued his sister for the partition of property valued at Rs. 34,662. The parties
belonged to the Bōgam caste in the Godāvari district. The woman pleaded that the
property had been acquired by her as a prostitute, and denied her brother’s claim to it.
He obtained a decree for only Rs. 100, being a moiety of the property left by their
mother. The High Court held, on the evidence as to the local custom of the caste, that the
decree was right.35

(j) The accused, a Mādiga of the Bellary district, dedicated his minor daughter as a
Basavi by a form of marriage with an idol. It appeared that a Basavi is incapable of
contracting a lawful marriage, and ordinarily practices promiscuous intercourse with
men, and that her sons succeed to her father’s property. It was held that the accused had

committed an offence under the Penal Code, which lays down that “whoever sells, lets to
hire, or otherwise disposes of any minor under the age of sixteen years, with intent that
such minor shall be employed or used for the purpose of prostitution, or for any unlawful
and immoral purpose, shall be punished, etc.” The Sessions judge referred to evidence
that it was not a matter of course for Basavis to prostitute themselves for money, and
added: “The evidence is very clear that Basavis are made in accordance with a custom of
the Mādiga caste. It is also in evidence that one of the effects of making a girl Basavi is
that her male issue becomes a son of her father, and perpetuates his family, whereas, if
she were married, he would perpetuate her husband’s family. In this particular case, the
girl was made a Basavi that she might be heir to her aunt, who was a Basavi, but
childless. Siddalingana Gowd says that they and their issue inherit the parents’ property.
There is evidence that Basavis are made on a very large scale, and that they live in their
parents’ houses. There is no evidence that they are regarded otherwise than as
respectable members of the caste. It seems as if the Basavi is the Mādiga and Bēdar
equivalent of the “appointed daughter” of Hindu law (Mitakshara, Chap. I, s. xi, 3).
Upon the whole, the evidence seems to establish that, among the Mādigas, there is a
widespread custom of performing, in a temple at Uchangidurgam, a marriage ceremony,
the result of which is that the girl is married without possibility of widowhood or
divorce; that she is at liberty to have intercourse with men at her pleasure; that her
children are heirs to her father, and keep up his family; and that Basavi’s nieces, being
made Basavis, become their heirs. The Basavis seem in some cases to become
prostitutes, but the language used by the witnesses generally points only to free
intercourse with men, and not necessarily to receipt of payment for use of their bodies.
In fact, they seem to acquire the right of intercourse with men without more discredit
than accrues to the men of their caste for intercourse with women who are not their
wives.36

It may be observed that Dēva-dāsis are the only class of women, who are, under Hindu
law as administered in the British Courts, allowed to adopt girls to themselves. Amongst
the other castes, a widow, for instance, cannot adopt to herself, but only to her husband,
and she cannot adopt a daughter instead of a son. A recent attempt by a Brāhman at
Poona to adopt a daughter, who should take the place of a natural-born daughter, was
held to be invalid by general law, and not sanctioned by local usage.37 The same would
be held in Madras. “But among dancing-girls,” Mayne writes,38 “it is customary in
Madras and Western India to adopt girls to follow their adoptive mother’s profession,
and the girls so adopted succeed to their property. No particular ceremonies are
necessary, recognition alone being sufficient. In the absence, however, of a special
custom, and on the analogy of an ordinary adoption, only one girl can be adopted.” In
Calcutta and Bombay these adoptions by dancing-girls have been held invalid.39

Of proverbs relating to dancing-girls, the following may be quoted:—

(1) The dancing-girl who could not dance said that the hall was not big enough. The Rev.
H. Jensen gives40 as an equivalent “When the devil could not swim, he laid the blame on
the water.”

(2) If the dancing-girl be alive, and her mother dies, there will be beating of drums; but,
if the dancing-girl dies, there will be no such display. This is explained by Jensen as
meaning that, to secure the favour of a dancing-girl, many men will attend her mother’s
funeral; but, if the dancing-girl herself dies, there is nothing to be gained by attending
the funeral.

(3) Like a dancing-girl wiping a child. Jensen remarks that a dancing-girl is supposed to
have no children, so she does not know how to keep them clean. Said of one who tries to
mend a matter, but lacks experience, and makes things worse than they were before.

(4) As when a boy is born in a dancing-girl’s house. Jensen notes that, if dancing-girls
have children, they desire to have girls, that they may be brought up to their own
profession.

(5) The dancing-girl, who was formerly more than filled with good food in the temple,
now turns a somersault to get a poor man’s rice.

(6) If a matron is chaste, she may live in the dancing-girl’s street,

The insigne of courtesans, according to the Conjeeveram records, is a Cupid, that of a
Christian, a curry-comb.41

Dēvādiga.—The Dēvādigas are Canarese-speaking temple servants in South Canara,
concerning whom Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows.42 “This is a class of servants,
chiefly musicians in Hindu temples. In the reign of Mayūra Varma, who built a number
of new temples, it was found that Brāhmans could not perform all the services. It was,
therefore, ordained by him that the pūja or worship alone should be performed by the
Brāhmans, and that the Stanikas and Dēvādigas should perform the other services in the
temples. They are also called Moili (or Moyili), but there is a caste called Kannada Moili
which is quite distinct, and Dēvādigas will not eat with them. Some of them cultivate
lands, and some are employed as peons and constables. They returned eleven sub-
divisions, but only one (Tulu) is numerically important. They are Vaishnavites, and Tulu
Brāhmans are their priests. As regards marriage, there is no fixed age. Remarriage of
widows is permitted, but it is practiced only in the case of young widows. The dead are
burned. They eat flesh, and drink liquor.”

The Dēvādigas or Moilis speak Tulu, and are mainly agriculturists. Their traditional
occupation, however, is said to be service in temples (slaves or servants of the dēva or
god). A large number of them, both male and female, are engaged as domestic servants.

Like the Bants, they follow the aliya santāna law of inheritance (in the female line), and
they have the same balis (septs) as the Bants and Billavas. In their marriage ceremonies,
they closely imitate the Bants. An interesting feature in connection therewith is that,
during the dhāre ceremony, a screen is interposed between the bride and bridegroom at
the time when the dhāre water is poured. As a sign of betrothal, a ring is given to the
bride-elect, and she wears it on the little finger. The caste is a mixed one, and here and
there Dēvādigas are seen to have the typical prominent cheek-bones and square face of
the Jains.

In the Census Report, 1901, Dakkera Dēvali, Padarti, and Vālagadava are returned as
sub-divisions of Dēvādiga.

Dēvala (belonging to God).—An exogamous sept of Oddē. The equivalent Dēvali has
been recorded as a sub-caste of Dēvādiga, and Dēvalyal as a division of the Todas.43 A
division of the Irulas of the Nīlgiris, settled near the village of Dēvāla, is known by that
name.

Dēvānga.—The Dēvāngas are a caste of weavers, speaking Telugu or Canarese, who are
found all over the Madras Presidency. Those whom I studied in the Bellary district
connected my operations in a vague way with the pilāg (plague) tax, and collection of
subscriptions for the Victoria Memorial. They were employed in weaving women’s sāris
in pure cotton, or with a silk border, which were sold to rich merchants in the local
bazaar, some of whom belong to the Dēvānga caste. They laughingly said that, though
they are professional weavers, they find it cheapest to wear cloths of European
manufacture.

Dēvānga.

The Dēvāngas are also called Jādaru or Jāda (great men), Dēndra, Dēvara, Dēra,
Sēniyan, and Sēdan. At Coimbatore, in the Tamil country, they are called Settukkāran
(economical people).

The following legend is narrated concerning the origin of the caste. Brahma, having
created Manu, told him to weave clothes for Dēvas and men. Accordingly Manu
continued to weave for some years, and reached heaven through his piety and virtuous
life. There being no one left to weave for them, the Dēvas and men had to wear garments
of leaves. Vexed at this, they prayed to Brahma that he would rescue them from their
plight. Brahma took them to Siva, who at once created a lustrous spirit, and called him

Dēvalan. Struck with the brilliancy thereof, all fled in confusion, excepting Parvati, who
remained near Siva. Siva told her that Dēvalan was created to weave clothes, to cover
the limbs and bodies of Dēvas and men, whose descendants are in consequence called
Dēvāngas (Dēva angam, limb of god). Dēvalan was advised to obtain thread from the
lotus stalks springing from the navel of Vishnu, and he secured them after a severe
penance. On his way back, he met a Rākshasa, Vajradantan by name, who was doing
penance at a hermitage, disguised as a Sanyāsi. Deceived by his appearance, Dēvalan
paid homage to him, and determined to spend the night at the hermitage. But, towards
the close of the day, the Rishi and his followers threw off their disguise, and appeared in
their true colours as Asuras. Dēvalan sought the assistance of Vishnu, and a chakra was
given to him, with which he attempted to overthrow the increasing number of Asuras. He
then invoked the assistance of Chaudanāyaki or Chaudēswari, who came riding on a
lion, and the Asuras were killed off. The mighty Asuras who met their death were
Vajradantan (diamond-toothed), Pugainethran (smoke-eyed), Pugaimugan (smoke-
faced), Chithrasēnan (leader of armies) and Jeyadrathan (owner of a victory-securing
car). The blood of these five was coloured respectively yellow, red, white, green, and
black. For dyeing threads of different colours, Dēvalan dipped them in the blood. The
Dēvāngas claim to be the descendants of Dēvalan, and say that they are Dēvānga
Brāhmans, on the strength of the following stanza, which seems to have been composed
by a Dēvānga priest, Sambalinga Murti by name:—

Manu was born in the Brāhman caste.
He was surely a Brāhman in the womb.
There is no Sudraism in this caste.
Dēvanga had the form of Brāhma.

The legendary origin of the Dēvāngas is given as follows in the Baramahal Records.44
“When Brahma the creator created the charam and acharam, or the animate and
inanimate creation, the Dēvatas or gods, Rākshasas or evil demons, and the human race,
were without a covering for their bodies, which displeasing the god Narada or reason, he
waited upon Paramēshwara or the great Lord at his palace on the Kailāsa Parvata or
mount of paradise, and represented the indecent state of the inhabitants of the universe,
and prayed that he would be pleased to devise a covering for their nakedness.
Paramēshwara saw the propriety of Narada’s request, and thought it was proper to grant
it. While he was so thinking, a male sprang into existence from his body, whom he
named Dēva angam or the body of God, in allusion to the manner of his birth. Dēva
angam instantly asked his progenitor why he had created him. The God answered
‘Repair to the pāla samudram or sea of milk, where you will find Sri Maha Vishnu or the
august mighty god Vishnu, and he will tell thee what to do.’ Dēva angam repaired to the
presence of Sri Maha Vishnu, and represented that Paramēshwara had sent him, and
begged to be favoured with Vishnu’s commands. Vishnu replied ‘Do you weave cloth to
serve as a covering to the inhabitants of the universe.’ Vishnu then gave him some of the

fibres of the lotus flower that grew from his navel, and taught him how to make it into
cloth. Dēva angam wove a piece of cloth, and presented it to Vishnu, who accepted it,
and ordered him to depart, and to take the fibres of trees, and make raiment for the
inhabitants of the Vishnu loka or gods. Dēva angam created ten thousand weavers, who
used to go to the forest and collect the fibre of trees, and make it into cloth for the
Dēvatas or gods and the human race. One day, Dēva angam and his tribe went to a forest
in the Bhuloka or earthly world, in order to collect the fibre of trees, when he was
attacked by a race of Rākshasas or giants, on which he waxed wroth, and, unbending his
jata or long plaited hair, gave it a twist, and struck it once on the ground. In that moment,
a Shakti, or female goddess having eight hands, each grasping a warlike weapon, sprang
from the earth, attacked the Rākshasas, and defeated them. Dēva anga named her
Chudēshwari or goddess of the hair, and, as she delivered his tribe out of the hands of
the Rākshasas, he made her his tutelary divinity.”

The tribal goddess of the Dēvāngas is Chaudēswari, a form of Kāli or Durga, who is
worshipped annually at a festival, in which the entire community takes part either at the
temple, or at a house or grove specially prepared for the occasion. During the festival
weaving operations cease; and those who take a prominent part in the rites fast, and
avoid pollution. The first day is called alagu nilupadam (erecting, or fixing of the
sword). The goddess is worshipped, and a sheep or goat sacrificed, unless the settlement
is composed of vegetarian Dēvāngas. One man at least from each sept fasts, remains
pure, and carries a sword. Inside the temple, or at the spot selected, the pūjari (priest)
tries to balance a long sword on its point on the edge of the mouth of a pot, while the
alagu men cut their chests with the swords. Failure to balance the sword is believed to be
due to pollution brought by somebody to get rid of which the alagu men bathe. Cow’s
urine and turmeric water are sprinkled over those assembled, and women are kept at a
distance to prevent menstrual or other form of pollution. On the next day, called
jothiārambam (jothi, light or splendour) as Chaudēswari is believed to have sprung from
jothi, a big mass is made of rice flour, and a wick, fed with ghī (clarified butter) and
lighted, is placed in a cavity scooped out therein. This flour lamp must be made by
members of a pūjāri’s family assisted sometimes by the alagu boys. In its manufacture, a
quantity of rice is steeped in water, and poured on a plantain leaf. Jaggery (crude sugar)
is then mixed with it, and, when it is of the proper consistency, it is shaped into a cone,
and placed on a silver or brass tray. On the third day, called pānaka pūja or
mahānēvedyam, jaggery water is offered, and cocoanuts, and other offerings are laid
before the goddess. The rice mass is divided up, and given to the pūjari, setti, alagu men
and boys, and to the community, to which small portions are doled out in a particular
order, which must be strictly observed. For example, at Tindivānam the order is as
follows:—

Setti (headman).
Dhondapu family.

Bapatla family.
Kosanam family.
Modanam family.

Fire-walking does not form part of the festival, as the goddess herself sprang from fire.

In some places in the North Arcot district the festival lasts over ten days, and varies in
some points from the above. On the first day, the people go in procession to a jammi
(Prosopis spicigera) tree, and worship a decorated pot (kalasam), to which sheep and
goats are sacrificed. From the second to the sixth day, the goddess and pot are
worshipped daily. On the seventh day, the jammi tree is again visited, and a man carries
on his back cooked rice, which may not be placed on the ground, except near the tree, or
at the temple. If the rice is not set down en route thereto, it is accepted as a sign that the
festival may be proceeded with. Otherwise they would be afraid to light the joti on the
ninth day. This is a busy day, and the ceremonies of sandhulu kattadam (binding the
corners), alagu erecting, lighting the flour mass, and pot worship are performed. Early in
the morning, goats and sheep are killed, outside the village boundary, in the north, east,
south, and west corners, and the blood is sprinkled on all sides to keep off all foreign
ganams or saktis. The sword business, as already described, is gone through, and certain
tests applied to see whether the joti may be lighted. A lime fruit is placed in the region of
the navel of the idol, who should throw it down spontaneously. A bundle of betel leaves
is cut across with a knife, and the cut ends should unite. If the omens are favourable, the
joti is lighted, sheep and goats are killed, and pongal (rice) is offered to the joti. The day
closes with worship of the pot. On the last day the rice mass is distributed. All Dēvānga
guests from other villages have to be received and treated with respect according to the
local rules, which are in force. For this purpose, the community divide their settlements
into Sthalams, Pāyakattulu, Galugrāmatulu, Pētalu, and Kurugrāmālu, which have a
definite order of precedence.

Among the Dēvāngas the following endogamous sections occur:—(1) Telugu; (2)
Canarese; (3) Hathinentu Manayavaru (eighteen house people); (4) Sivachara; (5) Ariya;
(6) Kodekal Hatakararu (weavers).

They are practically divided into two linguistic sections, Canarese and Telugu, of which
the former have adopted the Brāhmanical ceremonials to a greater extent than the latter,
who are more conservative. Those who wear the sacred thread seem to preponderate
over the non-thread weavers in the Canarese section. To the thread is sometimes attached
metal charm-cylinder to ward off evil spirits.

The following are examples of exogamous septs in the Telugu section:—

Ākāsam, sky. Mōksham, heaven.

Anumala, seeds of Dolichos lablab. Pasupala, turmeric.
Boggula, charcoal. Pidakala, dried cow-dung cakes.
Bandla, rock or cart. Pōthula, male.
Chintakai, tamarind fruit. Pachi powaku, green tobacco.
Challa, buttermilk. Padavala, boat.
Chapparam, pandal or booth. Pouzala, a bird.
Dhoddi, cattle-pen, or courtyard. Pammi, clay lamp.
Dhuggāni, money. Thalakōka, female cloth.
Yerra, red. Thūtla, hole.
Konda, mountain. Utla, ropes for hanging pots.
Kaththi, knife. Vasthrāla, cloths.
Bandāri (treasurer). Matam, monastery.
Būsam, grain. Madira, liquor or heap of earth.
Dhondapu (Cephalandra indica). Mēdam, fight.
Elugoti, assembly. Māsila, dirt.
Gattu, bank or mound. Olikala, funeral pyre and ashes.
Paidam, money. Prithvi, earth.
Gonapala, old plough. Peraka, tile.
Gosu, pride. Punjala, cock or male.
Jigala, pith. Pinjala, cotton-cleaning.
Katta, a dam. Pichchiga, sparrow.
Kompala, houses. Sika (kudumi: tuft of hair).
Kōnangi, buffoon. Sandala, lanes.
Kātikala, collyrium. Santha, a fair.
Kaththiri, scissors. Sajje (Setaria italica).

The majority of Dēvāngas are Saivites, and wear the lingam. They do not, however,
wash the stone lingam with water, in which the feet of Jangams have been washed. They
are not particular as to always keeping the lingam on the body, and give as an
explanation that, when they are at work, they have to touch all kinds of people. Some
said that merchants, when engaged in their business, should not wear the lingam,
especially if made of spatikam (quartz), as they have to tell untruths as regards the value
and quality of their goods, and ruin would follow if these were told while the lingam was
on the body.

In some parts of Ganjam, the country folk keep a large number of Brāhmini bulls. When
one of these animals dies, very elaborate funeral ceremonies take place, and the dead
beast is carried in procession by Dēvāngas, and buried by them. As the Dēvāngas are
Lingāyats, they have a special reverence for Basavanna, the sacred bull, and the burying
of the Brāhmini bull is regarded by them as a sacred and meritorious act. Other castes do
not regard it as such, though they often set free sacred cows or calves.

Dēvāngas and Padma Sālēs never live in the same street, and do not draw water from the
same well. This is probably due to the fact that they belong to the left and right-hand
factions respectively, and no love is lost between them. Like other left-hand castes,
Dēvāngas have their own dancing-girls, called Jāthi-biddalu (children of the castes),
whose male offspring do achchupani, printing-work on cloth, and occasionally go about
begging from Dēvāngas. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that “in Madura
and Tinnevelly, the Dēvāngas, or Sēdans, consider themselves a shade superior to the
Brāhmans, and never do namaskāram (obeisance or salutation) to them, or employ them
as priests. In Madura and Coimbatore, the Sēdans have their own dancing-girls, who are
called Dēvānga or Sēda Dāsis in the former, and Mānikkāttāl in the latter, and are strictly
reserved for members of the caste under pain of excommunication or heavy fine.”

Concerning the origin of the Dēvānga beggars, called Singamvādu, the following legend
is current. When Chaudēswari and Dēvālan were engaged in combat with the Asuras,
one of the Asuras hid himself behind the ear of the lion, on which the goddess was
seated. When the fight was over, he came out, and asked for pardon. The goddess took
pity on him, and ordered that his descendants should be called Singamvāllu, and asked
Dēvālan to treat them as servants, and support them. Dēvāngas give money to these
beggars, who have the privilege of locking the door, and carrying away the food, when
the castemen take their meals. In assemblies of Dēvāngas, the hand of the beggar serves
as a spittoon. He conveys the news of death, and has as the insignia of office a horn,
called thuththari or singam.

The office of headman, or Pattagar, is hereditary, and he is assisted by an official called
Sesha-rāju or Umidisetti who is the servant of the community, and receives a small fee
annually for each loom within his beat.

Widow remarriage is permitted in some places, and forbidden in others. There may be
intermarriage between the flesh-eating and vegetarian sections. But a girl who belongs to
a flesh-eating family, and marries into a vegetarian family, must abstain from meat, and
may not touch any vessel or food in her husband’s family till she has reached puberty.
Before settling the marriage of a girl, some village goddess, or Chaudēswari, is
consulted, and the omens are watched. A lizard chirping on the right is a good omen, and
on the left bad. Sometimes, red and white flowers, wrapped up in green leaves, are
thrown in front of the idol, and the omen considered good or bad according to the flower
which a boy or girl picks up. At the marriage ceremony which commences with
distribution of pān-supāri (betel) and Vignēswara worship, the bride is presented with a
new cloth, and sits on a three-legged stool or cloth-roller (dhonige). The maternal uncle
puts round her neck a bondhu (strings of unbleached cotton) dipped in turmeric. The
ceremonies are carried out according to the Purānic ritual, except by those who consider
themselves to be Dēvānga Brāhmans. On the first day the milk post is set up being made
of Odina Wodier in the Tamil, and Mimusops hexandra in the Telugu country. Various

rites are performed, which include tonsure, upanāyanam (wearing the sacred thread),
pādapūja (washing the feet), Kāsiyātra (mock pilgrimage to Benares), dhārādhattam
(giving away the bride), and māngalyadhāranam (tying the marriage badge, or bottu).
The proceedings conclude with pot searching. A pap-bowl and ring are put into a pot. If
the bride picks out the bowl, her first-born will be a girl, and if the bridegroom gets hold
of the ring, it will be a boy. On the fifth day, a square design is made on the floor with
coloured rice grains. Between the contracting couple and the square a row of lights is
placed. Four pots are set, one at each corner of the square, and eight pots arranged along
each side thereof. On the square itself, two pots representing Siva and Uma, are placed,
with a row of seedling pots near them. A thread is wound nine times round the pots
representing the god and goddess, and tied above to the pandal. After the pots have been
worshipped, the thread is cut, and worn, with the sacred thread, for three months. This
ceremony is called Nāgavali.

When a girl reaches puberty, a twig of Alangium Lamarckii is placed in the menstrual
hut to keep off devils.

The dead are generally buried in a sitting posture. Before the grave is filled in, a string is
tied to the kudumi (hair knot) of the corpse, and, by its means, the head is brought near
the surface. Over it a lingam is set up, and worshipped daily throughout the death
ceremonies.

The following curious custom is described by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. Once in twelve
years, a Dēvānga leaves his home, and joins the Padma Sālēs. He begs from them,
saying that he is the son of their caste, and as such entitled to be supported by them. If
alms are not forthcoming, he enters the house, and carries off whatever he may be able
to pick up. Sometimes, if he can get nothing else, he has been known to seize a lighted
cigar in the mouth of a Sālē, and run off with it. The origin of this custom is not certain,
but it has been suggested that the Dēvāngas and Sālēs were originally one caste, and that
the former separated from the latter when they became Lingāyats. A Dēvānga only
becomes a Chinērigādu when he is advanced in years, and will eat the remnants of food
left by Padma Sālēs on their plates. A Chinērigādu is, on his death, buried by the Sālēs.

Many of the Dēvāngas are short of stature, light skinned, with sharp-cut features, light-
brown iris, and delicate tapering fingers. Those at Hospet, in the Bellary district, carried
thorn tweezers (for removing thorns of Acacia arabica from the feet), tooth-pick and
ear-scoop, suspended as a chatelaine from the loin-string. The more well-to-do had these
articles made of silver, with the addition of a silver saw for paring the nails and cutting
cheroots. The name Pampanna, which some of them bore, is connected with the nymph
Pampa, who resides at Hampi, and asked Paramēswara to become her husband. He
accordingly assumed the name of Pampāpathi, in whose honour there is a tank at

Anagūndi, and temple at Hampi. He directed Pampa to live in a pond, and pass by the
name of Pampasarovara.

The Sēdans of Coimbatore, at the time of my visit in October, were hard at work making
clothes for the Dīpāvali festival. It is at times of festivals and marriages, in years of
prosperity among the people, that the weavers reap their richest harvest.

In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Bilimagga (white loom) and Atagāra (weavers and
exorcists) are returned as sub-castes of Dēvānga. The usual title of the Dēvāngas is
Chetti.

The shortness of stature of some of the weaving classes which I have examined is
brought out by the following average measurements:—

cm.
Padma Sālē 159.9
Sūkūn Sālē 160.3
Togata 160.5
Suka Sālē 161.1

Dēvēndra.—A name assumed by some Pallans, who claim to be descended from the
king of the gods (dēvas).

Dhabba (split bamboo).—Dhabba or Dhabbai is the name of a sub-division of Koravas,
who split bamboos, and make various articles therefrom.

Dhakkado.—A small mixed class of Oriya cultivators, concerning whom there is a
proverb that a Dhakkado does not know his father. They are described, in the Census
Report, 1891, as “a caste of cultivators found in the Jeypore agency tracts. They are said
to be the offspring of a Brāhman and a Sūdra girl, and, though living on the hills, they
are not an uncivilised hill tribe. Some prepare and sell the sacred thread, others are
confectioners. They wear the sacred thread, and do not drink water from the hands of
any except Brāhmans. Girls are married before puberty, and widow marriage is
practiced. They are flesh-eaters, and their dead are usually buried.”

In a note on the Dhakkados, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes that “the illegitimate
descendant of a Brāhman and a hill woman of the non-polluting castes is said to be
known as a Dhakkado. The Dhakkados assume Brāhmanical names, but, as regards
marriages, funerals, etc., follow the customs of their mother’s caste. Her caste people
intermarry with her children. A Dhakkado usually follows the occupation of his mother’s
caste. Thus one whose mother is a Kevuto follows the calling of fishing or plying boats
on rivers, one whose mother is a Bhumia is an agriculturist, and so on.”

Dhakūr.—Stated, in the Manual of the Vizagapatam district, to be illegitimate children
of Brāhmans, who wear the paieta (sacred thread).

Dhanapāla.—A sub-division of Gollas, who guard treasure while it is in transit.

Dhangar.—Dhangar, or Donigar, is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a
Marāthi caste of shepherds and cattle-breeders. I gather, from a note45 on the Dhangars
of the Kanara district in the Bombay Presidency, that “the word Dhangar is generally
derived from the Sanskrit dhenu, a cow. Their home speech is Marāthi, but they can
speak Kanarese. They keep a special breed of cows and buffaloes, known as Dhangar
mhasis and Dhangar gāis which are the largest cattle in Kanara. Many of Shivāji’s
infantry were Sātāra Dhangars.”

Dhaniāla (coriander).—An exogamous sept of Kamma. Dhaniāla Jāti, or coriander
caste, is an opprobrious name applied to Kōmatis, indicating that, in business
transactions, they must be crushed as coriander fruits are crushed before the seed is
sown.

Dhāre.—An exogamous sept of Kuruba. In the Canara country, the essential and binding
part of the marriage ceremony is called dhāre (see Bant).

Dharmarāja.—An exogamous sept of the Irulas of North Arcot. Dharmarāja was the
eldest of the five Pāndavas, the heroes of the Mahābhāratha.

Dhippo (light).—An exogamous sept of Bhondāri. The members thereof may not blow
out lights, or extinguish them in any other way. They will not light lamps without being
madi, i.e., wearing silk cloths, or cloths washed and dried after bathing.

Dhōbi.—A name used for washerman by Anglo-Indians all over India. The word is said
to be derived from dhōha, Sanskrit, dhāv, to wash. A whitish grey sandy efflorescence,
found in many places, from which, by boiling and the addition of quicklime, an alkali of
considerable strength is obtained, is called Dhōbi’s earth.46 “The expression dhobie
itch,” Manson writes,47 “although applied to any itching ringworm-like affection of any
part of the skin, most commonly refers to some form of epiphytic disease of the crutch or
axilla (armpit).” The disease is very generally supposed to be communicated by clothes
from the wash, but Manson is of opinion that the belief that it is contracted from clothes
which have been contaminated by the washerman is probably not very well founded.

Dhōbi is the name, by which the washerman caste of the Oriyas is known. “They are
said,” Mr. Francis writes,48 “to have come originally from Orissa. Girls are generally
married before maturity, and, if this is not possible, they have to be married to a sword or
a tree, before they can be wedded to a man. Their ordinary marriage ceremonies are as
follows. The bridal pair bathe in water brought from seven different houses. The

bridegroom puts a bangle on the bride’s arm (this is the binding part of the ceremony);
the left and right wrists of the bride and bridegroom are tied together; betel leaf and nut
are tied in a corner of the bride’s cloth, and a myrabolam (Terminalia fruit) in that of the
bridegroom; and finally the people present in the pandal (booth) throw rice and saffron
(turmeric) over them. Widows and divorced women may marry again. They are
Vaishnavites, but some of them also worship Kāli or Durga. They employ Bairāgis, and
occasionally Brāhmans, as their priests. They burn their dead, and perform srāddha
(annual memorial ceremony). Their titles are Chetti (or Mahā Chetti) and Bēhara.” The
custom of the bridal pair bathing in water from seven different houses obtains among
many Oriya castes, including Brāhmans. It is known by the name of pāni-tula. The water
is brought by married girls, who have not reached puberty, on the night preceding the
wedding day, and the bride and bridegroom wash in it before dawn. This bath is called
koili pāni snāno, or cuckoo water-bath. The koil is the Indian koel or cuckoo (Eudynamis
honorata), whose crescendo cry ku-il, ku-il, is trying to the nerves during the hot season.

The following proverbs49 relating to washermen may be quoted:—

Get a new washerman, and an old barber.

The washerman knows the defects of the village (i.e., he learns a good deal about the private affairs of the
various families, when receiving and delivering the clothes).

When a washerman gets sick, his sickness must leave him at the stone. The stone referred to is the large
stone, on which the washerman cleans cloths, and the proverb denotes that, however sick a washerman
may be, his work must be done.

Dhoddi.—Dhoddi, meaning a court or back-yard, cattle-pen, or sheep-fold, has been
recorded as an exogamous sept of Dēvānga, Koppala Velama, Kama Sālē, Māla, and
Yānādi.

Dhoddiyan.—A name given by Tamilians to Jōgis.

Dhollo.—Dhollo is recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as the same as Doluva.
A correspondent informs me that Dhollo is said to be different from Doluva.

Dhōma (gnat or mosquito).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Dhondapu (Cephalandra indica).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga. The fruit is one of
the commonest of native vegetables, and cooked in curries.

Dhōni (boat).—An exogamous sept of Mīla and Oruganti Kāpu. In a paper on the native
vessels of South India by Mr. Edge, published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society, the dhōni is described as “a vessel of ark-like form, about 70 feet long, 20 feet
broad, and 11 feet deep, with a flat bottom or keel part, which at the broadest place is 7
feet.

“The whole equipment of these rude vessels, as well as their construction, is the most
coarse and unseaworthy that I have ever seen.” The dhōni, with masts, is represented in
the ancient lead and copper coinage of Southern India.

Dhor.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, a few (164) individuals were returned as
“Dhēr, a low caste of Marāthi leather workers.” They were, I gather from the Bombay
Gazetteer, Dhors or tanners who dwell in various parts of the Bombay Presidency, and
whose home speech, names and surnames seem to show that they have come from the
Marātha country.

Dhūdala (calves).—An exogamous sept of Thūmati Golla.

Dhudho (milk).—A sept of Omanaito.

Dhuggāni (money).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Dhūliya.—Dhūliya or Dūlia is a small class of Oriya cultivators, some of whom wear
the sacred thread, and employ Boishnobs as their priests. Marriage before puberty is not
compulsory, and widows can remarry. They eat flesh. The dead are cremated.50 The
name is said to be derived from dhuli, dust, with which those who work in the fields are
covered. Dhūliya also means carriers of dhulis (dhoolies), which are a form of
palanquin.

Didāvi.—A sub-division of Poroja.

Digambara (space-clad or sky-clad, i.e., nude).—One of the two main divisions of the
Jains. The Digambaras are said51 to “regard absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of
holiness, though the advance of civilisation has compelled them to depart from the
practice of their theory.”

Dīvar.—See Dēva.

Diyāsi.—An exogamous sept of Dandāsi. The members thereof show special reverence
for the sun, and cloths, mokkutos (forehead chaplets), garlands, and other articles to be
used by the bride and bridegroom at a wedding are placed outside the house, so that they
may be exposed to it.

Dolaiya.—A title of Doluva and Odia.

Dolobēhara.—The name of headmen or their assistants among many Oriya castes. In
some cases, e.g., among the Haddis, the name is used as a title by families, members of
which are headmen.

Doluva.—The Doluvas of Ganjam are, according to the Madras Census Report, 1891,
“supposed to be the descendants of the old Rājahs by their concubines, and were
employed as soldiers and attendants. The name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit
dola, meaning army.” The Doluvas claim to be descended from the Puri Rājahs by their
concubines, and say that some of them were employed as sirdars and paiks under these
Rājahs. They are said to have accompanied a certain Puri Rājah who came south to wage
war, and to have settled in Ganjam. They are at the present day mainly engaged in
agriculture, though some are traders, bricklayers, cart-drivers, etc. The caste seems to be
divided into five sections, named Kondaiyito, Lenka, Rabba, Pottia, and Beharania, of
which the first two are numerically the strongest and most widely distributed.
Kondaiyito is said to be derived from kondo, an arrow, and to indicate warrior. The
Kondaiyitos sometimes style themselves Rājah Doluvas, and claim superiority over the
other sections. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that “Oriya Zamindars get
wives from this sub-division, but the men of it cannot marry into the Zamindar’s
families. They wear the sacred thread, and are writers.” In former days, the title writer
was applied to the junior grade of Civil Servants of the East India Company. It is now
used to denote a copying clerk in an office.

Various titles occur among members of the caste, e.g., Bissoyi, Biswālo, Dolei, Jenna,
Kottiya, Mahanti, Majhi, Nāhako, Porida, Rāvuto, Sāmulo, and Sāni.

The ordinary caste council system, with a hereditary headman, seems to be absent
among the Doluvas, and the affairs of the caste are settled by leading members thereof.

The Doluvas are Paramarthos, following the Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism, and
wearing a rosary of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) beads. They further worship various
Tākurānis (village deities), among which are Kālva, Bāgadēvi, Kotari, Mahēswari, and
Manickēswari. They are in some places very particular regarding the performance of
srādh (memorial ceremony), which is carried out annually in the following manner. On
the night before the srādh day, a room is prepared for the reception of the soul of the
deceased. This room is called pitru bharano (reception of the ancestor). The floor thereof
is cleansed with cow-dung water, and a lamp fed with ghī (clarified butter) is placed on
it by the side of a plank. On this plank a new cloth is laid for the reception of various
articles for worship, e.g., sacred grass, Zizyphus jujuba leaves, flowers, etc. In front of
the plank a brass vessel, containing water and a tooth brush of Achyranthes aspera root,
is placed. The dead person’s son throws rice and Zizyphus leaves into the air, and calls
on the deceased to come and give a blessing on the following day. The room is then
locked, and the lamp kept burning in it throughout the night. On the following day, all
old pots are thrown away and, after a small space has been cleaned on the floor of the
house, a pattern is drawn thereon with flour in the form of a square or oblong with
twelve divisions. On each division a jak (Artocarpus integrifolia) leaf is placed, and on
each leaf the son puts cooked rice and vegetables. A vessel containing Achyranthes root,

and a plank with a new cloth on it, are set by the side of the pattern. After worship has
been performed and food offered, the cloth is presented to a Brāhman, and the various
articles used in the ceremonial are thrown into water.

Dōmb.—The name Dōmb or Dōmbo is said to be derived from the word dumba,
meaning devil, in reference to the thieving propensities of the tribe. The Dōmbas, Mr. H.
A. Stuart writes,52 “are a Dravidian caste of weavers and menials, found in the hill tracts
of Vizagapatam. This caste appears to be an offshoot of the Dōm caste of Bengal, Behār,
and the North-Western Provinces. Like the Dōms, the Dōmbas are regarded with disgust,
because they eat beef, pork, horse-flesh, rats, and the flesh of animals which have died a
natural death, and both are considered to be Chandālas or Pariahs by the Bengālis and
the Uriyas. The Dōmbs weave the cloths and blankets worn by the hill people, but, like
the Pariahs of the plains, they are also labourers, scavengers, etc. Some of them are
extensively engaged in trade, and they have, as a rule, more knowledge of the world than
the ryots who despise them. They are great drunkards.” In the Census Report, 1871, it
was noted that “in many villages, the Dōms carry on the occupation of weaving, but, in
and around Jaipur, they are employed as horse-keepers, tom-tom beaters, scavengers,
and in other menial duties. Notwithstanding their abject position in the social scale,
some signs of progress may be detected amongst them. They are assuming the
occupation, in many instances, of petty hucksters, eking out a livelihood by taking
advantage of the small difference in rates between market and market.”

“The Dōmbs,” Mr. F. Fawcett writes,53 “are an outcast jungle people, who inhabit the
forests on the high lands fifty to eighty or a hundred miles from the east coast, about
Vizagapatam. Being outcast, they are never allowed to live within a village, but have
their own little hamlet adjoining a village proper, inhabited by people of various superior
castes. It is fair to say that the Dōmbs are akin to the Pānos of the adjoining Khond
country, a Pariah folk who live amongst the Khonds, and used to supply the human
victims for the Meriah sacrifices. Indeed, the Khonds, who hold them in contemptuous
inferiority, call them Dōmbas as a sort of alternative title to Pānos. The Paidis of the
adjoining Savara or Saora country are also, doubtless, kinsmen of the Dōmbs. [The same
man is said to be called Paidi by Telugus, Dōmbo by the Savaras, and Pāno by the
Khonds. It is noted in the Census Report, 1881, that the Pāno quarters in Khond villages
are called Dōmbo Sai.] In most respects their condition is a very poor one. Though they
live in the best part of the Presidency for game, they know absolutely nothing of
hunting, and cannot even handle a bow and arrow. They have, however, one respectable
quality, industry, and are the weavers, traders, and money-lenders of the hills, being very
useful as middlemen between the Khonds, Sauras, Gadabas, and other hill people on the
one hand, and the traders of the plains on the other. I am informed, on good authority,
that there are some Dōmbs who rise higher than this, but cannot say whether these are,
or are not crosses with superior races. Most likely they are, for most of the Dōmbs are
arrant thieves. It was this propensity for thieving, in fact, which had landed some

hundreds of them in the jail at Vizagapatam when I visited that place, and gave me an
opportunity of recording their measurements.” The averages of the more important of
these measurements are as follows:—

cm.
Stature 161.9
Cephalic length 18.8
Cephalic breadth 14.3
Cephalic index 75.6
Nasal index 86.5

It is noted by the Missionary Gloyer54 that the colour of the skin of the Dōmbs varies
from very dark to yellow, and their height from that of an Aryan to the short stature of an
aboriginal, and that there is a corresponding variation in facial type.

For the following note on the Dōmbs, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. They
are the weavers, traders, musicians, beggars, and money-lenders of the hills. Some own
cattle, and cultivate. The hill people in the interior are entirely dependent on them for
their clothing. A few Dōmb families are generally found to each village. They act as
middlemen between the hill people and the Kōmati traders. Their profits are said to be
large, and their children are, in some places, found attending hill schools. As musicians,
they play on the drum and pipe. They are the hereditary musicians of the Mahārāja of
Jeypore. A Dōmb beggar, when engaged in his professional calling, goes about from
door to door, playing on a little pipe. Their supposed powers over devils and witches
result in their being consulted when troubles appear. Though the Dōmbs are regarded as
a low and polluting class, they will not eat at the hands of Kōmatis, Bhondāris, or
Ghāsis. Some Dōmbas have become converts to Christianity through missionary
influence.

In the Madras Census Report, 1891, the following sections of the Dōmbs are recorded:
—Onomia, Odia, Māndiri, Mirgām, and Kohara. The sub-divisions, however, seem to be
as follows:—Mirigāni, Kobbiriya, Odiya, Sōdabisiya, Māndiri, and Andiniya. There are
also various septs, of which the following have been recorded among the Odiyas:—Bhāg
(tiger), Bālu (bear), Nāg (cobra), Hanumān (the monkey god), Kochchipo (tortoise),
Bengri (frog), Kukra (dog), Surya (sun), Matsya (fish), and Jaikonda (lizard). It is noted
by Mr. Fawcett that “monkeys, frogs, and cobras are taboo, and also the sunāri tree
(Ochna squarrosa). The big lizard, cobras, frogs, and the crabs which are found in the
paddy fields, and are usually eaten by jungle people, may not be eaten.”

When a girl reaches puberty, she remains outside the hut for five days, and then bathes at
the nearest stream, and is presented with a new cloth. In honour of the event, drink is
distributed among her relatives. Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim

his paternal aunt’s daughter in marriage. When a proposal of marriage is to be made, the
suitor carries some pots of liquor, usually worth two rupees, to the girl’s house, and
deposits them in front of it. If her parents consent to the match, they take the pots inside,
and drink some of the liquor. After some time has elapsed, more liquor, worth five
rupees, is taken to the girl’s house. A reduction in the quantity of liquor is made when a
man is proposing for the hand of his paternal aunt’s daughter, and, on the second
occasion, the liquor will only be worth three rupees. A similar reduction is made in the
jholla tonka, or bride price. On the wedding day, the bridegroom goes, accompanied by
his relations, to the bride’s home, where, at the auspicious moment fixed by the Desāri,
his father presents new cloths to himself and the bride, which they put on. They stand
before the hut, and on each is placed a cloth with a myrabolam (Terminalia) seed, rice,
and a few copper coins tied up in it. The bridegroom’s right little finger is linked with
the left little finger of the bride, and they enter the hut. On the following day, the newly
married couple repair to the home of the bridegroom. On the third day, they are bathed in
turmeric water, a pig is killed, and a feast is held. On the ninth day, the knots in the
cloths, containing the myrabolams, rice, and coins, are untied, and the marriage
ceremonies are at an end. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother
usually marries the widow of his elder brother.

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that “some of the Dōmbus of the
Parvatipur Agency follow many of the customs of the low-country castes, including
mēnarikam (marriage with the maternal uncle’s daughter), and say they are the same as
the Paidis (or Paidi Mālas) of the plains adjoining, with whom they intermarry.”

The corpses of the more prosperous Dōmbs are usually cremated. The wood of the
sunāri tree and relli (Cassia fistula) may not be used for the pyre. The son or husband of
a deceased person has his head, moustache, and armpits shaved on the tenth day.

Dōmb women, and women of other tribes in the Jeypore Agency tracts, wear silver ear
ornaments called nāgul, representing a cobra just about to strike with tongue protruded.
Similar ornaments of gold, called nāga pōgulu (cobra-shaped earrings), are worn by
women of some Telugu castes in the plains of Vizagapatam.

The personal names of the Dōmbs are, as among other Oriya castes, often those of the
day of the week on which the individual was born.

Concerning the religion of the Dōmbs, Mr. Fawcett notes that “their chief god—
probably an ancestral spirit—is called Kaluga. There is one in each village, in the
headman’s house. The deity is represented by a pie piece (copper coin), placed in or over
a new earthen pot smeared with rice and turmeric powder. During worship, a silk cloth, a
new cloth, or a wet cloth may be worn, but one must not dress in leaves. Before the

mangoes are eaten, the first-fruits are offered to the moon, at the full moon of the month
Chitra.”

“When,” Gloyer writes, “a house has to be built, the first thing is to select a favourable
spot, to which few evil spirits (dūmas) resort. At this spot they put, in several places,
three grains of rice arranged in such a way that the two lower grains support the upper
one. To protect the grains, they pile up stones round them, and the whole is lightly
covered with earth. When, after some time, they find on inspection that the upper grain
has fallen off, the spot is regarded as unlucky, and must not be used. If the position of the
grains remains unchanged, the omen is regarded as auspicious. They drive in the first
post, which must have a certain length, say of five, seven, or nine ells, the ell being
measured from the tip of the middle finger to the elbow. The post is covered on the top
with rice straw, leaves, and shrubs, so that birds may not foul it, which would be
regarded as an evil omen. [In Madras, a story is current, with reference to the statue of
Sir Thomas Munro, that he seized upon all the rice depôts, and starved the people to
death by selling rice in egg-shells at one shell for a rupee, and, to punish him, the
Government erected the statue in an open place, so that the birds of the air might insult
him by polluting his face.] In measuring the house, odd numbers play an important part.
The number four (pura, or full number), however, forms the proper measurement,
whereby they measure the size of the house, according to the pleasure of the builder. But
now the Dissary (Dēsāri) decides whether the house shall be built on the nandi, dua, or
tia system, nandi signifying one, dua two, and tia three. This number of ells must be
added to the measurement of the house. Supposing that the length of the house is twelve
ells, then it will be necessary to add one ell according to the nandi system, so that the
length amounts to thirteen ells. The number four can only be used for stables.”

“The Dūmas,” Gloyer continues, “are represented as souls of the deceased, which roam
about without a home, so as to cause to mankind all possible harm. At the birth of a
child, the Dūma must be invited in a friendly manner to provide the child with a soul,
and protect it against evil. For this purpose, a fowl is killed on the ninth day, a bone
(beinknochen) detached, and pressed in to the hand of the infant. The relations are seated
in solemn silence, and utter the formula:—When grandfather, grandmother, father, or
brother comes, throw away the bone, and we will truly believe it. No sooner does the
sprawling and excited infant drop the bone, than the Dūmas are come, and boisterous
glee prevails. The Dūmas occasionally give vent to their ghostly sounds, and cause no
little consternation among the inmates of a house, who hide from fear. Cunning thieves
know how to rob the superstitious by employing instruments with a subdued tone
(dumpftönende), or by emitting deep sounds from the chest. The yearly sacrifice to a
Dūma consists of a black fowl and strong brandy. If a member of a family falls ill, an
extraordinary sacrifice has to be offered up. The Dūma is not regarded only as an evil
spirit, but also as a tutelary deity. He protects one against the treacherous attacks of
witches. A place is prepared for him in the door-hinge, or a fishing-net, wherein he lives,

is placed over the door. The witches must count all the knots of the net, before they can
enter. Devil worship is closely connected with that of the Dūma. The devil’s priests, and
in rare cases priestesses, effect communion between the people and the Dūmas by a sort
of possession, which the spirit, entering into them, is said to give rise to. This condition,
which is produced by intoxicating drink and the fumes of burning incense, gives rise to
revolting cramp-like contortions, and muscular quiverings. In this state, they are wont to
communicate what sacrifices the spirits require. On special occasions, they fall into a
frenzied state, in which they cut their flesh with sharp instruments, or pass long, thin iron
bars through the tongue and cheeks, during which operation no blood must flow. For this
purpose, the instruments are rubbed all over with some blood-congealing material or sap.
They also affect sitting on a sacred swing, armed with long iron nails. [Mr. G. F.
Paddison informs me that he once saw a villager in the Vizagapatam district, sitting
outside the house, while groans proceeded from within. He explained that he was ill, and
his wife was swinging on nails with their points upwards, to cure him.] The devil called
Jom Duto, or messenger of the going, is believed to be a one-eyed, limping, black
individual, whose hair is twisted into a frightfully long horn, while one foot is very long,
and the other resembles the hoof of a buffalo. He makes his appearance at the death-bed,
in order to drag his victim to the realm of torture.”

Children are supposed to be born without souls, and to be afterwards chosen as an abode
by the soul of an ancestor. The coming of the ancestor is signalised by the child dropping
a chicken bone which has been thrust into its hand, and much rejoicing follows among
the assembled relations.55

Mr. Paddison tells me that some Dōmbs are reputed to be able to pour blazing oil over
their bodies, without suffering any hurt; and one man is said to have had a miraculous
power of hardening his skin, so that any one could have a free shot at him, without
hurting him. He further narrates that, at Sujanakōta in the Vizagapatam district, the
Dōmbs, notwithstanding frequent warnings, put devils into two successive
schoolmasters.

Various tattoo devices, borne by the Dōmbs examined by Mr. Fawcett, are figured and
described by him. “These patterns,” he writes, “were said to be, one and all, purely
ornamental, and not in any way connected with totems, or tribal emblems.” Risley,
however,56 regards “four out of the twelve designs as pretty closely related to the
religion and mythology of the tribe; two are totems and two have reference to the
traditional avocations. Nos. 11 and 12 represent a classical scene in Dōm folk-lore, the
story of King Haris-Chandra, who was so generous that he gave all he had to the poor
and sold himself to a Dōm at Benares, who employed him to watch his cremation ground
at night. While he was thus engaged, his wife, who had also been sold for charitable
purposes, came to burn the body of her son. She had no money to pay her fees, and
Haris-Chandra, not knowing her in the darkness, turned her away. Fortunately the sun

rose; mutual recognition followed; the victims of promiscuous largesse were at once
remarried, and Vishnu intervened to restore the son to life. Tatu No. 11 shows Haris-
Chandra watching the burning-ground by moonlight; the wavy line is the Ganges; the
dots are the trees on the other side; the strokes on either side of the king are the logs of
wood, which he is guarding. In No. 12 we see the sun rising, its first ray marked with a
sort of fork, and the meeting of the king and queen.”

It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that “throughout the Jeypore
country proper, the Dombus (and some Ghāsis) are by far the most troublesome class.
Their favourite crime is cattle-theft for the sake of the skins, but, in 1902, a Dombu gang
in Naurangpūr went so far as to levy blackmail over a large extent of country, and defy
for some months all attempts at capture. The loss of their cattle exasperates the other hill
folk to the last degree, and, in 1899, the Naiks (headmen) of sixteen villages in the north
of Jeypore tāluk headed an organized attack on the houses of the Dombus, which, in the
most deliberate manner, they razed to the ground in some fifteen villages. The Dombus
had fortunately got scent of what was coming, and made themselves scarce, and no
bloodshed occurred. In the next year, some of the Naiks of the Rāmagiri side of Jeypore
tāluk sent round a jack branch, a well-recognised form of the fiery cross, summoning
villagers other than Dombus to assemble at a fixed time and place, but this was luckily
intercepted by the police. The Agent afterwards discussed the whole question with the
chief Naiks of Jeypore and South Naurangpūr. They had no opinion of the deterrent
effects of mere imprisonment on the Dombus. ‘You fatten them, and send them back,’
they said, and suggested that a far better plan would be to cut off their right hands. [It is
noted, in the Vizagapatam Manual, 1869, that in cases of murder, the Rājah of Jeypore
generally had the man’s hands, nose, and ears cut off, but, after all that, he seldom
escaped the deceased’s relatives.] They eventually proposed a plan of checking the
cattle-thefts, which is now being followed in much of that country. The Bāranaiks, or
heads of groups of villages, were each given brands with distinctive letters and numbers,

and required to brand the skins of all animals which had died a natural death or been
honestly killed; and the possession by Dombus, skin merchants, or others, of unbranded
skins is now considered a suspicious circumstance, the burden of explaining which lies
upon the possessor. Unless this, or some other way of checking the Dombus’
depredations proves successful, serious danger exists that the rest of the people will take
the matter into their own hands and, as the Dombus in the Agency number over 50,000,
this would mean real trouble.” It is further recorded57 that the Paidis (Paidi Mālas), who
often commit dacoities on the roads, “are connected with the Dombus of the Rāyagada
and Gunupur tāluks, who are even worse. These people dacoit houses at night in armed
gangs of fifty or more, with their faces blacked to prevent recognition. Terrifying the
villagers into staying quiet in their huts, they force their way into the house of some
wealthy person (for choice the local Sondi, liquor-seller and sowcar,58 usually the only
man worth looting in an agency village, and a shark who gets little pity from his
neighbours when forced to disgorge), tie up the men, rape the women, and go off with
everything of value. Their favourite method of extracting information regarding
concealed property is to sprinkle the houseowner with boiling oil.”

Dommara.—The Dommaras are a tribe of tumblers, athletes, and mountebanks, some of
whom wander about the country, while others have settled down as agricultural
labourers, or make combs out of the wood of Elæodendron glaucum, Ixora parviflora,
Pavetta indica, Ficus bengalensis, etc., which they sell to wholesale merchants. They
are, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,59 “a nomad class of acrobats, who, in many respects, recall
the gipsies to mind, and raise the suggestion that their name may possibly be connected
with the Dōms of Northern India. They speak Telugu, Marāthi, and Hindustani, but not
generally Tamil. They are skilful jugglers, and both men and women are very clever
tumblers and tight-rope dancers, exhibiting their feats as they travel about the country.
Some of them sell date mats and baskets, some trade in pigs, while others, settled in
villages, cultivate lands. In social position they rank just above the Pariahs and Mādigas.
They profess to be Vaishnavites [and Saivites]. Infant marriage is not practiced. Widow
remarriage is freely allowed, and polygamy is common. Their marriage tie is very loose,
and their women often practice prostitution. They are a predatory class, great drunkards,
and of most dissolute habits. The dead are generally buried, and [on the day of the final
death ceremonies] cooked rice is thrown out to be eaten by crows. In the matter of food,
they eat all sorts of animals, including pigs, cats, and crows.” When a friend was
engaged in making experiments in connection with snake venom, some Dommaras
asked for permission to unbury the corpses of snakes and mungooses for the purpose of
food.

Ārē Dommara acrobat.

The Dommaras are, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, summed up as being buffoons,
tumblers, acrobats, and snakecharmers, who travel from place to place, and earn a
precarious living by their exhibitions. In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Domban,
Kalaikūttādi (pole-dancer), and Ārya Kūttādi, are given as synonyms of Dommara. The
Kūttādi are summed up, in the Tanjore Manual, as vagabond dancers, actors,
pantomimists, and marionette exhibitors, who hold a very low position in the social
scale, and always perform in public streets and bazaars.

By Mr. F. S. Mullaly60 the Dommaras are divided into Reddi or Kāpu (i.e., cultivators)
and Āray (Marātha). “The women,” he writes, “are proficient in making combs of horn

and wood, and implements used by weavers. These they hawk about from place to place,
to supplement the profits they derive from their exhibitions of gymnastic feats. In
addition to performing conjuring tricks, rope-dancing and the like, the Dommaras hunt,
fish, make mats, and rear donkeys and pigs. The head of the tribe is called the Mutli
Guru. He is their high priest, and exercises supreme jurisdiction over them both in
spiritual and temporal matters. His head-quarters is Chitvēl in the Cuddapah district. The
legend regarding the office of the Mutli Guru is as follows. At Chitvēl, or as it was then
known Mutli, there once lived a king, who called together a gathering of all the
gymnasts among his subjects. Several classes were represented. Pōlērigādu, a Reddi
Dommara, so pleased the king that he was presented with a ring, and a royal edict was
passed that the wearer of the ring and his descendants should be the head of the
Dommara class. The ring then given is said to be the same that is now worn by the head
of the tribe at Chitvēl, which bears an inscription in Telugu declaring that the wearer is
the high-priest or guru of all the Dommaras. The office is hereditary. The dwellings of
the Dommaras are somewhat similar to those of the Koravars and Joghis, made of
palmyra leaves plaited into mats with seven strands. These huts, or gudisays, are located
on the outskirts of villages, and carried on the backs of donkeys when on the march.
Stolen cloths, unless of value, are not as a rule sold, but concealed in the packs of their
donkeys, and after a time worn. The Dommaras are addicted to dacoity, robbery,
burglary, and thefts. The instrument used by them is unlike those used by other criminal
classes: it is of iron, about a foot long, and with a chisel-shaped point. As cattle and
sheep lifters they are expert, and they have their regular receivers at most of the cattle
fairs throughout the Presidency.”

It is noted, in the Nellore Manual, that the Dommaras “are stated by the Nellore
Tahsildar to possess mirāsi rights in some villages; that I take to mean that there is, in
some villages, a customary contribution for tumblers and mendicants, which, according
to Wilson, was made in Mysore the pretext for a tax named Dombar-lingada-vira-kaniki.
This tax, under the name Dombar tafrik, was levied in Venkatagiri in 1801.” In the
Madura district, Dommaras are found in some villages formerly owned by zamindars,
and they call themselves children of the zamindars, by whom they were probably
patronised.

Being a criminal class, the Dommaras have a thief’s language of their own, of which the
following are examples:—

Bidam vadu, Dommara.
Poothi, policeman.
Marigam, pig.
Goparam, seven.
Dāsa-masa, prostitute.
Kopparam, salt.

Kaljodu, goldsmith.

The Dommaras are said to receive into their community children of other castes, and
women of doubtful morals, and to practice the custom of making Basavis (dedicated
prostitutes).

The Telugu Dommaras give as their gōtra Salava patchi, the name of a mythological
bird. At times of marriage, they substitute a turmeric-dyed string consisting of 101
threads, called bondhu, for the golden tāli or bottu. The marriage ceremonies of the Ārē
Dommaras are supervised by an old Basavi woman, and the golden marriage badge is
tied round the bride’s neck by a Basavi.

Ārē Dommara acrobat.

A Dommara, whom I interviewed at Coimbatore, carried a cotton bag containing a
miscellaneous assortment of rubbish used in his capacity as medicine man and snake-

charmer, which included a collection of spurious jackal horns (nari kompu), the hairs
round which were stained with turmeric. To prove the genuineness thereof, he showed
me not only the horn, but also the feet with nails complete, as evidence that the horns
were not made from the nails. Being charged with manufacturing the horns, he swore, by
placing his hand on the head of a child who accompanied him, that he was not deceiving
me. The largest of the horns in his bag, he gravely informed me, was from a jackal which
he dug out of its hole on the last new moon night. The possessors of such horns, he
assured me, do not go out with the pack, and rarely leave their holes except to feed on
dew, field rats, etc. These spurious horns are regarded as a talisman, and it is believed
that he who owns one can command the realisation of every wish. (See Kuruvikkāran.)
An iron ring, which the Dommara was wearing on his wrist, was used as a cure for
hernia, being heated and applied as a branding agent over the inguinal region. Lamp oil
is then rubbed over the burn, and a secret medicine, mixed with fowl’s egg,
administered. The ring was, he said, an ancestral heir-loom, and as such highly prized.
To cure rheumatism in the big joints, he resorted to an ingenious form of dry cupping. A
small incision is made with a piece of broken glass over the affected part, and the skin
damped with water. The distal end of a cow’s horn, of which the tip has been removed,
and plugged with wax, does duty for the cup. A hole is pierced through the wax with an
iron needle, and, the horn being placed over the seat of disease, the air is withdrawn
from it by suction with the mouth, and the hole in the wax stopped up. As the air is
removed from the cavity of the horn, the skin rises up within it. To remove the horn, it is
only necessary to readmit air by once more boring a hole through the wax. In a bad case,
as many as three horns may be applied to the affected part. The Pitt Rivers Museum at
Oxford possesses dry-cupping apparatus, made of cow horn, from Mirzapur in Northern
India and from Natal, and of antelope horn from an unrecorded locality in India. In cases
of scorpion sting the Dommara rubbed up patent boluses with human milk or milk of the
milk-hedge plant (Euphorbia Tirucalli), and applied them to the part. For chest pains he
prescribed red ochre, and for infantile diseases myrabolam (Terminalia) fruits mixed
with water. In cases of snake-bite, a black stone, said to be made of various drugs mixed
together, and burnt, is placed over the seat of the bite, and will, it was stated, drop off of
its own accord as soon as it has absorbed all the poison. It is then put into milk or water
to extract the poison, and the fluid is thrown away as being dangerous to life if
swallowed. As a remedy for the bite of a mad dog, a plant, which is kept a secret, is
mixed with the milk of a white goat, pepper, garlic, and other ingredients, and
administered internally. A single dose is said to effect a cure.

At Tarikēri in Mysore, a wandering troupe of Ārē (Marātha) Dommaras performed
before me. The women were decorated with jewels and flowers, and carried bells on
their ankles. The men had a row of bells attached all round the lower edge of their short
drawers. Before the performance commenced, a Pillayar (Ganēsa) was made with
cowdung, and saluted. The entertainment took place in the open air amid the beating of
drums, whistling, singing, and dialogue. The jests and antics of the equivalent of the

circus clown were a source of much joy to the throng of villagers who collected to
witness the tamāsha (spectacle). One of the principal performers, in the waits between
his turns, played the drum, or took a suck at a hooka (tobacco pipe) which was passed
round among the members of the troupe. The entertainment, in which both men and
women took part, consisted of various acrobatic feats, turning summersaults and
catherine wheels, stilt-walking, and clever feats on the tight rope. Finally a man,
climbing up a lofty bamboo pole, spun himself rapidly round and round on the top of it
by means of a socket in an iron plate tied to his loin cloth, into which a spike in the pole
fitted.

Dondia.—A title of Gaudo.

Donga Dāsari.—Dāsari (servant of the god), Mr. Francis writes,61 “in the strict sense of
the word, is a religious mendicant of the Vaishnavite sect, who has formally devoted
himself to an existence as such, and been formally included in the mendicant
brotherhood by being branded on the shoulders with Vaishnavite symbols.” Far different
are the Donga, or thief Dāsaris, who receive their name from the fact that “the men and
women disguise themselves as Dāsaris, with perpendicular Vaishnava marks on their
foreheads, and, carrying a lamp (Garuda kambum), a gong of bell-metal, a small drum
called jagata, and a tuft of peacock feathers, go begging in the villages, and are at times
treated with the sumptuous meals, including cakes offered to them as the disciples of
Venkatēsvarlu.62”

In an interesting article on the Donga Dāsaris, Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes as
follows.63 “Quite opposed to the gudi (temple) Dāsaris are Donga Dāsaris. They are the
most dreaded of the criminal classes in the Bellary district. In the early years of their
settlement in Bellary, these Donga Dāsaris were said to have practiced kidnapping boys
and girls of other castes to strengthen their number, and even now, as the practice stands,
any person can become a Donga Dāsari though very few would like to become one. But,
for all that, the chief castes who furnished members to this brotherhood of robbery were
the scum of the Lingayats and the Kabbēras. Of course, none of the respectable members
of these castes would join them, and only those who were excommunicated found a
ready home among these Donga Dāsaris. Sometimes Muhammadan budmāshes (bad-
māsh, evil means of livelihood) and the worst characters from other castes, also become
Donga Dāsaris. The way an alien is made a Donga Dāsari is as follows. The regular
Donga Dāsaris take the party who wants to enter their brotherhood to the side of a river,
make him bathe in oil, give him a new cloth, hold a council, and give a feast. They burn
a twig of the sami (Prosopis spicigera) or margosa (Melia Azadirachta) tree, and slightly
burn the tongue of the party who has joined them. This is the way of purification and
acceptance of every new member, who, soon after the tongue-burning ceremony, is
given a seat in the general company, and made to partake of the common feast. The
Donga Dāsaris talk both Telugu and Kanarese. They have only two bedagas or family

names, called Sunna Akki (thin rice) and Ghantelavāru (men of the bell). As the latter is
a family name of the Kabbēras, it is an evidence that members of the latter community
have joined the Donga Dāsaris. Even now Donga Dāsaris intermarry with Kabbēras, i.e.,
they accept any girl from a Kabbēra family in marriage to one of their sons, but do not
give one of their daughters in marriage to a Kabbēra boy. Hanumān is their chief god.
Venkatēsa, an incarnation of Vishnu, is also worshipped by many. But, in every one of
their villages, they have a temple dedicated to their village goddess Huligavva or
Ellamma, and it is only before these goddesses that they sacrifice sheep or fowls. Vows
are undertaken for these village goddesses when children fall ill. In addition to this, these
Donga Dāsaris are notorious for taking vows before starting on a thieving expedition,
and the way these ceremonies are gone through is as follows. The gang, before starting
on a thieving expedition, proceed to a jungle near their village in the early part of the
night, worship their favourite goddesses Huligavva or Ellamma, and sacrifice a sheep or
fowl before her. They place one of their turbans on the head of the sheep or fowl that
was sacrificed, as soon as the head falls on the ground. If the turban turns to the right, it
is considered a good sign, the goddess having permitted them to proceed on the
expedition; if to the left, they return home that night. Hanumān is also consulted in such
expeditions, and the way in which it is done is as follows. They go to a Hanumān temple
which is near their village, and, after worshipping him, garland him with a wreath of
flowers. The garland hangs on both sides of the neck. If any flowers on the right side
drop down first, it is considered as a permission granted by the god to start on
plundering expeditions, and, conversely, these expeditions are never undertaken if any
flowers happen to drop from the left side first. The Donga Dāsaris start on their thieving
raids with their whole family, wife and children following. They are the great experts in
house-breaking and theft, and children are taught thieving by their mothers when they
are five or six years old. The mother takes her boy or girl to the nearest market, and
shows the child some cloth or vessel, and asks it to bring it away. When it fails, it is
thrashed, and, when stroke upon stroke falls upon its back, the only reply it is taught to
give is that it knows nothing. This is considered to be the reply which the child, when it
grows up to be a man or woman, has to give to the police authorities when it is caught in
some crime and thrashed by them to confess. Whenever the Donga Dāsaris are caught by
the police, they give false names and false castes. They have a cipher language among
themselves. The Donga Dāsari woman is very loose, but, if she go astray with a
Brāhman, Lingayat, Kabbēra, Kuruba, Upparava, or Rājput, her tongue is burnt, and she
is taken back into the community. Widow remarriage freely prevails. They avoid eating
beef and pork, but have no objection to other kinds of flesh.”

Donga Oddē.—The name for Oddēs who practice thieving as a profession.

Dongayato.—A sub-division of Gaudo.

Dongrudiya.—A sub-division of Māli.

Dora.—Dora, meaning lord, has been returned as the title of numerous classes, which
include Bōya, Ekāri, Jātāpu, Konda Dora, Mutrācha, Patra, Telaga, Velama, and Yānāti.
The hill Kois or Koyis of the Godāvari district are known as Koi Dora or Doralu (lords).
I am told that, in some parts of the Telugu country, if one hears a native referred to as
Dora, he will generally turn out to be a Velama; and that there is the following gradation
in the social scale:—

Velama Dora = Velama Esquire.
Kamma Vāru = Mr. Kamma.
Kapu = Plain Kāpu, without an honorific suffix.

In Southern India, Dorai or Durai (Master) is the equivalent of the northern Sāhib, and
Dorasāni (Mistress) of Memsāhib.

It is noted by Sir A. J. Arbuthnot64 that “the appellation by which Sir Thomas Munro
was most commonly known in the Ceded districts was that of Colonel Dora. And to this
day it is considered a sufficient answer to enquiries regarding the reason for any
Revenue Rule, that it was laid down by the Colonel Dora.”

Dorabidda, or children of chiefs, is the name by which Bōyas, who claim to be
descended from Poligars (feudal chiefs) call themselves.

Drāvida.—A sub-division of Kamsala. South Indian Brāhmans are called Drāvidas.

Dūbaduba.—Recorded, at times of census, as an Oriya form of Budubudukala.

Duddu (money).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Dūdēkula.—The Dūdēkulas are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart65 as “Muhammadans who
have taken to the trade of cotton-cleaning (dūde, cotton; ekula, to clean). By the Tamils
they are called Panjāri or Panjukotti, which have the same significance. Though
Muhammadans, they have adopted or retained many of the customs of the Hindus
around them, tying a tāli to the bride at marriage, being very ignorant of the
Muhammadan religion, and even joining in Hindu worship as far as allowable.
Circumcision is, however, invariable, and they are much given to the worship of
Muhammadan saints. In dress they resemble the Hindus, and often shave off the beard,
but do not leave a single lock of hair upon the head, as most Hindus do. Over three
hundred Hindus have returned their caste as either Dūdēkula or Panjāri, but these are
probably members of other castes, who call themselves Dūdēkula as they are engaged in
cotton-cleaning.”

The Dūdēkulas are described by Mr. W. Francis66 as “a Muhammadan caste of cotton-
cleaners, and rope and tape-makers. They are either converts to Islām, or the progeny of

unions between Musalmans and the women of the country. Consequently they generally
speak the Dravidian languages—either Canarese or Telugu—but some of them speak
Hindustāni also. Their customs are a mixture of those of the Musalmans and the Hindus.
Inheritance is apparently according to Muhammadan law. They pray in mosques, and
circumcise their boys, and yet some of them observe the Hindu festivals. They worship
their tools at Bakrid and not at the Dasara; they raise the azān or Muhammadan call to
prayers at sunset, and they pray at the tombs of Musalman saints.” In the Vizagapatam
district, the Dūdēkulas are described as beating cotton, and blowing horns.

For the following note on the Dūdēkulas of the Ceded Districts, I am indebted to Mr.
Haji Khaja Hussain. They claim Bava Faqrud-dīn Pīr of Penukonda in the Anantapur
district as their patron saint. Large numbers of Muhammadans, including Dūdēkulas,
collect at the annual festival (mēla) at his shrine, and offer their homage in the shape of a
fatiha. This, meaning opener, is the name of the first chapter of the Korān, which is
repeated when prayers are offered for the souls of the departed. For this ceremony a
pilau, made of flesh, rice and ghī (clarified butter) is prepared, and the Khāzi repeats the
chapter, and offers the food to the soul of the deceased saint or relation.

The story of Faqrud-dīn Pīr is as follows. He was born in A.H. 564 (about A.D. 1122),
and was King of Seistan in Persia. One day, while he was administering justice, a
merchant brought some horses before him for sale. His attention was diverted, and he
became for a time absorbed in contemplation of the beauty of one of the horses.
Awakening from his reverie, he blamed himself for allowing his thoughts to wander
when he was engaged in the most sacred of his duties as a king. He summoned a meeting
of all the learned moulvis in his kingdom, and enquired of them what was the penalty for
his conduct. They unanimously decreed that he should abdicate. Accordingly he placed
his brother on the throne, and, becoming a dervish, came to India, and wandered about in
the jungles. Eventually he arrived at Trichinopoly, and there met the celebrated saint
Tabri-Ālam, whose disciple he became. After his admission into holy orders, he was told
to travel about, and plant his miswāk wherever he halted, and regard the place where it
sprouted as his permanent residence. The miswāk, or tooth-brush, is a piece of the root
of the pīlū tree (Salvadora persica), which is used by Muhammadans, and especially
Fakirs, for cleaning the teeth. When Bava Faqrud-dīn arrived at Penukonda hill, he, as
usual, planted the miswāk, which sprouted. He accordingly decided to make this spot his
permanent abode. But there was close by an important Hindu temple, and the idea of a
Muhammadan settling close to it enraged the Hindus, who asked him to leave. He not
only refused to do so, but allowed his disciples, of whom a number had collected, to
slaughter a sacred bull belonging to the temple. The Hindus accordingly decided to kill
Faqrud-dīn and his disciples. The Rāja collected an armed force, and demanded the
restoration of the bull. Faqrud-dīn ordered one of his disciples to bring before him the
skin, head, feet and tail of the animal, which had been preserved. Striking the skin with
his staff, he exclaimed “Rise, Oh! bull, at the command of God.” The animal

immediately rose in a complete state of restoration, and would not leave the presence of
his preserver. Alarmed at this miracle, the Hindus brandished their swords and spears,
and were about to fall on the Muhammadans, when a dust-storm arose and blinded them.
In their confusion, they began to slay each other, and left the spot in dismay. The Rāja
then resolved to kill the Muhammadans by poisoning them. He prepared some cakes
mixed with poison, and sent them to Faqrud-dīn for distribution among his disciples. The
saint, though he knew that the cakes were poisoned, partook thereof of himself, as also
did his disciples, without any evil effect. A few days afterwards, the Rāja was attacked
with colic, and his case was given up by the court physicians as hopeless. As a last
resort, he was taken before Faqrud-dīn, who offered him one of the poisoned cakes,
which cured him. Falling at his feet, the Rāja begged for pardon, and offered the village
of Penukonda to Faqrud-dīn as a jaghīr (annuity). This offer was declined, and the saint
asked that the temple should be converted into a mosque. The Rāja granted this request,
and it is said that large numbers of Hindus embraced the Muhammadan religion, and
were the ancestors of the Dūdēkulas.

The Dūdēkulas, like the Hindus, like to possess some visible symbol for worship, and
they enrol great personages who have died among the number of those at whose graves
they worship. So essential is this grave worship that, if a place is without one, a grave is
erected in the name of some saint. Such a thing has happened in recent times in
Banganapalle. A Fakir, named Allā Bakhsh, died at Kurnool. A Dūdēkula of the
Banganapalle State visited his grave, took away a lump of earth from the ground near it,
and buried it in a village ten miles from Banganapalle. A shrine was erected over it in the
name of the saint, and has become very famous for the miracles which are performed at
it. An annual festival is held, which is attended by large numbers of Muhammadans and
Dūdēkulas.

Some Dūdēkulas have names which, though at first sight they seem to be Hindu, are
really Muhammadan. For example, Kambannah is a corruption of Kamal Sahib, and
Sakali, which in Telugu means a washerman, seems to be an altered form of Sheik Āli.
Though Dūdēkulas say that they are Muhammadans of the Sheik sect, the name Sheik is
only occasionally used as a prefix, e.g., Sheik Hussain or Sheik Āli. Names of males are
Hussain Sa, Fakir Sa, and Khāsim Sa. Sa is an abbreviated form of Sahib. One old
Dūdēkula stated that the title Sahib was intended for pucka (genuine) Muhammadans,
and that the Dūdēkulas could not lay claim to the title in its entirety. Instead of Sa, Bhai,
meaning brother, is sometimes used as a suffix to the name, e.g., Ghudu Bhai. Ghudu,
meaning ash-heap, is an opprobrious name given to children of those whose offspring
have died young, in the hope of securing long life to them. The child is taken,
immediately after birth, to an ash-heap, where some of the ashes are sprinkled over it.
Some Dūdēkulas adopt the Hindu termination appa (father), anna (brother), or gadu, e.g.,
Pullanna, Nāganna, Yerkalappa, Hussaingadu, Hussainappa. Typical names of females

are Roshammā, Jamalammā, and Madarammā. They have dropped the title Bibi or Bi,
and adopted the Hindu title ammā (mother).

The ceremony of naming a child is generally performed on the sixth day after its birth.
The choice of a name is entrusted to an elderly female member of the family. In some
cases, the name of a deceased ancestor who lived to an advanced age is taken. If a child
dies prematurely, there is a superstitious prejudice against its name, which is avoided by
the family. Very frequently a father and son, and sometimes two or three brothers, have
the same name. In such a case prefixes are added to their names as a means of
distinguishing them, e.g., Pedda (big), Nadpi (middle), Chinna (little). Sometimes two
names are assumed by an individual, one a Hindu name for every day use, the other
Muhammadan for ceremonial occasions.

The Dūdēkulas depend for the performance of their ceremonies largely on the Khāzi, by
whom even the killing of a fowl for domestic purposes has to be carried out. The
Dūdēkula, like other Muhammadans, is averse to taking animal life without due religious
rites, and the zabh, or killing of an animal for food, is an important matter. One who is
about to do so should first make vazu (ablution), by cleaning his teeth and washing his
mouth, hands, face, forearms, head and feet. He should then face the west, and an
assistant holds the animal to be slaughtered upside down, and facing west. Water is
poured into its mouth, and the words Bismillā hi Allā hu Akbar uttered. The operator
then cuts the throat, taking care that the jugular veins are divided. In remote villages,
where a Khāzi is not available, the Dūdēkulas keep a sacrificial knife, which has been
sanctified by the Khāzi repeating over it the same words from the Korān as are used
when an animal is slaughtered.

The first words which a Muhammadan child should hear are those of the azān, or call to
prayer, which are uttered in its ear immediately after birth. This ceremony is observed by
those Dūdēkulas who live in towns or big villages, or can afford the services of a Khāzi.
It is noted by Mr. Francis that the Dūdēkulas raise the azān at sunset. A few, who have
been through a course of religious instruction at a Madrasa (school), may be able to do
this. A Muhammadan is supposed to raise the azān five times daily, viz., before sunrise,
between noon and 3 P.M., between 4 and 6 P.M., at sunset, and between 8 P.M. and
midnight.

At the naming of an infant on the sixth day, the Dūdēkulas do not, like other
Muhammadans, perform the aguigā ceremony, which consists of shaving the child’s
head, and sacrificing a he-goat. Children are circumcised before the tenth year. On such
occasions the Muhammadans generally invite their friends, and distribute sweets and
pān-supāri (betel leaf and areca nuts). The Dūdēkulas simply send for a barber, Hindu or
Muhammadan, who performs the operation in the presence of a Khāzi, if one happens to

be available. When a girl reaches puberty, the Dūdēkulas invite their friends to a feast.
Other Muhammadans, on the contrary, keep the fact a secret.

At the betrothal ceremony, when sweets and pān-supāri are taken by the future
bridegroom and his party to the house of the girl whom he seeks in marriage, the female
members of both families, and the girl herself, are present. This fact shows the absence
of the Muhammadan gōsha system among Dūdēkulas. A Muhammadan wedding lasts
over five or six days, whereas the ceremonies are, among the Dūdēkulas, completed
within twenty-four hours. On the night preceding the nikka day, a pilau is prepared, and
a feast is held at the bridegroom’s house. On the following morning, when it is still dark,
the bridegroom, accompanied by his relations, starts on horseback in procession, with
beating of drums and letting off of fireworks. The procession arrives at the bride’s house
before sunrise. The Khāzi is sent for, and the mahr is settled. This is a nominal gift
settled on the wife before marriage by the bridegroom. On the death of a husband, a
widow has priority of claim on his property to the promised amount of the mahr. Two
male witnesses are sent to the bride, to obtain her assent to the union, and to the amount
of the mahr. The Khāzi, being an orthodox Muhammadan, treats the Dūdēkula bride as
strictly gōsha for the time being, and, therefore, selects two of her near relatives as
witnesses. The lutcha (marriage badge), consisting of a single or double string of beads,
is brought in a cup filled with sandal paste.

The Khāzi chants the marriage service, and sends the lutcha in to the bride with his
blessing. It is tied round her neck by the female relations of the bridegroom, and the
marriage rites are over.

The usual Muhammadan form of greeting among Muhammadans is the familiar “Peace
be with you.” “And with you be peace.” When a Dūdēkula greets a Muhammadan, he
simply bows, and, with members of his own community, uses a Telugu form of
salutation, e.g., nīku mokkutāmu.

The Dūdēkulas, male and female, dress exactly like Hindus, but, as a rule, the men do
not shave their beard.

Disputes, and social questions affecting the community, are settled by a Khāzi.

With the increase in cotton mills, and the decline of the indigenous hand-weaving
industry, the demand for cotton-cleaning labour has diminished, and some Dūdēkulas
have, of necessity, taken to agriculture. Land-owners are very scarce among them, but
some are abkāri (liquor) contractors, village schoolmasters, and quack doctors. In the
Ceded Districts, the cotton-cleaning industry is solely confined to the Dūdēkulas.

The synonyms of Dūdēkula, Ladaf and Nūrbāsh, recorded at times of census, are
corruptions of Nad-dāf (a cotton dresser) and Nūrbāf (weaving).

Dūdi.—A title of Kurumos, who officiate as priests at the temples of village deities.

Dūdi (cotton) Balija.—A name for traders in cotton in the Telugu country, and an
occupational sub-division of Kōmati.

Durga (fort).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Dūtan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, as a synonym of Āri.

Dyavana (tortoise).—An exogamous sept of Mogēr.

1 Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life.
2 The fruits of several species of Momordica are eaten by Natives.

3 Sidney Low. A Vision of India, 1906.
4 Manual of the North Arcot district.
5 Gazetteer of the Anantapur district.
6 Manual of the Tanjore district.
7 Calcutta Review, 1905.
8 Madras Mail, 1901.

9 John Company, a corruption of Company Jehān, a title of the English East India Company.
10 Manual of the South Canara district.

11 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, part 3, p. 259.
12 Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara and Malabar, 1807.
13 Elliott. History of India.
14 Brahmanism and Hinduism.
15 Evolution of Hinduism, 1903.
16 J. T. Wheeler. Madras in the Olden Time.

17 Notes from a Diary, 1881—86.
18 J. Michaud. Histoire des Progrès et de la Chûlte de l’Empire de Mysore, sons les Règnes d’Hyder-Aly et Tippoo
Saib.
19 An Indian Olio.
20 Manual of the Bellary district.

21 Cyclopædia of India.
22 Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, Vol. II.

23 Journ. Anth. Soc., Bombay, 1891.

24 Manual of the North Arcot district.
25 Gazetteer of the Godāvari district.
26 See also collection of decisions on the law of succession, maintenance, etc., applicable to dancing-girls and their
issues. C. Ramachendrier, Madras, 1892.
27 Indian Law Reports, Madras Series, XXIII, 1900.
28 Ibid., Vol. V, 1869–70.
29 Ibid., Vol. I, 1876–78.
30 Ibid., Vol. VI, 1883.

31 Ibid., Vol. I, 1876–78.
32 Ibid., Vol. I, 1876–78.

33 Ibid., Vol. XIX, 1896.
34 Ibid., Vol. XIII, 1890.
35 Ibid., Vol. XIV, 1891.
36 Ibid., Vol. XV, 1892.
37 Ganga Bai v. Anant. 13 Bom., 690.
38 Hindu Law and Usage.

39 Macnaghten, Digest.
40 Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897.

41 J. S. F. Mackenzie. Ind. Ant., IV, 1875.
42 Madras Census Report, 1891; Manual of the South Canara district.
43 Breeks. Account of the Primitive Tribes and Monuments of the Nilgiris.
44 Section III, Inhabitants. Madras Government Press, 1907.
45 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, XV, Part I, 1883.
46 Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.

47 Tropical Diseases.
48 Madras Census Report, 1901.

49 Rev. H. Jensen. Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897.
50 Madras Census Report, 1891.
51 G. Bühler on the Indian Sect of the Jainas, 1903.
52 Madras Census Report, 1891.
53 Man., 1901.
54 Jeypore, Breklum, 1901.

55 Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.

56 Man., 1902.
57 Ibid.
58 Money-lender.
59 Madras Census Report, 1891; Manual of the North Arcot district.
60 Notes on the Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.
61 Gazetteer of the South Arcot district.

62 M. Paupa Rao Naidu. History of Railway Thieves. 3rd Edition, 1904.
63 Calcutta Review, 1905.

64 Memoir of Sir Thomas Munro.
65 Manual of the North Arcot district; Madras Census Report, 1891.
66 Madras Census Report, 1901.

E
Eddulu (bulls).—See Yeddulu.

Ediannāya (hornet’s nest).—An exogamous sept of Bant.

Egadāvan.—Recorded, at times of census, as an exogamous sept of
Anappans, who are Canarese cattle-grazers settled in the Tamil country.
Possibly it is a corruption of Heggade, a title among Kurubas.

Ekākshara.—A sub-division of Sātāni. The name is derived from
Ekākshara, meaning one syllable, i.e., the mystic syllable Ōm.

Ēkāri.—This caste is summed up in the Madras Census Report, 1901,
under the names Ēkāri, Ēkali, Yākari, and Yākarlu, as a sub-caste of
Mutrācha. Mr. H. A. Stuart writes1 that “Ekaris or Yākarlu are a class of
cultivators and village watchmen, found chiefly in the northern taluks of
North Arcot, and in the adjoining district of Cuddapah. It is very doubtful
whether the Ekaris and Mutrāchas are identical castes. The census statistics
are, I think, sufficient to throw grave doubt on this view. Neither name, for
instance, appears as a sub-division of the other, although this would
certainly be the case if they were synonymous. Nor is there any similarity in
the sub-divisions that are given. They are said, in the Nellore Manual, to be
hunters and mercenaries, and in Cuddapah, where they are known to some
as Bōyas and Kirātas, they are classed as a forest tribe. It is clear, however,

that they enjoyed some authority, for several rose to be poligars. Thus the
poligars of Kallūr, Tumba, Pulicherla, Bangāri and Gudipāti are of this
caste, and many of its members are village policemen. They do not wear the
sacred thread, but employ Brāhmans as their priests. Their ceremonies
differ very little from those of the Kāpus. They are flesh-eaters, and their
titles are Naidu and Dora. The caste possesses some interest as being that
which had, in 1891, the highest proportion of widowed among females
between the ages of 15 and 39. Little is known of the caste history. Some
assert that they were formerly Hindu cotton cleaners, and that their name is
derived from the verb yekuta, to clean cotton. They returned 74 sub-
divisions, of which the most important seem to be Dodda (big) and Pala.”

There is neither intermarriage, nor free interdining between Ēkāris and
Mutrāchas. By some, Kampin, and Nagiripilla kāyalu, and by others
Kammi and Yerrai were given as sub-divisions.

One of the recognised names of washermen in Tamil is Egāli or Ekāli.

Elakayan.—A sub-division of Nāyar. It is recorded, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, that “its hereditary occupation is to get plantain leaves for the
use of the Cherukunnu temple, where travellers are fed daily by the
Chirakkal Rāja.”

Elayad.—For the following note on the Elayads or Ilayatus I am indebted
to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. Ilayatu literally means younger, and the name is
employed to denote a caste, which is supposed to be the last among the
numerous sub-divisions of Malabar Brāhmans. The caste-men make use of
two titles, Ilayatu and Nambiyatiri, the latter of which has the same origin
as Nambūtiri, meaning a person worthy of worship. Women are generally
known as Ilayammas, and, in some parts of North Travancore, also
Kunjammas. By the caste-men themselves the women are called
Akattulavar, or those inside, in the same way as Nambūtiri women.
Children are called Kunjunnis. The Ilayatus exact from the Nāyars the name
of Ilayachchan, or little father.

According to the Jatinirnaya, a work ascribed to Parasurāma, the Ilayatus
were once Brāhmans of undiminished purity, but became degraded owing to
the priestly service which was performed for a Nāyar servant attached to
one of their households. Two members of the house of Azhvāncheri
Tamprākkal were brothers. The younger resolved to go to a foreign country,
and could get no other Nāyar servant than one who was obliged to perform
his mother’s anniversary ceremony on the way. He promised to act as the
priest on this occasion, and is even believed to have eaten the food prepared
by the Nāyar. When the matter became known to his elder brother, he
assembled all the Vaidik Brāhmans, and the younger brother was
excommunicated. This tradition, like the majority of Malabar traditions, has
to be accepted with reserve. The Ilayatus assert that, until interdicted by
Rāma Iyen Dalawa in revenge for a supposed dishonour to him, they had
the privilege of commensality with Nambūtiri Brāhmans; but Rāma Iyen’s
authority, large as it was, did not extend to Cochin and British Malabar,
where too the Ilayatus appear to labour under the same difficulty. Those
who encouraged the higher classes of Nāyars with ritualistic functions
became Onnam Parisha or the first party of Ilayatus, the remainder being
grouped in another class known as Randām or second party. The latter are
lower in the social scale than the former. The two sections do not
intermarry, and interdining is restricted to the male sex.

The Ilayatus generally have a dejected appearance, and their poverty is
proverbial. Most of them earn only a scanty living by their traditional
occupation, and yet it is notorious that other walks of life have absolutely
no attraction for them. Not only is English education not welcomed, but
even the study of Sanskrit finds only a few steadfast votaries. The Ilayatus
are, however, a naturally clever, and intelligent community, and, under
favourable conditions, are found to take a more prominent place in society.

The house of an Ilayatu is, like that of a Nambūtiri, called illam. It is
generally large, being the gift of some pious Nāyar. Every Ilayatu house
possesses a serpent grove, where periodical offerings are made. The dress
and ornaments of the Ilayatus are exactly like those of the Nambūtiris. The
wedding ornament is called kettu-tāli. Children wear a ring tied to a thread
round the neck from the moment of the first feeding ceremony. The Ilayatus

are strict vegetarians, and, though in some of their temples they have to
make offerings of liquor to the deity, they are strictly forbidden by caste
rules from partaking thereof.

The chief occupation of the Ilayatus is the priesthood of the Nāyars. The
first division perform this service only for the Ilakkar or highest class of
Nāyars, while the second division do not decline to be the priests of any
section of that community. In performing such services, the Ilayatus recite
various liturgic texts, but hardly any Vēdic hymns. The Ilayatus have also
been the recognised priests in several North Travancore temples, the chief
of which are the Kainikkara Bhagavata shrine, the Payappara Sāsta shrine,
and the Parēkkāvu Siva temple at Kūttāttukulam. Ilayatus are the priests in
most of the snake groves of Malabar, that at Mannārsalay commanding the
greatest popularity and respect.

Ilayatus are, in all matters of caste such as Smarta-vicharam, or enquiry into
charges of adultery, etc., governed by the Nambūtiris, who are assisted by
Vaidiks belonging to the caste itself. It is the latter who are the regular
priests of the Ilayatus, and, though ignorant of the Vēdas, they seem to
possess considerable knowledge of the priestly functions as carried out in
Malabar. Nambūtiris are sometimes invited to perform Isvarasēva,
Sarpabali, and other religious rites. Purification rites are performed by the
caste priests only, and no Nambūtiri is called on to assist. Brāhmans do not
cook food in the houses of Ilayatus.

The Ilayatus are divided mostly into two septs or gōtras, called Visvāmitra
and Bhāradvāja. The marriage of girls is performed before or after puberty,
between the twelfth and eighteenth years. No bride-price is paid, but a sum
of not less than Rs. 140 has to be paid to the bridegroom. This is owing to
the fact that, in an Ilayatu family, as among the Nambūtiris, only the eldest
son can lead a married life. All male members of a family, except the eldest,
take to themselves some Nāyar or Ambalavāsi woman. Widows do not
remove their tuft of hair on the death of their husband, but throw their
marriage ornament on to the funeral pyre, probably as a symbol of the
performance of sati. The Ilayatus resemble the Nambūtiris in all questions
of inheritance.

The Ilayatus do not omit any of the sixteen religious ceremonies of the
Brāhmans. The rules of name given are that the eldest son should be named
after the paternal grandfather, the second after the maternal grandfather, and
the third after the father. A parallel rule obtains in giving names to
daughters.

The Ilayatus belong in the main to the white and black branches of the
Yajurvēda, and observe the sūtras of Bodhayana and Asvalayana. They
recite only twenty-four Gayatri hymns, thrice a day. Women are believed to
be polluted for ninety days after childbirth.

It is noted in the Cochin Census Report, 1901, that the Elayads are “their
own priests, and for this reason, and from the fact that Nāyars perform
srādhas (memorial service) in the houses of Elayads, the Nambūdris do not
cook or take meals in their houses, nor do they, Kshatriyas or Nampidis,
take water from Elayads. In former times, the Elayads used to take their
meals in Nāyar houses during the performance of the srādha ceremony of
the Nāyars, as Brāhmans generally do on such ceremonial occasions
amongst themselves, but they now decline to do it, except in a few wealthy
and influential families. Mūthads and Elayads wear the sacred thread.
Though in many respects the Elayads are more Brāhmanical than the
Mūthads, the majority of the Ambalavāsi castes do not take the food cooked
or touched by the Elayads. There are some temples, in which they officiate
as chief priests. The Mūthad and Elayad females are gōsha. They both
practice polygamy, and perform Sarvaswadānam marriages like the
Nambūdris.”

Ella (boundary).—An exogamous sept of Mutrācha.

Elugoti (assembly).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Elugu (bear).—An exogamous sept of Yānādi.

Eluttacchan.—Eluttacchan or Ezhuttacchan, meaning teacher or master of
learning, is the name for educated Kadupattans of Malabar employed as
schoolmasters.

Emān.—A corruption of Yajamānan, lord, recorded, in the Travancore
Census Report, 1901, as a title of Nāyar.

Embrāntiri.—Embrāntiri or Embrān is “a Malayalam name for Tulu
Brāhmans settled in Malabar. They speak both Tulu and Malayalam. Some
of them call themselves Nambūdris, but they never intermarry with that
class.”2 By Wigram they are defined3 as “a class of sacrificing Brāhmans,
chiefly Tulu, who officiate at Sūdra ceremonies.” It is a name for the Tulu
Shivalli Brāhmans.

Emmē (buffalo).—See Yemmē.

Ena Korava.—See Korava.

Enādi.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as “a name for
Shānāns, derived from Enādi Nayanār, a Saivite saint. It also means
Ambattan, or barber.” The word denotes a chief, barber, or minister.

Enangan.—Enangan or Inangan is defined by Mr. K. Kannan Nayar4 as “a
member of an Inangu, this being a community of a number of tarwads, the
members of which may interdine or intermarry, and are bound to assist one
another, if required, in the performance of certain social and religious rites.”
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that “an Enangan or Inangan is a
man of the same caste and sub-division or marriage groups. It is usually
translated kinsman, but is at once wider and narrower in its connotation. My
Enangans are all who can marry the same people that I can. An Enangatti is
a female member of an Enangan’s family.”

Ēnēti.—Said to be mendicants, who beg from Gamallas. (See Yānāti.)

Entamara.—See Yānāti.

Era.—Era Cheruman, or Erālan, is a sub-division of Cheruman.

Erādi.—Erādi has been defined5 as meaning “a cow-herd. A sub-division of
the Nāyar caste, which formerly ruled in what is now the Ernād tāluk” of
Malabar. In the Malabar Manual, Ernād is said to be derived from Erādu,

the bullock country. Erādi denotes, according to the Census Report, 1891,
“a settlement in Ernād. The caste of Sāmantas, to which the Zamorin of
Calicut belongs.”

Eravallar.—The Eravallars are a small forest tribe inhabiting the
Coimbatore district and Malabar. For the following note on the Eravallars
of Cochin, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer.6

Eravallars are a wild tribe of inoffensive hill-men found in the forests of the
Cochin State, especially in the Chittūr tāluk. They are also called Villu
Vēdans (hunters using bows). Their language is Tamil, though some speak
Malayālam. In addressing the elderly members of the caste, they use the
titles Muthan (elder) and Pattan (grandfather). Names in use for males are
Kannan (Krishna), Otukan, Kothandan, Kecharan, and Attukaran, while
females are called Kanni, Keyi, Kaikayi, Otuka, and Rāmayi. These Hindu
divine names are recent innovations after the names of members of the
higher castes, with whom they frequently come in contact.

The Eravallars have no knowledge of the origin of their caste. They appear
to be a rude and primitive people, like the other jungle tribes of the State,
but are somewhat improving their status under their masters. Their habits
are less migratory than those of the Malayars and Kādars. They live in
villages called pathis, situated in the forests. Their huts are similar to those
of the Malayars and Kādars. They propitiate their sylvan deities before the
construction of their huts, and also before their occupation. Some days are
believed to be lucky, as Mondays for sowing and weddings, Wednesdays for
building, and Fridays for reaping.

Eravallars do not live as small independent communities, but are mostly
attached to farmers, under whom they work for a daily wage of two
edangazhis and a half of paddy (unhusked rice). The women also work for
the same wage, but never agree to serve in a state of bondage. During the
festival kathira in the village temple of their landlords, when sheaves of
corn are brought, every male member gets from his landlord two veshtis (a
cloth with a coloured border 3 yards in length), and every woman a potava
(coloured cloth 8 yards in length). During the Ōnam and Vishu festivals,

one para of paddy, two cocoanuts, a small quantity of gingelly (Sesamum)
and cocoanut oil are also given. The landlords partly defray their marriage
and funeral expenses by a grant of a few paras of paddy, some salt and
chillies. Sometimes they agree to work for twenty valloms (a large corn
measure) a year. To improve their condition, they borrow money from their
landlords, and purchase a bullock or buffalo or two, to cultivate a plot of
land, after clearing a portion of the forest belonging to their master. They
raise some crops, and make some saving to pay off the debt. Should they be
so unfortunate as to fail in the undertaking, they willingly mortgage
themselves to their master, or to some other, for the wages above
mentioned, and wait for some favourable opportunity to pay off the debt.
Women never surrender themselves to work in a state of bondage, but are
independent day-labourers. The Eravallars are, as certified by their masters,
always truthful, honest, faithful and god-fearing, and never, like the Pulayas
of the northern parts of the State, ungratefully run away from their masters.

A girl, when she comes of age, is lodged in a separate hut (muttuchāla)
erected at a distance of a furlong from the main hut. Only a few girl friends
are allowed to be in company with her during the period of her seclusion,
which is generally seven days, during which food is served to her at a
distance, when she comes to take it. No grown-up member approaches her,
for fear of pollution. She bathes on the morning of the seventh day, and is
then allowed to enter the hut. The day is one of festivity to her friends and
relations. If a girl is married before she attains puberty, her husband
contributes something for the expenses of the ceremony. Should a woman
cohabit with a man before marriage and become pregnant, she used, in
former times, to be put to death, but is now turned out of caste. Instances of
the kind are, they say, extremely rare.

An Eravallan who wishes to see his son married visits the parents of a girl
with his brother-in-law and a few relatives, who make the proposal. If the
parents agree, the wedding day is fixed, and all the preliminary
arrangements are made at the hut of the bride, where the relatives
assembled are treated to a dinner. The bride’s price is only a rupee. The
parents of the bride and bridegroom visit their respective landlords with a
few packets of betel leaves, areca nuts, and tobacco, and inform them of the

marriage proposal. The landlords give a few paras of paddy to defray a
portion of the wedding expenses. They celebrate their weddings on
Mondays. On a Monday previous to the wedding ceremony, the sister of the
bridegroom, with a few of her relations and friends, goes to the bride’s hut,
and presents her parents with the bride’s money, and a brass ring for the
bride. On the Monday chosen for the wedding, the same company, and a
few more, go there, and dress the girl in the new garment brought by them.
They are treated to a dinner as on the previous occasion. They then return
with the bride to the hut of the bridegroom, where also the parties
assembled are entertained. On the Monday after this, the bridegroom and
bride are taken to the bride’s hut, where they stay for a week, and then
return to the bridegroom’s hut. Marriage is now formally over. The tāli
(marriage badge) tying is dispensed with. This custom of marriage prevails
among the Izhuvas of the Chittūr tāluk. The bridegroom gets nothing as a
present during the wedding, but this is reserved for the Karkadaka
Sankranthi, when he is invited by his father-in-law, and given two veshtis
and a turban, after sumptuously feeding him. A widow can only marry a
widower. It is called Mundakettuka (marrying a widow). When they both
have children, the widower must make a solemn promise to his castemen
that he will treat and support the children by both marriages impartially.
The present of a brass ring and cloth is essential. A man can divorce his
wife, if he is not satisfied with her. The divorced wife can mate only with a
widower. Such cases, they say, are very rare among them.

No ceremony is performed for a pregnant woman during the fifth or seventh
month. If she dreams of dogs, cats, or wild animals coming to threaten her,
it is believed that she is possessed of demons. Then a devil-driver from this
or some other caste is called in. He draws a hideous figure (kōlam) on the
floor with powdered rice, turmeric, and charcoal, and the woman is seated
in front of it. He sings and beats his small drum, or mutters his mantram
(consecrated formula). A lamp is lighted, and frankincense is burned. A
kaibali is waved round the woman’s face. She is worked up to a hysterical
state, and makes frantic movements. Boiled rice, flattened rice, plantains,
cocoanuts, and fowl are offered to the demon. Quite satisfied, the demon
leaves her, or offers to leave her on certain conditions. If the woman
remains silent and unmoved all the time, it is supposed that no demon

resides in her body. Very often a yantram (charm) is made on a piece of
cadjan (palm) leaf, and rolled. It is attached to a thread, and worn round the
neck.

A woman in childbirth is located in a separate small hut (muttuchāla)
erected at a distance from the main hut. Nobody attends upon her, except
her mother or some old woman to nurse her. As soon as delivery takes
place, the mother and child are bathed. Her pollution is for seven days,
during which she stays in the hut. She then bathes, and is removed to
another hut close to the main hut, and is again under pollution for five
months. Her diet during this period is simple, and she is strictly forbidden to
take meat. The only medicine administered to her during the period is a
mixture of pepper, dried ginger, and palm sugar mixed with toddy. She
comes back to the main hut after purifying herself by a bath at the end of
the five months. The day is one of festivity.

The Eravallers bury their dead, and observe death pollution for five days.
On the morning of the sixth day, the chief mourner, who may be the son or
younger brother, gets shaved, bathes, and offers to the spirit of the departed
boiled rice, parched rice, plantains, and fowl. A feast is given to the
castemen once a year, when they have some savings. They think of their
ancestors, who are propitiated with offerings.

They are pure animists, and believe that the forests and hills are full of
demons disposed to do them harm. Many of them are supposed to live in
trees, and to rule wild beasts. They also believe that there are certain local
demons, which are supposed to reside in rocks, trees, or peaks, having
influence over particular families or villages, and that services rendered to
them are intended to mitigate their hunger rather than to seek benefits. Their
gods are Kāli, Muni, Kannimar, and Karappu Rāyan. Kāli is adored to
obtain her protection for themselves and their families while living in the
forest. Muni is worshipped for the protection of their cattle, and to secure
good harvest. Kannimar (the seven virgins) and Karappu Rāyan are their
family deities, who watch over their welfare. Offerings of boiled rice,
plantains, cocoanuts, and flattened rice are given to propitiate them. Kāli
and Muni are worshipped in the forest, and the others in their huts.

The main occupation of the Eravallers is ploughing dry lands for the
cultivation of chama (Panicum miliaceum), cholam (Sorghum vulgare),
dholl (Cajanus indicus) and gingelly (Sesamum indicum) seeds, and sowing
the seeds, which begin in the middle of May, and harvesting in November.
During these months, they are wholly occupied with agriculture. During the
other months of the year, gardening, fencing, and thatching are their chief
occupations. Offerings are made to Kāli and Muni, when they plough, sow,
and reap. They are so propitiated, as they are supposed to protect their corn
from destruction by wild beasts. The Eravallers are skilful hunters. Owing
to their familiarity and acquaintance with the forests, they can point out
places frequented by wild beasts, which they can recognise by smell, either
to warn travellers against danger, or to guide sportsmen to the game. Ten or
fifteen of them form a party, and are armed with knives, bows and arrows.
Some of them act as beaters, and the animal is driven to a particular spot,
where it is caught in a large net already spread, shot, or beaten to death.
Animals hunted are hares, porcupines, and wild pigs. The game is always
equally divided. Being good marksmen, they take skilful aim at birds, and
kill them when flying.

The ordinary dietary is kanji (gruel) of chama or cholam, mixed with
tamarind, salt and chillies, prepared overnight, and taken in the morning.
The same is prepared for the midday meal, with a vegetable curry
consisting of dholl, horse gram (Dolichos biflorus), and other grains grown
in the garden of their masters, which they have to watch. They eat the flesh
of sheep, fowls, pigs, hares, quails, and doves. They take food at the hands
of Brāhmans, Nāyars, Kammālars, and Izhuvas. They refuse to take
anything cooked by Mannans, Pānans, Parayans, and Cherumans. They
bathe when touched by a Chakkiliyan, Parayan, or Cheruman. They stand a
long way off from Brāhmans and Nāyars.

Both men and women are decently clad. Males wear veshtis, one end of
which hangs loose, and the other is tucked in between the legs. They have a
shoulder cloth, either hanging loosely over their shoulders, or sometimes
tied to the turban. They allow their hair to grow long, but do not, for want
of means, anoint it with oil. They grow moustaches. They wear round the
neck a necklace of small white beads to distinguish them from Malayars,

who are always afraid of them. Some wear brass finger rings. Women wear
a potava (coloured cloth), half of which is worn round the loins, while the
other half serves to cover the body. The hair is not smoothed with oil. It is
twisted into a knot on the back. It is said that they take an oil bath once a
week. Their ear ornament is made of a long palmyra leaf rolled into a disc,
and the ear lobes are sufficiently dilated to contain them.

Erkollar.—A Tamil form of the Telugu Yerragolla, which is sub-division of
Tottiyan.

Ernādan.—In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the Aranādans are
described as a hill tribe in Malabar, who kill pythons, and extract an oil
from them, which they sell to people on the plains as a remedy for leprosy.
These are, I have no doubt, the Ernādans, concerning whom Mr. G.
Hadfield writes to me as follows. They are a small jungle tribe, found
exclusively in Malabar, and are considered to be the lowest of the jungle
tribes by the inhabitants of Malabar, who consider themselves polluted if an
Ernādan approaches within a hundred yards. Even Paniyans and Pariahs
give them a wide berth, and they are prohibited from coming within four
hundred yards of a village. One of their customs is very singular, viz., the
father of a family takes (or used to take) his eldest daughter as his second
wife. The Ernādans use bows and arrows, principally for shooting monkeys,
to the flesh of which they are very partial. They are not particular as to what
they eat, and are, in fact, on a par with jackals in this respect, devouring
snakes and the putrid flesh of various animals. They are fond of collecting
the fat of snakes, and selling it. Muhammadans employ them in felling
timber, and cultivating fields. Their clothing is exceedingly scanty, and,
when hard up, they use wild plantain leaves for this purpose.

Through Mr. Hadfield’s influence with the tribe, Mr. F. Fawcett was able to
examine a few members thereof, who appeared before him accompanied by
their Māppilla master, at a signal from whom they ran off like hares, to
attend to their work in the fields. Their most important measurements were
as follows:—

Max. Min. Av.
Stature (cm.) 156.6 150.6 154.5
Cephalic index 85 77 81
Nasal index 108.8 71.1 88.4

The Ernādans, according to these figures, are short of stature, platyrhine,
with an unusually high cephalic index.

Ērrā.—See Yerra.

Ērudāndi.—See Gangeddu.

Ērudukkārān.—See Gangeddu.

Erumai (buffalo).—An exogamous sept of Toreya.

Erumān.—A sub-division of Kōlayan.

Ettarai (eight and a half).—An exogamous sept of Tamil goldsmiths.

Ēttuvītan.—Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-
division of Nāyar.

Eurasian.—Eurasian (Eur-asian) may, after the definition in ‘Hobson-
Jobson,’7 be summed up as a modern name for persons of mixed European
and Indian blood, devised as being more euphemistic than half-caste, and
more precise than East-Indian. When the European and Anglo-Indian
Defence Association was established 17 years ago, the term Anglo-Indian,
after much consideration, was adopted as best designating the community.
According to Stocqueler,8 the name Eurasian was invented by the Marquis
of Hastings. East Indian is defined by Balfour9 as “a term which has been
adopted by all classes of India to distinguish the descendants of Europeans
and Native mothers. Other names, such as half-caste, chatikar, and chi-chi,
are derogatory designations. Chattikar is from chitta (trousers) and kar (a
person who uses them). The Muhammadans equally wear trousers, but
concealed by their outer long gowns. The East Indians are also known as

Farangi (Frank), a person of Europe. The humbler East Indians, if asked
their race, reply that they are Wallandez or Oollanday, which is a
modification of Hollandais, the name having been brought down through
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries from the Dutch. East Indians have,
in India, all the rights and privileges of Europeans. Races with a mixture of
European with Asiatic blood possess a proud and susceptible tone of mind.”
For the purposes of the Lawrence Asylum, Ootacamund, the word East
Indian is restricted to the children of European fathers by East Indian or
Native mothers, or of East Indian fathers and mothers, both of whom are the
children of European fathers.

By a ruling of the Government of India a few years ago, it was decided that
Eurasians appointed in England to official posts in India are, if they are not
statutory Natives, to be treated as Europeans as regards the receipt of
exchange compensation allowance.

Some Eurasians have, it may be noted, had decorations or knighthood
conferred on them, and risen to the highest position in, and gained the blue
ribbon of, Government service. Others have held, or still hold, positions of
distinction in the various learned professions, legal, medical, educational,
and ecclesiastical.

The influence of the various European nations—Portuguese, Dutch, British,
Danish, and French—which have at different times acquired territory in
peninsular India, is clearly visible in the polyglot medley of Eurasian
surnames, e.g., Gomes, Da Souza, Gonsalvez, Rozario, Cabral, Da Cruz, Da
Costa, Da Silva, Da Souza, Fernandez, Fonseca, Lazaro, Henriquez, Xavier,
Mendonza, Rodriguez, Saldana, Almeyda, Heldt, Van Spall, Jansen,
Augustine, Brisson, Corneille, La Grange, Lavocat, Pascal, DeVine, Aubert,
Ryan, McKertish, Macpherson, Harris, Johnson, Smith, etc. Little did the
early adventurers, in the dawn of the seventeenth century, think that, as the
result of their alliances with the native women, within three centuries banns
of marriage would be declared weekly in Madras churches between, for
example, Ben Jonson and Alice Almeyda, Emmanuel Henricus and Mary
Smith, Augustus Rozario and Minnie Fonseca, John Harris and Clara

Corneille. Yet this has come to pass, and the Eurasian holds a recognised
place among the half-breed races of the world.

The pedigree of the early Eurasian community is veiled in obscurity. But
the various modes of creation of a half-breed, which were adopted in those
early days, when the sturdy European pioneers first came in contact with
the native females, were probably as follows:—

A. European man (pure) B. Native woman (pure).
C. Male offspring of A + B (first D. Native woman.
cross)
E. Female offspring of A + B (first F. European man.
cross) G. Native man.
I. Cross—female offspring of A +
H. Male offspring of C + D B.
J. Native woman.
L. Cross—male offspring of A +
B.
K. Female offspring of C + D
M. European man.
N. Native man.

The Eurasian half-breed, thus established, has been perpetuated by a variety
of possible combinations:—

Eurasian woman.
European man
Native woman.
Native woman.
Eurasian man Eurasian woman.
European woman.
Eurasian woman.
Native man
European woman.

In the early days of the British occupation of Madras, the traders and
soldiers, arriving with an inadequate equipment of females, contracted

alliances, regular or irregular, with the women of the country. And in these
early days, when our territorial possessions were keenly contested with both
European and Native enemies, an attempt was made, under authority from
high places, to obtain, through the medium of the British soldier, and in
accordance with the creed that crossing is an essential means of improving
a race, and rendering it vigorous by the infusion of fresh blood from a
separate stock, a good cross, which should be available for military
purposes. Later on, as the number of the British settlers increased,
connexions, either with the Native women, or with the females of the
recently established Eurasian type, were kept up owing to the difficulty of
communication with the mother-country, and consequent difficulty in
securing English brides. Of these barbaric days the detached or semi-
detached bungalows in the spacious grounds of the old private houses in
Madras remain as a memorial. At the present day the conditions of life in
India are, as the result of steamer traffic, very different, and far more
wholesome. The Eurasian man seeks a wife as a rule among his own
community; and, in this manner, the race is mainly maintained.

The number of Eurasians within the limits of the Madras Presidency was
returned, at the census, 1891, as 26,643. But on this point I must call Mr. H.
A. Stuart, the Census Commissioner, into the witness box. “The number of
Eurasians,” he writes, “is 26,643, which is 20.76 per cent. more than the
number returned in 1881.” The figures for the last three enumerations are
given in the following statement:—

Year. Total. Males. Females.
1871 26,460 13,091 13,359
1881 21,892 10,969 10,923
1891 26,643 13,141 13,502

“It will be seen that, between 1871 and 1881, there was a great decrease,
and that the numbers in 1891 are slightly higher than they were twenty
years ago. The figures, however, are most untrustworthy. The cause is not
far to seek; many persons, who are really Natives, claim to be Eurasians,
and some who are Eurasians return themselves as Europeans. It might be

thought that the errors due to these circumstances would be fairly constant,
but the district figures show that this cannot be the case. Take Malabar, for
example, which has the largest number of Eurasians after Madras, and
where the division between Native Christians with European names and
people of real mixed race is very shadowy. In 1871 there were in this
district 5,413 Eurasians; in 1881 the number had apparently fallen to 1,676;
while in 1891 it had again risen to 4,193, or, if we include South-east
Wynaad, as we should do, to 4,439. It is to be regretted that trustworthy
statistics cannot be obtained, for the question whether the true Eurasian
community is increasing or decreasing is of considerable scientific and
administrative importance. The Eurasians form but a very small proportion
of the community, for there is only one Eurasian in every 1,337 of the
population of the Madras Presidency, and it is more than probable that a
considerable proportion of those returned as Eurasians are in reality pure
Natives who have embraced the Christian religion, taken an English or
Portuguese name, and adopted the European dress and mode of living. In
the matter of education, or at least elementary education, they are more
advanced than any other class of the community, and compare favourably
with the population of any country in the world. They live for the most part
in towns, nearly one-half of their number being found in the city of
Madras.”

In connection with the fact that, at times of census, Native Christians and
Pariahs, who masquerade in European clothes, return themselves as
Eurasians, and vice versâ, it may be accepted that some benefit must be
derived by the individual in return for the masking of his or her nationality.
And it has been pointed out to me that (as newspaper advertisements
testify) many ladies will employ a Native ayah rather than a Eurasian nurse,
and that some employers will take Eurasian clerks into their service, but not
Native Christians. It occasionally happens that pure-bred Natives, with
European name and costume, successfully pass themselves off as Eurasians,
and are placed on a footing of equality with Eurasians in the matter of diet,
being allowed the luxury of bread and butter, coffee, etc.

Mr. Stuart had at his command no special statistics of the occupations
resorted to by Eurasians, but states that the majority of them are clerks,

while very few obtain their livelihood by agriculture. In the course of my
investigations in the city of Madras, the following occupations were
recorded:—

Accountant. Hammerer.
Attendant, Lunatic Asylum. Harness-maker.
Baker. Jewel-smith.
Bandsman. Joiner.
Bill collector. Labourer.
Blacksmith. Livery stable-keeper.
Boarding-house keeper. Mechanic.
Boatswain. Moulder.
Boiler smith. Painter.
Carpenter. Petition writer.
Chemist’s assistant. Police Inspector.
Clerk, Government. Porter.
Clerk, commercial. Printer.
Commission agent. Proof-reader.
Compositor. Railway—
Compounder. Auditor.
Contractor. Chargeman.
Coppersmith. Engine-driver.
Crane attendant, harbour. Engineer.
Draftsman. Goods clerk.
Electric tram driver. Guard.
Electric tram inspector. Locomotive Inspector.
Engine-driver, ice factory. Parcels clerk.
Evangelist. Prosecuting Inspector.
Filer. Shunter.
Fireman. Signaller.
Fitter. Station-master.
Storekeeper.
Ticket collector.
Tool-keeper.
Block signaller.

Carriage examiner.
Reporter.
Rivetter.
Saddler.
Schoolmaster.
Sexton.
Spring-smith.
Stereotyper.
Steward.
Telegraph clerk.
Watchmaker.
Watchman.

In the Census Report, 1901, the following statistics of the occupation of
5,718 Eurasians in Madras city (4,083), Malabar (1,149) and Chingleput
(486) are given. Most of those in the last of these three reside in Perambūr,
just outside the Madras municipal limits:—

Number of
workers.
Endowments, scholarships, etc. 813
Pensioners 438
Railway clerks, station-masters, guards, etc. 427
Tailors 378
Merchants’ and shop-keepers’ clerks 297
Railway operatives 262
Teachers 243
Public service 212
Private clerks 211
Mechanics (not railway) 203
Carpenters 167
Telegraph department 136
Medical department 136
Cooks, grooms, etc. 132

Number of
workers.
Printing presses: workmen and subordinates 106
Independent means 75
Allowances from patrons, relatives and friends 72
Survey and Public Works department 66
Coffee and tea estate clerks and coolies 60
Inmates of asylums 58
Railway porters, etc. 57
Musicians and actors 54
Harbour service 50
Workmen, gun carriage factories 48
Postal department 48
Non-commissioned officers, Army 46
Mendicants 45
Midwives 42
Priests, ministers, etc. 41
Tramway officials 35
Sellers of hides and bones, shoe and boot makers, 33
tanners, etc.
Local and Municipal service 30
Shipping clerks, etc. 29
Brokers and agents 28
Lawyers’ clerks 26
Merchants and shop-keepers 24
Landholders 24
Watch and clock makers 23
Money-lenders, etc. 22
Military clerks 21
Blacksmiths 18
Chemists and druggists 16
Prisoners 15
Pleaders 12

Number of
workers.
Brass and copper smiths 12
Inmates of convents, etc. 11
Ship’s officers, etc. 10
Prostitutes 10
Authors, editors, etc. 10
Cultivating tenants 8
Club managers, etc. 8
Hotel-keepers, etc. 7
Minor occupations 363

As bearing on the subject of Eurasian marriage, I am enabled, through the
courtesy of a railway chaplain and the chaplain of one of the principal
churches in the city of Madras, to place on record the following statistics
abstracted from the registers. It may, in explanation, be noted that M
indicates the bridegroom, F the bride, and W widow or widower
remarriage:—

(a) Railway.

M. F. M. F. M. F.
25 18 34 19 24 18
21 15 27 16 35 21
24 19 20 21 24 19
21 14 22 18 22 18
22 19 25 16 21 20
23 17 22 18 32 19
23 14 25 16 26 21
23 18 23 21 25 18
25 16 W 42 18 33 19
W 45 19 37 28 20 15
25 23 25 19 25 18
24 17 24 17 24 20

M. F. M. F. M. F.
22 17 26 16 32 19
W 42 18 24 19 27 18
40 16 23
23 22 23

(b) Madras City.

M. F. M. F. M. F.
33 26 28 19 27 18
W 40 18 29 20 W 39 19
23 26 23 21 27 31
23 23 26 21 23 14
25 21 22 18 33 24
29 W 24 25 17 25 18
31 19 28 W 35 25 18
28 25 24 18 21 19
26 17 26 19 24 20
23 15 32 26 26 19
23 18 26 18 W 46 W 39
23 19 27 18 23 25
30 24 25 21 22 20
W 38 17 23 16 32 17
21 17 27 19 21 16
26 21 40 16 21 W 30
W 53 W 43 28 15 W 40 17
28 20 31 24 25 24
29 21 27 25 30 20
W 43 W 36 29 17 W 43 23
20 16 24 W 30 22 18
22 18 W 42 W 34

Analysing these figures, with the omission of remarriages, we obtain the
following results:—

(a) Railway.

Bridegroom. Bride.
Average age 25–26 18–19
Mean above average 28–29 19–20
Mean below average 23–24 16–17
Range of age 40–20 28–14

(b) Madras City.

Bridegroom. Bride.
Average age 26–27 19–20
Mean above average 28–29 21–22
Mean below average 23–24 17–18
Range of age 40–20 31–14

From the analysis of a hundred male cases in Madras, in which enquiries
were made with reference to the married state, in individuals ranging in age
from 21 to 50, with an average age of 33, I learn that 74 were married; that
141 male and 130 female children had been born to them; and that 26,
whose average age was 25, were unmarried. The limits of age of the men at
the time of marriage were 32 and 16; of their wives 25 and 13. The greatest
number of children born to a single pair was 10. In only three cases, out of
the seventy-four, was there no issue. In fifty cases, which were examined,
of married men, with an average age of 34, 207 children had been born, of
whom 91 had died, for the most part in early life, from ‘fever’ and other
causes.

The racial position of Eurasians, and the proportion of black blood in their
veins, are commonly indicated, not by the terms mulatto, quadroon,
octoroon, sambo (or zambo), etc., but in fractions of a rupee. The European
pure breed being represented by Rs. 0–0–0, and the Native pure breed by 16

annas (= 1 rupee), the resultant cross is, by reference to colour and other
tests, gauged as being half an anna in the rupee (faint admixture of black
blood), approaching European types; eight annas (half and half); fifteen
annas (predominant admixture of black blood), approaching Native types,
etc.

The Eurasian body being enveloped in clothes, it was not till they stripped
before me, for the purpose of anthropometry, that I became aware how
prevalent is the practice of tattooing among the male members of the
community. Nearly all the hundred and thirty men (of the lower classes)
whom I examined were, in fact, tattooed to a greater or less extent on the
breasts, upper arms, forearms, wrists, back of the hands, or shoulders. The
following varied selection of devices in blue, with occasional red, is
recorded in my case-book:—

Anchor. Hands joined, and clasping a flower.
Ballet girl with flag, Heart.
stars and stripes. Heart and cross.
Bracelets round Initials of the individual, his friends,
wrists. relatives, and inamorata, sometimes within
Burmese lady a heart or laurel wreath.
carrying umbrella. Lizard.
Bird. Mercy (word on left breast).
Bugles. Mermaid.
Conventional artistic Portraits of the man and his lady-love.
devices. Queen Alexandra.
Cross and anchor. Royal arms and banners.
Crown and flags. Sailing boat.
Crossed swords and Scorpion.
pistols. Solomon’s seal.
Dancing-girl. Steam boat.
Dancing-girl playing Svastika (Buddhist emblem).
with cobras. Watteau shepherdess.
Elephant.
Floral devices.

Flowers in pot.
Hands joined in
centre of a heart.

The most elaborate patterns were executed by Burmese tattooers. The
initials of the individual’s Christian and surnames, which preponderated
over other devices, were, as a rule, in Roman, but occasionally in Tamil
characters.

In colour the Eurasians afford examples of the entire colour scale, through
sundry shades of brown and yellow, to pale white, and even florid or rosy.
The pilous or hairy system was, in the cases recorded by me, uniformly
black. The colour of the iris, like that of the skin, is liable to great variation,
from lustrous black to light, with a predominance of dark tints. Blue was
observed only in a solitary instance.

The Eurasian resists exposure to the sun better than the European, and,
while many wear solah topis (pith sun-hats), it is by no means uncommon
to see a Eurasian walking about in the middle of a hot day with his head
protected only by a straw hat or cap.

The average height of the Eurasians examined by me in Madras, according
to my measurements of 130 subjects, is 166.6 cm. (5 feet 5½ inches), and
compares as follows with that of the English and various Native classes
inhabiting the city of Madras:—

cm.
English 170.8
Eurasians 166.6
Muhammadans 164.5
Brāhmans 162.5
Pallis 162.5
Vellālas 162.4
Paraiyans 161.9

The height, as might be expected, comes between that of the two parent
stocks, European and Native, and had, in the cases examined, the wide
range of 30.8 cm., the difference between a maximum of 183.8 cm. (6 feet)
and a minimum of 153 cm. (5 feet).

The average length of the head was 18.6 cm. and the breadth 14.1 cm. And
it is to be noted that, in 63 per cent. of the cases examined, the breadth
exceeded 14 cm.:—

Length. Breadth. Index.
cm. cm.
Brāhmans 18.6 14.2 76.5
Eurasians 18.6 14.1 76
Muhammadans 18.7 13.9 76.1
Vellālas 18.6 13.8 74.1
Paraiyans 18.6 13.7 73.6
Pallis 18.6 13.6 73

The breadth of the head is very clearly brought out by the following
analysis of forty subjects belonging to each of the above six classes, which
shows at a glance the preponderance of heads exceeding 14 cm. in breadth
in Eurasians, Brāhmans, and (to a less extent) in Muhammadans:—

12–13 13–14 14–15 15–16
cm. cm. cm. cm.
Eurasians ... 11 27 2
Brāhmans 1 9 27 3
Muhammadans 2 17 21 ...
Vellālas ... 24 16 ...
Paraiyans ... 27 13 ...
Pallis 3 30 7 ...

The head of a cross-breed, it has been said, generally takes after the father,
and the breadth of the Eurasian head is a persisting result of European male
influence. The effect of this influence is clearly demonstrated in the

following cases, all the result of re-crossing between British men and
Eurasian women:—

Length. Breadth.
cm. cm.
19 14.5
18.4 14.2
19.2 14.2
20.2 14.6
19 14.6
19.4 14.3
—— ——
Average 19.2 14.4
Eurasian average 18.6 14.1

The character of the nose is, as those who have studied ethnology in India
will appreciate, a most important factor in the differentiation of race, tribe,
and class, and in the determination of pedigree. “No one,” Mr. Risley
writes,10 “can have glanced at the literature of the subject, and in particular,
at the Védic accounts of the Aryan advance, without being struck by the
frequent references to the noses of the people whom the Aryans found in
possession of the plains of India. So impressed were the Aryans with the
shortcomings of their enemies’ noses that they often spoke of them as ‘the
noseless ones,’ and their keen perception of the importance of this feature
seems almost to anticipate the opinion of Dr. Collignon that the nasal index
ranks higher as a distinctive character than the stature or even the cephalic
index itself.”

In the subjoined table, based on the examination of forty members of each
class, the high proportion of leptorhine Eurasians, Muhammadans, and
Vellālas, with nasal indices ranging between 60 and 70, is at once manifest,
and requires no comment:—

60–70. 70–80. 80–90. 90–100.
Eurasians 19 17 3 1

60–70. 70–80. 80–90. 90–100.
Muhammadans 17 18 4 1
Vellālas 14 22 3 1
Pallis 3 25 9 3
Paraiyans 2 17 19 2

I pass on to the Eurasians of the west coast. My visit to Calicut, the capital
of the Malabar district, was by chance coincident with the commemoration
of the four hundredth anniversary of the arrival of Vasco da Gama at Calicut
after his discovery of the sea-route from Europe to India. Concerning the
origin of the Indo-Portuguese half-breed, I learn11 that, on his return from
the recapture of Goa, Albuquerque brought with him the women he had
carried away when the Portuguese were driven out of the place. As soon as
affairs became tolerably settled again at that port, he had them converted to
Christianity, and married them to Portuguese men. No less than 450 of his
men were thus married in Goa, and others who desired to follow their
example were so numerous that Albuquerque had great difficulty in
granting their requests. The marriage of Portuguese men to native women
had already been sanctioned by Dom Manuel, but this privilege was only to
be conceded to men of proved character, and who had rendered good
service. Albuquerque, however, extended the permission to many far
beyond what he was authorised to do, and he took care that the women so
married were the daughters of the principal men of the land. This he did in
the hope of inducing them to become Christians. To those who were
married Albuquerque allotted lands, houses and cattle, so as to give them a
start in life, and all the landed property which had been in possession of the
Moorish mosques and Hindu pagodas he gave to the principal churches of
the city, which he dedicated to Santa Catherina.

The names of some members of the community at Calicut recalled to mind
Pedro Alvares Cabral, who anchored before Calicut in 1500, and
established a factory at Cochin; the first Portuguese Governor, Dom
Franciso de Almeida; André Furtado de Mendonca, who concluded a treaty
with the king of Calicut; and many others, whose exploits are handed down
to posterity in the Indo-Portuguese archives. Though Portuguese names

persist at the present day, it does not follow of necessity that their owners
have any Portuguese blood in their veins, for some are merely descendants
of Native converts to Christianity, or of household slaves of Portuguese
officers. “In Malabar,” writes the Census Commissioner, 1881, “there is a
section of Europeanized Native Christians—Goa Roman Catholics—some
of whom have adopted European dress and customs; and in all districts the
popular interpretation of the word Eurasian is very liberal. There are many
Pariahs and Native Christians, who have adopted a travesty of European
clothes, and who would return themselves as Eurasians, if allowed to do
so.”

A social distinction is made at Calicut between Eurasians and East Indians.
With a view at clearing up the grounds on which this distinction is based,
my interpreter was called on to submit a note on the subject, which arrived
couched in language worthy of Mark Twain. I, therefore, reproduce it in the
original Indo-Anglian.

“Eurasians are classified to those who stand second in the list of Europeans
and those born in any part of India, and who are the Pedigree of European
descendants, being born of father European and mother East Indian, and
notwithstanding those who can prove themselves as really good Indian
descendants, such as mother and father of the same sex, therefore these are
called Eurasians.

“East Indians are those offsprings of Christians of the East, and they atimes
gather the offsprings of Eurasians to the entering their marriage to the East
Indian females in the East Indian community, thereby they are called East
Indians.

“Native Christians are those of Hindu nations converted into Christians by
their embracing the poles of Christianity. All Hindus thereby converted are
made Christians by a second Baptism are called Native Christians.

“Coaster. They are alluded to those who belong to the Coast, and who come
from a country that has a Sea Coast into that country that has not got a Sea
Coast is therefore called a Coaster. A very rude word.”

Speaking in general terms, it may be said that Eurasians are of greater
stature, and possess skins of lighter hue than the East Indians, who, as the
result of intermarriage with Native Christian women, have reverted in the
direction of the Native type.

The Eurasians examined by me at Calicut, nearly all of whom were Roman
Catholics, were earning a livelihood in the following capacities:—

Bandsman. Municipal inspector.
Boot-maker. Musician.
Bugler. Petition-writer.
Carpenter. Police constable.
Clerk. Railway guard.
Coffee estate writer. Schoolmaster.
Compositor. Tailor.
Copyist. Tin-smith.
Mechanic. Weaver.

As in Madras, so in Malabar, tattooing is very prevalent among the male
members of the community, and the devices are characterised by a
predominance of religious emblems and snakes. The following patterns are
recorded in my notes:—

Bangle on wrist. Fish.
Boat. Flags.
Bird (the Holy Ghost). Flower.
Chalice. Flower and leaves.
Christ crucified. Initials.
Conventional and geometrical Ladder.
designs. Sacred heart.
Cross. Snake encircling forearms.
Cross and crown. Snake coiled round
Cross and heart. forearm.

Cross and I.N.R.I. Solomon’s seal.
Crossed swords. Steam boat.

There are, in North Malabar, many individuals, whose fathers were
European. Writing, in 1887, concerning the Tiyan community, Mr. Logan
states12 that “the women are not as a rule excommunicated if they live with
Europeans, and the consequence is that there has been among them a large
admixture of European blood, and the caste itself has been materially raised
in the social scale. In appearance some of the women are almost as fair as
Europeans.” On this point, the Report of the Malabar Marriage
Commission, 1894, states that “in the early days of British rule, the Tiyan
women incurred no social disgrace by consorting with Europeans, and, up
to the last generation, if the Sudra girl could boast of her Brahmin lover, the
Tiyan girl could show more substantial benefits from her alliance with a
white man of the ruling race. Happily the progress of education, and the
growth of a wholesome public opinion, have made shameful the position of
a European’s concubine; and both races have thus been saved from a mode
of life equally demoralizing to each.”

During a visit to Ootacamund on the Nīlgiri hills, I was enabled to examine
the physique of the elder boys at the Lawrence Asylum, the object of which
is “to provide for children of European and East Indian officers and soldiers
of Her Majesty’s Army (British and Native), and of Europeans and East
Indians in the Medical Service, military and civil, who are serving, or have
served within the limits of the Presidency of Madras, a refuge from the
debilitating effects of a tropical climate, and from the serious drawbacks to
the well-being of children incidental to a barrack life; to afford for them a
plain, practical, and religious education; and to train them for employment
in different trades, pursuits, and industries.” As the result of examination of
thirty-three Eurasian boys, I was able to testify to the excellence of their
physical condition.13 A good climate, with a mean annual temperature of
58°, good food, and physical training, have produced a set of boys well-
nourished and muscular, with good chests, shoulders, and body weight.

Some final words are necessary on liability to certain diseases, as a
differentiating character between Eurasians and Europeans. The Census
Commissioner, 1891, states that Eurasians seem to be peculiarly liable to
insanity and leprosy. To these should be added elephantiasis (filarial
disease), concerning which Surgeon-Major J. Maitland writes as follows14
“Almost all the old writers on elephantiasis believed that the dark races
were more susceptible to the disease than white people; but it is extremely
doubtful if this is the case. It is true that, in those countries where the
disease is endemic, the proportion of persons affected is much greater
among the blacks than among the whites; but it has to be borne in mind that
the habits of the former render them much more liable to the disease than
the latter. The majority of the white people, being more civilised, are more
careful regarding the purity of their drinking water than the Natives, who
are proverbially careless in this respect. In India, although it is
comparatively rare to meet with Europeans affected with the disease, yet
such cases are from time to time recorded. Eurasians are proportionately
more liable to the disease than pure Europeans, but not so much so as
Natives. Doctors Patterson and Hall of Bahia15 examined the blood of 309
persons in that place, and found the following proportions affected with
filaria; of whites, 1 in 26; of blacks, 1 in 10¼; of the mixed race, 1 in 9.
Doctor Laville16 states that, in the Society Islands, out of a total of 13
European and American residents, 11 were affected with elephantiasis.
Taking all these facts into consideration, together with our knowledge of the
pathology of the disease, I do not think we are justified in saying that the
black races are more susceptible to the disease than white people. On the
other hand, owing to the nature of their habits, they are much more liable to
the diseases than are the white races.” During the five years 1893–97,
ninety-eight Eurasians suffering from filarial diseases were admitted into
the General Hospital, Madras.

To Colonel W. A. Lee, I.M.S., Superintendent of the Government Leper
Asylum, Madras, I am indebted for the following note on leprosy in its
relation to the Eurasian and European communities. “Europeans are by no
means immune to the disease, which, in the majority of instances, is
contracted by them through coitus with leprous individuals. Leprosy is one

of the endemic diseases of tropical and sub-tropical countries, to the risk of
contracting which Europeans who settle on the plains of India, and their
offspring from unions with the inhabitants of the land, as well as the
descendants of the latter, become exposed, since, by the force of
circumstances, they are thrown into intimate contact with the Native
population. The Eurasian community furnishes a considerable number of
lepers, and the disease, once introduced into a family, has a tendency to
attack several of its members, and to reappear in successive generations,
occasionally skipping one—a feature akin to the biological phenomenon
known as atavism, but of perhaps doubtful analogy, for the possibility of a
fresh infection or inoculation has always to be borne in mind. There are
numerous instances of such hereditary transmission among the patients,
both Native and Eurasian, in the Leper Hospital. The spread of the disease
by contagion is slow, the most intimate contact even, such as that between
parent and child, often failing to effect inoculation. Still there is much
evidence in support of its being inoculable by cohabitation, prolonged
contact, wearing the same clothing, sharing the dwelling, using the same
cooking and eating utensils, and even by arm-to-arm vaccination.
Influenced by a belief in the last mentioned cause, vaccination was formerly
regarded with much suspicion and dislike by Eurasians in Madras. But their
apprehensions on this score have abated since animal vaccine was
substituted for the humanised material. It has also for long been a popular
belief among the same class that the suckling of their infants by infected
Native wet-nurses is a common source of the disease. Attempts to
reproduce leprosy from supposed pure cultures of the leprosy bacillus have
invariably failed, and this strengthens the belief that the disease would die
out if sufferers from the tubercular or mixed forms were segregated, and
intermarriage with members of known leprous families interdicted.
Experience shows that, where such marriages are freely entered into, a
notable prevalence of the disease results, as at Pondicherry for example,
where the so-called creole population is said to contain a large proportion of
lepers from this cause.”

Writing concerning the prevalence of insanity in different classes, the
Census Commissioner, 1891, states that “it appears from the statistics that
insanity is far more prevalent among the Eurasians than among any other

class. The proportion is 1 insane person in every 410. For England and
Wales the proportion is 1 in every 307, and it is significant that the section
of the population of Madras, which shows the greatest liability to insanity,
is that which has an admixture of European blood. I have no information
regarding the prevalence of insanity among Eurasians for any other
province or State in India except Mysore, and there the proportion is 1 in
306.”

For the following tabular statement of admissions into the Government
Lunatic Asylum, Madras, I am indebted to Captain C. H. Leet-Palk, I.M.S.:
—

Eurasians. Natives. Europeans.
Male. Female. Male. Female. Male. Female.
1893 6 7 110 55 15 4
1894 8 6 104 28 19 1
1895 10 6 113 18 11 4
1896 2 4 82 17 5 ...
1897 3 3 84 18 14 1

Leaving out of question the Europeans, in whom, owing to the
preponderance of the male sex in Madras, a greater number of male than
female lunatics is to be expected, and considering only Eurasians and
Natives, the far higher proportion of female as compared with male lunatics
in the Eurasian than in the Native community, is very conspicuous. Taking,
for example, the numbers remaining in the Asylum in 1894. Whereas the
proportion of Eurasian males to females was 33:31, that of Natives was
30.6:6.8; and the high proportion of female Eurasian inmates was visible in
other years. The subject seems to be one worthy of further study by those
competent to deal with it.

1 Manual of the North Arcot district; Madras Census Report, 1891.
2 Madras Census Report, 1901.

3 Malabar Law and Custom.

4 Malabar Quarterly Review, VII, 3, 1908.

5 Wigram. Malabar Law and Custom.
6 Monograph. Eth. Survey of Cochin, No. 9, 1906.

7 Yule and Burnell, 2nd ed., 1903.
8 Handbook of British India, 1854.

9 Cyclopædia of India.
10 Journ. Anth. Inst., XX, 1891.

11 Danvers. The Portuguese in India, 1894.
12 Manual Of Malabar.

13 See Madras Museum Bulletin, II, 2, Table XXVI, 1898.
14 Elephantiasis and allied disorders, Madras, 1891.

15 Veterinarian, June, 1879.
16 Endemic Skin and other Diseases of India. Fox and Farquhar.

G
Gābit.—A Bombay fishing caste returned at the census, 1901. To Malpe in the South
Canara district, during the fishing season, come fishermen with a flotilla of keeled and
outrigged sailing boats from Ratnagiri in the Bombay Presidency. Hither also come
fishermen from Goa. The reasons given by the Ratnagiri fishermen for coming
southward are that fish are not so abundant off their own coast, competition is keener,
and salt more expensive. Moreover, the crystals of Bombay salt are too large for
successful curing, and “do not agree with the fish, of which the flesh is turned black.” If,
they said contemptuously, they were to sun-dry fish by the local method, their people
would laugh at them for bringing back, not fish, but dried cow-dung for fuel. The
Ratnagiri boats go well out of sight of land to the fishing ground, where they catch seir,
pomfret, cat-fish (Arius), and other big fish near the surface, and sharks in deeper water.
If the fishing is not good near Malpe, they may go south as far as Mangalore. To the
Ratnagiri fishermen the seir (Cybium) is the most valuable and lucrative fish. Under
existing arrangements, by which clashing of interests is avoided, the fishery at Malpe is
divided into two zones, viz., the deep sea fished by the large Ratnagiri boats, and the
shallow littoral water by the smaller local and Goa boats.

Gadaba.—The Gadabas are a tribe of agriculturists, coolies, and hunters in the
Vizagapatam district. Hunting is said to be gradually decreasing, as many of the forests
are now preserved, and shooting without a license is forbidden. Men sometimes occupy
themselves in felling trees, catching birds and hares, and tracking and beating game for
sportsmen. The Gadabas are also employed as bearers in the hills, and carry palanquins.
There is a settlement of them on the main road between Sembliguda and Koraput, in a
village where they are said to have been settled by a former Rāja expressly for such
service. It is said that the Gadabas will not touch a horse, possibly because they are
palanquin-bearers, and have the same objection to the rival animal that a cabman has for
a motor-car.

There is a tradition that the tribe owes its name to the fact that its ancestors emigrated
from the banks of the Godābari (Godāvari) river, and settled at Nandapur, the former
capital of the Rājas of Jeypore. The Gadabas have a language of their own, of which a
vocabulary is given in the Vizagapatam Manual. This language is included by Mr. G. A.
Grierson1 in the Mundā linguistic family.

The tribe is apparently divided into five sections, called Bodo (big) or Gutōb, Pārenga,
Olāro, Kaththiri or Kaththara, and Kāpu. Of these, the last two are settled in the plains,
and say that they are Bodo and Olāro Gadabas who migrated thither from the hills. As
among the Gadabas, so among the Savaras, there is a section which has settled on the
plains, and adopted Kāpu as its name. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, nearly a
thousand Gadabas are returned as belonging to the Chenchu sub-division. Chenchu is the
name of a separate jungle tribe in the Telugu country, and I have been unable to confirm
the existence of a Chenchu sub-division among the Gadabas.

In the Madras Census Report, 1871, Mr. H. G. Turner states that “very much akin to the
Gadabas are a class called Kerang Kāpus. They will not admit any connexion with them;
but, as their language is almost identical, such gainsaying cannot be permitted them.
They are called Kerang Kāpu from the circumstance of their women weaving cloths,
which they weave from the fibre of a jungle shrub called Kerang (Calotropis gigantea).”
Mr. H. A. Stuart remarks2 that “the Kāpu Gadabas are possibly the Kerang Kāpus
mentioned by Mr. Turner as akin to the Gadabas, for I find no mention of the caste under
the full name of Kerang Kāpu, nor is Kerang found as a sub-division of either Kāpu or
Gadaba.” Writing concerning the numeral system of the Kerang Kāpus, Mr. Turner
observes that it runs thus: Moi, Umbar, Jugi, O, Malloi, Turu, Gū, Tammar, Santing,
Goa, and for eleven (1 and following numbers), they prefix the word Go, e.g., Gommoi,
Gombāro, etc. The Kerang Kāpus can count up to nineteen, but have no conception of
twenty. According to Mr. W. Francis, the only tribe on the hills which has this system of
notation is the Bonda Poraja. The Gadabas have very similar names for the first five
numerals; but, after that, lapse into Oriya, e.g., sāt, āt, nō, das, etc. The Bonda Poraja
numerals recorded by Mr. Francis are mūyi, baar, gii, oo, moloi, thiri, goo, thamām, and
so on up to nineteen, after which they cannot count. This system, as he points out, agrees
with the one described by Mr. Turner as belonging to the Kerang Kāpus. The Gutōb
Gadaba numerals recorded by Mr. C. A. Henderson include muititti (1 + a hand), and
martitti (2 + a hand).

Some Gadaba women wear a bustle or dress improver, called irrē or kittē. This article of
attire is accounted for by the following tradition. “A goddess visited a Gadaba village
incognito, and asked leave of one of the women to rest on a cot. She was brusquely told
that the proper seat for beggars was the floor, and she consequently decreed that
thenceforth all Gadaba women should wear a bustle to remind them to avoid
churlishness.”3 The Gadaba female cloths are manufactured by themselves from cotton

thread and the fibre of silloluvāda or ankudi chettu (Holarrhena antidysenterica) and
bōda luvāda or bodda chettu (Ficus glomerata). The fibre is carefully dried, and dyed
blue or reddish-brown. The edges of the cloth are white, a blue strip comes next, while
the middle portion is reddish-brown with narrow stripes of white or blue at regular
intervals. The Gadabas account for the dress of their women by the following legend.
When Rāma, during his banishment, was wandering in the forests of Dandaka, his wife
Sīta accompanied him in spite of his entreaties to the contrary. It was one of the cruel
terms of his stepmother Kaika that Rāma should wear only clothing made from jungle
fibre, before leaving the capital. According to the Hindu religion, a virtuous wife must
share both the sorrows and joys of her lord. Consequently Sīta followed the example of
Rāma, and wore the same kind of clothing. They then left the capital amidst the loud
lamentation of the citizens. During their wanderings, they met some Gadaba women,
who mocked and laughed at Sīta. Whereupon she cursed them, and condemned them to
wear no other dress but the cloth made of fibre. In a note on the Gadabas,4 Mr. L.
Lakshminarayan writes that “although mill-prepared cloths are fast replacing house-spun
cloths in all communities, yet, in the case of the Gadabas, there is a strong superstition
which prevents the use of cloths prepared outside, particularly in regard to the cloths
worn by their women. The legend (about Sīta) is fully believed by the Gadabas, and
hence their religious adherence to their particular cloth. At the time of marriage, it is
absolute that the Gadaba maiden should wear this fibre-made cloth, else misfortune will
ruin the family. A bundle of twigs is brought, and the stems freed of leaves are bruised
and twisted to loosen the bark, and are then dried for two or three days, after which the
bark is ripped out and beaten down smooth with heavy sticks, to separate the bark from
the fibre. The fibre is then collected, and combed down smooth, and spun into a
tolerably fine twist. It is this twist that the Gadaba maiden weaves in her crude loom, and
prepares from it her marriage sāri. According to a good custom among these people, a
Gadaba maiden must learn to weave her cloths before she becomes eligible for marriage.
And no Gadaba ever thinks of marrying a wife who cannot prepare her own cloths. Men
can use cotton and other cloths, whereas women cannot do so, for they are under the
curse of Sīta. But the passion for fineries in woman is naturally so strong that the
modern Gadaba woman is now taking the liberty of putting cotton thread for the woof
and ankudu fibre for the warp, and thus is able to turn out a more comfortable and finer
cloth. But some old crones informed me that this mixed cloth is not so auspicious as that
prepared wholly from the fibre.”

Some Gadaba women wear immense earrings made of long pieces of brass wire wound
into a circle, which hang down from a hole in the ear, and sometimes reach to the
shoulders. The wire is sold in the shandy (market) at so much a cubit. The head-dress of
some of the women consists of a chaplet of Oliva shells, and strings of beads of various
sizes and colours, or the red and black berries of Abrus precatorius, with pendants which
hang over the forehead. The women also wear bead necklaces, to which a coin may
sometimes be seen attached as a pendant. Bracelets and rings are as a rule made of brass

or copper, but sometimes silver rings are worn. Toe-rings and brass or silver anklets are
considered fashionable ornaments. Among the Olāro Gadabas, the wearing of brass
anklets by a woman indicates that she is married. For teaching backward children to
walk, the Gadabas employ a bamboo stick split so as to make a fork, the prongs of which
are connected by a cross-bar. The apparatus is held by the mother, and the child,
clutching the cross-bar, toddles along.

Among the Bodo and Olāro sections, the following septs occur:—Kōra (sun), Nāg
(cobra), Bhāg (tiger), Kīra (parrot), and Gollāri (monkey). The Gadabas who have
settled in the plains seem to have forgotten the sept names, but will not injure or kill
certain animals, e.g., the cobra.

Girls are as a rule married after puberty. When a young man’s parents think it time for
him to get married, they repair to the home of an eligible girl with rice and liquor, and
say that they have come to ask a boon, but do not mention what it is. They are treated to
a meal, and return home. Some time afterwards, on a day fixed by the Disāri, three or
four aged relatives of the young man go to the girl’s house, and the match is fixed up.
After a meal, they return to their homes. On the day appointed for the wedding
ceremonies, the bridegroom’s relations go to the home of the bride, taking with them a
rupee towards the marriage expenses, a new cloth for the girl’s mother, and half a rupee
for the females of the bride’s village, which is regarded as compensation for the loss of
the girl. To the bride are given a glass bead necklace, and brass bangles to be worn on
the right wrist. A feast follows. On the following day, the bride is conducted to the
village of the bridegroom, in front of whose home a pandal (booth), made of four
bamboo poles, covered with green leaves, has been erected. Within the pandal, stems of
the sāl (Shorea robusta), addagirli, and bamboo joined together, are set up as the
auspicious post. Beside this a grindstone is placed, on which the bride sits, with the
bridegroom seated on her thighs. The females present throw turmeric powder over them,
and they are bathed with turmeric-water kept ready in a new pot. They are then
presented with new cloths, and their hands are joined together by the officiating Disāri.
A feast, with much drinking, follows, and the day’s proceedings conclude with a dance.
On the following day, mud is heaped up near the pandal, into which the Disāri throws a
handful of it. The remainder of the mud is carried into the pandal by the contracting
couple, who pour water over it, and throw it over those who are assembled. All then
proceed to a stream, and bathe. A further feast and dance follows, of which the newly
married couple are spectators, without taking part in it.

In a note on marriage among the Pārenga Gadabas, Mr. G. F. Paddison writes that they
have two forms of marriage rite, one of which (bibā) is accompanied by much feasting,
gifts of bullocks, toddy, rice, etc. The most interesting feature is the fight for the bride
with fists. All the men on each side fight, and the bridegroom has to carry off the bride
by force. Then they all sit down, and feast together. In the other form (lethulia), the

couple go off together to the jungle, and, when they return, pay twenty rupees, or
whatever they can afford, to the girl’s father as a fine. A dinner and regular marriage
follow elopement and payment of the fine.

The ghorojavai system, according to which a man works for a stated period for his future
father-in-law, is practiced by the Gadabas. But a cash payment is said to be now
substituted for service. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother
may marry the widow of his elder brother. If she does not marry him, the second
husband has to pay a sum of money, called in Oriya the rānd tonka, to him. When a man
divorces his wife, her relations are summoned, and he pays her two rupees before
sending her away. Of this sum, one rupee is paid as buchni for suspicion regarding her
chastity, and the other as chatni for driving her away. A divorced woman may remarry.

In the hills, the village headman is called Janni or Nāyako, and in the plains Naidādo. He
is assisted by a Kīrasāni, who is also the caste priest.

Concerning the religion of the Gadabas, Mr. H. D. Taylor writes5 that it is “simple, and
consists of feasts at stated intervals. The chief festival is Ittakaparva, or hunting feast, in
March and April. On this occasion, the whole male population turns out to hunt, and, if
they return unsuccessful, the women pelt them with cow-dung on their return to the
village; if, however, successful, they have their revenge upon the women in another way.
The chief deities (though spoken of generally under the term Dēvata or Mahāprabhu) are
Ganga Dēvi or Tākurāni, Iswara or Mouli, Bhairava, and Jhankara. It is Iswara or Mouli
who is worshipped at Chaitra. Jhankara is the god of land, rainfall and crops, and a cow
is sacrificed to him. There are not, as a rule, temples, but the pūja (worship) place
consists of a sacred grove surrounded with a circle of stones, which takes the name of
Jhankara from the god to whom pūja is performed. Ganga Dēvi, Iswara and Mouli have
temples at certain places, but as a rule there is no building, and the site of pūja is marked
by trees and stones. To Iswara a she-buffalo is sacrificed at Chaitra. To the other Dēvatas
cocks and goats are sacrificed. Ganga Dēvi or Tākurāni is the goddess of life and health,
both of men and cattle; to her pigs, goats, and pigeons are sacrificed. There are one or
two curious superstitions. If a member of the caste is supposed to be possessed of a
devil, he or she is abused and beaten by other members of the caste until the devil is cast
out. In some parts the superstition is that a piece of wild buffalo horn buried in the
ground of the village will avert or cure cattle disease.” Sometimes a sāl or kōsangi tree is
planted, and surrounded by a bamboo hedge. It is worshipped with animal sacrifices at
harvest time, and the Kīrasāni acts as priest.

“There is,” Mr. G. F. Paddison writes, “rather a curious custom in connection with a
village goddess. Close to her shrine a swing is kept. On this swing, once a year at the
great village festival, thorns are placed, and the village priest or priestess sits on them
without harm. If the pūjāri is a male, he has been made neuter. But, if the village is not

fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman performs the ceremony. [At the fire-
walking ceremony at Nuvagōde in Ganjam, the priest sits on a thorny swing, and is
endowed with prophetic powers.] When there is small-pox or other epidemic disease in a
village, a little go-cart is built, composed of a box on legs fixed to a small board on
wheels. In this box is placed a little clay image, or anything else holy, and carried away
to a distant place, and left there. A white flag is hoisted, which looks like quarantine, but
is really intended, I think, to draw the goddess back to her shrine. Vaccination is
regarded as a religious ceremony, and the Gadabas, I believe, invariably present the
vaccinator as the officiating priest with rice.”

The Gadabas, like other hill tribes, name their children after the day of the week on
which they are born. On the plains, however, some give their children low-country
names, e.g., Rāmudu, Lachigadu, Arjanna, etc.

Males are, as a rule, burnt; but, if a person dies in the night or on a rainy day, the corpse
is sometimes buried. Women and children are usually buried, presumably because they
are not thought worth the fuel necessary for cremation. Only relations are permitted to
touch a corpse. Death pollution is observed for three days, during which the caste
occupation must not be engaged in. Stone slabs are erected to the memory of the dead,
and sacrifices are offered to them now and again.

The Gadabas have a devil dance, which they are willing to perform before strangers in
return for a small present. It has been thus described by Captain Glasfurd.6 “At the time
of the Dusserah, Hōli, and other holidays, both men and women dance to the music of a
fife and drum. Sometimes they form a ring by joining hands all round, and with a long
hop spring towards the centre, and then hop back to the full extent of their arms, while
they at the same time keep circling round and round. At other times, the women dance
singly or in pairs, their hands resting on each other’s wrists. When fatigued, they cease
dancing, and sing. A man steps out of the crowd, and sings a verse or two impromptu.
One of the women rejoins, and they sing at each other for a short time. The point of
these songs appears to consist in giving the sharpest rejoinder to each other. The woman
reflects upon the man’s ungainly appearance and want of skill as a cultivator or
huntsman, and the man retorts by reproaching her with her ugliness and slatternly
habits.” In connection with dancing, Mr. Henderson writes that “all the Gadaba dancing I
have seen was the same as that of the Porjas, and consisted of a sort of women’s march,
at times accompanied by a few men who wander round, and occasionally form a ring
through which the line of women passes. Sometimes the men get on each other’s
shoulders, and so form a sort of two-storied pyramid. The women’s song is
comparatively quite melodious.”

In recent years, some Gadabas have emigrated to Assam, to work in the tea-gardens. But
emigration has now stopped by edict.

For the information contained in this article, I am mainly indebted to notes by Mr. C. A.
Henderson, Mr. W. Francis, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, and the Kumara Rajā of Bobbili.

Gādi (cart).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Gādidhē Kandla (donkey’s eyes).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Gādu.—A common suffix to the name of individuals among various Telugu classes,
e.g., Rāmigādu, Subbigādu.

Gaduge (throne).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Gaita.—A sub-division of Konda Rāzu.

Gajjal (a small bell).—A sub-division of Toreya.

Gāli.—Gāli or Gālollu, meaning wind, devil, or spirit, is recorded as an exogamous sept
of Kamma, Kuruba, and Māla.

Gamalla.—The Gamallas are a class of toddy-drawers, and distillers and vendors of
arrack in the Telugu country and are supposed to be Īdigas who have bettered
themselves, and separated from that caste. Both Gamallas and Īdigas worship the deity
Kāttamayya. At the census, 1891, some returned Īdiga as their sub-division. In the
Cuddapah district some toddy-drawers style themselves Asilivāndlu. Possibly the Īdiga,
Gamalla, and Asili toddy-drawing classes only represent three endogamous sections of a
single caste. In the Nellore district, the toddy-drawers style themselves Gamandla or
Gavandlavāndlu, and say that they have one gōtra Kaumandlapu or Gaumandlapu. It is
probable that the name Gamandla or Gavandla has been coined by Brāhman purōhits, to
connect the caste with Kaumandala Mahārishi of the Purānas. The Gamallas say that
they were created to draw toddy by the sage Kavundinya, and that they belong to the
Gaundla varnam (caste). I am informed that a Purānam, called Gamandla or Gamudi
Purānam, has been created. In the social scale, the toddy-drawers appear to occupy a
higher position in the Telugu than in the Tamil country, and they are sometimes said to
be Telagas or Balijas, who have adopted toddy-drawing as a profession. The more
prosperous members of the community are toddy and arrack (liquor) shop-keepers, and
the poorer members extract toddy from the palm-trees.

The Kāpus of the Nellore district employ Gamallas as their cooks and domestic servants,
and all menial service and cooking are done by Gamallas in the houses of Kāpus on the
occasion of festivals and marriages.

Concerning the origin of the Gamallas, the following legend is current. A Rishi was
doing penance by standing on his head, and, like the chamæleon, living on light and air,

instead of food. According to some, the Rishi was Kaumandla, while others do not know
his name. An Īdiga girl passed by the Rishi, carrying a pot filled with toddy, which
polluted the air, so that the Rishi could not continue the penance. Being struck with the
girl’s beauty, he followed her to her home, and pointed out to her that she was the cause
of his mishap. He asked her to become his wife, but she announced that she was already
married. Eventually, however, they became secretly united, and, in consequence, the
whole town caught fire. The girl’s husband, returning home with some toddy, was
amazed at the sight, and she, to protect him, hid the Rishi in a vat. Into this vat the
husband poured the toddy, which made the Rishi breathe hard, so that the toddy, for the
first time on record, began to foam. Noticing this, the husband found a lingam, into
which the Rishi had been transformed. This lingam was worshipped by the Gamandlas,
and they are at the present day Saivites.

Like other Telugu castes, the Gamallas have exogamous septs, such as parvathāla (hills),
kudumalu (a cake), annam (cooked rice), and pandhi (pig). Among gōtras, the following
may be noted:—kavundinya, kārunya, vāchalya, and surāpāndēsvara (surā pānda, toddy
pot).

Marriage is, as a rule, adult, and remarriage of widows is permitted, though the tendency
at the present day is to abandon the practice. At the wedding of a widow, the bottu
(marriage badge) is tied round her neck at night. Prior to the marriage ceremony, the
worship of female ancestors must be performed. A new female cloth, betel, and flowers,
are placed on a tray, and worshipped by the mothers of the contracting couple. The cloth
is given as a present to a sister or other near relation of the bride or bridegroom.

Gamallas.

The dead are cremated, and the widow breaks one or two of her bangles. Fire must be
carried to the burning-ground by the father of the deceased, if he is alive. On the day
following cremation, the hot embers are extinguished, and the ashes collected, and
shaped into an effigy, near the head of which three conical masses of mud and ashes are
set up. To these representatives of Rudra, Yama, and the spirit of the departed, cooked
rice and vegetables are offered up on three leaves. One of the leaves is given to the
Jangam, who officiates at the rite, another to a washerman, and the third is left, so that
the food on it may be eaten by crows. All, who are assembled, wait till these birds
collect, and the ashes are finally poured on a tree. On the ninth, tenth, or eleventh day
after death, a ceremony called the peddadinam (big day) is performed. Cooked rice,
curry, meat, and other things, are placed on a leaf inside the house. Sitting near this leaf,
the widow weeps and breaks one or two of the glass bangles, which she wears on the
wrist. The food is then taken to a stream or tank (pond), where the agnates, after shaving,
bathing, and purification, make an effigy of the dead person on the ground. Close to this
cooked rice and vegetables are placed on three leaves, and offered to the effigy. The
widow’s remaining bangles are broken, and she is presented with a new cloth, called

munda koka (widow’s cloth) as a sign of her condition. All Gamallas, rich or poor,
engage on this occasion the services of Māla Pambalas and Bainēdus (musicians and
story-tellers) to recite the story of the goddess Ankamma. The performance is called
Ankamma kolupu. Some of the Mālas make on the ground a design, called muggu, while
the others play on the drum, and carry out the recitation. The design must be made in
five colours, green (leaves of Cassia auriculata), white (rice flour), red (turmeric and
lime), yellow (turmeric), and black (burnt rice-husk). It represents a male and female
figure (Vīrulu, heroes), who are supposed to be the person whose peddadinam is being
celebrated, and an ancestor of the opposite sex. If the family can afford it, other designs,
for example of Ankamma, are also drawn. On the completion of the muggu, cocoanuts,
rice, and betel are offered, and a fowl is sacrificed.

Like many other Telugu castes, the Gamallas have a class of beggars, called Eneti,
attached to them, for whom a subscription is raised when they turn up.

The Gamallas are mostly Saivites, and their priests are Ārādhya Brāhmans, i.e., Telugu
Brāhmans, who have adopted some of the customs of the Lingāyats. They worship a
variety of gods and goddesses, who include Pōtharāju, Kātamayya, Gangamma,
Mathamma, and Thallamma, or Thadlamma. Once or twice during the year, a pot of
toddy is brought from every house to the shrine of Thallamma, and the liquor contained
in some of the pots is poured on the floor, and the remainder given to those assembled,
irrespective of caste.

At the festival of Dīpāvali, the celebrants bathe in the early morning, and go, in wet
clothes, to an ant-hill, before which they prostrate themselves, and pour a little water into
one of the holes. Round the hill they wind five turns of cotton thread, and return home.
Subsequently they come once more to the ant-hill with a lamp made of flour paste.
Carrying the light, they go thrice or five times round the hill, and throw into a hole
therein split pulse (Phaseolus Mungo). During the whole of this day they fast. On the
following morning they again go to the hill, pour milk into it, and snap the threads
wound round it.

Gamalla muggu.

At the festival of Sankarānthi, the principal member of every family observes the
worship of ancestors. Various articles are placed in a room on leaf plates representing the
ancestors, who are worshipped by the celebrant after he has been purified by bathing.
Taking a little of the food from each leaf, he places it on a single leaf, which is
worshipped, and placed in the court-yard, so that the crows may partake thereof. The
remainder of the food is distributed among the members of the family.

At the census, 1901, some Gamallas returned themselves as Settigādu (Chetti).

Gampa (basket).—A sub-division of Kamma and Telaga, and an exogamous sept of
Oddē. The name, among the Kammas, refers to a deadly struggle at Gandikōta, in which
some escaped by hiding in baskets. Gampa dhōmpti is the name of a sub-division of the
Mādigas, whose marriage offerings to the god are placed in a basket.

Ganāyata.—Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of Lingāyat Jangams in the
Nellore, Cuddapah, and Kurnool districts. The Sanskrit word Ganam means Siva’s
attendants.

Gandham (sandal paste).—An exogamous sept of Balijas, one sub-division of whom is
called Gandhavāllu or Gandhapodi (sandal perfume sellers). The paste made by rubbing
sandal (Santalum album) wood on a stone with water is widely used in connection with
Hindu ceremonial observance. A Brāhman, for example, after worshipping, smears his
body with the paste. At festivals, and other ceremonial occasions, sandal paste is
distributed to guests along with betel leaves and areca nuts (pān-supāri). Gandhapodi
also occurs as an exogamous sept of Bōya.

Gandikōta.—A sub-division of Kamma. Gandi Kōttei is recorded7 as a sub-division of
Kāpu or Reddi, “found only in Madura and Tinnevelly, and also known simply as Kōttei
Reddis. Kōttei is the Tamil for a fort, the corresponding Telugu word being kōta. Their
females do not appear in public.”

Gāndla.—See Gāniga.

Gangadikāra.—Gangadikāra, said doubtfully to mean those who lived on the banks of
the Ganges, has been recorded as a sub-division of the Holeyas, Okkiliyans, and
Vakkaligas. The name probably refers to Gangavādi, the country of the Gangas, a royal
line which ruled over the greater part of the modern Mysore in former times.

Gangeddu.—The Gangeddulu are a class of mendicants, who travel about the country
exhibiting performing bulls. “The exhibition of sacred bulls, known as Gangeddulu
(Ganga’s bulls) is very common in the towns and villages of Southern India. The
presence of the swāmi (god) bull, as he is popularly called, is made known by his keeper
playing on a small drum, which emits a dismal, booming sound, in the intervals of
addressing his dumb companion in a piercing voice. The bull is led about from house to
house, and made to go through several tricks, which he does with evident zest. The
keeper in the meanwhile talks to him, and puts questions to him, to which he replies by
shakes of his head. He will kneel down in an attitude of worship, with his head inclined
to the ground, or he will approach you, and gently rub his nozzle against your hand.
Usually a diminutive cow accompanies the bull, and, like him, is grandly attired, and
resounds with tinkling bells. She is introduced to the spectators as the bull’s ammagaru,
that is consort or spouse. Then a scene between the pair is enacted, the gist of which is

that the husband is displeased with the wife, and declines to hold converse with her. As a
result of the difference, he resolves to go away, and stalks off in high dudgeon. The
keeper attempts to make peace between them, and is rewarded by being charged by the
irate husband and knocked down, though no harm is done to him as the animal’s horns
are padded. The keeper rises, shakes himself, and complains woefully of the treatment
he has received. Indeed, it is only after a great deal of coaxing and wheedling, and
promises of buying him endless quantities of rice cakes and other bazaar delicacies, that
the bull condescends to return, and a reconciliation is effected.”

For the following note, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The Gangeddulu,
Erudāndis, or Perumāl Mādukkārans, often acquire and train deformed male calves. It is
a popular superstition that for a family to keep such animals in its possession is to court
destruction. Consequently, when one is born, information is sent to a Gangeddu, who, on
his arrival, is sumptuously fed. The calf is then washed, and a new cloth tied to its horns.
A small present of money is made to the Gangeddu, and he takes the animal away.
Temples sometimes dispose of their deformed calves in a similar manner. When the
trained animals are exhibited in public, the deformity, which is the hall-mark of a
genuine Gangeddu, is shown, usually at the commencement of the performance, or at
any time at the bidding of any of the spectators. It is only after the exhibition of the
deformity, which is usually concealed within the trappings of the animal, that
remuneration, generally in kind, or in old rags and copper coins, is doled out to them.
Villagers worship the bulls, when they happen to pass their houses, and, as soon as they
enter a village, the females wash the feet of the animals with milk and water. They then
adorn their foreheads with kunkumam (aniline powder) and turmeric paste, and burn
incense and camphor before them. Cocoanuts, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, and
money are also offered in a plate, and are the perquisite of the Gangeddu. The bulls are
thus venerated, as they represent Basavanna, the sacred bull which is the vehicle of Siva.

The language of the Gangeddulu is Telugu, but those who have migrated to the Tamil
country also speak the language of the south. They profess the Vaishnavite religion, and
are of the Tengalai persuasion. They have Brāhman gurus (religious preceptors), who
reside at Srirangam, Tirupati, and other places. By them the Gangeddulu are branded on
the shoulder with the emblems of the chank and chakram, and initiated into the mysteries
of the Dāsari priesthood. But, though they call themselves Dāsaris, the Gangeddulu have
no marital or other connection with the Dāsaris. In addition to training and exhibiting the
performing bulls and cultivating land, the Gangeddulu officiate as Dāsaris in the month
of Peratāsi (September-October). Their principal insignia of office are the chank shell,
which is blown to announce their arrival, and the iron lamp (called Garudasthambha),
which is kept burning, and is said to represent Venkatēsa, the presiding deity at Tirupati.
As Dāsaris, little is expected of them, except offering fruits to the god, and assisting at
funerals. Several proverbs, of which the following are examples, are current concerning
this aspect of their life:—

The mistake of a Dāsari is excused with an apology.

The songs of a Dāsari are known only to the god, i.e., they are unintelligible and unreal.

For the song of a Dāsari alms are the payment, i.e., that is all the song is worth.

Sing again what you have sung, oh! Dāsari with dirty teeth.

When a beggar was asked whether he was a Dāsari or a Jangam, he replied that it
depends on the next village. This in reference to his being a time-server.

A Gangeddu mendicant is, like his bulls, picturesquely attired. He is very punctilious
about having his sect-mark on the forehead, invariably wears a turban, and his body is
clothed in a long white cloth robe. When going about with the performing bulls, the
Gangeddulu generally travel in pairs, one carrying a drum, and the other a bell-metal
gong. One of them holds in one hand the nose-rope of the bull, and in the other the whip.
The bulls are dressed up in a patch work quilt with two eye-holes in it. Of names which
are given to the animals, Rāma and Lakshmana are very popular. The tameness of the
bulls is referred to in the proverb “As mild as a Gangeddu.”

The Perumāl Mādukkārans, or Perumāl Erudukkārans, both of which names indicate
those who lead bulls about, are found chiefly in the Chingleput, North and South Arcot
districts. “Every now and then,” Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes,8 “throughout Madras, a
man dressed up as a buffoon is to be seen leading about a bull, as fantastically got up as
himself with cowries (Cypræa arabica shells) and rags of many colours, from door to
door. The bull is called in Tamil Perumāl erudu, and in Telugu Ganga eddu, the former
meaning Vishnu’s bull and the latter Ganga’s bull. The origin of the first is given in a
legend, but that of the last is not clear. The conductors of these bulls are neatherds of
high caste, called Pū Idaiyan, i.e., flower neatherds (see Idaiyan), and come from
villages in the North and South Arcot districts. They are a simple and ignorant set, who
firmly believe that their occupation arises out of a command from the great god
Venkatāchalapati, the lord of the Venkatāchala near Tirupaddi (Tirupati) in the North
Arcot district. Their legend is as follows. Among the habitual gifts to the Venkatāchala
temple at Tirupaddi were all the freaks of nature of the neighbourhood as exhibited in
cattle, such as two-tailed cows, five-legged bulls, four-horned calves, and so on. The Pū
Idaiyans, whose original duty was to string flowers for the temple, were set to graze
these abortions. Now to graze cows is an honour, but to tend such creatures as these the
Pū Idaiyans regarded as a sin. So they prayed to Venkatāchalapati to show them how
they could purge it away. On this, the god gave them a bull called after himself the
Perumāl bull and said: ‘My sons, if you take as much care of this bull as you would of
your own children, and lead it from house to house, begging its food, your sin will be
washed away.’ Ever since then they have been purging themselves of their original sin.

The process is this. The bull leader takes it from house to house, and puts it questions,
and the animal shakes its head in reply. This is proof positive that it can reason. The fact
is the animal is bought when young for a small sum, and brought up to its profession.
Long practice has made its purchasers experts in selecting the animals that will suit
them. After purchase the training commences, which consists in pinching the animal’s
ears whenever it is given bran, and it soon learns to shake its head at the sight of bran. I
need hardly say that a handful of bran is ready in its conductor’s hands when the
questions are put to it. It is also taught to butt at any person that speaks angrily to it. As
regards the offerings made to these people, one-sixth goes to feeding the bulls, and the
remaining five-sixths to the conductors. They look upon it as ‘good work’, but the
village boys and girls think it the greatest fun in the world to watch its performances,
and the advent of a Vishnu’s bull is hailed by the youngsters with the greatest delight.”

Gangimakkalu.—Gangimakkalu, or Gangaputra, meaning children or sons of Ganga,
the goddess of water, is the name of a sub-division of Kabbēra. The allied
Gangavamsamu, or people of Ganga, is a name for Jālāris.

Gāniga or Gāndla.—The name Gāniga is derived from the Telugu gānuga, meaning an
oil-mill. The Gānigas are said9 to be “the oil pressers of the Canarese people,
corresponding to the Telugu Gāndla and the Tamil Vāniyan. This caste is sub-divided
into three sections, none of whom eat together or intermarry. These sections are the
Heggānigas, who yoke two oxen to a stone oil-mill; Kirgānigas, who make oil in
wooden mills; and Ontiyeddu Gānigas, who yoke only one animal to the mill. They are
collectively known as Jōtipans or Jōtinagarams (people of the city of light). In addition
to pressing oil, they also make palm-leaf umbrellas, cultivate land, and work as
labourers. They employ Brāhmans to perform their ceremonies. Their guru is the head of
the Vyāsarāya mutt at Ānegundi. Early marriage is practiced. Widow remarriage is not
allowed. They eat fish, mutton, and fowls, but do not drink liquor. Chetti is their title.” In
the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is stated that the guru of the Gānigas is the head of
the mutt at Sringeri, and that they employ Havig Brāhmans for their ceremonies. Sringeri
is the name of a Smarta (Saivite) mutt or religious institution at several places, such as
Tanjore and Kumbakōnam; and there is a town of this name in Mysore, from which the
mutt derives its name.

Concerning the Gānigas of the Mysore Province, Mr. V. N. Narasimmiyengar writes as
follows.10 “The account locally obtained connects this caste with the Nagartās, as
forming the leading communities of the left-hand faction, in opposition to the Lingayats
and other castes composing the right-hand faction. Caste supremacy is ever associated in
India with preternatural mythology. If the average Brāhman traces his nobility literally to
the face of Brahma, according to the Vēdic Purusha Sūkta, every other castelet claims a
patent of superiority in a similar miraculous origin. The Gānigas allege that they
immigrated from the north at a time beyond living memory. A Mysore noble, named

Mallarāje Ars, established and first peopled the pēte (market town) of Bangalore, when
the Gānigas first came there, followed by the Nagartās, who are said to have been co-
emigrants with the Gānigas. Mallarāj made Sattis and Yajamāns (headmen) of the
principal members of the two castes, and exempted them from the house-tax. The
Gānigas are both Vaishnavites and Saivites. Their guru is known as
Dharmasivāchārsvāmi in the Madras Presidency, and certain gōtras (family names) are
said to be common to the Gānigas and Nagartās, but they never eat together or
intermarry. The Gānigas claim the peculiar privilege of following the Vishnu image or
car processions, throughout the province, with flags exhibiting the figures of Hanumān
and Garuda, and torches. These insignia are alleged to have been aboriginally given to
an ancestor, named Siriyāla Satti, by Rāma, as a reward for a valuable gem presented by
him. The Gānigas call themselves Dharmasivāchār Vaisyās like the Nagartās, and the
feud between them used often to culminate in much bitter unpleasantness. The order
includes a small division of the linga-wearing oilmongers, known as Sajjanā (good men),
whose population is a small fraction of the community. The Sajjanās, however, hold no
social intercourse of any kind with the other sub-divisions.”

The Gānigas of Sandūr, in the little Marātha State of that name, returned Yenne (oil) and
Kallu (stone) as sub-divisions. The average cephalic index of these Gānigas was very
high, being 80.5 as against 77.6 for the Gānigas of Mysore city.

“The oil-mill of the Gānigas is,” Mr. W. Francis writes,11 “a sort of large wooden mortar,
usually formed out of the heart of a tamarind tree, and firmly imbedded in the ground. A
wooden cylinder, shod with iron, fits roughly into the cavity. A cross beam is lashed to
this in such a way that one end is close to the ground, and to this a pair of bullocks or
buffaloes are fastened. By an arrangement of pullies, the pressure of the cylinder can be
increased at pleasure. As the bullocks go round the trough, the seeds are crushed by the
action of the cylinder, so that the expressed oil falls to the bottom, while the residuum, as
oil-cake, adheres to the side of the mortar.”

The following note refers to the Onteddu (single bullock) Gānigas, who claim
superiority over those who employ two bullocks in working their oil-mills. The former
belong to the right-hand, and the latter to the left-hand faction. Among them are various
sub-divisions, of which the Dēva and Onteddu may intermarry, while the Kasi, Teli
(gingelly: Sesamum), and Chandanapu are endogamous. Like other Telugu castes they
have gōtras, some of which are interesting, as there are certain prohibitions connected
with them. For example, members of the Badranollu and Balanollu gōtras may not cut
the tree Erythroxylon monogynum. In like manner, members of the Vīranollu and
Viththanollu gōtras are forbidden to cut Feronia elephantum, and those of the Vēdanollu
gōtra to cut Nyctanthes arbor-tristis. Members of certain other gōtras do not cultivate
turmeric, sugarcane, or the millet (Panicum miliare).

The Onteddu Gānigas are Saivites, and disciples of Lingāyat Brāhmans (Ārādhyas).
Some, however, wear the sacred thread, and others bear on the forehead the red streak of
the Vaishnavites. In some places, their special deity is Chaudeswara, who is the god of
some of the weaving classes. In the Kistna district they claim Mallikārjunasvāmi as their
deity.

Their primary occupation is oil-pressing, but some are traders in cotton, oil-seeds, etc.,
or cultivators. In some localities, the animal which works the oil-mill is not blindfolded,
while it is in others, because, it is said, it would otherwise fall down after a few
revolutions. Crushing gingelly oil is, according to the Shāstras, a sinful act, but
condoned inasmuch as Dēvatas use this oil for lamps, and men in temples. For the
removal of the oil-cake, or turning the seeds in the mill, the left hand only is used.
Burning the tongue with a piece of gold, as a means of purification after some offence
has been committed, is a common practice.

Gānga bride and bridegroom.

The marriage rites conform, for the most part, to the Telugu type. But, while the wrist
thread is being tied on, common salt is held in the hand. A dagger (bāku) is then given to
the bridegroom, who keeps it with him till the conclusion of the ceremonies. On the
wedding day, the bridegroom wears the sacred thread. The tāli is not an ordinary bottu,

but a thread composed of 101 thin strings, which is removed on the last day, and
replaced by a bottu. On the third day, the bride and bridegroom worship a jammi tree
(Prosopis spicigera), and the latter, removing his sacred thread, throws it on the tree.
Five young men, called Bāla Dāsulu, also worship the tree, and, if they are wearing the
sacred thread, throw it thereon. The dead are as a rule buried, in a sitting posture if the
deceased was an orthodox Saivite. If a young man dies a bachelor, the corpse is married
to an arka plant (Calotropis gigantea), and decorated with a wreath made of the flowers
thereof. The final death ceremonies are performed on the eleventh day. Food is offered to
crows and the soul of the dead person, who is represented by a wooden post dressed with
his clothes. The bangles of a widow are broken near the post, which is finally thrown
into a tank or stream.

Gāniga further occurs as an occupational name for Lingāyat oil-vendors, and for Mogers
who are employed as oil-pressers.

Ganta.—Ganta or Gantla, meaning a bell, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of
Kamma and Balija. Gantelavāru, or men of the bell, is given by Mr. S. M. Natesa
Sastri12 as the family name of one section of the Donga (thieving) Dāsaris, and of the
Kabbēras, who are said to join the ranks of this criminal class. Gantugāzula occurs, in
the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as a sub-division of Koracha. In the Vizagapatam
Manual, the Tiragati Gantlavallu are described as repairing hand-mills, catching
antelopes, and selling their skins.

Ganti (a hole pierced in the ear-lobe).—An exogamous sept of Gūdala.

Gāradi.—Gāradi or Gāradiga is the name of a class of mendicants in the Telugu country
and Mysore who are snake-charmers, practice sleight of hand, and perform various
juggling and mountebank tricks.

Garappa (dry land).—A synonym of Challa Yānādi.

Gatti.—A small caste of cultivators, found chiefly near Kumbla and Someswara in the
Kasaragod tāluk of South Canara. Other names for the caste are Poladava and Holadava,
both signifying men of the field. Like the Bants, they follow the aliya santāna law of
inheritance (in the female line), have exogamous septs or balis, and, on the day of the
final death ceremonies, construct car-like structures, if the deceased was an important
personage in the community. The Bants and Gattis interdine, but do not intermarry. The
headman of the Gattis is called Gurikāra. The God of the Someswara temple is regarded
as the caste deity, and every family has to pay an annual fee of four annas to this temple.
Failure to do so would entail excommunication.

Gattu (bank or mound).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Gaud.—A title of Sādar.

Gauda.—The Gaudas or Gaudos are a large caste of Canarese cultivators and cattle-
breeders. “Gauda and Gaudo,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,13 “are really two distinct castes,
the former being Canarese and the latter Uriya. Each name is, however, spelt both ways.
The two names are, I presume, etymologically the same. The ordinary derivation is from
the Sanskrit go, a cow, but Dr. Gustav Oppert contends14 that the root of Gauda is a
Dravidian word meaning a mountain. Among the Canarese, and to a less extent among
the Uriyas also, the word is used in an honorific sense, a custom which is difficult to
account for if Dr. Oppert’s philology is correct.” “Gaudas,” Mr. Stuart writes further,15
“also called Hālvaklumakkalu (children of the milk class), are very numerously
represented in the South Canara district. They have a somewhat elaborate system of
caste government. In every village there are two headmen, the Grāma Gauda and the
Vattu or Gattu Gauda. For every group of eight or nine villages there is another head
called the Māganē Gauda, and for every nine Māganēs there is a yet higher authority
called the Kattēmanēyava. The caste is divided into eighteen baris or balis, which are of
the usual exogamous character. The names of some of these are as follows: Bangāra
(gold), Nandara, Malāra (a bundle of glass bangles, as carried about for sale), Sālu,
Hemmana (pride or conceit), Kabru, Gōli (Portulaca oleracea, a pot-herb), Basruvōgaru
(basru, belly), Balasanna, and Karmannāya. Marriage is usually adult, and sexual license
before marriage with a member of the caste is tolerated, though nominally condemned.
The dhārē form of marriage (see Bant) is used, but the bridal pair hold in their joined
hands five betel leaves, one areca nut and four annas, and, after the water has been
poured, the bridegroom ties a tāli to the neck of the bride. Divorce is permitted freely,
and divorced wives and widows can marry again. A widow with children, however,
should marry only her late husband’s elder brother. If she marries any one else, the
members of her former husband’s family will not even drink water that has been touched
by her. They burn their dead. On the third day, the ashes are made into the form of a
man, which is cut in two, buried, and a mound made over it. In the house two planks are
placed on the ground, and covered with a cloth. On one of these, a vessel containing
milk is placed, and on the other a lamp, rice, cocoanut, pumpkin, etc., are deposited. The
agnates and some boys go round the plank three times, and afterwards go to the mound,
taking with them the various articles in a cloth. Three plantain leaves are spread in front
of the mound, and cooked food, etc., placed thereon. Four posts are set up round the
mound, and cloths stretched over them, and placed round the sides. On the sixteenth day,
sixteen plantain leaves are placed in a row, and one leaf is laid apart. Cakes, cooked
fowl’s flesh, toddy and arrack (liquor) are placed on the leaves in small leaf-cups. The
assembled agnates then say “We have done everything as we should do, and so our
ancestors who have died must take the man who is now dead to their regions. I put the
leaf which is apart in the same row with the sixteen leaves.”

“Once a year, in the month of Mituna (June-July), the Gaudas perform a ceremony for
the propitiation of all deceased ancestors. They have a special preference for
Venkatarāmaswāmi, to whom they make money offerings once a year in September.
They employ Brāhmins to give them sacred water when they are under pollution, but
they do not seek their services for ordinary ceremonies. They are, for the most part,
farmers, but some few are labourers. The latter receive three or four seers of paddy a day
as wages. Their house language is Tulu in some places, and Canarese in others, but all
follow the ordinary system of inheritance, and not the custom of descent through
females. Their title is Gauda.”

As bearing on the superstitious beliefs of the people of South Canara, the following case,
which was tried before the Sessions Judge in 1908, may be cited. A young Gauda girl
became pregnant by her brother-in-law. After three days’ labour, the child was born. The
accused, who was the mother of the girl, was the midwife. Finding the delivery very
difficult, she sent for a person named Korapulu to come and help her. The child was, as
they thought, still-born. On its head was a red protuberance like a ball; round each of its
forearms were two or three red bands; the eyes and ears were fixed very high in the
head; and the eyes, nose, and mouth were abnormally large. Korapulu and the girl’s
younger sister at once carried the mother out of the out-house lest the devil child should
do her harm or kill her. The accused called for a man named Isuf Saiba, who was
standing in the yard outside. He came in, and she asked him to call some of the
neighbours, to decide what to do. The child, she said, was a devil child, and must be cut
and killed, lest it should devour its mother. While they were looking at the child, it began
to move and roll its eyes about, and turn on the ground. It is a belief of the villagers that
such a devil child, when born and brought in contact with the air, rapidly grows, and
causes great trouble, usually killing the mother, and sometimes killing all the inmates of
the house. The accused told Isuf Saiba to cover the child with a vessel, which he did.
Then there was a sound from inside the vessel, either of the child moving or making
some sound with its mouth. The accused then put her hand under the vessel, dragged the
child half way out, and then, while Isuf Saiba pressed the edge of the earthenware vessel
on the abdomen of the child, the accused took a knife, and cut the body in half. When the
body was cut in two, there was no blood, but a mossy green liquid, or a black liquid,
oozed out. The accused got two areca leaves, and put one piece of the child on one, and
one on the other, and told Isuf Saiba to get a spade, and come and bury them. So they
went out into the jungle close to the house, and Isuf Saiba dug two holes about half a
yard deep, one on one hillock, and one on another. In these two holes the two pieces of
the child were separately buried. The object of this was to prevent the two pieces joining
together again, in which case the united devil child would have come out of the grave,
and gone to kill its mother. The birth and death of this devil child were not kept secret,
but were known throughout the village.

Gauda or Gaudu further occurs as a title of Īdiga, Kuruba, and Vakkaliga, an exogamous
sept and gōtra of Kuruba and Kurni, and a sub-division of Golla.

Gaudi.—It is recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that a Maleru (temple
servant) woman, who cohabits with one of a lower class than her own, is degraded into a
Gaudi.

Gaudo.—The Gaudos are described, in the Madras Census Reports, 1891 and 1901, as
“the great pastoral caste of the Ganjam Oriyas. Like those of all the cowherd classes, its
members say that they are descended from the Yādava tribe, in which Krishna was born
(cf. Idaiyan). The majority of the Gaudos in the northern districts are now cultivators, but
there is evidence that the keeping and breeding of cattle is their traditional occupation.
The most important sub-division is Sollokhondia; many of them are herdsmen and milk-
sellers. Fourteen sub-divisions have been reported. They are Apoto, Bēhara, Bolodiya,
Dongāyato, Dumālo, Gōpopuriya, Kolāta, Komiriya, Kusilya, Lādia, Madhurāpurya,
Mogotho, Pattilia, and Sollokhondia.” In the Census Report, 1871, it is noted that “there
are many Gowdus of high social standing, who have gotten unto themselves much
wealth in cattle. These men own, in many instances, large herds of buffaloes, which,
being reared in the boundless pastures of the hills, are much prized by the cartmen of the
low country for draught purposes.”

Of the sub-division noted above, Bēhara is apparently a title only. Bolodiya is the name
of a section of the Tellis, who use pack-bullocks (bolodi, a bull) for carrying grain about
the country. Pattilia must be a mistake for Pachilia. The sections among the Gaudos
which are recognised by all castes in the Ganjam district are Sollokhondia, Bhatta,
Gōpopuriya, Madhurāpuriya, Mogotho, Apoto, and Pachilia. These, with the exception
of Gōpopuriya and Madhurāpuriya, seem to be endogamous sub-divisions. The Bhatta
Gaudos go by the name of Gōpopuriya in some places and Madhurāpuriya in others,
both these names being connected with the legendary history of the origin of the caste.
The Apoto and Bhatta Gaudos are sometimes employed as palanquin-bearers. The
Mogotho Gaudos, who live on the hills, are regarded as an inferior section, because they
do not abstain from eating fowls. The Sollokhondia section is regarded as superior, and
consequently all Oriya castes, Brāhman and non-Brāhman, will accept water at the hands
of members thereof. An orthodox Oriya non-Brāhman, and all Oriya Brāhmans, will not
receive water from Telugu or Tamil Brāhmans, whom they call Komma Brāhmans,
Komma being a corrupt form of karma, i.e., Brāhmans who are strict in the observance
of the various karmas (ceremonial rites).

The Sollokhondia Gaudos are agriculturists, rear cattle and sheep, and sometimes earn a
living by driving carts. They have gōtras, among which the most common are Moiro
(peacock), Nāgasiro (cobra), and Kochimo (tortoise). Their caste council is presided
over by a hereditary headman called Mahānkudo, who is assisted by a Bhollobaya,

Desiya, and Khorsodha or Dhondia. The Khorsodha is the caste servant, and the Desiya
eats with a delinquent who is received back into the fold after he has been tried by the
council. The Sollokhondias are for the most part Paramarthos, i.e., followers of the
Chaitanya form of Vaishnavism. They show a partiality for the worship of
Jagannāthaswāmi, and various Tākurānis (village deities) are also reverenced. Bairāgis
are the caste priests.

The marriage prohibitions among the Sollokhondias are those which hold good among
many Oriya castes, but marriage with the maternal uncle’s daughter (mēnarikam) is
sometimes practiced. On the evening preceding the marriage day (bibha), after a feast,
the bride and bridegroom’s parties go to a temple, taking with them all the articles which
are to be used in connection with the marriage ceremonial. On their way back, seven
married girls, carrying seven vessels, go to seven houses, and beg water, which is used
by the bridal couple for their baths on the following day. Either on the day before the
wedding day, or on the bibha day, the bridegroom is shaved, and the bride’s nails are
pared. Sometimes a little of the hair of her forehead is also cut off. The marriage rites do
not materially differ from those of the Bhondāris (q.v.).

The dead, excepting young children, are burnt. The eldest son carries a pot of fire to the
burning ground. On the day following cremation, the mourners revisit the spot, and, after
the fire has been extinguished, make an image of a man with the ashes on the spot where
the corpse was burnt. To this image food is offered. Seven small flags, made of cloths
dyed with turmeric, are stuck into the shoulders, abdomen, legs, and head of the image.
A fragment of calcined bone is carried away, put into a lump of cow-dung, and kept near
the house of the deceased, or near a tank (pond). On the ninth day after death, towards
evening, a bamboo, split or spliced into four at one end, is set up in the ground outside
the house beneath the projecting roof, and on it a pot filled with water is placed. On the
spot where the deceased breathed his last, a lamp is kept. A hole is made in the bottom of
the pot, and, after food has been offered to the dead man, the pot is thrown into a tank.
On the tenth day, a ceremony is performed on a tank bund (embankment). The piece of
bone, which has been preserved, is removed from its cow-dung case, and food, fruits,
etc., are offered to it, and thrown into the tank. The bone is taken home, and buried near
the house, food being offered to it until the twelfth day. On the eleventh day, all the
agnates bathe, and are touched with ghī (clarified butter) as a sign of purification. Srādh
(memorial service) is performed once a year on Sankarānthi (Pongal) day. Food, in the
form of balls, is placed on leaves in the backyard, and offered to the ancestors. Some
food is also thrown up into the air.

All sections of the Gaudos have adopted infant marriage. If a girl fails to secure a
husband before she attains puberty, she has to go through a form of marriage called
dharma bibha, in which the bridegroom is, among the Sollokhondias, represented by an

old man, preferably the girl’s grandfather, and among the other sections by a sahāda or
shādi tree (Streblus asper) or an arrow (khando).

Like various other Oriya castes, the Gaudos worship the goddess Lakshmi on Thursdays
in the month of November, which are called Lakshmi varam, or Lakshmi’s day. The
goddess is represented by a basket filled with grain, whereon some place a hair ball,
which has been vomited by a cow. The ball is called gāya panghula, and is usually one or
two inches in diameter. The owner of a cow which has vomited such a ball regards it as a
propitious augury for the prosperity of his family. A feast is held on the day on which the
ball is vomited, and, after the ball has been worshipped, it is carefully wrapped up, and
kept in a box, in which it remains till it is required for further worship. Some people
believe that the ball continues to grow year by year, and regard this as a very good sign.
Bulls are said not to vomit the balls, and only very few cows do so.

Gauliar.—A synonym for Lingāyat Gollas, or Kannadiyans.

Gaundala.—A synonym of Gamalla.

Gauri.—A division of Okkiliyan, named after Gauri, Siva’s consort. The equivalent
Gaura occurs among the Kōmatis, and Gauriga among the Mēdaras. One division of the
Kabbēras is called Gaurimakkalu, or sons of Gauri.

Gautama.—A Brāhmanical gōtra adopted by Bhatrāzus, Khatris, and Kondaiyamkōttai
Maravans. Gautama was a sage, and the husband of Ahalya, who was seduced by Indra.

Gavala (cowry shell: Cypræa arabica).—An exogamous sept of Mādiga. A cotton
thread string, with cowries strung on it, is one of the insignia of a Mādiga Mātangi.

Gavalla.—A synonym for Gamalla.

Gavara.—It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that “this caste is practically
confined to the Vizagapatam district, and they have been classed as cultivators on the
strength of a statement to that effect in the District Manual. Gavara is, however, an
important sub-division of Kōmatis (traders), and these Gavaras are probably in reality
Gavara Kōmatis. These are so called after Gauri, the patron deity of this caste.”

For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. A tradition is current
that the Gavaras originally lived at Vēngi, the ancient capital of the Eastern Chālukyan
kings, the ruins of which are near Ellore in the Godāvari district. The king was desirous
of seeing one of their women, who was gōsha (in seclusion), but to this they would not
consent. Under orders from the king, their houses were set on fire. Some of them bolted
themselves in, and perished bravely, while others locked up their women in big boxes,
and escaped with them to the coast. They immediately set sail, and landed at

Pūdimadaka in the Anakāpalli tāluk. Thence they marched as far as Kondakirla, near
which they founded the village of Wādapalli or Wōdapalli, meaning the village of the
people who came in boats. They then built another village called Gavarla Anakāpalli.
They received an invitation from king Pāyaka Rao, the founder of Anakāpalli, and,
moving northwards, established themselves at what is now known as Gavarapēta in the
town of Anakāpalli. They began the foundation of the village auspiciously by
consecrating and planting the sandra karra (Acacia sundra), which is not affected by
‘white-ants,’ instead of the pāla karra (Mimusops hexandra), which is generally used for
this purpose. Consequently, Anakāpalli has always flourished.

The Gavaras speak Telugu, and, like other Telugu castes, have various exogamous septs
or intipērulu.

Girls are married either before or after puberty. The custom of mēnarikam, by which a
man marries his maternal uncle’s daughter, is in force, and it is said that he may also
marry his sister’s daughter. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a woman who
has had seven husbands is known as Beththamma, and is much respected.

Some Gavaras are Vaishnavites, and others Saivites, but difference in religion is no bar
to intermarriage. Both sections worship the village deities, to whom animal sacrifices are
offered. The Vaishnavites show special reverence to Jagganāthaswāmi of Orissa, whose
shrine is visited by some, while others take vows in the name of this god. On the day on
which the car festival is celebrated at Pūri, local car festivals are held in Gavara villages,
and women carry out the performance of their vows. A woman, for example, who is
under a vow, in order that she may be cured of illness or bear children, takes a big pot of
water, and, placing it on her head, dances frantically before the god, through whose
influence the water, which rises out of the pot, falls back into it, instead of being spilt.

The Vaishnavites are burnt, and the Saivites buried in a sitting posture. The usual chinna
(little) and pedda rōzu (big day) death ceremonies are performed.

Men wear a gold bangle on the left wrist, and another on the right arm. Women wear a
silver bangle on the right wrist, and a bracelet of real or imitation coral, which is first
worn at the time of marriage, on the left wrist. They throw the end of their body-cloth
over the left shoulder. They do not, like women of other non-Brāhman castes in the
Vizagapatam district, smoke cigars.

The original occupation of the caste is said to have been trading, and this may account
for the number of exogamous septs which are named after Settis (traders). At the present
day, the Gavaras are agriculturists, and they have the reputation of being very hard-
working, and among the best agriculturists in the Vizagapatam district. The women
travel long distances in order to sell vegetables, milk, curds, and other produce.

The caste titles are Anna, Ayya, and occasionally Nāyudu.

Gāya (cow).—An exogamous sept of Kondra.

Gayinta.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small caste of hill
cultivators, speaking Oriya and Telugu. The name is said to be derived from gayinti, an
iron digging implement. Gayinta is reported to be the same as Gaintia, a name of Enētis
or Entamaras.

Gāzula.—Gāzula or Gazul (glass bangle) has been recorded as a sub-division of Balija,
Kāpu, and Toreya. The Gāzula Balijas make glass bangles. The Toreyas have a tradition
that they originated from the bangles of Machyagandhi, the daughter of a fisherman on
the Jumna, who was married to king Shantanu of Hastinapūr.

Gēdala (buffaloes).—A sept of Bonthuk Savara.

Geddam (beard).—An exogamous sept of Bōya and Padma Sālē.

Gejjala (bells tied to the legs while dancing).—An exogamous sept of Balija and
Korava.

Gejjēgāra.—A sub-caste of the Canarese Pānchālas. They are described, in the Mysore
Census Report, 1891, as makers of small round bells (gungru), which are used for
decorating the head or neck of bullocks, and tied by dancing-girls round their ankles
when dancing.

Gennēru (sweet-scented oleander).—An exogamous sept of Bōya.

Gentoo.—Gentoo or Jentu, as returned at times of census, is stated to be a general term
applied to Balijas and Telugu speaking Sūdras generally. The word is said by Yule and
Burnell16 to be “a corruption of the Portuguese Gentio, a gentile or heathen, which they
applied to the Hindus in contradistinction to the Moros or Moors, i.e., Mahomedans. The
reason why the term became specifically applied to the Telugu people is probably
because, when the Portuguese arrived, the Telugu monarchy of Vijayanagar was
dominant over a great part of the peninsula.” In a letter written from prison to Sir Philip
Francis, Rājah Nuncomar referred to the fact that “among the English gentry, Armenians,
Moores and Gentoos, few there is who is not against me.” Gentoo still survives as a
caste name in the Madras Quarterly Civil List (1906).

Ghair-i-Mahdī.—The name, meaning without Mahdī, of a sect of Muhammadans, who
affirm that the Imām Mahdī has come and gone, while orthodox Muhammadans hold
that he is yet to come.

Ghāsi.—See Haddi.

Ghontoro.—A small caste of Oriyas, who manufacture brass and bell-metal rings and
bangles for the hill people. The name is derived from ghonto, a bell-metal plate.

Gidda (vulture).—A sept of Poroja.

Gikkili (rattle).—A gōtra of Kurni.

Giri Rāzu.—A contraction of Puragiri Rāzu or Puragiri Kshatriya, by which names
some Perikes style themselves.

Goa.—A sub-division of Kudubis, who are said to have emigrated from Goa to South
Canara.

Gō Brāhman.—A name given to Brāhmans by Kammālans, who style themselves Visva
Brāhmans.

Gōdagula.—The Gōdagulas are recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as being
the same as the Gūdalas, who are a Telugu caste of basket-makers. According to Mr. C.
Hayavadana Rao, to whom I am indebted for the following note, they are a distinct caste,
speaking Oriya, and sometimes calling themselves Oddē (Oriya) Mēdara. Like the
Mēdaras, they work in split bamboo, and make sundry articles which are not made by
other castes who work in this medium. Unlike the Gūdalas, they are a polluting class,
and have the following legend to account for their social degradation. God told them to
make winnows and other articles for divine worship. This, they did, and, after they had
delivered them, they attended a marriage feast, at which they eat flesh and drank liquor.
On their return, God called on them to vomit the food which they had partaken of, and
they accordingly brought up the meat and drink, whereon God cursed them, saying
“Begone, you have eaten forbidden food.” They craved for forgiveness, but were told in
future to earn their living as bamboo-workers. The custom of mēnarikam, according to
which a man should marry his maternal uncle’s daughter, is so rigidly enforced that, if
the uncle refuses to give his daughter in marriage, the man has a right to carry her off,
and then pay a fine, the amount of which is fixed by the caste council. A portion thereof
is given to the girl’s parents, and the remainder spent on a caste feast. If the maternal
uncle has no daughter, a man may, according to the ēduru (or reversed) mēnarikam
custom, marry his paternal aunt’s daughter. Six months before the marriage ceremony
takes place, the pasupu (turmeric) ceremony is performed. The bridegroom’s family pay
six rupees to the bride’s family, to provide the girl with turmeric, wherewith she adorns
herself. On the day fixed for the wedding, the parents of the bridegroom go with a few of
the elders to the bride’s house, and couple the request to take away the girl with payment
of nine rupees and a new cloth. Of the money thus given, eight rupees go to the bride’s
parents, and the remainder to the caste. The bride is conducted to the home of the

bridegroom, who meets her at the pandal (booth) erected in front of his house. They are
bathed with turmeric water, and sacred threads are put on their shoulders by the Kula
Maistri who officiates as priest. The couple then play with seven cowry (Cyprœa
arabica) shells, and, if the shells fall with the slit downwards, the bride is said to have
won; otherwise the bridegroom is the winner. This is followed by the mūdu ākula
hōmam, or sacrifice of three leaves. A new pot, containing a lighted wick, is placed
before the couple. On it are thrown leaves of the rāyi āku (Ficus religiosa), marri āku
(Ficus Bengalensis), and juvvi āku (Ficus Tsiela). The Kula Maistri of the bridegroom’s
party spreads out his right hand over the mouth of the pot. On it the bride places her
hand. The bridegroom then places his hand on hers, and the Kula Maistri of the bride’s
village puts his hand on that of the bridegroom. The elders then call out in a loud voice
“Know, caste people of Vaddādi Mādugula; know, caste people of Kimedi; know, caste
people of Gunupuram and Godairi; know, caste people of all the twelve countries, that
this man and woman have become husband and wife, and that the elders have ratified the
ceremony.” The contracting couple then throw rice over each other. On the morning of
the following day, the saragatha ceremony is performed. The bridegroom’s party repair
to the bank of the local stream, where they are met by the caste people, who are
presented with betel, a cheroot, and a pot of jaggery (crude sugar) water as cool drink.
The sacred threads worn by the bride and bridegroom are removed at the conclusion of
the marriage ceremonies. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and a younger brother
may marry the widow of an elder brother, or vice versâ. Divorce is also allowed, and a
divorcée may remarry. Her new husband has to pay a sum of money, a portion of which
goes to the first husband, while the remainder is devoted to a caste feast. The dead are
burnt, and the chinna rōzu (little day) death ceremony is observed.

Gōda-jāti (wall people).—A sub-division of Kammas. The name has reference to a
deadly struggle at Gandikōta, in which some escaped by hiding behind a wall.

Gōda-poose (wall polishing).—An exogamous sept of Tsākala.

Gōdāri.—Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as Telugu leather-workers in
Ganjam and Vizagapatam. They are stated, in the Vizagapatam Manual, to make and sell
slippers in that district. Gōdāri is, I gather, a synonym of Mādiga, and not a separate
caste.

Goddali (spade or axe).—An exogamous sept of Oddē and Panta Reddi.

Gōdomālia (belonging to, or a group of forts).—A sub-division of Bhondāri, the
members of which act as barbers to Rājahs who reside in forts.

Gōlaka.—Recorded in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a name meaning bastard,
and clubbed with the Moilis, or temple servants in South Canara descended from

dancing-girls. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, it is defined as a term applied to the
children of Brāhmans by Malerus, or temple servants.

Gōli (Portulaca oleracea: a pot-herb).—An exogamous sept of Gauda.

Gōlkonda.—A sub-division of Tsākala.

Golla.—“The Gollas,” Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,17 “are the great pastoral caste of the
Telugu people. The traditions of the caste give a descent from the god Krishna, whose
sportings with the milk maids play a prominent part in Hindu mythology. The hereditary
occupation of the Gollas is tending sheep and cattle, and selling milk, but many of them
have now acquired lands and are engaged in farming, and some are in Government
service. They are quiet, inoffensive, and comparatively honest. In the time of the
Nabobs, this last characteristic secured to them the privilege of guarding and carrying
treasure, and one sub-division, Bokhasa Gollas, owes its origin to this service. Even now
those who are employed in packing and lifting bags of money in the district treasuries
are called Gollas, though they belong to other castes. As a fact they do hold a respectable
position, and, though poor, are not looked down upon, for they tend the sacred cow.
Sometimes they assert a claim to be regarded as representatives of the Gō-Vaisya
division. Their title is Mandādi, but it is not commonly used.” Mr. Stuart writes further18
that “the social status of the Gollas is fairly high, for they are allowed to mix freely with
the Kāpu, Kamma, and Balija castes, and the Brāhmans will take buttermilk from their
hands. They employ Sātānis as their priests. In their ceremonies there is not much
difference between them and the Kāpus. The name Golla is generally supposed to be a
shortened form of Sanskrit Gōpāla” (protector of cows). The Gollas also call themselves
Kōnānulu, or Kōnarlu, and, like the Tamil Idaiyans, sometimes have the title Kōnar.
Other titles in common use are Anna, Ayya, and occasionally Nayudu.

In the Manual of the Kurnool district, it is stated that the Gollas “keep sheep, and sell
milk and ghī (clarified butter). They eat and mess with the Balijas, and other high caste
Sūdras; but, unlike their brethren of the south, in the matter of street processions, they
are classed with goldsmiths, or the left-hand section. When any one is reduced to
poverty, the others give him each a sheep, and restore his flock. They occasionally
dedicate their girls to Venkatēsa as Basavis” (prostitutes).

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district, that “in the country round
Mādgole, legends are still recounted of a line of local Golla chieftains, who gave their
name to Golgonda, and built the forts, of which traces still survive in those parts”. Each
Telugu New Year’s day, it is stated, Gollas come across from Godāvari, and go round the
Golla villages, reciting the names of the progenitors of the fallen line, and exhibiting
paintings illustrative of their overthrow.

“At Vajragada (diamond fort) are the ruins of a very large fortress, and local tradition
gives the names of seven forts, by which it was once defended. These are said to have
been constructed by the Golla kings. A tale is told of their having kidnapped a daughter
of the ruler of Mādgole, and held out here against his attacks for months, until they were
betrayed by a woman of their own caste, who showed the enemy how to cut off their
water-supply. They then slew their womenkind, says the story, dashed out against the
besiegers, and fell to a man, fighting to the last.”

Concerning the Gollas of Mysore, I gather19 that “there are two main divisions in this
caste, viz., Ūru (village) and Kādu (forest). The two neither intermarry, nor eat together.
A section of the Gollas, by guarding treasure while on transit, have earned the name of
Dhanapāla. In fact, one of the menial offices in Government treasuries at the present day
is that of Golla. The caste worships Krishna, who was born in this caste. The Kādu
Gollas are said to have originally immigrated from Northern India, and are still a
nomadic tribe, living in thatched huts outside the villages. Some of their social customs
are akin to those of the Kādu Kurubas. It is said that, on the occurrence of a childbirth,
the mother with the babe remains unattended in a small shed outside the village from
seven to thirty days, when she is taken back to her home. In the event of her illness, none
of the caste will attend on her, but a Nāyak (Bēda) woman is engaged to do so.
Marriages among them are likewise performed in a temporary shed erected outside the
village, and the attendant festivities continue for five days, when the marriage couple are
brought into the village. The Golla is allowed to marry as many wives as he likes, and
puberty is no bar to marriage. They eat flesh, and drink spirituous liquors. The wife
cannot be divorced except for adultery. Their females do not wear the bodice (ravikē)
usually put on by the women of the country. Nor do they, in their widowhood, remove or
break the glass bangles worn at the wrists, as is done in other castes. But widows are not
allowed to remarry. Only 98 persons have returned gōtras, the chief being Yādava,
Karadi, Atrēya, and Amswasa. The first two are really sub-sects, while Atrēya is the
name of a Brāhmin Rishi.” Yādava, or descendant of King Yādu, from whom Krishna
was descended, also occurs as a synonym for Idaiyan, the great Tamil shepherd class.

Golla juggler.

Concerning the Adivi, or forest Gollas, Mr. F. Fawcett writes as follows.20 “The people
of every house in the village let loose a sheep, to wander whither it will, as a sort of
perpetual scapegoat. When a woman feels the first pains of labour, she is turned out of
the village into a little leaf or mat hut about two hundred yards away. In this hut she must
bring forth her offspring unaided, unless a midwife can be called in to be with her before
the child is born. For ninety days the woman lives in the hut by herself. If any one
touches her, he or she is, like the woman, outcasted, and turned out of the village for
three months. The woman’s husband generally makes a little hut about fifty yards from
her, and watches over her; but he may not go near her on pain of being outcasted for

three months. Food is placed on the ground near the woman’s hut, and she takes it. On
the fourth day after parturition, a woman of the village goes to her, and pours water on
her, but she must not come in contact with her. On the fifth day, the village people clear
of stones and thorny bushes a little bit of ground about ten yards on the village side of
the hut, and to this place the woman removes her hut. No one can do it for her, or help
her. On the ninth, fifteenth, and thirtieth days, she removes the hut in the same way
nearer to the village, and, again, once in each of the two following months. On the
ninetieth day, the headman of the village calls the woman to come out of the hut. The
dhōbi (washerman) then washes her clothes. She puts on clean clothes, and the headman
takes her to the temple of their tutelary deity Junjappa, where the caste pūjari breaks
cocoanuts, and then accompanies her to her house, where a purificatory ceremony is
performed. Junjappa, it is said, takes good care of the mother and child, so that death is
said to be unknown.”

It is stated21 that, in the Chitaldrūg district of Mysore, “the wife of the eldest son in
every family is not permitted to clean herself with water after obeying the calls of nature.
It is an article of their belief that their flocks will otherwise not prosper.”

Writing in the early part of the last century about the Gollas, Buchanan informs us that
“this caste has a particular duty, the transporting of money, both belonging to the public
and to individuals. It is said that they may be safely intrusted with any sum; for, each
man carrying a certain value, they travel in bodies numerous in proportion to the sum put
under their charge; and they consider themselves bound in honour to die in defence of
their trust. Of course, they defend themselves vigorously, and are all armed; so that
robbers never venture to attack them. They have hereditary chiefs called Gotugaru, who
with the usual council settle all disputes, and punish all transgressions against the rules
of caste. The most flagrant is the embezzlement of money entrusted to their care. On this
crime being proved against any of the caste, the Gotugaru applies to Amildar, or civil
magistrate, and having obtained his leave, immediately causes the delinquent to be shot.
Smaller offences are atoned for by the guilty person giving an entertainment.”

The Golla caste has many sub-divisions, of which the following are examples:—

Erra or Yerra (red). Said to be the descendants of a Brāhman by a Golla woman.

Āla or Mēkala, who tend sheep and goats.

Pūja or Puni.

Gangeddu, who exhibit performing bulls.

Gauda, who, in Vizagapatam, visit the western part of the district during the summer months, and settle
outside the villages. They tend their herds, and sell milk and curds to the villagers.

Karna.

Pākanāti.

Rācha (royal).

Peddeti. Mostly beggars, and considered low in the social scale, though when questioned concerning
themselves they say they are Yerra Gollas.

At the census, 1901, the following were returned as sub-castes of the Gollas:—

Dayyālakulam (wrestlers), Perike Muggalu or Mushti Golla (beggars and exorcists),
Podapōtula (who beg from Gollas), Gavādi, and Vadugāyan, a Tamil synonym for Gollas
in Tinnevelly. Another Tamil synonym for Golla is Bokhisha Vadugar (treasury
northerners). Golla has been given as a sub-division of Dāsaris and Chakkiliyans, and
Golla Woddar (Oddē) as a synonym of a thief class in the Telugu country. In a village
near Dummagudem in the Godāvari district, the Rev. J. Cain writes,22 are “a few
families of Bāsava Gollalu. I find they are really Kois, whose grandfathers had a quarrel
with, and separated from, their neighbours. Some of the present members of the families
are anxious to be re-admitted to the society and privileges of the neighbouring Kois. The
word Bāsava is commonly said to be derived from bhāsha, a language, and the Gollas of
this class are said to have been so called in consequence of their speaking a different
language from the rest of the Gollas.”

Like many other Telugu castes, the Gollas have exogamous septs or intipēru, and gōtras.
As examples of the former, the following may be quoted:—

Agni, fire. Kōkala, woman’s cloth.
Āvula, cows. Katāri, dagger.
Chinthala, tamarind. Mūgi, dumb.
Chevvula, ears. Nakkala, jackal.
Gundala, stones. Saddikūdu, cold rice or food.
Gurram, horse. Sēvala, service.
Gorrela, sheep. Ullipōyala, onions.
Gōrantla, henna (Lawsonia alba). Vankāyala, brinjal (Solanum melongena).

Some of these sept names occur among other classes, as follows:—

Āvula, Balijas, Kāpus, and Yerukalas.
Chinthala, Dēvāngas, Kōmatis, Mālas, and Mādigas.
Gōrantla, Padma Sālēs.
Gorrela, Kammas, Kāpus.
Gurram, Mālas, Padma Sālēs, and Tōgatas.
Nakkala, Kāttu Marāthis, and Yānādis.

Those who belong to the Rāghindala (Ficus religiosa) gōtra are not allowed to use the
leaves of the sacred fig or pīpal tree as plates for their food. Members of the Pālāvili
gōtra never construct pālāvili, or small booths, inside the house for the purpose of
worship. Those who belong to the Akshathayya gōtra are said to avoid rice coloured with
turmeric or other powder (akshantalu). Members of the Kommi, Jammi, and Mūshti
gōtras avoid using the kommi tree, Prosopis spicigera, and Strychnos Nux-vomica
respectively.

Of the various sub-divisions, the Pūja Gollas claim superiority over the others. Their
origin is traced to Simhādri Rāju, who is supposed to have been a descendant of Yayāthi
Rāja of the Mahābaratha. Yayāthi had six sons, the last of whom had a son named
Kariyāvala, whose descendants were as follows:—

The Gollas are believed to be descended from the four last kings.

According to another legend, there were five brothers, named Pōli Rāju, Erranoku Rāju,
Kātama Rāju, Peddi Rāju, and Errayya Rāju, who lived at Yellamanchili, which, as well
as Sarvasiddhi, they built. The Rājas of Nellore advanced against them, and killed them,
with all their sheep, in battle. On this, Janagamayya, the son of Peddi Rāju, who escaped
the general slaughter, made up his mind to go to Kāsi (Benares), and offer oblations to
his dead father and uncles. This he did, and the gods were so pleased with him that they
transported him in the air to his native place. He was followed by three persons, viz., (1)
Kulagentadu, whose descendants now recite the names of the progenitors of the caste;
(2) Podapōttu (or juggler), whose descendants carry metal bells, sing, and produce
snakes by magic; (3) Thēvasīyadu, whose descendants paint the events which led to the
destruction of the Golla royalty on large cloths, and exhibit them to the Gollas once a
year. At the time when Janagamayya was translated to heaven, they asked him how they
were to earn their living, and he advised them to perform the duties indicated, and beg
from the caste. Even at the present day, their descendants go round the country once a
year, after the Telugu New Year’s day, and collect their dues from Golla villages.

By religion the Gollas are both Vallamulu (Vaishnavites) and Striramanthulu (Saivites),
between whom marriage is permissible. They belong to the group of castes who take part
in the worship of Ankamma. A special feature of their worship is that they place in a
bamboo or rattan box three or four long whip-like ropes made of cotton or Agave fibre,
along with swords, sandals and idols. The ropes are called Vīrathādlu, or heroes’ ropes.
The contents of the box are set beneath a booth made of split bamboo (pālāvili), and
decorated with mango leaves, and flowers. There also is placed a pot containing several
smaller pots, cowry shells, metal and earthenware sandals, and the image of a bull called
bolli-āvu (bull idol). When not required for the purpose of worship, the idols are hung up
in a room, which may not be entered by any one under pollution.

Golla Ganga muggu.

Some Karna Gollas earn their living by selling poultry, or by going about the country
carrying on their head a small box containing idols and Vīrathādlu. Placing this at the
end of a street, they do puja (worship) before it, and walk up and down with a rope, with
which they flagellate themselves. As they carry the gods (Dēvarlu) about, these people
are called Dēvara vallu.

As the Gollas belong to the left-hand section, the Pedda Golla, or headman, has only a
Mādiga as his assistant.

At the marriages of Mutrāchas, Mādigas, and some other classes, a form of worship
called Vīrala pūja is performed with the object of propitiating heroes or ancestors
(vīralu). A kindred ceremony, called Ganga pūja, is carried out by the Gollas, the
expenses of which amount to about a hundred rupees. This Ganga worship lasts over
three days, during which nine patterns, called muggu, are drawn on the floor in five
colours, and represent dhāmarapadmam (lotus flower), pālāvili (booth), sulālu (tridents),
sesha panpu (serpent’s play?), alugula simhāsanam (throne of Sakti), Vīradu pērantālu
(hero and his wife), Rānivasam (Rāni’s palace), bōnala (food), and Ganga. The last is a
female figure, and probably represents Ganga, the goddess of water, though one of the
Golla ancestors was named Gangi Rāju. The patterns must be drawn by Mādigas or
Mālas. Three Pambalas, or Mādigas skilled in this work, and in reciting the stories of
various gods and goddesses, commence their work on the afternoon of the third day, and
use white powder (rice flour), and powders coloured yellow (turmeric), red (turmeric
and chunam), green (leaves of Cassia auriculata), and black (charred rice husk). On an
occasion when my assistant was present, the designs were drawn on the floor of the
courtyard of the house, which was roofed over. During the preparation of the designs,
people were excluded from the yard, as some ill-luck, especially an attack of fever,
would befall more particularly boys and those of feeble mind, if they caught sight of the
muggu before the drishti thīyadam, or ceremony for removing the evil eye has been
performed. Near the head of the figure of Ganga, when completed, was placed an old
bamboo box, regarded as a god, containing idols, ropes, betel, flowers, and small
swords. Close to the box, and on the right side of the figure, an earthen tray, containing a
lighted wick fed with ghī (clarified butter) was set. On the left side were deposited a
kalasam (brass vessel) representing Siva, a row of chembus (vessels) called bōnalu (food
vessels), and a small empty box tied up in a cloth dyed with turmeric, and called
Brammayya. Between these articles and the figure, a sword was laid. Several heaps of
food were piled up on the figure, and masses of rice placed near the head and feet. In
addition, a conical mass of food was heaped up on the right side of the figure, and cakes
were stuck into it. All round this were placed smaller conical piles of food, into which
broomsticks decorated with betel leaves were thrust. Masses of food, scooped out and
converted into lamps, were arranged in various places, and betel leaves and nuts

scattered all over the figure. Towards the feet were set a chembu filled with water, a
lump of food coloured red, and incense. The preparations concluded, three Gollas stood
near the feet of the figure, and took hold of the red food, over which water had been
sprinkled, the incense and a fowl. The food and incense were then waved in front of the
figure, and the fowl, after it had been smoked by the incense, and waved over the figure,
had its neck wrung. This was followed by the breaking of a cocoanut, and offering fruits
and other things. The three men then fell prostrate on the ground before the figure, and
saluted the goddess. One of them, an old man, tied little bells round his legs, and stood
mute for a time. Gradually he began to perspire, and those present exclaimed that he was
about to be possessed by the spirit of an ancestor. Taking up a sword, he began to cut
himself with it, especially in the back, and then kept striking himself with the blunt edge.
The sword was wrested from him, and placed on the figure. The old man then went
several times round the muggu, shaking and twisting his body into various grotesque
attitudes. While this was going on, the bridegroom appeared on the scene, and seated
himself near the feet of the figure. Throwing off his turban and upper cloth, he fell on the
floor, and proceeded to kick his legs about, and eventually, becoming calmer,
commenced to cry. Being asked his name, he replied that he was Kariyavala Rāju.
Further questions were put to him, to which he made no response, but continued crying.
Incense and lights were then carried round the image, and the old man announced that
the marriage would be auspicious, and blessed the bride and bridegroom and the
assembled Gollas. The ceremony concluded with the burning of camphor. The big mass
of food was eaten by Pūni Gollas.

It is stated in the Manual of the Nellore district that, when a Golla bridegroom sets out
for the house of his mother-in-law, he is seized on the way by his companions, who will
not release him until he has paid a piece of gold.

The custom of illatom, or application of a son-in-law, obtains among the Gollas, as
among the Kāpus and some other Telugu-classes.23

In connection with the death ceremonies, it may be noted that the corpse, when it is
being washed, is made to rest on a mortar, and two pestles are placed by its side, and a
lighted lamp near the head.

There is a proverb to the effect that a Golla will not scruple to water the milk which he
sells to his own father. Another proverb refers to the corrupt manner in which he speaks
his mother-tongue.

The insigne of the caste at Conjeeveram is a silver churning stick.24

Gollāri (monkey).—An exogamous sept of Gadaba.

Gomma.—Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain as the name for Kōyis who live near the banks
of the Godāvari river. Villages on the banks thereof are called gommu ūllu.

Gōnapala (old plough).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Gōndaliga.—The Gōndaligas are described, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, as
being mendicants “of Mahratta origin like the Būdabudikes, and may perhaps be a sub-
division of them. They are worshippers of Durgi. Their occupation, as the name
indicates, is to perform gondala, or a kind of torch-light dance, usually performed in
honour of Amba Bhavāni, especially after marriages in Dēsastha Brāhman’s houses, or at
other times in fulfilment of any vow.”

Gōndaliga musicians.

Gōnē (a sack).—An exogamous sept of Māala. The Gōnē Perikes have been summed up
as being a Telugu caste of gunny-bag weavers, corresponding to the Janappans of the
Tamil country. Gunny-bag is the popular and trading name for the coarse sacking and
sacks made from jute fibre, which are extensively used in Indian trade.25 Gōnē is further
an occupational sub-division of Kōmati.

The Gōnigas of Mysore are described, in the Census Report, 1901, as sack-weavers and
makers of gunny-bags, agriculturists, and grain porters at Bangalore; and it is noted that
the abnormal fall of 66 per cent. in the number of the caste was due to their being
confounded with Gānigas.

Gonjākāri.—A title of Haddi.

Gonji (Glycosmis penlaphylla).—An exogamous sept of Māla.

Gōpālam (alms given to beggars).—An exogamous sept of Togata.

Gōpālan (those who tend cattle).—A synonym of Idaiyan.

Gōpopuriya.—A sub-division of Gaudo.

Gōrantla (Lawsonia alba: henna).—An exogamous sept of Golla and Padma Sālē. The
leaves of this plant are widely used by Natives as an article of toilet for staining the
nails, and by Muhammadans for dyeing the hair red.

Gorava.—A synonym of Kuruba.

Goravaru.—A class of Canarese mendicants.

Gōrē.—Recorded, at times of census, as a synonym of Lambādi. Gōra means trader or
shop-keeper, and trading Lambādis may have assumed the name.

Gorige (Cyamopsis psoralioides).—An exogamous sept of Dēvānga.

Gorrela (sheep).—An exogamous sept of Golla, Kamma, and Kāpu. Konda gorri (hill
sheep) occurs as an exogamous sept of Jātapu.

Gōsangi.—A synonym for Mādiga, recorded as Kōsangi, in the Madras Census Report,
1901. The Gōsangulu are described in the Vizagapatam Manual (1869), as “beggars who
style themselves descendants of Jāmbavanta, the bear into which Brahma transformed
himself, to assist Rāma in destroying Rāvana. The Gōsangis are considered to be
illegitimate descendants of Mādigas, and a curious thing about them is that their women

dress up like men, and sing songs when begging. As mendicants they are attached to the
Mādigas.”

Gōsāyi or Gōswāmi.—The Gōsāyis are immigrant religious mendicants from Northern
and Western India. I gather from the Mysore Census Reports that “they mostly belong to
the Dandi sub-division. The Gōsāyi is no caste; commonly any devotee is called a
Gōsāyi, whether he lives a life of celibacy or not; whether he roams about the country
collecting alms, or resides in a house like the rest of the people; whether he leads an idle
existence, or employs himself in trade. The mark, however, that distinguishes all who
bear this name is that they are devoted to a religious life. Some besmear their bodies
with ashes, wear their hair dishevelled and uncombed, and in some instances coiled
round the head like a snake or rope. They roam about the country in every direction,
visiting especially spots of reputed sanctity, and as a class are the pests of society and
incorrigible rogues. Some of them can read, and a few may be learned; but for the most
part they are stolidly ignorant. Most of them wear a yellowish cloth, by which they make
themselves conspicuous. The Gōsāyis, although by profession belonging to the religious
class, apply themselves nevertheless to commerce and trade. As merchants, bankers and
tradesmen, they hold a very respectable position. They never marry. One of the chief
peculiarities of this caste is that Brāhmans, Kshatriyās, Vaisyās, and Sūdras, the two
former especially, may, if they choose, become Gōsāyis; but if they do so, and unite with
the members of this fraternity in eating and drinking, holding full and free intercourse
with them, they are cut off for ever from their own tribes. It is this circumstance which
constitutes Gōsāyis a distinct and legitimate caste, and not merely a religious order. At
death a horrible custom is observed. A cocoanut is broken on the head of the deceased by
a person specially appointed for the purpose, until it is smashed to pieces. The body is
then wrapped in a reddish cloth, and thrown into the Ganges. A partial explanation of
this practice is furnished in Southern India. The final aim of Hindu religious life is
Nirvāna or Mōksham in the next life, and this can only be attained by those holy men,
whose life escapes, after smashing the skull, through the sushumnā nādi, a nerve so
called, and supposed to pervade the crown of the head. The dying or dead Sanyāsi is
considered to have led such a holy life as to have expired in the orthodox manner, and
the fiction is kept up by breaking the skull post mortem, in mimicry of the guarantee of
his passage to eternal bliss. Accordingly, the dead body of a Brāhman Sanyāsi in
Southern India undergoes the same process and is buried, but never burned or thrown
into the river.”

A few Gōsāyis, at the Mysore census, returned gōtras, of which the chief were Achūta
and Daridra (poverty-stricken). In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Mandula (medicine
man) and Bāvāji are returned as a sub-division and synonym of Gōsāyi. The name Gūsē
or Gusei is applied to Oriya Brāhmans owing to their right of acting as gurus or family
priests.