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Title: The Theory of Environment

Author: Armin Hajman Koller

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEORY
OF ENVIRONMENT ***

THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT

Part I

The University of Chicago

THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT
An Outline of the History of the Idea of
Milieu, and its Present Status
PART I
A DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND

LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

DEPARTMENT OF GERMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES

BY

ARMIN HAJMAN KOLLER

The Collegiate Press

George Banta Publishing Company
Menasha, Wisconsin
1918

THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT

PART I
An Outline of the History of the Idea of Milieu, and its Present
Status
BY
ARMIN HAJMAN KOLLER, Ph.D.
Instructor in German
The University of Illinois
“.............................
He fixed thee ’mid this dance
Of plastic circumstance.”

Robert Browning, “Rabbi Ben Ezra.”

The Collegiate Press
GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY
MENASHA, WISCONSIN
1918

Copyright, 1918
By Armin H. Koller

TO
MY PARENTS

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introductory Remark. Meanings of the Word Milieu 1

I. A Sketch of the History of the Idea of Milieu Down to the
Nineteenth Century 7

II. A Sketch of the History of the Idea of Milieu Since the
Beginning of the Nineteenth Century 27

Anthropo-geography, Geography and History 27

Geography and History 42

More Recent Anthropo-geographical Treatises 65

Primitive Peoples and Environment 69

Society and Physical Milieu 74

Government, War, Progress, and Climate 76

Climate and Man’s Characteristics 80

Man’s Intellect and Physical Environment 81

Religion and Physical Milieu 83

Climate and Conduct 84

Climatic Control of Food and Drink 91

Summary 93

Appendix 97

PREFACE

In 1912 (see Publications of the Modern Language Association of America,
Vol. 28, N. S., Vol. 21, 1913, Proceedings for 1912, p. xxxix), I called
attention to the Herder-Taine problem on milieu. The paper discussing that
problem awaits the completion of another paper entitled “Herder’s
Conception of Milieu.” The latter was my starting point. Setting about to
inform myself on the history of the theory, I determined to obtain for
myself, if possible, a tolerably complete idea, at least in its essentials, of the
theory of milieu, to see where the theory led to, where it started from, what
changes it has undergone, and what were its ramifications. My plan was to
state briefly my findings in a chapter preparatory to stating Herder’s idea of
milieu. As guide-posts were lacking, at least I knew of none, I was bound to
seek by accident and for a number of years. In stumbling along, I first
chanced upon the Herder-Taine problem. When my material swelled to
proportions that could not be controlled in part of a chapter or in a chapter, I
had to separate it, by its main divisions, into parts. The question arose,
should it be a concrete treatise on environment. I soon found that to be, at
least for the time being, beyond my province and also beyond my present
purpose; besides, it would have swerved me too far afield; moreover, it
would have had to be limited to a small portion of the subject. My present
concern in this theory being genetic and historical, it seemed best to
assemble all the sources one could find bearing on the history of the theory
and to indicate the trend of its development in a rough preliminary sketch.
Such a sketch is a requisite first step and perhaps a modest contribution to a
history of the theory under consideration. The first part of this sketch is
herein given. The original plan, mentioned above, of a prefatory chapter to
Herder accounts for the retention of untranslated passages in the text of this
part, a practice to be eschewed in the subsequent parts of this study which
are to appear shortly.

Nearly all the material was collected by October, 1915, and this manuscript
was finished early in January, 1917.
I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor Martin Schütze of
the University of Chicago for the suggestion, made in 1907, to find out
what Herder’s idea of milieu is; to my friend and former colleague at the
University of Illinois, Dr. Charles C. Adams (now Assistant Professor of
Ecology at Syracuse University) for references given me at my request (but
he is in no wise to be held responsible for the bringing in of these
references); and to my good friend and colleague, Professor John Driscoll
Fitz-Gerald of the University of Illinois for a number of helpful suggestions
given when reading the manuscript and for assisting with the reading of the
galley proof.
Armin H. Koller.
Champaign, Illinois,
April, 1918.

INTRODUCTORY REMARK
Meanings of the Word “Milieu”

Before entering upon the discussion of the principal theme of this study,[1] it
is necessary to cast a brief glance over the origin and development of the
meaning and use of the word milieu.
“Milieu” (mi-lieu=medius locus), originally signifying middle point or part,
central place or portion, mid-point, center, had been employed in France as
a term in physics at least as early as the seventeenth century (Pascal). The
fourth edition of the dictionary of the French Academy[2] defines it as
follows: “En termes de Physique, on appelle Milieu, Tout corps, soit solide,
soit fluide, traversé par la lumière ou par un autre corps.” [In the fifth
edition—1813—the following illustration in italics is added to the
foregoing: “La lumière se rompt différemment en traversant différens
milieux.”]
“On appelle aussi milieu, Le fluide qui environne les corps. L’air est le
milieu dans lequel nous vivons. L’eau est le milieu qu’habitent les
poissons.”
Diderot’s Encyclopedia[3] testifies to this same sense of “medium”: “Milieu,
dans la Philosophie mêchanique, signifie un espace matériel à travers lequel
passe un corps dans son mouvement, ou en général, un espace matériel dans
lequel un corps est placé, soit qu’il se meuve ou non.
“Ainsi on imagine l’éther comme un milieu dans lequel les corps célestes se
meuvent.—L’air est un milieu dans lequel les corps se meuvent près de la
surface de la terre.—L’eau est le milieu dans lequel les poissons vivent & se
meuvent.—Le verre enfin est un milieu, en égard à la lumière, parce qu’il
lui permet un passage à travers ses pores.”

Auguste Comte[4] extended its signification as a term in biology to include
“the totality of external conditions of any kind whatsoever”: “Milieu ...,
non-seulement le fluide où l’organisme est plongé, mais, en général,
l’ensemble total des circonstances extérieurs d’un genre quelconque [the
italics are ours], nécessaires à l’existence de chaque organisme déterminé.
Ceux qui auront suffisamment médité sur le rôle capital que doit remplir,
dans toute biologie positive, l’idée correspondante, ne me reprocheront pas,
sans doute, l’introduction de cette expression nouvelle.”
Hippolyte Taine who generalized it still further, broadened its connotation
to comprehend the whole social surroundings.[5] Milieu as a terminus
technicus is ordinarily considered as having been coined by Taine, but
whether that be so or not, one may safely say that its wide acceptance is
due, primarily, to him and to his renowned disciple Zola.[6]
In the course of the last century, the designation milieu became not only
more generalized and more frequent in use, but also more extensive, and
more specific and distinctive in meaning: “Depuis BALZAC [who in 1841
in his Comédie humaine, La maison du chat-qui-pelote, préface, p. 2, used
the term loosely, in the “vulgar” sense], le sens vulgaire du milieu social n’a
fait que s’affirmer davantage par un emploi toujours plus généralisé: c’est
devenu un cliché de la conversation de parler aujourd’hui d’un ‘bon
milieu,’ d’un ‘milieu intéressant,’ etc.”[7]
Littré[8] registers eighteen different definitions for the word milieu.
Friedrich Düsel[9] renders milieu by eighteen (18) German words.
In Unsere Umgangssprache,[10] milieu is translated into German by forty-six
(46) words and phrases.
Claude Bernard, the celebrated French physiologist, differentiates between
inner and outer milieu:[11] “Je crois ..., avoir le premier insisté sur cette idée
qu’il y a pour l’animal réellement deux milieux: un milieu extérieur dans
lequel est placé l’organisme et un milieu intérieur dans lequel vivent les
éléments des tissus....” Probably as a result, we have today “micro-milieu”
in micro-biology.
According to Jean Finot,[12] milieu “includes the sum total of the conditions
which accompany the conception and earthly existence of a being, and
which end only with its death.”

The term milieu was introduced by Herbert Spencer into English literature
as “environment,” says Martin Schütze.[13] Although Carlyle employed the
term “environment” as early as 1827,[14] nevertheless, the fact that the term
is generally current, is undoubtedly attributable in the first place to Spencer.
The word “Umwelt” is quoted by J. H. Campe,[15] who believed himself to
have been the coiner of the term; five years later (1816) Goethe used it at
the beginning of his “Italienische Reise.”[16]
The painstaking and scholarly German lexicographer, Daniel Sanders, who
seldom fails to give his reader some reliable suggestion, refers in his
Wörterbuch der Deutschen Sprache[17] (which despite the contributions of
recent scholarship still remains a great work) to a passage in the poetical
works of the Danish writer Baggesen (2, 102) in which the word “Umwelt”
is employed. This passage occurs in the elegy entitled “Napoleon”
addressed to Voß and written in 1800.[18] Baggesen, then, made use of
“Umwelt” a decade before Campe.
Its Italian equivalent is “ambiente,” which is noted here only because of the
French “l’ambiance” and the English “ambient” and “circumambiency.”

I
A Sketch of the History of the Idea of Milieu Down to the
Nineteenth Century

Recorded mesologic[19] thinking begins with the ancient Jewish Prophets
whose striking aperçus concerning the providential correspondence
between the configuration of the surface of the earth and the destiny of
nations, concerning the connection between “Landesnatur” and
“Volkscharakter,” etc., anticipated[20] a number of great thoughts of later
anthropo-geographers.
Hippocrates (if he really is the author of the essay commonly ascribed to
him and entitled περὶ αέρων ὑδάτων τόπων) investigates the effect of
climate on man’s nature, character, temperament, and life, with the
emphasis on the regularity of the effect.[21] Owing to the imperfection of
knowledge in his day, his observations are necessarily vague.[22] He limited
himself to the problem of the relation between land and people.[23] He is said
to be the founder of anthropo-geography.[24] His treatise is admirable and
unequalled in the eyes of Auguste Comte.[25] Hippocrates, “in his work,
About Air, Water, and Places, first discusses the influence of environment
on man, physical, moral, and pathological. He divided mankind into groups,
impressed with homogeneous characters by homogeneous surroundings,
demonstrating that mountains, plains, damp, aridity, and so on, produced
definite and varying types.”[26]
Aristotle, in his Politics, enquires into the influence especially of
geographical position on laws and the form of government,[27] while in his
Problems he shows the far-reaching dependence of national character on the
physical environment: “Zeigt ja doch Aristoteles selbst in einem andern
Werke das entschiedenste Bestreben, eine sehr weitgehende Abhängigkeit

des Volkscharakters von geographischen Verhältnissen zu erweisen.
Während die Politik [especially parts of the seventh book] nicht über
Andeutungen [on the effect of the milieu] hinausgeht [discussed by
Poehlmann, l.c., on pp. 64–8], läßt der vierzehnte Abschnitt der ‘Probleme,’
welcher sich mit den Einwirkungen der Landesnatur auf Physik und Ethik
des Menschen beschäftigt, deutlich einen Standpunkt erkennen, welcher auf
das Lebhafteste an die physiologische Betrachtungsweise der neueren
französisch-englischen Geschichtsphilosophie erinnert ...”[28]
Eratosthenes, in a work cited by Varro, sought to prove, in the opinion of
the Italian scholar Matteuzzi prematurely, that man’s character and the form
of his government are subordinated to proximity or remoteness from the
sun.[29] The greatest geographer of antiquity, Strabo, in his Geography,
connected man with nature in a causal relation.[30]
John M. Robertson, noting that “theories of the influence of climate on
character were common in antiquity,” refers[31] to Vitruvius (VI, 1), Vegetius
(“De re militari,” 1, 2), and Servius (on Vergil, Aeneid, VI, 724). Ritter does
not mention the effort of the ancients in this line of ideas.[32]
Giovanni Villani, the noted Florentine historian of the fourteenth century,
observes with a deal of finesse that Arezzo by reason of its air and position
produces men of great subtilty of mind.[33]
The Arabic statesman and philosopher of history, Ibn Khaldūn, little
mentioned, yet known by his great work, the Universal History, attempted
in the Muqaddama[34] (the preface, comprising the first volume of his
History), which he composed between 1374 and 1378,[35] to explain the
history and civilization of man, more especially of some of the Arabic
peoples, by the encompassing physical and social conditions. The “First
Section of the ‘Prolegomena’ treats of society in general, and of the
varieties of the human race, and of the regions of the earth which they
inhabit, as related thereto. It starts from the position that man is by nature a
social being. His body and mind, wants and affections, for their exercise,
satisfaction, and development, all imply and demand co-operation and
communion with his fellows,—participation in a collective and common
life....
“There follows a lengthened description of the physical basis and
conditions of history and civilisation. The chief features of the inhabited

portions of the earth, its regions, principal seas, great rivers, climates, &c.,
are made the subjects of exposition. The seven climatic zones, and the ten
sections of each, are delineated, and their inhabitants specified. The three
climatic zones of moderate temperature are described in detail, and the
distinctive features of the social condition and civilisation of their
inhabitants dwelt upon. The influence of the atmosphere, heat, &c., on the
physical and even mental and moral peculiarities of peoples is maintained
to be great. Not only the darkness of skin of the negroes, but their
characteristics of disposition and of mode of life, are traced to the influence
of climate. A careful attempt is also made to show how differences of
fertility of soil—how dearth and abundance—modify the bodily
constitution and affect the minds of men, and so operate on society....
“The Second Section of the ‘Prolegomena’ treats of the civilisation of
nomadic and half-savage peoples.
“In it Ibn Khaldūn appears at his best, ... He begins by indicating how the
different usages and institutions of peoples depend to a large extent on the
ways in which they provide for their subsistence. He describes how peoples
have at first contented themselves with simple necessities, and then
gradually risen to refinement and luxury through a series of states or stages
all of which are alike conformed to nature, in the sense of being adapted to
its circumstances or environment.”[36]
Ibn Khaldūn seems also to have had a clear idea of some aspects of the
principle of relativity,[37] an integral part and inevitable concomitant of the
theory of milieu, since “As causes of historians erring as they have done,
there are mentioned [by Khaldūn in the introduction] the overlooking of the
differences of times and epochs, ...”[38]
About the middle of the sixteenth century we find Michelangelo avowing to
Vasari (who hailed from Arezzo): “Any mental excellence I may possess, I
have because I was born in the fine air of your Aretine district.”[39]
In “Measure for Measure” (Act III, Sc. I, v. 8–11), a play first produced in
1604, Shakespeare affirms of man:
“... a breath thou art,
Servile to all the skyey influences
That do this habitation where thou keep’st,
Hourly afflict.”

During the Renaissance, Greek thought on milieu is resurrected in France.
Thence it spreads later, particularly in the eighteenth century, to England
and Germany. Jean Bodin bridges the gap existent since the close of
classical antiquity. He is the first among modern writers not only to revive
the idea in Western Europe,[40] but also to make it a subject for detailed
investigation. Bodin thus first in French letters introduces and firmly
establishes a line of study destined to be followed by a long list of authors
among whom are to be found many illustrious French names.
Bodin “treats of physical causes with considerable fulness in the fifth
chapter of the ‘Method,’[41] and in a still more detailed and developed form
in the first chapter of the fifth book of the ‘Republic.’”[42] He traces the
relation between climate and the ever changing fate of States, and
elaborates the manifold effects of climate on States, laws, religion,
language, and temperament.[43] In Bodin’s view, man’s physical constitution
is closely and directly connected with climate and surrounding nature; it is
in harmony with the behavior of the earth in the respective zones of his
abode.[44] From this assumption of dependence of the human body on
climate, there follow a number of inferences concerning the physical
properties of man’s constitution.[45] Temperament varies according to
climate. Language, the generative power, diseases likewise depend
indirectly on climate.[46] Man’s talents and capacities do so no less.[47] The
climate in each region always favors the development of some special
aptitude; on this basis he groups the peoples of the earth.[48] Although the
nexus between human abilities and the physical milieu is thus intimate, yet
reason, common to all men and invariable, is per se independent of physical
environment.[49] He postulates, then, reason as the absolute part of the mind,
not subject to surrounding influences, whereas the unfolding of the human
faculties is relative to the environment. By taking this middle course
concerning the effect of nature on man, Bodin escapes the extreme views of
nature’s compelling influence over man, on the one hand, and of man’s total
independence of nature, on the other.[50]
Bodin also investigates the influence upon national character of
geographical situation, of elevation, of the quality of the native soil, and of
an east-west position.[51] Nations and their civilizations differ according to
the particular conditions of a given national existence.[52]

He holds fast to the doctrine of the freedom of the will. Man is morally free
from environmental control. The circumambient medium determines only
the development of man’s capabilities.[53] Man can counteract, and may,
even though with difficulty, overcome the injurious action of climate and
nature.[54]
“... It is altogether unfair,” concludes Flint,[55] “to put their general
enunciations [i.e., those made by Hippocrates, Plato, Aristotle, Polybius,
and Galen] of the principle that physical circumstances originate and
modify national characteristics, on a level with Bodin’s serious, sustained,
and elaborate attempt to apply it over a wide area and to a vast number of
cases. Dividing nations into northern, middle, and southern,[56] he
investigates with wonderful fulness of knowledge how climatic and
geographical conditions have affected the bodily strength, the courage, the
intelligence, the humanity, the chastity, and, in short, the mind, morals, and
manners of their inhabitants; what influence mountains, winds, diversities
of soil, &c., have exerted on individuals and societies; and he elicits a vast
number of general views....”
Bodin, “der größte theoretische Politiker Frankreichs im 16. Jahrhundert,”
declares Renz,[57] “besitzt ... das unbestreitbare Verdienst, wenn nicht die
Grundgedanken und nicht ausschließlich originale Gedanken, so doch die
erste weitgehende wissenschaftliche Untersuchung über den
Zusammenhang zwischen umgebender Natur und Menschenwelt in neuerer
Zeit auf dem Boden der Erfahrung und Wissenschaft des 16. Jahrhunderts
angestellt zu haben.”
Bodin, “writing in 1577 OF THE LAWES AND CUSTOMES OF A
COMMON WEALTH (English edition [translated by Richard Knowlles]
1605), contains, as Professor J. L. Myres has pointed out (Rept. Brit.
Assoc., 1909 [1910], p. 593), ‘the whole pith and kernel of modern
anthropo-geography....’”[58] And Renz believes that “In der Bodinschen
Behandlung der Theorie des Klimas finden sich die Anfänge der
Anthropogeographie und der Ethnographie...”[59]
Writing in 1713, Lenglet du Fresnoy, toward the end of the sixth chapter of
the first volume of his Méthode pour étudier l’histoire, expresses, decades
before Montesquieu, the latter’s basic idea of the effect of social and
political milieu on laws.[60]

In any discussion of milieu, Montesquieu is the writer most frequently
mentioned, although not the most often read and quoted. He devotes the
well-known five “Books,” from the fourteenth to the eighteenth, of his
magnum opus, L’Esprit des Lois (1748),[61] to a consideration of this idea
which, as has already been seen, was anything but original with him.[62] In
Books fourteen to seventeen he treats of the relation of laws to climate, and
in Book eighteen of their relation to soil. In the fourteenth[63] he discusses
the effect of climate on the body (and mind) of individual man, in the
fifteenth[64] on civil slavery, in the sixteenth[65] on domestic slavery, in the
seventeenth[66] on political servitude, and lastly in the eighteenth[67] he
delineates the influence of the fertility and barrenness of the soil. By
climate he means little more than heat and cold. In the light of the continued
high praise bestowed on him for much longer than a century, the altogether
too general and dogmatic statements of these short seventy-odd pages
would seem somewhat meager, so that upon their perusal one is very likely
to suffer an outright disenchantment. Therefore, Flint’s judgment appears
overdrawn, when he says that Montesquieu “showed on a grand scale and in
the most effective way ... that, like all things properly historical, they [laws,
customs, institutions] must be estimated not according to an abstract or
absolute standard, but as concrete realities related to given times and places,
to their determining causes and condition, and to the whole social organism
to which they belong, and the whole social medium in which they subsist.
Plato and Aristotle, Machiavelli and Bodin, had already, indeed, inculcated
this historical and political relativism; but it was Montesquieu who gained
educated Europe over to the acceptance of it.”[68]
Turgot’s sketch of a ‘Political Geography’ shows “that he had attained to a
broader view of the relationship of human development to the features of
the earth and to physical agencies in general than even Montesquieu. And
he saw with perfect clearness not only that many of Montesquieu’s
inductions were premature and inadequate, but that there was a defect in the
method by which he arrived at them.... The excellent criticism of Comte, in
the fifth volume of the ‘Philosophie Positive,’ and in the fourth volume of
the ‘Politique Positive,’ on this portion of Montesquieu’s speculations, is
only a more elaborate reproduction of that of Turgot, and is expressed in
terms which show that it was directly suggested by that of Turgot.”[69]

Cuvier “had not hesitated to trace the close relation borne by philosophy
and art to the underlying geological formations.”[70]
In the teaching of a number of great thinkers of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, man is “the product of environment and education”
and, in their opinion, “all men were born equal and later became unequal
through unequal opportunities.”[71]
Goethe echoed Herder’s thought when he remarked to Eckermann on the
flora of a country and the disposition of its residents: “Sie haben nicht
Unrecht, sagte Goethe (d. 2. April 1829), und daher kommt es denn auch,
daß man der Pflanzenwelt eines Landes einen Einfluß auf die Gemütsart
seiner Bewohner zugestanden hat. Und gewiß! wer sein Leben lang von
hohen ernsten Eichen umgeben wäre, müßte ein anderer Mensch werden,
als wer täglich unter luftigen Birken sich erginge...”[72] And again, when he
said of environment and national character: “... so viel ist gewiß, daß außer
dem Angeborenen der Rasse, sowohl Boden und Klima als Nahrung und
Beschäftigung einwirkt, um den Charakter eines Volkes zu vollenden ...”[73]
And in the following, Goethe but reiterates Herder’s oft uttered admiration
for islanders and coast dwellers: “Auch von den Kräften des Meeres und der
Seeluft war die Rede gewesen (d. 12. März 1828), wo denn Goethe die
Meinung äußerte, daß er alle Insulaner und Meer-Anwohner des
gemäßigten Klimas bei weitem für produktiver und tatkräftiger halte als die
Völker im Innern großer Kontinente.”[74] And: “Es ist ein eigenes Ding,
erwiederte Goethe (d. 12. März 1828),—liegt es in der Abstammung, liegt
es im Boden, liegt es in der freien Verfassung, liegt es in der gesunden
Erziehung,—genug! die Engländer überhaupt scheinen vor vielen anderen
etwas voraus zu haben ...”[75]
Wolf and Niebuhr began to examine historical sources “nach neuen
Prinzipien des Eingetauchtseins in eine bestimmte seelische Umwelt, in ein
klargezeichnetes zeitgenössisches Milieu.”[76]
One of the principal offices of an historian, according to August Wilhelm
Schlegel, is “Die zeit- und kulturgeschichtliche Bedingtheit aller
Erscheinungen aufzuzeigen.”[77] But the effect of physical milieu on history
is not rated high in the philosophy of the romanticists.[78]
Ingeniously, albeit not with his wonted acuteness, Hegel penned the concept
“Volksgeist.”[79] The saying, which now seems trivial, that every nation and

every man in the nation is “ein Kind seiner Zeit,” is said to be Hegel’s.[80]
Hegel, however, distinctly rejected the idea of explaining “die Geschichte
und den Geist der verschiedenen Völker aus dem Klima ihrer Länder.”[81]
The implication would be that one single factor might satisfactorily be held
responsible for all progress in human history. As climate can not explain
everything to Hegel, it seems not to explain anything at all to him. Hegel,
then, is excessive in his denial of the power of environment. This is
markedly shown by his thinking his position substantiated by the fact that
the climate of Greece, although the same since classical antiquity, has not
changed the Turks who now [i.e., early in the nineteenth century] dwell in
Greece into ancient Greeks.[82]

II
A Sketch of the History of the Idea of Milieu Since the
Beginning of the Nineteenth Century

Anthropo-geography, Geography and History

The theory of social environment, as we have seen, gradually rises,
especially since the renaissance, parallel with the theory of physical milieu.
The stream of thought commences to broaden on both sides as we approach
the eighteenth century, and broadens still further, and deepens, in the
nineteenth, when specialization occurs or continues in anthropo-geography,
biology, jurisprudence and economics, anthropology, sociology, and
literature, and latterly in physics. These furnish us the divisions for
subsequent discussions.[83]
All antecedent thought on the subject converges in Herder and from this
focal point, as a collecting and fructifying center, it emerges, branches out
and radiates in a definite number of directions. This can only be indicated
here.[84] One main ramification leads us to anthropo-geography.
Consequently, we must now turn to a detailed consideration of the idea of
milieu in anthropo-geography.[85]
Karl Ritter first in anthropo-geography elucidated Herder’s ideas on
environment. “... KARL RITTER steht auf HERDERS Schultern, wenn er
in seiner ‘Allgemeinen Erdkunde’ den Gedanken der tiefgehenden
Beeinflussung der Völkergeschichte durch die äußeren Umgebungen
entwickelt ...”[86] Ritter is said to be given too much credit for connecting
scientifically geography and history: “C. Ritter führte, ... die Herder’schen
Anschauungen deutlicher aus. Die wissenschaftliche, nicht bloß äußerliche
Verbindung von Geographie und Geschichte kettet sich an seinen Namen.
Nicht ganz mit Recht; ...”[87] Richthofen thinks that Ritter’s basic idea was
almost without influence on geography; only the historians profited by it.[88]
Alexander von Humboldt, on the other hand, declares in the first volume of
his Cosmos that “The views of comparative geography have been specially
enlarged by that admirable work, Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur
Geschichte, in which Carl Ritter so ably delineates the physiognomy of our
globe and shows the influence of its external configuration on the physical
phenomena on its surface, on the migrations, laws, and manners of nations,
and on all the principal historical events enacted upon the face of the
earth.”[89]

In the Erdkunde,[90] Ritter propounds a program for anthropo-geographical
investigation, i.e., for the investigation of the mutual relation between man
and his environment. As every moral man should, so should also “jeder
menschliche Verein, jedes Volk seiner eigenen inneren und äußeren Kräfte,
wie derjenigen der Nachbarn und seiner Stellung zu allen von außen herein
wirkenden Verhältnissen inne werden.”[91] Nature exercises greater
influence over peoples than over individual men: “Die Eigentümlichkeit des
Volkes kann nur aus seinem Wesen erkannt werden, aus seinem Verhältnis
zu sich selbst, zu seinen Gliedern, zu seinen Umgebungen, und weil kein
Volk ohne Staat und Vaterland gedacht werden kann, aus seinem Verhältnis
zu beiden und aus dem Verhältnis von beiden zu Nachbarländern und
Nachbarstaaten. Hier zeigt sich der Einfluß, den die Natur auf die Völker,
und zwar in einem noch weit höheren Grade, als auf den einzelnen
Menschen ausüben muß ...
“Denn durch eine höhere Ordnung bestimmt, treten die Völker wie die
Menschen zugleich unter dem Einfluß einer Tätigkeit der Natur und der
Vernunft hervor aus dem geistigen wie aus dem physischen Elemente in den
Alles verschlingenden Kreis des Weltlebens. Gestaltet sich doch jeder
Organismus dem inneren Zusammenhange und dem äußeren Umfange nach
... Sie (Völker und Staaten) stehen alle unter demselben Einflusse der Natur
...”[92] To the problem of the reciprocal relation between external and
internal factors, Ritter devoted a special essay, entitled “Über das
historische Element in der geographischen Wissenschaft,” which he read
before the Academy of Sciences at Berlin in 1833.[93]
In Alexander von Humboldt’s Ansichten der Natur,[94] “Everywhere the
reader’s attention is directed to the perpetual influence which physical
nature exercises on the moral condition and on the destiny of man.”[95] In
passing, Humboldt also touches on environment in the first volume of his
chef-d’oeuvre, Kosmos, assigning it, however, but a modest rôle: “Es würde
das allgemeine Naturbild, das ich zu entwerfen strebe, unvollständig
bleiben, wenn ich hier nicht auch den Mut hätte, das Menschengeschlecht in
seinen physischen Abstufungen, in der geographischen Verbreitung seiner
gleichzeitig vorhandenen Typen, in dem Einfluß, welchen es von den
Kräften der Erde empfangen und wechselseitig, wenn auch schwächer, auf
sie ausgeübt hat, mit wenigen Zügen zu schildern. Abhängig, wenn gleich
in minderem Grade als Pflanzen und Tiere, von dem Boden und den

meteorologischen Prozessen des Luftkreises, den Naturgewalten durch
Geistestätigkeit und stufenweise erhöhte Intelligenz, wie durch eine
wunderbare sich allen Klimaten aneignende Biegsamkeit des Organismus
leichter entgehend, nimmt das Geschlecht wesentlich Teil an dem ganzen
Erdenleben.”[96]
J. G. Kohl’s book, Der Verkehr und die Ansiedlungen der Menschheit in
ihrer Abhängigkeit von der Gestaltung der Erdoberfläche,[97] occupies itself
with the question of the dependence of human progress in general, and of
density and concentration of population in particular, upon natural
conditions. The causes of these phenomena are, to Kohl, partly moral or
political, and partly physical. The physical causes of concentration are
twofold: “Teils sind es solche, die von dem mehr oder minder großen
Produktenreichtum des Bodens, teils solche, die von der Gestaltung der
Erdoberfläche abhängen ... so zeigt sich dann, daß von allen verschiedenen
Ursachen der Kondensierung der Bevölkerung die Bodengestaltung die
allerwichtigste ist.”[98] Opposed to these natural conditions is a series of
what Kohl styles political influences, such as national character, institutions
created by the State, laws, etc.—“Die moralischen oder politischen
Ursachen der verschiedenen Dichtigkeit der Bevölkerung sind in dem
Kulturzustande und besonders in der politischen Verfassung der Bewohner
der verschiedenen Erdstriche begründet ... Auch sind viele verschiedene
Sitten der Völker als einflußreiche Ursachen der mehr oder minder großen
Dichtigkeit der Bevölkerung zu betrachten.”[99] Not only national character,
but also education is to be counted among the political influences: “Unter
politischen und moralischen Einflüssen, die nicht von der Natur bedingt
werden, verstehen wir solche Kräfte, solche Volkstalente und
Eigentümlichkeiten des Charakters, die nicht der Boden, die Luft und das
Klima dem Volke geben. So groß nämlich auch die Gewalt des Bodens, des
Klimas und der Natur ist, so sehr die Zonen, die Gebirge, die Sümpfe, die
Wälder, die Wüsten u.s.w. alle Bevölkerung, die in ihre Gebiete fällt, auf
einerlei Weise zu bilden und zu modeln streben, so sehr behauptet doch
immer noch nebenher der ursprüngliche Charakter des Stammes und die
Erziehung, welche das Volk sich gibt, ihre eigenen Rechte. Es existieren
beide Einflüsse neben einander, beschränken sich gegenseitig, aber sie
heben sich nicht auf ... Das, was nun nicht vom Boden abhängt und was ein
Volk auf jeden Boden, den es bezieht, mit hin bringt, ist wiederum
Zweierlei, entweder etwas Angeborenes oder etwas Angenommenes.”[100] It

is difficult to differentiate between what is due to original endowment and
what to the milieu, yet natural influences can not be ignored: “Welcher
Geist ... möchte den Versuch wagen, zu entscheiden, was im Charakter des
Volkes ... Angenommenes und was Selbstgegebenes sei, was endlich in
ihren Handlungen und Bewegungen von Klima und Landesbeschaffenheit
bedingt werde. Die Charaktergepräge der Nationen, wie wir sie jetzt in
diesen neuesten Momenten der weltgeschichtlichen Entwicklung sehen,
sind Gebilde, welche unter der Einwirkung unerforschbar vielfacher
Einflüsse entstanden sind.... Und doch stehen sie (die Natureinflüsse, die
von den Historikern gewöhnlich unberücksichtigt geblieben sind) vielleicht
auch bei allen jenen Dingen, die wir im Vordergrunde agieren sehen, im
Hintergrunde und wirken als die Quellen der Erscheinungen mittelbar selbst
da, wo wir dieselben anderen Ursachen zuschreiben. So mag jede Art der
Staatsverfassung, der Gewerbzweige geschöpft und hervorgeblüht sein aus
der Tiefe des Nationalgeistes, des Boden- und des Luftgeistes, während wir
sie als Willkürliches und Selbstgegebenes auffassen.”[101]
The naturalist Karl Ernst von Baer discusses the influence of external nature
upon the social relations of individual nations and upon the history of
mankind in general,[102] while the geologist Bernhard Cotta attempts to show
the effect of soil and geological structure on German life.[103] Accepting, in
the main, Cotta as a basis, J. Kutzen, in Das deutsche Land, Seine Natur in
ihren charakteristischen Zügen und sein Einfluß auf Geschichte und Leben
der Menschen, Skizzen und Bilder,[104] the bulk of which book is physical
geography, intersperses therewith anthropo-geographical statements that are
in some cases interwoven in, and in others added to, the descriptive parts,
pointing out the relation of environment to the life and history of the
Germans.[105] Kutzen claims his work to be the first that treats the whole of
Germany in the way just indicated.
In The Natural History of the German People,[106] W. H. Riehl studies the
action of natural conditions on man. He is concerned with the connections
between land and people: “Will man die naturgeschichtliche Methode der
Wissenschaft vom Volke in ihrer ganzen Breite und Tiefe nachweisen, dann
muß man auch in das Wesen dieser örtlichen Besonderungen des
Volkstumes eindringen. In der Lehre von der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft ist
das Verhältnis der großen natürlichen Volksgruppen zueinander
nachgewiesen: hier sollen diese Gruppen nach den örtlichen Bedingungen

des Landes, in welchem das Volksleben wurzelt, dargestellt werden. Erst
aus den individuellen Bezügen von LAND UND LEUTEN entwickelt sich
die kulturgeschichtliche Abstraktion der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft.”[107] And
“Das vorliegende Buch hat sich das bescheidenere Ziel gesteckt,
zusammenhängende Skizzen zu liefern zur Naturgeschichte des Volkes in
seinem Zusammenhang mit dem Lande.”[108] His chief aim is to prove that
the connection between land and people is the basis of all social
development and of all social research: “Ich hatte mir von Anbeginn das
Ziel gesteckt, den Zusammenhang von Land und Volk als Fundament aller
sozialen und politischen Entwicklung, als Ausgangspunkt aller sozialen
Forschung nachzuweisen, und dieses Hauptziel, die eigentliche Tendenz des
Buches, hat heute noch denselben Wert, dieselbe fördernde Kraft wie vor
einem Menschenalter.”[109] He wants to show how “Volksart” and
“Landesart” hang together, how nationality grows organically out of the
soil: “Ich nenne dieses Wanderbuch einen zweiten Band zu ‘Land und
Leuten.’ In jener Schrift verarbeite ich zahlreiche Wanderskizzen, um den
Zusammenhang von Volksart und Landesart, das organische Erwachsen des
Volkstumes aus dem Boden nachzuweisen.”[110] Everywhere Riehl finds “an
organic relation between nature and man,” according to Gooch.[111] Riehl
recognizes “that man could only develop within the limits imposed by
nature.”[112] The problem of how locality affects social groups has, of
course, not originated with Riehl, but it received a reformulation at his
hands. It must be added, however, that his bombastic assertions far outrun
his data. His claims are disproportionate to his facts.[113]
Alfred Kirchhoff brilliantly sketches the reciprocal relations between land
and people in Germany, in an essay entitled Die deutschen Landschaften
und Stämme.[114]
Achelis[115] refers to Bastian’s doctrine of geographical provinces, “wo eine
Reihe rein physikalischer Agentien: Temperatur, Boden, Flora, Fauna, etc.
sich mit entsprechenden psychischen kombinieren, so daß man in
konzentrischer Reihenfolge von botanischen, zoologischen und
anthropologischen Kreisen reden könnte. Der leitende Grundsatz, sagt
Bastian, für geographisch-typische Provinzen fällt in die Abhängigkeit des
Organismus von seiner geographischen Umgebung (le Milieu oder Monde
ambiant), in eine gegenseitig festgeschlossene Wechselwirkung und also in

Naturgesetze, mit denen sich rechnen läßt (Zur Lehre von den
geographischen Provinzen [Berlin, 1886], S. 6).”
The reciprocal influences of man and his environment are illustrated by
Alfred Kirchhoff in Mensch und Erde, Skizzen von den Wechselbeziehungen
zwischen beiden.[116]
Ferdinand von Richthofen[117] traces the gradual evolution of “Siedlung und
Verkehr,” under which two concepts he subsumes all relations of man to the
soil.[118]
It was Friedrich Ratzel, however, who “performed the great service of
placing anthropo-geography on a secure scientific basis. He had his
forerunners in Montesquieu,[119] Alexander von Humboldt, Buckle, Ritter,
Kohl, Peschel and others; but he first investigated the subject from the
modern scientific point of view, ... and based his conclusions on world-wide
inductions, for which his predecessors did not command the data.”[120] He
“has written the standard work on Anthropogeographie.”[121] Employing the
analytical method, Ratzel was the first to divide the subject-matter into
categories: “Ratzel hat das Verdienst, daß er zuerst den Stoff in Kategorien
teilte. Er wendet die analytische Methode der allgemeinen Geographie an
und betrachtet den Einfluß einzelner Naturgegebenheiten auf den
Menschen, z.B. der Inseln, Halbinseln, Gebirge, Ebenen, Steppen, Wüsten,
Küsten, Flußmündungen[122] usw. Die analytische Methode allein kann zum
Ziele führen.”[123] The great and permanent merit of Ratzel’s Politische
Geographie[124] is its setting forth how closely the State is bound to the
physical milieu.[125] It treats partly of the effect of nature and soil on the
formation of the State and on political boundaries.[126] Ratzel expounds
environmental action also in his books Die Vereinigten Staaten von
Amerika,[127] The History of Mankind,[128] and in his article on “The
Principles of Anthropo-geography.”[129] Among his followers is to be
counted Andrew R. Cowan, whose Master-Clues in World-History[130] is
“deeply impregnated with Ratzel’s teachings.”[131] Camille Vallaux devotes
the fifth chapter (pp. 145–73) of his Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État,
[132]
to a criticism of the theories of Raum (space) and of Lage (situation) as
developed by Ratzel in his Politische Geographie. And, in general, Ratzel’s
“published work had been open to the just criticism of inadequate citation
of authorities.”[133] O. Schlüter in “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte der
Anthropogeographie, insbesondere der Lehre Friedrich Ratzels”[134] gives us

the best single estimate of Ratzel, the best orientation—within the compass
of an article well written, well poised, and illuminating—on Ratzel’s work,
thought, method, and application.[135]

Geography and History

We shall now see, first, the stand taken by some French writers, and then
that taken by German and English writers, on the question of how physical
environment affects history.
One of the “three most philosophical writers on climate,”[136] Charles
Comte, not related by birth to the founder of Positivism, is, likewise, one of
the earliest disciples of Herder in France. Herder “seems to have helped to
inspire”[137] Charles Comte’s Traité de Législation.[138] Charles Comte’s
“discussion of the questions which relate to the influence of physical nature
on human development must have been the fruit of long and careful study.
It was as great an advance on Montesquieu’s treatment of the subject as
Montesquieu’s had been on that of Bodin. It disproved, corrected, or
confirmed a host of Montesquieu’s observations and conclusions. It showed
that he had ascribed too much to climate, and too little to the configuration
of the earth’s surface, the distribution of mountains and rivers, &c.; and that
he had conceived vaguely, and even to a large extent erroneously, of the
modes in which climate and the fertility or sterility of soil affect human
development. But while Comte thus justly criticised Montesquieu, he
himself exaggerated the efficiency of physical agencies. Indeed, he virtually
traced to their operation the whole development of history ... he has
assumed that physical agencies ultimately account for historical change and
movement, for public institutions and laws....
“Charles Comte fully recognises that the same physical medium has a very
different influence on different generations; and that institutions and laws,
education and manners, and, in a word, all the constituents of the social
medium, have as real an influence on the development of history as those of
the physical medium. Yet he assumes the latter to be the first, although to a
large extent only indirect, causes of the whole amount of change
effected.”[139]
Victor Cousin, another Frenchman, reconnects with Herder. Cousin had
direct acquaintance with at least the principal work of Herder, for the
rendering of whose “Ideen” into French by Quinet he seems responsible.[140]

In the eighth lecture of his “admired”[141] Cours de 1828 sur la Philosophie
de l’Histoire, he discourses on the rôle that geography plays in history.
F. Guizot, in the fifth lecture of The History of Civilization,[142] comments
briefly on the influence of external circumstances upon liberty.
The romantic French historiographer, Jules Michelet, in his Histoire de
France (second volume, 1833), and in his Histoire Romaine (1839),
interlinks geography with history, and brilliantly describes the countries
whose histories he is writing. Like some before him (such as Montesquieu),
and many after him (such as Riehl, Curtius, and Gothein),[143] who traveled
in the respective countries before describing them or composing their
history, Michelet, as one preliminary measure toward equipping himself for
such a task, visited Italy[144] and various parts of France, the latter
repeatedly, in order to gain a first hand impression of the physical milieu
and the people of those lands. He is said to be the first [sic!] in France who,
under the influence of Herder, had the idea that geography was the
foundation of history: “Sous l’influence de Herder, il [Michelet] eut, le
premier en France, l’idée que la géographie était le fondement de l’histoire:
‘Le matériel, la race, le peuple qui la continue me paraissaient avoir besoin
qu’on mît dessous une bonne et forte base, la terre, qui les portât et qui les
nourrît. Et notez que ce sol n’est pas seulement le théâtre de l’action. Par la
nourriture, le climat, etc., il y influe de cent manières. Tel le nid, tel
l’oiseau. Telle la patrie, tel l’homme.’”[145] Without this basis, the actor in
history, the people, would be treading on air like figures in some Chinese
paintings. Says Jules Simon of the celebrated tableau in the second volume
of the Histoire de France: “Son héros [Michelet’s] ... c’est la France. Il en
fait une description qui remplit tout le troisième livre et qui est un chef-
d’oeuvre. Chose nouvelle, cette géographie a autant de mouvement que
l’histoire. Elle est animée, vivante, agissante. Il en montre à merveille
l’utilité, la nécessité. Sans cette base géographique, le peuple, l’acteur
historique, semblerait marcher en l’air, comme dans les peintures chinoises,
où le sol manque.”[146] In the Introduction to Universal History (1831),
Michelet says, “In Germany and Italy, fatality is still strong; moral freedom
is still borne down by powerful influences of race, locality, and climate.”[147]
Ernst Kapp, in the Philosophische Erdkunde,[148] criticizes writers on the
philosophy of history for their failure to give due attention to the
geographical existence of the nations. Nor are geographical intermezzos

alone sufficient: “Man [these writers] hat zwar eine Ahnung von dem
geographischen Element in der Geschichte, nicht aber das deutliche
Bewußtsein, daß die Menschheit an dem Planeten ihre physische
Individualität besitzt, daß sie zu ihm sich verhält, wie die Seele zum Leib.
Anstatt die geographische Betrachtung durch und durch mit der historischen
verwachsen zu lassen [which he proposes to do], hat man teils
geographische Intermezzos nach subjektivem Gutdünken ... eingestreut,
teils auch sich mit einer dem Ganzen voraufgeschickten geographischen
Grundlage ein für allemal begnügt. Man hat hierbei nicht bedacht, daß man
die Geschichte, wenn man ihr den planetarischen Grund und Boden, auf den
man sie von vornherein stellt, wegrückt, zwischen Himmel und Erde
schweben läßt und ihre Behandlung dem veränderlichen Luftzuge des
subjektiven Beliebens mehr oder minder preisgibt ... Darin ruht die
Selbständigkeit der geographischen Wissenschaft, ..., daß ihr Objekt die
Erde ist, ... die Erde, wie sie bestimmend auf die Entwicklung des Geistes
einwirkt und hinwiederum vom Geist bestimmt und verändert wird. Dies
Verhältnis des Planeten zum Geist ist ein wesentliches.”[149]
Arnold H. Guyot, “ce Suisse transplanté en Amérique,”[150] treats the same
topic in the Géographie physique comparée, considérée dans ses rapports
avec l’histoire de l’humanité.[151]
The frequently misquoted Henry Thomas Buckle, in the celebrated second
chapter of the History of Civilization in England,[152] shows the largely
indirect effects of climate, food, and soil, chiefly upon the civilizations—of
India, Egypt, Mexico, Peru, etc.—anterior to those of Europe, and of a
fourth class of physical agents, namely, of what he terms the general aspect
of nature upon the imagination—religion, literature, art—of those peoples.
Buckle does not maintain that these four classes of the Environment were
the sole factors in producing civilization; in fact he makes it quite clear that
they were not the only factors, that they affected the civilizations mentioned
in an indirect way and he indicates how this has taken place. Buckle’s
statements of his ideas had been misrepresented, twisted, and distorted to
such a degree that John M. Robertson felt impelled to write a whole
book[153] in rebuttal, in order to set Buckle’s detractors and controversial
critics right and to refute their unfair imputations to Buckle’s intended
meaning.

The romanticist Ernst Curtius is sometimes referred to as one of those
historians who give adequate expression to the action of the physical milieu
upon the course of history. But Vallaux declares that Curtius, like Michelet,
has made of human geography and of political geography merely a
preliminary and introductory science to history: “une science auxiliaire ou
plutôt liminaire, sorte de portique d’entrée [the italics are ours] pour leurs
brillantes constructions,”[154] lending thus support to Kapp’s contention.[155]
Nor would Ratzel be content with a portrayal of the land as an introduction
to the history of a country, even though it be as richly colored as that drawn
by Curtius.[156] A description, in itself, fails to penetrate to the core of the
relation. If we now turn to Curtius’ The History of Greece,[157] we find that
the first chapter in the first book[158] considers Land and People, a part of
which (pp. 9–18) gives a geographical description of Hellas, and another
part of which (pp. 19–25, seven pages scant) points out the connection
between the land and the people. Elsewhere,[159] Curtius shows the
interaction between the physical environment of Athens and the Athenians.
[160]

George Grote, whose account of the relation between the Greek land and
the Greek people is held by some[161] to be excellent, in A History of Greece,
[162]
devotes four pages (227–30) of the chapter on General Geography and
Limits of Greece to show the effects of the configuration of Greece upon
the political relation of the inhabitants[163] and the effects upon their
intellectual development,[164] the rest of the chapter being given over to a
description of the geography of Greece.
Alfred E. Zimmern, in The Greek Commonwealth, Politics and Economics
in Fifth-Century Athens,[165] deals very cleverly with the main features of the
material environment of Greek civilization: The Mediterranean Area; The
Sea; The Climate; The Soil; Fellowship, or the Rule of Public Opinion,
under which headings he discusses the influence of environment upon
Greek institutions.[166]
As early as 1864, G. P. Marsh investigates the subject of man’s reaction on
his milieu in Man and Nature, or Physical Geography as Modified by
Human Action (London).
John William Draper, in his History of the Intellectual Development of
Europe,[167] in the composition of which Herderian ideas were the guides,[168]

first attempts to show (vol. I, pp. 6–17) that individual man, as well as
communities, nations, and universal humanity, are under the control of
physical conditions; then (pp. 23–35) he points out how the topography,
meteorology, and secular geological movements of Europe affected its
inhabitants. On the whole, he overstates the force of environment and
neglects the human factor; nevertheless his uncompromising affirmations
bring out strikingly some of the environmental effects on man.
The uncritical Max Duncker, in the nine volume Geschichte des Altertums,
[169]
not only has chapters on Land und Volk, or Land und Stämme at the
beginning of the history of a given nation, but he also dwells elsewhere in
his text on the sway of geography in history.
Élisée Réclus, in the magistral Nouvelle Géographie Universelle (1879 ff.),
speaking of the difficulties encountered by research, queries: “... Was
verdanken die Nationen dem Einfluß der Natur, die sie umgibt? Was
verdanken sie dem Milieu, das ihre Vorfahren bewohnten, ihren
Rasseinstinkten, ihren verschiedenartigen Mischungen, den von Außen
eingeführten Überlieferungen? Man weiß es nicht, kaum daß einige
Lichtstrahlen in jene Finsternis dringen.”[170] The preponderance of
European nations is by no means attributable, as some arrogantly and self-
conceitedly fancied, to any racial endowment; on the contrary, it is due to
the favoring conditions of the physical environment prevailing in Europe:
“Man weiß, wie mächtig der Einfluß des geographischen Milieu auf die
Fortschritte der europäischen Nationen gewesen ist. Ihre Überlegenheit ist
keineswegs, wie einige sich dünkelhafter Weise eingebildet haben, der
eigentümlichen Anlage der Rassen zuzuschreiben, denn in anderen
Gegenden der alten Welt haben sich eben dieselben Rassen weniger
schöpferisch erwiesen. Es sind die glücklichen Bedingungen der Wärme,
des Klimas, der Gestalt und Lage des Festlandes, welche den Europäern die
Ehre verschafft haben, die ersten gewesen zu sein in der Kenntnis der Erde
in ihrem ganzen Umfange und lange Zeit an der Spitze der Zivilisation
geblieben zu sein.”[171] These conditions help to explain, in part, the
character of the nations: “Mit vollem Recht lieben es also die historischen
Geographen bei der Gestalt der verschiedenen Erdteile und bei den Folgen
zu verweilen, welche sich daraus für die Bestimmung der Völker ergeben.
Die Gestalt der Hochebenen, die Höhe der Berge, der Lauf und der
Reichtum der Flüsse, die Nachbarschaft des Ozeans, die Gliederung der

Küsten, die Temperatur der Atmosphäre, die Häufigkeit oder Seltenheit des
Regens, die unzähligen wechselseitigen Einflüsse der Sonne, der Luft und
der Gewässer, alle Erscheinungen des Pflanzenlebens habe eine Bedeutung
in ihren Augen und dienen ihnen (wenigstens zum Teil), den Charakter und
das erste Leben der Nationen zu erklären ...”[172] Continental and oceanic
forms and other features of the globe vary in their value for man in
accordance with the stage of civilization to which he attained.[173]
Notwithstanding this separation, in principle, of natural and national
influences upon social evolution, its application to concrete cases Réclus
finds arduous: “Durch das Studium der Sonne und durch die unablässige
Beobachtung der klimatischen Erscheinungen können wir ganz allgemein
verstehen, welches der Einfluß der Natur auf die Entwicklung der Völker
gewesen ist; aber es ist schwieriger, das auf jede Rasse, auf jede Nation zu
verteilen....”[174]
P. Mougeoulle’s theory in Les problèmes de l’histoire,[175] is an altogether
one-sided geographical theory of history.[176] The sole cause of the external
as well as the internal history of peoples, is, in his opinion, the geographical
Milieu.[177] To Mougeoulle, the Milieu is the author, whereas man is the
actor of the Drama of history.[178]
Léon Metchnikoff, in La Civilisation et Les Grands Fleuves Historiques,[179]
pays some attention to the influences (astronomic, physical—the geosphere,
the hydrosphere, and the atmosphere—, vegetal, animal, anthropological) of
the milieu on man and society; yet his main care is with the action of parts
of the hydrosphere on human progress. Following C. Böttiger (Das
Mittelmeer, Leipzig, 1859), Metchnikoff distinguishes the three milieus:
fluvial or potamic, mediterranean or thalassic, and oceanic or universal.[180]
On this basis he divides universal history into three periods: 1) the period of
the fluvial civilizations (temps anciens), furnishing the principal theme of
his argument (discussed in the last four chapters of his book); 2) that of the
mediterranean civilizations (temps moyens); 3) and that of the oceanic
civilizations. The fluvial or ancient period, from the beginnings to circa 800
B.C., comprises the history of the four great civilizations of antiquity, in
Egypt, Mesopotamia, India, China, “qui ont eu pour milieu géographique
des régions arrosées par certains fleuves ou couples de fleuves célèbres.”
The mediterranean or middle period extends from the seventh century B.C.
—the foundation of Carthage—to Charles the Fifth. The modern or oceanic

period has two epochs: a) the atlantic epoch, from the discovery of America
to about the middle of the nineteenth century; and b) the universal epoch,
just beginning.[181] In the main, Metchnikoff limits the scope of his work to
the compass of fluvial civilizations. He studies in detail the four great
historical rivers or pairs of rivers (the Nile, the Tigris and the Euphrates, the
Indus and the Ganges, and the Hoangho and the Yangtze-Kiang, those great
educators of mankind) in their bearing upon the four grand civilizations—
Chinese, Hindu, Assyro-Babylonian, and Egyptian—of remote antiquity, all
of which expanded in fluvial regions.[182] The River, in all countries,
presents itself to Metchnikoff as the living synthesis of all the complex
conditions of the climate, of the soil, of the configuration of the earth, and
of the geologic formation. In Egypt and in China, in India and in
Mesopotamia, the River has been “comme une synthèse vivante des
conditions géographiques les plus multiples.”[183] He finds that each of the
four great monarchies of antiquity had been a natural consequence or result
of the hydrological system of the country that served as its cradle, and that
history, in the entire ancient world, had been a toil, a forced labor (“une
corvée”), imposed on a part of mankind by certain orographic peculiarities
of the Milieu. Metchnikoff concludes that in these empires “le Milieu s’est
trouvé être invariablement le vrai créateur de l’histoire.” The eloquent
example of these four grand ancient civilizations sufficiently proves to him
that no important historical expansion could ever occur in any country of
the world, unless the milieu condemned its inhabitants to that excessive
solidarity which he shows to have been brutally imposed everywhere at the
shores of these great historical rivers; a milieu is conceivable, however,
where this condition, rigorously required by history, may be fulfilled by an
environmental factor other than a river or a system of rivers.[184]
Metchnikoff protests that he is far from advocating potamic[185] or
geographical[186] fatalism.[187]
Babington’s study of the power of environment over history points out the
fallacy of the race theory in the history of the Roman empire, of Germany,
and of China.[188]
N. S. Shaler, in Nature and Man in America,[189] traces, on the one hand, the
action of environment on organic life, and, on the other, the effect of
geographic conditions on the development of peoples, more especially on
that of man in North America.[190]

Since about the middle of the eighties, under the leadership of the late
historian E. A. Freeman and of the illustrious statesman and scholar, Lord
James Bryce, “a marked revival of interest” has been exhibited in England
in studying the physical milieu as it relates to man and human society,
institutions and history.[191]
The leading point of view in H. F. Helmolt’s The History of the World, a
Survey of Man’s Record,[192] is the treatment of man’s relation to his physical
environment, the relation of geography to history, the dependence of man
on his geographical surroundings. “It [Helmolt’s History] deals with history
in the light of physical environment.... Its ground plan, so to speak, is
primarily geographical....”[193] It was conceived in the spirit of Ratzel;[194] it
is said to have brought for the first time “die Länder- und Völkerkunde in
den Dienst der Weltgeschichtsdarstellung.”[195] Helmolt’s “great co-
operative History of Mankind ... emphasizes the sovereign influences of
nature and geography,” says Gooch.[196]
Rev. H. B. George, in The Relations of Geography and History,[197] attempts
to “point out systematically how these [geographical] causes work [all
history through], first in general, and then in reference to the various
countries of Europe,”[198] although “This work does not pretend to attempt
the impossible task of describing all the influence exerted by geographical
conditions on human history. All that it professes to do is to indicate the
modes in which that influence works, with sufficient illustrations from
actual history.”[199]
Professor Geddes, of Edinburgh, is the most energetic expounder of this
idea—the anthropo-geographical conception of history—in the English-
speaking world, says Small.[200]
Throughout the entire treatment of Guglielmo Ferrero’s[201] History of Rome
(one of the most original and important historical works of recent years),
geography thoroughly permeates history.[202]
Robert Sieger[203] attempts to explain the history and policies of the Austro-
Hungarian monarchy “aus ihren geographischen Grundlagen.”[204]
Ellsworth Huntington, in The Pulse of Asia,[205] illustrates the geographic
basis of history.[206]

The Columbia School of sociological historians, and others, interpret
history partly in terms of the milieu: physical (economic and geographic)
and social.[207]
Human geography, and political geography, have long been divided into
fragmentary parts, contended for by economics, history, and sociology.[208]
Yet the discipline of anthropo-geography has now become “eine mächtige
Hilfswissenschaft der geschichtlichen Auffassung.”[209] So that, today, it has
become a custom to include in textbooks of history one or more chapters on
the relation of geography to history, to show the dependence of history on
environment.[210] The study of the latter is a part of Kulturgeschichte or
History of Civilization which is defined as embracing the non-political
aspects of civilization such as the influence of nature, the pressure of
economic factors, the origin and transformation of ideas, the contribution of
science and art, religion and philosophy, literature and law, the material
conditions of life, the fortunes of the masses.[211] Likewise, only on a
broader scale, the milieu is being examined in a new branch of study, which
is one resultant of anthropo-geographical research. This new branch of
study is economic geography, which, according to John McFarlane,[212]
“may be defined as the study of the influence exerted upon the economic
activities of man by his physical environment, and more especially by the
form and structure of the surface of the land, the climatic conditions which
prevail upon it, and the place relations in which its different regions stand to
one another.” Seligman says that the modern study of economic geography
is but an expansion of the study of the influence of milieu.[213]
Indeed, geography itself, i.e., the new geography, is conceived of as the
science or study of the responses of organisms to inorganic, and to a certain
extent organic, environmental control.[214] Professor William Morris Davis,
of Harvard University, is one of the chief exponents of this theory in the
United States. Very recently, Rollin D. Salisbury said:[215] “By common
consent, Geography (as distinct from physical geography) is the science
which deals with the relations of physical environment to life and its
activities. In this sense, geography is a connecting link between geology,
physiography, and climatology, on the one hand, and zoölogy, botany,
sociology, economics, and history on the other. Its subject-matter is in
process of formulation....”[216]

More Recent Anthropo-geographical Treatises

James Bryce offers the most excellent general survey of man’s relation to
his physical environment.[217]
Herbertson’s very useful and readable introductory book gives “concrete
pictures of human life under these very different conditions [typical
environments]. They show, in the first place, how the occupation of
different groups of mankind depends on their geographical surroundings,
and how these occupations in turn affect not only the material life, the
houses, food, clothing, etc., but also family life, notions of property,
progress in trade and manufactures, power of expansion, and ideals of
government. All these are classified, not according to race, which is often
an accident, but according to those permanent influences by which all races
are affected.”[218]
Robert DeCourcy Ward, in his standard work on Climate Considered
Especially in Relation to Man,[219] presents “typical illustrations” of
environmental action on the life of man in the tropics (Ch. 8, pp. 220–71),
in the temperate zones (Ch. 9 pp. 272–321), and in the polar zones (Ch. 10,
pp. 322–37).[220] In a chapter on the hygiene of the zones (Ch. 7, pp. 178–
219), Ward also surveys “some of the relations between weather and
climate and a few of the more important diseases.”[221]
R. R. Marett’s chapter on “Environment” in his Anthropology[222] presents,
beside a number of valuable general and critical remarks, chiefly a regional
survey of the world showing the general effect of geographical environment
on man.
Camille Vallaux, in Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État,[223] beginning with
the sixth chapter, also discusses some phases of what would in E. C. Hayes’
classification[224] be called the technical milieu.
The most recent German essay, Willy Hellpach’s[225] Die Geopsychischen
Erscheinungen: Wetter, Klima und Landschaft in ihrem Einfluß auf das
Seelenleben,[226] deals with the direct effects of the surrounding atmosphere
and soil on the human psyche.[227] Hellpach seems primarily interested in
“Psycho-Pathologie”;[228] he lays most stress on das Pathologische,

particularly in the main—first two—parts of his essay: “Wetter und
Seelenleben,” and “Klima und Seelenleben,” where the pathological effect
is strongly emphasized. Hellpach’s valuable summary of what we know
today of this phase of the milieu,[229] revealing as it does by the meager
number of the facts assembled the crying need for many more such facts,
may be, in its results, somewhat disappointing[230] for the present day, but it
augurs well for future investigation.
The latest extensive presentation of general anthropo-geography,[231] Jean
Brunhes’ La géographie humaine,[232] pays more attention to present than to
historical conditions,[233] and thus fittingly complements Ellen C. Semple’s
Influences of Geographic Environment,[234] which “may be regarded as
superseding Ratzel’s great work on Anthropo-geography.”[235]

Primitive Peoples and Environment

Karl Ritter, in the essay “Über das historische Element in der
geographischen Wissenschaft” (1833), declares that the forces of nature
which at the commencement of human history exerted a very decisive
influence were bound to recede more and more, and their action had to
diminish, in proportion to man’s progress. Civilized mankind extricates
itself gradually, like single man, from the immediately conditioning fetters
of nature and of its place of abode.[236] This opinion of Ritter’s was adopted
by many.[237]
Theodor Waitz regards primitive man both as purely a product of, and as
being completely at the mercy of, circumambient nature: “Denken wir uns
vom Menschen Alles hinweg, was an ihm Wirkung der Kultur ist, so steht
er da als bloßes Produkt der Macht, die ihn in’s Leben rief, ... Das Erste,
was an ihm charakteristisch für uns hervorträte, würde die sehr vollständige
Abhängigkeit sein, in der er sich von seiner Naturumgebung befände: der
gesammte Inhalt, den sein inneres Leben zunächst gewönne, würde ein
ziemlich reines Produkt dieser letzteren sein. Der Naturmensch wird
zunächst nur das, wozu die Naturverhältnisse ihn machen, unter die er sich
gestellt findet; wovon er sich nährt, das werden diese ihm darbieten, auf
welche Weise und durch welche Mittel er seine Nahrung gewinnt, dazu
werden diese ihm Anleitung geben müssen; ob er Kleidung und sonstigen
Schutz gegen äußere Schädlichkeiten bedarf, und wie er diesem Bedürfnis
abzuhelfen strebt, werden sie ihn lehren und die Erfindungen, die hierzu
nötig sind, ihm an die Hand geben müssen; sie werden mit einem Wort
seine ganze Lebenseinrichtung bestimmen ...”[238]
G. Gerland holds that man developed from and upon nature, on which he is
very closely dependent and of which he is a small part, and that the higher
he rises the more he frees himself from the compelling influence of the
earth, which, however, he can never wholly escape.[239]
In the opinion of Herbert Spencer, the earlier stages of social evolution are
far more dependent on local conditions than the later stages. They are more
at the mercy of their surroundings.[240] Both Spencer and Benjamin Kidd
believe that primitive man is at the mercy of the milieu.[241] The “remotely

ancient representatives of the human species ... were in their then wild state
much more plastic than now to external nature,” according to Wallace.[242]
Historical and statistical geography show us “die Menschen, wie sie in ihre
aktive Rolle eingetreten sind und durch Arbeit die Überlegenheit über das
Milieu gewinnen, das sie umgibt ... Nachdem der Mensch ganz den Einfluß
des Milieu über sich ergehen ließ, hat er denselben zu seinem Nutzen
umgestaltet ...”[243] The intimate connection of first civilizations with
physical environment slackens with subsequent advance.[244] This apparently
deep-rooted view is controverted by Ratzel who flatly contradicts it.
Distinguishing between the direct and the indirect effects of milieu, he
argues in straight opposition that with progressing civilization we are
increasingly dependent on environment, that the degree of such dependence
has not lessened with advancement in civilization, and that only the manner
of the relation has changed.[245] Environment affects even the highest
civilization, says Ripley.[246] G. Elliot Smith maintains that “Environment,
however it may act, whether directly or indirectly, is still helping to shape
the human form, and is affecting the development of Man’s customs and
achievements at least as powerfully as, if not more so than, ever before.”[247]

Society and Physical Milieu

The social evolution proceeds amidst the entire system of exterior
conditions (chemical, physical, astronomical), by which its rate of progress
is determined. Social phenomena can no more be understood apart from
their environment than those of individual life.[248] The study of social
evolution presupposes a relation to the physical milieu: “Das Studium der
sozialen Entwicklung setzt eine Beziehung zwischen der Menschheit,
welche den Vorgang vollführt, und der Gesamtheit der äußeren Einflüsse
voraus, welche letztere man auch die sogenannte Umgebung heißen
könnte.”[249]
John Stuart Mill asserts that “All phenomena of society are phenomena of
human nature, generated by the action of outward circumstances upon
masses of human beings.”[250]
To Schäffle, in the analysis of the structure and functions of human society
there exist as influential factors the external surroundings, on the one hand,
and the active elements of the social body (the individual and the
population), on the other; for, as Schäffle emphasizes, not only economics,
but all social science must take into consideration not only Society, but also
Nature, i.e., the natural fund or stock, designated by soil and climate, of the
immediate world-surroundings of the social body as the external sphere
embracing societary life, and that, not only as a sum total of free
possessions, but also as a multiplicity of free, i.e., unsubjugated resistances.
[251]

As “the result of a survey of social organizations, considered as machinery
in motion, [Hermann] Post[252] points out very justly that it is useless to
attempt to explain social phenomena on the basis of the psychological
activities of individuals, as is too commonly assumed, because all
individuals whose conduct we can possibly observe have themselves been
educated in some society or other, and presume in all their social acts the
assumptions on which that society itself proceeds.... It [Post’s method] is
the same method, of course, which had already yielded such remarkable
results to Montesquieu, and even to Locke. The point of view is no longer
that of a Maine or a McLennan.... It is that of a spectator of human society

as a whole.... And its immediate outcome has been to throw into the
strongest possible relief the dependence of the form and, still more, of the
actual content of all human societies on something which is not in the
human mind at all, but is the infinite variety of that external Nature which
Society exists to fend off from Man, and also to let Man dominate if he
can.”[253]

Government, War, Progress, and Climate

James Bryce “has recently clearly set forth the climatic control of
government in an essay on ‘British Experience in the Government of
Colonies’ (Century, March, 1899, 718–729).”[254] Vallaux, however, is
sceptical as to the influence of physical environment upon the State.[255]
William Ridgeway avers that political and legal institutions are the result of
environment.[256]
Far-reaching and weighty historical consequences “have followed from
special conditions of climate or weather. Maguire’s ‘Outlines of Military
Geography’ (Cambridge, 1899) contains a chapter on the influence of
climate on military operations, but this subject has hitherto received little
attention. More recently, Bentley, in a presidential address before the Royal
Meteorological Society, London, considered the matter.”[257] Still more
recently, the relation of climate or weather to war has been scrutinized,
among others, by F. Lampe in “Der erdkundliche Unterricht,”[258] by Otto
Baschin in “Der Krieg und das Wetter,”[259] and by E. Alt in “Krieg und
Witterung.”[260]
Hellwald, “the well-known traveller and geographer,” compiled his
“History of Civilization in its Natural Development” in 1874, according to
the findings of which, cultural development is “a natural process,
conditioned by race, geography, and climate. Civilisation means the
mastering of nature and the taming of man.... Hellwald’s standpoint is
shared, though less aggressively displayed by Henne-am-Rhyn.”[261]
To the late meteorologist Cleveland Abbe, “Everything seems to combine to
prove that the existing order of events both material and intellectual has
been brought about by a slow process of change, due to the interaction of
the atoms and masses that constitute the material world around us.”[262]
The great diversity of existent civilizations, declares Auguste Matteuzzi, is
due to the diversity of the milieus where they developed. In order to
discover why any civilization becomes more heterogeneous and more
perfect, one must study the geographic milieu where it evolved. The organic
and inorganic milieu of evolving ethnic groups constrains human societies

to an incessant process of adaptation, and these societies in their turn react
upon the milieu and modify it.[263]
In short, says Auguste Comte, “all human progress, political, moral, or
intellectual, is inseparable from material progression, in virtue of the close
interconnection which, as we have seen, characterizes the natural course of
social phenomena.”[264]
That civilization is a result of adaptation to environment, physical as well as
political, is the view entertained by Bryce, Strachey, and Geikie.[265]

Climate and Man’s Characteristics
There are “certain broad, distinguishing characteristics of man in the
temperate and tropical zones, in determining which it is reasonable to
believe that climate has played a part. Similarly, there has been a natural
tendency to attribute certain differences between northerners and
southerners in the temperate zones to a difference in climate.... These
national differences are proverbial between northern and southern Germans,
French, Spanish, Russians, Italians, Arabs, and other peoples. The influence
of climate has likewise been traced in the sad, even pessimistic tone of
much of the northern literature, and in the gravity and melancholy of
modern northern music, as well as of the older northern folk-songs ... even
racial distinctions are more or less directly traceable, in many instances, to
climate.... Sir Archibald Geikie, in his Scottish Reminiscences, has
emphasized the climatic influence in producing the grim character of the
Scot....”[266]
Tacitus, in the 29th chapter of the Germania, assures us that the soil and
climate of the land of the Mattiaci caused them to be more bellicose than
their neighbors.[267]
Daudet, “who has written an entire novel (‘Numa Roumestan’) to depict the
great influence of the climate of southern Europe upon conduct, says: ‘The
Southerner does not love strong drinks; he is intoxicated by nature. Sun and
wind distil in him a terrible natural alcohol to whose influence every one
born under this sky is subject. Some have only the mild fever which sets
their speech and gesture free, redoubles their audacity, makes everything
seem rosy-hued, and drives them on to boasting; others live in a blind
delirium. And what Southerner has not felt the sudden giving way, the
exhaustion of his whole being, that follows an outburst of rage or
enthusiasm?’”[268]
Draper “emphasized the important historical consequences of the difference
in the characteristics of northerners and southerners in the United States,
which he attributed largely to climate, and which found expression in the
Civil War.... The Boers in Africa have developed along lines different from
those of the Dutch in the United States.”[269]

Man’s Intellect and Physical Environment

Auguste Comte, who “was very slightly affected by German thought,” and
who, in early youth, came under the influence of the philosophy that had
become prevalent in France before the Revolution, “read the works of most
of its leading representatives. He accepted its cardinal principle that
‘thought depends on sense, or, more broadly, on the environment.’”[270]
Adolf Bastian worked unceasingly “among the conceptions of the
Naturvölker—the ‘cryptograms of mankind,’ as he called them—...,
demonstrating first the surprising uniformity of outlook on the part of the
more primitive peoples, and secondly the correlation of differences of
conceptions with differences in material surroundings, varying with
geographical conditions. This second doctrine he elaborated in his Zur
Lehre von den geographischen Provinzen, in 1886.”[271]
Physiology and statistics “show that most human functions are subject to
the influence of heat (Lombroso, ‘Pensiero e Meteore,’ Milan, 1878). It is to
be expected, then, that excessive heat will have its effect upon the human
mind.”[272]
The physiographer, “... looking back over the history of life upon the earth’s
surface, ... is forced to the conclusion that its highest estate embodied in the
moral and intellectual qualities of man has been, in the main, secured by the
geographic variations which have slowly developed through the geological
ages.”[273]
Benno Erdmann, in his “Gedächtnisrede auf Wilhelm Dilthey,” observes
that in ripe old age Dilthey in the last of his larger works declared that man
finds himself determined by the physical world in which mental
occurrences appear only as interpolations.[274]

Religion and Physical Milieu

As physical characteristics “are in the main the result of environment, social
institutions and religious ideas are no less the product of that
environment.... We might just as well ask the Ethiopian to change his skin
as to change radically his social and religious ideas. It has been shown by
experience that Christianity can make but little headway amongst many
peoples in Africa or Asia, where on the other hand Muhammadanism has
made and is steadily making progress, ... This is probably due to the fact
that Muhammadanism is a religion evolved ... in latitudes bordering on the
aboriginal races of Africa and Asia, and that it is far more akin in its social
ideas to those of the Negro or Malay than are those of Christianity, ...”[275]
Ernest Renan “points out that the desert is monotheistic, its uniformity
suggesting a belief in the unity of God.... In his Seas and Skies in Many
Latitudes (London, 1888, pp. 42–43), Abercromby gives two maps,
showing respectively the areas of Mohammedanism and the districts in Asia
and Africa with a mean annual rainfall of less than ten inches. The maps are
strikingly similar. The author adds: ‘Whether this distribution of a great
creed is the result of chance, or of some deep connection between the tenets
of that religion and climatic influences, I can not say;—but still the relation
is so remarkable that I have thought it well to bring the matter forward.’”[276]

Climate and Conduct

The “frequent and sudden weather changes of the temperate zones affect
man in many ways, as do the larger seasonal changes. The relations
between weather and conduct have frequently been investigated. Professor
E. G. Dexter has made an extended empirical study of the effects of the
weather ... Bertillon has collected data on suicides and seasons in France,
...”[277] Dexter studies empirically by means of statistics—plotting certain
curves—the relation between temperature, barometric pressure, humidity,
wind, character of the day, precipitation, on the one hand, and the child in
school—work, deportment, attendance—, crime, insanity, health—sickness
and death—, suicide, drunkenness, attention—errors in calculation made by
clerks in banks—, on the other.[278] Of his general conclusions[279] the first is:
“Varying meteorological conditions affect directly, though in different
ways, the metabolism of life”; the second: “The ‘reserve energy’ capable of
being utilized for intellectual processes and activities other than those of the
vital organs is affected [effected, in the original] most by meteorological
changes”; the third: “The quality of the emotional state is plainly influenced
by the weather states”; the fourth: “Although meteorological conditions
affect the emotional states, which without doubt have weight in the
determination of conduct in its broadest sense, it would seem that their
effects upon that portion of the reserve energy which is available for action
are of the greatest import.”[280]
The nervous effects of the weather including cyclonic winds have also been
noted. Among the Eskimos, “Marriages take place at an early age,
especially among the women, and the return of the sun after the long winter
has a stimulating effect on the animal passions which leads to sexual
excesses of all kinds.”[281]
Albert Leffingwell investigates The Influence of Seasons Upon Conduct[282]
in Great Britain and elsewhere. He formulates the underlying assumption of
his inquiry in the following manner: “It is not a new theory, though I
propose to carry it somewhat further than it has been pushed hitherto. Over
half a century ago, Quetelet in his great work “On Man,” suggested the
hypothesis.... The hypothesis toward which all the facts point is simply this:

that upon the nervous organization of human bodies (perhaps specially upon
dwellers in the temperate zones) there is exerted during the procession of
the seasons, from winter’s close till midsummer, some undefined, specific
influence, which in some manner tends to increase the excitability of
emotion and passion, and thus also to increase all actions arising
therefrom.”[283] To mention only one of Leffingwell’s illustrations, he brings
together in a statistical table the total number of all crimes against persons
in England for ten years (1878–87), the same facts for Ireland during the
same decade, and for France during forty years (1830–69), and in
conjunction therewith says: “Here, again, we find that all crimes, even those
arising from personal antipathy or hatred, seem specially prevalent in the
warmer half of the year. In England, 55 per cent of all such acts of violence
during the ten years 1878–1887 happened in spring and summer, and in
France during a period of forty years the average was the same. Ireland,
indeed, shows a more even distribution of such crimes; but the tendency is
seen even there.”[284]
Cesare Lombroso, who is claimed to be the first to have essayed to portray
the effect of physical environment on the human psyche,[285] states in his
Criminal Man,[286] referring to Ferri and Holzendorf, that with high
temperature there is an increase in crimes of violence, while low
temperature has the effect of increasing the number of crimes against
property. In “comparing statistics of criminality in France with those of the
variations in temperature, Ferri noted an increase in crimes of violence
during the warmer years.”[287]
Lombroso, in his Crime, Its Causes and Remedies,[288] citing the conclusions
of the relevant statistical evidence, establishes that in England and France
and Italy the crimes of rape and of murder occur in greatest number in the
hottest months; that the maximum number of all rebellions in the whole
world between 1791 and 1880 falls everywhere in the hottest month, while
its minimum number comes in the coldest months; and that crimes against
property markedly increase in the winter.[289]
In the southern parts of Italy and France “there occur many more crimes
against persons than in the central and northern portions.... Guerry has
shown that crimes against persons are twice as numerous in southern France
(4.9) as in central and northern France (2.7 and 2.9). Vice versa, crimes
against property are more frequent in the north (4.9), than in the central and

southern regions (2.3).”[290] According to Buckle,[291] climate makes men’s
habits regular or irregular.

Climatic Control of Food and Drink
William Ridgeway, summarizing his argument in “The Application of
Zoölogical Laws to Man,”[292] says: “We have seen that environment is a
powerful factor in the differentiation of the various races of man, alike in
physique, institutions, and religion. It is probable that the food supply at
hand in each region may be an important element in these variations, whilst
the nature of the food and drink preferred there may itself be due in no
small degree to climatic conditions.... The aboriginal of the tropics is
distinctly a vegetarian, whilst the Eskimo within the arctic circle is
practically wholly carnivorous. In each case the taste is almost certainly due
to the necessities of their environment.... It is probable that the more
northward man advanced the more carnivorous he became in order to
support the rigours of the northern climate. The same holds equally true in
the case of drink.... All across Northern Europe and Asia there is a universal
love of strong drink, which is not the mere outcome of vicious desires, but
of climatic law.... This view derives additional support from the well-
authenticated fact that one of the chief characteristics of the descendants of
British settlers in Australia is their strong teetotalism. This cannot be set
down to their having a higher moral standard than their ancestors, but
rather, as in the case of Spaniards and Italians (temperance reformers point
to the sobriety of the Spaniards, Italians, and other South Europeans), to the
circumstance that they live in a country much warmer and drier than the
British Isles. We must therefore, no matter how reluctantly, come to the
conclusion that no attempt to eradicate this tendency to alcohol in these
latitudes can be successful....”[293]

SUMMARY

The Introductory Remark traces the semasiology and use of the word milieu
and discusses its English and German equivalents “environment” and
“Umwelt.”
An historical sketch of the milieu idea is then taken up from the very
beginnings to the nineteenth century. The earlier notions of environmental
influence are general and undifferentiated.
The Hebrew Prophets see the hand of Providence in the harmony of
national fate with the configuration of the globe. Hippocrates dwells upon
the regularity of climatic effect on man. Aristotle notes the action of
physical environment on government and national character. Eratosthenes,
Strabo, and other Greek thinkers, relate man causally to surrounding nature.
Villani says that the fine air of Arezzo produces great minds. Ibn Khaldūn
explains, especially Arabic history, by the circumambient physical and
social medium. Michelangelo credits Arezzo’s fine air with his mentality.
Man is subject to the “skyey influences” hourly (Shakespeare).
Jean Bodin plants the study of environment in French soil so firmly and so
successfully that it has since become, in a very real sense, indigenous to
France and that Bertillon could justly claim it to be a study “très-française,”
a claim which is true to this very day. Bodin’s second contribution is that he
undertook, for the first time in the modern period (on the basis of sixteenth
century knowledge and experience), a scientific and detailed examination,
far-reaching and extensive in scope, of the manifold influences of climatic
and geographical conditions upon States, laws, national character, religion,
language, temperament, talents and aptitudes,—in brief, upon man’s mind,
manners, and morals.

The study of milieu thus inaugurated in France by Bodin is set up as a
French tradition by Lenglet du Fresnoy, Montesquieu, Turgot, Cuvier, and
others,[294] and has been continued by French writers to our day.
A number of philosophers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries take
up this idea. The doctrine of environment spreads to England and Germany.
In Germany, Herder becomes the fulcrum of all previous thought (Hebrew,
Greek, French, English, and German) on this theory. Herder, in turn, in
addition to his other and principal contributions to the theory, affects it by
giving a quickened impetus not only to the contemporary development
thereof, but also to the later course of that development. Goethe reflects
some of Herder’s conceptions. Wolf, Niebuhr, the German romanticists—
August Wilhelm Schlegel in especial—and Hegel apply Herder’s idea to
history and continue it therein. Hegel combats the notion that climate can be
the be-all and end-all of historical explanation; he implies that climate was
held to be a vera causa.
The theory of social environment evolves, particularly since Ibn Khaldūn,
parallel with that of the physical milieu.
The nineteenth century brings differentiation carried out in human
geography including history, in biology, in jurisprudence and economics, in
anthropology, in sociology, in literature, and latterly in physics. These
disciplines determine our divisions for discussions shortly to follow the
present one.
The major portion of this study is then given over to following the milieu
idea in some of the more important French, English, and German writers of
the past century on what for want of a better name has been called
anthropo-geography inclusive of certain aspects of history.
On the whole, their method has been the comparative method. Principles
laid down a priori would be illustrated by typical cases selected mostly
from the past. Or, the process would be reversed to an a posteriori
reasoning: history restudied to find out its possible connections with the
environment. Again: some would pick out a phase of the encompassing
medium and follow out its effects in a particular country, while others
would try to arrive at a more general conclusion.

With reference to climate in particular, the statistical method was employed
by Quételet, Bertillon, Leffingwell, Ferri, Holzendorf, Guerry, Curcio,
Lombroso, and others, who established a parallelism, or coincidence,
between certain climatic features and the criminal conduct of man.
Delimited aspects of environment, relating again more to climate than any
other phase of the milieu, were made the objects of observational or
experimentally observational studies by Dexter, Brunhes, and Hellpach, the
last two giving the most recent comprehensive summaries of our knowledge
in this field. And they are among the best we have.
The next part of this study will continue the survey of the history of this
theory in the above mentioned sciences as well as in literature.

APPENDIX

Since the foregoing study was completed, E. Huntington’s stimulating book
—vide supra, p. 79, n.—on Civilization and Climate has appeared. He
continues what Dexter began. Lack of definiteness in observation,
argumentative conviction, reasoned out opinion, are superseded by
scientific exactness in ascertaining the action of climate. Chapters 4–7 (pp.
49–147) concern us here. In these chapters he investigates “the exact effect
of various climatic factors upon selected groups of people” (p. 49).
Huntington subjects to statistical analysis the daily records of about 550
factory operatives, pieceworkers, employed in three factories in three New
England cities. The records, most of them for a complete year, are
distributed over the four years from 1910 to 1913 (p. 53).
He computes wage averages. He finds for each working day the average
hourly wage for each group of operatives. When the daily averages had
been found, they were averaged together by weeks. To give each individual
an equal importance, the figures of each group have been reduced to
percentages. Finally, the different groups were combined (p. 57). His final
computations are represented in curves. A curve, graduated in twelve parts
(one for each month), for a given year shows the earnings in percentages at
any point and thus reveals the time of the weakness or efficiency of the
worker; it shows the time of his wages from least to most, thereby
indicating the time of his work and energy from poorest to best.
Huntington worked up similarly the records of 65 operatives in a North
Carolina factory, of 240 operatives in four cotton mills in South Carolina
and Georgia, of 57 carpenters at Jacksonville, Fla., and on a different basis
the work of 2700 cigar makers in two cigar factories in Florida. On the first
basis he also computed a series of data from a large factory at Pittsburgh,

Pennsylvania, based on the work of about 950 operatives in 1910, of about
750 in 1911, of 69 in 1912, of about 7000 in 1913. He figured the monthly
or bi-weekly averages of hourly earnings of these pieceworkers in
Pittsburgh.
Discussing the curves in Figure 1 (p. 59), he mentions (p. 61) five features
revealed by the curves that show no sign of disappearing. They are: “an
extremely low place in midwinter, and a less pronounced low place in
midsummer; a high point in June, a still higher point at the end of October,
and a hump in mid-December....
“Before we discuss the causes of the variability of the summers let us
consider the meaning of the curves as a whole. In the first place, it is
evident that, although details may vary from year to year, the general course
of events is uniformly from low in the winter to high in the fall with a drop
of more or less magnitude in summer. To what can this be due?...
“We seem forced to search outside of the factories for the reasons for our
seasonal fluctuations of wages.... There seems to be no recourse except to
ascribe the fluctuations of the curves to climate [pp. 64–5].
“The verity of the conclusion just reached is strongly confirmed by
comparison with other regions and other types of human activity.... The
curves [in Figure 2, pp. 66–7] range from the Adirondacks in northern New
York to Tampa in southern Florida and include one from Denmark. With
them I have repeated some of the curves of Figure 1 for the sake of
comparison. The most remarkable feature of this series is that although
there is great diversity of place and of activity, all the curves harmonize
with what would be expected on the basis of Figure 1 [p. 65].
“The general form of the curves for Pittsburgh and Connecticut is obviously
the same....
“The agreement between the curves for Connecticut and Pennsylvania is far
too close to be accidental [p. 76].
“We have now seen that from New England to Florida physical strength and
health vary in accordance with the seasons. Extremes seem to produce the
same effect everywhere. The next question is whether mental activity varies
the same way” (p. 77).

Huntington uses the marks of “about 1900 students for a single year” in
mathematics (weekly averages at Annapolis and daily averages at West
Point) and in English (at Annapolis). From these data he compiles the
curves in Figure 3 (p. 80). He says (p. 81), “The curves of mental activity
all resemble it [the average curve of physical work] in having two main
maxima, in fall and spring.... At Annapolis, just as at West Point, the time of
best work is when the mean temperature is not far from forty degrees
[Fahrenheit].
“Summing up the matter, we find that the results of investigations in
Denmark, Japan, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland, the
Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida are in harmony. They all show that except
in Florida neither the winter nor the summer is the most favorable season.
Both physical and mental activity reach pronounced maxima in the spring
and fall, with minima in midwinter and midsummer. The consistency of our
results is of great importance. It leads to the belief that in all parts of the
world the climate is exercising an influence which can readily be measured,
and can be subjected to statistical analysis” (p. 82).
This is his conclusion in Chapter IV (pp. 49–82), “The Effect of the
Seasons.”
Having seen in the fourth chapter “that both physical and mental energy
vary from season to season according to well-defined laws,” Huntington
investigates in the fifth chapter (“The Effect of Humidity and Temperature,”
pp. 83–110) “the special features of seasonal change which are most
effective” (p. 83). Explaining the curves of Human Activity and Mean
Temperature (p. 99), he says (p. 98), “With the exception of the last two,
which are distinctly the least reliable, the physical group all reach maxima
at a temperature between 59° and 65°. Even the two less reliable curves
reach their maxima within the next four degrees. All the curves decline at
low temperatures, ..., and also at high.
“Another point brought out by the curves [on p. 99] is that as we go to more
southerly climes the optimum temperature of the human race becomes
higher. It is important to note, however, that the variation in the optimum is
slight compared with the variation in the mean temperature of the places in
question. For instance, in Connecticut the optimum seems to be about 60°
for people of north European stock. This is about ten degrees higher than

the mean temperature for the year as a whole. In Florida, on the other hand,
the optimum for Cubans is about 65°, which is five degrees lower than the
mean temperature for the year at Tampa. In other words, with a difference
of twenty degrees in the mean annual temperature, and with a distinctly
northern race compared with a southern, we find that the optimum differs
only about 5° F. This seems to mean that for the entire human race the
optimum temperature probably does not vary more than ten or fifteen
degrees [pp. 100–101].
“The last thing to be considered in Figure 8 [p. 99] is the mental curve
[showing optimum mental work at 38° F.] at the bottom. It is based on so
large a number of people, and is so regular, that its general reliability seems
great, although I think that future studies may show the optimum to be a
few degrees higher than is here indicated. It agrees with the results of
Lehmann and Pedersen. Furthermore, from general observation we are most
of us aware that we are mentally more active in comparatively cool weather.
Perhaps ‘spring fever’ is a mental state far more than a physical. Apparently
people do the best mental work on days when the thermometer ranges from
freezing to about 50°—that is, when the mean temperature is not far from
40°. Inasmuch as human progress depends upon a coördination of mental
and physical activity, we seem to be justified in the conclusion that the
greatest total efficiency occurs halfway between the mental and physical
optima, that is, with a mean temperature of about 50°” (pp. 102–103).
The curves (p. 105) on Mean Temperature and Vital Processes in Plants,
Animals and Man show physical energy to be at the optimum at the mean
temperature of 60° F., mental energy at 38°, mental and physical energy
combined at from 40° to 60°. Of this last mentioned curve he says: “It may
be taken as representing man’s actual productive activity in the things that
make for a high civilization. The resemblance of the human curves to those
of the lower organisms is obvious. In general, the lower types of life, or the
lower forms of activity, seem to reach their optima at higher temperatures
than do the more advanced types and the more lofty functions such as
mentality. The whole trend of biological thought is toward the conclusion
that the same laws apply to all forms of life. They differ in application, but
not in principle. The law of optimum temperature apparently controls the
phenomena of life from the lowest activities of protoplasm to the highest
activities of the human intellect” (pp. 109–110).

In Chapter VI (“Work and Weather,” pp. 111–128), he interprets the curves
he plotted showing especially the influence of changes of temperature from
day to day, and of the character of each day and its relation to storms. In the
very interesting Chapter VII (pp. 129–147) he discusses “The Ideal
Climate.”
In the closing paragraph of his book, he says, “If our hypothesis is true, man
is more closely dependent upon nature than he has realized. A realization of
his limitations, however, is the first step toward freedom [p. 293].
“The hypothesis, briefly stated, is this: Today a certain peculiar type of
climate prevails wherever civilization is high. In the past the same type
seems to have prevailed wherever a great civilization arose. Therefore, such
a climate seems to be a necessary condition of great progress. It is not the
cause of civilization, for that lies infinitely deeper. Nor is it the only, or the
most important condition. It is merely one of several, ...” (p. 9.)
Huntington mentions (p. 7) Lehmann and Pedersen’s “Das Wetter und
unsere Arbeit” and Berliner’s “Einfluß von Klima, Wetter und Jahreßeit auf
das Nerven- und Seelenleben,” without the date or place of publication.

Note: Since the foregoing pages went to press, the following publications have appeared; being too
late for inclusion or comment in the text, they are added here for reference:
Douglas W. Johnson, Topography and Strategy in the War, N. Y., Henry Holt & Co., 1917, 221 pp.
(Thorough and very illuminating; points out how the surface features of the country influenced
military operations in the most important theaters of the war.)
James Fairgrieve, Geography and World Power, N. Y., E. P. Dutton & Co., 1917, 356 pp. (Shows
how History has been controlled by Geography.)
Robert De C. Ward, “Weather Controls Over the Fighting in the Italian War Zone,” The Scientific
Monthly, Vol. 6, No. 2 (February, 1918), pp. 97–105. And “Weather Controls Over the Fighting in
Mesopotamia, in Palestine, and near the Suez Canal,” ibidem, Vol. 6, No. 4 (April, 1918), pp. 289–
304.

1. For brief but valuable sketches of one phase or another of the history
of the theory of milieu, cf. Friedrich Ratzel, Anthropogeographie. 1.
Teil: Grundzüge der Anwendung der Erdkunde auf die Geschichte (2.
Aufl., Stuttgart, 1899, 604 pp.), pp. 13–23, 25–30, 31–40; Gustav
Schmoller, Grundriß der Allgemeinen Volkswirtschaftslehre. Erster

Teil (Vierte bis sechste Aufl., Leipzig, 1901), p. 127, pp. 137 f., 144
ff., Zweiter Teil (Erste bis sechste Aufl., Leipzig, 1904), pp. 656 ff.;
Ferdinand v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen über Allgemeine Siedlungs-
und Verkehrsgeographie, bearb. und herausgegeben von O. Schlüter
(Berlin, 1908, 351 pp.—A course of lectures delivered in the summer
semester of 1891 in Berlin, repeated in the winter semester in
1897/8), pp. 6–13; Jean Brunhes, La Géographie Humaine
(Deuxième édition, Paris: Alcan, 1912, 801 pp.), pp. 36 ff.; A. C.
Haddon and A. H. Quiggin, History of Anthropology (London, 1910,
158 pp.), pp. 131 f., 150–52; William Z. Ripley, “Geography and
Sociology,” Political Science Quarterly, X (1895), pp. 636–54; also
the same author’s The Races of Europe (New York: D. Appleton &
Co., 1899), pp. 2–5. Cf. also O. Schlüter, “Die leitenden
Gesichtspunkte der Anthropogeographie, insbesondere der Lehre
Friedrich Ratzels,” Arch. f. Sozialwissenschaft, Bd. IV (1906), S.
581–630, and Rudolf Goldscheid, Höherentwicklung und
Menschenökonomie, I [Philosophisch-soziologische Bücherei, Band
VIII], (Leipzig: W. Klinkhardt, 1911, 664 pp.), p. 52. For
bibliographies, in addition to those yet to be mentioned, see also
Ratzel, l.c., pp. 579–85; Brunhes, l.c., nn.; Ellen C. Semple,
Influences of Geographic Environment, On the Basis of Ratzel’s
System of Anthropo-geography (New York: H. Holt & Co., 1911, 637
pp.), to each chapter of which an extensive bibliography is added;
William J. Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins (Chicago and
London, 1909) pp. 134–39: Bibliography to Part I: The Relation of
Society to Geographic and Economic Environment (pp. 29–129,
Comment on Part I, pp. 130–33); Ripley, “Geography and
Sociology,” Pol. Sc. Quar., X (1895), pp. 654–5.

2. Dictionnaire de l’Académie Françoise. Quatrième Édition. Tome
Second (Paris, 1762), p. 143.

3. Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonné des Sciences, etc. Nouvelle
Éd. 1778, ed. by Diderot and D’Alembert, 21st vol., p. 853.

4. Cours de Philosophie Positive (6 vols., 1830–42, 5e édition, Paris,
1892–94), see vol. 3, p. 235 n.

5. Cp. esp. the Introduction to his Histoire de la Littérature Anglaise, 5
Tomes (8e Édition, Paris: Hachette, 1892); the first edition appeared
in 1863, after Taine had been at work on it for well-nigh a decade.

6. For Zola as the disciple of Taine, cf. H. Wiegler, Geschichte und
Kritik der Theorie des Milieus bei Émile Zola (Diss., Rostock, 1905),
esp. pp. 19–36.

7. Vide Émile Waxweiler, Esquisse d’une Sociologie (Bruxelles, 1906),
p. 65.

8. Dictionnaire de la Langue Française, vol. 3 (1885), pp. 559 f.

9. Verdeutschungen, Wörterbuch fürs tägliche Leben (Braunschweig,
Verlag von George Westermann, 1915, 176 pp.), p. 93.

10. Verdeutschungsbücher des Allgemeinen Deutschen Sprachvereins, III
(Zweite Aufl., neu bearb. v. Edward Lohmeyer, Berlin, Verlag des
Allgemeinen Deutschen Sprachvereins, 1915, 182 pp.), pp. 91 f.

11. Phénomènes de la vie (2e éd., Paris, 1885), t. I, p. 112. See
Waxweiler, l.c., p. 36.

12. Race Prejudice, transl. by Florence Wade-Evans (London, 1906), p.
130.

13. “The Services of Naturalism to Life and Literature. Reprinted, with
Additions, from The Sewanee Review, October, 1903,” p. 2.

14. See Murray’s NED., vol. III, Part II, (1897), p. 231.

15. Wörterbuch d. d. Sprache (1811), Bd. 5, S. 113.

16. See the article by I. Stosch on “Umwelt-milieu,” Zeitschrift für
Deutsche Wortforschung, g. v. Fr. Kluge, 7. Bd. (1905), pp. 58–9.

17. 2. Bd., 2. Hälfte (Leipzig: Otto Wigand, 1865), p. 1556b.

18. A. Gombert cites the passage in question in his article “Umwelt,” Z. f.
D. Wf., 7. Bd. (1905), pp. 150–52.

19. The Belgian sociologist De Greef, in his Introduction à la Sociologie
(1886–89), raised “Mésologie” (denoting “Erkenntnis der milieux”)
to a special introductory branch of sociology for the purpose of
discussing, according to Ratzel superficially, the external factors of
history; cf. Paul Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als
Soziologie, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), p. 70 and Ratzel, l.c. p. 29.
The term “Mésologie” was in use in France at an earlier date than
that. See for example the title of an article written at the close of the
Franco-German war by Dr. Bertillon, “De l´Influence du milieu ou
Mésologie,” La Philosophie Positive, Revue dirigée par É. Littré &
G. Wyrouboff, Tome IX (Paris, 1872), pp. 309–20. Or see M. E.
Jourdy, “De l´Influence du milieu ou Mésologie,” ibid., Tome X
(1873), pp. 154–60.

20. Fr. de Rougemont, in his important work Les deux cités; la
philosophie de l´histoire aux différents âges de l´humanité (1874)
treats this question exhaustively. See Robert Poehlmann, Hellenische
Anschauungen über den Zusammenhang zwischen Natur und
Geschichte (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1879, 93 pp.), pp. 8 f.

21. Vide Eugénie Dutoit, Die Theorie des Milieu (Diss., Bern, 1899, 136
pp.), pp. 52–5.

22. “Hippocrate fut le premier à observer quelques-uns des effets du
milieu sur l’individu. Ses observations sont nécessairement
nébuleuses et chaotiques, plutôt descriptives et qualitatives, étant
donnée l’imperfection des connaissances de son temps.”—Auguste
Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), p.
6 (Avant-Propos).

23. “Wir sahen, daß sich das Buch des Hippokrates durchaus darauf
beschränkte, die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Landesnatur und
Volkscharakter zu erörtern.”—Poehlmann, l.c., p. 51.

24. “Hippokrates von Kos, ‘der Vater der Heilkunde’ (ca. 460 bis ca.
370), ist der Begründer der Anthropogeographie. Er schrieb ein Buch
über Klima, Wasser und Bodenbeschaffenheit und ihren Einfluß auf
die Bewohner eines Landes in physischer und geistiger Beziehung.
Der philosophische Gedanke war damit angeregt, fand aber keine
weitere Entwicklung.”—F. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen, etc. (Berlin,
1908), p. 7.

25. System of Positive Polity (4 vols., London: Longmans, Green & Co.,
1875–77—the original was published in 1851–54), vol. II, p. 364: “...
a study [of the aggregate of material influences: Astronomical,
Physical, Chemical] which was commenced by the great Hippocrates
in his admirable and unequalled Treatise upon Climate.”

26. Haddon and Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (1910), p. 150.—
Poehlmann discusses Hippocrates in Hellenische Anschauungen, etc.,
pp. 12–37.—Ludwig Stein, in his book Die soziale Frage im Lichte
der Philosophie (2. verb. Aufl., Stuttgart, 1903), p. 403, n., says that
“Aless. Chiapelli, Le promesse filosofiche del Socialismo (Napoli,
1897), p. 41, hebt die interessante Tatsache hervor, daß die Lehre
vom ‘Milieu’ ihrem Keime nach auf Hippokrates zurückgeht.” But a
little over three decades earlier, Peschel in his Geschichte der
Erdkunde (1. Aufl., 1865) surveyed on two pages some important
phases of Hippocrates and Strabo on milieu. And earlier still, a half
century before Peschel, Ukert in his Geographie der Griechen und
Römer (1816), I, 1, 79, noted Hippocrates as carefully observing the
effect of climate on the body and mind of man. (Vide Poehlmann, l.c.,
pp. 7 f.)—And to Herder, Hippocrates was the principal author on
climate: “... Hippocrat. de aere, locis et aquis, ... Für mich der
Hauptschriftsteller über das Klima.”—Herders Sämmtliche Werke,
hg. v. B. Suphan, 13, 269 n.

27. See Dutoit, Die Theorie des Milieu, pp. 55–8.

28. Poehlmann, l.c., p. 68.—Aristotle neglects to give credit to
Hippocrates in connection with his ideas on environment, although
indebted to Hippocrates whom he mentions elsewhere. See Dutoit,
l.c., p. 57.

29. “Varron, De re rustica, 1, cite une oeuvre d’Eratosthènes où celui-ci
cherchait à démontrer que le caractère de l’homme et la forme du
gouvernement sont subordonnés au voisinage ou à l’éloignement du
soleil. Tentative sublime mais prématurée, pour ramener les
phénomènes sociaux à des lois uniques et générales.”—Auguste
Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), p.
6.

30. “Die vollständigste Beschreibung [of the earth] gab erst Strabo in
seinem Werk γεογραφικά. Hier begegnen wir zum zweitenmal der
philosophischen Idee, Mensch und Natur in Kausalzusammenhang
miteinander zu bringen. Strabos Geographie ist als ‘Länder- und
Völkerkunde’ das größte Werk des Altertums. Die Anschauung eines
kausalen Zusammenhanges des Menschen mit der Natur ging darauf
unter [according to him, until the middle of the eighteenth century,
until Montesquieu].”—Richthofen’s Vorlesungen, etc. (1908), p. 8.

31. Buckle and his Critics (London, 1895, 548 pp.), p. 7 n.

32. See Poehlmann, l.c., p. 7.—For a brief statement of the theory of
milieu in Greek writers (Thucydides, Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle,
Theophrastus), cf. Curtius, Boden und Clima von Athen (1877), p. 4 f.
For Aristotle, compare also Dondorff, Das hellenische Land als
Schauplatz der althellenischen Geschichte (Hamburg, 1899, 42 pp.),
pp. 11 f. Poehlmann, l.c., discusses the views on environment of
Herodotus (pp. 37–47), of Thucydides (pp. 52–4), of Xenophon (pp.
55 f.), of Ephoros [only fragments of his great work, A Universal
History, are extant; cited by Strabo] (pp. 56–9), of Plato (pp. 59–64),
of Aristotle (pp. 64–74), of Polybios (pp. 75–7), of Posidonios [in
Strabo and in Galen] (pp. 78–80), of Strabo (pp. 80–90), of Galen
(pp. 91 f.).

33. Vide Élisàr v. Kupffer, Klima und Dichtung, Ein Beitrag zur
Psychophysik [in Grenzfragen der Literatur und Medizin in
Einzeldarstellungen hg. v. S. Rahmer, Berlin, 4. Heft] (München,
1907), p. 63.

34. Translated into French by Baron Meg. F. de Slane (3 vols., Paris,
1862–8).

35. See R. Flint, History of the Philosophy of History, Historical
Philosophy in France and French Belgium and Switzerland (New
York: Scribner, 1894, 706 pp.), pp. 159 f.—“His [Mohammed Ibn
Khaldūn’s] fame rests securely ... on his magnum opus, the
‘Universal History,’ and especially on the first part of it, the
‘Prolegomena’ (p. 162).... They [the Prolegomena] may fairly be
regarded as forming a distinct and complete work.... It consists of a
preface, an introduction, and six sections or divisions (p. 163).”

36. Flint, l.c., pp. 164 f.

37. Vide infra, p. 27.

38. Flint, l.c., p. 164.—Cf. also pp. 158–72, for Ibn Khaldūn in general.

39. Cf. Kupffer, Klima and Dichtung, p. 63.

40. “Da Bodin hauptsächlich an die Anschauungen des Aristoteles
anknüpft, ...—Auch an Strabo, der dem Einfluß des Klimas und der
Landesnatur schon die schöpferischen Kräfte des Volksgeistes
gegenübergestellt hat, lehnt sich Bodin an.”—Fritz Renz, Jean Bodin,
Ein Beitrag z. Geschichte d. hist. Methode im 16. Jahrhundert
[Geschichtliche Untersuchungen hg. v. Karl Lamprecht, III. Bd., I.
Heft], (Gotha, 1905, 84 pp.), p. 48 n.

41. Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem, published in 1566.

42. Flint, l.c., 198.—The ‘Republic’ was first published in 1576 in French
under the title De la République. Eight years later (1584) Bodin
himself translated it into Latin as De Republica Libri Sex. See
Ludwig Stein, Die soziale Frage im Lichte der Philosophie (2. verb.
Aufl., Stuttgart, 1902), p. 217 n.

43. Compare Dutoit, Die Theorie des Milieu, pp. 58–62.

44. “Die physische Konstitution des Menschen hängt nach Bodin eng mit
den klimatischen Verhältnissen seiner Heimat zusammen und
entspricht dem Verhalten der Erde, die er bewohnt ...”—Renz, Jean
Bodin (1905), p. 50.—“... Da der animalische Körper wie alle Körper
aus einer Mischung der Elemente besteht, so ergibt sich eine direkte
Abhängigkeit der physischen Konstitution von der umgebenden
Natur, ja sogar eine Übereinstimmung mit dem Verhalten der Erde in
dem betreffenden Himmelsstrich. Der menschliche Körper reagiert
auf die klimatischen Einflüsse genau so wie die Erde, die er bewohnt,
...”—Ibidem, p. 44.

45. Discussed by Renz, l.c., pp. 47–61, in the chapter “Die Theorie des
Klimas.”—“Behandelt wird die Theorie des Klimas nach dem 5.
Kapitel des ‘Methodus,’ in dem sich Bodin zum ersten Male mit
dieser Doktrin befaßte; zur Erläuterung wird auch das 1. Kapitel des
V. Buches der ‘République’ herangezogen, in dem die Theorie des
Klimas, aber in gedrängterer Form, wiederholt wird.”—Ibid., p. 47 n.
Cf. also p. 45.

46. “Sogar das Temperament variiert nach dem Klima ...
“Wie das Temperament wird die Sprache von dem inneren
physischen Bau abhängig gedacht ...
“Ebenso wird die Fortpflanzungsfähigkeit in direkte Abhängigkeit
von der physischen Konstitution gebracht ...”—Ibid., pp. 52 f.

47. “Wie das Äußere und die physische Konstitution hängen auch die
Anlagen und Fähigkeiten der Völker mit den klimatischen
Verschiedenheiten zusammen ...”—Ibid., p. 54.

48. “... Nach der Dreiteilung der seelischen Fähigkeiten bei dem
Einzelmenschen und den Bewohnern jedes Staates werden die Völker
auf der ganzen Erde gruppiert, indem durch das Klima immer eine
Anlage besonders zur Ausbildung kommt ...”—Ibid., p. 46.

49. “... Bodin nimmt zwei Teile des menschlichen Seelenlebens an,
erstens eine allen Menschen gemeinsame, unveränderliche geistige
Befähigung, die Vernunft, und zweitens Anlagen, die von dem Klima

und der physischen Natur des Menschen abhängen. In der
‘République’ wird ausgeführt, daß diese abhängigen Anlagen nur
verschiedene von dem geographischen Milieu abhängige
Entwicklungsstufen des Verstandes sind, während dieser an sich von
den einzelnen Gegenden unabhängig ist ...”—Ibid., p. 45.

50. “... Indem er [Bodin] als erster in der Neuzeit auf streng
wissenschaftlicher Grundlage versucht, die Wechselwirkung, die
zwischen dem historischen Verlauf und der Natur stattfindet,
festzustellen, gelangt er zu der Annahme von zwei Teilen des geistig-
seelischen Innenlebens, eines von den umgebenden Verhältnissen
abhängigen und eines absoluten, gegen äußere Einflüsse sich passiv
verhaltenden Teils. Willensfreiheit neben der durch das Milieu
bedingten Ausbildung bestimmter Anlagen und Fähigkeiten ist der
mittlere Weg, den er zwischen der Annahme des zwingenden
Einflusses der äußeren Natur und der gänzlichen Unabhängigkeit von
ihr einschlägt ...”—Ibid., p. 77.

51. “Neben dem Horizontal- wendet Bodin den Vertikalmaßstab zur
Beurteilung der Völker an, indem er untersucht, wie die verschiedene
Erhebung des Bodens auf die Gestaltung des Volkscharakters
einwirkt ...
“Ebenso wird die Natur der Völker von der Qualität des heimatlichen
Bodens beeinflußt, ...”—Ibid., p. 58.—“Der Einfluß, der sich aus der
östlicheren oder westlicheren Wohnlage auf den Volkscharakter
geltend macht, ist, wo nicht in der Richtung Süd-Nord sich
erstreckende Gebirge eine deutlichere Scheidelinie bilden, nach
Bodin schwer zu bestimmen ...”—Ibid. p. 57.

52. “Neben der Vorstellung von der geistig-sittlichen Einheit der
Menschen geht die Erkenntnis der Verschiedenartigkeit der Nationen
und ihres Bildungsgrades her, die aus den partikularen Bedingungen
des nationalen Einzeldaseins resultiert. Zur Erklärung des
Volkscharakters wird, wie schon dargelegt, die Theorie des Klimas
herangezogen ...”—Ibid., p. 62.

53. “Bodin hat sich deswegen mit der Theorie des Klimas beschäftigt,
weil er in der Geschichte und im Völkerleben bestimmte regelmäßige
Erscheinungen wahrnahm, die er sich nur aus dem Einfluß des
geographischen Milieus erklären konnte. Bei dem strengen Festhalten
an der menschlichen Willensfreiheit konnte er sich diesen Einfluß nur
durch die Annahme einer von äußeren Verhältnissen abhängigen
Entwicklungsfähigkeit der geistigen Anlagen in bestimmter Richtung
erklären...”—Ibid., p. 60 f.—“Das unbedingte Festhalten an der
menschlichen Willensfreiheit mußte Bodin vor der Annahme
bewahren, daß der Einfluß des geographischen Milieus auf die
Menschen ein zwingender sei. Nur die Entwicklung der Anlagen wird
von der Umwelt bestimmt, nicht aber das sittliche Wollen ...”—Ibid.,
p. 59.

54. “Wo die äußere Natur zur Entwicklung schlechter Anlagen führt,
besitzt nach Bodin die Menschheit in der Erziehung ein Mittel,
diesem Übelstand zu begegnen.”—Ibid., p. 77.—“... den Menschen
[wird] die Fähigkeit zugesprochen ..., die schädlichen Einwirkungen
des Klimas wenn auch schwer, zu überwinden ...”—Ibid., p. 60.

55. L.c., p. 198.

56. “... Den Vergleich der drei Völkergruppen [südliche, mittlere,
nördliche] mit den menschlichen Lebensaltern hat Bodin von
Aristoteles entlehnt, was er Meth. V 140, 141 selbst zugibt.”—Renz,
l.c., p. 57.

57. L.c., p. 48.

58. Haddon and Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (London, 1910), p. 150.

59. L.c., p. 77.—For Bodin in general, cf. Renz, Jean Bodin; Flint, l.c.,
pp. 190–200; Ludwig Stein, Die soziale Frage im Lichte der
Philosophie, pp. 217–19. H. Morf, Französische Literatur im
Zeitalter der Renaissance (2. verb. Aufl., Straßburg: Trübner, 1914),
is brief on Bodin, vide esp. pp. 131 f.; cf. also p. 125.

60. Vide E. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode (5. u. 6. Aufl,
Leipzig, 1908), p. 230.

61. Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laws (translated from the French by Th.
Nugent, new ed., revised by J. V. Prichard, 2 vols., London: Geo. Bell
and Sons, 1906), I, 238–314.

62. “Seine [Montesquieu’s] Hervorkehrung des Einflusses, den Klima
und Bodenbeschaffenheit auf die Soziabilität der Menschennatur
ausüben, geht ebenfalls auf Locke, weiterhin auf Bodin zurück.”—L.
Stein, Die soziale Frage, etc., p. 364.—According to Dutoit (Die
Theorie des Milieu, p. 62), Montesquieu concealed his obligation to
Bodin.

63. L.c., pp. 238–53.

64. L.c., pp. 253–69.

65. L.c., pp. 270–83.

66. L.c., pp. 284–91.

67. L.c., pp. 291–314.

68. Flint, l.c., pp. 279 f.

69. Flint, l.c., p. 286.—(Turgot died in 1781.)

70. Ripley, The Races of Europe (1899), p. 4.—Cuvier was twenty years
younger than Goethe; both died in the same year.

71. E. G. Conklin, Heredity and Environment in the Development of Men
(Princeton Univ. Press, 1915, 533 pp.), p. 303.

72. Eckermanns Gespräche mit Goethe, neu herausgegeben v. H. H.
Houben (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1909), p. 264.

73. Ibid., p. 265.—These two passages are also cited by Kupffer, Klima
and Dichtung, p. 64.

74. Eckermanns Gespräche mit Goethe, p. 542.

75. Ibid., p. 546.

76. Karl Lamprecht, “Neue Kulturgeschichte” (pp. 449–64 in Das Jahr
1913, Ein Gesamtbild der Kulturentwicklung, hg. v. D. Sarason,
Leipzig-Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1913), p. 453.

77. Albert Poetzsch, Studien zur frühromantischen Politik und
Geschichtsauffassung (Leipzig: Voigtländer, 1907, 111 pp.), p. 89.

78. “Die Einwirkung der äußeren Natur auf die Geschichte tritt zurück
[in der romantischen Geschichtsphilosophie]”; and in a note is added:
“Wenn auch der Zusammenhang von Boden und Geschichte,
namentlich von natürl. Grenzen u. Staat, der Betrachtung nicht
verloren geht. Vgl. A. W. Schlegel, Enz. 216. 697.”—Ibid., p. 94.

79. Bernheim, Lehrb. d. hist. Methode, p. 650.

80. Ibid., p. 515.

81. See Ludwig Gumplowicz, Der Rassenkampf (2.... Aufl., Innsbruck,
1909), p. 9 n.

82. Vide the quotation from Hegel by Gumplowicz, l.c., p. 13 n.

83. This paper will carry the discussion through anthropo-geography.

84. The whole question, including Herder’s own idea thereof and his
indebtedness to preceding authors, both German and foreign, as well
as his influence upon succeeding writers at home and abroad, his
relation to his contemporaries, etc., will be essayed more fully in a
series of papers, to be published soon, dealing with “Herder’s
Conception of Milieu,” “Herder’s Relations to France,” “Herder’s
Relations to England,” and “Herder in His Own Milieu.”

85. The term “anthropo-geography” derives from the title of Fr. Ratzel’s
main work.—“... le domaine si intéressant, mais à peine défriché, de
l’anthropogéographie, semble avoir acquis à ce mot le droit de cité

dans le langage scientifique.”—L. Metchnikoff, La Civilisation et Les
Grands Fleuves Historiques (Paris, 1889), p. 70 and n.—In England,
and in America, it is commonly called human geography, after the
French “la géographie humaine.” Various names have been proposed
for this subject. See also W. Z. Ripley, “Geography and Sociology.”
The Viennese Erwin Hanslick, I believe, denominates it
“Kulturgeographie.”

86. Walther May, “Herders Anschauung der organischen Natur,” Archiv f.
d. Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften u. d. Technik, etc., Leipzig,
Bd. 4 (1913, S. 8–39, 89–113), p. 91.

87. Ferd. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen üb. Allgem. Siedlungs- u.
Verkehrsgeographie, bearb. u. hg. v. O. Schlüter (Berlin, 1908), p. 11.

88. “... Ritter selbst hat keine methodische Darstellung, kein Lehrgebäude
gegeben; sondern nur Andeutungen, die anregend sind. Daher blieb
Ritters Grundidee fast ohne Einfluß auf die Geographie; nur die
Historiker haben sie sich angeeignet und haben seitdem größeres
Gewicht auf die Landesnatur gelegt.”—Ibid., p. 11.

89. Cosmos, a Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe,
translated by E. C. Otté (5 vols., New York: Harper, 1875–77), p. 48.

90. Die Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des
Menschen oder eine allgemeine, vergleichende Geographie was
published in two volumes at Berlin in 1817–18; the second edition,
completely revised, appeared in nineteen volumes from 1822 to 1859,
the year of his death. Neither edition is finished; the second deals
only with Africa (vol. 1) and Asia (vols. 2–19).

91. Die Naturkunde, etc.—See Th. Achelis, Moderne Völkerkunde
(Stuttgart, 1896), p. 71.

92. Ibid., see Achelis, l.c., pp. 72 f.

93. In Felix Lampe’s book, Große Geographen, Bilder aus der
Geschichte der Erdkunde (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1915,

288 S. [Band 28 der v. B. Schmid in Zwickau herausgegebenen
“Naturwissenschaftlichen Bibliothek”]), neither the chapter on Ritter
(pp. 227–33), nor that on “Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der
Gegenwart” (pp. 281–87) is very full.

94. Stuttgart & Tübingen, 1808.

95. Views of Nature (London, 1850), Author’s Preface, p. X.

96. p. 382. See Achelis, Moderne Völkerkunde, pp. 88 f.—The relation of
man to environment is also referred to in Cosmos (English translation
by Otté), I, pp. 351–9.—Kosmos was originally published as follows:
vols. 1 and 2 in 1845–7; vols. 3 and 4 in 1850–8; vol. 5 in 1862.

97. Leipzig, 1841.

98. Kohl, Der Verkehr, etc., p. 111. See Achelis, l.c., pp. 80 f.

99. Ibid.

100. Kohl, l.c., p. 537. See Achelis, l.c., pp. 81 f.

101. Kohl, Ibid.,—See Achelis, l.c., pp. 82 f.—The manifold influences of
nature are also exemplified in Kohl’s Die geographische Lage der
Hauptstädte Europas, 1874, and L. Felix, Der Einfluß der Natur auf
die Entwicklung des Eigentums, 1893.

102. Über den Einfluß der äußeren Natur auf die sozialen Verhältnisse der
einzelnen Völker und die Geschichte der Menschheit überhaupt,
1848; later published in Studien aus dem Gebiete der
Naturwissenschaft, I, 1876.

103. Deutschlands Boden, sein geologischer Bau und dessen
Einwirkungen auf das Leben der Menschen, 2 Bde., Leipzig, 1854.

104. 501 pp., Breslau: F. Hirt, 1855.

105. Kutzen himself says in the Vorwort that he “leans on” Cotta; he cites
the latter, for instance, on p. 466.

106. Die Naturgeschichte des Volkes als Grundlage einer deutschen
Sozialpolitik, vol. 1 (11th ed., Stuttgart: Cotta, 1908): Land und
Leute.

107. Vide the first Preface, written in 1853, to volume one, pp. VI-VII.

108. Die Naturgeschichte, etc., I, p. 42.

109. Ibid., Vorwort zur achten Auflage, 1883, p. X.

110. Die Naturgeschichte, etc., Vierter Band, “Wanderbuch,” als zweiter
Teil zu “Land und Leute.” Vierte Aufl., 1903, p. 32.

111. G. P. Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century
(London & N. Y.; Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 576.

112. Gooch, ibid., p. 575.

113. For Riehl’s view of milieu in a scheme of sciences, cf. Die
Naturgeschichte, etc., I, pp. 40–2.

114. 164 pp., Meyers Volksbücher, Leipzig u. Wien: Bibliographisches
Institut, s.a.—This essay forms the second chapter in Hans Meyer’s
Das deutsche Volkstum (2. Aufl., 1903), pp. 41–122.

115. Moderne Völkerkunde, p. 81, n.

116. 2. Aufl., 1905 (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt, 31. Bändchen, Leipzig: B.
G. Teubner), 127 pp.—It has been translated into English under the
title Man and Earth (London & N. Y., 1906. Reprinted 1914, 223 pp.)
by A. S. “from the second amended German edition,” in which are
intercalated two chapters: Chapter V, on The British Isles and Britons,
by the author; and Chapter VI, on America and the Americans, by the
translator.—The first four chapters of a general nature—features of
the globe, sea, steppes and deserts, in their influence on civilization,
the influence of man on landscape—are followed by four chapters on
The British Isles and Britons, America and the Americans, Germany
and the Germans, China and the Chinese.

117. Vorlesungen, etc., delivered at Berlin in 1891 and 1897/8.

118. “... Es ist mehr unsere Aufgabe gewesen, in dem großen Getriebe der
Siedlung und des Verkehrs der allmählichen Entwicklung
nachzugehen, das steigende Maß der Überwindung von Widerständen
durch den Menschen zu zeigen, die Kräfte zu untersuchen, welche in
der Entwicklung wirksam sind,—als bei der großen Fülle des
Tatsächlichen der heutigen Zeit zu verweilen.” Vorlesungen, p. 351.

119. It will be noted that Herder is not mentioned here.

120. Ellen C. Semple, Influences of Geographic Environment (N. Y.,
1911), p. V.

121. “In Germany the exponents of these theories [of environmental
influence] were Cotta and Kohl, and later Peschel, Kirchhof, Bastian,
and Gerland; but the greatest name of all is that of Fr. Ratzel, who has
written the standard work on Anthropogeographie.”—Haddon and
Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (London, 1910), p. 152.—The first
vol. of Ratzel’s Anthropogeographie was published in 1882, 2nd ed.
in 1899, the second vol. in 1897.

122. As further illustration, it might be instructive to compare here the
chapter headings of Semple’s Influences of Geographic Environment,
which book was written “On the Basis of Ratzel’s System of
Anthropo-geography.” They are as follows: I—Operation of
Geographic Factors in History (1–31); II—Classes of Geographic
Influences (22–50); III—Society and State in Relation to the Land
(51–73); IV—Movements of Peoples in Their Geographical
Significance (74–128); V—Geographical Location (129–67); VI—
Geographical Area (168–203); VII—Geographical Boundaries (204–
41); VIII—Coast Peoples (242–91); IX—Oceans and Enclosed Seas
(292–317); X—Man’s Relation to the Water (318–35); XI—The
Anthropo-geography of Rivers (336–80); XII—Continents and Their
Peninsulas (380–408); XIII—Island Peoples (409–72); XIV—Plains,
Steppes and Deserts (473–523); XV—Mountain Barriers and Their
Passes (524–56); XVI—Influences of a Mountain Environment (557–
606); XVII—The Influences of Climate upon Man (607–37).

123. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen, p. 13.

124. 1897; 2. Aufl. 1903.

125. “Diese [die enge Erdgebundenheit] in ihrer ganzen tiefgreifenden
Bedeutung für das staatliche Leben erkannt und dargelegt zu haben,
bleibt freilich für immer ein großes Verdienst der ‘Politischen
Geographie’ ...”—O. Schlüter, “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte d.
Anthropogeogr.,” Arch. f. Sozialwiss., Bd. IV, p. 620.

126. Vide Richthofen, l.c., p. 12.

127. 2 vols., München, 1893; see vol. 2, 2nd ed.: Politische Geographie
der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, unter besonderer
Berücksichtigung der natürlichen Bedingungen u. wirtschaftlichen
Verhältnisse (763 pp.), esp. pp. 1–176.

128. London, 1896 (this is a translation of his Völkerkunde, 1887/8), cf.
the opening pp. of vol. 1.

129. In Helmolt, The History of the World (N. Y., 1902), vol. 1, pp. 62–
103, where Ratzel discusses in turn The Coherence of Countries, The
Relation of Man to the Collective Life of the Earth, Races and States
as Organisms, Historical Movement, Natural Regions, Climate and
Location, Geographical Situation, Area, Population, The Water-
Oceans, Seas, and Rivers, Conformation of the Earth’s Surface.

130. London & N. Y.: Longmans, 1915.

131. See The Nation, N. Y., March 18, 1915, p. 310.

132. Paris, 1911, 420 pp.

133. Semple, l.c., p. VI; cf. also Ratzel, Anthropogeogr., I,2 p. XII.

134. Archiv f. Sozialwissenschaft, Bd. IV (1906), pp. 581–630.

135. For Ratzel, cf. also Paul Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als
Soziologie, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), pp. 227–30; Jean Brunhes, La

Géographie Humaine, 2e éd. (Paris: Alcan, 1912), pp. 39–47.

136. Buckle, History of Civilization (1867), p. 32 n.

137. Robertson, Buckle and his Critics (London, 1895), p. 8 n.

138. 4. vols., 1822–3.

139. Flint, l.c., pp. 577–9. See also p. 576.

140. Vide supra my note no. 84.

141. Flint, l.c., p. 467.

142. The History of Civilization from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the
French Revolution (4 vols., translated by Wm. Hazlitt, N. Y.: D.
Appleton & Co., 1867—the lectures were delivered in the years 1828,
1829, and 1830), vol. 2, pp. 109 f.

143. “Gothein had attracted attention by a study of the civilisation of
Southern Italy, which he had traversed on foot as Riehl had traversed
the Palatinate.”—Gooch, l.c., p. 587.

144. “Voila pourquoi il [Michelet] va en Italie avant d’écrire son Histoire
Romaine; il veut avoir l’impression, le contact du sol, du climat, du
paysage.”—Lanson, Hist. de la Litt. Franç. (1912), p. 1021 n.

145. Abry-Audic-Crouzet, Littérature Française (3e éd., Paris, 1916), p.
580.

146. Jules Simon, Mignet, Michelet, Henri Martin (Paris, 1890), p. 191.

147. Flint, l.c., p. 540.

148. Philos. Erdk. als wissenschaftliche Darstellung der Erdverhältnisse u.
des Menschenlebens nach ihrem inneren Zusammenhange, 2 vols.,
Braunschweig, 1845; the 2nd ed. appeared in 1868 under the title
Allgemeine Vergleichende Erdkunde.—This book holds a high place
in Ratzel’s estimation: “Kapp, dessen Philos. Erdk. eine tiefgedachte,

von überragendem philosophischem Standpunkte aus gewonnene
Übersicht der Naturbedingtheit des Geschichtsverlaufes in den
größten Zügen entrollt, ...”—Ratzel, Anthropogeographie, I2, p. 34.

149. See Achelis, l.c., pp. 76 f.

150. Brunhes, l.c., p. 38 n.

151. Boston, 1849—It has been translated into English under the title The
Earth and man, or Physical geography in its relation to the history of
mankind, Slightly abridged, etc. (London: Parker, 1852), and into
German as Grundzüge der vergleichenden physikalischen Erdkunde
in ihrer Beziehung zur Geschichte des Menschen (1851).

152. (N. Y.: D. Appleton & Co., 1867—first published in 1857–61), vol. I,
pp. 29–106: Influence exercised by physical laws over the
organization of society and over the character of individuals.

153. Buckle and his Critics, London, 1895, 548 pp.

154. Camille Vallaux, Géographie Sociale (Paris, 1911), p. 23.

155. Vide supra, p. 46 f.

156. Anthropogeographie, I2, p. 87.

157. The German original appeared in 1857–67, and the English
translation by A. W. Ward in 1868–73.

158. New York: Scribner, vol. I (1871), pp. 9–46; cf. esp. pp. 9–25, 34, 37.

159. Boden und Klima von Athen. Rede in der öffentlichen Sitzung [der
Kgl. Akademie der Wissenschaften] am Leibniztage 5. Juli 1877 (15
pp.).

160. For the same, cf. also H. Koester “Über den Einfluß landschaftlicher
Verhältnisse auf die Entwicklung des attischen Volkscharakters”
(Progr., Saarbrücken, 1898).

161. E.g. by Ratzel, jointly with Curtius’ account thereof. Cf.
Anthropogeogr., I2, p. 37.

162. In 12 vols., vol. II (London: John Murray, 1869), Part II, ch. I, pp.
213–37.

163. Political effects of locality: strengthened defense; difficulty of attack;
politically disunited; indefinite multiplication of self-governing cities.

164. Intellectual effects of locality: the geographical position made them
mountaineers and mariners; variety of experience; each petty
community possessed an individual life, yet sympathized with the
remainder; commerce with a great diversity of half-country-men;
Grecian festivals; Homer dependent upon the conditions of his age.

165. Oxford, Clarendon Press (1911, 454 pp.), pp. 13–64. “It is now
generally admitted that neither an individual nor a nation can be
properly understood without a knowledge of their surroundings and
means of support—in other words, of their geographical and
economic conditions.”—Ibid., Preface, p. 5.

166. Zimmern refers in this book—e.g. p. 18, 41, 43, et al.—to the
writings of Myres: “Greek Lands and the Greek People,” “Herodotus
and Anthropology” (in “Anthropology and the Classics”), and “The
Geographical Aspect of Greek Colonization” (in Proceedings of the
Classical Association, vol. VIII—1911).—Cf. also H. Dondorff, Das
hellenische Land als Schauplatz der althellenischen Geschichte, in
Sammlung gemeinverständlicher wissenschaftlicher Vorträge,
begründet von Virchow u. Holtzendorf, 1889, Neue Folge, Serie 3,
Heft 72.

167. Revised ed., in 2 vols. (N. Y.: Harper & Brothers, 1876). The Preface
of the first ed. is dated 1861.

168. Heinrich Boehmer, Geschichte der Entwicklung der
naturwissenschaftlichen Weltanschauung in Deutschland (Gotha,
1872, 232 pp.), p. 195: “... Herdersche Ideen waren leitend für den
Aufbau der Geschichte.”

169. Leipzig, 1878–86.

170. Cited by Achelis, l.c., p. 84.

171. Ibid., pp. 85 f.

172. Ibid., p. 86.

173. “... Indessen darf man nicht vergessen, daß die allgemeine Gestalt der
Kontinente und der Meere und aller besonderer Züge der Erde in der
Geschichte der Menschheit einen wesentlich wechselnden Wert
besitzen, je nach dem Stande der Kultur, auf welchem die Nationen
angelangt sind ...”—Ibid.

174. Ibid., p. 87.

175. Paris, 1886.

176. Vide P. Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Soziologie
(Leipzig, 1897), p. 230.

177. See Barth, l.c., pp. 231 f.

178. Ibid., p. 233.—Mougeoulle makes the milieu account for the great
men in history, the great popular epics, social and historical life in
general; the tendencies of the three historical schools—German,
French, and English—are connected with the differences in the
milieus of their respective countries.—Cf. ibid., pp. 230–2.

179. Avec une Préface de M. Élisée Réclus (Paris: Hachette, 1889, 369
pp.), pp. 53–71.

180. Ibid., p. 156; 130.

181. Ibid., p. 154; 157 f.

182. Ibid., p. 278; 190 ff.; 188; 135.—But why does he confine himself to
these four countries?

183. Ibid., p. 185; 364. For a general statement on the significance of
rivers, cf. ibid., pp. 188–90. The particular nature of the rivers of the
“territoire des civilisations fluviales” imposed on the inhabitants the
yoke of despotism.—Ibid., p. 161.

184. Ibid., pp. 364 f.

185. Ibid., p. 364.

186. Ibid., e.g., p. 128; 224–27.

187. His general theory is stated on pp. 39–42, 53–71, 79 f., 89, 99 f.,
102–60. Chapter 7, pp. 161–90, is a general discussion of the
geographical environment of the “Civilisations Fluviales,” followed
successively by a detailed treatment of “Le Nil” (ch. 8, pp. 191–234),
of “Le Tigre et L’Euphrate” (ch. 9, pp. 235–78), of “L’Indus et Le
Gange” (ch. 10, pp. 279–319), of “Le Hoang-Ho et Le Yangtse-
Kiang” (ch. 11, pp. 320–66).

188. W. D. Babington, Fallacies of Race Theories as Applied to National
Characteristics (Longmans, Green & Co., 1895).

189. N. Y., Scribner, 1893, 290 pp.

190. For the rôle of the physical milieu in American history, cf. also: Justin
Winsor, The Mississippi Basin, The Struggle in America between
England and France: 1697–1763 (Boston & N. Y., 1898) [influence
of geography over history during colonization and settlement];
Frederick Jackson Turner, Rise of the New West: 1819–1829 (N. Y. &
London: Harper & Brothers, 1906) [vol. 14 of The American Nation,
A History, ed. by A. B. Hart, in 27 vols. In the Author’s Preface, p.
XVII, Turner remarks: “In the present volume I have kept before
myself the importance of regarding American development as the
outcome of economic and social as well as political forces.” And, he
should have added, of geographical environment. Vide especially the
first half of his book for the working out of his milieu idea]; James
Bryce, The American Commonwealth, (2 vols., new ed., completely
revised, N. Y.: Macmillan, 1910–11) [see vol. 2, ch. 91 (pp. 449–68),

“The home of the nation,” for a statement of the influence of physical
conditions on American history]; E. C. Semple, American History
and Its Geographic Conditions (Boston & N. Y.: Houghton, Mifflin
& Co., 1903, 435 pp.) [regarded, I believe, as one of the best treatises
on the subject]; A. P. Brigham, Geographic Influences in American
History (Boston: Ginn, 1903, 355 pp.) [a concrete essay; has much
physiography; includes present conditions]; A. M. Simons, Social
Forces in American History (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1914, 325 pp.) [a
discussion of the effect of the industrial and economic environment
on social institutions in America]; perhaps it may be added here that
some American universities offer a course on the relation of
geography to American history.

191. See Ripley, “Geography and Sociology” (1895), p. 637; and Ripley,
The Races of Europe (1899), pp. 4 ff.; for titles of their writings on
this subject, cf. ibid., pp. 4–6 nn., and “Geogr. and Soc.,” pp. 654 f.

192. 8 vols., N. Y., Dodd, Mead & Co., 1902–7.

193. See Bryce’s article in Helmolt’s Hist. of the World, vol. 1, p. XL.

194. “Anderseits wieder hat ja Helmolt in seinem geschichtlichen
Sammelwerke im Geiste Ratzels den Versuch gemacht, ein
Gesamtgeschichtsbild auf geographischer Grundlage aufzubauen, so
daß kein Teil der Ökumene aus der Weltgeschichte ausgeschlossen
bleibt.”—L. Gumplowicz, Der Rassenkampf (2 .... Aufl., 1909), p.
403 (Anhang).

195. “... die bisherigen Weltgeschichten waren gar keine Geschichte der
Welt oder auch nur unserer Welt, sondern einzig eine solche der
Kulturnationen. Mit dieser Gepflogenheit hat Helmolts Werk in
ebenso glücklicher wie origineller Weise gebrochen, indem es zum
ersten Male die Länder- und Völkerkunde in den Dienst der
Weltgeschichtsdarstellung hineinzog.”—From a review of the first
ed. of Helmolts Weltgeschichte (1899) in the “Braunschweigische
Landeßeitung” (February 4, 1908), quoted in the prospectus of the
second German edition.

196. History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1913).

197. Second ed., Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1903, 288 pp.

198. George, l.c., p. V (Preface).

199. Ibid., pp. 111 f.—George cites no authorities or sources; he has no
bibliography; he does not quote a single book in his discussion; he
has no Auseinandersetzung with his predecessors in the field; and
finally, he gives no clue as to the origin of his data.—Chaps. 1–8 (pp.
1–110) are the general part of the book; chaps. 9–20 (pp. 111–282)
deal with: The Outlines of Europe, The British Islands, France, The
Spanish Peninsula, Italy, The Alpine Passes, Switzerland, The
Rhineland, The Baltic Region, The Danube Basin, Theatres of
European War, The Mediterranean Basin.

200. A. W. Small, General Sociology (Chicago, 1905), p. 53.

201. The distinguished Italian historian is the son-in-law of the late
eminent Italian criminologist Cesare Lombroso.

202. Vide Jean Brunhes, La Géographie Humaine (2e éd., Paris, 1912), p.
721.—For references to historical works dealing with history on a
geographical basis, cf. ibid. (1e éd., Paris, 1910), ch. X, 1: L’esprit
géographique dans les sciences économiques, sociales et historiques
(pp. 739 ff., esp. 774 ff. [Michelet, Vidal de la Blache, Th. Reinach,
A. Leroy-Beaulieu, C. Jullian, A. Harnack, H. F. Helmolt, G. Ferrero,
E. C. Semple, Erwin Hanslick, & o.]).

203. Die geographischen Grundlagen der österreichisch-ungarischen
Monarchie u. ihrer Außenpolitik (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner,
1915).

204. See the review of Sieger’s book by Edwin Rollett in the
Österreichische Rundschau, Bd. 43, H. 4 (15. Mai 1915), pp. 188 f.

205. Boston & N. Y., Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1907.

206. Cf. esp. ch. 18 (pp. 359–85) for a summary of conclusions.

207. Vide e.g. James Harvey Robinson’s The New History, Essays
Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1912),
for references to the theory of milieu, cf. esp. p. 64, 73, 76 f., 92 f., 97
f., 124–6, 144, 145 f., 247, 253–7, and ch. 3 (pp. 70 ff.): The new
allies of history. Or take for choice the title of a recent book by
Charles A. Beard: An Economic Interpretation of American Politics
(Macmillan, 1916), to be further persuaded of the attention bestowed
by historians on the milieu. Or, see works by Seligman and J. T.
Shotwell.

208. Vide C. Vallaux, Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État (Paris, 1911),
p. 23.—Such economists as Blanqui, Bastiat, and J.—B. Say, brought
to light the geographical bases of the material life of societies. The
sociologists themselves, “bien que leur science soit jeune, n’ont pas
toujours oublié le cadre naturel et la position terrestre des agrégats
qu’ils étudient. Par tous ces chercheurs de tendances diverses, la
géographie humaine et la géographie politique ont progressé tout
autant que par les efforts des géographes proprement dits.”—Ibid.

209. E. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode (5. u. 6. Aufl.,
Leipzig, 1908), p. 316; 636.—Cf. also E. Fr. Th. Lindner,
Geschichtsphilosophie, das Wesen der geschichtlichen Entwicklung
(2. erweiterte u. umgearb. Aufl., Stuttg. u. Berlin: Cotta, 1904, 241
pp.), 2. Abschnitt (pp. 23–34): Die Veränderung, but more esp. 10.
Abschnitt (pp. 217–41): Die Ursachen u. die Weise der Entwicklung.

210. For orientation and literature on views opposing the naturalistic
interpretation of history, cf. L. Stein, Philosophische Strömungen der
Gegenwart (Stuttgart, Verl. v. F. Enke, 1908), pp. 430 ff.

211. See G. P. Gooch, History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century
(London & N. Y.: Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 573; see ch. 28
(pp. 573–94): “The History of Civilisation;” also The Cambridge
Modern History [ed. by A. W. Ward and others, Cambridge: The
Univ. Press, 1910], vol. 12: The Latest Age, ch. 26 (pp. 816 ff.: “The
Growth of Historical Science” by G. P. Gooch).

212. Economic Geography (N. Y.: Macmillan, s.a.—1915?—; not earlier
than 1910, for statistics for that year are given in the text; 560 pp.), p.
1.

213. “Since his [Buckle’s] time much more has been done, not only in
studying, as Buckle himself did, the immediate influence of climate
and soil, but also in explaining the allied field of the effect of the
fauna and the flora on social development. The subject of the
domestication of animals, for instance, and its profound effect on
human progress has not only been investigated by a number of recent
students [especially E. Hahn, Die Haustiere u. ihre Beziehung zur
Wirtschaft des Menschen, 1896], but has been made the very basis of
the explanation of early American civilization by one of the most
brilliant and most learned of recent historians [Payne, History of the
New World called America; esp. vol. 1, bk. II]. A Russian scholar has
shown in detail the connection between the great rivers and the
progress of humanity, and the whole modern study of economic
geography is but an expansion on broader lines of the same idea.”—
Edwin R. A. Seligman, The Economic Interpretation of History (N.
Y.: The Columbia Univ. Press, 1902, 166 pp.), pp. 13 f.

214. See Wm. Morris Davis, Geographical Essays, ed. by D. W. Johnson
(Ginn & Co.: Boston, s.a., copyright 1909), esp. the first two essays:
“An inductive study of the content of geography” (1906), pp. 3–22,
and “The progress of geography in the schools” (1902), pp. 23–69.

215. In an address delivered at the dedication of Julius Rosenwald Hall,
printed in The University of Chicago Magazine (vol. VII, No. 6—
April, 1915—, pp. 175–8) under the title “Some Matters of History.”
See p. 177.

216. Felix Lampe, in Große Geographen (Leipzig, 1915), has a rather
brief chapter (pp. 281–7) on “Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der
Gegenwart.”

217. See the Introductory Essay by the Right Hon. [now Viscount] James
Bryce in Helmolt’s Hist. of the World, vol. 1, pp. I-LX, esp. pp. XXV-
XLI.

218. A. J. Herbertson and F. D. Herbertson, Man and his Work, an
Introduction to Human Geography (London: Black, 1909, 132 pp.),
p. 6.

219. N. Y., G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1908, 363 pp.

220. “In the chapters on the life of man in the different zones, I have made
liberal use of Ratzel’s Anthropogeographie (2d ed., Stuttgart,
1899).”—Ward, op. cit., p. VI.

221. Ward, op. cit., p. V.

222. N. Y. and London, 1911. See ch. 4, pp. 94–129.

223. Paris, 1911, 420 pp.

224. Vide supra, p. 27.

225. “Die soziale Geographie, hauptsächlich von Bastian und Ratzel tiefer
begründet, wird gegenwärtig immer sorgsamer ausgebaut und hat
namentlich in dem Wiener Erwin Hanslick einen eifrigen Förderer,
der auf die Ermittlung von geographischen Kulturgrenzen ausgeht. In
andrer Weise nimmt von ihr Willy Hellpach seinen Ausgang, der
Geographie, Psychologie und Soziologie zu einem neuen Gebiet zu
vereinigen sucht.”—Rudolf Goldscheid, “Soziologie” in Das Jahr
1913, Ein Gesamtbild der Kulturentwicklung, herausgegeben von D.
Sarason (Leipzig und Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1913), p. 432.

226. Leipzig, W. Engelmann, 1911, 368 pp.—“Hier [in Hellpach’s book]
wird alles zusammengefaßt, was über den Einfluß von ‘Wetter, Klima
und Landschaft’ auf das Seelenleben bekannt ist.”—Otto Schlüter,
“Anthropogeographie” in Das Jahr 1913, etc., p. 401.

227. See Hellpach, op. cit., p. 4.—Chiefly with those of the atmosphere;
he devotes nine pages (98–107) to the telluric elements of the
weather, and 87 pages (230–317) to the third main part of the book:
“Landschaft und Seelenleben.” For soil as a co-factor, cf. also the ch.
“Klimawechsel” in Part II (pp. 118–38). Hellpach defines Landschaft

(p. 230) as follows: “Unter Landschaft verstehen wir den sinnlichen
Gesamteindruck, der von einem Stück der Oberfläche und dem dazu
gehörigen Abschnitt des Himmelsgewölbes in uns erweckt wird. ...
das sichtbare Landschaftsbild bildet unter allen Umständen den Kern
dessen, was wir Landschaft nennen ... [And he adds that for an
investigation of the effect of Landscape upon the human soul] sind
die nicht-optischen sinnlichen Eigenschaften der Landschaft von
unentbehrlicher Bedeutung: Töne und Geräusche, Düfte und Gerüche
und eine höchst verwickelte Summe von Affizierungen der
Berührungs-, Temperatur-, ja zuweilen der Schmerzempfindlichkeit
erst bilden mit Farben und Formen zusammen das natürliche Ganze,
das wir in seelischen Wirkungen als Landschaft erleben.”

228. Vide, e.g., p. 8.

229. Hellpach himself testifies (p. 318) that his book is a “Sammlung der
Tatsachen.” Cf. also Schlüter’s opinion cited above in note no. 226.

230. Manifestly, this is to be understood as a virtue in Hellpach, and not as
a fault, since this conviction is gained only by dint of Hellpach’s clear
delimitation of the scope of his work; it constitutes one of the results
of his own labor.

231. See Schlüter’s art. in Das Jahr 1913, p. 402.

232. Paris, 1910; 2nd ed. 1912.

233. For a statement of principles (theoretical exposition), cf. the first two
chaps. (pp. 1–92); for a summary, cf. ch. X, section 2 (pp. 780–9):
“Le facteur psychologique dans les phénomènes naturels et l’activité
humaine,” and section 3 (pp. 790–807): “L’adaptation humaine aux
conditions géographiques.” In the preface to the second ed., there are
quoted seven pages from a review of the first ed. of Brunhes’ work by
Paul Mantoux, wherein the scope, content, and import of the first ed.
are succinctly summarized.

234. N. Y., 1911, 637 pp.

235. Vide Wm. J. Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins (Chicago and
London, 1909), p. 138 (Bibliogr. to Part I).—Without fear of
contradiction, it may be said that the best two recent treatises on
human geography are those by Brunhes and Semple.—For a brief
concrete anthropo-geographical sketch, besides the works previously
cited, cf. also W. Ule, Grundriß der Allgemeinen Erdkunde (2. verm.
Aufl., Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1915, 487 pp.), pp. 361 ff. See also the brief
résumé in G. Schmoller’s Grundr. d. Allgem. Volkswirtschaftslehre
(Leipzig, 1901), pp. 144 ff.

236. “Unverkennbar ist es, daß die Naturgewalten in ihren bedingenden
Einflüssen auf das Persönliche der Völkerentwicklung immer mehr
und mehr zurückweichen mußten, in demselben Maße wie diese
vorwärts schritten. Sie übten im Anfange der Menschengeschichte als
Naturimpulse über die ersten Entwicklungen in der Wiege der
Menschheit einen sehr entscheidenden Einfluß aus, dessen
Differenzen wir vielleicht noch in dem Naturschlage der
verschiedenen Menschenrassen oder ihrer physisch verschiedenen
Völkergruppen aus einer gänzlich unbekannten Zeit wahrzunehmen
vermochten. Aber dieser Einfluß mußte abnehmen, ... Die zivilisierte
Menschheit entwindet sich nach und nach, ebenso wie der einzelne
Mensch, den unmittelbar bedingenden Fesseln der Natur und ihres
Wohnortes. Die Einflüsse derselben Naturverhältnisse und derselben
tellurischen Weltstellungen der erfüllten Räume bleiben sich also
nicht durch alle Zeiten gleich.” Ritter, l.c.; see Achelis, op. cit., p. 74
et seq.

237. “Man ist in Nachfolge C. Ritters vielfach geneigt, anzunehmen, daß
die Natureinflüsse sich mit zunehmender Kultur immer weniger
geltend machen.”—E. Bernheim, Lehrb. d. hist. Methode (Leipzig,
1908), p. 642.

238. Theo. Waitz, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, I (Leipzig, 1859), p.
341; see Achelis, op. cit., p. 185.

239. “Die Einteilung der Menschheit war nur geographisch-historisch
möglich. Denn der Mensch steht in fester Abhängigkeit, in engstem
Verbande zu der Natur, aus und an welcher er sich entwickelt hat, zur

Natur der Erde, welcher letzteren kleiner, aber integrierender Teil er
ist. Auch seine Entwicklung ist noch im Steigen, aber nur im
Bereiche seines inneren, geistigen Lebens ... je höher der Mensch
steigt, um so mehr macht er sich von dem zwingenden Einfluß der
Erde frei; und wenn er demselben auch nie ganz entgehen wird, da er
Nahrung braucht, von der Schwere sich nicht loslösen kann, so ist
dennoch diese immer wachsende Freiheit ... eine stärkende ...
Aussicht für die Zukunft ...”—Anthropologische Beiträge, 1. Bd.
(Halle, 1875), p. 423; see Achelis, op. cit., p. 227.

240. Principles of Sociology, I, sec. 21.

241. Vide Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” p. 649.

242. Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection, p. 319; cited by E.
B. Tylor in the article “Anthropology,” Ency. Brit. (11th ed.), vol. 2,
p. 114.

243. Réclus, op. cit., (1879); quoted by Achelis, l.c., pp. 86 f.

244. “... je crois, que la civilisation dans son premier stade dépend bien
plus du milieu physique et tellurique, qu’aux époques suivantes.”—
Aug. Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples (Paris,
1900), p. 29. “... Tout ceci nous amène à affirmer ce fait, que les
premières civilisations, dans des milieux favorables, eurent une
relation étroite avec la culture du sol; et que dans un développement
ultérieur, ce rapport se relâcha ...”—Ibid., p. 25. For best summaries
of immense material collected on the relation of primitive human life
to environment, see the five papers in the Smithsonian Report for
1895: “Relation of Primitive Peoples to Environment” by J. W.
Powell (pp. 625 ff.); “Influence of Environment upon Human
Industries or Arts” by O. T. Mason (pp. 639 ff.); “The Japanese
Nation—A Typical Product of Environment” by G. G. Hubbard (pp.
667 ff.); “The Tusayan Ritual: A Study of the Influence of
Environment on Aboriginal Cults” by J. W. Fewkes (pp. 683 ff.); and,
probably the best of the five, “The Relation of Institutions to
Environment” by the eminent ethnologist W. J. McGee (pp. 701 ff.).

245. Anthropogeogr., I2: “Der Mensch und die Umwelt” (pp. 41–65).

246. “Geogr. and Sociol.,” p. 650.

247. See his presidential address on the Origin of Man before the Section
of Anthropology (Report of the British Association for the
Advancement of Science, 1912; London, 1913), p. 576.

248. The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, Freely Translated and
Condensed by Harriet Martineau (In 2 vols., 3rd ed., London, 1893
—the original appeared from 1830–42), vol. 2, p. 96.

249. Aug. Comte’s Positive Philosophie im Außug von I. Rig, Übersetzt
von Kirchmann (2 Bde, Heidelberg, 1883), S. 94 ff.; Achelis, op. cit.,
p. 130.

250. A System of Logic (New Impression; London: Longmans, Green &
Co., 1911—first published in 1843), p. 572.

251. A. Schäffle, Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers, Tübingen, 1875, 2.
Aufl., 1881; Achelis, op. cit., p. 161.

252. “Post’s general attitude is best seen in his ‘Introduction to the Study
of Ethnological Jurisprudence,’ which was published in 1886, and in
his ‘African Jurisprudence’ of 1887.”—John L. Myres, “The
Influence of Anthropology on the Course of Political Science”
(Presidential address to the Anthropological Section of the British
Assoc. for the Advancement of Science), Report Brit. Assoc., 1909
(London, 1910), p. 613.

253. Myres, ibid., pp. 613 f.

254. See Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., p. 231.

255. See the 4th ch. of his Géographie Sociale (Paris, 1911): “Agents et
Caractères Physiques Considérés Isolément” (pp. 92–144).

256. “... as political and legal institutions are indissolubly bound up with
social and religious, it follows inevitably that the political and legal

institutions of a race cradled in Northern Europe are exceedingly ill
adapted for the children of the equator. Accordingly in any wise
administration of these regions it must be a primary object to study
the native institutions, to modify ... them ..., but never to seek to
eradicate and supplant them. Any attempt to do so will be but vain,
for these institutions are as much part of the land as are its climate, its
soil, its fauna, and its flora. ‘Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque
recurret.’”—The Application of Zoological Laws to Man, in Rep.
Brit. Assoc, f. the Adv. of Sci., 1908 (London, 1909), p. 843.

257. Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 310 et seq.

258. Vide pp. 141–75 in Der Weltkrieg im Unterricht, Vorschläge u.
Anregungen, etc. (Gotha: F. A. Perthes), esp. pp 163–5; he also
discusses other phases of the relation between physical environment
and the present war.

259. I: Deutsche Rundschau, April, 1915, pp. 78–91, and II (Schluß): ibid.,
May, 1915, pp. 207–17.

260. In Monatshefte für den Naturwissenschaftlichen Unterricht, 1.
Kriegsheft von Bastian Schmid (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1915).

261. Cf. Gooch, op. cit., pp. 585 et seq.

262. See his Introduction to Dexter’s Weather Influences (N. Y., 1904), p.
XXIV.

263. Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples (Paris, 1900), p. 25, 29, 27.
—“C’est dans l’intensité de l’effort dirigé par les groupes sociaux
contre les résistances du milieu, que réside la première impulsion vers
la civilisation.”—Ibid., p. 27.

264. But he adds, “... no disturbing causes, acting on social development,
could do more than to affect its rate of progress. This is true of the
operation of influences from the inorganic world, as of all others. In
our view of biology we saw that the human being cannot be modified
indefinitely by exterior circumstances; that such modifications can

affect only the degrees of phenomena, without at all changing their
nature; and again, that when the disturbing influences exceed their
general limits, the organism is no longer modified, but destroyed.”—
The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, tr. by Harriet Martineau, vol.
2, p. 98; 97.

265. See Ripley, Races of Europe (1899), p. 11; cf. the references given
there, and in the note on the same page.—Cf. also Ellsworth
Huntington’s Palestine and its Transformation (1910), and his
suggestive articles on “Changes of Climate and History” (in The
American Historical Review for January, 1913, vol. 18, pp. 213–32)
[for references to other writings on the subject by the same author,—
and by A. T. Olmstead—cf. p. 214 n.]; on “Climate and Civilization”
(in Harper’s Magazine for February, 1915, vol. 130, pp. 367–73); on
“Is Civilization Determined by Climate?” (ibid. May, 1915, pp. 943–
51); a new book of his, entitled Civilization and Climate (333 pp.), is
announced for publication by the Yale Univ. Press.

266. Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 280 et seq.

267. “... cetera [Mattiaci] similes Batavis, nisi quod ipso adhuc terrae suae
solo et caelo acrius animantur.”—F. Ritter, P. C. Taciti Opera (1864),
p. 643. In Römische Prosaiker in neuen Übersetzungen (hg. v. C. N.
von Osiander und G. Schwab, 51. Bändchen, Stuttg., 1852, S. 123)
this is rendered as follows: “Im ganzen gleichen sie [die Mattiaker]
den Batavern, nur daß Boden und Klima ihres Landes sie noch
kriegerischer macht.”

268. Cesare Lombroso, Crime, Its Causes and Remedies (Boston, 1911),
pp. 3 f.

269. Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., p. 282.

270. Vide Flint, l.c., pp. 582 et seq.

271. Haddon & Quiggin, Hist. of Anthropology (London, 1910), pp. 84 et
seq.

272. Cesare Lombroso, Crime, etc., p. 2.

273. N. S. Shaler, Nature and Man in America (N. Y., 1893), p. 288.

274. In Abhandlungen der Königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Phil.-hist. Classe, 1912, p. 13: “In einer Wendung, die an
Distinktionen Schleiermachers erinnert, hat er [Dilthey] in seiner
letzten größeren Arbeit erklärt, daß unser wissenschaftliches Denken
von zwei großen Tendenzen beherrscht sei. Der Mensch finde sich
auf der einen Seite bestimmt von der physischen Welt, in der die
seelischen Vorgänge nur wie Interpolationen erscheinen. [The other
is: das Leben (life), das Erlebnis (experience).]”

275. Ridgeway, l.c., p. 843.

276. Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 258 et seq.—For the effect of physical
environment on the Jews in Palestine, cf. Friedrich Otto Hertz, Rasse
und Kultur (Leipzig, 1915, 421 pp.), pp. 162 ff.; and “Soziale
Grundlagen des Monotheismus u. Polytheismus” (pp. 170 ff.) and the
literature there cited. Cf. also ibid., “Natürliche u. Soziale
Grundlagen der indischen Entwicklung” (pp. 198 ff.).

277. Rob. DeC. Ward, op. cit., pp. 309 et seq.

278. Vide his Weather Influences, An Empirical Study of the Mental and
Physiological Effects of Definite Meteorological Conditions, with
Introduction by Cleveland Abbe (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1904, 277 pp.).

279. I saw somewhere that exception had been taken to his results, but I
failed at the time to make a note thereof and have been unable to find
the passage again.

280. Ibid., p. 266; 269; 272 f.—The fifth and last is not cited here.

281. Ward, op. cit., p. 310; 335, where ref. is also made to F. A. Cook’s
article on “Some Physiological Effects of Arctic Cold, Darkness and
Light” (MED. REC., June 12, 1897, pp. 833–36).

282. London and N. Y., 1892.

283. Ibid., p. 90.

284. Ibid., pp. 113–5.

285. “Diese Priorität (der erste Versuch überhaupt, die Einflüsse des
naturalen Milieus auf die Psyche darzustellen) gebührt, nach
mancherlei Vorläufern minder geschlossenen Charakters (z. B.
Quételet, Sur l’homme etc. 1835, Bd. 2, Kap. 3, Abschn. 2–3,
Influence du climat et des saisons sur le penchant au crime) ohne
Zweifel Lombroso, aus dessen 1878 erschienenem Buche ‘Pensiero e
meteore’ Extracte auch in seine andern Publikationen, namentlich in
‘Genio e follia,’ übergegangen sind.”—Hellpach, Die
Geopsychischen Erscheinungen (Leipzig, 1911), p. 336.

286. Criminal Man, According to the Classification of Cesare Lombroso
Briefly Summarized by his Daughter Gina Lombroso Ferrero (“The
Science Series”; N. Y. and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1911, 322
pp.), p. 145.—Lombroso’s L’Uomo di genio appeared in 1888,
L’Uomo delinquente in 1889, and La Donna delinquente in 1893.

287. Criminal Man, p. 145.

288. Tr. by H. P. Horton, “The Modern Criminal Science Series,” Boston:
Little, Brown and Co., 1911, 471 pp.

289. “It is brought out in Guerry’s statistics that the crime of rape occurs in
England and France oftenest in the hot months; and Curcio has
observed the same thing in Italy....
“In England, according to Guerry, and in Italy, according to Curcio,
the maximum number of murders falls in the hottest months....
“Poisoning also, according to Guerry, occurs oftenest in May. The
same phenomenon is to be observed in the case of Rebellions. In
studying (as I have in my ‘Political Crime’) the 836 uprisings that
took place in the whole world in the period between 1791 and 1880,
one finds that in Asia and Africa the greatest number falls in July. In
Europe and America the greater prevalence of rebellions in the hot
months could not be more clearly marked. In Europe the maximum
proved to be in July [in this connection one might also point to the
beginning of the present European war which falls in the midsummer
of 1914], and in South America in January, which are respectively the
two hottest months. The minimum falls in Europe in December and
January, and in South America in May and June, which again
correspond in temperature.
“If now we pass from the whole of Europe to the particular countries,
we still find the greatest number of uprisings in the hot months....
“Benoiston de Chateauneuf points out that duels in the army are more
frequent in the summer.
“I have proved that the same influence manifests itself in the case of
men of genius (‘Man of Genius,’ Part I.).
“Ferri, in his ‘Crime in its Relation to Temperature,’ has proved from
a study of the French criminal statistics from 1825 to 1878 that one
can deduce an almost complete parallelism between heat and
criminality, not only for the different months, but also for years of
different degrees of heat. The influence of the temperature on crime

from 1825 to 1848 appears to be very pronounced and constant, and
is often even greater than that exercised by agricultural production.
Since 1848, notwithstanding the more serious agricultural and
political disturbances, the coincidence between temperature and
criminality becomes from time to time plainly apparent, especially in
the case of homicide and murder....
“The connection comes out much more plainly, however, in the
statistics of rape and offenses against chastity, which follow to an
even greater degree the annual variations in temperature....
“As regards crimes against property there is a marked increase in the
winter (theft and forgery being the most abundant in January), while
the other seasons differ little from one another....”—Lombroso,
Crime, Its Causes and Remedies, pp. 4–8. “Superintendents of
prisons have generally observed that the inmates are more excited
when storms are approaching and during the first quarter of the
moon....”—Ibid., p. 12.

290. Ibid., p. 13.—“In studying the distribution of simple and aggravated
homicides in Europe, we find the highest figures in Italy and the other
southern countries, and the lowest in the more northerly regions,
England, Denmark, Germany. The same can be said of political
uprisings in all Europe. We see, in fact, that the number of crimes
increases as we go from north to south, and in the same measure as
the heat increases.”—Ibid., p. 14.

291. This follows Laing. See Robertson, Buckle and his Critics (London,
1895), p. 553.—Cf. also C. M. Gießler’s article, “Über den Einfluß
von Wärme und Kälte auf das seelische Funktionieren des
Menschen,” in Vierteljahrsschrift für wissenschaftliche Philosophie u.
Soziologie, 1902, pp. 319–38. Gießler refers (p. 334) to Oppenheimer
“Über den Einfluß des Klimas auf den Menschen” (Berlin, 1867).
Vide also E. Huntington’s article on “Work and Weather,” Harper’s
Magazine, vol. 130 (January, 1915), pp. 233–44.

292. Rep. Brit. Assoc., 1908 (London, 1909), p. 844.

293. On the use of alcohol in its relation to the northern climate, cf. also
Auguste Matteuzzi, Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples (Paris,
1900), pp. 329 et seq.

294. Some of these are to be discussed in a subsequent paper.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Replaced “sz” with “ß” in German words. The “ß”
character was not used in the original.
2. Changed “Nachbaren” to “Nachbarn” on p. 30.
3. Silently corrected typographical errors.
4. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as
printed.

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