Page 1
Page 2
Page 3
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Empire of Russia: From
the Remotest Periods to the Present Time
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: The Empire of Russia: From the Remotest Periods to the Present
Time
Author: John S. C. Abbott
Release date: March 6, 2005 [eBook #15269]
Most recently updated: December 14, 2020
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/15269
Credits: E-text prepared by Curtis Weyant, Ronald Holder, and the Project
Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
(https://www.pgdp.net)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EMPIRE
OF RUSSIA: FROM THE REMOTEST PERIODS TO THE PRESENT
TIME ***
the Remotest Periods to the Present Time
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.
Title: The Empire of Russia: From the Remotest Periods to the Present
Time
Author: John S. C. Abbott
Release date: March 6, 2005 [eBook #15269]
Most recently updated: December 14, 2020
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/15269
Credits: E-text prepared by Curtis Weyant, Ronald Holder, and the Project
Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
(https://www.pgdp.net)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EMPIRE
OF RUSSIA: FROM THE REMOTEST PERIODS TO THE PRESENT
TIME ***
Page 4
E-text prepared by Curtis Weyant, Ronald Holder,
and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
(https://www.pgdp.net)
Transcriber's Many place names are spelled differently in different
Note: locations in this book; in most cases, these variations in
spelling have been retained. Typographical errors in
people's names and other words have been corrected and
marked with underlining and a message that will display
the original spelling in the book.
and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
(https://www.pgdp.net)
Transcriber's Many place names are spelled differently in different
Note: locations in this book; in most cases, these variations in
spelling have been retained. Typographical errors in
people's names and other words have been corrected and
marked with underlining and a message that will display
the original spelling in the book.
Page 5
THE MONARCHIES
OF
CONTINENTAL EUROPE.
THE
OF
CONTINENTAL EUROPE.
THE
Page 6
EMPIRE OF RUSSIA
FROM THE
REMOTEST PERIODS TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY
JOHN S.C. ABBOTT
BOSTON:
GRAVES AND YOUNG,
24 CORNHILL.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by
MASON BROTHERS,
In the Clerk's office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York.
STEREOTYPED BY
T.B. SMITH & SON
82 & 84 BEEKMAN-ST
FROM THE
REMOTEST PERIODS TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY
JOHN S.C. ABBOTT
BOSTON:
GRAVES AND YOUNG,
24 CORNHILL.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1859, by
MASON BROTHERS,
In the Clerk's office of the District Court for the Southern District of New York.
STEREOTYPED BY
T.B. SMITH & SON
82 & 84 BEEKMAN-ST
Page 7
PREFACE.
The world is now too busy to read voluminous history. The interminable
details of battles, and the petty intrigues of courtiers and mistresses, have
lost their interest. In this volume it has been our object to trace
perspicuously the path which Russia has trod from earliest infancy to the
present hour. The career of this empire has been so wild and wonderful that
the historian can have no occasion to call in the aid of fancy for the
embellishment of his narrative.
The author has not deemed it necessary to incumber his pages with notes to
substantiate his statements. The renowned Russian historian, Karamsin,
who wrote under the patronage of Alexander I., gives ample authentication
to all the facts which are stated up to the reign of that emperor. His
voluminous history, in classic beauty, is unsurpassed by any of the annals of
Greece or Rome. It has been admirably translated into French by Messrs.
St. Thomas and Jauffret in eleven imperial quarto volumes. In the critical
citations of this author, the reader, curious in such researches, will find
every fact in the early history of Russia, here stated, confirmed.
There are but few valuable works upon Russia in the English language.
Nearly all, which can be relied upon as authorities, are written either in
French or German. The writer would refer those who seek a more minute
acquaintance with this empire, now rising so rapidly in importance, first of
all to Karamsin. The "Histoire Philosophique et Politique de Russie Depuis
les Temps les Plus Reculés Jusqu'au Nos Jours, par J. Esneaux," Paris, five
volumes, is a valuable work. The "Histoire de Russie par Pierre Charles
Levesque," eight volumes, is discriminating and reliable. The various
volumes of William Tooke upon Russian history in general, and upon the
reign of Catharine, contain much information.
It is only since the reign of Peter the Great that Russia has begun to attract
much attention among the enlightened nations of Europe. Voltaire's life of
The world is now too busy to read voluminous history. The interminable
details of battles, and the petty intrigues of courtiers and mistresses, have
lost their interest. In this volume it has been our object to trace
perspicuously the path which Russia has trod from earliest infancy to the
present hour. The career of this empire has been so wild and wonderful that
the historian can have no occasion to call in the aid of fancy for the
embellishment of his narrative.
The author has not deemed it necessary to incumber his pages with notes to
substantiate his statements. The renowned Russian historian, Karamsin,
who wrote under the patronage of Alexander I., gives ample authentication
to all the facts which are stated up to the reign of that emperor. His
voluminous history, in classic beauty, is unsurpassed by any of the annals of
Greece or Rome. It has been admirably translated into French by Messrs.
St. Thomas and Jauffret in eleven imperial quarto volumes. In the critical
citations of this author, the reader, curious in such researches, will find
every fact in the early history of Russia, here stated, confirmed.
There are but few valuable works upon Russia in the English language.
Nearly all, which can be relied upon as authorities, are written either in
French or German. The writer would refer those who seek a more minute
acquaintance with this empire, now rising so rapidly in importance, first of
all to Karamsin. The "Histoire Philosophique et Politique de Russie Depuis
les Temps les Plus Reculés Jusqu'au Nos Jours, par J. Esneaux," Paris, five
volumes, is a valuable work. The "Histoire de Russie par Pierre Charles
Levesque," eight volumes, is discriminating and reliable. The various
volumes of William Tooke upon Russian history in general, and upon the
reign of Catharine, contain much information.
It is only since the reign of Peter the Great that Russia has begun to attract
much attention among the enlightened nations of Europe. Voltaire's life of
Page 8
this most renowned of the Russian sovereigns, at its first publication,
attracted much notice. Since then, many books have been written upon
fragments of Russian history and individual reigns. From most of these the
author has selected such events as have appeared to him most instructive
and best adapted to give the reader a clear conception of the present
condition and future prospects of this gigantic empire. The path she has
trod, since her first emergence into civilization from the chaos of barbarism,
can be very distinctly traced, and one can easily count the concentric
accretions of her growth. This narrative reveals the mistakes which have
overwhelmed her with woe, and the wisdom which has, at times, secured
for Russia peace and prosperity.
In writing these histories of the monarchies of Continental Europe, the
author has no wish to conceal his abhorrence of aristocratic usurpation.
Believing in the universal brotherhood of man, his sympathies are most
cordially with the oppressed masses. If the people are weak and debased,
the claim is only the more urgent upon the powerful and the wise to act the
part of elder brothers, holding out the helping hand to those who have
fallen. The author feels grateful for the reception which the first number of
this series, the Empire of Austria, has received from the American public.
He hopes that this volume will not prove less interesting or instructive. In
the course of a few months it will be followed by the History of Italy.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PARENTAGE AND BIRTH OF RUSSIA.
From 500 B.C. to A.D. 910.
attracted much notice. Since then, many books have been written upon
fragments of Russian history and individual reigns. From most of these the
author has selected such events as have appeared to him most instructive
and best adapted to give the reader a clear conception of the present
condition and future prospects of this gigantic empire. The path she has
trod, since her first emergence into civilization from the chaos of barbarism,
can be very distinctly traced, and one can easily count the concentric
accretions of her growth. This narrative reveals the mistakes which have
overwhelmed her with woe, and the wisdom which has, at times, secured
for Russia peace and prosperity.
In writing these histories of the monarchies of Continental Europe, the
author has no wish to conceal his abhorrence of aristocratic usurpation.
Believing in the universal brotherhood of man, his sympathies are most
cordially with the oppressed masses. If the people are weak and debased,
the claim is only the more urgent upon the powerful and the wise to act the
part of elder brothers, holding out the helping hand to those who have
fallen. The author feels grateful for the reception which the first number of
this series, the Empire of Austria, has received from the American public.
He hopes that this volume will not prove less interesting or instructive. In
the course of a few months it will be followed by the History of Italy.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PARENTAGE AND BIRTH OF RUSSIA.
From 500 B.C. to A.D. 910.
Page 9
Primeval Russia.—Explorations of the Greeks.—Scythian Invasion.—
Character of the Scythians.—Sarmatia.—Assaults Upon the Roman
Empire.—Irruption of the Alains.—Conquests of Trajan.—The Gothic
invasion,—The Huns—their Character and Aspect.—The Devastations of
Attila.—The Avars.—Results of Comminglings of these Tribes.—
Normans.—Birth of the Russian Empire—The Three Sovereigns Ruric,
Sineous and Truvor.—Adventures of Ascolod and Dir.—Introduction of
Christianity.—Usurpation of Oleg.—His Conquests.—Expedition
Against Constantinople.
CHAPTER II.
GROWTH AND CONSOLIDATION OF RUSSIA.
From 910 to 973.
Expedition to Constantinople.—Treaty with the Emperor.—Last Days of
Oleg.—His Death.—Igor Assumes the Scepter.—His Expedition to the
Don.—Descent Upon Constantinople.—His Defeat.—Second Expedition.
—Pusillanimity of the Greeks.—Death of Igor.—Regency of Olga.—
Her Character.—Succession of Sviatoslaf.—His Impiety and Ambition.—
Conquest of Bulgaria.—Division of the Empire.—Defeat, Ruin and Death
of Sviatoslaf.—Civil War.—Death of Oleg.—Flight of Vladimir.—
Supremacy of Yaropolk.
CHAPTER III.
REIGNS OF VLADIMIR, YAROSLAF, YSIASLAF AND VSEVOLOD.
From 973 to 1092.
Flight of Vladimir.—His Stolen Bride.—The March Upon Kief.—
Debauchery of Vladimir.—Zealous Paganism.—Introduction of
Christianity.—Baptism in the Dnieper.—Entire Change in the Character
of Vladimir.—His Great Reforms.—His Death.—Usurpation of
Sviatopolk the Miserable.—Accession of Yaroslaf.—His Administration
and Death.—Accession of Ysiaslaf.—His Strange Reverses,—His Death.
Character of the Scythians.—Sarmatia.—Assaults Upon the Roman
Empire.—Irruption of the Alains.—Conquests of Trajan.—The Gothic
invasion,—The Huns—their Character and Aspect.—The Devastations of
Attila.—The Avars.—Results of Comminglings of these Tribes.—
Normans.—Birth of the Russian Empire—The Three Sovereigns Ruric,
Sineous and Truvor.—Adventures of Ascolod and Dir.—Introduction of
Christianity.—Usurpation of Oleg.—His Conquests.—Expedition
Against Constantinople.
CHAPTER II.
GROWTH AND CONSOLIDATION OF RUSSIA.
From 910 to 973.
Expedition to Constantinople.—Treaty with the Emperor.—Last Days of
Oleg.—His Death.—Igor Assumes the Scepter.—His Expedition to the
Don.—Descent Upon Constantinople.—His Defeat.—Second Expedition.
—Pusillanimity of the Greeks.—Death of Igor.—Regency of Olga.—
Her Character.—Succession of Sviatoslaf.—His Impiety and Ambition.—
Conquest of Bulgaria.—Division of the Empire.—Defeat, Ruin and Death
of Sviatoslaf.—Civil War.—Death of Oleg.—Flight of Vladimir.—
Supremacy of Yaropolk.
CHAPTER III.
REIGNS OF VLADIMIR, YAROSLAF, YSIASLAF AND VSEVOLOD.
From 973 to 1092.
Flight of Vladimir.—His Stolen Bride.—The March Upon Kief.—
Debauchery of Vladimir.—Zealous Paganism.—Introduction of
Christianity.—Baptism in the Dnieper.—Entire Change in the Character
of Vladimir.—His Great Reforms.—His Death.—Usurpation of
Sviatopolk the Miserable.—Accession of Yaroslaf.—His Administration
and Death.—Accession of Ysiaslaf.—His Strange Reverses,—His Death.
Page 10
—Vsevolod Ascends the Throne.—His Two Flights to Poland.—Appeals
to the Pope.—Wars, Famine and Pestilence.—Character of Vsevolod.
CHAPTER IV.
YEARS OF WAR AND WOE.
From 1092 to 1167.
Character of Vsevolod.—Succession of Sviatopolk.—His Discomfiture.
—Deplorable Condition of Russia.—Death of Sviatopolk.—His
Character.—Accession of Monomaque.—Curious Festival At Kief.—
Energy of Monomaque.—Alarm of the Emperor At Constantinople.—
Horrors of War.—Death of Monomaque.—His Remarkable Character.
—Pious Letter To His Children.—Accession of Mstislaf.—His Short
But Stormy Reign.—Struggles For the Throne.—Final Victory of
Ysiaslaf.—Moscow in the Province of Souzdal.—Death of Ysiaslaf.—
Wonderful Career of Rostislaf.—Rising Power of Moscow.—
Georgievitch, Prince of Moscow.
CHAPTER V.
MSTISLAF AND ANDRÉ.
From 1167 to 1212.
Centralization of Power At Kief.—Death of Rostislaf.—His Religious
Character.—Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch Ascends the Throne.—Proclamation
of the King.—Its Effect.—Plans of André.—Scenes At Kief.—Return
and Death of Mstislaf.—War in Novgorod.—Peace Concluded
Throughout Russia.—Insult of André and Its Consequences.—Greatness
of Soul Displayed By André.—Assassination of André.—Renewal of
Anarchy.—Emigration From Novgorod.—Reign of Michel.—Vsevolod
III.—Evangelization of Bulgaria.—Death of Vsevolod III.—His Queen
Maria.
to the Pope.—Wars, Famine and Pestilence.—Character of Vsevolod.
CHAPTER IV.
YEARS OF WAR AND WOE.
From 1092 to 1167.
Character of Vsevolod.—Succession of Sviatopolk.—His Discomfiture.
—Deplorable Condition of Russia.—Death of Sviatopolk.—His
Character.—Accession of Monomaque.—Curious Festival At Kief.—
Energy of Monomaque.—Alarm of the Emperor At Constantinople.—
Horrors of War.—Death of Monomaque.—His Remarkable Character.
—Pious Letter To His Children.—Accession of Mstislaf.—His Short
But Stormy Reign.—Struggles For the Throne.—Final Victory of
Ysiaslaf.—Moscow in the Province of Souzdal.—Death of Ysiaslaf.—
Wonderful Career of Rostislaf.—Rising Power of Moscow.—
Georgievitch, Prince of Moscow.
CHAPTER V.
MSTISLAF AND ANDRÉ.
From 1167 to 1212.
Centralization of Power At Kief.—Death of Rostislaf.—His Religious
Character.—Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch Ascends the Throne.—Proclamation
of the King.—Its Effect.—Plans of André.—Scenes At Kief.—Return
and Death of Mstislaf.—War in Novgorod.—Peace Concluded
Throughout Russia.—Insult of André and Its Consequences.—Greatness
of Soul Displayed By André.—Assassination of André.—Renewal of
Anarchy.—Emigration From Novgorod.—Reign of Michel.—Vsevolod
III.—Evangelization of Bulgaria.—Death of Vsevolod III.—His Queen
Maria.
Page 11
CHAPTER VI.
THE GRAND PRINCES OF VLADIMIR, AND THE INVASION OF
GENGHIS KHAN.
From 1212 to 1238.
Accession of Georges.—Famine.—Battle of Lipetsk.—Defeat of
Georges.—His Surrender.—Constantin Seizes the Scepter.—Exploits of
Mstislaf.—Imbecility of Constantin.—Death of Constantin.—Georges
III.—Invasion of Bulgaria.—Progress of the Monarchy.—Right of
Succession.—Commerce of the Dnieper.—Genghis Khan.—His Rise and
Conquests.—Invasion of Southern Russia.—Death of Genghis Khan.—
Succession of His Son Ougadai.—March of Bati.—Entrance into Russia.
—Utter Defeat of the Russians.
CHAPTER VII.
THE SWAY OF THE TARTAR PRINCES.
From 1238 to 1304.
Retreat of Georges II.—Desolating March of the Tartars.—Capture of
Vladimir.—Fall of Moscow.—Utter Defeat of Georges.—Conflict of
Torjek.—March of the Tartars Toward the South.—Subjugation of the
Polovtsi.—Capture of Kief.—Humiliation of Yaroslaf.—Overthrow of
the Gaussian Kingdom.—Haughtiness of the Tartars.—Reign of
Alexander.—Succession of Yaroslaf.—The Reign of Vassuli.—State of
Christianity.—Infamy of André.—Struggles With Dmitri.—
Independence of the Principalities.—Death of André.
CHAPTER VIII.
RESURRECTION OF THE RUSSIAN MONARCHY.
From 1304 to 1380.
THE GRAND PRINCES OF VLADIMIR, AND THE INVASION OF
GENGHIS KHAN.
From 1212 to 1238.
Accession of Georges.—Famine.—Battle of Lipetsk.—Defeat of
Georges.—His Surrender.—Constantin Seizes the Scepter.—Exploits of
Mstislaf.—Imbecility of Constantin.—Death of Constantin.—Georges
III.—Invasion of Bulgaria.—Progress of the Monarchy.—Right of
Succession.—Commerce of the Dnieper.—Genghis Khan.—His Rise and
Conquests.—Invasion of Southern Russia.—Death of Genghis Khan.—
Succession of His Son Ougadai.—March of Bati.—Entrance into Russia.
—Utter Defeat of the Russians.
CHAPTER VII.
THE SWAY OF THE TARTAR PRINCES.
From 1238 to 1304.
Retreat of Georges II.—Desolating March of the Tartars.—Capture of
Vladimir.—Fall of Moscow.—Utter Defeat of Georges.—Conflict of
Torjek.—March of the Tartars Toward the South.—Subjugation of the
Polovtsi.—Capture of Kief.—Humiliation of Yaroslaf.—Overthrow of
the Gaussian Kingdom.—Haughtiness of the Tartars.—Reign of
Alexander.—Succession of Yaroslaf.—The Reign of Vassuli.—State of
Christianity.—Infamy of André.—Struggles With Dmitri.—
Independence of the Principalities.—Death of André.
CHAPTER VIII.
RESURRECTION OF THE RUSSIAN MONARCHY.
From 1304 to 1380.
Page 12
Defeat of Georges and the Tartars.—Indignation of the Khan.—Michel
Summoned To the Horde.—His Trial and Execution.—Assassination of
Georges.—Execution of Dmitri.—Repulse and Death of the Embassador
of the Khan.—Vengeance of the Khan.—Increasing Prosperity of Russia.
—The Great Plague.—Supremacy of Simon.—Anarchy in the Horde.—
Plague and Conflagration.—The Tartars Repulsed.—Reconquest of
Bulgaria.—The Great Battle of Koulikof.—Utter Rout of the Tartars.
CHAPTER IX.
DMITRI, VASSALI, AND THE MOGOL TAMERLANE
From 1380 to 1462.
Recovery of Dmitri.—New Tartar invasion.—The Assault and Capture
of Moscow.—New Subjugation of the Russians.—Lithuania Embraces
Christianity.—Escape of Vassali From the Horde.—Death of Dmitri.—
Tamerlane—His Origin and Career.—His Invasion of India.—Defeat of
Bajazet.—Tamerlane Invades Russia.—Preparations for Resistance.—
Sudden Retreat of the Tartars.—Death of Vassali.—Accession of
Vassali Vassilievitch.—The Disputed Succession.—Appeal to the Khan.
—Rebellion of Youri.—Cruelty of Vassali.—The Retribution.
CHAPTER X.
THE ILLUSTRIOUS IVAN III.
From 1462 to 1480.
Ivan III.—His Precocity and Rising Power.—The Three Great Hordes.—
Russian Expedition Against Kezan.—Defeat of the Tartars.—Capture of
Constantinople By the Turks.—The Princess Sophia.—Her Journey To
Russia, and Marriage With Ivan III.—Increasing Renown of Russia.—
New Difficulty With the Horde.—The Tartars invade Russia.—Strife On
the Banks of the Oka.—Letter of the Metropolitan Bishop.—
Unprecedented Panic.—Liberation of Russia.
Summoned To the Horde.—His Trial and Execution.—Assassination of
Georges.—Execution of Dmitri.—Repulse and Death of the Embassador
of the Khan.—Vengeance of the Khan.—Increasing Prosperity of Russia.
—The Great Plague.—Supremacy of Simon.—Anarchy in the Horde.—
Plague and Conflagration.—The Tartars Repulsed.—Reconquest of
Bulgaria.—The Great Battle of Koulikof.—Utter Rout of the Tartars.
CHAPTER IX.
DMITRI, VASSALI, AND THE MOGOL TAMERLANE
From 1380 to 1462.
Recovery of Dmitri.—New Tartar invasion.—The Assault and Capture
of Moscow.—New Subjugation of the Russians.—Lithuania Embraces
Christianity.—Escape of Vassali From the Horde.—Death of Dmitri.—
Tamerlane—His Origin and Career.—His Invasion of India.—Defeat of
Bajazet.—Tamerlane Invades Russia.—Preparations for Resistance.—
Sudden Retreat of the Tartars.—Death of Vassali.—Accession of
Vassali Vassilievitch.—The Disputed Succession.—Appeal to the Khan.
—Rebellion of Youri.—Cruelty of Vassali.—The Retribution.
CHAPTER X.
THE ILLUSTRIOUS IVAN III.
From 1462 to 1480.
Ivan III.—His Precocity and Rising Power.—The Three Great Hordes.—
Russian Expedition Against Kezan.—Defeat of the Tartars.—Capture of
Constantinople By the Turks.—The Princess Sophia.—Her Journey To
Russia, and Marriage With Ivan III.—Increasing Renown of Russia.—
New Difficulty With the Horde.—The Tartars invade Russia.—Strife On
the Banks of the Oka.—Letter of the Metropolitan Bishop.—
Unprecedented Panic.—Liberation of Russia.
Page 13
CHAPTER XI.
THE REIGN OF VASSILI.
From 1480 to 1533.
Alliance With Hungary.—A Traveler From Germany.—Treaty Between
Russia and Germany.—Embassage to Turkey.—Court Etiquette.—Death
of the Princess Sophia.—Death of Ivan.—Advancement of Knowledge.—
Succession of Vassili.—Attack Upon the Horde.—Rout of the Russians.
—The Grand Prince Takes the Title of Emperor.—Turkish Envoy to
Moscow.—Efforts To Arm Europe Against the Turks.—Death of the
Emperor Maximilian, and Accession of Charles V. to the Empire of
Germany.—Death of Vassili.
CHAPTER XII.
IVAN IV.—HIS MINORITY.
From 1533 to 1546.
Vassili At the Chase.—Attention To Distinguished Foreigners.—The
Autocracy.—Splendor of the Edifices.—Slavery.—Aristocracy.—
Infancy of Ivan IV.—Regency of Hélène.—Conspiracies and Tumults.—
War with Sigismond of Poland.—Death of Hélène.—Struggles of the
Nobles.—Appalling Sufferings of Dmitri.—Incursion of the Tartars.—
Successful Conspiracy.—Ivan IV. At the Chase.—Coronation of Ivan IV.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.
From 1546 to 1552.
The Title of Tzar.—Marriage of Ivan IV.—Virtues of His Bride.—
Depraved Character of the Young Emperor.—Terrible Conflagrations.
—Insurrections.—The Rebuke.—Wonderful Change in the Character of
THE REIGN OF VASSILI.
From 1480 to 1533.
Alliance With Hungary.—A Traveler From Germany.—Treaty Between
Russia and Germany.—Embassage to Turkey.—Court Etiquette.—Death
of the Princess Sophia.—Death of Ivan.—Advancement of Knowledge.—
Succession of Vassili.—Attack Upon the Horde.—Rout of the Russians.
—The Grand Prince Takes the Title of Emperor.—Turkish Envoy to
Moscow.—Efforts To Arm Europe Against the Turks.—Death of the
Emperor Maximilian, and Accession of Charles V. to the Empire of
Germany.—Death of Vassili.
CHAPTER XII.
IVAN IV.—HIS MINORITY.
From 1533 to 1546.
Vassili At the Chase.—Attention To Distinguished Foreigners.—The
Autocracy.—Splendor of the Edifices.—Slavery.—Aristocracy.—
Infancy of Ivan IV.—Regency of Hélène.—Conspiracies and Tumults.—
War with Sigismond of Poland.—Death of Hélène.—Struggles of the
Nobles.—Appalling Sufferings of Dmitri.—Incursion of the Tartars.—
Successful Conspiracy.—Ivan IV. At the Chase.—Coronation of Ivan IV.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.
From 1546 to 1552.
The Title of Tzar.—Marriage of Ivan IV.—Virtues of His Bride.—
Depraved Character of the Young Emperor.—Terrible Conflagrations.
—Insurrections.—The Rebuke.—Wonderful Change in the Character of
Page 14
Ivan IV.—Confessions of Sin and Measures of Reform.—Sylvestre and
Alexis Adachef.—The Code of Laws.—Reforms in the Church.—
Encouragement To Men of Science and Letters.—The Embassage of
Schlit.—War With Kezan.—Disasters and Disgrace.—Immense
Preparation For the Chastisement of the Horde.—The March.—Repulse
of the Tauredians.—Siege of Kezan.—Incidents of the Siege.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.—CONTINUED.
From 1552 to 1557.
Siege of Kezan.—Artifices of War.—The Explosion of Mines.—The
Final Assault.—Complete Subjugation of Kezan.—Gratitude and
Liberality of the Tzar.—Return To Moscow.—Joy of the inhabitants.—
Birth of An Heir To the Crown.—Insurrection in Kezan.—The
Insurrection Quelled.—Conquest of Astrachan.—The English
Expedition in Search of a North-East Passage to India.—The
Establishment at Archangel.—Commercial Relations Between France
and Russia.—Russian Embassy to England.—Extension of Commerce.
CHAPTER XV.
THE ABDICATION OF IVAN IV.
From 1557 to 1582.
Terror of the Horde in Tauride.—War with Gustavus Vasa of Sweden.—
Political Punctilios.—The Kingdom of Livonia Annexed to Sweden.—
Death of Anastasia.—Conspiracy Against Ivan.—His Abdication.—His
Resumption of the Crown.—Invasion of Russia by the Tartars and Turks.
—Heroism of Zerebrinow.—Utter Discomfiture of the Tartars.—
Relations Between Queen Elizabeth of England, and Russia.—Intrepid
Embassage.—New War with Poland.—Disasters of Russia.—The
Emperor Kills His Own Son.—Anguish of Ivan IV.
Alexis Adachef.—The Code of Laws.—Reforms in the Church.—
Encouragement To Men of Science and Letters.—The Embassage of
Schlit.—War With Kezan.—Disasters and Disgrace.—Immense
Preparation For the Chastisement of the Horde.—The March.—Repulse
of the Tauredians.—Siege of Kezan.—Incidents of the Siege.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.—CONTINUED.
From 1552 to 1557.
Siege of Kezan.—Artifices of War.—The Explosion of Mines.—The
Final Assault.—Complete Subjugation of Kezan.—Gratitude and
Liberality of the Tzar.—Return To Moscow.—Joy of the inhabitants.—
Birth of An Heir To the Crown.—Insurrection in Kezan.—The
Insurrection Quelled.—Conquest of Astrachan.—The English
Expedition in Search of a North-East Passage to India.—The
Establishment at Archangel.—Commercial Relations Between France
and Russia.—Russian Embassy to England.—Extension of Commerce.
CHAPTER XV.
THE ABDICATION OF IVAN IV.
From 1557 to 1582.
Terror of the Horde in Tauride.—War with Gustavus Vasa of Sweden.—
Political Punctilios.—The Kingdom of Livonia Annexed to Sweden.—
Death of Anastasia.—Conspiracy Against Ivan.—His Abdication.—His
Resumption of the Crown.—Invasion of Russia by the Tartars and Turks.
—Heroism of Zerebrinow.—Utter Discomfiture of the Tartars.—
Relations Between Queen Elizabeth of England, and Russia.—Intrepid
Embassage.—New War with Poland.—Disasters of Russia.—The
Emperor Kills His Own Son.—Anguish of Ivan IV.
Page 15
CHAPTER XVI.
THE STORMS OF HEREDITARY SUCCESSION.
From 1582 to 1608.
Anguish and Death of Ivan IV.—His Character.—Feodor and Dmitri.—
Usurpation of Boris Gudenow.—The Polish Election.—Conquest of
Siberia.—Assassination of Dmitri.—Death of Feodor.—Boris Crowned
King.—Conspiracies.—Reappearance of Dmitri.—Boris Poisoned.—The
Pretender Crowned.—Embarrassments of Dmitri.—A New Pretender.—
Assassination of Dmitri.—Crowning of Zuski.—Indignation of Poland.—
Historical Romance.
CHAPTER XVII.
A CHANGE OF DYNASTY.
From 1608 to 1680.
Conquests by Poland.—Sweden in Alliance with Russia.—Grandeur of
Poland.—Ladislaus Elected King of Russia.—Commotions and
insurrections.—Rejection of Ladislaus and Election of Michael Feodor
Romanow.—Sorrow of His Mother.—Pacific Character of Romanow.—
Choice of a Bride.—Eudochia Streschnew.—The Archbishop Feodor.—
Death of Michael and Accession of Alexis.—Love in the Palace.—
Successful intrigue.—Mobs in Moscow.—Change in the Character of
the Tzar.—Turkish invasions.—Alliance Between Russia and Poland.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE REGENCY OF SOPHIA.
From 1680 to 1697.
Administration of Feodor.—Death of Feodor.—Incapacity of Ivan.—
Succession of Peter.—Usurpation of Sophia.—Insurrection of the
THE STORMS OF HEREDITARY SUCCESSION.
From 1582 to 1608.
Anguish and Death of Ivan IV.—His Character.—Feodor and Dmitri.—
Usurpation of Boris Gudenow.—The Polish Election.—Conquest of
Siberia.—Assassination of Dmitri.—Death of Feodor.—Boris Crowned
King.—Conspiracies.—Reappearance of Dmitri.—Boris Poisoned.—The
Pretender Crowned.—Embarrassments of Dmitri.—A New Pretender.—
Assassination of Dmitri.—Crowning of Zuski.—Indignation of Poland.—
Historical Romance.
CHAPTER XVII.
A CHANGE OF DYNASTY.
From 1608 to 1680.
Conquests by Poland.—Sweden in Alliance with Russia.—Grandeur of
Poland.—Ladislaus Elected King of Russia.—Commotions and
insurrections.—Rejection of Ladislaus and Election of Michael Feodor
Romanow.—Sorrow of His Mother.—Pacific Character of Romanow.—
Choice of a Bride.—Eudochia Streschnew.—The Archbishop Feodor.—
Death of Michael and Accession of Alexis.—Love in the Palace.—
Successful intrigue.—Mobs in Moscow.—Change in the Character of
the Tzar.—Turkish invasions.—Alliance Between Russia and Poland.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE REGENCY OF SOPHIA.
From 1680 to 1697.
Administration of Feodor.—Death of Feodor.—Incapacity of Ivan.—
Succession of Peter.—Usurpation of Sophia.—Insurrection of the
Page 16
Strelitzes.—Massacre in Moscow.—Success of the Insurrection.—Ivan
and Peter Declared Sovereigns under the Regency of Sophia.—General
Discontent.—Conspiracy against Sophia.—Her Flight to the Convent.—
The Conspiracy Quelled.—New Conspiracy.—Energy of Peter.—He
Assumes the Crown.—Sophia Banished to a Convent.—Commencement of
the Reign of Peter.
CHAPTER XIX.
PETER THE GREAT.
From 1697 to 1702.
Young Russians Sent to Foreign Countries.—The Tzar Decides Upon a
Tour of Observation.—His Plan of Travel.—Anecdote.—Peter's Mode
of Life in Holland.—Characteristic Anecdotes.—The Presentation of
the Embassador.—The Tzar Visits England.—Life at Deptford.—
Illustrious Foreigners Engaged in His Service.—Peter Visits Vienna.—
The Game of Landlord.—Insurrection in Moscow.—Return of the Tzar,
and Measures of Severity.—War with Sweden.—Disastrous Defeat of
Narva.—Efforts to Secure the Shores of the Baltic.—Designs Upon the
Black Sea.
CHAPTER XX.
CONQUESTS AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF PETER THE GREAT.
From 1702 TO 1718.
Peter takes Lake Lagoda and the Neva.—Foundation of St. Petersburg.
—Conquest of Livonia.—Marienburg Taken by Storm.—The Empress
Catharine.—Extraordinary Efforts in Building St. Petersburg.—Threat
of Charles XII.—Deposition of Augustus.—Enthronement of Stanislaus.
—Battle of Pultowa.—Flight of Charles XII. to Turkey.—Increased
Renown of Russia.—Disastrous Conflict with the Turks.—Marriage of
Alexis.—His Character.—Death of his Wife.—The Empress
and Peter Declared Sovereigns under the Regency of Sophia.—General
Discontent.—Conspiracy against Sophia.—Her Flight to the Convent.—
The Conspiracy Quelled.—New Conspiracy.—Energy of Peter.—He
Assumes the Crown.—Sophia Banished to a Convent.—Commencement of
the Reign of Peter.
CHAPTER XIX.
PETER THE GREAT.
From 1697 to 1702.
Young Russians Sent to Foreign Countries.—The Tzar Decides Upon a
Tour of Observation.—His Plan of Travel.—Anecdote.—Peter's Mode
of Life in Holland.—Characteristic Anecdotes.—The Presentation of
the Embassador.—The Tzar Visits England.—Life at Deptford.—
Illustrious Foreigners Engaged in His Service.—Peter Visits Vienna.—
The Game of Landlord.—Insurrection in Moscow.—Return of the Tzar,
and Measures of Severity.—War with Sweden.—Disastrous Defeat of
Narva.—Efforts to Secure the Shores of the Baltic.—Designs Upon the
Black Sea.
CHAPTER XX.
CONQUESTS AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF PETER THE GREAT.
From 1702 TO 1718.
Peter takes Lake Lagoda and the Neva.—Foundation of St. Petersburg.
—Conquest of Livonia.—Marienburg Taken by Storm.—The Empress
Catharine.—Extraordinary Efforts in Building St. Petersburg.—Threat
of Charles XII.—Deposition of Augustus.—Enthronement of Stanislaus.
—Battle of Pultowa.—Flight of Charles XII. to Turkey.—Increased
Renown of Russia.—Disastrous Conflict with the Turks.—Marriage of
Alexis.—His Character.—Death of his Wife.—The Empress
Page 17
Acknowledged.—Conquest of Finland.—Tour of the Tzar to Southern
Europe.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION OF ALEXIS, AND DEATH OF
THE TZAR.
From 1718 to 1725.
The Tzar's Second Visit to Holland.—Reception in France.—Description
of Catharine.—Domestic Grief.—Conduct of Alexis.—Letters from His
Father.—Flight To Germany.—Thence to Naples.—Envoys Sent to
Bring Him Back.—Alexis Excluded from the Succession.—His Trial for
Treason.—Condemnation and Unexpected Death.—New Efforts of the
Tzar for the Welfare of Russia.—Sickness of Peter.—His Death.—
Succession of the Empress Catharine.—Epitaph to the Emperor.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE REIGN OF CATHARINE I., ANNE, THE INFANT IVAN AND
ELIZABETH.
From 1725 TO 1769.
Energetic Reign of Catharine.—Her Sudden Death.—Brief Reign of
Peter II.—Difficulties of Hereditary Succession.—A Republic
Contemplated.—Anne, Daughter of Ivan.—The Infant Ivan Proclaimed
King.—His Terrible Doom.—Elizabeth, Daughter of Peter the Great,
Enthroned.—Character of Elizabeth.—Alliance with Maria Theresa.—
Wars with Prussia.—Great Reverses of Frederic of Prussia.—Desperate
Condition of Frederic.—Death of Elizabeth.—Succession of Peter III.
CHAPTER XXIII.
PETER III. AND HIS BRIDE.
Europe.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION OF ALEXIS, AND DEATH OF
THE TZAR.
From 1718 to 1725.
The Tzar's Second Visit to Holland.—Reception in France.—Description
of Catharine.—Domestic Grief.—Conduct of Alexis.—Letters from His
Father.—Flight To Germany.—Thence to Naples.—Envoys Sent to
Bring Him Back.—Alexis Excluded from the Succession.—His Trial for
Treason.—Condemnation and Unexpected Death.—New Efforts of the
Tzar for the Welfare of Russia.—Sickness of Peter.—His Death.—
Succession of the Empress Catharine.—Epitaph to the Emperor.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE REIGN OF CATHARINE I., ANNE, THE INFANT IVAN AND
ELIZABETH.
From 1725 TO 1769.
Energetic Reign of Catharine.—Her Sudden Death.—Brief Reign of
Peter II.—Difficulties of Hereditary Succession.—A Republic
Contemplated.—Anne, Daughter of Ivan.—The Infant Ivan Proclaimed
King.—His Terrible Doom.—Elizabeth, Daughter of Peter the Great,
Enthroned.—Character of Elizabeth.—Alliance with Maria Theresa.—
Wars with Prussia.—Great Reverses of Frederic of Prussia.—Desperate
Condition of Frederic.—Death of Elizabeth.—Succession of Peter III.
CHAPTER XXIII.
PETER III. AND HIS BRIDE.
Page 18
From 1728 TO 1762.
Lineage of Peter III.—Chosen by Elizabeth as her Successor.—The Bride
Chosen for Peter.—Her Lineage.—The Courtship.—The Marriage.—
Autobiography of Catharine.—Anecdotes of Peter.—His Neglect of
Catharine and his Debaucheries.—Amusements of the Russian Court.—
Military Execution of a Rat.—Accession of Peter III. to the Throne.—
Supremacy of Catharine.—Her Repudiation Threatened.—The
Conspiracy.—Its Successful Accomplishment.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE CONSPIRACY; AND ACCESSION OF CATHARINE II.
From 1762 to 1765.
Peter III. at Oranienbaum.—Catharine at Peterhof.—The Successful
Accomplishment of the Conspiracy.—Terror of Peter.—His Vacillating
and Feeble Character.—Flight to Cronstadt.—Repulse.—Heroic
Counsel of Munich.—Peter's Return to Oranienbaum.—His Suppliant
Letters to Catharine.—His Arrest.—Imprisonment.—Assasination.—
Proclamation of the Empress.—Her Complicity in the Crime.—Energy of
Catharine's Administration.—Her Expansive Views and Sagacious Policy.
—Contemplated Marriage with Count Orlof.
CHAPTER XXV.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1765 to 1774.
Energy of Catharine's Administration.—Titles of Honor Decreed to Her.
—Code of Laws Instituted.—The Assassination of the Empress
Attempted.—Encouragement of Learned Men.—Catharine Inoculated
for the Small-Pox.—New War with Turkey.—Capture of Crimea.—
Sailing of the Russian Fleet.—Great Naval Victory.—Visit of the
Prussian Prince Henry.—The Sleigh Ride.—Plans for the Partition of
Lineage of Peter III.—Chosen by Elizabeth as her Successor.—The Bride
Chosen for Peter.—Her Lineage.—The Courtship.—The Marriage.—
Autobiography of Catharine.—Anecdotes of Peter.—His Neglect of
Catharine and his Debaucheries.—Amusements of the Russian Court.—
Military Execution of a Rat.—Accession of Peter III. to the Throne.—
Supremacy of Catharine.—Her Repudiation Threatened.—The
Conspiracy.—Its Successful Accomplishment.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE CONSPIRACY; AND ACCESSION OF CATHARINE II.
From 1762 to 1765.
Peter III. at Oranienbaum.—Catharine at Peterhof.—The Successful
Accomplishment of the Conspiracy.—Terror of Peter.—His Vacillating
and Feeble Character.—Flight to Cronstadt.—Repulse.—Heroic
Counsel of Munich.—Peter's Return to Oranienbaum.—His Suppliant
Letters to Catharine.—His Arrest.—Imprisonment.—Assasination.—
Proclamation of the Empress.—Her Complicity in the Crime.—Energy of
Catharine's Administration.—Her Expansive Views and Sagacious Policy.
—Contemplated Marriage with Count Orlof.
CHAPTER XXV.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1765 to 1774.
Energy of Catharine's Administration.—Titles of Honor Decreed to Her.
—Code of Laws Instituted.—The Assassination of the Empress
Attempted.—Encouragement of Learned Men.—Catharine Inoculated
for the Small-Pox.—New War with Turkey.—Capture of Crimea.—
Sailing of the Russian Fleet.—Great Naval Victory.—Visit of the
Prussian Prince Henry.—The Sleigh Ride.—Plans for the Partition of
Page 19
Poland.—The Hermitage.—Marriage of the Grand Duke Paul.—
Correspondence with Voltaire and Diderot.
CHAPTER XXVI.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1774 to 1781.
Peace with Turkey.—Court of Catharine II.—Her Personal Appearance
and Habits.—Conspiracy and Rebellion.—Defeat of the Rebels.—
Magnanimity of Catharine II.—-Ambition of the Empress.—Court
Favorite.—Division of Russia into Provinces.—internal Improvements.—
New Partition of Poland.—Death of the Wife of Paul.—Second
Marriage of the Grand Duke.—Splendor of the Russian Court.—Russia
and Austria Secretly Combine to Drive the Turks out of Europe.—The
Emperor Joseph II.
CHAPTER XXVII.
TERMINATION OF THE REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1781 to 1786.
Statue of Peter the Great.—Alliance Between Austria and Russia.—
Independence of the Crimea—The Khan of the Crimea.—Vast
Preparations for War.—National Jealousies.—Tolerant Spirit of
Catharine.—Magnificent Excursion to the Crimea.—Commencement of
Hostilities.—Anecdote of Paul.—Peace.—New Partition of Poland.—
Treaty with Austria and France.—Hostility to Liberty in France.—
Death of Catharine.—Her Character.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE REIGN OF PAUL I.
Correspondence with Voltaire and Diderot.
CHAPTER XXVI.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1774 to 1781.
Peace with Turkey.—Court of Catharine II.—Her Personal Appearance
and Habits.—Conspiracy and Rebellion.—Defeat of the Rebels.—
Magnanimity of Catharine II.—-Ambition of the Empress.—Court
Favorite.—Division of Russia into Provinces.—internal Improvements.—
New Partition of Poland.—Death of the Wife of Paul.—Second
Marriage of the Grand Duke.—Splendor of the Russian Court.—Russia
and Austria Secretly Combine to Drive the Turks out of Europe.—The
Emperor Joseph II.
CHAPTER XXVII.
TERMINATION OF THE REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1781 to 1786.
Statue of Peter the Great.—Alliance Between Austria and Russia.—
Independence of the Crimea—The Khan of the Crimea.—Vast
Preparations for War.—National Jealousies.—Tolerant Spirit of
Catharine.—Magnificent Excursion to the Crimea.—Commencement of
Hostilities.—Anecdote of Paul.—Peace.—New Partition of Poland.—
Treaty with Austria and France.—Hostility to Liberty in France.—
Death of Catharine.—Her Character.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE REIGN OF PAUL I.
Page 20
From 1796 to 1801.
Accession of Paul I. to the Throne.—Influence of Hereditary
Transmission of Power.—Extravagance of Paul.—His Despotism.—The
Horse Court Martialed.—Progress of the French Revolution.—Fears
and Violence of Paul.—Hostility to Foreigners.—Russia Joins the
Coalition Against France.—March of Suwarrow.—Character of
Suwarrow.—Battle on the Adda.—Battle of Novi.—Suwarrow marches
on the Rhine.—His Defeat and Death.—Paul Abandons the Coalition
and Joins France.—Conspiracies at St. Petersburg.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ASSASSINATION OF PAUL AND ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
From 1801 to 1807.
Assassination of Paul I.—Implication of Alexander in the Conspiracy.—
Anecdotes.—Accession of Alexander.—The French Revolution.—
Alexander Joins Allies Against France.—State of Russia.—Useful
Measures of Alexander.—Peace of Amiens.—Renewal of Hostilities.—
Battle of Austerlitz.—Magnanimity of Napoleon.—New Coalition.—
Ambition of Alexander.—Battles of Jena and Eylau.—Defeat of the
Russians.
CHAPTER XXX.
REIGN OF ALEXANDER I.
From 1807 to 1825.
The Field of Eylau.—Letter to the King of Prussia.—Renewal of the
War—Discomfiture of the Allies.—Battle of Friedland.—The Raft at
Tilsit.—Intimacy of the Emperors.—Alexander's Designs upon Turkey.—
Alliance Between France and Russia.—Object of the Continental
System.—Perplexities of Alexander.—Driven by the Nobles to War.—
Accession of Paul I. to the Throne.—Influence of Hereditary
Transmission of Power.—Extravagance of Paul.—His Despotism.—The
Horse Court Martialed.—Progress of the French Revolution.—Fears
and Violence of Paul.—Hostility to Foreigners.—Russia Joins the
Coalition Against France.—March of Suwarrow.—Character of
Suwarrow.—Battle on the Adda.—Battle of Novi.—Suwarrow marches
on the Rhine.—His Defeat and Death.—Paul Abandons the Coalition
and Joins France.—Conspiracies at St. Petersburg.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ASSASSINATION OF PAUL AND ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
From 1801 to 1807.
Assassination of Paul I.—Implication of Alexander in the Conspiracy.—
Anecdotes.—Accession of Alexander.—The French Revolution.—
Alexander Joins Allies Against France.—State of Russia.—Useful
Measures of Alexander.—Peace of Amiens.—Renewal of Hostilities.—
Battle of Austerlitz.—Magnanimity of Napoleon.—New Coalition.—
Ambition of Alexander.—Battles of Jena and Eylau.—Defeat of the
Russians.
CHAPTER XXX.
REIGN OF ALEXANDER I.
From 1807 to 1825.
The Field of Eylau.—Letter to the King of Prussia.—Renewal of the
War—Discomfiture of the Allies.—Battle of Friedland.—The Raft at
Tilsit.—Intimacy of the Emperors.—Alexander's Designs upon Turkey.—
Alliance Between France and Russia.—Object of the Continental
System.—Perplexities of Alexander.—Driven by the Nobles to War.—
Page 21
Results of the Russian Campaign.—Napoleon Vanquished.—Last Days of
Alexander.—His Sickness and Death.
CHAPTER XXXI.
NICHOLAS.
From 1825 to 1855.
Abdication of Constantine.—Accession of Nicholas.—Insurrection
Quelled.—Nicholas and the Conspirator.—Anecdote.—The Palace of
Peterhof.—The Winter Palace.—Presentation at Court.—Magnitude of
Russia.—Description of the Hellespont and Dardanelles.—The Turkish
Invasion.—Aims of Russia.—Views of England and France.—Wars of
Nicholas.—The Polish Insurrection.—War of the Crimea.—Jealousies
of the Leading Nations.—Encroachments.—Death of Nicholas.—
Accession of Alexander II.
INDEX.
CHAPTER I.
PARENTAGE AND BIRTH OF RUSSIA.
From 600 B.C. to A.D. 910.
Primeval Russia.—Explorations of the Greeks.—Scythian Invasion.—
Character of the Scythians.—Sarmatia.—Assaults upon the Roman
Empire.—Irruption of the Alains.—Conquests of Trajan.—The Gothic
Invasion.—The Huns.—Their Character and Aspect.—The Devastations
of Attila.—The Avars.—Results of Comminglings of these Tribes.—
Normans.—Birth of the Russian Empire.—The Three Sovereigns Rurik,
Alexander.—His Sickness and Death.
CHAPTER XXXI.
NICHOLAS.
From 1825 to 1855.
Abdication of Constantine.—Accession of Nicholas.—Insurrection
Quelled.—Nicholas and the Conspirator.—Anecdote.—The Palace of
Peterhof.—The Winter Palace.—Presentation at Court.—Magnitude of
Russia.—Description of the Hellespont and Dardanelles.—The Turkish
Invasion.—Aims of Russia.—Views of England and France.—Wars of
Nicholas.—The Polish Insurrection.—War of the Crimea.—Jealousies
of the Leading Nations.—Encroachments.—Death of Nicholas.—
Accession of Alexander II.
INDEX.
CHAPTER I.
PARENTAGE AND BIRTH OF RUSSIA.
From 600 B.C. to A.D. 910.
Primeval Russia.—Explorations of the Greeks.—Scythian Invasion.—
Character of the Scythians.—Sarmatia.—Assaults upon the Roman
Empire.—Irruption of the Alains.—Conquests of Trajan.—The Gothic
Invasion.—The Huns.—Their Character and Aspect.—The Devastations
of Attila.—The Avars.—Results of Comminglings of these Tribes.—
Normans.—Birth of the Russian Empire.—The Three Sovereigns Rurik,
Page 22
Sineous and Truvor.—Adventures of Ascolod and Dir.—Introduction of
Christianity.—Usurpation of Oleg.—His Conquests.—Expedition
Against Constantinople.
Those vast realms of northern Europe, now called Russia, have been
inhabited for a period beyond the records of history, by wandering tribes of
savages. These barbaric hordes have left no monuments of their existence.
The annals of Greece and of Rome simply inform us that they were there.
Generations came and departed, passing through life's tragic drama, and no
one has told their story.
About five hundred years before the birth of our Saviour, the Greeks,
sailing up the Bosphorus and braving the storms of the Black Sea, began to
plant their colonies along its shores. Instructed by these colonists,
Herodotus, who wrote about four hundred and forty years before Christ,
gives some information respecting the then condition of interior Russia. The
first great irruption into the wastes of Russia, of which history gives us any
record, was about one hundred years before our Saviour. An immense
multitude of conglomerated tribes, taking the general name of Scythians,
with their wives and their children, their flocks and their herds, and their
warriors, fiercer than wolves, crossed the Volga, and took possession of the
whole country between the Don and the Danube. These barbarians did not
molest the Greek colonies, but, on the contrary, were glad to learn of them
many of the rudiments of civilization. Some of these tribes retained their
ancestral habits of wandering herdsmen, and, with their flocks, traversed the
vast and treeless plains, where they found ample pasture. Others selecting
sunny and fertile valleys, scattered their seed and cultivated the soil. Thus
the Scythians were divided into two quite distinct classes, the herdsmen and
the laborers.
The tribes who then peopled the vast wilds of northern Europe and Asia,
though almost innumerable, and of different languages and customs, were
all called, by the Greeks, Scythians, as we have given the general name of
Indians to all the tribes who formerly ranged the forests of North America.
The Scythians were as ferocious a race as earth has ever known. They drank
the blood of their enemies; tanned their skins for garments; used their skulls
for drinking cups; and worshiped a sword as the image or emblem of their
Christianity.—Usurpation of Oleg.—His Conquests.—Expedition
Against Constantinople.
Those vast realms of northern Europe, now called Russia, have been
inhabited for a period beyond the records of history, by wandering tribes of
savages. These barbaric hordes have left no monuments of their existence.
The annals of Greece and of Rome simply inform us that they were there.
Generations came and departed, passing through life's tragic drama, and no
one has told their story.
About five hundred years before the birth of our Saviour, the Greeks,
sailing up the Bosphorus and braving the storms of the Black Sea, began to
plant their colonies along its shores. Instructed by these colonists,
Herodotus, who wrote about four hundred and forty years before Christ,
gives some information respecting the then condition of interior Russia. The
first great irruption into the wastes of Russia, of which history gives us any
record, was about one hundred years before our Saviour. An immense
multitude of conglomerated tribes, taking the general name of Scythians,
with their wives and their children, their flocks and their herds, and their
warriors, fiercer than wolves, crossed the Volga, and took possession of the
whole country between the Don and the Danube. These barbarians did not
molest the Greek colonies, but, on the contrary, were glad to learn of them
many of the rudiments of civilization. Some of these tribes retained their
ancestral habits of wandering herdsmen, and, with their flocks, traversed the
vast and treeless plains, where they found ample pasture. Others selecting
sunny and fertile valleys, scattered their seed and cultivated the soil. Thus
the Scythians were divided into two quite distinct classes, the herdsmen and
the laborers.
The tribes who then peopled the vast wilds of northern Europe and Asia,
though almost innumerable, and of different languages and customs, were
all called, by the Greeks, Scythians, as we have given the general name of
Indians to all the tribes who formerly ranged the forests of North America.
The Scythians were as ferocious a race as earth has ever known. They drank
the blood of their enemies; tanned their skins for garments; used their skulls
for drinking cups; and worshiped a sword as the image or emblem of their
Page 23
favorite deity, the God of War. Philip of Macedon was the first who put any
check upon their proud spirit. He conquered them in a decisive battle, and
thus taught them that they were not invincible. Alexander the Great assailed
them and spread the terror of his arms throughout all the region between the
Danube and the Dnieper. Subsequently the Roman legions advanced to the
Euxine, and planted their eagles upon the heights of the Caucasus.
The Roman historians seem to have dropped the Scythian name, and they
called the whole northern expanse of Europe and Asia, Sarmatia, and the
barbarous inhabitants Sarmatians. About the time of our Saviour, some of
these fierce tribes from the banks of the Theiss and the Danube,
commenced their assaults upon the frontiers of the Roman empire. This was
the signal for that war of centuries, which terminated in the overthrow of
the throne of the Cæsars. The Roman Senate, enervated by luxury,
condescended to purchase peace of these barbarians, and nations of
savages, whose names are now forgotten, exacted tribute, under guise of
payment for alliance, from the proud empire. But neither bribes, nor
alliances, nor the sword in the hands of enervated Rome, could effectually
check the incursions of these bands, who were ever emerging, like wolves,
from the mysterious depths of the North.
In the haze of those distant times and remote realms, we catch dim glimpses
of locust legions, emerging from the plains and the ravines between the
Black Sea and the Caspian, and sweeping like a storm cloud over nearly all
of what is now called Russia. These people, to whom the name of Alains
was given, had no fixed habitations; they conveyed their women and
children in rude carts. Their devastations were alike extended over Europe
and Asia, and in the ferocity of their assaults they were as insensible to
death as wild beasts could be.
In the second century, the emperor Trajan conquered and took possession of
the province of Dacia, which included all of lower Hungary, Transylvania,
Moldavia, Wallachia and Bessarabia. The country was divided into Roman
provinces, over each of which a prefect was established. In the third
century, the Goths, from the shores of the Baltic, came rushing over the
wide arena, with the howling of wolves and their gnashing of teeth. They
trampled down all opposition, with their war knives drove out the Romans,
crossed the Black Sea in their rude vessels, and spread conflagration and
check upon their proud spirit. He conquered them in a decisive battle, and
thus taught them that they were not invincible. Alexander the Great assailed
them and spread the terror of his arms throughout all the region between the
Danube and the Dnieper. Subsequently the Roman legions advanced to the
Euxine, and planted their eagles upon the heights of the Caucasus.
The Roman historians seem to have dropped the Scythian name, and they
called the whole northern expanse of Europe and Asia, Sarmatia, and the
barbarous inhabitants Sarmatians. About the time of our Saviour, some of
these fierce tribes from the banks of the Theiss and the Danube,
commenced their assaults upon the frontiers of the Roman empire. This was
the signal for that war of centuries, which terminated in the overthrow of
the throne of the Cæsars. The Roman Senate, enervated by luxury,
condescended to purchase peace of these barbarians, and nations of
savages, whose names are now forgotten, exacted tribute, under guise of
payment for alliance, from the proud empire. But neither bribes, nor
alliances, nor the sword in the hands of enervated Rome, could effectually
check the incursions of these bands, who were ever emerging, like wolves,
from the mysterious depths of the North.
In the haze of those distant times and remote realms, we catch dim glimpses
of locust legions, emerging from the plains and the ravines between the
Black Sea and the Caspian, and sweeping like a storm cloud over nearly all
of what is now called Russia. These people, to whom the name of Alains
was given, had no fixed habitations; they conveyed their women and
children in rude carts. Their devastations were alike extended over Europe
and Asia, and in the ferocity of their assaults they were as insensible to
death as wild beasts could be.
In the second century, the emperor Trajan conquered and took possession of
the province of Dacia, which included all of lower Hungary, Transylvania,
Moldavia, Wallachia and Bessarabia. The country was divided into Roman
provinces, over each of which a prefect was established. In the third
century, the Goths, from the shores of the Baltic, came rushing over the
wide arena, with the howling of wolves and their gnashing of teeth. They
trampled down all opposition, with their war knives drove out the Romans,
crossed the Black Sea in their rude vessels, and spread conflagration and
Page 24
death throughout the most flourishing cities and villages of Bythinia,
Gallacia and Cappadocia. The famous temple of Diana at Ephesus, these
barbarians committed to the flames. They overran all Greece and took
Athens by storm. As they were about to destroy the precious libraries of
Athens, one of their chieftains said,
"Let us leave to the Greeks their books, that they, in reading
them may forget the arts of war; and that we thus may more
easily be able to hold them in subjection."
These Goths established an empire, extending from the Black Sea to the
Baltic, and which embraced nearly all of what is now European Russia.
Towards the close of the fourth century, another of these appalling waves of
barbaric inundation rolled over northern Europe. The Huns, emerging from
the northern frontiers of China, traversed the immense intervening deserts,
and swept over European Russia, spreading everywhere flames and
desolation. The historians of that day seem to find no language sufficiently
forcible to describe the hideousness and the ferocity of these savages. They
pressed down on the Roman empire as merciless as wolves, and the Cæsars
turned pale at the recital of their deeds of blood.
It is indeed a revolting picture which contemporaneous history gives us of
these barbarians. In their faces was concentrated the ugliness of the hyena
and the baboon. They tattooed their cheeks, to prevent the growth of their
beards. They were short, thick-set, and with back bones curved almost into
a semicircle. Herbs, roots and raw meat they devoured, tearing their food
with their teeth or hewing it with their swords. To warm and soften their
meat, they placed it under their saddles when riding. Nearly all their lives
they passed on horseback. Wandering incessantly over the vast plains, they
had no fixed habitations, but warmly clad in the untanned skins of beasts,
like the beasts they slept wherever the night found them. They had no
religion nor laws, no conception of ideas of honor; their language was a
wretched jargon, and in their nature there seemed to be no moral sense to
which compassion or mercy could plead.
Such were the Huns as described by the ancient historians. The Goths
struggled against them in vain. They were crushed and subjugated. The king
of the Goths, Hermanric, in chagrin and despair, committed suicide, that he
Gallacia and Cappadocia. The famous temple of Diana at Ephesus, these
barbarians committed to the flames. They overran all Greece and took
Athens by storm. As they were about to destroy the precious libraries of
Athens, one of their chieftains said,
"Let us leave to the Greeks their books, that they, in reading
them may forget the arts of war; and that we thus may more
easily be able to hold them in subjection."
These Goths established an empire, extending from the Black Sea to the
Baltic, and which embraced nearly all of what is now European Russia.
Towards the close of the fourth century, another of these appalling waves of
barbaric inundation rolled over northern Europe. The Huns, emerging from
the northern frontiers of China, traversed the immense intervening deserts,
and swept over European Russia, spreading everywhere flames and
desolation. The historians of that day seem to find no language sufficiently
forcible to describe the hideousness and the ferocity of these savages. They
pressed down on the Roman empire as merciless as wolves, and the Cæsars
turned pale at the recital of their deeds of blood.
It is indeed a revolting picture which contemporaneous history gives us of
these barbarians. In their faces was concentrated the ugliness of the hyena
and the baboon. They tattooed their cheeks, to prevent the growth of their
beards. They were short, thick-set, and with back bones curved almost into
a semicircle. Herbs, roots and raw meat they devoured, tearing their food
with their teeth or hewing it with their swords. To warm and soften their
meat, they placed it under their saddles when riding. Nearly all their lives
they passed on horseback. Wandering incessantly over the vast plains, they
had no fixed habitations, but warmly clad in the untanned skins of beasts,
like the beasts they slept wherever the night found them. They had no
religion nor laws, no conception of ideas of honor; their language was a
wretched jargon, and in their nature there seemed to be no moral sense to
which compassion or mercy could plead.
Such were the Huns as described by the ancient historians. The Goths
struggled against them in vain. They were crushed and subjugated. The king
of the Goths, Hermanric, in chagrin and despair, committed suicide, that he
Page 25
might escape slavery. Thousands of the Goths, in their terror, crowded
down into the Roman province of Thrace, now the Turkish province of
Romania. The empire, then in its decadence, could not drive them back, and
they obtained a permanent foothold there. The Huns thus attained the
supremacy throughout all of northern Europe. There were then very many
tribes of diverse names peopling these vast realms, and incessant wars were
waged between them. The domination which the Huns attained was
precarious, and not distinctly defined.
The terrible Attila ere long appears as the king of these Huns, about the
middle of the fifth century. This wonderful barbarian extended his sway
from the Volga to the Rhine, and from the Bosphorus to the shores of the
Baltic. Where-ever he appeared, blood flowed in torrents. He swept the
valley of the Danube with flame and sword, destroying cities, fortresses and
villages, and converting the whole region into a desert. At the head of an
army of seven hundred thousand men, he plunged all Europe into dismay.
Both the Eastern and Western empire were compelled to pay him tribute. He
even invaded Gaul, and upon the plains of Chalons was defeated in one of
the most bloody battles ever fought in Europe. Contemporary historians
record that one hundred and six thousand dead were left upon the field.
With the death of Attila, the supremacy of the Huns vanished. The irruption
of the Huns was a devastating scourge, which terrified the world. Whole
nations were exterminated in their march, until at last the horrible
apparition disappeared, almost as suddenly as it arose.
With the disappearance of the Huns, central Russia presents to us the aspect
of a vast waste, thinly peopled, with the wrecks of nations and tribes,
debased and feeble, living upon the cattle they herded, and occasionally
cultivating the soil. And now there comes forward upon this theater of
violence and of blood another people, called the Sclavonians, more
energetic and more intelligent than any who had preceded them. The origin
of the Sclavonians is quite lost in the haze of distance, and in the savage
wilds where they first appeared. The few traditions which have been
gleaned respecting them are of very little authority.
From about the close of the fifth century the inhabitants of the whole region
now embraced by European Russia, were called Sclavonians; and yet it
appears that these Sclavonians consisted of many nations, rude and warlike,
down into the Roman province of Thrace, now the Turkish province of
Romania. The empire, then in its decadence, could not drive them back, and
they obtained a permanent foothold there. The Huns thus attained the
supremacy throughout all of northern Europe. There were then very many
tribes of diverse names peopling these vast realms, and incessant wars were
waged between them. The domination which the Huns attained was
precarious, and not distinctly defined.
The terrible Attila ere long appears as the king of these Huns, about the
middle of the fifth century. This wonderful barbarian extended his sway
from the Volga to the Rhine, and from the Bosphorus to the shores of the
Baltic. Where-ever he appeared, blood flowed in torrents. He swept the
valley of the Danube with flame and sword, destroying cities, fortresses and
villages, and converting the whole region into a desert. At the head of an
army of seven hundred thousand men, he plunged all Europe into dismay.
Both the Eastern and Western empire were compelled to pay him tribute. He
even invaded Gaul, and upon the plains of Chalons was defeated in one of
the most bloody battles ever fought in Europe. Contemporary historians
record that one hundred and six thousand dead were left upon the field.
With the death of Attila, the supremacy of the Huns vanished. The irruption
of the Huns was a devastating scourge, which terrified the world. Whole
nations were exterminated in their march, until at last the horrible
apparition disappeared, almost as suddenly as it arose.
With the disappearance of the Huns, central Russia presents to us the aspect
of a vast waste, thinly peopled, with the wrecks of nations and tribes,
debased and feeble, living upon the cattle they herded, and occasionally
cultivating the soil. And now there comes forward upon this theater of
violence and of blood another people, called the Sclavonians, more
energetic and more intelligent than any who had preceded them. The origin
of the Sclavonians is quite lost in the haze of distance, and in the savage
wilds where they first appeared. The few traditions which have been
gleaned respecting them are of very little authority.
From about the close of the fifth century the inhabitants of the whole region
now embraced by European Russia, were called Sclavonians; and yet it
appears that these Sclavonians consisted of many nations, rude and warlike,
Page 26
with various distinctive names. They soon began to crowd upon the Roman
empire, and became more formidable than the Goths or the Huns had been.
Wading through blood they seized province after province of the empire,
destroying and massacring often in mere wantonness. The emperor
Justinian was frequently compelled to purchase peace with them and to
bribe them to alliance.
And now came another wave of invasion, bloody and overwhelming. The
Avars, from the north of China, swept over Asia, seized all the provinces on
the Black Sea, overran Greece, and took possession of most of the country
between the Volga and the Elbe. The Sclavonians of the Danube, however,
successfully resisted them, and maintained their independence. Generations
came and went as these hordes, wild, degraded and wretched, swept these
northern wilds, in debasement and cruelty rivaling the wolves which
howled in their forests. They have left no traces behind them, and the few
records of their joyless lives which history has preserved, are merely the
gleanings of uncertain tradition. The thinking mind pauses in sadness to
contemplate the spectacle of these weary ages, when his brother man was
the most ferocious of beasts, and when all the discipline of life tended only
to sink him into deeper abysses of brutality and misery. There is here a
problem in the divine government which no human wisdom can solve.
There is consolation only in the announcement that what we know not now,
we shall know hereafter. All these diverse nations blending have formed the
present Russians.
Along the shores of the Baltic, these people assumed the name of
Scandinavians, and subsequently Normans. Toward the close of the eighth
century, the Normans filled Europe with the renown of their exploits, and
their banners bade defiance even to the armies of Charlemagne. Early in the
ninth century they ravaged France, Italy, Scotland, England, and passed
over to Ireland, where they built cities which remain to the present day.
"There is no manner of doubt," writes M. Karamsin in his history of Russia,
"that five hundred years before Christopher Columbus, they had discovered
North America, and instituted commerce with the natives."
It is not until the middle of the ninth century, that we obtain any really
reliable information respecting the inhabitants of central Russia. They are
described as a light-complexioned, flaxen-haired race, robust, and capable
empire, and became more formidable than the Goths or the Huns had been.
Wading through blood they seized province after province of the empire,
destroying and massacring often in mere wantonness. The emperor
Justinian was frequently compelled to purchase peace with them and to
bribe them to alliance.
And now came another wave of invasion, bloody and overwhelming. The
Avars, from the north of China, swept over Asia, seized all the provinces on
the Black Sea, overran Greece, and took possession of most of the country
between the Volga and the Elbe. The Sclavonians of the Danube, however,
successfully resisted them, and maintained their independence. Generations
came and went as these hordes, wild, degraded and wretched, swept these
northern wilds, in debasement and cruelty rivaling the wolves which
howled in their forests. They have left no traces behind them, and the few
records of their joyless lives which history has preserved, are merely the
gleanings of uncertain tradition. The thinking mind pauses in sadness to
contemplate the spectacle of these weary ages, when his brother man was
the most ferocious of beasts, and when all the discipline of life tended only
to sink him into deeper abysses of brutality and misery. There is here a
problem in the divine government which no human wisdom can solve.
There is consolation only in the announcement that what we know not now,
we shall know hereafter. All these diverse nations blending have formed the
present Russians.
Along the shores of the Baltic, these people assumed the name of
Scandinavians, and subsequently Normans. Toward the close of the eighth
century, the Normans filled Europe with the renown of their exploits, and
their banners bade defiance even to the armies of Charlemagne. Early in the
ninth century they ravaged France, Italy, Scotland, England, and passed
over to Ireland, where they built cities which remain to the present day.
"There is no manner of doubt," writes M. Karamsin in his history of Russia,
"that five hundred years before Christopher Columbus, they had discovered
North America, and instituted commerce with the natives."
It is not until the middle of the ninth century, that we obtain any really
reliable information respecting the inhabitants of central Russia. They are
described as a light-complexioned, flaxen-haired race, robust, and capable
Page 27
of great endurance. Their huts were cheerless, affording but little shelter,
and they lived upon the coarsest food, often devouring their meat raw. The
Greeks expressed astonishment at their agility in climbing precipitous cliffs,
and admired the hardihood with which they plunged through bogs, and
swam the most rapid and swollen streams. He who had the most athletic
vigor was the greatest man, and all the ambition and energy of the nation
were expended in the acquisition of strength and agility.
They are ever described as strangers to fear, rushing unthinkingly upon
certain death. They were always ready to accept combat with the Roman
legions. Entire strangers to military strategy, they made no attacks in drilled
lines or columns, but the whole tumultuous mass, in wild disorder rushed
upon the foe, with the most desperate daring, having no guide but their own
ferocity and the chieftains who led small bands. Their weapons consisted of
swords, javelins and poisoned arrows, and each man carried a heavy shield.
As they crossed the Danube in their bloody forays, incited by love of
plunder, the inhabitants of the Roman villages fled before them. When
pursued by an invincible force they would relinquish life rather than their
booty, even when the plunder was of a kind totally valueless in their savage
homes. The ancient annals depict in appalling colors the cruelties they
exercised upon their captives. They were, however, as patient in endurance
as they were merciless in infliction. No keenness of torture could force from
them a cry of pain.
Yet these people, so ferocious, are described as remarkably amiable among
themselves, seldom quarreling, honest and truthful, and practicing
hospitality with truly patriarchal grace. Whenever they left home, the door
was unfastened and food was left for any chance wayfarer. A guest was
treated as a heavenly messenger, and was guided on his way with the
kindest expressions for his welfare.
The females, as in all barbaric countries, were exposed to every indignity.
All the hard labor of life was thrown upon them. When the husband died,
the widow was compelled to cast herself upon the funeral pile which
consumed his remains. It is said that this barbarous custom, which
Christianity abolished, was introduced to prevent the wife from secretly
killing her husband. The wife was also regarded as the slave of the husband,
and they imagined that if she died at the same time with her husband, she
and they lived upon the coarsest food, often devouring their meat raw. The
Greeks expressed astonishment at their agility in climbing precipitous cliffs,
and admired the hardihood with which they plunged through bogs, and
swam the most rapid and swollen streams. He who had the most athletic
vigor was the greatest man, and all the ambition and energy of the nation
were expended in the acquisition of strength and agility.
They are ever described as strangers to fear, rushing unthinkingly upon
certain death. They were always ready to accept combat with the Roman
legions. Entire strangers to military strategy, they made no attacks in drilled
lines or columns, but the whole tumultuous mass, in wild disorder rushed
upon the foe, with the most desperate daring, having no guide but their own
ferocity and the chieftains who led small bands. Their weapons consisted of
swords, javelins and poisoned arrows, and each man carried a heavy shield.
As they crossed the Danube in their bloody forays, incited by love of
plunder, the inhabitants of the Roman villages fled before them. When
pursued by an invincible force they would relinquish life rather than their
booty, even when the plunder was of a kind totally valueless in their savage
homes. The ancient annals depict in appalling colors the cruelties they
exercised upon their captives. They were, however, as patient in endurance
as they were merciless in infliction. No keenness of torture could force from
them a cry of pain.
Yet these people, so ferocious, are described as remarkably amiable among
themselves, seldom quarreling, honest and truthful, and practicing
hospitality with truly patriarchal grace. Whenever they left home, the door
was unfastened and food was left for any chance wayfarer. A guest was
treated as a heavenly messenger, and was guided on his way with the
kindest expressions for his welfare.
The females, as in all barbaric countries, were exposed to every indignity.
All the hard labor of life was thrown upon them. When the husband died,
the widow was compelled to cast herself upon the funeral pile which
consumed his remains. It is said that this barbarous custom, which
Christianity abolished, was introduced to prevent the wife from secretly
killing her husband. The wife was also regarded as the slave of the husband,
and they imagined that if she died at the same time with her husband, she
Page 28
would serve him in another world. The wives often followed their husbands
to the wars. From infancy the boys were trained to fight, and were taught
that nothing was more disgraceful than to forgive an injury.
A mother was permitted, if she wished, to destroy her female children; but
the boys were all preserved to add to the military strength of the nation. It
was lawful, also, for the children to put their parents to death when they had
become infirm and useless. "Behold," exclaims a Russian historian, "how a
people naturally kind, when deprived of the light of revelation can
remorselessly outrage nature, and surpass in cruelty the most ferocious
animals."
In different sections of this vast region there were different degrees of
debasement, influenced by causes no longer known. A tribe called
Drevliens, Nestor states, lived in the most gloomy forests with the beasts
and like the beasts. They ate any food which a pig would devour, and had as
little idea of marriage as have sheep or goats. Among the Sclavonians
generally there appears to have been no aristocracy. Each family was an
independent republic. Different tribes occasionally met to consult upon
questions of common interest, when the men of age, and who had acquired
reputation for wisdom, guided in counsel.
Gradually during the progress of their wars an aristocracy arose. Warriors of
renown became chiefs, and created for themselves posts of authority and
honor. By prowess and plunder they acquired wealth. In their incursions
into the empire, they saw the architecture of Greece and Rome, and thus
incited, they began to rear castles and fortresses. He who was recognized as
the leading warrior in time of battle, retained his authority in the days of
peace, which were very few. The castle became necessary for the defense of
the tribe or clan, and the chieftain became the feudal noble, invested with
unlimited power. At one time every man who was rich enough to own a
horse was deemed a noble. The first power recognized was only military
authority. But the progress of civilization developed the absolute necessity
of other powers to protect the weak, to repress crime, and to guide in the
essential steps of nations emerging from darkness into light. With all
nations advancing from barbarism, the process has ever been slow by which
the civil authority has been separated from the military. It is impossible to
educe from the chaos of those times any established principles. Often the
to the wars. From infancy the boys were trained to fight, and were taught
that nothing was more disgraceful than to forgive an injury.
A mother was permitted, if she wished, to destroy her female children; but
the boys were all preserved to add to the military strength of the nation. It
was lawful, also, for the children to put their parents to death when they had
become infirm and useless. "Behold," exclaims a Russian historian, "how a
people naturally kind, when deprived of the light of revelation can
remorselessly outrage nature, and surpass in cruelty the most ferocious
animals."
In different sections of this vast region there were different degrees of
debasement, influenced by causes no longer known. A tribe called
Drevliens, Nestor states, lived in the most gloomy forests with the beasts
and like the beasts. They ate any food which a pig would devour, and had as
little idea of marriage as have sheep or goats. Among the Sclavonians
generally there appears to have been no aristocracy. Each family was an
independent republic. Different tribes occasionally met to consult upon
questions of common interest, when the men of age, and who had acquired
reputation for wisdom, guided in counsel.
Gradually during the progress of their wars an aristocracy arose. Warriors of
renown became chiefs, and created for themselves posts of authority and
honor. By prowess and plunder they acquired wealth. In their incursions
into the empire, they saw the architecture of Greece and Rome, and thus
incited, they began to rear castles and fortresses. He who was recognized as
the leading warrior in time of battle, retained his authority in the days of
peace, which were very few. The castle became necessary for the defense of
the tribe or clan, and the chieftain became the feudal noble, invested with
unlimited power. At one time every man who was rich enough to own a
horse was deemed a noble. The first power recognized was only military
authority. But the progress of civilization developed the absolute necessity
of other powers to protect the weak, to repress crime, and to guide in the
essential steps of nations emerging from darkness into light. With all
nations advancing from barbarism, the process has ever been slow by which
the civil authority has been separated from the military. It is impossible to
educe from the chaos of those times any established principles. Often the
Page 29
duke or leader was chosen with imposing ceremonies. Some men of
commanding abilities would gather into their hands the reins of almost
unlimited power, and would transmit that power to their sons. Others were
chiefs but in name.
We have but dim glimpses of the early religion of this people. In the sixth
century they are represented as regarding with awe the deity whom they
designated as the creator of thunder. The spectacle of the majestic storms
which swept their plains and the lightning bolts hurled from an invisible
hand, deeply impressed these untutored people. They endeavored to
appease the anger of the supreme being by the sacrifice of bulls and other
animals. They also peopled the groves, the fountains, the rivers with deities;
statues were rudely chiseled, into which they supposed the spirits of their
gods entered, and which they worshiped. They deemed the supreme being
himself too elevated for direct human adoration, and only ventured to
approach him through gods of a secondary order. They believed in a fallen
spirit, a god of evil, who was the author of all the calamities which afflict
the human race.
The polished Greeks chiseled their idols, from snow-white marble, into the
most exquisite proportions of the human form. Many they invested with all
the charms of loveliness, and endowed them with the most amiable
attributes. The voluptuous Venus and the laurel-crowned Bacchus were their
gods. But the Sclavonians, regarding their deities only as possessors of
power and objects of terror, carved their idols gigantic in stature, and
hideous in aspect.
From these rude, scattered and discordant populations, the empire of Russia
quite suddenly sprang into being. Its birth was one of the most
extraordinary events history has transmitted to us. We have seen that the
Normans, dwelling along the southern and eastern shores of the Baltic, and
visiting the most distant coasts with their commercial and predatory fleets,
had attained a degree of power, intelligence and culture, which gave them a
decided preëminence over the tribes who were scattered over the wilds of
central Russia.
A Sclavonian, whose name tradition says was Gostomysle, a man far
superior to his countrymen in intelligence and sagacity, deploring the
commanding abilities would gather into their hands the reins of almost
unlimited power, and would transmit that power to their sons. Others were
chiefs but in name.
We have but dim glimpses of the early religion of this people. In the sixth
century they are represented as regarding with awe the deity whom they
designated as the creator of thunder. The spectacle of the majestic storms
which swept their plains and the lightning bolts hurled from an invisible
hand, deeply impressed these untutored people. They endeavored to
appease the anger of the supreme being by the sacrifice of bulls and other
animals. They also peopled the groves, the fountains, the rivers with deities;
statues were rudely chiseled, into which they supposed the spirits of their
gods entered, and which they worshiped. They deemed the supreme being
himself too elevated for direct human adoration, and only ventured to
approach him through gods of a secondary order. They believed in a fallen
spirit, a god of evil, who was the author of all the calamities which afflict
the human race.
The polished Greeks chiseled their idols, from snow-white marble, into the
most exquisite proportions of the human form. Many they invested with all
the charms of loveliness, and endowed them with the most amiable
attributes. The voluptuous Venus and the laurel-crowned Bacchus were their
gods. But the Sclavonians, regarding their deities only as possessors of
power and objects of terror, carved their idols gigantic in stature, and
hideous in aspect.
From these rude, scattered and discordant populations, the empire of Russia
quite suddenly sprang into being. Its birth was one of the most
extraordinary events history has transmitted to us. We have seen that the
Normans, dwelling along the southern and eastern shores of the Baltic, and
visiting the most distant coasts with their commercial and predatory fleets,
had attained a degree of power, intelligence and culture, which gave them a
decided preëminence over the tribes who were scattered over the wilds of
central Russia.
A Sclavonian, whose name tradition says was Gostomysle, a man far
superior to his countrymen in intelligence and sagacity, deploring the
Page 30
anarchy which reigned everywhere around him, and admiring the superior
civilization of the Normans, persuaded several tribes unitedly to send an
embassy to the Normans to solicit of them a king. The embassy was
accompanied by a strong force of these fierce warriors, who knew well how
to fight, but who had become conscious that they did not know how to
govern themselves. Their message was laconic but explicit:
"Our country," said they, "is grand and fertile, but under the reign of
disorder. Come and govern us and reign over us."
Three brothers, named Rurik, Sineous and Truvor, illustrious both by birth
and achievements, consented to assume the sovereignty, each over a third
part of the united applicants; each engaging to coöperate with and uphold
the others. Escorted by the armed retinue which had come to receive them,
they left their native shores, and entered the wilds of Scandinavia. Rurik
established himself at Novgorod, on lake Ilmen. Sineous, advancing some
three hundred miles further, north-east, took his station at Bielo Ozero, on
the shores of lake Bielo. Truvor went some hundred miles further south to
Truvor, in the vicinity of Smolensk.
Thus there were three sovereigns established in Russia, united by the ties of
interest and consanguinity. It was then that this region acquired the name of
Russia, from the Norman tribe who furnished these three sovereigns. The
Russia which thus emerged into being was indeed an infant, compared with
the gigantic empire in this day of its growing and vigorous manhood. It
embraced then but a few thousand square miles, being all included in the
present provinces of St. Petersburg, Novgorod and Pskov. But two years
passed away ere Sineous and Truvor died, and Rurik united their territories
with his own, and thus established the Russian monarchy. The realms of
Rurik grew, rapidly by annexation, and soon extended east some two
hundred miles beyond where Moscow now stands, to the head waters of the
Volga. They were bounded on the south-west by the Dwina. On the north
they reached to the wild wastes of arctic snows. Over these distant
provinces, Rurik established governors selected from his own nation, the
Normans. These provincial governors became feudal lords; and thus, with
the monarchy, the feudal system was implanted.
civilization of the Normans, persuaded several tribes unitedly to send an
embassy to the Normans to solicit of them a king. The embassy was
accompanied by a strong force of these fierce warriors, who knew well how
to fight, but who had become conscious that they did not know how to
govern themselves. Their message was laconic but explicit:
"Our country," said they, "is grand and fertile, but under the reign of
disorder. Come and govern us and reign over us."
Three brothers, named Rurik, Sineous and Truvor, illustrious both by birth
and achievements, consented to assume the sovereignty, each over a third
part of the united applicants; each engaging to coöperate with and uphold
the others. Escorted by the armed retinue which had come to receive them,
they left their native shores, and entered the wilds of Scandinavia. Rurik
established himself at Novgorod, on lake Ilmen. Sineous, advancing some
three hundred miles further, north-east, took his station at Bielo Ozero, on
the shores of lake Bielo. Truvor went some hundred miles further south to
Truvor, in the vicinity of Smolensk.
Thus there were three sovereigns established in Russia, united by the ties of
interest and consanguinity. It was then that this region acquired the name of
Russia, from the Norman tribe who furnished these three sovereigns. The
Russia which thus emerged into being was indeed an infant, compared with
the gigantic empire in this day of its growing and vigorous manhood. It
embraced then but a few thousand square miles, being all included in the
present provinces of St. Petersburg, Novgorod and Pskov. But two years
passed away ere Sineous and Truvor died, and Rurik united their territories
with his own, and thus established the Russian monarchy. The realms of
Rurik grew, rapidly by annexation, and soon extended east some two
hundred miles beyond where Moscow now stands, to the head waters of the
Volga. They were bounded on the south-west by the Dwina. On the north
they reached to the wild wastes of arctic snows. Over these distant
provinces, Rurik established governors selected from his own nation, the
Normans. These provincial governors became feudal lords; and thus, with
the monarchy, the feudal system was implanted.
Page 31
Feudality was the natural first step of a people emerging from barbarism.
The sovereign rewarded his favorites, or compensated his servants, civil
and military, by ceding to them provinces of greater or less extent, with
unlimited authority over the people subject to their control. These lords
acknowledged fealty to the sovereign, paid a stipulated amount of tribute,
and, in case of war, were bound to enter the field with a given number of
men in defense of the crown. It was a system essential, perhaps, to those
barbarous times when there was no easy communication between distant
regions, no codes of laws, and no authority, before which savage men
would bow, but that of the sword.
At this time two young Norman nobles, inspired with that love of war and
spirit of adventure which characterized their countrymen, left the court of
Rurik at Novgorod, where they had been making a visit, and with well-
armed retainers, commenced a journey to Constantinople to offer their
services to the emperor. It was twelve hundred miles, directly south, from
Novgorod to the imperial city. The adventurers had advanced about half
way, when they arrived at a little village, called Kief, upon the banks of the
Dnieper. The location of the city was so beautiful, upon a commanding
bluff, at the head of the navigation of this majestic stream, and the region
around seemed so attractive, that the Norman adventurers, Ascolod and Dir
by name, decided to remain there. They were soon joined by others of their
warlike countrymen. The natives appear to have made no opposition to their
rule, and thus Kief became the center of a new and independent Russian
kingdom. These energetic men rapidly extended their territories, raised a
large army, which was thoroughly drilled in all the science of Norman
warfare, and then audaciously declared war against Greece and attempted
its subjugation. The Dnieper, navigable for boats most of the distance from
Kief to the Euxine, favored their enterprise. They launched upon the stream
two hundred barges, which they filled with their choicest troops. Rapidly
they floated down the stream, spread their sails upon the bosom of the
Euxine, entered the Bosporus, and anchoring their fleet at the mouth of the
Golden Horn, laid siege to the city. The Emperor Michael III. then reigned
at Constantinople. This Northmen invasion was entirely unexpected, and
the emperor was absent, engaged in war with the Arabs. A courier was
immediately dispatched to inform him of the peril of the city. He hastily
returned to his capital which he finally reached, after eluding, with much
The sovereign rewarded his favorites, or compensated his servants, civil
and military, by ceding to them provinces of greater or less extent, with
unlimited authority over the people subject to their control. These lords
acknowledged fealty to the sovereign, paid a stipulated amount of tribute,
and, in case of war, were bound to enter the field with a given number of
men in defense of the crown. It was a system essential, perhaps, to those
barbarous times when there was no easy communication between distant
regions, no codes of laws, and no authority, before which savage men
would bow, but that of the sword.
At this time two young Norman nobles, inspired with that love of war and
spirit of adventure which characterized their countrymen, left the court of
Rurik at Novgorod, where they had been making a visit, and with well-
armed retainers, commenced a journey to Constantinople to offer their
services to the emperor. It was twelve hundred miles, directly south, from
Novgorod to the imperial city. The adventurers had advanced about half
way, when they arrived at a little village, called Kief, upon the banks of the
Dnieper. The location of the city was so beautiful, upon a commanding
bluff, at the head of the navigation of this majestic stream, and the region
around seemed so attractive, that the Norman adventurers, Ascolod and Dir
by name, decided to remain there. They were soon joined by others of their
warlike countrymen. The natives appear to have made no opposition to their
rule, and thus Kief became the center of a new and independent Russian
kingdom. These energetic men rapidly extended their territories, raised a
large army, which was thoroughly drilled in all the science of Norman
warfare, and then audaciously declared war against Greece and attempted
its subjugation. The Dnieper, navigable for boats most of the distance from
Kief to the Euxine, favored their enterprise. They launched upon the stream
two hundred barges, which they filled with their choicest troops. Rapidly
they floated down the stream, spread their sails upon the bosom of the
Euxine, entered the Bosporus, and anchoring their fleet at the mouth of the
Golden Horn, laid siege to the city. The Emperor Michael III. then reigned
at Constantinople. This Northmen invasion was entirely unexpected, and
the emperor was absent, engaged in war with the Arabs. A courier was
immediately dispatched to inform him of the peril of the city. He hastily
returned to his capital which he finally reached, after eluding, with much
Page 32
difficulty, the vigilance of the besiegers. Just as the inhabitants of the city
were yielding to despair, there arose a tempest, which swept the Bosporus
with resistless fury. The crowded barges were dashed against each other,
shattered, wrecked and sunk. The Christians of Constantinople justly
attributed their salvation to the interposition of God. Ascolod and Dir, with
the wrecks of their army, returned in chagrin to Kief.
The historians of that period relate that the idolatrous Russians were so
terrified by this display of the divine displeasure that they immediately sent
embassadors to Constantinople, professing their readiness to embrace
Christianity, and asking that they might receive the rite of baptism. In
attestation of the fact that Christianity at this period entered Russia, we are
referred to a well authenticated letter, of the patriarch Photius, written at the
close of the year 866.
"The Russians," he says, "so celebrated for their cruelty, conquerors of their
neighbors, and who, in their pride, dared to attack the Roman empire, have
already renounced their superstitions, and have embraced the religion of
Jesus Christ. Lately our most formidable enemies, they have now become
our most faithful friends. We have recently sent them a bishop and a priest,
and they testify the greatest zeal for Christianity."
It was in this way, it seems, that the religion of our Saviour first entered
barbaric Russia. The gospel, thus welcomed, soon became firmly
established at Kief, and rapidly extended its conquests in all directions. The
two Russian kingdoms, that of Rurik in the north, and that of Ascolod and
Dir on the Dnieper, rapidly extended as these enterprising kings, by arms,
subjected adjacent nations to their sway. Rurik remained upon the throne
fifteen years, and then died, surrendering his crown to his son Igor, still a
child. A relative, Oleg, was intrusted with the regency, during the minority
of the boy king. Such was the state of Russia in the year 879.
In that dark and cruel age, war was apparently the only thought, military
conquest the only glory. The regent, Oleg, taking with him the young prince
Igor, immediately set out with a large army on a career of conquest.
Marching directly south some hundred miles, and taking possession of all
the country by the way, he arrived at last at the head waters of the Dnieper.
The renown of the kingdom of Ascolod and Dir had reached his ears; and
were yielding to despair, there arose a tempest, which swept the Bosporus
with resistless fury. The crowded barges were dashed against each other,
shattered, wrecked and sunk. The Christians of Constantinople justly
attributed their salvation to the interposition of God. Ascolod and Dir, with
the wrecks of their army, returned in chagrin to Kief.
The historians of that period relate that the idolatrous Russians were so
terrified by this display of the divine displeasure that they immediately sent
embassadors to Constantinople, professing their readiness to embrace
Christianity, and asking that they might receive the rite of baptism. In
attestation of the fact that Christianity at this period entered Russia, we are
referred to a well authenticated letter, of the patriarch Photius, written at the
close of the year 866.
"The Russians," he says, "so celebrated for their cruelty, conquerors of their
neighbors, and who, in their pride, dared to attack the Roman empire, have
already renounced their superstitions, and have embraced the religion of
Jesus Christ. Lately our most formidable enemies, they have now become
our most faithful friends. We have recently sent them a bishop and a priest,
and they testify the greatest zeal for Christianity."
It was in this way, it seems, that the religion of our Saviour first entered
barbaric Russia. The gospel, thus welcomed, soon became firmly
established at Kief, and rapidly extended its conquests in all directions. The
two Russian kingdoms, that of Rurik in the north, and that of Ascolod and
Dir on the Dnieper, rapidly extended as these enterprising kings, by arms,
subjected adjacent nations to their sway. Rurik remained upon the throne
fifteen years, and then died, surrendering his crown to his son Igor, still a
child. A relative, Oleg, was intrusted with the regency, during the minority
of the boy king. Such was the state of Russia in the year 879.
In that dark and cruel age, war was apparently the only thought, military
conquest the only glory. The regent, Oleg, taking with him the young prince
Igor, immediately set out with a large army on a career of conquest.
Marching directly south some hundred miles, and taking possession of all
the country by the way, he arrived at last at the head waters of the Dnieper.
The renown of the kingdom of Ascolod and Dir had reached his ears; and
Page 33
aware of their military skill and that the ranks of their army were filled with
Norman warriors, Oleg decided to seize the two sovereigns by stratagem.
As he cautiously approached Kief, he left his army in a secluded
encampment, and with a few chosen troops floated down the stream in
barges, disguised as merchant boats. Landing in the night beneath the high
and precipitous banks near the town, he placed a number of his soldiers in
ambuscade, and then calling upon the princes of Kief, informed them that
he had been sent by the king of Novgorod, with a commercial adventure
down the Dnieper, and invited them to visit his barges.
The two sovereigns, suspecting no guile, hastened to the banks of the river.
Suddenly the men in ambush rose, and piercing them with arrows and
javelins, they both fell dead at the feet of Oleg. The two victims of this
perfidy were immediately buried upon the spot where they fell. In
commemoration of this atrocity, the church of St. Nicholas has been erected
near the place, and even to the present day the inhabitants of Kief conduct
the traveler to the tomb of Ascolod and Dir. Oleg, now marshaling his army,
marched triumphantly into the town, and, without experiencing any
formidable opposition, annexed the conquered realm to the northern
kingdom.
Oleg was charmed with his conquest. The beautiful site of the town, the
broad expanse of the river, the facilities which the stream presented for
maritime and military adventures so delighted him that he exclaimed,
"Let Kief be the mother of all the Russian cities."
Oleg established his army in cantonments, strengthened it with fresh
recruits, commenced predatory excursions on every side, and soon brought
the whole region, for many leagues around, under his subjection. All the
subjugated nations were compelled to pay him tribute, though, with the
sagacity which marked his whole course, he made the tax so light as not to
be burdensome. The territories of Oleg were now vast, widely scattered, and
with but the frailest bond of union between them. Between the two capitals
of Novgorod and Kief, which were separated by a distance of seven or eight
hundred miles, there were many powerful tribes still claiming
independence.
Norman warriors, Oleg decided to seize the two sovereigns by stratagem.
As he cautiously approached Kief, he left his army in a secluded
encampment, and with a few chosen troops floated down the stream in
barges, disguised as merchant boats. Landing in the night beneath the high
and precipitous banks near the town, he placed a number of his soldiers in
ambuscade, and then calling upon the princes of Kief, informed them that
he had been sent by the king of Novgorod, with a commercial adventure
down the Dnieper, and invited them to visit his barges.
The two sovereigns, suspecting no guile, hastened to the banks of the river.
Suddenly the men in ambush rose, and piercing them with arrows and
javelins, they both fell dead at the feet of Oleg. The two victims of this
perfidy were immediately buried upon the spot where they fell. In
commemoration of this atrocity, the church of St. Nicholas has been erected
near the place, and even to the present day the inhabitants of Kief conduct
the traveler to the tomb of Ascolod and Dir. Oleg, now marshaling his army,
marched triumphantly into the town, and, without experiencing any
formidable opposition, annexed the conquered realm to the northern
kingdom.
Oleg was charmed with his conquest. The beautiful site of the town, the
broad expanse of the river, the facilities which the stream presented for
maritime and military adventures so delighted him that he exclaimed,
"Let Kief be the mother of all the Russian cities."
Oleg established his army in cantonments, strengthened it with fresh
recruits, commenced predatory excursions on every side, and soon brought
the whole region, for many leagues around, under his subjection. All the
subjugated nations were compelled to pay him tribute, though, with the
sagacity which marked his whole course, he made the tax so light as not to
be burdensome. The territories of Oleg were now vast, widely scattered, and
with but the frailest bond of union between them. Between the two capitals
of Novgorod and Kief, which were separated by a distance of seven or eight
hundred miles, there were many powerful tribes still claiming
independence.
Page 34
Oleg directed his energies against them, and his march of conquest was
resistless. In the course of two years he established his undisputed sway
over the whole region, and thus opened unobstructed communication
between his northern and southern provinces. He established a chain of
military posts along the line, and placed his renowned warriors in feudal
authority over numerous provinces. Each lord, in his castle, was supreme in
authority over the vassals subject to his sway. Life and death were in his
hands. The fealty he owed his sovereign was paid in a small tribute, and in
military service with an appointed number of soldiers whom he led into the
field and supported.
Having thus secured safety in the north, Oleg turned his attention to the
south. With a well-disciplined army, he marched down the left bank of the
river, sweeping the country for an hundred miles in width, everywhere
planting his banners and establishing his simple and effective government
of baronial lords. It was easy to weaken any formidable or suspected tribe,
by the slaughter of the warriors. There were two safeguards against
insurrection. The burdens imposed upon the vassals were so light as to
induce no murmurings; and all the feudal lords were united to sustain each
other. The first movement towards rebellion was drowned in blood.
Igor, the legitimate sovereign, had now attained his majority; but,
accustomed as he had long been, to entire obedience, he did not dare to
claim the crown from a regent flushed with the brilliancy of his
achievements, who had all power in his hands, and who, by a nod, could
remove him for ever out of his way.
Igor was one day engaged in the chase, when at the door of a cottage, in a
small village near Kief, he saw a young peasant girl, of marvelous grace
and beauty. She was a Norman girl of humble parentage. Young Igor,
inflamed by her beauty, immediately rode to the door and addressed her.
Her voice was melody, her smile ravishing, and in her replies to his
questionings, she developed pride of character, quickness of intelligence
and invincible modesty, which charmed him and instantly won his most
passionate admiration. The young prince rode home sorely wounded. Cupid
had shot one of his most fiery arrows into the very center of his heart.
Though many high-born ladies had been urged upon Igor, he renounced
them all, and allowing beauty to triumph over birth, honorably demanded
resistless. In the course of two years he established his undisputed sway
over the whole region, and thus opened unobstructed communication
between his northern and southern provinces. He established a chain of
military posts along the line, and placed his renowned warriors in feudal
authority over numerous provinces. Each lord, in his castle, was supreme in
authority over the vassals subject to his sway. Life and death were in his
hands. The fealty he owed his sovereign was paid in a small tribute, and in
military service with an appointed number of soldiers whom he led into the
field and supported.
Having thus secured safety in the north, Oleg turned his attention to the
south. With a well-disciplined army, he marched down the left bank of the
river, sweeping the country for an hundred miles in width, everywhere
planting his banners and establishing his simple and effective government
of baronial lords. It was easy to weaken any formidable or suspected tribe,
by the slaughter of the warriors. There were two safeguards against
insurrection. The burdens imposed upon the vassals were so light as to
induce no murmurings; and all the feudal lords were united to sustain each
other. The first movement towards rebellion was drowned in blood.
Igor, the legitimate sovereign, had now attained his majority; but,
accustomed as he had long been, to entire obedience, he did not dare to
claim the crown from a regent flushed with the brilliancy of his
achievements, who had all power in his hands, and who, by a nod, could
remove him for ever out of his way.
Igor was one day engaged in the chase, when at the door of a cottage, in a
small village near Kief, he saw a young peasant girl, of marvelous grace
and beauty. She was a Norman girl of humble parentage. Young Igor,
inflamed by her beauty, immediately rode to the door and addressed her.
Her voice was melody, her smile ravishing, and in her replies to his
questionings, she developed pride of character, quickness of intelligence
and invincible modesty, which charmed him and instantly won his most
passionate admiration. The young prince rode home sorely wounded. Cupid
had shot one of his most fiery arrows into the very center of his heart.
Though many high-born ladies had been urged upon Igor, he renounced
them all, and allowing beauty to triumph over birth, honorably demanded
Page 35
and received the hand of the lowly-born yet princely-minded and lovely
Olga. They were married at Kief in the year 903.
The revolution at Kief had not interrupted the friendly relations existing
between Kief and Constantinople. The Christians of the imperial city made
great efforts, by sending missionaries to Kief, to multiply the number of
Christians there. Oleg, though a pagan, granted free toleration to
Christianity, and reciprocated the presents and friendly messages he
received from the emperor. But at length Oleg, having consolidated his
realms, and ambitions of still greater renown, wealth and power, resolved
boldly to declare war against the empire itself, and to march upon
Constantinople. The warriors from a hundred tribes, each under their feudal
lord, were ranged around his banners. For miles along the banks of the
Dnieper at Kief, the river was covered with barges, two thousand in
number. An immense body of cavalry accompanied the expedition,
following along the shore.
The navigation of the river, which poured its flood through a channel nearly
a thousand miles in length from Kief to the Euxine, was difficult and
perilous. It required the blind, unthinking courage of semi-barbarians to
undertake such an enterprise. There were many cataracts, down which the
flotilla would be swept over foaming billows and amidst jagged rocks. In
many places the stream was quite impassable by boats, and it was necessary
to take all the barges, with their contents, on shore, and drag them for miles
through the forest, again to launch them upon smoother water; and all this
time they were exposed to attacks from numerous and ferocious foes.
Having arrived at the mouth of the Dnieper, they had still six or eight
hundred miles of navigation over the waves of that storm-swept sea. And
then, at the close, they had to encounter, in deadly fight, all the power of the
Roman empire. But unintimidated by these perils, Oleg, leaving Igor with
his bride at Kief, launched his boats upon the current, and commenced his
desperate enterprise.
CHAPTER II.
Olga. They were married at Kief in the year 903.
The revolution at Kief had not interrupted the friendly relations existing
between Kief and Constantinople. The Christians of the imperial city made
great efforts, by sending missionaries to Kief, to multiply the number of
Christians there. Oleg, though a pagan, granted free toleration to
Christianity, and reciprocated the presents and friendly messages he
received from the emperor. But at length Oleg, having consolidated his
realms, and ambitions of still greater renown, wealth and power, resolved
boldly to declare war against the empire itself, and to march upon
Constantinople. The warriors from a hundred tribes, each under their feudal
lord, were ranged around his banners. For miles along the banks of the
Dnieper at Kief, the river was covered with barges, two thousand in
number. An immense body of cavalry accompanied the expedition,
following along the shore.
The navigation of the river, which poured its flood through a channel nearly
a thousand miles in length from Kief to the Euxine, was difficult and
perilous. It required the blind, unthinking courage of semi-barbarians to
undertake such an enterprise. There were many cataracts, down which the
flotilla would be swept over foaming billows and amidst jagged rocks. In
many places the stream was quite impassable by boats, and it was necessary
to take all the barges, with their contents, on shore, and drag them for miles
through the forest, again to launch them upon smoother water; and all this
time they were exposed to attacks from numerous and ferocious foes.
Having arrived at the mouth of the Dnieper, they had still six or eight
hundred miles of navigation over the waves of that storm-swept sea. And
then, at the close, they had to encounter, in deadly fight, all the power of the
Roman empire. But unintimidated by these perils, Oleg, leaving Igor with
his bride at Kief, launched his boats upon the current, and commenced his
desperate enterprise.
CHAPTER II.
Page 36
GROWTH AND CONSOLIDATION OF RUSSIA
From 910 to 973.
Expedition to Constantinople.—Treaty with the Emperor.—Last Days of
Oleg.—His Death.—Igor Assumes the Scepter.—His Expedition to the
Don.—Descent upon Constantinople.—His Defeat.—Second Expedition.
—Pusillanimity of the Greeks.—Death of Igor.—Regency of Olga.—
Her Character.—Succession of Sviatoslaf.—His Impiety and Ambition.—
Conquest of Bulgaria.—Division of the Empire.—Defeat, Ruin and Death
of Sviatoslaf.—Civil War.—Death of Oleg.—Flight of Vlademer.—
Supremacy of Yaropolk.
The fleet of Oleg successfully accomplished the navigation of the Dnieper,
followed by the horse along the shores. Each barge carried forty warriors.
Entering the Black Sea, they spread their sails and ran along the western
coast to the mouth of the Bosporus. The enormous armament approaching
the imperial city of Constantine by sea and by land, completely invested it.
The superstitious Leon, surnamed the Philosopher, sat then upon the throne.
He was a feeble man engrossed with the follies of astrology, and without
making preparations for any vigorous defense, he contented himself with
stretching a chain across the Golden Horn to prevent the hostile fleet from
entering the harbor. The cavalry of Oleg, encountering no serious
opposition, burnt and plundered all the neighboring regions. The beautiful
villas of the wealthy Greeks, their churches and villages all alike fell a prey
to the flames. Every species of cruelty and barbarity was practiced by the
ruthless invaders.
The effeminate Greeks from the walls of the city gazed upon this sweep of
desolation, but ventured not to march from behind their ramparts to assail
the foe. Oleg draw his barges upon the shore and dragged them on wheels
towards the city, that he might from them construct instruments and engines
for scaling the walls. The Greeks were so terrified at this spectacle of
energy, that they sent an embassage to Oleg, imploring peace, and offering
to pay tribute. To conciliate the invader they sent him large presents of food
and wine. Oleg, apprehensive that the viands were poisoned, refused to
accept them. He however demanded enormous tribute of the emperor, to
From 910 to 973.
Expedition to Constantinople.—Treaty with the Emperor.—Last Days of
Oleg.—His Death.—Igor Assumes the Scepter.—His Expedition to the
Don.—Descent upon Constantinople.—His Defeat.—Second Expedition.
—Pusillanimity of the Greeks.—Death of Igor.—Regency of Olga.—
Her Character.—Succession of Sviatoslaf.—His Impiety and Ambition.—
Conquest of Bulgaria.—Division of the Empire.—Defeat, Ruin and Death
of Sviatoslaf.—Civil War.—Death of Oleg.—Flight of Vlademer.—
Supremacy of Yaropolk.
The fleet of Oleg successfully accomplished the navigation of the Dnieper,
followed by the horse along the shores. Each barge carried forty warriors.
Entering the Black Sea, they spread their sails and ran along the western
coast to the mouth of the Bosporus. The enormous armament approaching
the imperial city of Constantine by sea and by land, completely invested it.
The superstitious Leon, surnamed the Philosopher, sat then upon the throne.
He was a feeble man engrossed with the follies of astrology, and without
making preparations for any vigorous defense, he contented himself with
stretching a chain across the Golden Horn to prevent the hostile fleet from
entering the harbor. The cavalry of Oleg, encountering no serious
opposition, burnt and plundered all the neighboring regions. The beautiful
villas of the wealthy Greeks, their churches and villages all alike fell a prey
to the flames. Every species of cruelty and barbarity was practiced by the
ruthless invaders.
The effeminate Greeks from the walls of the city gazed upon this sweep of
desolation, but ventured not to march from behind their ramparts to assail
the foe. Oleg draw his barges upon the shore and dragged them on wheels
towards the city, that he might from them construct instruments and engines
for scaling the walls. The Greeks were so terrified at this spectacle of
energy, that they sent an embassage to Oleg, imploring peace, and offering
to pay tribute. To conciliate the invader they sent him large presents of food
and wine. Oleg, apprehensive that the viands were poisoned, refused to
accept them. He however demanded enormous tribute of the emperor, to
Page 37
which terms the Greeks consented, on condition that Oleg would cease
hostilities, and return peaceably to his country. Upon this basis of a treaty,
the Russian array retired to some distance from the city, and Oleg sent four
commissioners to arrange with the emperor the details of peace. The
humiliating treaty exacted was as follows:
I. The Greeks engage to give twelve grivnas to each man of the Russian
army, and the same sum to each of the warriors in the cities governed by the
dependent princes of Oleg.
II. The embassadors, sent by Russia to Constantinople, shall have all their
expenses defrayed by the emperor. And, moreover, the emperor engages to
give to every Russian merchant in Greece, bread, wine, meat, fish and
fruits, for the space of six months; to grant him free access to the public
baths, and to furnish him, on his return to his country, with food, anchors,
sails, and, in a word, with every thing he needs.
On the other hand the Greeks propose that the Russians, who visit
Constantinople for any other purposes than those of commerce, shall not be
entitled to this supply of their tables. The Russian prince shall forbid his
embassadors from giving any offense to the inhabitants of the Grecian cities
or provinces. The quarter of Saint Meme shall be especially appropriated to
the Russians, who, upon their arrival, shall give information to the city
council. Their names shall be inscribed, and there shall be paid to them
every month the sums necessary for their support, no matter from what part
of Russia they may have come. A particular gate shall be designated by
which they may enter the city, accompanied by an imperial commissary.
They shall enter without arms, and never more than fifty at a time; and they
shall be permitted, freely, to engage in trade in Constantinople without the
payment of any tax.
This treaty, by which the emperor placed his neck beneath the feet of Oleg,
was ratified by the most imposing ceremonies of religion. The emperor took
the oath upon the evangelists. Oleg swore by his sword and the gods of
Russia. In token of his triumph Oleg proudly raised his shield, as a banner,
over the battlements of Constantinople, and returned, laden with riches, to
Kief, where he was received with the most extravagant demonstrations of
adulation and joy.
hostilities, and return peaceably to his country. Upon this basis of a treaty,
the Russian array retired to some distance from the city, and Oleg sent four
commissioners to arrange with the emperor the details of peace. The
humiliating treaty exacted was as follows:
I. The Greeks engage to give twelve grivnas to each man of the Russian
army, and the same sum to each of the warriors in the cities governed by the
dependent princes of Oleg.
II. The embassadors, sent by Russia to Constantinople, shall have all their
expenses defrayed by the emperor. And, moreover, the emperor engages to
give to every Russian merchant in Greece, bread, wine, meat, fish and
fruits, for the space of six months; to grant him free access to the public
baths, and to furnish him, on his return to his country, with food, anchors,
sails, and, in a word, with every thing he needs.
On the other hand the Greeks propose that the Russians, who visit
Constantinople for any other purposes than those of commerce, shall not be
entitled to this supply of their tables. The Russian prince shall forbid his
embassadors from giving any offense to the inhabitants of the Grecian cities
or provinces. The quarter of Saint Meme shall be especially appropriated to
the Russians, who, upon their arrival, shall give information to the city
council. Their names shall be inscribed, and there shall be paid to them
every month the sums necessary for their support, no matter from what part
of Russia they may have come. A particular gate shall be designated by
which they may enter the city, accompanied by an imperial commissary.
They shall enter without arms, and never more than fifty at a time; and they
shall be permitted, freely, to engage in trade in Constantinople without the
payment of any tax.
This treaty, by which the emperor placed his neck beneath the feet of Oleg,
was ratified by the most imposing ceremonies of religion. The emperor took
the oath upon the evangelists. Oleg swore by his sword and the gods of
Russia. In token of his triumph Oleg proudly raised his shield, as a banner,
over the battlements of Constantinople, and returned, laden with riches, to
Kief, where he was received with the most extravagant demonstrations of
adulation and joy.
Page 38
The treaty thus made with the emperor, and which is preserved in full in the
Russian annals, shows that the Russians were no longer savages, but that
they had so far emerged from that gloomy state as to be able to appreciate
the sacredness of law, the claims of honor and the authority of treaties. It is
observable that no signatures are attached to this treaty but those of the
Norman princes, which indicates that the original Sclavonic race were in
subjection as the vassals of the Normans. Oleg appears to have placed in
posts of authority only his own countrymen.
Oleg now, as old age was advancing, passed many years in quietude.
Surrounded by an invincible army, and with renown which pervaded the
most distant regions, no tribes ventured to disturb his repose. His distance
from southern Europe protected him from annoyance from the powerful
nations which were forming there. His latter years seem to have been
devoted to the arts of peace, for he secured to an unusual degree the love, as
well as the admiration, of his subjects. Ancient annalists record that all
Russia moaned and wept when he died. He is regarded, as more
prominently than any other man, the founder of the Russian empire. He
united, though by treachery and blood, the northern and southern kingdoms
under one monarch. He then, by conquest, extended his empire over vast
realms of barbarians, bringing them all under the simple yet effective
government of feudal lords. He consolidated this empire, and by sagacious
measures, encouraging arts and commerce, he led his barbarous people
onward in the paths of civilization. He gave Russia a name and renown, so
that it assumed a position among the nations of the globe, notwithstanding
its remote position amidst the wilds of the North. His usurpation, history
can not condemn. In those days any man had the right to govern who had
the genius of command. Genius was the only legitimacy. But he was an
assassin, and can never be washed clean from that crime. He died after a
reign of thirty-three years, and was buried, with all the displays of pomp
which that dark age could furnish, upon one of the mountains in the vicinity
of Kief, which mountain for many generations was called the Tomb of
Oleg.
Igor now assumed the reins of government. He had lived in Kief a quiet,
almost an effeminate life, with his beautiful bride Olga. A very powerful
tribe, the Drevolians, which had been rather restive, even under the rigorous
sway of Oleg, thought this a favorable opportunity to regain their
Russian annals, shows that the Russians were no longer savages, but that
they had so far emerged from that gloomy state as to be able to appreciate
the sacredness of law, the claims of honor and the authority of treaties. It is
observable that no signatures are attached to this treaty but those of the
Norman princes, which indicates that the original Sclavonic race were in
subjection as the vassals of the Normans. Oleg appears to have placed in
posts of authority only his own countrymen.
Oleg now, as old age was advancing, passed many years in quietude.
Surrounded by an invincible army, and with renown which pervaded the
most distant regions, no tribes ventured to disturb his repose. His distance
from southern Europe protected him from annoyance from the powerful
nations which were forming there. His latter years seem to have been
devoted to the arts of peace, for he secured to an unusual degree the love, as
well as the admiration, of his subjects. Ancient annalists record that all
Russia moaned and wept when he died. He is regarded, as more
prominently than any other man, the founder of the Russian empire. He
united, though by treachery and blood, the northern and southern kingdoms
under one monarch. He then, by conquest, extended his empire over vast
realms of barbarians, bringing them all under the simple yet effective
government of feudal lords. He consolidated this empire, and by sagacious
measures, encouraging arts and commerce, he led his barbarous people
onward in the paths of civilization. He gave Russia a name and renown, so
that it assumed a position among the nations of the globe, notwithstanding
its remote position amidst the wilds of the North. His usurpation, history
can not condemn. In those days any man had the right to govern who had
the genius of command. Genius was the only legitimacy. But he was an
assassin, and can never be washed clean from that crime. He died after a
reign of thirty-three years, and was buried, with all the displays of pomp
which that dark age could furnish, upon one of the mountains in the vicinity
of Kief, which mountain for many generations was called the Tomb of
Oleg.
Igor now assumed the reins of government. He had lived in Kief a quiet,
almost an effeminate life, with his beautiful bride Olga. A very powerful
tribe, the Drevolians, which had been rather restive, even under the rigorous
sway of Oleg, thought this a favorable opportunity to regain their
Page 39
independence. They raised the standard of revolt. Igor crushed the
insurrection with energy which astonished all who knew him, and which
spread his fame far and wide through all the wilds of Russia, as a monarch
thoroughly capable of maintaining his command.
Far away in unknown realms, beyond the eastern boundary of Russia,
where the gloomy waves of the Irtish, the Tobol, the Oural and the Volga
flow through vast deserts, washing the base of fir-clad mountains, and
murmuring through wildernesses, the native domain of wolves and bears,
there were wandering innumerable tribes, fierce, cruel and barbarous, who
held the frontiers of Russia in continual terror. They were called by the
general name of Petchénègues. Igor was compelled to be constantly on the
alert to defend his vast frontier from the irruptions of these merciless
savages. This incessant warfare led to the organization of a very efficient
military power, but there was no glory to be acquired in merely driving
back to their dens these wild assailants. Weary of the conflict, he at last
consented to purchase a peace with them; and then, seeking the military
renown which Oleg had so signally acquired, he resolved to imitate his
example and make a descent upon Constantinople. The annals of those
days, which seem to be credible, state that he floated down the Dnieper with
ten thousand barges, and spread his sails upon the waves of the Euxine.
Entering the Bosporus, he landed on both shores of that beautiful strait, and,
with the most wanton barbarity, ravaged the country far and near,
massacring the inhabitants, pillaging the towns and committing all the
buildings to the flames.
There chanced to be at Constantinople, a very energetic Roman general,
who was dispatched against them with a Greek fleet and a numerous land
force. The Greeks in civilization were far in advance of the Russians. The
land force drove the Russians to their boats, and then the Grecian fleet bore
down upon them. A new instrument of destruction had been invented, the
terrible Greek fire. Attached to arrows and javelins, and in great balls
glowing with intensity of flame which water would not quench, it was
thrown into the boats of the Russians, enkindling conflagration and exciting
terror indescribable. It seemed to the superstitious followers of Igor, that
they were assailed by foes hurling the lightnings of Jove. In this fierce
conflict Igor, having lost a large number of barges, and many of his men,
drew off his remaining forces in disorder, and they slowly returned to their
insurrection with energy which astonished all who knew him, and which
spread his fame far and wide through all the wilds of Russia, as a monarch
thoroughly capable of maintaining his command.
Far away in unknown realms, beyond the eastern boundary of Russia,
where the gloomy waves of the Irtish, the Tobol, the Oural and the Volga
flow through vast deserts, washing the base of fir-clad mountains, and
murmuring through wildernesses, the native domain of wolves and bears,
there were wandering innumerable tribes, fierce, cruel and barbarous, who
held the frontiers of Russia in continual terror. They were called by the
general name of Petchénègues. Igor was compelled to be constantly on the
alert to defend his vast frontier from the irruptions of these merciless
savages. This incessant warfare led to the organization of a very efficient
military power, but there was no glory to be acquired in merely driving
back to their dens these wild assailants. Weary of the conflict, he at last
consented to purchase a peace with them; and then, seeking the military
renown which Oleg had so signally acquired, he resolved to imitate his
example and make a descent upon Constantinople. The annals of those
days, which seem to be credible, state that he floated down the Dnieper with
ten thousand barges, and spread his sails upon the waves of the Euxine.
Entering the Bosporus, he landed on both shores of that beautiful strait, and,
with the most wanton barbarity, ravaged the country far and near,
massacring the inhabitants, pillaging the towns and committing all the
buildings to the flames.
There chanced to be at Constantinople, a very energetic Roman general,
who was dispatched against them with a Greek fleet and a numerous land
force. The Greeks in civilization were far in advance of the Russians. The
land force drove the Russians to their boats, and then the Grecian fleet bore
down upon them. A new instrument of destruction had been invented, the
terrible Greek fire. Attached to arrows and javelins, and in great balls
glowing with intensity of flame which water would not quench, it was
thrown into the boats of the Russians, enkindling conflagration and exciting
terror indescribable. It seemed to the superstitious followers of Igor, that
they were assailed by foes hurling the lightnings of Jove. In this fierce
conflict Igor, having lost a large number of barges, and many of his men,
drew off his remaining forces in disorder, and they slowly returned to their
Page 40
country in disgrace, emaciate and starving. Many of the Russians taken
captive by the Greeks were put to death with the most horrible barbarities.
Igor, exasperated rather than intimidated by this terrible disaster, resolved
upon another expedition, that he might recover his lost renown by inflicting
the most terrible vengeance upon the Greeks. He spent two years in making
preparations for the enterprise; called to his aid warriors from the most
distant tribes of the empire, and purchased the alliance of the Petchénègues.
With an immense array of barges, which for leagues covered the surface of
the Dnieper, and with an immense squadron of cavalry following along the
banks, he commenced the descent of the river. The emperor was informed
that the whole river was filled with barges, descending for the siege and
sack of Constantinople. In terror he sent embassadors to Igor to endeavor to
avert the storm.
The imperial embassadors met the flotilla near the mouth of the Dnieper,
and offered, in the name of the emperor, to pay the same tribute to Igor
which had been paid to Oleg, and even to increase that tribute. At the same
time they endeavored to disarm the cupidity of the foe by the most
magnificent presents. Igor halted his troops, and collecting his chieftains in
counsel, communicated to them the message of the emperor. They replied,
"If the emperor will give us the treasure we demand, without our exposing
ourselves to the perils of battle, what more can we ask? Who can tell on
which side will be the victory?"
Thus influenced, Igor consented to a treaty. The opening words of this
curious treaty are worthy of being recorded. They were as follows:
"We, the embassadors of Igor, solemnly declare that this treaty shall
continue so long as the sun shall shine, in defiance of the machinations of
that evil spirit who is the enemy of peace and the fomenter of discord. The
Russians promise never to break this alliance with the horde; those who
have been baptized, under penalty of temporal and eternal punishment from
God; others, under the penalty of being for ever deprived of the protection
of Péroune;[1] of never being able to protect themselves with their shields;
of being doomed to lacerate themselves with their own swords, arrows and
other arms, and of being slaves in this world and that which is to come."
captive by the Greeks were put to death with the most horrible barbarities.
Igor, exasperated rather than intimidated by this terrible disaster, resolved
upon another expedition, that he might recover his lost renown by inflicting
the most terrible vengeance upon the Greeks. He spent two years in making
preparations for the enterprise; called to his aid warriors from the most
distant tribes of the empire, and purchased the alliance of the Petchénègues.
With an immense array of barges, which for leagues covered the surface of
the Dnieper, and with an immense squadron of cavalry following along the
banks, he commenced the descent of the river. The emperor was informed
that the whole river was filled with barges, descending for the siege and
sack of Constantinople. In terror he sent embassadors to Igor to endeavor to
avert the storm.
The imperial embassadors met the flotilla near the mouth of the Dnieper,
and offered, in the name of the emperor, to pay the same tribute to Igor
which had been paid to Oleg, and even to increase that tribute. At the same
time they endeavored to disarm the cupidity of the foe by the most
magnificent presents. Igor halted his troops, and collecting his chieftains in
counsel, communicated to them the message of the emperor. They replied,
"If the emperor will give us the treasure we demand, without our exposing
ourselves to the perils of battle, what more can we ask? Who can tell on
which side will be the victory?"
Thus influenced, Igor consented to a treaty. The opening words of this
curious treaty are worthy of being recorded. They were as follows:
"We, the embassadors of Igor, solemnly declare that this treaty shall
continue so long as the sun shall shine, in defiance of the machinations of
that evil spirit who is the enemy of peace and the fomenter of discord. The
Russians promise never to break this alliance with the horde; those who
have been baptized, under penalty of temporal and eternal punishment from
God; others, under the penalty of being for ever deprived of the protection
of Péroune;[1] of never being able to protect themselves with their shields;
of being doomed to lacerate themselves with their own swords, arrows and
other arms, and of being slaves in this world and that which is to come."
Page 41
This important treaty consisted of fourteen articles, drawn up with great
precision, and in fact making the Greek emperor as it were but a vassal of
the Russian monarch. One of the articles of the treaty is quite illustrative of
the times. It reads,
"If a Christian kills a Russian, or if a Russian kills a Christian, the friends of
the dead have a right to seize the murderer and kill him."
This treaty was concluded at Constantinople, between the emperor and the
embassadors of Igor. Imperial embassadors were sent with the written treaty
to Kief. Igor, with imposing ceremonies, ascended the sacred hill where was
erected the Russian idol of Péroune, and with his chieftains took a solemn
oath of friendship to the emperor, and then as a gage of their sincerity
deposited at the feet of the idol their arms and shields of gold. The Christian
nobles repaired to the cathedral of St. Elias, the most ancient church of
Kief, and there took the same oath at the altar of the Christian's God. The
renowned Russian historian, Nestor, who was a monk in the monastery at
Kief, records that at that time there were numerous Christians in Kief.
Igor sent the imperial embassadors back to Constantinople laden with rich
presents. Elated by wealth and success, the Russian king began to impose
heavier burdens of taxation upon subjugated nations. The Drevliens
resisted. With an insufficient force Igor entered their territories. The
Drevliens, with the fury of desperation, fell upon him and he was slain, and
his soldiers put to rout. During his reign he held together the vast empire
Oleg had placed in his hands, though he had not been able to extend the
boundaries of his country. It is worthy of notice, and of the highest praise,
that Igor, though a pagan, imitating the example of Oleg, permitted perfect
toleration throughout his realms. The gospel of Christ was freely preached,
and the Christians enjoyed entire freedom of faith and worship. His reign
continued thirty-two years.
Sviatoslaf, the son of Igor, at the time of his father's unhappy death was in
his minority. The empire was then in great peril. The Drevliens, one of the
most numerous and warlike tribes, were in open and successful revolt. The
army accustomed to activity, and now in idleness, was very restive. The old
Norman generals, ambitious and haughty, were disposed to pay but little
respect to the claims of a prince who was yet in his boyhood. But
precision, and in fact making the Greek emperor as it were but a vassal of
the Russian monarch. One of the articles of the treaty is quite illustrative of
the times. It reads,
"If a Christian kills a Russian, or if a Russian kills a Christian, the friends of
the dead have a right to seize the murderer and kill him."
This treaty was concluded at Constantinople, between the emperor and the
embassadors of Igor. Imperial embassadors were sent with the written treaty
to Kief. Igor, with imposing ceremonies, ascended the sacred hill where was
erected the Russian idol of Péroune, and with his chieftains took a solemn
oath of friendship to the emperor, and then as a gage of their sincerity
deposited at the feet of the idol their arms and shields of gold. The Christian
nobles repaired to the cathedral of St. Elias, the most ancient church of
Kief, and there took the same oath at the altar of the Christian's God. The
renowned Russian historian, Nestor, who was a monk in the monastery at
Kief, records that at that time there were numerous Christians in Kief.
Igor sent the imperial embassadors back to Constantinople laden with rich
presents. Elated by wealth and success, the Russian king began to impose
heavier burdens of taxation upon subjugated nations. The Drevliens
resisted. With an insufficient force Igor entered their territories. The
Drevliens, with the fury of desperation, fell upon him and he was slain, and
his soldiers put to rout. During his reign he held together the vast empire
Oleg had placed in his hands, though he had not been able to extend the
boundaries of his country. It is worthy of notice, and of the highest praise,
that Igor, though a pagan, imitating the example of Oleg, permitted perfect
toleration throughout his realms. The gospel of Christ was freely preached,
and the Christians enjoyed entire freedom of faith and worship. His reign
continued thirty-two years.
Sviatoslaf, the son of Igor, at the time of his father's unhappy death was in
his minority. The empire was then in great peril. The Drevliens, one of the
most numerous and warlike tribes, were in open and successful revolt. The
army accustomed to activity, and now in idleness, was very restive. The old
Norman generals, ambitious and haughty, were disposed to pay but little
respect to the claims of a prince who was yet in his boyhood. But
Page 42
Providence had provided for this exigence. Olga, the mother of Sviatoslaf,
assumed the regency, and developed traits of character which place her in
the ranks of the most extraordinary and noble of women. Calling to her aid
two of the most influential of the nobles, one of whom was the tutor of her
son and the other commander-in-chief of the army, she took the helm of
state, and developed powers of wisdom and energy which have rarely been
equaled and perhaps never surpassed.
She immediately sent an army into the country of the Drevliens, and
punished with terrible severity the murderers of her husband. The powerful
tribe was soon brought again into subjection to the Russian crown. As a sort
of defiant parade of her power, and to overawe the turbulent Drevliens, she
traversed their whole country, with her son, accompanied by a very
imposing retinue of her best warriors. Having thus brought them to
subjection, she instituted over them a just and benevolent system of
government, that they might have no occasion again to rise in revolt. They
soon became so warmly attached to her that they ever were foremost in
support of her power.
One year had not passed ere Olga was seated as firmly upon the throne as
Oleg or Igor had ever been. She then, leaving her son Sviatoslaf at Kief, set
out on a tour through her northern provinces. Everywhere, by her wise
measures and her deep interest in the welfare of her subjects, she won
admiration and love. The annals of those times are full of her praises. The
impression produced by this visit was not effaced from the popular mind for
five hundred years, being handed down from father to son. The sledge in
which she traveled was for many generations preserved as a sacred relic.
She returned to Kief, and there resided with her son, for many years, in
peace and happiness. The whole empire was tranquil, and in the lowly
cabins of the Russians there was plenty, and no sounds of war or violence
disturbed the quiet of their lives. This seems to have been one of the most
serene and pleasant periods of Russian history. This noble woman was born
a pagan. But the gospel of Christ was preached in the churches of Kief, and
she heard it and was deeply impressed with its sublimity and beauty. Her
life was drawing to a close. The grandeur of empire she was soon to lay
aside for the darkness and the silence of the tomb. These thoughts
oppressed her mind, which was, by nature, elevated, sensitive and refined.
assumed the regency, and developed traits of character which place her in
the ranks of the most extraordinary and noble of women. Calling to her aid
two of the most influential of the nobles, one of whom was the tutor of her
son and the other commander-in-chief of the army, she took the helm of
state, and developed powers of wisdom and energy which have rarely been
equaled and perhaps never surpassed.
She immediately sent an army into the country of the Drevliens, and
punished with terrible severity the murderers of her husband. The powerful
tribe was soon brought again into subjection to the Russian crown. As a sort
of defiant parade of her power, and to overawe the turbulent Drevliens, she
traversed their whole country, with her son, accompanied by a very
imposing retinue of her best warriors. Having thus brought them to
subjection, she instituted over them a just and benevolent system of
government, that they might have no occasion again to rise in revolt. They
soon became so warmly attached to her that they ever were foremost in
support of her power.
One year had not passed ere Olga was seated as firmly upon the throne as
Oleg or Igor had ever been. She then, leaving her son Sviatoslaf at Kief, set
out on a tour through her northern provinces. Everywhere, by her wise
measures and her deep interest in the welfare of her subjects, she won
admiration and love. The annals of those times are full of her praises. The
impression produced by this visit was not effaced from the popular mind for
five hundred years, being handed down from father to son. The sledge in
which she traveled was for many generations preserved as a sacred relic.
She returned to Kief, and there resided with her son, for many years, in
peace and happiness. The whole empire was tranquil, and in the lowly
cabins of the Russians there was plenty, and no sounds of war or violence
disturbed the quiet of their lives. This seems to have been one of the most
serene and pleasant periods of Russian history. This noble woman was born
a pagan. But the gospel of Christ was preached in the churches of Kief, and
she heard it and was deeply impressed with its sublimity and beauty. Her
life was drawing to a close. The grandeur of empire she was soon to lay
aside for the darkness and the silence of the tomb. These thoughts
oppressed her mind, which was, by nature, elevated, sensitive and refined.
Page 43
She sent for the Christian pastors and conversed with them about the
immortality of the soul, and salvation through faith in the atonement of our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. The good seed of Christian truth fell into
good soil. Cordially she embraced the gospel.
That her renunciation of paganism, and her confession of the Saviour might
be more impressive, she decided to go to Constantinople to be baptized by
the venerable Christian patriarch, who resided there. The Christian emperor,
Constantine Porphyrogenete, informed of her approach, prepared to receive
her with all the pomp worthy of so illustrious a princess of so powerful a
people. He has himself left a record of these most interesting ceremonies.
Olga approached the imperial palace, with a very splendid suite composed
of nobles of her court, of ladies of distinction, and of the Russian
embassadors and merchants residing at Constantinople. The emperor, with a
corresponding suite of splendor, met the Russian queen at a short distance
from the palace, and conducted her, with her retinue, to the apartments
arranged for their entertainment. It was the 9th of September, 955. In the
great banqueting hall of the palace there was a magnificent feast prepared.
The guests were regaled with richest music. After such an entertainment as
even the opulence of the East had seldom furnished, there was an exchange
of presents. The emperor and the queen strove to outvie each other in the
richness and elegance of their gifts. Every individual in the two retinues,
received presents of great value.
The queen at her baptism received the Christian name of Helen. We do not
find any record of the ceremonies performed at her baptism. It is simply
stated that the emperor himself stood as her sponsor. Olga, as she returned
to Kief, with her baptismal vows upon her, and in the freshness of her
Christian hopes, manifested great solicitude for her son, who still continued
a pagan. But Sviatoslaf was a wild, pleasure-seeking young man, who
turned a deaf ear to all his mother's counsels. The unbridled license which
paganism granted, was much more congenial to his unrenewed heart than
the salutary restraints of the gospel of Christ. The human heart was then and
there, as now and here. The Russian historian Karamsin says,
"In vain this pious mother spoke to her son of the happiness of being a
Christian; of the peaceful spirit he would find in the worship of the true
God. 'How can I,' replied Sviatoslaf, 'make a profession of this new religion,
immortality of the soul, and salvation through faith in the atonement of our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. The good seed of Christian truth fell into
good soil. Cordially she embraced the gospel.
That her renunciation of paganism, and her confession of the Saviour might
be more impressive, she decided to go to Constantinople to be baptized by
the venerable Christian patriarch, who resided there. The Christian emperor,
Constantine Porphyrogenete, informed of her approach, prepared to receive
her with all the pomp worthy of so illustrious a princess of so powerful a
people. He has himself left a record of these most interesting ceremonies.
Olga approached the imperial palace, with a very splendid suite composed
of nobles of her court, of ladies of distinction, and of the Russian
embassadors and merchants residing at Constantinople. The emperor, with a
corresponding suite of splendor, met the Russian queen at a short distance
from the palace, and conducted her, with her retinue, to the apartments
arranged for their entertainment. It was the 9th of September, 955. In the
great banqueting hall of the palace there was a magnificent feast prepared.
The guests were regaled with richest music. After such an entertainment as
even the opulence of the East had seldom furnished, there was an exchange
of presents. The emperor and the queen strove to outvie each other in the
richness and elegance of their gifts. Every individual in the two retinues,
received presents of great value.
The queen at her baptism received the Christian name of Helen. We do not
find any record of the ceremonies performed at her baptism. It is simply
stated that the emperor himself stood as her sponsor. Olga, as she returned
to Kief, with her baptismal vows upon her, and in the freshness of her
Christian hopes, manifested great solicitude for her son, who still continued
a pagan. But Sviatoslaf was a wild, pleasure-seeking young man, who
turned a deaf ear to all his mother's counsels. The unbridled license which
paganism granted, was much more congenial to his unrenewed heart than
the salutary restraints of the gospel of Christ. The human heart was then and
there, as now and here. The Russian historian Karamsin says,
"In vain this pious mother spoke to her son of the happiness of being a
Christian; of the peaceful spirit he would find in the worship of the true
God. 'How can I,' replied Sviatoslaf, 'make a profession of this new religion,
Page 44
which will expose me to the ridicule of all my companions in arms?' In vain
Olga urged upon him that his example might induce others to embrace the
gospel of Christ. The young prince was inflexible. He made no effort to
prevent others from becoming Christians, but did not disguise his contempt
for the Christian faith, and so persistently rejected all the exhortations of his
mother, whom he still tenderly loved, that she was at last forced to silence,
and could only pray, in sadness, that God would open the eyes and touch
the heart of her child."
The young prince having attained his majority in the year 964, assumed the
crown. His soul was fired with the ambition of signalizing himself by great
military exploits. The blood of Igor, of Oleg and of Rurik coursed through
his veins, and he resolved to lead the Russian arms to victories which
should eclipse all their exploits. He gathered an immense army, and looked
eagerly around to find some arena worthy of the display of his genius.
His character was an extraordinary one, combining all the virtues of ancient
chivalry; virtues which guided by Christian faith, constitute the noblest
men, but which without piety constitute a man the scourge of his race.
Fame was the God of Sviatoslaf. To acquire the reputation of a great
warrior, he was willing to whelm provinces in blood. But he was too
magnanimous to take any mean advantage of their weakness. He would
give them fair warning, that no blow should be struck, assassin-like,
stealthily and in the dark.
He accustomed his body, Spartan-like, to all the fatigues and exposures of
war. He indulged in no luxury of tents or carriages, and ate the flesh of
horses and wild beasts, which he roasted himself, over the coals. In his
campaigns the ground was his bed, the sky his curtain, his horse blanket his
covering, and the saddle his pillow; and he seemed equally regardless of
both heat and cold. His soldiers looked to him as their model and emulated
his hardihood. Turning his attention first to the vast and almost unknown
realms spreading out towards the East, he sent word to the tribes on the Don
and the Volga, that he was coming to fight them. As soon as they had time
to prepare for their defense he followed his word. Here was chivalric crime
and chivalric magnanimity. Marching nine hundred miles directly east from
Kief, over the Russian plains, he came to the banks of the Don. The region
was inhabited by a very powerful nation called the Khozars. They were
Olga urged upon him that his example might induce others to embrace the
gospel of Christ. The young prince was inflexible. He made no effort to
prevent others from becoming Christians, but did not disguise his contempt
for the Christian faith, and so persistently rejected all the exhortations of his
mother, whom he still tenderly loved, that she was at last forced to silence,
and could only pray, in sadness, that God would open the eyes and touch
the heart of her child."
The young prince having attained his majority in the year 964, assumed the
crown. His soul was fired with the ambition of signalizing himself by great
military exploits. The blood of Igor, of Oleg and of Rurik coursed through
his veins, and he resolved to lead the Russian arms to victories which
should eclipse all their exploits. He gathered an immense army, and looked
eagerly around to find some arena worthy of the display of his genius.
His character was an extraordinary one, combining all the virtues of ancient
chivalry; virtues which guided by Christian faith, constitute the noblest
men, but which without piety constitute a man the scourge of his race.
Fame was the God of Sviatoslaf. To acquire the reputation of a great
warrior, he was willing to whelm provinces in blood. But he was too
magnanimous to take any mean advantage of their weakness. He would
give them fair warning, that no blow should be struck, assassin-like,
stealthily and in the dark.
He accustomed his body, Spartan-like, to all the fatigues and exposures of
war. He indulged in no luxury of tents or carriages, and ate the flesh of
horses and wild beasts, which he roasted himself, over the coals. In his
campaigns the ground was his bed, the sky his curtain, his horse blanket his
covering, and the saddle his pillow; and he seemed equally regardless of
both heat and cold. His soldiers looked to him as their model and emulated
his hardihood. Turning his attention first to the vast and almost unknown
realms spreading out towards the East, he sent word to the tribes on the Don
and the Volga, that he was coming to fight them. As soon as they had time
to prepare for their defense he followed his word. Here was chivalric crime
and chivalric magnanimity. Marching nine hundred miles directly east from
Kief, over the Russian plains, he came to the banks of the Don. The region
was inhabited by a very powerful nation called the Khozars. They were
Page 45
arrayed under their sovereign, on the banks of the river to meet the foe. The
Khozars had even sent for Greek engineers to aid them in throwing up their
fortifications; and they were in an intrenched camp constructed with much
military skill. A bloody battle ensued, in which thousands were slain. But
Sviatoslaf was victor, and the territory was annexed to Russia, and Russian
nobles were placed in feudal possession of its provinces. The conqueror
then followed down the Don to the Sea of Azof, fighting sanguinary battles
all the way, but everywhere victorious. The terror of his arms inspired wide-
spread consternation, and many tribes, throwing aside their weapons,
bowed the neck to the Russian king, and implored his clemency.
Sviatoslaf returned to Kief with waving banners, exulting in his renown. He
was stimulated, not satiated, by this success; and now planned another
expedition still more perilous and grand. On the south of the Danube, near
its mouth, was Bulgaria, a vast realm, populous and powerful, which had
long bid defiance to all the forces of the Roman empire. The conquest of
Bulgaria was an achievement worthy of the chivalry even of Sviatoslaf.
With an immense fleet of barges, containing sixty thousand men, he
descended the Dnieper to the Euxine. Coasting along the western shore his
fleet entered the mouth of the Danube. The Bulgarians fought like heroes to
repel the invaders. All their efforts were in vain. The Russians sprang from
their barges on the shore, and, protected by their immense bucklers, sword
in hand, routed the Bulgarians with great slaughter. Cities and villages
rapidly submitted to the conqueror. The king of Bulgaria in his despair
rushed upon death. Sviatoslaf, laden with the spoils of the vanquished and
crowned with the laurels of victory, surrendered himself to rejoicing and to
all the pleasures of voluptuous indulgence.
From these dissipations Sviatoslaf was suddenly recalled by the tidings that
his own capital was in danger; that a neighboring tribe, of great military
power, taking advantage of his absence with his army, had invested Kief
and were hourly expected to take it by assault. In dismay he hastened his
return, and found, to his inexpressible relief, that the besiegers had been
routed by the stratagem and valor of a Russian general, and that the city and
its inhabitants were thus rescued from destruction.
But the Russian king, having tasted the pleasures of a more sunny clime,
and having rioted in the excitements of sensual indulgence, soon became
Khozars had even sent for Greek engineers to aid them in throwing up their
fortifications; and they were in an intrenched camp constructed with much
military skill. A bloody battle ensued, in which thousands were slain. But
Sviatoslaf was victor, and the territory was annexed to Russia, and Russian
nobles were placed in feudal possession of its provinces. The conqueror
then followed down the Don to the Sea of Azof, fighting sanguinary battles
all the way, but everywhere victorious. The terror of his arms inspired wide-
spread consternation, and many tribes, throwing aside their weapons,
bowed the neck to the Russian king, and implored his clemency.
Sviatoslaf returned to Kief with waving banners, exulting in his renown. He
was stimulated, not satiated, by this success; and now planned another
expedition still more perilous and grand. On the south of the Danube, near
its mouth, was Bulgaria, a vast realm, populous and powerful, which had
long bid defiance to all the forces of the Roman empire. The conquest of
Bulgaria was an achievement worthy of the chivalry even of Sviatoslaf.
With an immense fleet of barges, containing sixty thousand men, he
descended the Dnieper to the Euxine. Coasting along the western shore his
fleet entered the mouth of the Danube. The Bulgarians fought like heroes to
repel the invaders. All their efforts were in vain. The Russians sprang from
their barges on the shore, and, protected by their immense bucklers, sword
in hand, routed the Bulgarians with great slaughter. Cities and villages
rapidly submitted to the conqueror. The king of Bulgaria in his despair
rushed upon death. Sviatoslaf, laden with the spoils of the vanquished and
crowned with the laurels of victory, surrendered himself to rejoicing and to
all the pleasures of voluptuous indulgence.
From these dissipations Sviatoslaf was suddenly recalled by the tidings that
his own capital was in danger; that a neighboring tribe, of great military
power, taking advantage of his absence with his army, had invested Kief
and were hourly expected to take it by assault. In dismay he hastened his
return, and found, to his inexpressible relief, that the besiegers had been
routed by the stratagem and valor of a Russian general, and that the city and
its inhabitants were thus rescued from destruction.
But the Russian king, having tasted the pleasures of a more sunny clime,
and having rioted in the excitements of sensual indulgence, soon became
Page 46
weary of tranquil life in Kief. He was also anxious to escape from the
reproof which he always felt from the pious life of his mother. He therefore
resolved to return to his conquered kingdom of Bulgaria. He said to his
mother:
"I had rather live in Bulgaria than at Kief. Bulgaria is the center of wealth,
nature and art. The Greeks send there gold and cloths; the Hungarians silver
and horses; the Russians furs, wax, honey and slaves."
"Wait, my son, at least till after my death," exclaimed Olga. "I am aged and
infirm, and very soon shall be conveyed to my tomb."
This interview hastened the death of Olga. In four days she slept in Jesus.
She earnestly entreated her son not to admit of any pagan rites at her
funeral. She pointed out the place of her burial, and was interred with
Christian prayers, accompanied by the lamentations and tears of all the
people. Sviatoslaf, in his foreign wars, which his mother greatly
disapproved, had left with her the administration of internal affairs. Nestor
speaks of this pious princess in beautiful phrase as the morning star of
salvation for Russia.
Sviatoslaf, having committed his mother to the tomb, made immediate
preparations to transfer his capital from Kief to the more genial clime of
Bulgaria. Had he been influenced by statesmanlike considerations it would
have been an admirable move. The climate was far preferable to that of
Kief, the soil more fertile, and the openings for commerce, through the
Danube and the Euxine, immeasurably superior. But Sviatoslaf thought
mainly of pleasure.
It was now the year 970. Sviatoslaf had three sons, whom he established,
though all in their minority, in administration of affairs in the realms from
which he was departing. Yaropolk received the government of Kief. His
second son, Oleg, was placed over the powerful nation of Drevliens. A third
son, Vlademer, the child of dishonor, not born in wedlock, was intrusted
with the command at Novgorod. Having thus arranged these affairs,
Sviatoslaf, with a well-appointed army, eagerly set out for his conquered
province of Bulgaria. But in the meantime the Bulgarians had organized a
strong force to resist the invader. The Russians conquered in a bloody
reproof which he always felt from the pious life of his mother. He therefore
resolved to return to his conquered kingdom of Bulgaria. He said to his
mother:
"I had rather live in Bulgaria than at Kief. Bulgaria is the center of wealth,
nature and art. The Greeks send there gold and cloths; the Hungarians silver
and horses; the Russians furs, wax, honey and slaves."
"Wait, my son, at least till after my death," exclaimed Olga. "I am aged and
infirm, and very soon shall be conveyed to my tomb."
This interview hastened the death of Olga. In four days she slept in Jesus.
She earnestly entreated her son not to admit of any pagan rites at her
funeral. She pointed out the place of her burial, and was interred with
Christian prayers, accompanied by the lamentations and tears of all the
people. Sviatoslaf, in his foreign wars, which his mother greatly
disapproved, had left with her the administration of internal affairs. Nestor
speaks of this pious princess in beautiful phrase as the morning star of
salvation for Russia.
Sviatoslaf, having committed his mother to the tomb, made immediate
preparations to transfer his capital from Kief to the more genial clime of
Bulgaria. Had he been influenced by statesmanlike considerations it would
have been an admirable move. The climate was far preferable to that of
Kief, the soil more fertile, and the openings for commerce, through the
Danube and the Euxine, immeasurably superior. But Sviatoslaf thought
mainly of pleasure.
It was now the year 970. Sviatoslaf had three sons, whom he established,
though all in their minority, in administration of affairs in the realms from
which he was departing. Yaropolk received the government of Kief. His
second son, Oleg, was placed over the powerful nation of Drevliens. A third
son, Vlademer, the child of dishonor, not born in wedlock, was intrusted
with the command at Novgorod. Having thus arranged these affairs,
Sviatoslaf, with a well-appointed army, eagerly set out for his conquered
province of Bulgaria. But in the meantime the Bulgarians had organized a
strong force to resist the invader. The Russians conquered in a bloody
Page 47
battle, and, by storm, retook Pérégeslavetz, the beautiful capital of Bulgaria,
where Sviatoslaf established his throne.
The Greeks at Constantinople were alarmed by this near approach of the
ever-encroaching and warlike Russians, and trembled lest they should next
fall a prey to the rapacity of Sviatoslaf. The emperor, Jean Zimisces,
immediately entered into an alliance with the Bulgarians, offering his
daughter in marriage to Boris, son of their former king. A bloody war
ensued. The Greeks and Bulgarians were victors, and Sviatoslaf, almost
gnashing his teeth with rage, was driven back again to the cold regions of
the North. The Greek historians give the following description of the
personal appearance of Sviatoslaf. He was of medium height and well
formed. His physiognomy was severe and stern. His breast was broad, his
neck thick, his eyes blue, with heavy eyebrows. He had a broad nose, heavy
moustaches, but a slight beard. The large mass of hair which covered his
head indicated his nobility. From one of his ears there was suspended a ring
of gold, decorated with two pearls and a ruby.
As Sviatoslaf, with his shattered army, ascended the Dnieper in their boats,
the Petchénègues, fierce tribes of barbarians, whom Sviatoslaf had subdued,
rose in revolt against him. They gathered, in immense numbers, at one of
the cataracts of the Dnieper, where it would be necessary for the Russians to
transport their boats for some distance by land. They hoped to cut off his
retreat and thus secure the entire destruction of their formidable foe. The
situation of Sviatoslaf was now desperate. Nothing remained for him but
death. With the abandonment of despair he rushed into the thickest of the
foe, and soon fell a mangled corpse. How much more happy would have
been his life, how much more happy his death, had he followed the counsels
of his pious mother. Kouria, chief of the Petchénègues, cut off the head of
Sviatoslaf, and ever after used his skull for a drinking cup. The annalist
Strikofski, states that he had engraved upon the skull the words, "In seeking
the destruction of others you met with your own."
A few fugitives from the army of Sviatoslaf succeeded in reaching Kief,
where they communicated the tidings of the death of the king. The empire
now found itself divided into three portions, each with its sovereign.
Yaropolk was supreme at Kief. Oleg reigned in the spacious country of the
Drevliens. Vladimir was established at Novgorod. No one of these princes
where Sviatoslaf established his throne.
The Greeks at Constantinople were alarmed by this near approach of the
ever-encroaching and warlike Russians, and trembled lest they should next
fall a prey to the rapacity of Sviatoslaf. The emperor, Jean Zimisces,
immediately entered into an alliance with the Bulgarians, offering his
daughter in marriage to Boris, son of their former king. A bloody war
ensued. The Greeks and Bulgarians were victors, and Sviatoslaf, almost
gnashing his teeth with rage, was driven back again to the cold regions of
the North. The Greek historians give the following description of the
personal appearance of Sviatoslaf. He was of medium height and well
formed. His physiognomy was severe and stern. His breast was broad, his
neck thick, his eyes blue, with heavy eyebrows. He had a broad nose, heavy
moustaches, but a slight beard. The large mass of hair which covered his
head indicated his nobility. From one of his ears there was suspended a ring
of gold, decorated with two pearls and a ruby.
As Sviatoslaf, with his shattered army, ascended the Dnieper in their boats,
the Petchénègues, fierce tribes of barbarians, whom Sviatoslaf had subdued,
rose in revolt against him. They gathered, in immense numbers, at one of
the cataracts of the Dnieper, where it would be necessary for the Russians to
transport their boats for some distance by land. They hoped to cut off his
retreat and thus secure the entire destruction of their formidable foe. The
situation of Sviatoslaf was now desperate. Nothing remained for him but
death. With the abandonment of despair he rushed into the thickest of the
foe, and soon fell a mangled corpse. How much more happy would have
been his life, how much more happy his death, had he followed the counsels
of his pious mother. Kouria, chief of the Petchénègues, cut off the head of
Sviatoslaf, and ever after used his skull for a drinking cup. The annalist
Strikofski, states that he had engraved upon the skull the words, "In seeking
the destruction of others you met with your own."
A few fugitives from the army of Sviatoslaf succeeded in reaching Kief,
where they communicated the tidings of the death of the king. The empire
now found itself divided into three portions, each with its sovereign.
Yaropolk was supreme at Kief. Oleg reigned in the spacious country of the
Drevliens. Vladimir was established at Novgorod. No one of these princes
Page 48
was disposed to yield the supremacy to either of the others. They were soon
in arms. Yaropolk marched against his brother Oleg. The two armies met
about one hundred and fifty miles north-west of Kief, near the present town
of Obroutch. Oleg and his force were utterly routed. As the whole army, in
confusion and dismay, were in pell-mell flight, hotly pursued, the horse of
Oleg fell. Nothing could resist, even, for an instant, the onswelling flood.
He was trampled into the mire, beneath the iron hoofs of squadrons of horse
and the tramp of thousands of mailed men. After the battle, his body was
found, so mutilated that it was with difficulty recognized. As it was spread
upon a mat before the eyes of Yaropolk, he wept bitterly, and caused the
remains to be interred with funeral honors. The monument raised to his
memory has long since perished; but even to the present day the inhabitants
of Obroutch point out the spot where Oleg fell.
Vladimir, prince of Novgorod, terrified by the fate of his brother Oleg, and
apprehensive that a similar doom awaited him, sought safety in flight.
Forsaking his realm he retired to the Baltic, and took refuge with the
powerful Normans from whom his ancestors had come. Yaropolk
immediately dispatched lieutenants to take possession of the government,
and thus all Russia, as a united kingdom, was again brought under the sway
of a single sovereign.
———
[1] One of the Gods of the Russians.
CHAPTER III.
REIGNS OF VLADEMER, YAROSLAF, YSIASLAF AND VSEVOLOD
From 973 to 1092.
Flight of Vlademer.—His Stolen Bride.—The March Upon Kief.—
Debauchery of Valdemar.—Zealous Paganism.—Introduction of
Christianity.—Baptism in the Dnieper.—Entire Change in the Character
in arms. Yaropolk marched against his brother Oleg. The two armies met
about one hundred and fifty miles north-west of Kief, near the present town
of Obroutch. Oleg and his force were utterly routed. As the whole army, in
confusion and dismay, were in pell-mell flight, hotly pursued, the horse of
Oleg fell. Nothing could resist, even, for an instant, the onswelling flood.
He was trampled into the mire, beneath the iron hoofs of squadrons of horse
and the tramp of thousands of mailed men. After the battle, his body was
found, so mutilated that it was with difficulty recognized. As it was spread
upon a mat before the eyes of Yaropolk, he wept bitterly, and caused the
remains to be interred with funeral honors. The monument raised to his
memory has long since perished; but even to the present day the inhabitants
of Obroutch point out the spot where Oleg fell.
Vladimir, prince of Novgorod, terrified by the fate of his brother Oleg, and
apprehensive that a similar doom awaited him, sought safety in flight.
Forsaking his realm he retired to the Baltic, and took refuge with the
powerful Normans from whom his ancestors had come. Yaropolk
immediately dispatched lieutenants to take possession of the government,
and thus all Russia, as a united kingdom, was again brought under the sway
of a single sovereign.
———
[1] One of the Gods of the Russians.
CHAPTER III.
REIGNS OF VLADEMER, YAROSLAF, YSIASLAF AND VSEVOLOD
From 973 to 1092.
Flight of Vlademer.—His Stolen Bride.—The March Upon Kief.—
Debauchery of Valdemar.—Zealous Paganism.—Introduction of
Christianity.—Baptism in the Dnieper.—Entire Change in the Character
Page 49
of Valdemar.—His Great Reforms.—His Death.—Usurpation of
Sviatopolk the Miserable.—Accession of Yaroslaf.—His Administration
And Death.—Accession of Ysiaslaf.—His Strange Reverses.—His
Death.—Vsevolod Ascends the Throne.—His Two Flights to Poland.—
Appeals to the Pope.—Wars, Famine And Pestilence.—Character of
Vsevolod.
Though Vlademer had fled from Russia, it was by no means with the
intention of making a peaceful surrender of his realms to his ambitious
brother. For two years he was incessantly employed, upon the shores of the
Baltic, the home of his ancestors, in gathering adventurers around his flag,
to march upon Novgorod, and chase from thence the lieutenants of
Yaropolk. He at length, at the head of a strong army, triumphantly entered
the city. Half way between Novgorod and Kief, was the city and province of
Polotsk. The governor was a Norman named Rovgolod. His beautiful
daughter Rogneda was affianced to Yaropolk, and they were soon to be
married. Vlademer sent embassadors to Rovgolod soliciting an alliance, and
asking for the hand of his daughter.
The proud princess, faithful to Yaropolk, returned the stinging reply, that
she would never marry the son of a slave. We have before mentioned that
the mother of Vlademer was not the wife of his father. She was one of the
maids of honor of Olga. This insult roused the indignation of Vlademer to
the highest pitch. Burning with rage he marched suddenly upon Polotsk,
took the city by storm, killed Rovgolod and his two sons and compelled
Rogneda, his captive, to marry him, paying but little attention to the
marriage ceremony. Having thus satiated his vengeance, he marched upon
Kief, with a numerous army, composed of chosen warriors from various
tribes. Yaropolk, alarmed at the strength with which his brother was
approaching, did not dare to give him battle, but accumulated all his force
behind the ramparts of Kief. The city soon fell into the hands of Vlademer,
and Yaropolk, basely betrayed by one of his generals, was assassinated by
two officers of Vlademer, acting under his authority.
Vlademer was now in possession of the sovereign power, and he displayed
as much energy in the administration of affairs as he had shown in the
acquisition of the crown. He immediately imposed a heavy tax upon the
Sviatopolk the Miserable.—Accession of Yaroslaf.—His Administration
And Death.—Accession of Ysiaslaf.—His Strange Reverses.—His
Death.—Vsevolod Ascends the Throne.—His Two Flights to Poland.—
Appeals to the Pope.—Wars, Famine And Pestilence.—Character of
Vsevolod.
Though Vlademer had fled from Russia, it was by no means with the
intention of making a peaceful surrender of his realms to his ambitious
brother. For two years he was incessantly employed, upon the shores of the
Baltic, the home of his ancestors, in gathering adventurers around his flag,
to march upon Novgorod, and chase from thence the lieutenants of
Yaropolk. He at length, at the head of a strong army, triumphantly entered
the city. Half way between Novgorod and Kief, was the city and province of
Polotsk. The governor was a Norman named Rovgolod. His beautiful
daughter Rogneda was affianced to Yaropolk, and they were soon to be
married. Vlademer sent embassadors to Rovgolod soliciting an alliance, and
asking for the hand of his daughter.
The proud princess, faithful to Yaropolk, returned the stinging reply, that
she would never marry the son of a slave. We have before mentioned that
the mother of Vlademer was not the wife of his father. She was one of the
maids of honor of Olga. This insult roused the indignation of Vlademer to
the highest pitch. Burning with rage he marched suddenly upon Polotsk,
took the city by storm, killed Rovgolod and his two sons and compelled
Rogneda, his captive, to marry him, paying but little attention to the
marriage ceremony. Having thus satiated his vengeance, he marched upon
Kief, with a numerous army, composed of chosen warriors from various
tribes. Yaropolk, alarmed at the strength with which his brother was
approaching, did not dare to give him battle, but accumulated all his force
behind the ramparts of Kief. The city soon fell into the hands of Vlademer,
and Yaropolk, basely betrayed by one of his generals, was assassinated by
two officers of Vlademer, acting under his authority.
Vlademer was now in possession of the sovereign power, and he displayed
as much energy in the administration of affairs as he had shown in the
acquisition of the crown. He immediately imposed a heavy tax upon the
Page 50
Russians, to raise money to pay his troops. Having consolidated his power
he became a very zealous supporter of the old pagan worship, rearing
several new idols upon the sacred hill, and placing in his palace a silver
statue of Péroune. His soul seems to have been harrowed by the
consciousness of crime, and he sought, by the cruel rites of a debasing
superstition, to appease the wrath of the Gods.
Still remorse did not prevent him from plunging into the most revolting
excesses of debauchery. The chronicles of those times state that he had
three hundred concubines in one of his palaces, three hundred in another at
Kief, and two hundred at one of his country seats. It is by no means certain
that these are exaggerations, for every beautiful maiden in the empire was
sought out, to be transferred to his harems. Paganism had no word of
remonstrance to utter against such excesses. But Vlademer, devoted as he
was to sensual indulgence, was equally fond of war. His armies were ever
on the move, and the cry of battle was never intermitted. On the south-east
he extended his conquests to the Carpathian mountains, where they skirt the
plains of Hungary. In the north-west he extended his sway, by all the
energies of fire and blood, even to the shores of the Baltic, and to the Gulf
of Finland.
Elated beyond measure by his victories, he attributed his success to the
favor of his idol gods, and resolved to express his homage by offerings of
human blood. He collected a number of handsome boys and beautiful girls,
and drew lots to see which of them should be offered in sacrifice. The lot
fell upon a fine boy from one of the Christian families. The frantic father
interposed to save his child. But the agents of Vlademer fell fiercely upon
them, and they both were slain and offered in sacrifice. Their names, Ivan
and Theodore, are still preserved in the Russian church as the first Christian
martyrs of Kief.
A few more years of violence and crime passed away, when Vlademer
became the subject of that marvelous change which, nine hundred years
before, had converted the persecuting Saul into the devoted apostle. The
circumstances of his conversion are very peculiar, and are very minutely
related by Nestor. Other recitals seem to give authenticity to the narrative.
For some time Vlademer had evidently been in much anxiety respecting the
doom which awaited him beyond the grave. He sent for the teachers of the
he became a very zealous supporter of the old pagan worship, rearing
several new idols upon the sacred hill, and placing in his palace a silver
statue of Péroune. His soul seems to have been harrowed by the
consciousness of crime, and he sought, by the cruel rites of a debasing
superstition, to appease the wrath of the Gods.
Still remorse did not prevent him from plunging into the most revolting
excesses of debauchery. The chronicles of those times state that he had
three hundred concubines in one of his palaces, three hundred in another at
Kief, and two hundred at one of his country seats. It is by no means certain
that these are exaggerations, for every beautiful maiden in the empire was
sought out, to be transferred to his harems. Paganism had no word of
remonstrance to utter against such excesses. But Vlademer, devoted as he
was to sensual indulgence, was equally fond of war. His armies were ever
on the move, and the cry of battle was never intermitted. On the south-east
he extended his conquests to the Carpathian mountains, where they skirt the
plains of Hungary. In the north-west he extended his sway, by all the
energies of fire and blood, even to the shores of the Baltic, and to the Gulf
of Finland.
Elated beyond measure by his victories, he attributed his success to the
favor of his idol gods, and resolved to express his homage by offerings of
human blood. He collected a number of handsome boys and beautiful girls,
and drew lots to see which of them should be offered in sacrifice. The lot
fell upon a fine boy from one of the Christian families. The frantic father
interposed to save his child. But the agents of Vlademer fell fiercely upon
them, and they both were slain and offered in sacrifice. Their names, Ivan
and Theodore, are still preserved in the Russian church as the first Christian
martyrs of Kief.
A few more years of violence and crime passed away, when Vlademer
became the subject of that marvelous change which, nine hundred years
before, had converted the persecuting Saul into the devoted apostle. The
circumstances of his conversion are very peculiar, and are very minutely
related by Nestor. Other recitals seem to give authenticity to the narrative.
For some time Vlademer had evidently been in much anxiety respecting the
doom which awaited him beyond the grave. He sent for the teachers of the
Page 51
different systems of religion, to explain to him the peculiarities of their
faith. First came the Mohammedans from Bulgaria; then the Jews from
Jerusalem; then the Christians from the papal church at Rome, and then
Christians from the Greek church at Constantinople. The Mohammedans
and the Jews he rejected promptly, but was undecided respecting the claims
of Rome and Constantinople. He then selected ten of the wisest men in his
kingdom and sent them to visit Rome and Constantinople and report in
which country divine worship was conducted in the manner most worthy of
the Supreme Being. The embassadors returning to Kief, reported warmly in
favor of the Greek church. Still the mind of Vlademer was oppressed with
doubts. He assembled a number of the most virtuous nobles and asked their
advice. The question was settled by the remark of one who said, "Had not
the religion of the Greek church been the best, the sainted Olga would not
have accepted it."
This wonderful event is well authenticated; Nestor gives a recital of it in its
minute details; and an old Greek manuscript, preserved in the royal library
at Paris, records the visit of these ambassadors to Rome and Constantinople.
Vlademer's conversion, however, seems, at this time, to have been
intellectual rather than spiritual, a change in his policy of administration
rather than a change of heart. Though this external change was a boundless
blessing to Russia, there is but little evidence that Vlademer then
comprehended that moral renovation which the gospel of Christ effects as
its crowning glory. He saw the absurdity of paganism; he felt tortured by
remorse; perhaps he felt in some degree the influence of the gospel which
was even then faithfully preached in a few churches in idolatrous Kief; and
he wished to elevate Russia above the degradation of brutal idolatry.
He deemed it necessary that his renunciation of idolatry and adoption of
Christianity should be accompanied with pomp which should produce a
wide-spread impression upon Russia. He accordingly collected an immense
army, descended the Dnieper in boats, sailed across the Black Sea, and
entering the Gulf of Cherson, near Sevastopol, after several bloody battles
took military possession of the Crimea. Thus victorious, he sent an
embassage to the emperors Basil and Constantine at Constantinople, that he
wished the young Christian princess Anne for his bride, and that if they did
not promptly grant his request, he would march his army to attack the city.
faith. First came the Mohammedans from Bulgaria; then the Jews from
Jerusalem; then the Christians from the papal church at Rome, and then
Christians from the Greek church at Constantinople. The Mohammedans
and the Jews he rejected promptly, but was undecided respecting the claims
of Rome and Constantinople. He then selected ten of the wisest men in his
kingdom and sent them to visit Rome and Constantinople and report in
which country divine worship was conducted in the manner most worthy of
the Supreme Being. The embassadors returning to Kief, reported warmly in
favor of the Greek church. Still the mind of Vlademer was oppressed with
doubts. He assembled a number of the most virtuous nobles and asked their
advice. The question was settled by the remark of one who said, "Had not
the religion of the Greek church been the best, the sainted Olga would not
have accepted it."
This wonderful event is well authenticated; Nestor gives a recital of it in its
minute details; and an old Greek manuscript, preserved in the royal library
at Paris, records the visit of these ambassadors to Rome and Constantinople.
Vlademer's conversion, however, seems, at this time, to have been
intellectual rather than spiritual, a change in his policy of administration
rather than a change of heart. Though this external change was a boundless
blessing to Russia, there is but little evidence that Vlademer then
comprehended that moral renovation which the gospel of Christ effects as
its crowning glory. He saw the absurdity of paganism; he felt tortured by
remorse; perhaps he felt in some degree the influence of the gospel which
was even then faithfully preached in a few churches in idolatrous Kief; and
he wished to elevate Russia above the degradation of brutal idolatry.
He deemed it necessary that his renunciation of idolatry and adoption of
Christianity should be accompanied with pomp which should produce a
wide-spread impression upon Russia. He accordingly collected an immense
army, descended the Dnieper in boats, sailed across the Black Sea, and
entering the Gulf of Cherson, near Sevastopol, after several bloody battles
took military possession of the Crimea. Thus victorious, he sent an
embassage to the emperors Basil and Constantine at Constantinople, that he
wished the young Christian princess Anne for his bride, and that if they did
not promptly grant his request, he would march his army to attack the city.
Page 52
The emperors, trembling before the approach of such a power, replied that
they would not withhold from him the hand of the princess if he would first
embrace Christianity. Vlademer of course assented to this, which was the
great object he had in view; but demanded that the princess, who was a
sister of the emperors, should first be sent to him. The unhappy maiden was
overwhelmed with anguish at the reception of these tidings. She regarded
the pagan Russians as ferocious savages; and to be compelled to marry their
chief was to her a doom more dreadful than death.
But policy, which is the religion of cabinets, demanded the sacrifice. The
princess, weeping in despair, was conducted, accompanied by the most
distinguished ecclesiastics and nobles of the empire, to the camp of
Vlademer, where she was received with the most gorgeous demonstrations
of rejoicing. The whole army expressed their gratification by all the
utterances of triumph. The ceremony of baptism was immediately
performed in the church of St. Basil, in the city of Cherson, and then, at the
same hour, the marriage rites with the princess were solemnized. Vlademer
ordered a large church to be built at Cherson in memory of his visit. He then
returned to Kief, taking with him some preachers of distinction; a
communion service wrought in the most graceful proportions of Grecian
art, and several exquisite specimens of statuary and sculpture, to inspire his
subjects with a love for the beautiful.
He accepted the Christian teachers as his guides, and devoted himself with
extraordinary zeal to the work of persuading all his subjects to renounce
their idol-worship and accept Christianity. Every measure was adopted to
throw contempt upon paganism. The idols were collected and burned in
huge bonfires. The sacred statue of Péroune, the most illustrious of the
pagan Gods, was dragged ignominiously through the streets, pelted with
mud and scourged with whips, until at last, battered and defaced, it was
dragged to the top of a precipice and tumbled headlong into the river,
amidst the derision and hootings of the multitude.
Our zealous new convert now issued a decree to all the people of Russia,
rich and poor, lords and slaves, to repair to the river in the vicinity of Kief
to be baptized. At an appointed day the people assembled by thousands on
the banks of the Dnieper. Vlademer at length appeared, accompanied by a
great number of Greek priests. The signal being given, the whole multitude,
they would not withhold from him the hand of the princess if he would first
embrace Christianity. Vlademer of course assented to this, which was the
great object he had in view; but demanded that the princess, who was a
sister of the emperors, should first be sent to him. The unhappy maiden was
overwhelmed with anguish at the reception of these tidings. She regarded
the pagan Russians as ferocious savages; and to be compelled to marry their
chief was to her a doom more dreadful than death.
But policy, which is the religion of cabinets, demanded the sacrifice. The
princess, weeping in despair, was conducted, accompanied by the most
distinguished ecclesiastics and nobles of the empire, to the camp of
Vlademer, where she was received with the most gorgeous demonstrations
of rejoicing. The whole army expressed their gratification by all the
utterances of triumph. The ceremony of baptism was immediately
performed in the church of St. Basil, in the city of Cherson, and then, at the
same hour, the marriage rites with the princess were solemnized. Vlademer
ordered a large church to be built at Cherson in memory of his visit. He then
returned to Kief, taking with him some preachers of distinction; a
communion service wrought in the most graceful proportions of Grecian
art, and several exquisite specimens of statuary and sculpture, to inspire his
subjects with a love for the beautiful.
He accepted the Christian teachers as his guides, and devoted himself with
extraordinary zeal to the work of persuading all his subjects to renounce
their idol-worship and accept Christianity. Every measure was adopted to
throw contempt upon paganism. The idols were collected and burned in
huge bonfires. The sacred statue of Péroune, the most illustrious of the
pagan Gods, was dragged ignominiously through the streets, pelted with
mud and scourged with whips, until at last, battered and defaced, it was
dragged to the top of a precipice and tumbled headlong into the river,
amidst the derision and hootings of the multitude.
Our zealous new convert now issued a decree to all the people of Russia,
rich and poor, lords and slaves, to repair to the river in the vicinity of Kief
to be baptized. At an appointed day the people assembled by thousands on
the banks of the Dnieper. Vlademer at length appeared, accompanied by a
great number of Greek priests. The signal being given, the whole multitude,
Page 53
men, women and children, waded slowly into the stream. Some boldly
advanced out up to their necks in the water; others, more timid, ventured
only waist deep. Fathers and mothers led their children by the hand. The
priests, standing upon the shore, read the baptismal prayers, and chaunted
the praises of God, and then conferred the name of Christians upon these
barbarians. The multitude then came up from the water.
Vlademer was in a transport of joy. His strange soul was not insensible to
the sublimity of the hour and of the scene. Raising his eyes to heaven he
uttered the following prayer:
"Creator of heaven and earth, extend thy blessing to these thy new children.
May they know thee as the true God, and be strengthened by thee in the true
religion. Come to my help against the temptations of the evil spirit, and I
will praise thy name."
Thus, in the year 988, paganism was, by a blow, demolished in Russia, and
nominal Christianity introduced throughout the whole realm. A Christian
church was erected upon the spot where the statue of Péroune had stood.
Architects were brought from Constantinople to build churches of stone in
the highest artistic style. Missionaries were sent throughout the whole
kingdom, to instruct the people in the doctrines of Christianity, and to
administer the rite of baptism. Nearly all the people readily received the
new faith. Some, however, attached to the ancient idolatry, refused to
abandon it. Vlademer, nobly recognizing the rights of conscience, resorted
to no measures of violence. The idolaters were left undisturbed save by the
teachings of the missionaries. Thus for several generations idolatry held a
lingering life in the remote sections of the empire. Schools were established
for the instruction of the young, learned teachers from Greece secured, and
books of Christian biography translated into the Russian tongue.
Vlademer had then ten sons. Three others were afterwards born to him. He
divided his kingdom into ten provinces or states, over each of which he
placed one of these sons as governor. On the frontiers of the empire he
caused cities, strongly fortified, to be erected as safeguards against the
invasion of remote barbarians. For several years Russia enjoyed peace with
but trivial interruptions. The character of Vlademer every year wonderfully
improved. Under his Christian teachers he acquired more and more of the
advanced out up to their necks in the water; others, more timid, ventured
only waist deep. Fathers and mothers led their children by the hand. The
priests, standing upon the shore, read the baptismal prayers, and chaunted
the praises of God, and then conferred the name of Christians upon these
barbarians. The multitude then came up from the water.
Vlademer was in a transport of joy. His strange soul was not insensible to
the sublimity of the hour and of the scene. Raising his eyes to heaven he
uttered the following prayer:
"Creator of heaven and earth, extend thy blessing to these thy new children.
May they know thee as the true God, and be strengthened by thee in the true
religion. Come to my help against the temptations of the evil spirit, and I
will praise thy name."
Thus, in the year 988, paganism was, by a blow, demolished in Russia, and
nominal Christianity introduced throughout the whole realm. A Christian
church was erected upon the spot where the statue of Péroune had stood.
Architects were brought from Constantinople to build churches of stone in
the highest artistic style. Missionaries were sent throughout the whole
kingdom, to instruct the people in the doctrines of Christianity, and to
administer the rite of baptism. Nearly all the people readily received the
new faith. Some, however, attached to the ancient idolatry, refused to
abandon it. Vlademer, nobly recognizing the rights of conscience, resorted
to no measures of violence. The idolaters were left undisturbed save by the
teachings of the missionaries. Thus for several generations idolatry held a
lingering life in the remote sections of the empire. Schools were established
for the instruction of the young, learned teachers from Greece secured, and
books of Christian biography translated into the Russian tongue.
Vlademer had then ten sons. Three others were afterwards born to him. He
divided his kingdom into ten provinces or states, over each of which he
placed one of these sons as governor. On the frontiers of the empire he
caused cities, strongly fortified, to be erected as safeguards against the
invasion of remote barbarians. For several years Russia enjoyed peace with
but trivial interruptions. The character of Vlademer every year wonderfully
improved. Under his Christian teachers he acquired more and more of the
Page 54
Christian spirit, and that spirit was infused into all his public acts. He
became the father of his people, and especially the friend and helper of the
poor. The king was deeply impressed with the words of our Saviour,
"Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy," and with the
declaration of Solomon, "He who giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord."
In the excess of his zeal of benevolence he was disposed to forgive all
criminals. Thus crime was greatly multiplied, and the very existence of the
state became endangered. The clergy, in a body, remonstrated with him,
assuring him that God had placed him upon the throne expressly that he
might punish the wicked and thus protect the good. He felt the force of this
reasoning, and instituted, though with much reluctance, a more rigorous
government. War had been his passion. In this respect also his whole nature
seemed to be changed, and nothing but the most dire necessity could lead
him to an appeal to arms. The princess Anne appears to have been a sincere
Christian, and to have exerted the most salutary influence upon the mind of
her husband. In the midst of these great measures of reform, sudden
sickness seized Vlademer in his palace, and he died, in the year 1015, so
unexpectedly that he appointed no successor. His death caused universal
lamentations, and thousands crowded to the church of Notre Dame, to take
a last look of their beloved sovereign, whose body reposed there for a time
in state, in a marble coffin. The remains were then deposited by the side of
his last wife, the Christian princess Anne, who had died a few years before.
The Russian historian, Karamsin, says:
"This prince, whom the church has recognized as equal to the apostles,
merits from history the title of Great. It is God alone who can know whether
Vlademer was a true Christian at heart, or if he were influenced simply by
political considerations. It is sufficient for us to state that, after having
embraced that divine religion, Vlademer appears to have been sanctified by
it, and he developed a totally different character from that which he
exhibited when involved in the darkness of paganism."
One of the sons of Vlademer, whose name was Sviatopolk, chanced to be at
Kief at the time of his father's death. He resolved to usurp the throne and to
cause the assassination of all the brothers from whom he could fear any
opposition. Three of his brothers speedily fell victims to his bloody perfidy.
Yaroslaf, who had been entrusted with the feudal government of Novgorod,
became the father of his people, and especially the friend and helper of the
poor. The king was deeply impressed with the words of our Saviour,
"Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy," and with the
declaration of Solomon, "He who giveth to the poor lendeth to the Lord."
In the excess of his zeal of benevolence he was disposed to forgive all
criminals. Thus crime was greatly multiplied, and the very existence of the
state became endangered. The clergy, in a body, remonstrated with him,
assuring him that God had placed him upon the throne expressly that he
might punish the wicked and thus protect the good. He felt the force of this
reasoning, and instituted, though with much reluctance, a more rigorous
government. War had been his passion. In this respect also his whole nature
seemed to be changed, and nothing but the most dire necessity could lead
him to an appeal to arms. The princess Anne appears to have been a sincere
Christian, and to have exerted the most salutary influence upon the mind of
her husband. In the midst of these great measures of reform, sudden
sickness seized Vlademer in his palace, and he died, in the year 1015, so
unexpectedly that he appointed no successor. His death caused universal
lamentations, and thousands crowded to the church of Notre Dame, to take
a last look of their beloved sovereign, whose body reposed there for a time
in state, in a marble coffin. The remains were then deposited by the side of
his last wife, the Christian princess Anne, who had died a few years before.
The Russian historian, Karamsin, says:
"This prince, whom the church has recognized as equal to the apostles,
merits from history the title of Great. It is God alone who can know whether
Vlademer was a true Christian at heart, or if he were influenced simply by
political considerations. It is sufficient for us to state that, after having
embraced that divine religion, Vlademer appears to have been sanctified by
it, and he developed a totally different character from that which he
exhibited when involved in the darkness of paganism."
One of the sons of Vlademer, whose name was Sviatopolk, chanced to be at
Kief at the time of his father's death. He resolved to usurp the throne and to
cause the assassination of all the brothers from whom he could fear any
opposition. Three of his brothers speedily fell victims to his bloody perfidy.
Yaroslaf, who had been entrusted with the feudal government of Novgorod,
Page 55
being informed of the death of his father, of the usurpation of Sviatopolk
and of the assassination of three of his brothers, raised an army of forty
thousand men and marched upon Kief. Sviatopolk, informed of his
approach, hastened, with all his troops to meet him. The two armies
encountered each other upon the banks of the Dnieper about one hundred
and fifty miles above Kief. The river separated them, and neither dared to
attempt to cross in the presence of the other. Several weeks passed, the two
camps thus facing each other, without any collision.
At length Yaroslaf, with the Novgorodians, crossed the stream stealthily and
silently in a dark night, and fell fiercely upon the sleeping camp of
Sviatopolk. His troops, thus taken by surprise, fought for a short time
desperately. They were however soon cut to pieces or dispersed, and
Sviatopolk, himself, saved his life only by precipitate flight. Yaroslaf, thus
signally victorious, continued his march, without further opposition, to
Kief, and entered the capital in triumph. Sviatopolk fled to Poland, secured
the coöperation of the Polish king, whose daughter he had married, returned
with a numerous army, defeated his brother in a sanguinary battle, drove
him back to Novgorod, and again, with flying banners, took possession of
Kief. The path of history now leads us through the deepest sloughs of
perfidy and crime. Two of the sisters of Yaroslaf were found in Kief. One of
them had previously refused the hand of the king of Poland. The barbarian
in revenge seized her as his concubine. Sviatopolk, jealous of the authority
which his father-in-law claimed, and which he could enforce by means of
the Polish army, administered poison in the food of the troops. A terrible
and unknown disease broke out in the camp, and thousands perished. The
wretch even attempted to poison his father-in-law, but the crime was
suspected, and the Polish king, Boleslas, fled to his own realms.
Sviatopolk was thus again left so helpless as to invite attack. Yaroslaf with
eagerness availed himself of the opportunity. Raising a new army, he
marched upon Kief, retook the city and drove his brother again into exile.
The energetic yet miserable man fled to the banks of the Volga, where he
formed a large army of the ferocious Petchénègues, exciting their cupidity
with promises of boundless pillage. With these wolfish legions, he
commenced his march back again upon his own country. The terrible
encounter took place on the banks of the Alta. Russian historians describe
the conflict as one of the most fierce in which men have ever engaged. The
and of the assassination of three of his brothers, raised an army of forty
thousand men and marched upon Kief. Sviatopolk, informed of his
approach, hastened, with all his troops to meet him. The two armies
encountered each other upon the banks of the Dnieper about one hundred
and fifty miles above Kief. The river separated them, and neither dared to
attempt to cross in the presence of the other. Several weeks passed, the two
camps thus facing each other, without any collision.
At length Yaroslaf, with the Novgorodians, crossed the stream stealthily and
silently in a dark night, and fell fiercely upon the sleeping camp of
Sviatopolk. His troops, thus taken by surprise, fought for a short time
desperately. They were however soon cut to pieces or dispersed, and
Sviatopolk, himself, saved his life only by precipitate flight. Yaroslaf, thus
signally victorious, continued his march, without further opposition, to
Kief, and entered the capital in triumph. Sviatopolk fled to Poland, secured
the coöperation of the Polish king, whose daughter he had married, returned
with a numerous army, defeated his brother in a sanguinary battle, drove
him back to Novgorod, and again, with flying banners, took possession of
Kief. The path of history now leads us through the deepest sloughs of
perfidy and crime. Two of the sisters of Yaroslaf were found in Kief. One of
them had previously refused the hand of the king of Poland. The barbarian
in revenge seized her as his concubine. Sviatopolk, jealous of the authority
which his father-in-law claimed, and which he could enforce by means of
the Polish army, administered poison in the food of the troops. A terrible
and unknown disease broke out in the camp, and thousands perished. The
wretch even attempted to poison his father-in-law, but the crime was
suspected, and the Polish king, Boleslas, fled to his own realms.
Sviatopolk was thus again left so helpless as to invite attack. Yaroslaf with
eagerness availed himself of the opportunity. Raising a new army, he
marched upon Kief, retook the city and drove his brother again into exile.
The energetic yet miserable man fled to the banks of the Volga, where he
formed a large army of the ferocious Petchénègues, exciting their cupidity
with promises of boundless pillage. With these wolfish legions, he
commenced his march back again upon his own country. The terrible
encounter took place on the banks of the Alta. Russian historians describe
the conflict as one of the most fierce in which men have ever engaged. The
Page 56
two armies precipitated themselves upon each other with the utmost fury,
breast to breast, swords, javelins and clubs clashing against brazen shields.
The Novgorodians had taken a solemn oath that they would conquer or die.
Three times the combatants from sheer exhaustion ceased the strife. Three
times the deadly combat was renewed with redoubled ardor. The sky was
illumined with the first rays of the morning when the battle commenced.
The evening twilight was already darkening the field before the victory was
decided. The hordes of the wretched Sviatopolk were then driven in rabble
rout from the field, leaving the ground covered with the slain. The defeat
was so awful that Sviatopolk was plunged into utter despair. Half dead with
terror, tortured by remorse, and pursued by the frown of Heaven, he fled
into the deserts of Bohemia, where he miserably perished, an object of
universal execration. In the annals of Russia the surname of miserable is
ever affixed to this infamous prince.
Yaroslaf, thus crowned by victory, received the undisputed title of sovereign
of Russia. It was now the year 1020. For several years Yaroslaf reigned in
prosperity. There were occasional risings of barbaric tribes, which, by force
of arms, he speedily quelled. Much time and treasure were devoted to the
embellishment of the capital; churches were erected; the city was
surrounded by brick walls; institutions of learning were encouraged, and,
most important of all, the Bible was translated into the Russian language. It
is recorded that the king devoutly read the Scriptures himself, both morning
and evening, and took great interest in copying the sacred books with his
own hands.
The closing years of life this illustrious prince passed in repose and in the
exercises of piety, while he still continued, with unintermitted zeal, to watch
over the welfare of the state. Nearly all the pastors of the churches were
Greeks from Constantinople, and Yaroslaf, apprehensive that the Greeks
might acquire too much influence in the empire, made great efforts to raise
up Russian ecclesiastics, and to place them in the most important posts. At
length the last hours of the monarch arrived, and it was evident that death
was near. He assembled his children around his bed, four sons and five
daughters, and thus affectingly addressed them:
"I am about to leave the world. I trust that you, my dear children, will not
only remember that you are brothers and sisters, but that you will cherish
breast to breast, swords, javelins and clubs clashing against brazen shields.
The Novgorodians had taken a solemn oath that they would conquer or die.
Three times the combatants from sheer exhaustion ceased the strife. Three
times the deadly combat was renewed with redoubled ardor. The sky was
illumined with the first rays of the morning when the battle commenced.
The evening twilight was already darkening the field before the victory was
decided. The hordes of the wretched Sviatopolk were then driven in rabble
rout from the field, leaving the ground covered with the slain. The defeat
was so awful that Sviatopolk was plunged into utter despair. Half dead with
terror, tortured by remorse, and pursued by the frown of Heaven, he fled
into the deserts of Bohemia, where he miserably perished, an object of
universal execration. In the annals of Russia the surname of miserable is
ever affixed to this infamous prince.
Yaroslaf, thus crowned by victory, received the undisputed title of sovereign
of Russia. It was now the year 1020. For several years Yaroslaf reigned in
prosperity. There were occasional risings of barbaric tribes, which, by force
of arms, he speedily quelled. Much time and treasure were devoted to the
embellishment of the capital; churches were erected; the city was
surrounded by brick walls; institutions of learning were encouraged, and,
most important of all, the Bible was translated into the Russian language. It
is recorded that the king devoutly read the Scriptures himself, both morning
and evening, and took great interest in copying the sacred books with his
own hands.
The closing years of life this illustrious prince passed in repose and in the
exercises of piety, while he still continued, with unintermitted zeal, to watch
over the welfare of the state. Nearly all the pastors of the churches were
Greeks from Constantinople, and Yaroslaf, apprehensive that the Greeks
might acquire too much influence in the empire, made great efforts to raise
up Russian ecclesiastics, and to place them in the most important posts. At
length the last hours of the monarch arrived, and it was evident that death
was near. He assembled his children around his bed, four sons and five
daughters, and thus affectingly addressed them:
"I am about to leave the world. I trust that you, my dear children, will not
only remember that you are brothers and sisters, but that you will cherish
Page 57
for each other the most tender affection. Ever bear in mind that discord
among you will be attended with the most funereal results, and that it will
be destructive of the prosperity of the state. By peace and tranquillity alone
can its power be consolidated.
"Ysiaslaf will be my successor to ascend the throne of Kief. Obey him as
you have obeyed your father. I give Tchernigof to Sviatoslaf; Pereaslavle to
Vsevolod; and Smolensk to Viatcheslaf. I hope that each of you will be
satisfied with his inheritance. Your oldest brother, in his quality of
sovereign prince, will be your natural judge. He will protect the oppressed
and punish the guilty."
On the 19th of February, 1054, Yaroslaf died, in the seventy-first year of his
age. His subjects followed his remains in tears to the tomb, in the church of
St. Sophia, where his marble monument, carved by Grecian artists, is still
shown. Influenced by a superstition common in those days, he caused the
bones of Oleg and Yaropolk, the two murdered brothers of Vlademer, who
had perished in the errors of paganism, to be disinterred, baptized, and then
consigned to Christian burial in the church of Kief. He established the first
public school in Russia, where three hundred young men, sons of the priests
and nobles, received instruction in all those branches which would prepare
them for civil or ecclesiastical life. Ambitious of making Kief the rival of
Constantinople, he expended large sums in its decoration. Grecian artists
were munificently patronized, and paintings and mosaics of exquisite
workmanship added attraction to churches reared in the highest style of
existing art. He even sent to Greece for singers, that the church choirs might
be instructed in the richest utterances of music. He drew up a code of laws,
called Russian Justice, which, for that dark age, is a marvelous monument
of sagacity, comprehensive views and equity.
The death of Yaroslaf proved an irreparable calamity; for his successor was
incapable of leading on in the march of civilization, and the realm was soon
distracted by civil war. It is a gloomy period, of three hundred years, upon
which we now must enter, while violence, crime, and consequently misery,
desolated the land. It is worthy of record that Nestor attributes the woes
which ensued, to the general forgetfulness of God, and the impiety which
commenced the reign immediately after the death of Yaroslaf.
among you will be attended with the most funereal results, and that it will
be destructive of the prosperity of the state. By peace and tranquillity alone
can its power be consolidated.
"Ysiaslaf will be my successor to ascend the throne of Kief. Obey him as
you have obeyed your father. I give Tchernigof to Sviatoslaf; Pereaslavle to
Vsevolod; and Smolensk to Viatcheslaf. I hope that each of you will be
satisfied with his inheritance. Your oldest brother, in his quality of
sovereign prince, will be your natural judge. He will protect the oppressed
and punish the guilty."
On the 19th of February, 1054, Yaroslaf died, in the seventy-first year of his
age. His subjects followed his remains in tears to the tomb, in the church of
St. Sophia, where his marble monument, carved by Grecian artists, is still
shown. Influenced by a superstition common in those days, he caused the
bones of Oleg and Yaropolk, the two murdered brothers of Vlademer, who
had perished in the errors of paganism, to be disinterred, baptized, and then
consigned to Christian burial in the church of Kief. He established the first
public school in Russia, where three hundred young men, sons of the priests
and nobles, received instruction in all those branches which would prepare
them for civil or ecclesiastical life. Ambitious of making Kief the rival of
Constantinople, he expended large sums in its decoration. Grecian artists
were munificently patronized, and paintings and mosaics of exquisite
workmanship added attraction to churches reared in the highest style of
existing art. He even sent to Greece for singers, that the church choirs might
be instructed in the richest utterances of music. He drew up a code of laws,
called Russian Justice, which, for that dark age, is a marvelous monument
of sagacity, comprehensive views and equity.
The death of Yaroslaf proved an irreparable calamity; for his successor was
incapable of leading on in the march of civilization, and the realm was soon
distracted by civil war. It is a gloomy period, of three hundred years, upon
which we now must enter, while violence, crime, and consequently misery,
desolated the land. It is worthy of record that Nestor attributes the woes
which ensued, to the general forgetfulness of God, and the impiety which
commenced the reign immediately after the death of Yaroslaf.
Page 58
"God is just," writes the historian. "He punishes the Russians for their sins.
We dare to call ourselves Christians, and yet we live like idolaters.
Although multitudes throng every place of entertainment, although the
sound of trumpets and harps resounds in our houses, and mountebanks
exhibit their tricks and dances, the temples of God are empty, surrendered
to solitude and silence."
Bands of barbarians invaded Russia from the distant regions of the Caspian
Sea, plundering, killing and burning. They came suddenly, like the thunder-
cloud in a summer's day, and as suddenly disappeared where no pursuit
could find them. Ambitious nobles, descendants of former kings, plied all
the arts of perfidy and of assassination to get possession of different
provinces of the empire, each hoping to make his province central and to
extend his sway over all the rest of Russia. The brothers of Ysiaslaf became
embroiled, and drew the sword against each other. An insurrection was
excited in Kief, the populace besieged the palace, and the king saved his life
only by a precipitate abandonment of his capital. The military mob pillaged
the palace and proclaimed their chieftain, Vseslaf, king.
Ysiaslaf fled to Poland. The Polish king, Boleslas II., who was a grandson
of Vlademer, and who had married a Russian princess, received the fugitive
king with the utmost kindness. With a strong Polish army, accompanied by
the King of Poland, Ysiaslaf returned to Kief, to recover his capital by the
sword. The insurgent chief who had usurped the throne, in cowardly terror
fled. Ysiaslaf entered the city with the stern strides of a conqueror and
wreaked horrible vengeance upon the inhabitants, making but little
discrimination between the innocent and the guilty. Seventy were put to
death. A large number had their eyes plucked out; and for a long time the
city resounded with the cries of the victims, suffering under all kinds of
punishments from the hands of this implacable monarch. Thus the citizens
were speedily brought into abject submission. The Polish king, with his
army, remained a long time at Kief, luxuriating in every indulgence at the
expense of the inhabitants. He then returned to his own country laden with
riches.
Ysiaslaf re-ascended the throne, having been absent ten months.
Disturbances of a similar character agitated the provinces which were under
the government of the brothers of Ysiaslaf, and which had assumed the
We dare to call ourselves Christians, and yet we live like idolaters.
Although multitudes throng every place of entertainment, although the
sound of trumpets and harps resounds in our houses, and mountebanks
exhibit their tricks and dances, the temples of God are empty, surrendered
to solitude and silence."
Bands of barbarians invaded Russia from the distant regions of the Caspian
Sea, plundering, killing and burning. They came suddenly, like the thunder-
cloud in a summer's day, and as suddenly disappeared where no pursuit
could find them. Ambitious nobles, descendants of former kings, plied all
the arts of perfidy and of assassination to get possession of different
provinces of the empire, each hoping to make his province central and to
extend his sway over all the rest of Russia. The brothers of Ysiaslaf became
embroiled, and drew the sword against each other. An insurrection was
excited in Kief, the populace besieged the palace, and the king saved his life
only by a precipitate abandonment of his capital. The military mob pillaged
the palace and proclaimed their chieftain, Vseslaf, king.
Ysiaslaf fled to Poland. The Polish king, Boleslas II., who was a grandson
of Vlademer, and who had married a Russian princess, received the fugitive
king with the utmost kindness. With a strong Polish army, accompanied by
the King of Poland, Ysiaslaf returned to Kief, to recover his capital by the
sword. The insurgent chief who had usurped the throne, in cowardly terror
fled. Ysiaslaf entered the city with the stern strides of a conqueror and
wreaked horrible vengeance upon the inhabitants, making but little
discrimination between the innocent and the guilty. Seventy were put to
death. A large number had their eyes plucked out; and for a long time the
city resounded with the cries of the victims, suffering under all kinds of
punishments from the hands of this implacable monarch. Thus the citizens
were speedily brought into abject submission. The Polish king, with his
army, remained a long time at Kief, luxuriating in every indulgence at the
expense of the inhabitants. He then returned to his own country laden with
riches.
Ysiaslaf re-ascended the throne, having been absent ten months.
Disturbances of a similar character agitated the provinces which were under
the government of the brothers of Ysiaslaf, and which had assumed the
Page 59
authority and dignity of independent kingdoms. Thus all Russia was but an
arena of war, a volcanic crater of flame and blood. Three years of conflict
and woe passed away, when two of the brothers of Ysiaslaf united their
armies and marched against him; and again he was compelled to seek a
refuge in Poland. He carried with him immense treasure, hoping thus again
to engage the services of the Polish army. But Boleslas infamously robbed
him of his treasure, and then, to use an expression of Nestor, "showed him
the way out of his kingdom."
The woe-stricken exile fled to Germany, and entreated the interposition of
the emperor, Henry IV., promising to reward him with immense treasure,
and to hold the crown of Russia as tributary to the German empire. The
emperor was excited by the alluring offer, and sent embassadors to
Sviatoslaf, now enthroned at Kief, ostensibly to propose reconciliation, but
in reality to ascertain what the probability was of success in a warlike
expedition to so remote a kingdom. The embassadors returned with a very
discouraging report.
The banished prince thus disappointed, turned his steps to Rome, and
implored the aid of Gregory VII., that renowned pontiff, who was ambitious
of universal sovereignty, and who had assumed the title of King of kings.
Ysiaslaf, in his humiliation, was ready to renounce his fidelity to the Greek
church, and also the dignity of an independent prince. He promised, in
consideration of the support of the pope, to recognize not only the spiritual
power of Rome, but also the temporal authority of the pontiff. He also
entered bitter complaints against the King of Poland. Ysiaslaf did not visit
Rome in person, but sent his son to confer with the pope. Gregory, rejoiced
to acquire spiritual dominion over Russia, received the application in the
most friendly manner, and sent embassadors to the fugitive prince with the
following letter:
"Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Ysiaslaf, prince of the
Russians, safety, health and the apostolic benediction.
"Your son, after having visited the sacred places at Rome, has humbly
implored that he might be reëstablished in his possessions by the authority
of Saint Peter, and has given his solemn vow to be faithful to the chief of
the apostles. We have consented to grant his request, which we understand
arena of war, a volcanic crater of flame and blood. Three years of conflict
and woe passed away, when two of the brothers of Ysiaslaf united their
armies and marched against him; and again he was compelled to seek a
refuge in Poland. He carried with him immense treasure, hoping thus again
to engage the services of the Polish army. But Boleslas infamously robbed
him of his treasure, and then, to use an expression of Nestor, "showed him
the way out of his kingdom."
The woe-stricken exile fled to Germany, and entreated the interposition of
the emperor, Henry IV., promising to reward him with immense treasure,
and to hold the crown of Russia as tributary to the German empire. The
emperor was excited by the alluring offer, and sent embassadors to
Sviatoslaf, now enthroned at Kief, ostensibly to propose reconciliation, but
in reality to ascertain what the probability was of success in a warlike
expedition to so remote a kingdom. The embassadors returned with a very
discouraging report.
The banished prince thus disappointed, turned his steps to Rome, and
implored the aid of Gregory VII., that renowned pontiff, who was ambitious
of universal sovereignty, and who had assumed the title of King of kings.
Ysiaslaf, in his humiliation, was ready to renounce his fidelity to the Greek
church, and also the dignity of an independent prince. He promised, in
consideration of the support of the pope, to recognize not only the spiritual
power of Rome, but also the temporal authority of the pontiff. He also
entered bitter complaints against the King of Poland. Ysiaslaf did not visit
Rome in person, but sent his son to confer with the pope. Gregory, rejoiced
to acquire spiritual dominion over Russia, received the application in the
most friendly manner, and sent embassadors to the fugitive prince with the
following letter:
"Gregory, bishop, servant of the servants of God, to Ysiaslaf, prince of the
Russians, safety, health and the apostolic benediction.
"Your son, after having visited the sacred places at Rome, has humbly
implored that he might be reëstablished in his possessions by the authority
of Saint Peter, and has given his solemn vow to be faithful to the chief of
the apostles. We have consented to grant his request, which we understand
Page 60
is in accordance with your wishes; and we, in the name of the chief of the
apostles, confer upon him the government of the Russian kingdom.
"We pray that Saint Peter may preserve your health, that he will protect
your reign and your estates, even to the end of your life, and that you may
then enjoy a day of eternal glory.
"Wishing also to give a proof of our desire to be useful to you hereafter, we
have charged our embassadors, one of whom is your faithful friend, to treat
with you verbally upon all those subjects alluded to in your communication
to us. Receive them with kindness as the embassadors of Saint Peter, and
receive without restriction all the propositions they may make in our name.
"May God, the all-powerful, illumine your heart with divine light and with
temporal blessings, and conduct you to eternal glory. Given at Rome the
15th of May, in the year 1075."
Thus adroitly the pope assumed the sovereignty of Russia, and the right,
and the power, by the mere utterance of a word, to confer it upon whom he
would. The all-grasping pontiff thus annexed Russia to the domains of Saint
Peter. Another short letter Gregory wrote to the King of Poland. It was as
follows:
"In appropriating to yourself illegally the treasures of the Russian prince,
you have violated the Christian virtues. I conjure you, in the name of God,
to restore to him all the property of which you and your subjects have
deprived him; for robbers can never enter the kingdom of heaven unless
they first restore the plunder they have taken."
Fortunately for the fugitive prince, his usurping brother Sviatoslaf just at
this time died, in consequence of a severe surgical operation. The Polish
king appears to have refunded the treasure of which he had robbed the
exiled monarch, and Ysiaslaf, hiring an army of Polish mercenaries,
returned a second time in triumph to his capital. It does not appear that he
subsequently paid any regard to the interposition of the pope.
We have now but a long succession of conspiracies, insurrections and
battles. In one of these civil conflicts, Ysiaslaf, at the head of a formidable
force, met another powerful army, but a few leagues from Kief. In the
hottest hour of the battle a reckless cavalier, in the hostile ranks, perceiving
apostles, confer upon him the government of the Russian kingdom.
"We pray that Saint Peter may preserve your health, that he will protect
your reign and your estates, even to the end of your life, and that you may
then enjoy a day of eternal glory.
"Wishing also to give a proof of our desire to be useful to you hereafter, we
have charged our embassadors, one of whom is your faithful friend, to treat
with you verbally upon all those subjects alluded to in your communication
to us. Receive them with kindness as the embassadors of Saint Peter, and
receive without restriction all the propositions they may make in our name.
"May God, the all-powerful, illumine your heart with divine light and with
temporal blessings, and conduct you to eternal glory. Given at Rome the
15th of May, in the year 1075."
Thus adroitly the pope assumed the sovereignty of Russia, and the right,
and the power, by the mere utterance of a word, to confer it upon whom he
would. The all-grasping pontiff thus annexed Russia to the domains of Saint
Peter. Another short letter Gregory wrote to the King of Poland. It was as
follows:
"In appropriating to yourself illegally the treasures of the Russian prince,
you have violated the Christian virtues. I conjure you, in the name of God,
to restore to him all the property of which you and your subjects have
deprived him; for robbers can never enter the kingdom of heaven unless
they first restore the plunder they have taken."
Fortunately for the fugitive prince, his usurping brother Sviatoslaf just at
this time died, in consequence of a severe surgical operation. The Polish
king appears to have refunded the treasure of which he had robbed the
exiled monarch, and Ysiaslaf, hiring an army of Polish mercenaries,
returned a second time in triumph to his capital. It does not appear that he
subsequently paid any regard to the interposition of the pope.
We have now but a long succession of conspiracies, insurrections and
battles. In one of these civil conflicts, Ysiaslaf, at the head of a formidable
force, met another powerful army, but a few leagues from Kief. In the
hottest hour of the battle a reckless cavalier, in the hostile ranks, perceiving
Page 61
Ysiaslaf in the midst of his infantry, precipitated himself on him, pierced
him with his lance and threw him dead upon the ground. His body was
conveyed in a canoe to Kief, and buried with much funeral pomp in the
church of Notre Dame, by the side of the beautiful monument which had
been erected to the memory of Vlademer.
Ysiaslaf expunged from the Russian code of laws the death penalty, and
substituted, in its stead, heavy fines. The Russian historians, however,
record that it is impossible to decide whether this measure was the dictate of
humanity, or if he wished in this way to replenish his treasury.
Vsevolod succeeded to the throne of his brother Ysiaslaf in the year 1078.
The children of Ysiaslaf had provinces assigned them in appanage.
Vsevolod was a lover of peace, and yet devastation and carnage were
spread everywhere before his eyes. Every province in the empire was torn
by civil strife. Hundreds of nobles and princes were inflamed with the
ambition for supremacy, and with the sword alone could the path be cut to
renown. The wages offered the soldiers, on all sides, was pillage. Cities
were everywhere sacked and burned, and the realm was crimsoned with
blood. Civil war is necessarily followed by the woes of famine, which woes
are ever followed by the pestilence. The plague swept the kingdom with
terrific violence, and whole provinces were depopulated. In the city of Kief
alone, seven thousand perished in the course of ten weeks. Universal terror,
and superstitious fear spread through the nation. An earthquake indicated
that the world itself was trembling in alarm; an enormous serpent was
reported to have been seen falling from heaven; invisible and malignant
spirits were riding by day and by night through the streets of the cities,
wounding the citizens with blows which, though unseen, were heavy and
murderous, and by which blows many were slain. All hearts sank in gloom
and fear. Barbarian hordes ravaged both banks of the Dnieper, committing
towns and villages to the flames, and killing such of the inhabitants as they
did not wish to carry away as captives.
Vsevolod, an amiable man of but very little force of character, was crushed
by the calamities which were overwhelming his country. Not an hour of
tranquillity could he enjoy. It was the ambition of his nephews, ambitious,
energetic, unprincipled princes, struggling for the supremacy, which was
mainly the cause of all these disasters.
him with his lance and threw him dead upon the ground. His body was
conveyed in a canoe to Kief, and buried with much funeral pomp in the
church of Notre Dame, by the side of the beautiful monument which had
been erected to the memory of Vlademer.
Ysiaslaf expunged from the Russian code of laws the death penalty, and
substituted, in its stead, heavy fines. The Russian historians, however,
record that it is impossible to decide whether this measure was the dictate of
humanity, or if he wished in this way to replenish his treasury.
Vsevolod succeeded to the throne of his brother Ysiaslaf in the year 1078.
The children of Ysiaslaf had provinces assigned them in appanage.
Vsevolod was a lover of peace, and yet devastation and carnage were
spread everywhere before his eyes. Every province in the empire was torn
by civil strife. Hundreds of nobles and princes were inflamed with the
ambition for supremacy, and with the sword alone could the path be cut to
renown. The wages offered the soldiers, on all sides, was pillage. Cities
were everywhere sacked and burned, and the realm was crimsoned with
blood. Civil war is necessarily followed by the woes of famine, which woes
are ever followed by the pestilence. The plague swept the kingdom with
terrific violence, and whole provinces were depopulated. In the city of Kief
alone, seven thousand perished in the course of ten weeks. Universal terror,
and superstitious fear spread through the nation. An earthquake indicated
that the world itself was trembling in alarm; an enormous serpent was
reported to have been seen falling from heaven; invisible and malignant
spirits were riding by day and by night through the streets of the cities,
wounding the citizens with blows which, though unseen, were heavy and
murderous, and by which blows many were slain. All hearts sank in gloom
and fear. Barbarian hordes ravaged both banks of the Dnieper, committing
towns and villages to the flames, and killing such of the inhabitants as they
did not wish to carry away as captives.
Vsevolod, an amiable man of but very little force of character, was crushed
by the calamities which were overwhelming his country. Not an hour of
tranquillity could he enjoy. It was the ambition of his nephews, ambitious,
energetic, unprincipled princes, struggling for the supremacy, which was
mainly the cause of all these disasters.
Page 62
CHAPTER IV.
YEARS OF WAR AND WOE.
From 1092 to 1167.
Character of Vsevolod.—Succession of Sviatopolk.—His Discomfiture.
—Deplorable Condition of Russia.—Death of Sviatopolk.—His
Character.—Accession of Monomaque.—Curious Festival at Kief.—
Energy of Monomaque.—Alarm of the Emperor at Constantinople.—
Horrors of War.—Death of Monomaque.—His Remarkable Character.
—Pious Letter to his Children.—Accession of Mstislaf.—His Short but
Stormy Reign.—Struggles for the Throne.—Final Victory of Ysiaslaf.
—Moscow in the Province of Souzdal.—Death of Ysiaslaf.—Wonderful
Career of Rostislaf.—Rising Power of Moscow.—Georgievitch, Prince
of Moscow.
Vsevolod has the reputation of having been a man of piety. But he was quite
destitute of that force of character which one required to hold the helm in
such stormy times. He was a man of great humanity and of unblemished
morals. The woes which desolated his realms, and which he was utterly
unable to avert, crushed his spirit and hastened his death. Perceiving that his
dying hour was at hand, he sent for his two sons, Vlademer and Rostislaf,
and the sorrowing old man breathed his last in their arms.
Vsevolod was the favorite son of Yaroslaf the Great, and his father, with his
dying breath, had expressed the wish that Vsevolod, when death should
come to him, might be placed in the tomb by his side. These affectionate
wishes of the dying father were gratified, and the remains of Vsevolod were
deposited, with the most imposing ceremonies of those days, in the church
of Saint Sophia, by the side of those of his father. The people, forgetting his
weakness and remembering only his amiability, wept at his burial.
YEARS OF WAR AND WOE.
From 1092 to 1167.
Character of Vsevolod.—Succession of Sviatopolk.—His Discomfiture.
—Deplorable Condition of Russia.—Death of Sviatopolk.—His
Character.—Accession of Monomaque.—Curious Festival at Kief.—
Energy of Monomaque.—Alarm of the Emperor at Constantinople.—
Horrors of War.—Death of Monomaque.—His Remarkable Character.
—Pious Letter to his Children.—Accession of Mstislaf.—His Short but
Stormy Reign.—Struggles for the Throne.—Final Victory of Ysiaslaf.
—Moscow in the Province of Souzdal.—Death of Ysiaslaf.—Wonderful
Career of Rostislaf.—Rising Power of Moscow.—Georgievitch, Prince
of Moscow.
Vsevolod has the reputation of having been a man of piety. But he was quite
destitute of that force of character which one required to hold the helm in
such stormy times. He was a man of great humanity and of unblemished
morals. The woes which desolated his realms, and which he was utterly
unable to avert, crushed his spirit and hastened his death. Perceiving that his
dying hour was at hand, he sent for his two sons, Vlademer and Rostislaf,
and the sorrowing old man breathed his last in their arms.
Vsevolod was the favorite son of Yaroslaf the Great, and his father, with his
dying breath, had expressed the wish that Vsevolod, when death should
come to him, might be placed in the tomb by his side. These affectionate
wishes of the dying father were gratified, and the remains of Vsevolod were
deposited, with the most imposing ceremonies of those days, in the church
of Saint Sophia, by the side of those of his father. The people, forgetting his
weakness and remembering only his amiability, wept at his burial.
Page 63
Vlademer, the eldest son of Vsevolod, with great magnanimity surrendered
the crown to his cousin Sviatopolk, saying,
"His father was older than mine, and reigned at Kief before my father. I
wish to avoid dissension and the horrors of civil war."
He then proclaimed Sviatopolk sovereign of Russia. The new sovereign had
been feudal lord of the province of Novgorod; he, however, soon left his
northern capital to take up his residence in the more imperial palaces of
Kief. But disaster seemed to be the doom of Russia, and the sounds of
rejoicing which attended his accession to the throne had hardly died away
ere a new scene of woe burst upon the devoted land.
The young king was rash and headstrong. He provoked the ire of one of the
strong neighboring provinces, which was under the sway of an energetic
feudal prince, ostensibly a vassal of the crown, but who, in his pride and
power, arrogated independence. The banners of a hostile army were soon
approaching Kief. Sviatopolk marched heroically to meet them. A battle
was fought, in which he and his army were awfully defeated. Thousands
were driven by the conquerors into a stream, swollen by the rains, where
they miserably perished. The fugitives, led by Sviatopolk, in dismay fled
back to Kief and took refuge behind the walls of the city. The enemy
pressed on, ravaging, with the most cruel desolation, the whole region
around Kief, and in a second battle conquered the king and drove him out of
his realms. The whole of southern Russia was abandoned to barbaric
destruction. Nestor gives a graphic sketch of the misery which prevailed:
"One saw everywhere," he writes, "villages in flames; churches, houses,
granaries were reduced to heaps of ashes; and the unfortunate citizens were
either expiring beneath the blows of their enemies, or were awaiting death
with terror. Prisoners, half naked, were dragged in chains to the most distant
and savage regions. As they toiled along, they said, weeping, one to
another, 'I am from such a village, and I from such a village. No horses or
cattle were to be seen upon our plains. The fields were abandoned to weeds,
and ferocious beasts ranged the places but recently occupied by Christians."
The whole reign of Sviatopolk, which continued until the year 1113, was
one continued storm of war. It would only weary the reader to endeavor to
disentangle the labyrinth of confusion, and to describe the ebbings and
the crown to his cousin Sviatopolk, saying,
"His father was older than mine, and reigned at Kief before my father. I
wish to avoid dissension and the horrors of civil war."
He then proclaimed Sviatopolk sovereign of Russia. The new sovereign had
been feudal lord of the province of Novgorod; he, however, soon left his
northern capital to take up his residence in the more imperial palaces of
Kief. But disaster seemed to be the doom of Russia, and the sounds of
rejoicing which attended his accession to the throne had hardly died away
ere a new scene of woe burst upon the devoted land.
The young king was rash and headstrong. He provoked the ire of one of the
strong neighboring provinces, which was under the sway of an energetic
feudal prince, ostensibly a vassal of the crown, but who, in his pride and
power, arrogated independence. The banners of a hostile army were soon
approaching Kief. Sviatopolk marched heroically to meet them. A battle
was fought, in which he and his army were awfully defeated. Thousands
were driven by the conquerors into a stream, swollen by the rains, where
they miserably perished. The fugitives, led by Sviatopolk, in dismay fled
back to Kief and took refuge behind the walls of the city. The enemy
pressed on, ravaging, with the most cruel desolation, the whole region
around Kief, and in a second battle conquered the king and drove him out of
his realms. The whole of southern Russia was abandoned to barbaric
destruction. Nestor gives a graphic sketch of the misery which prevailed:
"One saw everywhere," he writes, "villages in flames; churches, houses,
granaries were reduced to heaps of ashes; and the unfortunate citizens were
either expiring beneath the blows of their enemies, or were awaiting death
with terror. Prisoners, half naked, were dragged in chains to the most distant
and savage regions. As they toiled along, they said, weeping, one to
another, 'I am from such a village, and I from such a village. No horses or
cattle were to be seen upon our plains. The fields were abandoned to weeds,
and ferocious beasts ranged the places but recently occupied by Christians."
The whole reign of Sviatopolk, which continued until the year 1113, was
one continued storm of war. It would only weary the reader to endeavor to
disentangle the labyrinth of confusion, and to describe the ebbings and
Page 64
floodings of battle. Every man's hand was against his neighbor; and friends
to-day were foes to-morrow. Sviatopolk himself was one of the most
imperfect of men. He was perfidious, ungrateful and suspicious; haughty in
prosperity, mean and cringing in adversity. His religion was the inspiration
of superstition and cowardice, not of intelligence and love. Whenever he
embarked upon any important expedition, he took an ecclesiastic to the
tomb of Saint Theodosius, there to implore the blessing of Heaven. If
successful in the enterprise, he returned to the tomb to give thanks. This
was the beginning and the end of his piety. Without any scruple he violated
the most sacred laws of morality. The marriage vow was entirely
disregarded, and he was ever ready to commit any crime which would
afford gratification to his passions, or which would advance his interests.
The death of Sviatopolk occurred in a season of general anarchy, and it was
uncertain who would seize the throne. The citizens of Kief met in solemn
and anxious assembly, and offered the crown to an illustrious noble,
Monomaque, a brother of Sviatopolk, and a man who had acquired renown
in many enterprises of most desperate daring. In truth it required energy and
courage of no ordinary character for a man at that time to accept the crown.
Innumerable assailants would immediately fall upon him, putting to the
most imminent peril not only the crown, but the head which wore it. By the
Russian custom of descent, the crown incontestably belonged to the oldest
son of Sviatoslaf, and Monomaque, out of regard to his rights, declined the
proffered gift. This refusal was accompanied by the most melancholy
results. A terrible tumult broke out in the city. There was no arm of law
sufficiently powerful to restrain the mob, and anarchy, with all its
desolation, reigned for a time triumphant. A deputation of the most
influential citizens of Kief was immediately sent to Monomaque, with the
most earnest entreaty that he would hasten to rescue them and their city
from the impending ruin. The heroic prince could not turn a deaf ear to this
appeal. He hastened to the city, where his presence, combined with the
knowledge which all had of his energy and courage, at once appeased the
tumult. He ascended the throne, greeted by the acclamations of the whole
city. No opposition ventured to manifest itself, and Monomaque was soon
in the undisputed possession of power.
Nothing can give one a more vivid idea of the state of the times than the
festivals appointed in honor of the new reign as described by the ancient
to-day were foes to-morrow. Sviatopolk himself was one of the most
imperfect of men. He was perfidious, ungrateful and suspicious; haughty in
prosperity, mean and cringing in adversity. His religion was the inspiration
of superstition and cowardice, not of intelligence and love. Whenever he
embarked upon any important expedition, he took an ecclesiastic to the
tomb of Saint Theodosius, there to implore the blessing of Heaven. If
successful in the enterprise, he returned to the tomb to give thanks. This
was the beginning and the end of his piety. Without any scruple he violated
the most sacred laws of morality. The marriage vow was entirely
disregarded, and he was ever ready to commit any crime which would
afford gratification to his passions, or which would advance his interests.
The death of Sviatopolk occurred in a season of general anarchy, and it was
uncertain who would seize the throne. The citizens of Kief met in solemn
and anxious assembly, and offered the crown to an illustrious noble,
Monomaque, a brother of Sviatopolk, and a man who had acquired renown
in many enterprises of most desperate daring. In truth it required energy and
courage of no ordinary character for a man at that time to accept the crown.
Innumerable assailants would immediately fall upon him, putting to the
most imminent peril not only the crown, but the head which wore it. By the
Russian custom of descent, the crown incontestably belonged to the oldest
son of Sviatoslaf, and Monomaque, out of regard to his rights, declined the
proffered gift. This refusal was accompanied by the most melancholy
results. A terrible tumult broke out in the city. There was no arm of law
sufficiently powerful to restrain the mob, and anarchy, with all its
desolation, reigned for a time triumphant. A deputation of the most
influential citizens of Kief was immediately sent to Monomaque, with the
most earnest entreaty that he would hasten to rescue them and their city
from the impending ruin. The heroic prince could not turn a deaf ear to this
appeal. He hastened to the city, where his presence, combined with the
knowledge which all had of his energy and courage, at once appeased the
tumult. He ascended the throne, greeted by the acclamations of the whole
city. No opposition ventured to manifest itself, and Monomaque was soon
in the undisputed possession of power.
Nothing can give one a more vivid idea of the state of the times than the
festivals appointed in honor of the new reign as described by the ancient
Page 65
annalists. The bones of two saints were transferred from one church to
another in the city. A magnificent coffin of silver, embellished with gold,
precious stones, and bas reliefs, so exquisitely carved as to excite the
admiration even of the Grecian artists, contained the sacred relics, and
excited the wonder and veneration of the whole multitude. The imposing
ceremony drew to Kief the princes, the clergy, the lords, the warriors, even,
from the most distant parts of the empire. The gates of the city and the
streets were encumbered with such multitudes that, in order to open a
passage for the clergy with the sarcophagus, the monarch caused cloths,
garments, precious furs and pieces of silver to be scattered to draw away the
throng. A luxurious feast was given to the princes, and, for three days, all
the poor of the city were entertained at the expense of the public treasure.
Monomaque now fitted out sundry expeditions under his enterprising son to
extend the territories of Russia and to bring tumultuous tribes and nations
into subjection and order. His son Mstislaf was sent into the country of the
Tchoudes, now Livonia, on the shores of the Baltic. He overran the territory,
seized the capital and established order. His son Vsevolod, who was
stationed at Novgorod, made an expedition into Finland. His army
experienced inconceivable sufferings in that cold, inhospitable clime. Still
they overawed the inhabitants and secured tranquillity. Another son,
Georges, marched to the Volga, embarked his army in a fleet of barges, and
floated along the stream to eastern Bulgaria, conquered an army raised to
oppose him, and returned to his principality laden with booty. Another son,
Yaropolk, assailed the tumultuous tribes upon the Don. Brilliant success
accompanied his enterprise. Among his captives he found one maiden of
such rare beauty that he made her his wife. At the same time the kingdom of
Russia was invaded by barbarous hordes from the shores of the Caspian.
Monomaque himself headed an army and assailed the invaders with such
impetuosity that they were driven, with much loss, back again to their
wilds.
The military renown Monomaque thus attained made his name a terror even
to the most distant tribes, and, for a time, held in awe those turbulent spirits
who had been filling the world with violence. Elated by his conquests,
Monomaque fitted out an expedition to Greece. A large army descended the
Dnieper, took possession of Thrace, and threatened Adrianople. The
emperor, in great alarm, sent embassadors to Monomaque with the most
another in the city. A magnificent coffin of silver, embellished with gold,
precious stones, and bas reliefs, so exquisitely carved as to excite the
admiration even of the Grecian artists, contained the sacred relics, and
excited the wonder and veneration of the whole multitude. The imposing
ceremony drew to Kief the princes, the clergy, the lords, the warriors, even,
from the most distant parts of the empire. The gates of the city and the
streets were encumbered with such multitudes that, in order to open a
passage for the clergy with the sarcophagus, the monarch caused cloths,
garments, precious furs and pieces of silver to be scattered to draw away the
throng. A luxurious feast was given to the princes, and, for three days, all
the poor of the city were entertained at the expense of the public treasure.
Monomaque now fitted out sundry expeditions under his enterprising son to
extend the territories of Russia and to bring tumultuous tribes and nations
into subjection and order. His son Mstislaf was sent into the country of the
Tchoudes, now Livonia, on the shores of the Baltic. He overran the territory,
seized the capital and established order. His son Vsevolod, who was
stationed at Novgorod, made an expedition into Finland. His army
experienced inconceivable sufferings in that cold, inhospitable clime. Still
they overawed the inhabitants and secured tranquillity. Another son,
Georges, marched to the Volga, embarked his army in a fleet of barges, and
floated along the stream to eastern Bulgaria, conquered an army raised to
oppose him, and returned to his principality laden with booty. Another son,
Yaropolk, assailed the tumultuous tribes upon the Don. Brilliant success
accompanied his enterprise. Among his captives he found one maiden of
such rare beauty that he made her his wife. At the same time the kingdom of
Russia was invaded by barbarous hordes from the shores of the Caspian.
Monomaque himself headed an army and assailed the invaders with such
impetuosity that they were driven, with much loss, back again to their
wilds.
The military renown Monomaque thus attained made his name a terror even
to the most distant tribes, and, for a time, held in awe those turbulent spirits
who had been filling the world with violence. Elated by his conquests,
Monomaque fitted out an expedition to Greece. A large army descended the
Dnieper, took possession of Thrace, and threatened Adrianople. The
emperor, in great alarm, sent embassadors to Monomaque with the most
Page 66
precious presents. There was a cornelian exquisitely cut and set, a golden
chain and necklace, a crown of gold, and, most precious of all, a crucifix
made of wood of the true cross! The metropolitan bishop of Ephesus, who
was sent with these presents, was authorized, in the name of the church and
of the empire, to place the crown upon the brow of Monomaque in gorgeous
coronation in the cathedral church of Kief, and to proclaim Monomaque
Emperor of Russia. This crown, called the golden bonnet of Monomaque, is
still preserved in the Museum of Antiquities at Moscow.
These were dark and awful days. Horrible as war now is, it was then
attended with woes now unknown. Gleb, prince of Minsk, with a ferocious
band, attacked the city of Sloutsk; after a terrible scene of carnage, in which
most of those capable of bearing arms were slain, the city was burned to
ashes, and all the survivors, men, women and children, were driven off as
captives to the banks of the Dwina, where they were incorporated with the
tribe of their savage conqueror. In revenge, Monomaque sent his son
Yaropolk to Droutsk, one of the cities of Gleb. No pen can depict the
horrors of the assault. After a few hours of dismay, shriekings and blood,
the city was in ashes, and the wretched victims of man's pride and revenge
were conducted to the vicinity of Kief, where they reared their huts, and in
widowhood, orphanage and penury, commenced life anew. Gleb himself in
this foray was taken prisoner, conducted to Kief, and detained there a
captive until he died.
Monomaque reigned thirteen years, during which time he was incessantly
engaged in wars with the audacious nobles of the provinces who refused to
recognize his supremacy, and many of whom were equal to him in power.
He died May 19, 1126, in the seventy-third year of his age, renowned, say
the ancient annalists, for the splendor of his victories and the purity of his
morals. He was fully conscious of the approach of death, and seems to have
been sustained, in that trying hour, by the consolations of religion. He lived
in an age of darkness and of tumult; but he was a man of prayer, and,
according to the light he had, he walked humbly with God. Commending
his soul to the Saviour he fell asleep. It is recorded that he was a man of
such lively emotions that his voice often trembled, and his eyes were filled
with tears as he implored God's blessing upon his distracted country. He
wrote, just before his death, a long letter to his children, conceived in the
most lovely spirit of piety. We have space but for a few extracts from these
chain and necklace, a crown of gold, and, most precious of all, a crucifix
made of wood of the true cross! The metropolitan bishop of Ephesus, who
was sent with these presents, was authorized, in the name of the church and
of the empire, to place the crown upon the brow of Monomaque in gorgeous
coronation in the cathedral church of Kief, and to proclaim Monomaque
Emperor of Russia. This crown, called the golden bonnet of Monomaque, is
still preserved in the Museum of Antiquities at Moscow.
These were dark and awful days. Horrible as war now is, it was then
attended with woes now unknown. Gleb, prince of Minsk, with a ferocious
band, attacked the city of Sloutsk; after a terrible scene of carnage, in which
most of those capable of bearing arms were slain, the city was burned to
ashes, and all the survivors, men, women and children, were driven off as
captives to the banks of the Dwina, where they were incorporated with the
tribe of their savage conqueror. In revenge, Monomaque sent his son
Yaropolk to Droutsk, one of the cities of Gleb. No pen can depict the
horrors of the assault. After a few hours of dismay, shriekings and blood,
the city was in ashes, and the wretched victims of man's pride and revenge
were conducted to the vicinity of Kief, where they reared their huts, and in
widowhood, orphanage and penury, commenced life anew. Gleb himself in
this foray was taken prisoner, conducted to Kief, and detained there a
captive until he died.
Monomaque reigned thirteen years, during which time he was incessantly
engaged in wars with the audacious nobles of the provinces who refused to
recognize his supremacy, and many of whom were equal to him in power.
He died May 19, 1126, in the seventy-third year of his age, renowned, say
the ancient annalists, for the splendor of his victories and the purity of his
morals. He was fully conscious of the approach of death, and seems to have
been sustained, in that trying hour, by the consolations of religion. He lived
in an age of darkness and of tumult; but he was a man of prayer, and,
according to the light he had, he walked humbly with God. Commending
his soul to the Saviour he fell asleep. It is recorded that he was a man of
such lively emotions that his voice often trembled, and his eyes were filled
with tears as he implored God's blessing upon his distracted country. He
wrote, just before his death, a long letter to his children, conceived in the
most lovely spirit of piety. We have space but for a few extracts from these
Page 67
Christian counsels of a dying father. The whole letter, written on parchment,
is still preserved in the archives of the monarchy.
"The foundation of all virtue," he wrote, "is the fear of God and the love of
man. O my dear children, praise God and love your fellow-men. It is not
fasting, it is not solitude, it is not a monastic life which will secure for you
the divine approval—it is doing good to your fellow-creatures alone. Never
forget the poor. Take care of them, and ever remember that your wealth
comes from God, and that it is only intrusted to you for a short time. Do not
hoard up your riches; that is contrary to the precepts of the Saviour. Be a
father to the orphans, the protectors of widows, and never permit the
powerful to oppress the weak. Never take the name of God in vain, and
never violate your oath. Do not envy the triumph of the wicked, or the
success of the impious; but abstain from everything that is wrong. Banish
from your hearts all the suggestions of pride, and remember that we are all
perishable—to-day full of life, to-morrow in the tomb. Regard with horror,
falsehood, intemperance and impurity—vices equally dangerous to the body
and to the soul. Treat aged men with the same respect with which you
would treat your parents, and love all men as your brothers.
"When you make a journey in your provinces, do not suffer the members of
your suite to inflict the least injury upon the inhabitants. Treat with
particular respect strangers, of whatever quality, and if you can not confer
upon them favors, treat them with a spirit of benevolence, since, upon the
manner with which they are treated, depends the evil or good report which
they will take back with them to their own land. Salute every one whom
you meet. Love your wives, but do not permit them to govern you. When
you have learned any thing useful, endeavor to imprint it upon your
memory, and be always seeking to acquire information. My father spoke
five languages, a fact which excited the admiration of strangers.
"Guard against idleness, which is the mother of all vices. Man ought always
to be occupied. When you are traveling on horseback, instead of allowing
your mind to wander upon vain thoughts, recite your prayers, or, at least,
repeat the shortest and best of them all: 'Oh, Lord, have mercy upon us.'
Never retire at night without falling upon your knees before God in prayer,
and never let the sun find you in your bed. Always go to church at an early
hour in the morning to offer to God the homage of your first and freshest
is still preserved in the archives of the monarchy.
"The foundation of all virtue," he wrote, "is the fear of God and the love of
man. O my dear children, praise God and love your fellow-men. It is not
fasting, it is not solitude, it is not a monastic life which will secure for you
the divine approval—it is doing good to your fellow-creatures alone. Never
forget the poor. Take care of them, and ever remember that your wealth
comes from God, and that it is only intrusted to you for a short time. Do not
hoard up your riches; that is contrary to the precepts of the Saviour. Be a
father to the orphans, the protectors of widows, and never permit the
powerful to oppress the weak. Never take the name of God in vain, and
never violate your oath. Do not envy the triumph of the wicked, or the
success of the impious; but abstain from everything that is wrong. Banish
from your hearts all the suggestions of pride, and remember that we are all
perishable—to-day full of life, to-morrow in the tomb. Regard with horror,
falsehood, intemperance and impurity—vices equally dangerous to the body
and to the soul. Treat aged men with the same respect with which you
would treat your parents, and love all men as your brothers.
"When you make a journey in your provinces, do not suffer the members of
your suite to inflict the least injury upon the inhabitants. Treat with
particular respect strangers, of whatever quality, and if you can not confer
upon them favors, treat them with a spirit of benevolence, since, upon the
manner with which they are treated, depends the evil or good report which
they will take back with them to their own land. Salute every one whom
you meet. Love your wives, but do not permit them to govern you. When
you have learned any thing useful, endeavor to imprint it upon your
memory, and be always seeking to acquire information. My father spoke
five languages, a fact which excited the admiration of strangers.
"Guard against idleness, which is the mother of all vices. Man ought always
to be occupied. When you are traveling on horseback, instead of allowing
your mind to wander upon vain thoughts, recite your prayers, or, at least,
repeat the shortest and best of them all: 'Oh, Lord, have mercy upon us.'
Never retire at night without falling upon your knees before God in prayer,
and never let the sun find you in your bed. Always go to church at an early
hour in the morning to offer to God the homage of your first and freshest
Page 68
thoughts. This was the custom of my father and of all the pious people who
surrounded him. With the first rays of the sun they praised the Lord, and
exclaimed, with fervor, 'Condescend, O Lord, with thy divine light to
illumine my soul.'"
The faults of Monomaque were those of his age, non vitia hominis, sed vitia
sœculi; but his virtues were truly Christian, and it can hardly be doubted
that, as his earthly crown dropped from his brow, he received a brighter
crown in heaven. The devastations of the barbarians in that day were so
awful, burning cities and churches, and massacring women and children,
that they were regarded as enemies of the human race, and were pursued
with exterminating vengeance.
Monomaque left several children and a third wife. One of his wives, Gyda,
was a daughter of Harold, King of England. His oldest son, Mstislaf,
succeeded to the crown. His brothers received, as their inheritance, the
government of extensive provinces. The new monarch, inheriting the
energies and the virtues of his illustrious sire, had long been renowned. The
barbarians, east of the Volga, as soon as they heard of the death of
Monomaque, thought that Russia would fall an easy prey to their arms. In
immense numbers they crossed the river, spreading far and wide the most
awful devastation. But Mstislaf fell upon them with such impetuosity that
they were routed with great slaughter and driven back to their wilds. Their
chastisement was so severe that, for a long time, they were intimidated from
any further incursions. With wonderful energy, Mstislaf attacked many of
the tributary nations, who had claimed a sort of independence, and who
were ever rising in insurrection. He speedily brought them into subjection
to his sway, and placed over them rulers devoted to his interests. In the dead
of winter an expedition was marched against the Tchoudes, who inhabited
the southern shores of the bay of Finland. The men were put to death, the
cities and villages burned; the women and children were brought away as
captives and incorporated with the Russian people.
Mstislaf reigned but about four years, when he suddenly died in the sixtieth
year of his age. His whole reign was an incessant warfare with insurgent
chiefs and barbarian invaders. There is an awful record, at this time, of the
scourge of famine added to the miseries of war. All the northern provinces
suffered terribly from this frown of God. Immense quantities of snow
surrounded him. With the first rays of the sun they praised the Lord, and
exclaimed, with fervor, 'Condescend, O Lord, with thy divine light to
illumine my soul.'"
The faults of Monomaque were those of his age, non vitia hominis, sed vitia
sœculi; but his virtues were truly Christian, and it can hardly be doubted
that, as his earthly crown dropped from his brow, he received a brighter
crown in heaven. The devastations of the barbarians in that day were so
awful, burning cities and churches, and massacring women and children,
that they were regarded as enemies of the human race, and were pursued
with exterminating vengeance.
Monomaque left several children and a third wife. One of his wives, Gyda,
was a daughter of Harold, King of England. His oldest son, Mstislaf,
succeeded to the crown. His brothers received, as their inheritance, the
government of extensive provinces. The new monarch, inheriting the
energies and the virtues of his illustrious sire, had long been renowned. The
barbarians, east of the Volga, as soon as they heard of the death of
Monomaque, thought that Russia would fall an easy prey to their arms. In
immense numbers they crossed the river, spreading far and wide the most
awful devastation. But Mstislaf fell upon them with such impetuosity that
they were routed with great slaughter and driven back to their wilds. Their
chastisement was so severe that, for a long time, they were intimidated from
any further incursions. With wonderful energy, Mstislaf attacked many of
the tributary nations, who had claimed a sort of independence, and who
were ever rising in insurrection. He speedily brought them into subjection
to his sway, and placed over them rulers devoted to his interests. In the dead
of winter an expedition was marched against the Tchoudes, who inhabited
the southern shores of the bay of Finland. The men were put to death, the
cities and villages burned; the women and children were brought away as
captives and incorporated with the Russian people.
Mstislaf reigned but about four years, when he suddenly died in the sixtieth
year of his age. His whole reign was an incessant warfare with insurgent
chiefs and barbarian invaders. There is an awful record, at this time, of the
scourge of famine added to the miseries of war. All the northern provinces
suffered terribly from this frown of God. Immense quantities of snow
Page 69
covered the ground even to the month of May. The snow then melted
suddenly with heavy rains, deluging the fields with water, which slowly
retired, converting the country into a wide-spread marsh. It was very late
before any seed could be sown. The grain had but just begun to sprout when
myriads of locusts appeared, devouring every green thing. A heavy frost
early in the autumn destroyed the few fields the locusts had spared, and
then commenced the horrors of a universal famine. Men, women and
children, wasted and haggard, wandered over the fields seeking green
leaves and roots, and dropped dead in their wanderings. The fields and the
public places were covered with putrefying corpses which the living had not
strength to bury. A fetid miasma, ascending from this cause, added
pestilence to famine, and woes ensued too awful to be described.
Immediately after the death of Mstislaf, the inhabitants of Kief assembled
and invited his brother Vladimirovitch to assume the crown. This prince
then resided at Novgorod, which city he at once left for the capital. He
proved to be a feeble prince, and the lords of the remote principalities,
assuming independence, bade defiance to his authority. There was no longer
any central power, and Russia, instead of being a united kingdom, became a
conglomeration of antagonistic states; every feudal lord marshaling his serfs
in warfare against his neighbor. In the midst of this state of universal
anarchy, caused by the weakness of a virtuous prince who had not sufficient
energy to reign, Vladimirovitch died in 1139.
The death of the king was a signal for a general outbreak—a multitude of
princes rushing to seize the crown. Viatcheslaf, prince of a large province
called Pereiaslavle, was the first to reach Kief with his army. The
inhabitants of the city, to avoid the horrors of war, marched in procession to
meet him, and conducted him in triumph to the throne. Viatcheslaf had
hardly grasped the scepter and stationed his army within the walls, when
from the steeples of the city the banners of another advancing host were
seen gleaming in the distance, and soon the tramp of their horsemen, and
the defiant tones of the trumpet were heard, as another and far more mighty
host encircled the city. This new army was led by Vsevolod, prince of a
province called Vouychegorod. Viatcheslaf, convinced of the impossibility
of resisting such a power as Vsevolod had brought against Kief,
immediately consented to retire, and to surrender the throne to his more
suddenly with heavy rains, deluging the fields with water, which slowly
retired, converting the country into a wide-spread marsh. It was very late
before any seed could be sown. The grain had but just begun to sprout when
myriads of locusts appeared, devouring every green thing. A heavy frost
early in the autumn destroyed the few fields the locusts had spared, and
then commenced the horrors of a universal famine. Men, women and
children, wasted and haggard, wandered over the fields seeking green
leaves and roots, and dropped dead in their wanderings. The fields and the
public places were covered with putrefying corpses which the living had not
strength to bury. A fetid miasma, ascending from this cause, added
pestilence to famine, and woes ensued too awful to be described.
Immediately after the death of Mstislaf, the inhabitants of Kief assembled
and invited his brother Vladimirovitch to assume the crown. This prince
then resided at Novgorod, which city he at once left for the capital. He
proved to be a feeble prince, and the lords of the remote principalities,
assuming independence, bade defiance to his authority. There was no longer
any central power, and Russia, instead of being a united kingdom, became a
conglomeration of antagonistic states; every feudal lord marshaling his serfs
in warfare against his neighbor. In the midst of this state of universal
anarchy, caused by the weakness of a virtuous prince who had not sufficient
energy to reign, Vladimirovitch died in 1139.
The death of the king was a signal for a general outbreak—a multitude of
princes rushing to seize the crown. Viatcheslaf, prince of a large province
called Pereiaslavle, was the first to reach Kief with his army. The
inhabitants of the city, to avoid the horrors of war, marched in procession to
meet him, and conducted him in triumph to the throne. Viatcheslaf had
hardly grasped the scepter and stationed his army within the walls, when
from the steeples of the city the banners of another advancing host were
seen gleaming in the distance, and soon the tramp of their horsemen, and
the defiant tones of the trumpet were heard, as another and far more mighty
host encircled the city. This new army was led by Vsevolod, prince of a
province called Vouychegorod. Viatcheslaf, convinced of the impossibility
of resisting such a power as Vsevolod had brought against Kief,
immediately consented to retire, and to surrender the throne to his more
Page 70
powerful rival. Vsevolod entered the city in triumph and established himself
firmly in power.
There is nothing of interest to be recorded during his reign of seven years,
save that Russia was swept by incessant billows of flame and blood. The
princes of the provinces were ever rising against his authority.
Combinations were formed to dethrone the king, and the king formed
combinations to crush his enemies. The Hungarians, the Swedes, the Danes,
the Poles, all made war against this energetic prince; but with an iron hand
he smote them down. Toil and care soon exhausted his frame, and he was
prostrate on his dying bed. Bequeathing his throne to his brother Igor, he
died, leaving behind him the reputation of having been one of the most
energetic of the kings of this blood deluged land.
Igor was fully conscious of the perils he thus inherited. He was very
unpopular with the inhabitants of Kief, and loud murmurs greeted his
accession to power. A conspiracy was formed among the most influential
inhabitants of Kief, and a secret embassage was sent to the grand prince,
Ysiaslaf, a descendant of Monomaque, inviting him to come, and with their
aid, take possession of the throne. The prince attended the summons with
alacrity, and marched with a powerful army to Kief. Igor was vanquished in
a sanguinary battle, taken captive, imprisoned in a convent, and Ysiaslaf
became the nominal monarch of Russia.
Sviatoslaf, the brother of Igor, overwhelmed with anguish in view of his
brother's fall and captivity, traversed the expanse of Russia to enlist the
sympathies of the distant princes, to march for the rescue of the captive. He
was quite successful. An allied army was soon raised, and, under
determined leaders, was on the march for Kief. The king, Ysiaslaf, with his
troops, advanced to meet them. In the meantime Igor, crushed by
misfortune, and hopeless of deliverance, sought solace for his woes in
religion. "For a long time," said he, "I have desired to consecrate my heart
to God. Even in the height of prosperity this was my strongest wish. What
can be more proper for me now that I am at the very gates of the tomb?"
For eight days he laid in his cell, expecting every moment to breathe his
last. He then, reviving a little, received the tonsure from the hands of the
bishop, and renouncing the world, and all its cares and ambitions, devoted
himself to the prayers and devotions of the monk.
firmly in power.
There is nothing of interest to be recorded during his reign of seven years,
save that Russia was swept by incessant billows of flame and blood. The
princes of the provinces were ever rising against his authority.
Combinations were formed to dethrone the king, and the king formed
combinations to crush his enemies. The Hungarians, the Swedes, the Danes,
the Poles, all made war against this energetic prince; but with an iron hand
he smote them down. Toil and care soon exhausted his frame, and he was
prostrate on his dying bed. Bequeathing his throne to his brother Igor, he
died, leaving behind him the reputation of having been one of the most
energetic of the kings of this blood deluged land.
Igor was fully conscious of the perils he thus inherited. He was very
unpopular with the inhabitants of Kief, and loud murmurs greeted his
accession to power. A conspiracy was formed among the most influential
inhabitants of Kief, and a secret embassage was sent to the grand prince,
Ysiaslaf, a descendant of Monomaque, inviting him to come, and with their
aid, take possession of the throne. The prince attended the summons with
alacrity, and marched with a powerful army to Kief. Igor was vanquished in
a sanguinary battle, taken captive, imprisoned in a convent, and Ysiaslaf
became the nominal monarch of Russia.
Sviatoslaf, the brother of Igor, overwhelmed with anguish in view of his
brother's fall and captivity, traversed the expanse of Russia to enlist the
sympathies of the distant princes, to march for the rescue of the captive. He
was quite successful. An allied army was soon raised, and, under
determined leaders, was on the march for Kief. The king, Ysiaslaf, with his
troops, advanced to meet them. In the meantime Igor, crushed by
misfortune, and hopeless of deliverance, sought solace for his woes in
religion. "For a long time," said he, "I have desired to consecrate my heart
to God. Even in the height of prosperity this was my strongest wish. What
can be more proper for me now that I am at the very gates of the tomb?"
For eight days he laid in his cell, expecting every moment to breathe his
last. He then, reviving a little, received the tonsure from the hands of the
bishop, and renouncing the world, and all its cares and ambitions, devoted
himself to the prayers and devotions of the monk.
Page 71
The king pressed Sviatoslaf with superior forces, conquered him in several
battles, and drove him, a fugitive, into dense forests, and into distant wilds.
Sviatoslaf, like his brother, weary of the storms of life, also sought the
solace which religion affords to the weary and the heart-stricken. Pursued
by his relentless foe, he came to a little village called Moscow, far back in
the interior. This is the first intimation history gives of this now renowned
capital of the most extensive monarchy upon the globe. A prince named
Georges reigned here, over the extensive province then called Souzdal, who
received the fugitive with heartfelt sympathy. Aided by Georges and several
of the surrounding princes, another army was raised, and Sviatoslaf
commenced a triumphal march, sweeping all opposition before him, until
he arrived a conqueror before the walls of Novgorod.
The people of Kief, enraged by this success of the foe of their popular king,
rose in a general tumult, burst into a convent where Igor was found at his
devotions, tied a rope about his neck, and dragged him, a mutilated corpse,
through the streets.
The king, Ysiaslaf, called for a levy en masse, of the inhabitants of Kief,
summoned distant feudal barons with their armies to his banner, and
marched impetuously to meet the conquering foe. Fierce battles ensued, in
which Sviatoslaf was repeatedly vanquished, and retreated to Souzdal again
to appeal to Georges for aid. Ysiaslaf summoned the Novgorodians before
him, and in the following energetic terms addressed them:
"My brethren," said he, "Georges, the prince of Souzdal, has insulted
Novgorod. I have left the capital of Russia to defend you. Do you wish to
prosecute the war? The sword is in my hands. Do you desire peace? I will
open negotiations."
"War, war," the multitude shouted. "You are our monarch, and we will all
follow you, from the youngest to the oldest."
A vast army was immediately assembled on the shores of the lake of Ilmen,
near the city of Novgorod, which commenced its march of three hundred
miles, to the remote realms of Souzdal. Georges was unprepared to meet
them. He fled, surrendering his country to be ravaged by the foe. His cities
and villages were burned, and seven thousand of his subjects were carried
captive to Kief. But Georges was not a man to bear such a calamity meekly.
battles, and drove him, a fugitive, into dense forests, and into distant wilds.
Sviatoslaf, like his brother, weary of the storms of life, also sought the
solace which religion affords to the weary and the heart-stricken. Pursued
by his relentless foe, he came to a little village called Moscow, far back in
the interior. This is the first intimation history gives of this now renowned
capital of the most extensive monarchy upon the globe. A prince named
Georges reigned here, over the extensive province then called Souzdal, who
received the fugitive with heartfelt sympathy. Aided by Georges and several
of the surrounding princes, another army was raised, and Sviatoslaf
commenced a triumphal march, sweeping all opposition before him, until
he arrived a conqueror before the walls of Novgorod.
The people of Kief, enraged by this success of the foe of their popular king,
rose in a general tumult, burst into a convent where Igor was found at his
devotions, tied a rope about his neck, and dragged him, a mutilated corpse,
through the streets.
The king, Ysiaslaf, called for a levy en masse, of the inhabitants of Kief,
summoned distant feudal barons with their armies to his banner, and
marched impetuously to meet the conquering foe. Fierce battles ensued, in
which Sviatoslaf was repeatedly vanquished, and retreated to Souzdal again
to appeal to Georges for aid. Ysiaslaf summoned the Novgorodians before
him, and in the following energetic terms addressed them:
"My brethren," said he, "Georges, the prince of Souzdal, has insulted
Novgorod. I have left the capital of Russia to defend you. Do you wish to
prosecute the war? The sword is in my hands. Do you desire peace? I will
open negotiations."
"War, war," the multitude shouted. "You are our monarch, and we will all
follow you, from the youngest to the oldest."
A vast army was immediately assembled on the shores of the lake of Ilmen,
near the city of Novgorod, which commenced its march of three hundred
miles, to the remote realms of Souzdal. Georges was unprepared to meet
them. He fled, surrendering his country to be ravaged by the foe. His cities
and villages were burned, and seven thousand of his subjects were carried
captive to Kief. But Georges was not a man to bear such a calamity meekly.
Page 72
He speedily succeeded in forming an alliance with the barbarian nations
around him, and burning with rage, followed the army of the retiring foe.
He overtook them near the city of Periaslavle. It was the evening of the 23d
of August. The unclouded sun was just sinking at the close of a sultry day,
and the vesper chants were floating through the temples of the city. The
storm of war burst as suddenly as the thunder peals of an autumnal tempest.
The result was most awful and fatal to the king. His troops were dispersed
and cut to pieces. Ysiaslaf himself with difficulty escaped and reached the
ramparts of Kief. The terrified inhabitants entreated him not to remain, as
his presence would only expose the city to the horror of being taken by
storm.
"Our fathers, our brothers, our sons," they said, "are dead upon the field of
battle, or are in chains. We have no arms. Generous prince, do not expose
the capital of Russia to pillage. Flee for a time to your remote principalities,
there to gather a new army. You know that we will never rest contented
under the government of Georges. We will rise in revolt against him, as
soon as we shall see your standards approaching."
Ysiaslaf fled, first to Smolensk, some three hundred miles distant, and
thence traversed his principalities seeking aid. Georges entered Kief in
triumph. Calling his warriors around him, he assigned to them the provinces
which he had wrested from the feudal lords of the king.
Hungary, Bohemia and Poland then consisted of barbaric peoples just
emerging into national existence. The King of Hungary had married
Euphrosine, the youngest sister of Ysiaslaf. He immediately sent to his
brother-in-law ten thousand cavaliers. The Kings of Bohemia and of Poland
also entered into an alliance with the exiled prince, and in person led the
armies which they contributed to his aid. A war of desperation ensued. It
was as a conflict between the tiger and the lion.
The annals of those dark days contained but a weary recital of deeds of
violence, blood and woe, which for ten years desolated the land. All Russia
was roused. Every feudal lord was leading his vassals to the field. There
were combinations and counter-combinations innumerable. Cities were
taken and retaken; to-day, the banners of Ysiaslaf float upon the battlements
of Kief; to-morrow, those banners are hewn down and the standards of
around him, and burning with rage, followed the army of the retiring foe.
He overtook them near the city of Periaslavle. It was the evening of the 23d
of August. The unclouded sun was just sinking at the close of a sultry day,
and the vesper chants were floating through the temples of the city. The
storm of war burst as suddenly as the thunder peals of an autumnal tempest.
The result was most awful and fatal to the king. His troops were dispersed
and cut to pieces. Ysiaslaf himself with difficulty escaped and reached the
ramparts of Kief. The terrified inhabitants entreated him not to remain, as
his presence would only expose the city to the horror of being taken by
storm.
"Our fathers, our brothers, our sons," they said, "are dead upon the field of
battle, or are in chains. We have no arms. Generous prince, do not expose
the capital of Russia to pillage. Flee for a time to your remote principalities,
there to gather a new army. You know that we will never rest contented
under the government of Georges. We will rise in revolt against him, as
soon as we shall see your standards approaching."
Ysiaslaf fled, first to Smolensk, some three hundred miles distant, and
thence traversed his principalities seeking aid. Georges entered Kief in
triumph. Calling his warriors around him, he assigned to them the provinces
which he had wrested from the feudal lords of the king.
Hungary, Bohemia and Poland then consisted of barbaric peoples just
emerging into national existence. The King of Hungary had married
Euphrosine, the youngest sister of Ysiaslaf. He immediately sent to his
brother-in-law ten thousand cavaliers. The Kings of Bohemia and of Poland
also entered into an alliance with the exiled prince, and in person led the
armies which they contributed to his aid. A war of desperation ensued. It
was as a conflict between the tiger and the lion.
The annals of those dark days contained but a weary recital of deeds of
violence, blood and woe, which for ten years desolated the land. All Russia
was roused. Every feudal lord was leading his vassals to the field. There
were combinations and counter-combinations innumerable. Cities were
taken and retaken; to-day, the banners of Ysiaslaf float upon the battlements
of Kief; to-morrow, those banners are hewn down and the standards of
Page 73
Georges are unfurled to the breeze. Now, we see Ysiaslaf a fugitive,
hopeless, in despair. Again, the rolling wheel of fortune raises him from his
depression, and, with the strides of a conqueror, he pursues his foe, in his
turn vanquished and woe-stricken. But
hopeless, in despair. Again, the rolling wheel of fortune raises him from his
depression, and, with the strides of a conqueror, he pursues his foe, in his
turn vanquished and woe-stricken. But
Page 74
"The pomp of heraldry, the pride of power,
And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave,
Alike await the inevitable hour;
The paths of glory lead but to the grave."
Death, which Ysiaslaf had braved in a hundred battles, approached him by
the slow but resistless march of disease. For a few days the monarch tossed
in fevered restlessness on his bed at Kief, and then, from his life of
incessant storms on earth, his spirit ascended to the God who gave it.
Georges was, at that time, in the lowest state of humiliation. His armies had
all perished, and he was wandering in exile, seeking new forces with which
to renew the strife.
Rostislaf, grand prince of Novgorod, succeeded to the throne. But Georges,
animated by the death of Ysiaslaf, soon found enthusiastic adventurers
rallying around his banners. He marched vigorously to Kief, drove Rostislaf
from the capital and seized the scepter. But there was no lull in the tempest
of human ambition. Georges had attained the throne by the energies of his
sword, and, acting upon the principle that "to the victors belong the spoils,"
he had driven from their castles all the lords who had been supporters of the
past administration. He had conferred their mansions and their territories
upon his followers. Human nature has not materially changed. Those in
office were fighting to retain their honors and emoluments. Those out of
office were struggling to attain the posts which brought wealth and renown.
The progress of civilization has, in our country, transferred this fierce battle
from the field to the ballot-box. It is, indeed, a glorious change. The battle
can be fought thus just as effectually, and infinitely more humanely. It has
required the misery of nearly six thousand years to teach, even a few
millions of mankind, that the ballot-box is a better instrument for political
conflicts than the cartridge-box.
Armies were gathering in all directions to march upon Georges. He was
now an old man, weary of war, and endeavored to bribe his foes to peace.
He was, however, unsuccessful, and found it to be necessary again to lead
his armies into the field. It was the 20th of March, 1157, when Georges,
entering Kief in triumph, ascended the throne. On the 1st of May he dined
And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave,
Alike await the inevitable hour;
The paths of glory lead but to the grave."
Death, which Ysiaslaf had braved in a hundred battles, approached him by
the slow but resistless march of disease. For a few days the monarch tossed
in fevered restlessness on his bed at Kief, and then, from his life of
incessant storms on earth, his spirit ascended to the God who gave it.
Georges was, at that time, in the lowest state of humiliation. His armies had
all perished, and he was wandering in exile, seeking new forces with which
to renew the strife.
Rostislaf, grand prince of Novgorod, succeeded to the throne. But Georges,
animated by the death of Ysiaslaf, soon found enthusiastic adventurers
rallying around his banners. He marched vigorously to Kief, drove Rostislaf
from the capital and seized the scepter. But there was no lull in the tempest
of human ambition. Georges had attained the throne by the energies of his
sword, and, acting upon the principle that "to the victors belong the spoils,"
he had driven from their castles all the lords who had been supporters of the
past administration. He had conferred their mansions and their territories
upon his followers. Human nature has not materially changed. Those in
office were fighting to retain their honors and emoluments. Those out of
office were struggling to attain the posts which brought wealth and renown.
The progress of civilization has, in our country, transferred this fierce battle
from the field to the ballot-box. It is, indeed, a glorious change. The battle
can be fought thus just as effectually, and infinitely more humanely. It has
required the misery of nearly six thousand years to teach, even a few
millions of mankind, that the ballot-box is a better instrument for political
conflicts than the cartridge-box.
Armies were gathering in all directions to march upon Georges. He was
now an old man, weary of war, and endeavored to bribe his foes to peace.
He was, however, unsuccessful, and found it to be necessary again to lead
his armies into the field. It was the 20th of March, 1157, when Georges,
entering Kief in triumph, ascended the throne. On the 1st of May he dined
Page 75
with some of his lords. Immediately after dinner he was taken sick, and,
after languishing a fortnight in ever-increasing debility, on the 15th he died.
The inhabitants of Kief, regarding him as an usurper, rejoiced at his death,
and immediately sent an embassage to Davidovitch, prince of Tchernigof, a
province about one hundred and fifty miles north of Kief, inviting him to
hasten to the capital and seize the scepter of Russia.
Kief, and all occidental Russia, thus ravaged by interminable wars,
desolated by famine and by flame, was rapidly on the decline, and was fast
lapsing into barbarism. Davidovitch had hardly ascended the throne ere he
was driven from it by Rostislaf, whom Georges had dethroned. But the
remote province of Souzdal, of which Moscow was the capital, situated
some seven hundred miles north-east of Kief, was now emerging from
barbaric darkness into wealth and civilization. The missionaries of Christ
had penetrated those remote realms. Churches were reared, the gospel was
preached, peace reigned, industry was encouraged, and, under their
influence, Moscow was attaining that supremacy which subsequently made
it the heart of the Russian empire.
The inhabitants of Kief received Rostislaf with demonstrations of joy, as
they received every prince whom the fortunes of war imposed upon them,
hoping that each one would secure for their unhappy city the blessings of
tranquillity. Davidovitch fled to Moldavia. There was then in Moldavia,
between the rivers Pruth and Sereth, a piratic city called Berlad. It was the
resort of vagabonds of all nations and creeds, who pillaged the shores of the
Black Sea and plundered the boats ascending and descending the Danube
and the Dnieper. These brigands, enriched by plunder and strengthened by
accessions of desperadoes from every nation and every tribe, had bidden
defiance both to the grand princes of Russia and the powers of the empire.
Eagerly these robber hordes engaged as auxiliaries of Davidovitch. In a
tumultuous band they commenced their march to Kief. They were, however,
repulsed by the energetic Rostislaf, and Davidovitch, with difficulty
escaping from the sanguinary field, fled to Moscow and implored the aid of
its independent prince, Georgievitch. The prince listened with interest to his
representations, and, following the example of the more illustrious nations
of modern times, thought it a good opportunity to enlarge his territories.
after languishing a fortnight in ever-increasing debility, on the 15th he died.
The inhabitants of Kief, regarding him as an usurper, rejoiced at his death,
and immediately sent an embassage to Davidovitch, prince of Tchernigof, a
province about one hundred and fifty miles north of Kief, inviting him to
hasten to the capital and seize the scepter of Russia.
Kief, and all occidental Russia, thus ravaged by interminable wars,
desolated by famine and by flame, was rapidly on the decline, and was fast
lapsing into barbarism. Davidovitch had hardly ascended the throne ere he
was driven from it by Rostislaf, whom Georges had dethroned. But the
remote province of Souzdal, of which Moscow was the capital, situated
some seven hundred miles north-east of Kief, was now emerging from
barbaric darkness into wealth and civilization. The missionaries of Christ
had penetrated those remote realms. Churches were reared, the gospel was
preached, peace reigned, industry was encouraged, and, under their
influence, Moscow was attaining that supremacy which subsequently made
it the heart of the Russian empire.
The inhabitants of Kief received Rostislaf with demonstrations of joy, as
they received every prince whom the fortunes of war imposed upon them,
hoping that each one would secure for their unhappy city the blessings of
tranquillity. Davidovitch fled to Moldavia. There was then in Moldavia,
between the rivers Pruth and Sereth, a piratic city called Berlad. It was the
resort of vagabonds of all nations and creeds, who pillaged the shores of the
Black Sea and plundered the boats ascending and descending the Danube
and the Dnieper. These brigands, enriched by plunder and strengthened by
accessions of desperadoes from every nation and every tribe, had bidden
defiance both to the grand princes of Russia and the powers of the empire.
Eagerly these robber hordes engaged as auxiliaries of Davidovitch. In a
tumultuous band they commenced their march to Kief. They were, however,
repulsed by the energetic Rostislaf, and Davidovitch, with difficulty
escaping from the sanguinary field, fled to Moscow and implored the aid of
its independent prince, Georgievitch. The prince listened with interest to his
representations, and, following the example of the more illustrious nations
of modern times, thought it a good opportunity to enlarge his territories.
Page 76
The city of Novgorod, capital of the extensive and powerful province of the
same name, was some seven hundred miles north of Kief. It was not more
than half that distance west of Moscow. The inhabitants were weary of
anarchy and blood, and anxious to throw themselves into the arms of any
prince who could secure for them tranquillity. The fruit was ripe and was
ready to drop into the hands of Georgievitch. He sent word to the
Novgorodians that he had decided to take their country under his protection
—that he had no wish for war, but that if they manifested any resistance, he
should subdue them by force of arms. The Novgorodians received the
message with delight, rose in insurrection, and seized their prince, who was
the oldest son of Rostislaf, imprisoned him, his wife and children, in a
convent, and with tumultuous joy received as their prince the nephew of
Georgievitch. Rostislaf was so powerless that he made no attempt to avenge
this insult. Davidovitch made one more desperate effort to obtain the
throne. But he fell upon the field of battle, his head being cleft with a saber
stroke.
CHAPTER V.
MSTISLAF AND ANDRÉ
From 1167 to 1212.
Centralization of Power at Kief.—Death of Rostislaf.—His Religious
Character.—Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch Ascends the Throne.—Proclamation
of the King.—Its Effect.—Plans of André.—Scenes at Kief.—Return
and Death of Mstislaf.—War in Novgorod.—Peace Concluded
Throughout Russia.—Insult of André and its Consequences.—Greatness
of Soul Displayed by André.—Assassination of André.—Renewal of
Anarchy.—Emigration from Novgorod.—Reign of Michel.—Vsevolod
III.—Evangelization of Bulgaria.—Death of Vsevolod III.—His Queen
Maria.
same name, was some seven hundred miles north of Kief. It was not more
than half that distance west of Moscow. The inhabitants were weary of
anarchy and blood, and anxious to throw themselves into the arms of any
prince who could secure for them tranquillity. The fruit was ripe and was
ready to drop into the hands of Georgievitch. He sent word to the
Novgorodians that he had decided to take their country under his protection
—that he had no wish for war, but that if they manifested any resistance, he
should subdue them by force of arms. The Novgorodians received the
message with delight, rose in insurrection, and seized their prince, who was
the oldest son of Rostislaf, imprisoned him, his wife and children, in a
convent, and with tumultuous joy received as their prince the nephew of
Georgievitch. Rostislaf was so powerless that he made no attempt to avenge
this insult. Davidovitch made one more desperate effort to obtain the
throne. But he fell upon the field of battle, his head being cleft with a saber
stroke.
CHAPTER V.
MSTISLAF AND ANDRÉ
From 1167 to 1212.
Centralization of Power at Kief.—Death of Rostislaf.—His Religious
Character.—Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch Ascends the Throne.—Proclamation
of the King.—Its Effect.—Plans of André.—Scenes at Kief.—Return
and Death of Mstislaf.—War in Novgorod.—Peace Concluded
Throughout Russia.—Insult of André and its Consequences.—Greatness
of Soul Displayed by André.—Assassination of André.—Renewal of
Anarchy.—Emigration from Novgorod.—Reign of Michel.—Vsevolod
III.—Evangelization of Bulgaria.—Death of Vsevolod III.—His Queen
Maria.
Page 77
The prince of Souzdal watched the progress of events in occidental Russia
with great interest. He saw clearly that war was impoverishing and ruining
the country, and this led him to adopt the most wise and vigorous measures
to secure peace within his own flourishing territories. He adopted the
system of centralized power, keeping the reins of government firmly in his
own hands, and appointing governors over remote provinces, who were
merely the executors of his will, and who were responsible to him for all
their acts. At Kief the system of independent apanages prevailed. The lord
placed at the head of a principality was an unlimited despot, accountable to
no one but God for his administration. His fealty to the king consisted
merely in an understanding that he was to follow the banner of the
sovereign in case of war. But in fact, these feudal lords were more
frequently found claiming entire independence, and struggling against their
nominal sovereign to wrest from his hands the scepter.
Rostislaf was now far advanced in years. Conscious that death could not be
far distant, he took a journey, though in very feeble health, to some of the
adjacent provinces, hoping to induce them to receive his son as his
successor. On this journey he died at Smolensk, the 14th of March, 1167.
Religious thoughts had in his latter years greatly engrossed his attention. He
breathed his last, praying with a trembling voice, and fixing his eyes
devoutly on an image of the Saviour which he held devoutly in his hand. He
exhibited many Christian virtues, and for many years manifested much
solicitude that he might be prepared to meet God in judgment. The earnest
remonstrances, alone, of his spiritual advisers, dissuaded him from
abdicating the throne, and adopting the austerities of a monastic life. He
was not a man of commanding character, but it is pleasant to believe that he
was, though groping in much darkness, a sincere disciple of the Saviour,
and that he passed from earth to join the spirits of the just made perfect in
Heaven.
Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch, a nephew of the deceased king, ascended the throne.
He had however uncles, nephews and brothers, who were quite disposed to
dispute with him the possession of power, and soon civil war was raging all
over the kingdom with renewed virulence. Several years of destruction and
misery thus passed away, during which thousands of the helpless people
perished in their blood, to decide questions of not the slightest moment to
with great interest. He saw clearly that war was impoverishing and ruining
the country, and this led him to adopt the most wise and vigorous measures
to secure peace within his own flourishing territories. He adopted the
system of centralized power, keeping the reins of government firmly in his
own hands, and appointing governors over remote provinces, who were
merely the executors of his will, and who were responsible to him for all
their acts. At Kief the system of independent apanages prevailed. The lord
placed at the head of a principality was an unlimited despot, accountable to
no one but God for his administration. His fealty to the king consisted
merely in an understanding that he was to follow the banner of the
sovereign in case of war. But in fact, these feudal lords were more
frequently found claiming entire independence, and struggling against their
nominal sovereign to wrest from his hands the scepter.
Rostislaf was now far advanced in years. Conscious that death could not be
far distant, he took a journey, though in very feeble health, to some of the
adjacent provinces, hoping to induce them to receive his son as his
successor. On this journey he died at Smolensk, the 14th of March, 1167.
Religious thoughts had in his latter years greatly engrossed his attention. He
breathed his last, praying with a trembling voice, and fixing his eyes
devoutly on an image of the Saviour which he held devoutly in his hand. He
exhibited many Christian virtues, and for many years manifested much
solicitude that he might be prepared to meet God in judgment. The earnest
remonstrances, alone, of his spiritual advisers, dissuaded him from
abdicating the throne, and adopting the austerities of a monastic life. He
was not a man of commanding character, but it is pleasant to believe that he
was, though groping in much darkness, a sincere disciple of the Saviour,
and that he passed from earth to join the spirits of the just made perfect in
Heaven.
Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch, a nephew of the deceased king, ascended the throne.
He had however uncles, nephews and brothers, who were quite disposed to
dispute with him the possession of power, and soon civil war was raging all
over the kingdom with renewed virulence. Several years of destruction and
misery thus passed away, during which thousands of the helpless people
perished in their blood, to decide questions of not the slightest moment to
Page 78
them. The doom of the peasants was alike poverty and toil, whether one
lord or another lord occupied the castle which overshadowed their huts.
The Dnieper was then the only channel through which commerce could be
conducted between Russia and the Greek empire. Barbaric nations
inhabited the shores of this stream, and they had long been held in check by
the Russian armies. But now the kingdom had become so enfeebled by war
and anarchy, all the energies of the Russian princes being exhausted in civil
strife, that the barbarians plundered with impunity the boats ascending and
descending the stream, and eventually rendered the navigation so perilous,
that commercial communication with the empire was at an end. The
Russian princes thus debarred from the necessaries and luxuries which they
had been accustomed to receive from the more highly civilized and polished
Greeks, were impelled to measures of union for mutual protection. The
king, in this emergence, issued a proclamation which met with a general
response.
"Russia, our beloved country," exclaimed Mstislaf, "groans beneath the
stripes which the barbarians are laying upon her, and which we are unable
to avenge. They have taken solemn oaths of friendship, they have received
our presents, and now, regardless of the faith of treaties, they capture our
Christian subjects and drag them as slaves into their desert wilds. There is
no longer any safety for our merchant boats navigating the Dnieper. The
barbarians have taken possession of that only route through which we can
pass into Greece. It is time for us to resort to new measures of energy. My
friends and my brothers, let us terminate our unnatural war; let us look to
God for help, and, drawing, the sword of vengeance, let us fall in united
strength upon our savage foes. It is glorious to ascend to Heaven from the
field of honor, thus to follow in the footsteps of our father."
This spirited appeal was effective. The princes rallied each at the head of a
numerous band of vassals, and thus a large army was soon congregated. The
desire to punish the insulting barbarians inspired universal enthusiasm. The
masses of the people were aroused to avenge their friends who had been
carried into captivity. The priests, with prayers and anthems, blessed the
banners of the faithful, and, on the 2d of March, 1168, the army, elate with
hope and nerved with vengeance, commenced their descent of the river. The
barbarians, terrified by the storm which they had raised, and from whose
lord or another lord occupied the castle which overshadowed their huts.
The Dnieper was then the only channel through which commerce could be
conducted between Russia and the Greek empire. Barbaric nations
inhabited the shores of this stream, and they had long been held in check by
the Russian armies. But now the kingdom had become so enfeebled by war
and anarchy, all the energies of the Russian princes being exhausted in civil
strife, that the barbarians plundered with impunity the boats ascending and
descending the stream, and eventually rendered the navigation so perilous,
that commercial communication with the empire was at an end. The
Russian princes thus debarred from the necessaries and luxuries which they
had been accustomed to receive from the more highly civilized and polished
Greeks, were impelled to measures of union for mutual protection. The
king, in this emergence, issued a proclamation which met with a general
response.
"Russia, our beloved country," exclaimed Mstislaf, "groans beneath the
stripes which the barbarians are laying upon her, and which we are unable
to avenge. They have taken solemn oaths of friendship, they have received
our presents, and now, regardless of the faith of treaties, they capture our
Christian subjects and drag them as slaves into their desert wilds. There is
no longer any safety for our merchant boats navigating the Dnieper. The
barbarians have taken possession of that only route through which we can
pass into Greece. It is time for us to resort to new measures of energy. My
friends and my brothers, let us terminate our unnatural war; let us look to
God for help, and, drawing, the sword of vengeance, let us fall in united
strength upon our savage foes. It is glorious to ascend to Heaven from the
field of honor, thus to follow in the footsteps of our father."
This spirited appeal was effective. The princes rallied each at the head of a
numerous band of vassals, and thus a large army was soon congregated. The
desire to punish the insulting barbarians inspired universal enthusiasm. The
masses of the people were aroused to avenge their friends who had been
carried into captivity. The priests, with prayers and anthems, blessed the
banners of the faithful, and, on the 2d of March, 1168, the army, elate with
hope and nerved with vengeance, commenced their descent of the river. The
barbarians, terrified by the storm which they had raised, and from whose
Page 79
fury they could attain no shelter, fled so precipitately that they left their
wives and their children behind them. The Russians, abandoning the
incumbrance of their baggage, pursued them in the hottest haste. Over the
hills, and through the valleys, and across the streams pursuers and pursued
rushed on, until, at last, the fugitives were overtaken upon the banks of a
deep and rapid stream, which they were unable to cross. Mercilessly they
were massacred, many Russian prisoners were rescued, and booty to an
immense amount was taken, for these river pirates were rich, having for
years been plundering the commerce of Greece and Russia. According to
the custom of those days the booty was divided between the princes and the
soldiers—each man receiving according to his rank.
As the army returned in triumph to the Dniester, to their boundless
satisfaction they saw the pennants of a merchant fleet ascending the river
from Constantinople, laden with the riches of the empire. The army
crowded the shores and greeted the barges with all the demonstrations of
exultation and joy.
The punishment of the barbarians being thus effectually accomplished, the
princes immediately commenced anew their strife. All their old feuds were
revived. Every lord wished to increase his own power and to diminish that
of his natural rival. André, of Souzdal, to whom we have before referred,
whose capital was the little village of Moscow far away in the interior,
deemed the moment favorable for dethroning Mstislaf and extending the
area of such freedom as his subjects enjoyed over the realms of Novgorod
and Kief. He succeeded in uniting eleven princes with him in his enterprise.
His measures were adopted with great secresy. Assembling his armies,
curtained by leagues of forests, he, unobserved, commenced his march
toward the Dnieper. The banners of the numerous army were already visible
from the steeples of Kief before the sovereign was apprised of his danger.
For two days the storms of war beat against the walls and roared around the
battlements of the city, when the besiegers, bursting over the walls, swept
the streets in horrid carnage.
This mother of the Russian cities had often been besieged and often
capitulated, but never before had it been taken by storm, and never before,
and never since, have the horrors of war been more sternly exhibited. For
three days and three nights the city and its inhabitants were surrendered to
wives and their children behind them. The Russians, abandoning the
incumbrance of their baggage, pursued them in the hottest haste. Over the
hills, and through the valleys, and across the streams pursuers and pursued
rushed on, until, at last, the fugitives were overtaken upon the banks of a
deep and rapid stream, which they were unable to cross. Mercilessly they
were massacred, many Russian prisoners were rescued, and booty to an
immense amount was taken, for these river pirates were rich, having for
years been plundering the commerce of Greece and Russia. According to
the custom of those days the booty was divided between the princes and the
soldiers—each man receiving according to his rank.
As the army returned in triumph to the Dniester, to their boundless
satisfaction they saw the pennants of a merchant fleet ascending the river
from Constantinople, laden with the riches of the empire. The army
crowded the shores and greeted the barges with all the demonstrations of
exultation and joy.
The punishment of the barbarians being thus effectually accomplished, the
princes immediately commenced anew their strife. All their old feuds were
revived. Every lord wished to increase his own power and to diminish that
of his natural rival. André, of Souzdal, to whom we have before referred,
whose capital was the little village of Moscow far away in the interior,
deemed the moment favorable for dethroning Mstislaf and extending the
area of such freedom as his subjects enjoyed over the realms of Novgorod
and Kief. He succeeded in uniting eleven princes with him in his enterprise.
His measures were adopted with great secresy. Assembling his armies,
curtained by leagues of forests, he, unobserved, commenced his march
toward the Dnieper. The banners of the numerous army were already visible
from the steeples of Kief before the sovereign was apprised of his danger.
For two days the storms of war beat against the walls and roared around the
battlements of the city, when the besiegers, bursting over the walls, swept
the streets in horrid carnage.
This mother of the Russian cities had often been besieged and often
capitulated, but never before had it been taken by storm, and never before,
and never since, have the horrors of war been more sternly exhibited. For
three days and three nights the city and its inhabitants were surrendered to
Page 80
the brutal soldiery. The imagination shrinks from contemplating the awful
scene. The world of woe may be challenged to exhibit any thing worse.
Fearful, indeed, must be the corruption when man can be capable of such
inhumanity to his fellow man. War unchains the tiger and shows his nature.
Mstislaf, the sovereign, in the midst of the confusion, the uproar and the
blood, succeeded almost as by miracle in escaping from the wretched city,
basely, however, abandoning his wife and his children to the enemy. Thus
fell Kief. For some centuries it had been the capital of Russia. It was such
no more. The victorious André, of Moscow, was now, by the energies of his
sword, sovereign of the empire. Kief became but a provincial and a
tributary city, which the sovereign placed under the governorship of his
brother Gleb.
Nearly all the provinces of known Russia were now more or less tributary
to André. Three princes only preserved their independence. As the army of
André retired, Gleb was left in possession of the throne of Kief. In those
days there were always many petty princes, ready to embark with their
followers in any enterprise which promised either glory or booty. Mstislaf,
the fugitive sovereign, soon gathered around him semi-savage bands,
entered the province of Kief, plundering and burning the homes of his
former subjects. As he approached Kief, Gleb, unprepared for efficient
resistance, was compelled to seek safety in flight. The inhabitants of the
city, to escape the horrors of another siege and sack, threw open their gates,
and crowded out to meet their former monarch as a returning friend.
Mstislaf entered the city in triumph and quietly reseated himself upon the
throne. He however ascended it but to die. A sudden disease seized him, and
the songs of triumph which greeted his entrance, died away in requiems and
wailings, as he was borne to the silent tomb. With dying breath he
surrendered his throne to his younger brother Yaroslaf.
André, at Moscow, had other formidable engagements on hand, which
prevented his interposition in the affairs of Kief. The Novgorodians had
bidden defiance to his authority, and their subjugation was essential, before
any troops could be spared to chastise the heir of Mstislaf. The
Novgorodian army had even penetrated the realms of André, and were
exacting tribute from his provinces. The grand prince, André himself, was
far advanced in years, opposed to war, and had probably been pushed on in
scene. The world of woe may be challenged to exhibit any thing worse.
Fearful, indeed, must be the corruption when man can be capable of such
inhumanity to his fellow man. War unchains the tiger and shows his nature.
Mstislaf, the sovereign, in the midst of the confusion, the uproar and the
blood, succeeded almost as by miracle in escaping from the wretched city,
basely, however, abandoning his wife and his children to the enemy. Thus
fell Kief. For some centuries it had been the capital of Russia. It was such
no more. The victorious André, of Moscow, was now, by the energies of his
sword, sovereign of the empire. Kief became but a provincial and a
tributary city, which the sovereign placed under the governorship of his
brother Gleb.
Nearly all the provinces of known Russia were now more or less tributary
to André. Three princes only preserved their independence. As the army of
André retired, Gleb was left in possession of the throne of Kief. In those
days there were always many petty princes, ready to embark with their
followers in any enterprise which promised either glory or booty. Mstislaf,
the fugitive sovereign, soon gathered around him semi-savage bands,
entered the province of Kief, plundering and burning the homes of his
former subjects. As he approached Kief, Gleb, unprepared for efficient
resistance, was compelled to seek safety in flight. The inhabitants of the
city, to escape the horrors of another siege and sack, threw open their gates,
and crowded out to meet their former monarch as a returning friend.
Mstislaf entered the city in triumph and quietly reseated himself upon the
throne. He however ascended it but to die. A sudden disease seized him, and
the songs of triumph which greeted his entrance, died away in requiems and
wailings, as he was borne to the silent tomb. With dying breath he
surrendered his throne to his younger brother Yaroslaf.
André, at Moscow, had other formidable engagements on hand, which
prevented his interposition in the affairs of Kief. The Novgorodians had
bidden defiance to his authority, and their subjugation was essential, before
any troops could be spared to chastise the heir of Mstislaf. The
Novgorodian army had even penetrated the realms of André, and were
exacting tribute from his provinces. The grand prince, André himself, was
far advanced in years, opposed to war, and had probably been pushed on in
Page 81
his enterprises by the ambition of his son, who was also named Mstislaf.
This young prince was impetuous and fiery, greedy for military glory, and
restless in his graspings for power. The Novgorodians were also warlike and
indomitable. The conflict between two such powers arrested the attention of
all Russia. Mstislaf made the most extensive preparations for the attack
upon the Novgorodians, and they, in their turn, were equally energetic in
preparations for the defense. The army marched from Moscow, and
following the valley of the Masta, entered the spacious province of
Novgorod. They entered the region, not like wolves, not like men, but like
demons. The torch was applied to every hut, to every village, to every town.
They amused themselves with tossing men, women and children upon their
camp-fires, glowing like furnaces. The sword and the spear were too
merciful instruments of death. The flames of the burning towns blazed
along the horizon night after night, and the cry of the victims roused the
Novgorodians to the intensest thirst for vengeance.
With the sweep of utter desolation, Mstislaf approached the city, and when
his army stood before the walls, there was behind him a path, leagues in
width, and two hundred miles in length, covered with ruins, ashes and the
bodies of the dead. It was the 25th of February, 1170. The city was
immediately summoned to surrender. The Novgorodians appalled by the
fate of Kief, and by the horrors which had accompanied the march of
Mstislaf, took a solemn oath that they would struggle to the last drop of
blood in defense of their liberties. The clergy in procession, bearing the
image of the Virgin in their arms, traversed the fortifications of the city, and
with prayers, hymns and the most imposing Christian rites, inspired the
soldiers with religious enthusiasm. The Novgorodians threw themselves
upon their knees, and in simultaneous prayer cried out, with the blending of
ten thousand voices, "O God! come and help us, come and help us." Thus
roused to frenzy, with the clergy chanting hymns of battle and pleading with
Heaven for success, with the image of the Virgin contemplating their deeds,
the soldiers rushed from behind their ramparts upon the foe. Death was no
longer dreaded. The only thought of every man was to sell his life as dearly
as possible.
Such an onset of maniacal energy no mortal force could stand. The soldiers
of Mstislaf fell as the waving grain bows before the tornado. Their defeat
was utter and awful. Mercy was not thought of. Sword and javelin cried
This young prince was impetuous and fiery, greedy for military glory, and
restless in his graspings for power. The Novgorodians were also warlike and
indomitable. The conflict between two such powers arrested the attention of
all Russia. Mstislaf made the most extensive preparations for the attack
upon the Novgorodians, and they, in their turn, were equally energetic in
preparations for the defense. The army marched from Moscow, and
following the valley of the Masta, entered the spacious province of
Novgorod. They entered the region, not like wolves, not like men, but like
demons. The torch was applied to every hut, to every village, to every town.
They amused themselves with tossing men, women and children upon their
camp-fires, glowing like furnaces. The sword and the spear were too
merciful instruments of death. The flames of the burning towns blazed
along the horizon night after night, and the cry of the victims roused the
Novgorodians to the intensest thirst for vengeance.
With the sweep of utter desolation, Mstislaf approached the city, and when
his army stood before the walls, there was behind him a path, leagues in
width, and two hundred miles in length, covered with ruins, ashes and the
bodies of the dead. It was the 25th of February, 1170. The city was
immediately summoned to surrender. The Novgorodians appalled by the
fate of Kief, and by the horrors which had accompanied the march of
Mstislaf, took a solemn oath that they would struggle to the last drop of
blood in defense of their liberties. The clergy in procession, bearing the
image of the Virgin in their arms, traversed the fortifications of the city, and
with prayers, hymns and the most imposing Christian rites, inspired the
soldiers with religious enthusiasm. The Novgorodians threw themselves
upon their knees, and in simultaneous prayer cried out, with the blending of
ten thousand voices, "O God! come and help us, come and help us." Thus
roused to frenzy, with the clergy chanting hymns of battle and pleading with
Heaven for success, with the image of the Virgin contemplating their deeds,
the soldiers rushed from behind their ramparts upon the foe. Death was no
longer dreaded. The only thought of every man was to sell his life as dearly
as possible.
Such an onset of maniacal energy no mortal force could stand. The soldiers
of Mstislaf fell as the waving grain bows before the tornado. Their defeat
was utter and awful. Mercy was not thought of. Sword and javelin cried
Page 82
only for blood, blood. The wretched Mstislaf in dismay fled, leaving two
thirds of his army in gory death; and, in his flight, he met that chastisement
which his cruelties merited. He had to traverse a path two hundred miles in
length, along which not one field of grain had been left undestroyed; where
every dwelling was in ashes, and no animal life whatever had escaped his
ravages. Starvation was his doom. Every rod of the way his emaciated
soldiers dropped dead in their steps. Famine also with all its woes reigned
in Novgorod. Under these circumstances, the two parties consented to
peace, the Novgorodians retaining their independence, but accepting a
brother of the grand prince André to succeed their own prince, who was
then at the point of death.
André, having thus terminated the strife with Novgorod by the peace which
he loved, turned his attention to Kief, and with characteristic humanity,
gratified the wishes of the inhabitants by allowing them to accept Roman,
prince of Smolensk, as their chieftain. Roman entered the city, greeted by
the most flattering testimonials of the joy of the inhabitants, while they
united with him in the oath of allegiance to André as the sovereign of
Russia. André, who was ever disposed to establish his sovereign power, not
by armies but by equity and moderation, and who seems truly to have felt
that the welfare of Russia required that all its provinces should be united
under common laws and a common sovereign, turned his attention again to
Novgorod, hoping to persuade its inhabitants to relinquish their
independence and ally themselves with the general empire.
Rurik, the brother of André, who had been appointed prince of Novgorod,
proved unpopular, and was driven from his command. André, instead of
endeavoring to force him back upon them by the energies of his armies,
with a wise spirit of conciliation acquiesced in their movement, and sent to
them his young son, George, as a prince, offering to assist them with his
counsel and to aid them with his military force whenever they should desire
it. Thus internal peace was established throughout the empire. By gradual
advances, and with great sagacity, André, from his humble palace in
Moscow, extended his influence over the remote provinces, and established
his power.
The princes of Kief and its adjacent provinces became jealous of the
encroachments of André, and hostile feelings were excited. The king at
thirds of his army in gory death; and, in his flight, he met that chastisement
which his cruelties merited. He had to traverse a path two hundred miles in
length, along which not one field of grain had been left undestroyed; where
every dwelling was in ashes, and no animal life whatever had escaped his
ravages. Starvation was his doom. Every rod of the way his emaciated
soldiers dropped dead in their steps. Famine also with all its woes reigned
in Novgorod. Under these circumstances, the two parties consented to
peace, the Novgorodians retaining their independence, but accepting a
brother of the grand prince André to succeed their own prince, who was
then at the point of death.
André, having thus terminated the strife with Novgorod by the peace which
he loved, turned his attention to Kief, and with characteristic humanity,
gratified the wishes of the inhabitants by allowing them to accept Roman,
prince of Smolensk, as their chieftain. Roman entered the city, greeted by
the most flattering testimonials of the joy of the inhabitants, while they
united with him in the oath of allegiance to André as the sovereign of
Russia. André, who was ever disposed to establish his sovereign power, not
by armies but by equity and moderation, and who seems truly to have felt
that the welfare of Russia required that all its provinces should be united
under common laws and a common sovereign, turned his attention again to
Novgorod, hoping to persuade its inhabitants to relinquish their
independence and ally themselves with the general empire.
Rurik, the brother of André, who had been appointed prince of Novgorod,
proved unpopular, and was driven from his command. André, instead of
endeavoring to force him back upon them by the energies of his armies,
with a wise spirit of conciliation acquiesced in their movement, and sent to
them his young son, George, as a prince, offering to assist them with his
counsel and to aid them with his military force whenever they should desire
it. Thus internal peace was established throughout the empire. By gradual
advances, and with great sagacity, André, from his humble palace in
Moscow, extended his influence over the remote provinces, and established
his power.
The princes of Kief and its adjacent provinces became jealous of the
encroachments of André, and hostile feelings were excited. The king at
Page 83
length sent an embassador to them with very imperious commands. The
embassador was seized at Kief, his hair and beard shaven, and was then sent
back to Moscow with the defiant message,
"Until now we have wished to respect you as a father; but since you do not
blush to treat us as vassals and as peasants—since you have forgotten that
you speak to princes, we spurn your menaces. Execute them. We appeal to
the judgment of God."
This grievous insult of word and deed roused the indignation of the aged
monarch as it had never been roused before. He assembled an army of fifty
thousand men, who were rendezvoused at Novgorod, and placed under the
command of the king's son, Georges. Another army, nearly equal in number,
was assembled at Tchernigof, collected from the principalities of Polotsk,
Tourof, Grodno, Pinsk and Smolensk. The bands of this army were under
the several princes of the provinces. Sviatoslaf, grandson of the renowned
Oleg, was entrusted with the supreme command. These two majestic forces
were soon combined upon the banks of the Dnieper. All resistance fled
before them, and with strides of triumph they marched down the valley to
Kief. The princes who had aroused this storm of war fled to
Vouoychegorod, an important fortress further down the river, where they
strongly entrenched themselves, and sternly awaited the advance of the foe.
The royalist forces, having taken possession of Kief, pursued the fugitives.
The march of armies so vast, conducting war upon so grand a scale, excited
the astonishment of all the inhabitants upon the river's banks. A little
fortress, defended by a mere handful of men, appeared to them an object
unworthy of an army sufficiently powerful to crush an empire.
But in the fortress there was perfect unity, and its commander had the soul
of a lion. In the camp of the besiegers there was neither harmony nor zeal.
Many of the princes were inimical to the king, and were jealous of his
growing power. Others were envious of Sviatoslaf, the commander-in-chief,
and were willing to sacrifice their own fame that he might be humbled. Not
a few even were in sympathy with the insurgents, and were almost disposed
to unite under their banners.
It was the 8th of September, 1173, when the royalist forces encircled the
fortress. Gunpowder was then unknown, and contending armies could only
embassador was seized at Kief, his hair and beard shaven, and was then sent
back to Moscow with the defiant message,
"Until now we have wished to respect you as a father; but since you do not
blush to treat us as vassals and as peasants—since you have forgotten that
you speak to princes, we spurn your menaces. Execute them. We appeal to
the judgment of God."
This grievous insult of word and deed roused the indignation of the aged
monarch as it had never been roused before. He assembled an army of fifty
thousand men, who were rendezvoused at Novgorod, and placed under the
command of the king's son, Georges. Another army, nearly equal in number,
was assembled at Tchernigof, collected from the principalities of Polotsk,
Tourof, Grodno, Pinsk and Smolensk. The bands of this army were under
the several princes of the provinces. Sviatoslaf, grandson of the renowned
Oleg, was entrusted with the supreme command. These two majestic forces
were soon combined upon the banks of the Dnieper. All resistance fled
before them, and with strides of triumph they marched down the valley to
Kief. The princes who had aroused this storm of war fled to
Vouoychegorod, an important fortress further down the river, where they
strongly entrenched themselves, and sternly awaited the advance of the foe.
The royalist forces, having taken possession of Kief, pursued the fugitives.
The march of armies so vast, conducting war upon so grand a scale, excited
the astonishment of all the inhabitants upon the river's banks. A little
fortress, defended by a mere handful of men, appeared to them an object
unworthy of an army sufficiently powerful to crush an empire.
But in the fortress there was perfect unity, and its commander had the soul
of a lion. In the camp of the besiegers there was neither harmony nor zeal.
Many of the princes were inimical to the king, and were jealous of his
growing power. Others were envious of Sviatoslaf, the commander-in-chief,
and were willing to sacrifice their own fame that he might be humbled. Not
a few even were in sympathy with the insurgents, and were almost disposed
to unite under their banners.
It was the 8th of September, 1173, when the royalist forces encircled the
fortress. Gunpowder was then unknown, and contending armies could only
Page 84
meet hand to hand. For two months the siege was continued, with bloody
conflicts every day. Wintry winds swept the plains, and storms of snow
whitened the fields, when, from the battlements of the fortress, the besieged
saw the banners of another army approaching the arena. They knew not
whether the distant battalions were friends or foes; but it was certain that
their approach would decide the strife, for each party was so exhausted as to
be unable to resist any new assailants. Soon the signals of war proclaimed
that an army was approaching for the rescue of the fortress. Shouts of
exultation rose from the garrison, which fell like the knell of death upon the
ears of the besiegers, freezing on the plains. The alarm which spread
through the camp was instantaneous and terrible. The darkness of a
November night soon settled down over city and plain. With the first rays of
the morning the garrison were upon the walls, when, to their surprise, they
saw the whole vast army in rapid and disordered flight. The plains around
the fortress were utterly deserted and covered with the wrecks of war. The
garrison immediately rushed from behind their ramparts united with their
approaching friends and pursued the fugitives.
The royalists, in their dismay, attempted to cross the river on the fragile ice.
It broke beneath the enormous weight, and thousands perished in the cold
stream. The remainder of this great host were almost to a man either slain or
taken captive. Their whole camp and baggage fell into the hands of the
conquerors. This wonderful victory, achieved by the energies of Mstislaf,
has given him a name in Russian annals as one of the most renowned and
brave of the princes of the empire.
George, prince of Novgorod, son of André, escaped from the carnage of that
ensanguined field, and overwhelmed with shame, returned to his father in
Moscow. The king, in this extremity, developed true greatness of soul. He
exhibited neither dejection nor anger, but bowed to the calamity as to a
chastisement he needed from God. The victory of the insurgents, if they
may be so called, who occupied the provinces in the valley of the Dnieper,
was not promotive either of prosperity or peace. Mindful of the former
grandeur of Kief, as the ancient capital of the Russian empire, ambitious
princes were immediately contending for the possession of that throne.
After several months of confusion and blood, André succeeded, by skillful
diplomacy, in again inducing them, for the sake of general tranquillity, to
come under the general government of the empire. The nobles could not but
conflicts every day. Wintry winds swept the plains, and storms of snow
whitened the fields, when, from the battlements of the fortress, the besieged
saw the banners of another army approaching the arena. They knew not
whether the distant battalions were friends or foes; but it was certain that
their approach would decide the strife, for each party was so exhausted as to
be unable to resist any new assailants. Soon the signals of war proclaimed
that an army was approaching for the rescue of the fortress. Shouts of
exultation rose from the garrison, which fell like the knell of death upon the
ears of the besiegers, freezing on the plains. The alarm which spread
through the camp was instantaneous and terrible. The darkness of a
November night soon settled down over city and plain. With the first rays of
the morning the garrison were upon the walls, when, to their surprise, they
saw the whole vast army in rapid and disordered flight. The plains around
the fortress were utterly deserted and covered with the wrecks of war. The
garrison immediately rushed from behind their ramparts united with their
approaching friends and pursued the fugitives.
The royalists, in their dismay, attempted to cross the river on the fragile ice.
It broke beneath the enormous weight, and thousands perished in the cold
stream. The remainder of this great host were almost to a man either slain or
taken captive. Their whole camp and baggage fell into the hands of the
conquerors. This wonderful victory, achieved by the energies of Mstislaf,
has given him a name in Russian annals as one of the most renowned and
brave of the princes of the empire.
George, prince of Novgorod, son of André, escaped from the carnage of that
ensanguined field, and overwhelmed with shame, returned to his father in
Moscow. The king, in this extremity, developed true greatness of soul. He
exhibited neither dejection nor anger, but bowed to the calamity as to a
chastisement he needed from God. The victory of the insurgents, if they
may be so called, who occupied the provinces in the valley of the Dnieper,
was not promotive either of prosperity or peace. Mindful of the former
grandeur of Kief, as the ancient capital of the Russian empire, ambitious
princes were immediately contending for the possession of that throne.
After several months of confusion and blood, André succeeded, by skillful
diplomacy, in again inducing them, for the sake of general tranquillity, to
come under the general government of the empire. The nobles could not but
Page 85
respect him as the most aged of their princes; as a man of imperial energy
and ability, and as the one most worthy to be their chief. He alone had the
power to preserve tranquillity in extended Russia. They therefore applied to
him to take Kief, under certain restrictions, again into his protection, and to
nominate for that city a prince who should be in his alliance. This homage
was acceptable to André.
But while he was engaged in this negotiation, a conspiracy was formed
against the monarch, and he was cruelly assassinated. It was the night of the
29th of June, 1174. The king was sleeping in a chateau, two miles from
Moscow. At midnight the conspirators, twenty in number, having inflamed
themselves with brandy, burst into the house and rushed towards the
chamber where the aged monarch was reposing. The clamor awoke the
king, and he sprang from the bed just as two of the conspirators entered his
chamber. Aged as the monarch was, with one blow of his vigorous arm he
felled the foremost to the floor. The comrade of the assassin, in the
confusion, thinking it was the king who had fallen, plunged his poignard to
the hilt in his companion's breast. Other assassins rushed in and fell upon
the monarch. He was a man of gigantic powers, and struggled against his
foes with almost supernatural energy, filling the chateau with his shrieks for
help. At last, pierced with innumerable wounds, he fell in his blood,
apparently silent in death. The assassins, terrified by the horrible scene, and
apprehensive that the guard might come to the rescue of the king, caught up
their dead comrade and fled.
The monarch had, however, but fainted. He almost instantly revived, and
with impetuosity and bravery, seized his sword and gave chase to the
murderers, shouting with all his strength to his attendants to hasten to his
aid. The assassins turned upon him. They had lanterns in their hands, and
were twenty to one. The first blow struck off the right arm of the king; a
saber thrust pierced his heart, passed through his body, and the monarch fell
dead. His last words were, "Lord, into thy hands I commit my spirit." There
is, to this day, preserved a cimeter of Grecian workmanship, which tradition
says was the sword of André. Upon the blade is inscribed in Greek letters,
"Holy mother of God, assist thy servant."
The death of the monarch was the signal for the universal outbreak of
violence and crime. Where the sovereign is the only law, the death of the
and ability, and as the one most worthy to be their chief. He alone had the
power to preserve tranquillity in extended Russia. They therefore applied to
him to take Kief, under certain restrictions, again into his protection, and to
nominate for that city a prince who should be in his alliance. This homage
was acceptable to André.
But while he was engaged in this negotiation, a conspiracy was formed
against the monarch, and he was cruelly assassinated. It was the night of the
29th of June, 1174. The king was sleeping in a chateau, two miles from
Moscow. At midnight the conspirators, twenty in number, having inflamed
themselves with brandy, burst into the house and rushed towards the
chamber where the aged monarch was reposing. The clamor awoke the
king, and he sprang from the bed just as two of the conspirators entered his
chamber. Aged as the monarch was, with one blow of his vigorous arm he
felled the foremost to the floor. The comrade of the assassin, in the
confusion, thinking it was the king who had fallen, plunged his poignard to
the hilt in his companion's breast. Other assassins rushed in and fell upon
the monarch. He was a man of gigantic powers, and struggled against his
foes with almost supernatural energy, filling the chateau with his shrieks for
help. At last, pierced with innumerable wounds, he fell in his blood,
apparently silent in death. The assassins, terrified by the horrible scene, and
apprehensive that the guard might come to the rescue of the king, caught up
their dead comrade and fled.
The monarch had, however, but fainted. He almost instantly revived, and
with impetuosity and bravery, seized his sword and gave chase to the
murderers, shouting with all his strength to his attendants to hasten to his
aid. The assassins turned upon him. They had lanterns in their hands, and
were twenty to one. The first blow struck off the right arm of the king; a
saber thrust pierced his heart, passed through his body, and the monarch fell
dead. His last words were, "Lord, into thy hands I commit my spirit." There
is, to this day, preserved a cimeter of Grecian workmanship, which tradition
says was the sword of André. Upon the blade is inscribed in Greek letters,
"Holy mother of God, assist thy servant."
The death of the monarch was the signal for the universal outbreak of
violence and crime. Where the sovereign is the only law, the death of the
Page 86
monarch is the destruction of the government. The anarchy which
sometimes succeeded his death was awful. The Russian annalists cherish
the memory of André affectionately. They say that he was courageous,
sagacious and a true Christian, and that he merited the title he has received
of a second Solomon. Had he established his throne in the more central city
of Kief instead of the remote village of Moscow, he could more efficiently
have governed the empire; but, blinded by his love for his own northern
realms, he was ambitious of elevating his own native village, unfavorable as
was its location, into the capital of the empire. During his whole reign he
manifested great zeal in extending Christianity through the empire, and
evinced great interest in efforts for the conversion of the Jews.
Just before the death of the king, a number of the inhabitants of Novgorod,
fatigued with civil strife and crowded out by the density of the population,
formed a party to emigrate to the uninhabited lands far away in the East.
Traversing a region of about three hundred miles on the parallel of fifty-
seven degrees of latitude, they reached the head waters of the Volga. Here
they embarked in boats and drifted down the wild stream for a thousand
miles to the mouth of the river Kama, where they established a colony. At
this point they were twelve hundred miles north of the point where the
Volga empties into the Caspian. Other adventurers soon followed, and
flourishing colonies sprang up all along the banks of the Kama and the
Viatha. This region was the Missouri valley of Russia. By this emigration
the Russian name, its manners, its institutions, were extended through a
sweep of a thousand miles.
The colonists had many conflicts with the aboriginal inhabitants, but
Russian civilization steadily advanced over barbaric force.
Soon after the death of André, the nobles of that region met in a public
assembly to organize some form of confederate government. One of the
speakers rose and said, "No one is ignorant of the manner in which we have
lost our king. He has left but one son, who reigns at Novgorod. The brothers
of André are in southern Russia. Who then shall we choose for our
sovereign? Let us elect Michel, of Tchernigof. He is the oldest son of
Monomaque and the most ancient of the princes of his family."
sometimes succeeded his death was awful. The Russian annalists cherish
the memory of André affectionately. They say that he was courageous,
sagacious and a true Christian, and that he merited the title he has received
of a second Solomon. Had he established his throne in the more central city
of Kief instead of the remote village of Moscow, he could more efficiently
have governed the empire; but, blinded by his love for his own northern
realms, he was ambitious of elevating his own native village, unfavorable as
was its location, into the capital of the empire. During his whole reign he
manifested great zeal in extending Christianity through the empire, and
evinced great interest in efforts for the conversion of the Jews.
Just before the death of the king, a number of the inhabitants of Novgorod,
fatigued with civil strife and crowded out by the density of the population,
formed a party to emigrate to the uninhabited lands far away in the East.
Traversing a region of about three hundred miles on the parallel of fifty-
seven degrees of latitude, they reached the head waters of the Volga. Here
they embarked in boats and drifted down the wild stream for a thousand
miles to the mouth of the river Kama, where they established a colony. At
this point they were twelve hundred miles north of the point where the
Volga empties into the Caspian. Other adventurers soon followed, and
flourishing colonies sprang up all along the banks of the Kama and the
Viatha. This region was the Missouri valley of Russia. By this emigration
the Russian name, its manners, its institutions, were extended through a
sweep of a thousand miles.
The colonists had many conflicts with the aboriginal inhabitants, but
Russian civilization steadily advanced over barbaric force.
Soon after the death of André, the nobles of that region met in a public
assembly to organize some form of confederate government. One of the
speakers rose and said, "No one is ignorant of the manner in which we have
lost our king. He has left but one son, who reigns at Novgorod. The brothers
of André are in southern Russia. Who then shall we choose for our
sovereign? Let us elect Michel, of Tchernigof. He is the oldest son of
Monomaque and the most ancient of the princes of his family."
Page 87
Embassadors were immediately sent to Michel, offering him the throne and
promising him the support of the confederate princes. Michel hastened to
Moscow with a strong army, supported by several princes, and took
possession of Moscow and the adjacent provinces. A little opposition was
manifested, which he speedily quelled with the sword. Great rejoicings
welcomed the enthronement of a new prince and the restoration of order.
Michel proved worthy of his elevation. He immediately traversed the
different provinces in that region, and devoted himself to the tranquillity
and prosperity of his people. The popularity of the new sovereign was at its
height. All lips praised him, all hearts loved him. He was declared to be a
special gift which Heaven, in its boundless mercy, had conferred.
Unfortunately, this virtuous prince reigned but one year, leaving, however,
in that short time, upon the Russian annals many memorials of his valor and
of his virtue. It was a barbaric age, rife with perfidy and crime, yet not one
act of treachery or cruelty has sullied his name. It was his ambition to be the
father of his people, and the glory he sought was the happiness and the
greatness of his country.
Southern Russia was still the theater of interminable civil war. The
provinces were impoverished, and Kief was fast sinking to decay. Michel
had a brother, Vsevelod, who had accompanied him to Moscow. The nobles
and the leading citizens, their eyes still dim with the tears which they had
shed over the tomb of their sovereign, urged him to accept the crown. He
was not reluctant to accede to their request, and received their oaths of
fidelity to him under the title of Vsevelod III. His title, however, was
disputed by distant princes, and an armed band, approaching Moscow by
surprise, seized the town and reduced it to ashes, ravaged the surrounding
region, and carried off the women and children as captives. Vsevelod was,
at the time, absent in the extreme northern portion of his territory, but he
turned upon his enemies with the heart and with the strength of a lion. It
was midwinter. Regardless of storms, and snow and cold, he pursued the
foe like the north wind, and crushed them as with an iron hand. With a large
number of prisoners he returned to the ruins of Moscow.
Two of the most illustrious of the hostile princes were among the prisoners.
The people, enraged at the destruction of their city, fell upon the captives,
and, seizing the two princes, tore out their eyes.
promising him the support of the confederate princes. Michel hastened to
Moscow with a strong army, supported by several princes, and took
possession of Moscow and the adjacent provinces. A little opposition was
manifested, which he speedily quelled with the sword. Great rejoicings
welcomed the enthronement of a new prince and the restoration of order.
Michel proved worthy of his elevation. He immediately traversed the
different provinces in that region, and devoted himself to the tranquillity
and prosperity of his people. The popularity of the new sovereign was at its
height. All lips praised him, all hearts loved him. He was declared to be a
special gift which Heaven, in its boundless mercy, had conferred.
Unfortunately, this virtuous prince reigned but one year, leaving, however,
in that short time, upon the Russian annals many memorials of his valor and
of his virtue. It was a barbaric age, rife with perfidy and crime, yet not one
act of treachery or cruelty has sullied his name. It was his ambition to be the
father of his people, and the glory he sought was the happiness and the
greatness of his country.
Southern Russia was still the theater of interminable civil war. The
provinces were impoverished, and Kief was fast sinking to decay. Michel
had a brother, Vsevelod, who had accompanied him to Moscow. The nobles
and the leading citizens, their eyes still dim with the tears which they had
shed over the tomb of their sovereign, urged him to accept the crown. He
was not reluctant to accede to their request, and received their oaths of
fidelity to him under the title of Vsevelod III. His title, however, was
disputed by distant princes, and an armed band, approaching Moscow by
surprise, seized the town and reduced it to ashes, ravaged the surrounding
region, and carried off the women and children as captives. Vsevelod was,
at the time, absent in the extreme northern portion of his territory, but he
turned upon his enemies with the heart and with the strength of a lion. It
was midwinter. Regardless of storms, and snow and cold, he pursued the
foe like the north wind, and crushed them as with an iron hand. With a large
number of prisoners he returned to the ruins of Moscow.
Two of the most illustrious of the hostile princes were among the prisoners.
The people, enraged at the destruction of their city, fell upon the captives,
and, seizing the two princes, tore out their eyes.
Page 88
Vsevelod was a young man who had not acquired renown. Many of the
warlike princes of the spacious provinces regarded his elevation with envy.
Sviatoslaf, prince of Tchernigof, was roused to intense hostility, and
gathering around him the nobles of his province, resolved with a vigorous
arm to seize for himself the throne. Enlisting in his interests several other
princes, he commenced his march against his sovereign. Vsevelod prepared
with vigor to repulse his assailants. After long and weary marchings the two
armies met in the defiles of the mountains. A swift mountain-stream rushing
along its rocky bed, between deep and precipitous banks, separated the
combatants. For a fortnight they vainly assailed each other, hurling clouds
of arrows and javelins across the stream, which generally fell harmless
upon brazen helmet and buckler. But few were wounded, and still fewer
slain. Yet neither party dared venture the passage of the stream in the
presence of the other. At length, weary of the unavailing conflict, Sviatoslaf,
the insurgent chief, sent a challenge to Vsevelod, the sovereign.
"Let God," said he, "decide the dispute between us. Let us enter into the
open field with our two armies, and submit the question to the arbitrament
of battle. You may choose either side of the river which you please."
Vsevelod did not condescend to make any reply to the rebellious prince.
Seizing his embassadors, he sent them as captives to Vlademer, a fortress
some hundred miles east of Moscow. He hoped thus to provoke Sviatoslaf
to attempt the passage of the stream. But Sviatoslaf was not to be thus
entrapped. Breaking up his camp, he retired to Novgorod, where he was
received with rejoicings by the inhabitants. Here he established himself as a
monarch, accumulated his forces, and began, by diplomacy and by arms, to
extend his conquests over the adjacent principalities. He sent a powerful
army to descend the banks of the Dnieper, capturing all the cities on the
right hand and on the left, and binding the inhabitants by oaths of
allegiance. The army advancing with resistless strides arrived before the
walls of Kief, took possession of the deserted palaces of this ancient capital,
and Sviatoslaf proclaimed himself monarch of southern Russia.
But while Sviatoslaf was thus prosecuting his conquests, at the distance of
four hundred miles south of Novgorod, Vsevelod advanced with an army to
this city, and was in his turn received by the Novgorodians with the ringing
of bells, bonfires and shouts of welcome. All the surrounding princes and
warlike princes of the spacious provinces regarded his elevation with envy.
Sviatoslaf, prince of Tchernigof, was roused to intense hostility, and
gathering around him the nobles of his province, resolved with a vigorous
arm to seize for himself the throne. Enlisting in his interests several other
princes, he commenced his march against his sovereign. Vsevelod prepared
with vigor to repulse his assailants. After long and weary marchings the two
armies met in the defiles of the mountains. A swift mountain-stream rushing
along its rocky bed, between deep and precipitous banks, separated the
combatants. For a fortnight they vainly assailed each other, hurling clouds
of arrows and javelins across the stream, which generally fell harmless
upon brazen helmet and buckler. But few were wounded, and still fewer
slain. Yet neither party dared venture the passage of the stream in the
presence of the other. At length, weary of the unavailing conflict, Sviatoslaf,
the insurgent chief, sent a challenge to Vsevelod, the sovereign.
"Let God," said he, "decide the dispute between us. Let us enter into the
open field with our two armies, and submit the question to the arbitrament
of battle. You may choose either side of the river which you please."
Vsevelod did not condescend to make any reply to the rebellious prince.
Seizing his embassadors, he sent them as captives to Vlademer, a fortress
some hundred miles east of Moscow. He hoped thus to provoke Sviatoslaf
to attempt the passage of the stream. But Sviatoslaf was not to be thus
entrapped. Breaking up his camp, he retired to Novgorod, where he was
received with rejoicings by the inhabitants. Here he established himself as a
monarch, accumulated his forces, and began, by diplomacy and by arms, to
extend his conquests over the adjacent principalities. He sent a powerful
army to descend the banks of the Dnieper, capturing all the cities on the
right hand and on the left, and binding the inhabitants by oaths of
allegiance. The army advancing with resistless strides arrived before the
walls of Kief, took possession of the deserted palaces of this ancient capital,
and Sviatoslaf proclaimed himself monarch of southern Russia.
But while Sviatoslaf was thus prosecuting his conquests, at the distance of
four hundred miles south of Novgorod, Vsevelod advanced with an army to
this city, and was in his turn received by the Novgorodians with the ringing
of bells, bonfires and shouts of welcome. All the surrounding princes and
Page 89
nobles promptly gave in their adhesion to the victorious sovereign, and
Sviatoslaf found that all his conquests had vanished as by magic from
beneath his hand.
Under these circumstances, Vsevelod and Sviatoslaf were both inclined to
negotiation. As the result, it was agreed that Vsevelod should be recognized
as the monarch of Russia, and that Sviatoslaf should reign as tributary
prince of Kief. To bind anew the ties of friendship, Vsevelod gave in
marriage his beautiful sister to the youngest son of Sviatoslaf. Thus this
civil strife was terminated.
But the gates of the temple of Janus were not yet to be closed. Foreign war
now commenced, and raged with unusual ferocity. Six hundred miles east
of Moscow, was the country of Bulgaria. It comprehended the present
Russian province of Orenburg, and was bounded on the east by the Ural
mountains, and on the west by the Volga. A population of nearly a million
and a half inhabited this mountainous realm. Commerce and arts flourished,
and the people were enriched by their commerce with the Grecian empire.
They were, however, barbarians, and as even in the nineteenth century the
slave trade is urged as a means of evangelizing the heathen of Africa, war
was urged with all its carnage and woe, as the agent of disseminating
Christianity through pagan Bulgaria. The motive assigned for the war, was
to serve Christ, by the conversion of the infidel. The motives which
influenced, were ambition, love of conquest and the desire to add to the
opulence and the power of Russia.
Vsevelod made grand preparations for this enterprise. Conferring with the
warlike Sviatoslaf and other ambitious princes, a large army was collected
at the head waters of the Volga. They floated down the wild stream, in
capacious flat-bottomed barges, till they came to the mouth of the Kama.
Thus far their expedition had been like the jaunt of a gala day. Summer
warmth and sunny skies had cheered them as they floated down the
romantic stream, through forests, between mountains and along flowery
savannas, with pennants floating gayly in the air, and music swelling from
their martial bands. War has always its commencement of pomp and
pageantry, followed by its terminations of woe and despair.
Sviatoslaf found that all his conquests had vanished as by magic from
beneath his hand.
Under these circumstances, Vsevelod and Sviatoslaf were both inclined to
negotiation. As the result, it was agreed that Vsevelod should be recognized
as the monarch of Russia, and that Sviatoslaf should reign as tributary
prince of Kief. To bind anew the ties of friendship, Vsevelod gave in
marriage his beautiful sister to the youngest son of Sviatoslaf. Thus this
civil strife was terminated.
But the gates of the temple of Janus were not yet to be closed. Foreign war
now commenced, and raged with unusual ferocity. Six hundred miles east
of Moscow, was the country of Bulgaria. It comprehended the present
Russian province of Orenburg, and was bounded on the east by the Ural
mountains, and on the west by the Volga. A population of nearly a million
and a half inhabited this mountainous realm. Commerce and arts flourished,
and the people were enriched by their commerce with the Grecian empire.
They were, however, barbarians, and as even in the nineteenth century the
slave trade is urged as a means of evangelizing the heathen of Africa, war
was urged with all its carnage and woe, as the agent of disseminating
Christianity through pagan Bulgaria. The motive assigned for the war, was
to serve Christ, by the conversion of the infidel. The motives which
influenced, were ambition, love of conquest and the desire to add to the
opulence and the power of Russia.
Vsevelod made grand preparations for this enterprise. Conferring with the
warlike Sviatoslaf and other ambitious princes, a large army was collected
at the head waters of the Volga. They floated down the wild stream, in
capacious flat-bottomed barges, till they came to the mouth of the Kama.
Thus far their expedition had been like the jaunt of a gala day. Summer
warmth and sunny skies had cheered them as they floated down the
romantic stream, through forests, between mountains and along flowery
savannas, with pennants floating gayly in the air, and music swelling from
their martial bands. War has always its commencement of pomp and
pageantry, followed by its terminations of woe and despair.
Page 90
Vsevelod in person led the army. Near the mouth of the Kama they
abandoned their flotilla, which could not be employed in ascending the
rapid stream. Continuing their march by land, they pushed boldly into the
country of the Bulgarians, and laid siege to their capital, which was called
"The Great City." For six days the battle raged, and the city was taken. It
proved, however, to be but a barren conquest. An arrow from the walls
pierced the side of a beloved nephew of Vsevelod. The young man, in
excruciating agony, died in the arms of the monarch. Vsevelod was so much
affected by the sufferings which he was thus called to witness, that, dejected
and disheartened, he made the best terms he could, soothing his pride by
extorting from the vanquished a vague acknowledgment of subjection to the
empire. He then commenced his long march of toil and suffering back again
to Moscow, over vast plains and through dense forests, having really
accomplished nothing of any moment.
The reign of Vsevelod continued for thirty-seven years. It was a scene of
incessant conflict with insurgent princes disputing his power and struggling
for the supremacy. Often his imperial title was merely nominal. Again a
successful battle would humble his foes and bring them in subjection to the
foot of his throne. But, on the whole, during his reign the fragmentary
empire gained solidity, the monarchical arm gained strength, and the
sovereign obtained a more marked supremacy above the rival princes who
had so long disputed the power of the throne. Vsevelod died, generally
regretted, on the 12th of April, 1212. In the Russian annals, he has received
the surname of Great. His reign, compared with that of most of his
predecessors, was happy. He left, in churches and in fortresses, many
monuments of his devotion and of his military skill.
His wife, Maria, seems to have been a woman of sincere piety. Her brief
pilgrimage on earth, passed six hundred years ago, led her through the same
joys and griefs which in the nineteenth century oppress human hearts. The
last seven years of her life she passed on a bed of sickness and extreme
suffering. The patience she displayed caused her to be compared with the
patriarch Job. Just before she died, she assembled her six surviving children
around her bed. As with tears they gazed upon the emaciated cheeks of their
beloved and dying mother, she urged them to love God, to study the Bible,
to give their hearts to the Saviour and to live for heaven. She died
universally regretted and revered.
abandoned their flotilla, which could not be employed in ascending the
rapid stream. Continuing their march by land, they pushed boldly into the
country of the Bulgarians, and laid siege to their capital, which was called
"The Great City." For six days the battle raged, and the city was taken. It
proved, however, to be but a barren conquest. An arrow from the walls
pierced the side of a beloved nephew of Vsevelod. The young man, in
excruciating agony, died in the arms of the monarch. Vsevelod was so much
affected by the sufferings which he was thus called to witness, that, dejected
and disheartened, he made the best terms he could, soothing his pride by
extorting from the vanquished a vague acknowledgment of subjection to the
empire. He then commenced his long march of toil and suffering back again
to Moscow, over vast plains and through dense forests, having really
accomplished nothing of any moment.
The reign of Vsevelod continued for thirty-seven years. It was a scene of
incessant conflict with insurgent princes disputing his power and struggling
for the supremacy. Often his imperial title was merely nominal. Again a
successful battle would humble his foes and bring them in subjection to the
foot of his throne. But, on the whole, during his reign the fragmentary
empire gained solidity, the monarchical arm gained strength, and the
sovereign obtained a more marked supremacy above the rival princes who
had so long disputed the power of the throne. Vsevelod died, generally
regretted, on the 12th of April, 1212. In the Russian annals, he has received
the surname of Great. His reign, compared with that of most of his
predecessors, was happy. He left, in churches and in fortresses, many
monuments of his devotion and of his military skill.
His wife, Maria, seems to have been a woman of sincere piety. Her brief
pilgrimage on earth, passed six hundred years ago, led her through the same
joys and griefs which in the nineteenth century oppress human hearts. The
last seven years of her life she passed on a bed of sickness and extreme
suffering. The patience she displayed caused her to be compared with the
patriarch Job. Just before she died, she assembled her six surviving children
around her bed. As with tears they gazed upon the emaciated cheeks of their
beloved and dying mother, she urged them to love God, to study the Bible,
to give their hearts to the Saviour and to live for heaven. She died
universally regretted and revered.
Page 91
The reign of Vsevelod was cotemporaneous with the conquest of
Constantinople by the crusaders. The Latin or Roman church thus for a
season extended its dominion over the Greek or Eastern church. The French
and Venetians; robbed the rich churches of Constantine of their paintings,
statuary, relics and all their treasures of art. The Greek emperor himself fled
in disguise to Thrace.
The Roman pontiff, Innocent III., deeming this a favorable moment to
supplant the Greek religion in Russia, sent letters to the Russian clergy, in
which he said:
"The religion of Rome is becoming universally triumphant. The whole
Grecian empire has recognized the spiritual power of the pope. Will you be
the only people who refuse to enter into the fold of Christ, and to recognize
the Roman church as the ark of salvation, out of which no one can be
saved? I have sent to you a cardinal; a man noble, well-instructed, and
legate of the successors of the Apostles. He has received full power to
enlighten the minds of the Russians, and to rescue them from all their
errors."
This pastoral exhortation was entirely unavailing. The bishops and clergy of
the Russian church still pertinaciously adhered to the faith of their fathers.
The crusaders were ere long driven from the imperial city, and the Greek
church again attained its supremacy in the East, a supremacy which it has
maintained to the present day.
CHAPTER VI.
THE GRAND PRINCES OF VLADIMIR, AND THE INVASION OF
GENGHIS KHAN.
From 1212 to 1238.
Accession of Georges.—Famine.—Battle of Lipetsk.—Defeat of
Georges.—His Surrender.—Constantin Seizes the Scepter.—Exploits of
Constantinople by the crusaders. The Latin or Roman church thus for a
season extended its dominion over the Greek or Eastern church. The French
and Venetians; robbed the rich churches of Constantine of their paintings,
statuary, relics and all their treasures of art. The Greek emperor himself fled
in disguise to Thrace.
The Roman pontiff, Innocent III., deeming this a favorable moment to
supplant the Greek religion in Russia, sent letters to the Russian clergy, in
which he said:
"The religion of Rome is becoming universally triumphant. The whole
Grecian empire has recognized the spiritual power of the pope. Will you be
the only people who refuse to enter into the fold of Christ, and to recognize
the Roman church as the ark of salvation, out of which no one can be
saved? I have sent to you a cardinal; a man noble, well-instructed, and
legate of the successors of the Apostles. He has received full power to
enlighten the minds of the Russians, and to rescue them from all their
errors."
This pastoral exhortation was entirely unavailing. The bishops and clergy of
the Russian church still pertinaciously adhered to the faith of their fathers.
The crusaders were ere long driven from the imperial city, and the Greek
church again attained its supremacy in the East, a supremacy which it has
maintained to the present day.
CHAPTER VI.
THE GRAND PRINCES OF VLADIMIR, AND THE INVASION OF
GENGHIS KHAN.
From 1212 to 1238.
Accession of Georges.—Famine.—Battle of Lipetsk.—Defeat of
Georges.—His Surrender.—Constantin Seizes the Scepter.—Exploits of
Page 92
Mstislaf.—Imbecility of Constantin.—Death of Constantin.—Georges
III.—Invasion of Bulgaria.—Progress of the Monarchy.—Right of
Succession.—Commerce of the Dnieper.—Genghis Khan.—His Rise and
Conquests.—Invasion of Southern Russia.—Death of Genghis Khan.—
Succession of his Son Ougadai.—March of Bati.—Entrance into Russia.
—Utter Defeat of the Russians.
Moscow was the capital of a province then called Souzdal. North-west of
this province there was another large Yaroslavleity called Vladimir, with a
capital of the same name. North of these provinces there was an extensive
territory named Yaroslavle. Immediately after the death of Vsevolod, a
brother of the deceased monarch, named Georges, ascended the throne with
the assent of all the nobles of Souzdal and Vladimir. At the same time his
brother Constantin, prince of Yaroslavle, claimed the crown. Eager
partizans rallied around the two aspirants. Constantin made the first move
by burning the town of Kostroma and carrying off the inhabitants as
captives. Georges replied by an equally sanguinary assault upon Rostof.
Such, war has ever been. When princes quarrel, being unable to strike each
other, they wreak their vengeance upon innocent and helpless villages,
burning their houses, slaying sons and brothers, and either dragging widows
and orphans into captivity or leaving them to perish of exposure and
starvation.
In this conflict Georges was victor, and he assigned to his brothers and
cousins the administration of the provinces of southern Russia. Still the
ancient annals give us nothing but a dreary record of war. A very energetic
prince arose, by the name of Mstislaf, who, for years, strode over
subjugated provinces, desolating them with fire and sword. Another horrible
famine commenced its ravages at this time, caused principally by the
desolations of war, throughout all northern and eastern Russia. The starving
inhabitants ate the bark of trees, leaves and the most disgusting reptiles. The
streets were covered with the bodies of the dead, abandoned to the dogs.
Crowds of skeleton men and women wandered through the fields, in vain
seeking food, and ever dropping in the convulsions of death. Christian faith
is stunned in the contemplation of such woes, and yet it sees in them but the
fruits of man's depravity. The enigma of life can find no solution but in
III.—Invasion of Bulgaria.—Progress of the Monarchy.—Right of
Succession.—Commerce of the Dnieper.—Genghis Khan.—His Rise and
Conquests.—Invasion of Southern Russia.—Death of Genghis Khan.—
Succession of his Son Ougadai.—March of Bati.—Entrance into Russia.
—Utter Defeat of the Russians.
Moscow was the capital of a province then called Souzdal. North-west of
this province there was another large Yaroslavleity called Vladimir, with a
capital of the same name. North of these provinces there was an extensive
territory named Yaroslavle. Immediately after the death of Vsevolod, a
brother of the deceased monarch, named Georges, ascended the throne with
the assent of all the nobles of Souzdal and Vladimir. At the same time his
brother Constantin, prince of Yaroslavle, claimed the crown. Eager
partizans rallied around the two aspirants. Constantin made the first move
by burning the town of Kostroma and carrying off the inhabitants as
captives. Georges replied by an equally sanguinary assault upon Rostof.
Such, war has ever been. When princes quarrel, being unable to strike each
other, they wreak their vengeance upon innocent and helpless villages,
burning their houses, slaying sons and brothers, and either dragging widows
and orphans into captivity or leaving them to perish of exposure and
starvation.
In this conflict Georges was victor, and he assigned to his brothers and
cousins the administration of the provinces of southern Russia. Still the
ancient annals give us nothing but a dreary record of war. A very energetic
prince arose, by the name of Mstislaf, who, for years, strode over
subjugated provinces, desolating them with fire and sword. Another horrible
famine commenced its ravages at this time, caused principally by the
desolations of war, throughout all northern and eastern Russia. The starving
inhabitants ate the bark of trees, leaves and the most disgusting reptiles. The
streets were covered with the bodies of the dead, abandoned to the dogs.
Crowds of skeleton men and women wandered through the fields, in vain
seeking food, and ever dropping in the convulsions of death. Christian faith
is stunned in the contemplation of such woes, and yet it sees in them but the
fruits of man's depravity. The enigma of life can find no solution but in
Page 93
divine revelation—and even that revelation does but show in what direction
the solution lies.
Mstislaf of Novgorod, encouraged by his military success, and regardless of
the woes of the populace, entered into an alliance with Constantin,
promising, with his aid, to drive Georges from the throne, and to place the
scepter in the hands of Constantin. The king sent an army of ten thousand
men against the insurgents. All over Russia there was the choosing of sides,
as prince after prince ranged his followers under the banners of one or of
the other of the combatants. At last the two armies met upon the banks of
the river Kza. The Russian annalists say that the sovereign was surrounded
with the banners of thirty regiments, accompanied by a military band of one
hundred and forty trumpets and drums.
The insurgent princes, either alarmed by the power of the sovereign, or
anxious to spare the effusion of blood, proposed terms of accommodation.
"It is too late to talk of peace," said Georges. "You are now as fishes on the
land. You have advanced too far, and your destruction is inevitable."
The embassadors retired in sadness. Georges then assembled his captains,
and gave orders to form the troops in line of battle. Addressing the troops,
he said:
"Let no soldier's life be spared. Aim particularly at the officers. The
helmets, the clothes and the horses of the dead shall belong to you. Let us
not be troubled with any prisoners. The princes alone may be taken captive,
and reserved for public execution."
Both parties now prepared, with soundings of the trumpet and shoutings of
the soldiers, for combat. It was in the early dawn of the morning that the
celebrated battle of Lipetsk commenced. The arena of strife was a valley,
broken by rugged hills, on the head waters of the Don, about two hundred
miles south of Moscow. It was a gloomy day of wind, and clouds and rain;
and while the cruel tempest of man's passion swept the earth, an elemental
tempest wrecked the skies. From the morning till the evening twilight the
battle raged, inspired by the antagonistic forces of haughty confidence and
of despair. Darkness separated the combatants, neither party having gained
any decisive advantage.
the solution lies.
Mstislaf of Novgorod, encouraged by his military success, and regardless of
the woes of the populace, entered into an alliance with Constantin,
promising, with his aid, to drive Georges from the throne, and to place the
scepter in the hands of Constantin. The king sent an army of ten thousand
men against the insurgents. All over Russia there was the choosing of sides,
as prince after prince ranged his followers under the banners of one or of
the other of the combatants. At last the two armies met upon the banks of
the river Kza. The Russian annalists say that the sovereign was surrounded
with the banners of thirty regiments, accompanied by a military band of one
hundred and forty trumpets and drums.
The insurgent princes, either alarmed by the power of the sovereign, or
anxious to spare the effusion of blood, proposed terms of accommodation.
"It is too late to talk of peace," said Georges. "You are now as fishes on the
land. You have advanced too far, and your destruction is inevitable."
The embassadors retired in sadness. Georges then assembled his captains,
and gave orders to form the troops in line of battle. Addressing the troops,
he said:
"Let no soldier's life be spared. Aim particularly at the officers. The
helmets, the clothes and the horses of the dead shall belong to you. Let us
not be troubled with any prisoners. The princes alone may be taken captive,
and reserved for public execution."
Both parties now prepared, with soundings of the trumpet and shoutings of
the soldiers, for combat. It was in the early dawn of the morning that the
celebrated battle of Lipetsk commenced. The arena of strife was a valley,
broken by rugged hills, on the head waters of the Don, about two hundred
miles south of Moscow. It was a gloomy day of wind, and clouds and rain;
and while the cruel tempest of man's passion swept the earth, an elemental
tempest wrecked the skies. From the morning till the evening twilight the
battle raged, inspired by the antagonistic forces of haughty confidence and
of despair. Darkness separated the combatants, neither party having gained
any decisive advantage.
Page 94
The night was freezing cold, a chill April wind sweeping the mists over the
heights, upon which the two hosts, exhausted and bleeding, slept upon their
arms, each fearing a midnight surprise. With the earliest dawn of the next
morning the battle was renewed; both armies defiantly and simultaneously
moving down from the hills to meet on the plains. Mstislaf rode along the
ranks of his troops, exclaiming:
"Let no man turn his head. Retreat now is destruction. Let us forget our
wives and children, and fight for our lives."
His soldiers, with shouts of enthusiasm, threw aside all encumbering
clothes, and uttering those loud outcries with which semi-barbarians ever
rush into battle, impetuously fell upon the advancing foe. Mstislaf was a
prince of herculean stature and strength. With a battle-ax in his hands, he
advanced before the troops, and it is recorded that, striking on the right
hand and the left, he cut a path through the ranks of the enemy as a strong
man would trample down the grain. A wake of the dead marked his path. It
was one of the most deplorable of Russian battles, for the dispute had
arrayed the son against the father, brother against brother, friend against
friend.
The victory, however, was now not for a moment doubtful. The royal forces
were entirely routed, and were pursued with enormous slaughter by the
victorious Mstislaf. Nearly ten thousand of the followers of Georges were
slain upon the field of battle. Georges having had three horses killed
beneath him, escaped, and on the fourth day reached Vladimir, where he
found only old men, women, children and ecclesiastics, so entirely had he
drained the country for the war. The king himself was the first to announce
to the citizens of Vladimir the terrible defeat. Wan from fatigue and
suffering, he rode in at the gates, his hair disheveled, and his clothing torn.
As he traversed the streets, he called earnestly upon all who remained to
rally upon the walls for their defense. It was late in the afternoon when the
king reached the metropolis. During the night a throng of fugitives was
continually entering the city, wounded and bleeding. In the early morning,
the king assembled the citizens in the public square, and urged them to a
desperate resistance. But they, disheartened by the awful reverse,
exclaimed:
heights, upon which the two hosts, exhausted and bleeding, slept upon their
arms, each fearing a midnight surprise. With the earliest dawn of the next
morning the battle was renewed; both armies defiantly and simultaneously
moving down from the hills to meet on the plains. Mstislaf rode along the
ranks of his troops, exclaiming:
"Let no man turn his head. Retreat now is destruction. Let us forget our
wives and children, and fight for our lives."
His soldiers, with shouts of enthusiasm, threw aside all encumbering
clothes, and uttering those loud outcries with which semi-barbarians ever
rush into battle, impetuously fell upon the advancing foe. Mstislaf was a
prince of herculean stature and strength. With a battle-ax in his hands, he
advanced before the troops, and it is recorded that, striking on the right
hand and the left, he cut a path through the ranks of the enemy as a strong
man would trample down the grain. A wake of the dead marked his path. It
was one of the most deplorable of Russian battles, for the dispute had
arrayed the son against the father, brother against brother, friend against
friend.
The victory, however, was now not for a moment doubtful. The royal forces
were entirely routed, and were pursued with enormous slaughter by the
victorious Mstislaf. Nearly ten thousand of the followers of Georges were
slain upon the field of battle. Georges having had three horses killed
beneath him, escaped, and on the fourth day reached Vladimir, where he
found only old men, women, children and ecclesiastics, so entirely had he
drained the country for the war. The king himself was the first to announce
to the citizens of Vladimir the terrible defeat. Wan from fatigue and
suffering, he rode in at the gates, his hair disheveled, and his clothing torn.
As he traversed the streets, he called earnestly upon all who remained to
rally upon the walls for their defense. It was late in the afternoon when the
king reached the metropolis. During the night a throng of fugitives was
continually entering the city, wounded and bleeding. In the early morning,
the king assembled the citizens in the public square, and urged them to a
desperate resistance. But they, disheartened by the awful reverse,
exclaimed:
Page 95
"Prince, courage can no longer save us. Our brethren have perished on the
field of battle. Those who have escaped are wounded, exhausted and
unarmed. We are unable to oppose the enemy."
Georges entreated them to make at least a show of resistance, that he might
open negotiations with the foe. Soon Mstislaf appeared, leading his troops
in solid phalanx, with waving banners and trumpet blasts, and surrounded
the city. In the night, a terrible conflagration burst forth within the city, and
his soldiers entreated him to take advantage of the confusion for an
immediate assault. The magnanimous conqueror refused to avail himself of
the calamity, and restrained the ardor of his troops. The next morning,
Georges despairing of any further defense, rode from the gates into the
camp of Mstislaf.
"You are victorious," said he. "Dispose of me and my fortunes as you will.
My brother Constantin will be obedient to your wishes."
The unhappy prince was sent into exile. Embarking, with his wife and
children, and a few faithful followers, in barges, at the head waters of the
Volga, he floated down the stream towards the Caspian Sea, and
disappeared for ever from the observation of history.
Constantin was now raised to the imperial throne through the energies of
Mstislaf. This latter prince returned to his domains in Novgorod, and under
the protection of the throne he rivaled the monarch in splendor and power.
Constantin established his capital at Vladimir, about one hundred and fifty
miles west of Moscow. The warlike Mstislaf, greedy of renown, with the
chivalry of a knight-errant, sought to have a hand in every quarrel then
raging far or near. Southern Russia continued in a state of incessant
embroilments; and the princes of the provinces, but nominally in subjection
to the crown, lived in a state of interminable war. Occasionally they would
sheath the sword of civil strife and combine in some important expedition
against the Hungarians or the Poles.
But tranquillity reigned in the principality of Vladimir; and the adjacent
provinces, influenced by the pacific policy of the sovereign, or overawed by
his power, cultivated the arts of peace. Constantin, however, was effeminate
as well as peaceful. The tremendous energy of Mstislaf had shed some
luster upon him, and thus, for a time, it was supposed that he possessed a
field of battle. Those who have escaped are wounded, exhausted and
unarmed. We are unable to oppose the enemy."
Georges entreated them to make at least a show of resistance, that he might
open negotiations with the foe. Soon Mstislaf appeared, leading his troops
in solid phalanx, with waving banners and trumpet blasts, and surrounded
the city. In the night, a terrible conflagration burst forth within the city, and
his soldiers entreated him to take advantage of the confusion for an
immediate assault. The magnanimous conqueror refused to avail himself of
the calamity, and restrained the ardor of his troops. The next morning,
Georges despairing of any further defense, rode from the gates into the
camp of Mstislaf.
"You are victorious," said he. "Dispose of me and my fortunes as you will.
My brother Constantin will be obedient to your wishes."
The unhappy prince was sent into exile. Embarking, with his wife and
children, and a few faithful followers, in barges, at the head waters of the
Volga, he floated down the stream towards the Caspian Sea, and
disappeared for ever from the observation of history.
Constantin was now raised to the imperial throne through the energies of
Mstislaf. This latter prince returned to his domains in Novgorod, and under
the protection of the throne he rivaled the monarch in splendor and power.
Constantin established his capital at Vladimir, about one hundred and fifty
miles west of Moscow. The warlike Mstislaf, greedy of renown, with the
chivalry of a knight-errant, sought to have a hand in every quarrel then
raging far or near. Southern Russia continued in a state of incessant
embroilments; and the princes of the provinces, but nominally in subjection
to the crown, lived in a state of interminable war. Occasionally they would
sheath the sword of civil strife and combine in some important expedition
against the Hungarians or the Poles.
But tranquillity reigned in the principality of Vladimir; and the adjacent
provinces, influenced by the pacific policy of the sovereign, or overawed by
his power, cultivated the arts of peace. Constantin, however, was effeminate
as well as peaceful. The tremendous energy of Mstislaf had shed some
luster upon him, and thus, for a time, it was supposed that he possessed a
Page 96
share, no one knew how great, of that extraordinary vigor which had placed
him on the throne. But now, Mstislaf was far away on bloody fields in
Hungary, and the princes in the vicinity of Vladimir soon found that
Constantin had no spirit to resent any of their encroachments. Enormous
crimes were perpetrated with impunity. Princes were assassinated, and the
murderers seized their castles and their scepters, while the imbecile
Constantin, instead of avenging such outrages, contented himself with
shedding tears, building churches, distributing alms, and kissing the relics
of the saints, which had been sent to him from Constantinople. Thus he
lived for several years, a superstitious, perhaps a pious man; but, so utterly
devoid of energy, of enlightened views respecting his duty as a ruler, that
the helpless were unprotected, and the wicked rioted unpunished in crime.
He died in the year 1219 at the early age of thirty-three. Finding death
approaching, he called his two sons to his bedside, and exhorted them to
live in brotherly affection, to be the benefactors of widows and orphans, and
especially to be the supporters of religion. The wife of Constantin, imbibing
his spirit, immediately upon his death renounced the world, and retiring to
the cloisters of a convent, immured herself in its glooms until she also
rejoined her husband in the spirit land.
Georges II., son of Vsevelod, now ascended the throne. He signalized the
commencement of his reign by a military excursion to oriental Bulgaria.
Descending the Volga in barges to the mouth of the Kama, he invaded, with
a well-disciplined army, the realm he wished to subjugate. The Russians
approached the city of Ochel. It was strongly fortified with palisades and a
double wall of wood. The assailants approached, led by a strong party with
hatchets and torches. They were closely followed by archers and lancers to
drive the defenders from the ramparts. The palisades were promptly cut
down and set on fire. The flames spread to the wooden walls; and over the
burning ruins the assailants rushed into the city. A high wind arose, and the
whole city, whose buildings were constructed of wood only, soon blazed
like a volcano. The wretched citizens had but to choose between the swords
of the Russians and the fire. Many, in their despair, plunged their poignards
into the bosoms of their wives and children, and then buried the dripping
blade in their own hearts. Multitudes of the Russians, even, encircled by the
flames in the narrow streets, miserably perished. In a few hours the city and
nearly all of its male inhabitants were destroyed. Extensive regions of the
him on the throne. But now, Mstislaf was far away on bloody fields in
Hungary, and the princes in the vicinity of Vladimir soon found that
Constantin had no spirit to resent any of their encroachments. Enormous
crimes were perpetrated with impunity. Princes were assassinated, and the
murderers seized their castles and their scepters, while the imbecile
Constantin, instead of avenging such outrages, contented himself with
shedding tears, building churches, distributing alms, and kissing the relics
of the saints, which had been sent to him from Constantinople. Thus he
lived for several years, a superstitious, perhaps a pious man; but, so utterly
devoid of energy, of enlightened views respecting his duty as a ruler, that
the helpless were unprotected, and the wicked rioted unpunished in crime.
He died in the year 1219 at the early age of thirty-three. Finding death
approaching, he called his two sons to his bedside, and exhorted them to
live in brotherly affection, to be the benefactors of widows and orphans, and
especially to be the supporters of religion. The wife of Constantin, imbibing
his spirit, immediately upon his death renounced the world, and retiring to
the cloisters of a convent, immured herself in its glooms until she also
rejoined her husband in the spirit land.
Georges II., son of Vsevelod, now ascended the throne. He signalized the
commencement of his reign by a military excursion to oriental Bulgaria.
Descending the Volga in barges to the mouth of the Kama, he invaded, with
a well-disciplined army, the realm he wished to subjugate. The Russians
approached the city of Ochel. It was strongly fortified with palisades and a
double wall of wood. The assailants approached, led by a strong party with
hatchets and torches. They were closely followed by archers and lancers to
drive the defenders from the ramparts. The palisades were promptly cut
down and set on fire. The flames spread to the wooden walls; and over the
burning ruins the assailants rushed into the city. A high wind arose, and the
whole city, whose buildings were constructed of wood only, soon blazed
like a volcano. The wretched citizens had but to choose between the swords
of the Russians and the fire. Many, in their despair, plunged their poignards
into the bosoms of their wives and children, and then buried the dripping
blade in their own hearts. Multitudes of the Russians, even, encircled by the
flames in the narrow streets, miserably perished. In a few hours the city and
nearly all of its male inhabitants were destroyed. Extensive regions of the
Page 97
country were then ravaged, and Bulgaria, as a conquered province, was
considered as annexed to the Russian empire. Georges enriched with
plunder and having extorted oaths of allegiance from most of the Bulgarian
princes, reascended the Volga to Vladimir. As he was on his return he laid
the foundations of a new city, Nijni Novgorod, at the confluence of two
important streams about two hundred miles west of Moscow. The city
remains to the present day.
It will be perceived through what slow and vacillating steps the Russian
monarchy was established. In the earliest dawn of the kingdom, Yaroslaf
divided Russia into five principalities. To his eldest son he gave the title of
Grand Prince, constituting him, by his will, chief or monarch of the whole
kingdom. His younger brothers were placed over the principalities, holding
them as vassals of the grand prince at Kief, and transmitting the right of
succession to their children. Ysiaslaf, and some of his descendants, men of
great energy, succeeded in holding under more or less of restraint the
turbulent princes, who were simply entitled princes, to distinguish them
from the Grand Prince or monarch. These princes had under them
innumerable vassal lords, who, differing in wealth and extent of dominions,
governed, with despotic sway, the serfs or peasants subject to their power.
No government could be more simple than this; and it was the necessary
resultant of those stormy times.
But in process of time feeble grand princes reigned at Kief. The vassal
princes, strengthening themselves in alliances with one another, or seeking
aid from foreign semi-civilized nations, such as the Poles, the Danes, the
Hungarians, often imposed laws upon their nominal sovereign, and not
unfrequently drove him from the throne, and placed upon it a monarch of
their own choice. Sviatopolk II. was driven to the humiliation of appearing
to defend himself from accusation before the tribunal of his vassal princes.
Monomaque and Mstislaf I., with imperial energy, brought all the vassal
princes in subjection to their scepter, and reigned as monarchs. But their
successors, not possessing like qualities, were unable to maintain the regal
dignity; and gradually Kief sank into a provincial town, and the scepter was
transferred to the principality of Souzdal.
André, of Souzdal, abolished the system of appanages, as it was called, in
which the principalities were in entire subjection to the princes who reigned
considered as annexed to the Russian empire. Georges enriched with
plunder and having extorted oaths of allegiance from most of the Bulgarian
princes, reascended the Volga to Vladimir. As he was on his return he laid
the foundations of a new city, Nijni Novgorod, at the confluence of two
important streams about two hundred miles west of Moscow. The city
remains to the present day.
It will be perceived through what slow and vacillating steps the Russian
monarchy was established. In the earliest dawn of the kingdom, Yaroslaf
divided Russia into five principalities. To his eldest son he gave the title of
Grand Prince, constituting him, by his will, chief or monarch of the whole
kingdom. His younger brothers were placed over the principalities, holding
them as vassals of the grand prince at Kief, and transmitting the right of
succession to their children. Ysiaslaf, and some of his descendants, men of
great energy, succeeded in holding under more or less of restraint the
turbulent princes, who were simply entitled princes, to distinguish them
from the Grand Prince or monarch. These princes had under them
innumerable vassal lords, who, differing in wealth and extent of dominions,
governed, with despotic sway, the serfs or peasants subject to their power.
No government could be more simple than this; and it was the necessary
resultant of those stormy times.
But in process of time feeble grand princes reigned at Kief. The vassal
princes, strengthening themselves in alliances with one another, or seeking
aid from foreign semi-civilized nations, such as the Poles, the Danes, the
Hungarians, often imposed laws upon their nominal sovereign, and not
unfrequently drove him from the throne, and placed upon it a monarch of
their own choice. Sviatopolk II. was driven to the humiliation of appearing
to defend himself from accusation before the tribunal of his vassal princes.
Monomaque and Mstislaf I., with imperial energy, brought all the vassal
princes in subjection to their scepter, and reigned as monarchs. But their
successors, not possessing like qualities, were unable to maintain the regal
dignity; and gradually Kief sank into a provincial town, and the scepter was
transferred to the principality of Souzdal.
André, of Souzdal, abolished the system of appanages, as it was called, in
which the principalities were in entire subjection to the princes who reigned
Page 98
over them, these princes only rendering vassal service to the sovereign. He,
in their stead, appointed governors over the distant provinces, who were his
agents to execute his commands. This measure gave new energy and
consolidation to the monarchy, and added incalculable strength to the regal
arm. But the grand princes, who immediately succeeded André, had not
efficiency to maintain this system, and the princes again regained their
position of comparative independence. Indeed, they were undisputed
sovereigns of their principalities, bound only to recognize the superior rank
of the grand prince, and to aid him, when called upon, as allies.
In process of time the princes of the five great principalities, Pereiaslavle,
Tchernigof, Kief, Novgorod and Smolensk, were subdivided, through the
energies of warlike nobles, into minor appanages, or independent provinces,
independent in every thing save feudal service, a service often feebly
recognized and dimly defined. The sovereigns of the great provinces
assumed the title of Grand Princes. The smaller sovereigns were simply
called Princes. Under these princes were the petty lords or nobles. The spirit
of all evil could not have devised a system better calculated to keep a nation
incessantly embroiled in war. The princes of Novgorod claimed the right of
choosing their grand prince. In all the other provinces the scepter was
nominally hereditary. In point of fact, it was only hereditary when the one
who ascended the throne had sufficient vigor of arm to beat back his
assailing foes. For two hundred years, during nearly all of the eleventh and
twelfth centuries, it is with difficulty we can discern any traces of the
monarchy. The history of Russia during this period is but a history of
interminable battles between the grand princes, and petty, yet most cruel
and bloody, conflicts between the minor princes.
The doctrine of the hereditary descent of the governing power was the
cause of nearly all these conflicts. A semi-idiot or a brutal ruffian was thus
often found the ruler of millions of energetic men. War and bloodshed were,
of course, the inevitable result. This absurdity was, perhaps, a necessary
consequence of the ignorance and brutality of the times. But happy is that
nation which is sufficiently enlightened to choose its own magistrates and
to appreciate the sanctity of the ballot-box. The history of the United States
thus far, with its elective administrations, is a marvel of tranquillity,
prosperity and joy, as it is recorded amidst the bloody pages of this world's
annals.
in their stead, appointed governors over the distant provinces, who were his
agents to execute his commands. This measure gave new energy and
consolidation to the monarchy, and added incalculable strength to the regal
arm. But the grand princes, who immediately succeeded André, had not
efficiency to maintain this system, and the princes again regained their
position of comparative independence. Indeed, they were undisputed
sovereigns of their principalities, bound only to recognize the superior rank
of the grand prince, and to aid him, when called upon, as allies.
In process of time the princes of the five great principalities, Pereiaslavle,
Tchernigof, Kief, Novgorod and Smolensk, were subdivided, through the
energies of warlike nobles, into minor appanages, or independent provinces,
independent in every thing save feudal service, a service often feebly
recognized and dimly defined. The sovereigns of the great provinces
assumed the title of Grand Princes. The smaller sovereigns were simply
called Princes. Under these princes were the petty lords or nobles. The spirit
of all evil could not have devised a system better calculated to keep a nation
incessantly embroiled in war. The princes of Novgorod claimed the right of
choosing their grand prince. In all the other provinces the scepter was
nominally hereditary. In point of fact, it was only hereditary when the one
who ascended the throne had sufficient vigor of arm to beat back his
assailing foes. For two hundred years, during nearly all of the eleventh and
twelfth centuries, it is with difficulty we can discern any traces of the
monarchy. The history of Russia during this period is but a history of
interminable battles between the grand princes, and petty, yet most cruel
and bloody, conflicts between the minor princes.
The doctrine of the hereditary descent of the governing power was the
cause of nearly all these conflicts. A semi-idiot or a brutal ruffian was thus
often found the ruler of millions of energetic men. War and bloodshed were,
of course, the inevitable result. This absurdity was, perhaps, a necessary
consequence of the ignorance and brutality of the times. But happy is that
nation which is sufficiently enlightened to choose its own magistrates and
to appreciate the sanctity of the ballot-box. The history of the United States
thus far, with its elective administrations, is a marvel of tranquillity,
prosperity and joy, as it is recorded amidst the bloody pages of this world's
annals.
Page 99
According to the ancient custom of Russia, the right of succession
transferred the crown, not to the oldest son, but to the brother or the most
aged member belonging to the family connections of the deceased prince.
The energetic Monomaque violated this law by transferring the crown to his
son, when, by custom, it should have passed to the prince of Tchernigof.
Hence, for ages, there was implacable hatred between these two houses, and
Russia was crimsoned with the blood of a hundred battle-fields.
Nearly all the commerce of Russia, at this time, was carried on between
Kief and Constantinople by barges traversing the Dnieper and the Black
Sea. These barges went strongly armed as a protection against the
barbarians who crowded the banks of the river. The stream, being thus the
great thoroughfare of commerce, received the popular name of The Road to
Greece. The Russians exported rich furs in exchange for the cloths and
spices of the East. As the Russian power extended toward the rising sun, the
Volga and the Caspian Sea became the highways of a prosperous, though an
interrupted, commerce. It makes the soul melancholy to reflect upon these
long, long ages of rapine, destruction and woe. But for this, had man been
true to himself, the whole of Russia might now have been almost a garden
of Eden, with every marsh drained, every stream bridged, every field
waving with luxuriance, every deformity changed into an object of beauty,
with roads and canals intersecting every mile of its territory, with gorgeous
cities embellishing the rivers' banks and the mountain sides, and cottages
smiling upon every plain. Man has no foe to his happiness so virulent and
deadly as his brother man. The heaviest curse is human depravity.
We now approach, in the early part of the thirteenth century, one of the most
extraordinary events which has occurred in the history of man: the sweep of
Tartar hordes over all of northern Asia and Europe, under their indomitable
leader, Genghis Khan.
In the extreme north of the Chinese empire, just south of Irkoutsk, in the
midst of desert wilds, unknown to Greek or Roman, there were wandering
tribes called Mogols. They were a savage, vagabond race, without any fixed
habitations, living by the chase and by herding cattle. The chief of one of
these tribes, greedy of renown and power, conquered several of the adjacent
tribes, and brought them into very willing subjection to his sway. War was a
pastime for their fierce spirits, and their bold chief led them to victory and
transferred the crown, not to the oldest son, but to the brother or the most
aged member belonging to the family connections of the deceased prince.
The energetic Monomaque violated this law by transferring the crown to his
son, when, by custom, it should have passed to the prince of Tchernigof.
Hence, for ages, there was implacable hatred between these two houses, and
Russia was crimsoned with the blood of a hundred battle-fields.
Nearly all the commerce of Russia, at this time, was carried on between
Kief and Constantinople by barges traversing the Dnieper and the Black
Sea. These barges went strongly armed as a protection against the
barbarians who crowded the banks of the river. The stream, being thus the
great thoroughfare of commerce, received the popular name of The Road to
Greece. The Russians exported rich furs in exchange for the cloths and
spices of the East. As the Russian power extended toward the rising sun, the
Volga and the Caspian Sea became the highways of a prosperous, though an
interrupted, commerce. It makes the soul melancholy to reflect upon these
long, long ages of rapine, destruction and woe. But for this, had man been
true to himself, the whole of Russia might now have been almost a garden
of Eden, with every marsh drained, every stream bridged, every field
waving with luxuriance, every deformity changed into an object of beauty,
with roads and canals intersecting every mile of its territory, with gorgeous
cities embellishing the rivers' banks and the mountain sides, and cottages
smiling upon every plain. Man has no foe to his happiness so virulent and
deadly as his brother man. The heaviest curse is human depravity.
We now approach, in the early part of the thirteenth century, one of the most
extraordinary events which has occurred in the history of man: the sweep of
Tartar hordes over all of northern Asia and Europe, under their indomitable
leader, Genghis Khan.
In the extreme north of the Chinese empire, just south of Irkoutsk, in the
midst of desert wilds, unknown to Greek or Roman, there were wandering
tribes called Mogols. They were a savage, vagabond race, without any fixed
habitations, living by the chase and by herding cattle. The chief of one of
these tribes, greedy of renown and power, conquered several of the adjacent
tribes, and brought them into very willing subjection to his sway. War was a
pastime for their fierce spirits, and their bold chief led them to victory and
Page 100
abundant booty. This barbarian conqueror, Bayadour by name, died in the
prime of life, surrendering his wealth and power to his son, Temoutchin,
then but thirteen years of age. This boy thus found himself lord of forty
thousand families. Still he was but a subordinate prince or khan, owing
allegiance to the Tartar sovereign of northern China. Brought up by his
mother in the savage simplicity of a wandering shepherd's hut, he
developed a character which made him the scourge of the world, and one of
its most appalling wonders. The most illustrious monarchies were
overturned by the force of his arms, and millions of men were brought into
subjection to his power.
At the death of his father, Bayadour, many of the subjugated clans
endeavored to break the yoke of the boy prince. Temoutchin, with the vigor
and military sagacity of a veteran warrior, assembled an army of thirty
thousand men, defeated the rebels, and plunged their leaders, seventy in
number, each into a caldron of boiling water. Elated by such brilliant
success, the young prince renounced allegiance to the Tartar sovereign and
assumed independence. Terrifying his enemies by severity, rewarding his
friends with rich gifts, and overawing the populace by claims of
supernatural powers, this extraordinary young man commenced a career of
conquest which the world has never seen surpassed.
Assembling his ferocious hordes, now enthusiastically devoted to his
service, upon the banks of a rapid river, he took a solemn oath to share with
them all the bitter and the sweet which he should encounter in the course of
his life. The neighboring prince of Kerait ventured to draw the sword
against him. He forfeited his head for his audacity, and his skull, trimmed
with silver, was converted into a drinking cup. At the close of this
expedition, his vast army were disposed in nine different camps, upon the
head waters of the river Amour. Each division had tents of a particular
color. On a festival day, as all were gazing with admiration upon their
youthful leader, a hermit, by previous secret appointment, appeared as a
prophet from heaven. Approaching the prince, the pretended embassador
from the celestial court, declared, in a loud voice,
"God has given the whole earth to Temoutchin. As the sovereign of the
world, he is entitled to the name of Genghis Khan (the great prince)."
prime of life, surrendering his wealth and power to his son, Temoutchin,
then but thirteen years of age. This boy thus found himself lord of forty
thousand families. Still he was but a subordinate prince or khan, owing
allegiance to the Tartar sovereign of northern China. Brought up by his
mother in the savage simplicity of a wandering shepherd's hut, he
developed a character which made him the scourge of the world, and one of
its most appalling wonders. The most illustrious monarchies were
overturned by the force of his arms, and millions of men were brought into
subjection to his power.
At the death of his father, Bayadour, many of the subjugated clans
endeavored to break the yoke of the boy prince. Temoutchin, with the vigor
and military sagacity of a veteran warrior, assembled an army of thirty
thousand men, defeated the rebels, and plunged their leaders, seventy in
number, each into a caldron of boiling water. Elated by such brilliant
success, the young prince renounced allegiance to the Tartar sovereign and
assumed independence. Terrifying his enemies by severity, rewarding his
friends with rich gifts, and overawing the populace by claims of
supernatural powers, this extraordinary young man commenced a career of
conquest which the world has never seen surpassed.
Assembling his ferocious hordes, now enthusiastically devoted to his
service, upon the banks of a rapid river, he took a solemn oath to share with
them all the bitter and the sweet which he should encounter in the course of
his life. The neighboring prince of Kerait ventured to draw the sword
against him. He forfeited his head for his audacity, and his skull, trimmed
with silver, was converted into a drinking cup. At the close of this
expedition, his vast army were disposed in nine different camps, upon the
head waters of the river Amour. Each division had tents of a particular
color. On a festival day, as all were gazing with admiration upon their
youthful leader, a hermit, by previous secret appointment, appeared as a
prophet from heaven. Approaching the prince, the pretended embassador
from the celestial court, declared, in a loud voice,
"God has given the whole earth to Temoutchin. As the sovereign of the
world, he is entitled to the name of Genghis Khan (the great prince)."
Page 101
No one was disposed to question the divine authority of this envoy from the
skies. Shouts of applause rent the air, and chiefs and warriors, with
unanimous voice, expressed their eagerness to follow their leader wherever
he might guide them. Admiration of his prowess and the terror of his arms
spread far and wide, and embassadors thronged his tent from adjacent
nations, wishing to range themselves beneath his banners. Even the
monarch of Thibet, overawed, sent messengers to offer his service as a
vassal prince to Genghis Khan.
The conqueror now made an irruption into China proper, and with his
wolfish legions, clambering the world-renowned wall, routed all the armies
raised to oppose him, and speedily was master of ninety cities. Finding
himself encumbered with a crowd of prisoners, he selected a large number
of the aged and choked them to death. The sovereign, thoroughly
humiliated, purchased peace by a gift of five hundred young men, five
hundred beautiful girls, three thousand horses and an immense quantity of
silks and gold. Genghis Khan retired to the north with his treasures; but
soon again returned, and laid siege to Pekin, the capital of the empire. With
the energies of despair, though all unavailingly, the inhabitants attempted
their defense. It was the year 1215 when Pekin fell before the arms of the
Mogol conqueror. The whole city was immediately committed to flames,
and the wasting conflagration raged for a whole month, when nothing was
left of the once beautiful and populous city but a heap of ashes.
Leaving troops in garrison throughout the subjugated country, the
conqueror commenced his march towards the west, laden with the spoils of
plundered cities. Like the rush of a torrent, his armies swept along until they
entered the vast wilds of Turkomania. Here the "great and the mighty
Saladin" had reigned, extending his sway from the Caspian Sea to the
Ganges, dictating laws even to the Caliph at Bagdad, who was the Pope of
the Mohammedans. Mahomet II. now held the throne, a prince so haughty
and warlike, that he arrogated the name of the second Alexander the Great.
With two such spirits heading their armies, a horrible war ensued. The
capital of this region, Bokhara, had attained a very considerable degree of
civilization, and was renowned for its university, where the Mohammedan
youth, of noble families, were educated. The city, after an unavailing
attempt at defense, was compelled to capitulate. The elders of the
metropolis brought the keys and laid them at the feet of the conqueror.
skies. Shouts of applause rent the air, and chiefs and warriors, with
unanimous voice, expressed their eagerness to follow their leader wherever
he might guide them. Admiration of his prowess and the terror of his arms
spread far and wide, and embassadors thronged his tent from adjacent
nations, wishing to range themselves beneath his banners. Even the
monarch of Thibet, overawed, sent messengers to offer his service as a
vassal prince to Genghis Khan.
The conqueror now made an irruption into China proper, and with his
wolfish legions, clambering the world-renowned wall, routed all the armies
raised to oppose him, and speedily was master of ninety cities. Finding
himself encumbered with a crowd of prisoners, he selected a large number
of the aged and choked them to death. The sovereign, thoroughly
humiliated, purchased peace by a gift of five hundred young men, five
hundred beautiful girls, three thousand horses and an immense quantity of
silks and gold. Genghis Khan retired to the north with his treasures; but
soon again returned, and laid siege to Pekin, the capital of the empire. With
the energies of despair, though all unavailingly, the inhabitants attempted
their defense. It was the year 1215 when Pekin fell before the arms of the
Mogol conqueror. The whole city was immediately committed to flames,
and the wasting conflagration raged for a whole month, when nothing was
left of the once beautiful and populous city but a heap of ashes.
Leaving troops in garrison throughout the subjugated country, the
conqueror commenced his march towards the west, laden with the spoils of
plundered cities. Like the rush of a torrent, his armies swept along until they
entered the vast wilds of Turkomania. Here the "great and the mighty
Saladin" had reigned, extending his sway from the Caspian Sea to the
Ganges, dictating laws even to the Caliph at Bagdad, who was the Pope of
the Mohammedans. Mahomet II. now held the throne, a prince so haughty
and warlike, that he arrogated the name of the second Alexander the Great.
With two such spirits heading their armies, a horrible war ensued. The
capital of this region, Bokhara, had attained a very considerable degree of
civilization, and was renowned for its university, where the Mohammedan
youth, of noble families, were educated. The city, after an unavailing
attempt at defense, was compelled to capitulate. The elders of the
metropolis brought the keys and laid them at the feet of the conqueror.
Page 102
Genghis Khan rode contemptuously on horseback into the sacred mosque,
and seizing the Alcoran from the altar, threw it upon the floor and trampled
it beneath the hoofs of his steed. The whole city was inhumanly reduced to
ashes.
From Bokhara he advanced to Samarcande. This city was strongly fortified,
and contained a hundred thousand soldiers within its walls, besides an
immense number of elephants trained to fight. The city was soon taken.
Thirty thousand were slain, and thirty thousand carried into perpetual
slavery. All the adjacent cities soon shared a similar fate. For three years the
armies of Genghis Khan ravaged the whole country between the Aral lake
and the Indus, with such fearful devastation that for six hundred years the
region did not recover from the calamity. Mahomet II., pursued by his
indefatigable foe, fled to one of the islands of the Caspian Sea, where he
perished in paroxysms of rage and despair.
Genghis Khan having thoroughly subdued this whole region, now sent a
division of his army, under two of his most distinguished generals, across
the Caspian Sea to subjugate the regions on the western shore. Here, as
before, victory accompanied their standards, and, with merciless severity,
they swept the whole country to the sea of Azof. The tidings of their
advance, so bloody, so resistless, spread into Russia, exciting universal
terror. The conquerors, elated with success, rushed on over the plains of
Russia, and were already pouring down into the valley of the Dnieper.
Mstislaf, prince of Galitch, already so renowned for his warlike exploits,
was eager to measure arms with those soldiers, the terror of whose ravages
now filled the world. He hurriedly assembled all the neighboring princes at
Kief, and urged immediate and vigorous coöperation to repel the common
foe. The Russian army was promptly rendezvoused on the banks of the
Dnieper, preparatory to its march. Another large army was collected by the
Russian princes who inhabited the valley of the Dniester. In a thousand
barges they descended the river to the Black Sea. Then entering the Dnieper
they ascended the stream to unite with the main army waiting impatiently
their arrival.
On the 21st of May, the whole force was put in motion, and after a march of
nine days, met the Tartar army on the banks of the river Kalets. The waving
banners and the steeds of the Tartar host, covering the plains as far as the
and seizing the Alcoran from the altar, threw it upon the floor and trampled
it beneath the hoofs of his steed. The whole city was inhumanly reduced to
ashes.
From Bokhara he advanced to Samarcande. This city was strongly fortified,
and contained a hundred thousand soldiers within its walls, besides an
immense number of elephants trained to fight. The city was soon taken.
Thirty thousand were slain, and thirty thousand carried into perpetual
slavery. All the adjacent cities soon shared a similar fate. For three years the
armies of Genghis Khan ravaged the whole country between the Aral lake
and the Indus, with such fearful devastation that for six hundred years the
region did not recover from the calamity. Mahomet II., pursued by his
indefatigable foe, fled to one of the islands of the Caspian Sea, where he
perished in paroxysms of rage and despair.
Genghis Khan having thoroughly subdued this whole region, now sent a
division of his army, under two of his most distinguished generals, across
the Caspian Sea to subjugate the regions on the western shore. Here, as
before, victory accompanied their standards, and, with merciless severity,
they swept the whole country to the sea of Azof. The tidings of their
advance, so bloody, so resistless, spread into Russia, exciting universal
terror. The conquerors, elated with success, rushed on over the plains of
Russia, and were already pouring down into the valley of the Dnieper.
Mstislaf, prince of Galitch, already so renowned for his warlike exploits,
was eager to measure arms with those soldiers, the terror of whose ravages
now filled the world. He hurriedly assembled all the neighboring princes at
Kief, and urged immediate and vigorous coöperation to repel the common
foe. The Russian army was promptly rendezvoused on the banks of the
Dnieper, preparatory to its march. Another large army was collected by the
Russian princes who inhabited the valley of the Dniester. In a thousand
barges they descended the river to the Black Sea. Then entering the Dnieper
they ascended the stream to unite with the main army waiting impatiently
their arrival.
On the 21st of May, the whole force was put in motion, and after a march of
nine days, met the Tartar army on the banks of the river Kalets. The waving
banners and the steeds of the Tartar host, covering the plains as far as the
Page 103
eye could extend, in numbers apparently countless, presented an appalling
spectacle. Many of the Russian leaders were quite in despair; others, young,
ardent, inexperienced, were eager for the fight. The battle immediately
commenced, and the combatants fought with all the ferocity which human
energies could engender. But the Russians were, in the end, routed entirely.
The Tartars drove the bleeding fugitives in wild confusion before them back
to the Dnieper. Never before had Russia encountered so frightful a disaster.
The whole army was destroyed. Not one tenth of their number escaped that
field of massacre. Seven princes, and seventy of the most illustrious nobles
were among the slain. The Tartars followed up their victory with their
accustomed inhumanity, and, as if it were their intention to depopulate the
country, swept it in all directions, putting the inhabitants indiscriminately to
the sword. They acted upon the maxim which they ever proclaimed, "The
conquered can never be the friends of the conquerors; and the death of the
one is essential to the safety of the other."
The whole of southern Russia trembled with terror; and men, women and
children, in utter helplessness, with groans and cries fled to the churches,
imploring the protection of God. That divine power which alone could aid
them, interposed in their behalf. For some unknown reason, Genghis Khan
recalled his troops to the shores of the Caspian, where this blood-stained
conqueror, in the midst of his invincible armies, dictated laws to the vast
regions he had subjected to his will. This frightful storm having left utter
desolation behind it, passed away as rapidly as it had approached. Scathed
as by the lightnings of heaven, the whole of southern Russia east of the
Dnieper was left smoking like a furnace.
The nominal king, Georges II., far distant in the northern realms of Souzdal
and Vladimir, listened appalled to the reports of the tempest raging over the
southern portion of the kingdom; and when the dark cloud disappeared and
its thunders ceased, he congratulated himself in having escaped its fury.
After the terrible battle of Kalka, six years passed before the locust legions
of the Tartars again made their appearance; and Russia hoped that the
scourge had disappeared for ever. In the year 1227, Genghis Khan died. It
has been estimated that the ambition of this one man cost the lives of
between five and six millions of the human family. He nominated as his
successor his oldest son Octai, and enjoined it upon him never to make
peace but with vanquished nations. Ambitious of being the conqueror of the
spectacle. Many of the Russian leaders were quite in despair; others, young,
ardent, inexperienced, were eager for the fight. The battle immediately
commenced, and the combatants fought with all the ferocity which human
energies could engender. But the Russians were, in the end, routed entirely.
The Tartars drove the bleeding fugitives in wild confusion before them back
to the Dnieper. Never before had Russia encountered so frightful a disaster.
The whole army was destroyed. Not one tenth of their number escaped that
field of massacre. Seven princes, and seventy of the most illustrious nobles
were among the slain. The Tartars followed up their victory with their
accustomed inhumanity, and, as if it were their intention to depopulate the
country, swept it in all directions, putting the inhabitants indiscriminately to
the sword. They acted upon the maxim which they ever proclaimed, "The
conquered can never be the friends of the conquerors; and the death of the
one is essential to the safety of the other."
The whole of southern Russia trembled with terror; and men, women and
children, in utter helplessness, with groans and cries fled to the churches,
imploring the protection of God. That divine power which alone could aid
them, interposed in their behalf. For some unknown reason, Genghis Khan
recalled his troops to the shores of the Caspian, where this blood-stained
conqueror, in the midst of his invincible armies, dictated laws to the vast
regions he had subjected to his will. This frightful storm having left utter
desolation behind it, passed away as rapidly as it had approached. Scathed
as by the lightnings of heaven, the whole of southern Russia east of the
Dnieper was left smoking like a furnace.
The nominal king, Georges II., far distant in the northern realms of Souzdal
and Vladimir, listened appalled to the reports of the tempest raging over the
southern portion of the kingdom; and when the dark cloud disappeared and
its thunders ceased, he congratulated himself in having escaped its fury.
After the terrible battle of Kalka, six years passed before the locust legions
of the Tartars again made their appearance; and Russia hoped that the
scourge had disappeared for ever. In the year 1227, Genghis Khan died. It
has been estimated that the ambition of this one man cost the lives of
between five and six millions of the human family. He nominated as his
successor his oldest son Octai, and enjoined it upon him never to make
peace but with vanquished nations. Ambitious of being the conqueror of the
Page 104
world, Octai ravaged with his armies the whole of northern China. In the
heart of Tartary he reared his palace, embellished with the highest
attainments of Chinese art.
Raising an army of three hundred thousand men, the Tartar sovereign
placed his nephew Bati in command, and ordered him to bring into
subjection all the nations on the northern shores of the Caspian Sea, and
then to continue his conquests throughout all the expanse of northern
Russia. A bloody strife of three years planted his banners upon every cliff
and through all the defiles of the Ural mountains, and then the victor
plunging down the western declivities of this great natural barrier between
Europe and Asia, established his troops, for winter quarters, in the valley of
the Volga. To strike the region with terror, he burned the capital city of
Bulgaria and put all the inhabitants to the sword. Early in the spring of the
year 1238, with an army, say the ancient annalists, "as innumerable as
locusts," he crossed the Volga, and threading many almost impenetrable
forests, after a march, in a north-west direction, of about four hundred
miles, entered the province of Rezdan just south of Souzdal. He then sent an
embassage to the king and his confederate princes, saying:
"If you wish for peace with the Tartars you must pay us an annual tribute of
one tenth of your possessions."
The heroic reply was returned,
"When you have slain us all, you can then take all that we have."
Bati, at the head of his terrible army, continued his march through the
populous province of Rezdan, burning every dwelling and endeavoring,
with indiscriminate massacre, to exterminate the inhabitants. City after city
fell before them until they approached the capital. This they besieged, first
surrounding it with palisades that it might not be possible for any of the
inhabitants to escape. The innumerable host pressed the siege day and night,
not allowing the defenders one moment for repose. On the sixteenth day,
after many had been slain and all the citizens were in utter exhaustion from
toil and sleeplessness, they commenced the final assault with ladders and
battering rams. The walls of wood were soon set on fire, and, through flame
and smoke, the demoniac assailants rushed into the city. Indiscriminate
massacre ensued of men, women and children, accompanied with the most
heart of Tartary he reared his palace, embellished with the highest
attainments of Chinese art.
Raising an army of three hundred thousand men, the Tartar sovereign
placed his nephew Bati in command, and ordered him to bring into
subjection all the nations on the northern shores of the Caspian Sea, and
then to continue his conquests throughout all the expanse of northern
Russia. A bloody strife of three years planted his banners upon every cliff
and through all the defiles of the Ural mountains, and then the victor
plunging down the western declivities of this great natural barrier between
Europe and Asia, established his troops, for winter quarters, in the valley of
the Volga. To strike the region with terror, he burned the capital city of
Bulgaria and put all the inhabitants to the sword. Early in the spring of the
year 1238, with an army, say the ancient annalists, "as innumerable as
locusts," he crossed the Volga, and threading many almost impenetrable
forests, after a march, in a north-west direction, of about four hundred
miles, entered the province of Rezdan just south of Souzdal. He then sent an
embassage to the king and his confederate princes, saying:
"If you wish for peace with the Tartars you must pay us an annual tribute of
one tenth of your possessions."
The heroic reply was returned,
"When you have slain us all, you can then take all that we have."
Bati, at the head of his terrible army, continued his march through the
populous province of Rezdan, burning every dwelling and endeavoring,
with indiscriminate massacre, to exterminate the inhabitants. City after city
fell before them until they approached the capital. This they besieged, first
surrounding it with palisades that it might not be possible for any of the
inhabitants to escape. The innumerable host pressed the siege day and night,
not allowing the defenders one moment for repose. On the sixteenth day,
after many had been slain and all the citizens were in utter exhaustion from
toil and sleeplessness, they commenced the final assault with ladders and
battering rams. The walls of wood were soon set on fire, and, through flame
and smoke, the demoniac assailants rushed into the city. Indiscriminate
massacre ensued of men, women and children, accompanied with the most
Page 105
revolting cruelty. The carnage continued for many hours, and, when it
ceased, the city was reduced to ashes, and not one of its inhabitants was left
alive.
The conquerors then rushed on to Moscow. Here the tempest of battle raged
for a few days, and then Moscow followed in the footsteps of Rezdan.
CHAPTER VII.
THE SWAY OF THE TARTAR PRINCES.
From 1238 to 1304.
Retreat of Georges II.—Desolating March of the Tartars.—Capture of
Vladimir.—Fall of Moscow.—Utter Defeat of Georges.—Conflict at
Torjek.—March of the Tartars Toward the South.—Subjugation of the
Polovtsi.—Capture of Kief.—Humiliation of Yaroslaf.—Overthrow of
the Russian Kingdom.—Haughtiness of the Tartars.—Reign of
Alexander.—Succession of Yaroslaf.—The Reign of Vassuli.—State of
Christianity.—Infamy of André.—Struggles with Dmitri.—Independence
of the Principalities.—Death of André.
The king, Georges, fled from Moscow before it was invested by the enemy,
leaving its defense to two of his sons. Retiring, in a panic, to the remote
northern province of Yaroslaf, he encamped, with a small force, upon one of
the tributaries of the Mologa, and sent earnest entreaties to numerous
princes to hasten, with all the forces they could raise, and join his army.
The Tartars from Moscow marched north-west some one hundred and fifty
miles to the imperial city of Vladimir. They appeared before its walls on the
2d of February. On the evening of the 6th the battering rams and ladders
were prepared, and it was evident that the storming of the city was soon to
begin. The citizens, conscious that nothing awaited them but death or
endless slavery, with one accord resolved to sell their lives as dearly as
ceased, the city was reduced to ashes, and not one of its inhabitants was left
alive.
The conquerors then rushed on to Moscow. Here the tempest of battle raged
for a few days, and then Moscow followed in the footsteps of Rezdan.
CHAPTER VII.
THE SWAY OF THE TARTAR PRINCES.
From 1238 to 1304.
Retreat of Georges II.—Desolating March of the Tartars.—Capture of
Vladimir.—Fall of Moscow.—Utter Defeat of Georges.—Conflict at
Torjek.—March of the Tartars Toward the South.—Subjugation of the
Polovtsi.—Capture of Kief.—Humiliation of Yaroslaf.—Overthrow of
the Russian Kingdom.—Haughtiness of the Tartars.—Reign of
Alexander.—Succession of Yaroslaf.—The Reign of Vassuli.—State of
Christianity.—Infamy of André.—Struggles with Dmitri.—Independence
of the Principalities.—Death of André.
The king, Georges, fled from Moscow before it was invested by the enemy,
leaving its defense to two of his sons. Retiring, in a panic, to the remote
northern province of Yaroslaf, he encamped, with a small force, upon one of
the tributaries of the Mologa, and sent earnest entreaties to numerous
princes to hasten, with all the forces they could raise, and join his army.
The Tartars from Moscow marched north-west some one hundred and fifty
miles to the imperial city of Vladimir. They appeared before its walls on the
2d of February. On the evening of the 6th the battering rams and ladders
were prepared, and it was evident that the storming of the city was soon to
begin. The citizens, conscious that nothing awaited them but death or
endless slavery, with one accord resolved to sell their lives as dearly as
Page 106
possible. Accompanied by their wives and their children, they assembled in
the churches, partook of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, implored
Heaven's blessing upon them, and then husbands, brothers, fathers, took
affecting leave of their families and repaired to the walls for the deadly
strife.
Early on the morning of the 7th the assault commenced. The impetuosity of
the onset was irresistible. In a few moments the walls were scaled, the
streets flooded with the foe, the pavements covered with the dead, and the
city on fire in an hundred places. The conquerors did not wish to encumber
themselves with captives. All were slain. Laden with booty and crimsoned
with the blood of their foes, the victors dispersed in every direction, burning
and destroying, but encountering no resistance. During the month they took
fourteen cities, slaying all the inhabitants but such as they reserved for
slaves.
The monarch, Georges, was still upon the banks of the Sité, near where it
empties into the Mologa, when he heard the tidings of the destruction of
Moscow and Vladimir, and of the massacre of his wife and his children. His
eyes filled with tears, and in the anguish of his spirit he prayed that God
would enable him to exemplify the patience of Job. Adversity develops the
energies of noble spirits. Georges rallied his troops and made a desperate
onset upon the foe as they approached his camp. It was the morning of the
4th of March. But again the battle was disastrous to Russia. Mogol numbers
triumphed over Russian valor, and the king and nearly all his army were
slain. Some days after the battle the bishop of Rostof traversed the field,
covered with the bodies of the dead. There he discovered the corpse of the
monarch, which he recognized by the clothes. The head had been severed
from the body. The bishop removed the gory trunk of the prince and gave it
respectful burial in the church of Notre Dame at Rostof. The head was
subsequently found and deposited in the coffin with the body.
The conquerors, continuing their march westerly one hundred and fifty
miles, burning and destroying as they went, reached the populous city of
Torjek. The despairing inhabitants for fifteen days beat off the assailants.
The city then fell; its ruin was entire. The dwellings became but the funeral
pyres for the bodies of the slain. The army of Bati then continued its march
the churches, partook of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, implored
Heaven's blessing upon them, and then husbands, brothers, fathers, took
affecting leave of their families and repaired to the walls for the deadly
strife.
Early on the morning of the 7th the assault commenced. The impetuosity of
the onset was irresistible. In a few moments the walls were scaled, the
streets flooded with the foe, the pavements covered with the dead, and the
city on fire in an hundred places. The conquerors did not wish to encumber
themselves with captives. All were slain. Laden with booty and crimsoned
with the blood of their foes, the victors dispersed in every direction, burning
and destroying, but encountering no resistance. During the month they took
fourteen cities, slaying all the inhabitants but such as they reserved for
slaves.
The monarch, Georges, was still upon the banks of the Sité, near where it
empties into the Mologa, when he heard the tidings of the destruction of
Moscow and Vladimir, and of the massacre of his wife and his children. His
eyes filled with tears, and in the anguish of his spirit he prayed that God
would enable him to exemplify the patience of Job. Adversity develops the
energies of noble spirits. Georges rallied his troops and made a desperate
onset upon the foe as they approached his camp. It was the morning of the
4th of March. But again the battle was disastrous to Russia. Mogol numbers
triumphed over Russian valor, and the king and nearly all his army were
slain. Some days after the battle the bishop of Rostof traversed the field,
covered with the bodies of the dead. There he discovered the corpse of the
monarch, which he recognized by the clothes. The head had been severed
from the body. The bishop removed the gory trunk of the prince and gave it
respectful burial in the church of Notre Dame at Rostof. The head was
subsequently found and deposited in the coffin with the body.
The conquerors, continuing their march westerly one hundred and fifty
miles, burning and destroying as they went, reached the populous city of
Torjek. The despairing inhabitants for fifteen days beat off the assailants.
The city then fell; its ruin was entire. The dwellings became but the funeral
pyres for the bodies of the slain. The army of Bati then continued its march
Page 107
to lake Seliger, the source of the Volga, within one hundred miles of the
great city of Novgorod.
"Villages disappeared," write the ancient annalists, "and the heads of the
Russians fell under the swords of the Tartars as the grass falls before the
scythe."
Instead of pressing on to Novgorod, for some unknown reason Bati turned
south, and, marching two hundred miles, laid siege to the strong fortress of
Kozelsk, in the principality of Kalouga. The garrison, warned of the
advance of the foe, made the most heroic resistance. For four weeks they
held their assailants at bay, banking every effort of the vast numbers who
encompassed them. A more determined and heroic defense was never made.
At last the fortress fell, and not one soul escaped the exterminating sword.
Bati, now satiated with carnage, retired, with his army, to the banks of the
Don. Yaroslaf, prince of Kief, and brother of Georges II., hoping that the
dreadful storm had passed away, hastened to the smouldering ruins of
Vladimir to take the title and the shadowy authority of Grand Prince. Never
before were more conspicuously seen the energies of a noble soul. At first it
seemed that his reign could be extended only over gory corpses and
smouldering ruins. Undismayed by the magnitude of the disaster, he
consecrated all the activity of his genius and the loftiness of his spirit to the
regeneration of the desolated land.
In the spacious valleys of the Don and its tributaries lived the powerful
nation of the Polovtsi, who had often bid defiance to the whole strength of
Russia. Kothian, their prince, for a short time made vigorous opposition to
the march of the conquerors. But, overwhelmed by numbers, he was at
length compelled to retreat, and, with his army of forty thousand men, to
seek a refuge in Hungary. The country of the Polovtsi was then abandoned
to the Tartars. Having ravaged the central valleys of the Don and the Volga,
these demoniac warriors turned their steps again into southern Russia. The
inhabitants, frantic with terror, fled from their line of march as lambs fly
from wolves. The blasts of their trumpets and the clatter of their horses'
hoofs were speedily resounding in the valley of the Dnieper. Soon from the
steeples of Kief the banners of the terrible army were seen approaching
from the east. They crossed the Dnieper and surrounded the imperial city,
which, for some time anticipating the storm, had been making preparation
great city of Novgorod.
"Villages disappeared," write the ancient annalists, "and the heads of the
Russians fell under the swords of the Tartars as the grass falls before the
scythe."
Instead of pressing on to Novgorod, for some unknown reason Bati turned
south, and, marching two hundred miles, laid siege to the strong fortress of
Kozelsk, in the principality of Kalouga. The garrison, warned of the
advance of the foe, made the most heroic resistance. For four weeks they
held their assailants at bay, banking every effort of the vast numbers who
encompassed them. A more determined and heroic defense was never made.
At last the fortress fell, and not one soul escaped the exterminating sword.
Bati, now satiated with carnage, retired, with his army, to the banks of the
Don. Yaroslaf, prince of Kief, and brother of Georges II., hoping that the
dreadful storm had passed away, hastened to the smouldering ruins of
Vladimir to take the title and the shadowy authority of Grand Prince. Never
before were more conspicuously seen the energies of a noble soul. At first it
seemed that his reign could be extended only over gory corpses and
smouldering ruins. Undismayed by the magnitude of the disaster, he
consecrated all the activity of his genius and the loftiness of his spirit to the
regeneration of the desolated land.
In the spacious valleys of the Don and its tributaries lived the powerful
nation of the Polovtsi, who had often bid defiance to the whole strength of
Russia. Kothian, their prince, for a short time made vigorous opposition to
the march of the conquerors. But, overwhelmed by numbers, he was at
length compelled to retreat, and, with his army of forty thousand men, to
seek a refuge in Hungary. The country of the Polovtsi was then abandoned
to the Tartars. Having ravaged the central valleys of the Don and the Volga,
these demoniac warriors turned their steps again into southern Russia. The
inhabitants, frantic with terror, fled from their line of march as lambs fly
from wolves. The blasts of their trumpets and the clatter of their horses'
hoofs were speedily resounding in the valley of the Dnieper. Soon from the
steeples of Kief the banners of the terrible army were seen approaching
from the east. They crossed the Dnieper and surrounded the imperial city,
which, for some time anticipating the storm, had been making preparation
Page 108
for the most desperate resistance. The ancient annalists say that the noise of
their innumerable chariots, the lowing of camels and of the vast herds of
cattle which accompanied their march, the neighing of horses and the
ferocious cries of the barbarians, created such a clamor that no ordinary
voice could be heard in the heart of the city.
The attack was speedily commenced, and the walls were assailed with all
the then-known instruments of war. Day and night, without a moment's
intermission, the besiegers, like incarnate fiends, plied their works. The
Tartars, as ever, were victorious, and Kief, with all its thronging population
and all its treasures of wealth, architecture and art, sank in an abyss of
flame and blood. It sank to rise no more. Though it has since been partially
rebuilt, this ancient capital of the grand princes of Russia, even now
presents but the shadow of its pristine splendor.
Onward, still onward, was the cry of the barbarians.
Leaving smoking brands and half-burnt corpses where the imperial city
once stood, the insatiable Bati pressed on hundreds of miles further west,
assailing, storming, destroying the provinces of Gallicia as far as southern
Vladimir within a few leagues of the frontiers of Poland. Russia being thus
entirely devastated and at the feet of the conquerors, Bati wheeled his army
around toward the south and descended into Hungary. Novgorod was
almost the only important city in Russia which escaped the ravages of this
terrible foe.
Bati continued his career of conquest, and, in 1245, was almost undisputed
master of Russia, of many of the Polish provinces, of Hungary, Croatia,
Servia, Bulgaria on the Danube, Moldavia and Wallachia. He then returned
to the Volga and established himself there as permanent monarch over all
these subjugated realms. No one dared to resist him. Bati sent a haughty
message to the Grand Prince Yaroslaf at northern Vladimir, ordering him to
come to his camp on the distant Volga. Yaroslaf, in the position in which he
found himself—Russia being exhausted, depopulated, covered with ruins
and with graves—did not dare disobey. Accompanied by several of his
nobles, he took the weary journey, and humbly presented himself in the tent
of the conqueror. Bati compelled the humiliated prince to send his young
son, Constantin, to Tartary, to the palace of the grand khan Octai, who was
their innumerable chariots, the lowing of camels and of the vast herds of
cattle which accompanied their march, the neighing of horses and the
ferocious cries of the barbarians, created such a clamor that no ordinary
voice could be heard in the heart of the city.
The attack was speedily commenced, and the walls were assailed with all
the then-known instruments of war. Day and night, without a moment's
intermission, the besiegers, like incarnate fiends, plied their works. The
Tartars, as ever, were victorious, and Kief, with all its thronging population
and all its treasures of wealth, architecture and art, sank in an abyss of
flame and blood. It sank to rise no more. Though it has since been partially
rebuilt, this ancient capital of the grand princes of Russia, even now
presents but the shadow of its pristine splendor.
Onward, still onward, was the cry of the barbarians.
Leaving smoking brands and half-burnt corpses where the imperial city
once stood, the insatiable Bati pressed on hundreds of miles further west,
assailing, storming, destroying the provinces of Gallicia as far as southern
Vladimir within a few leagues of the frontiers of Poland. Russia being thus
entirely devastated and at the feet of the conquerors, Bati wheeled his army
around toward the south and descended into Hungary. Novgorod was
almost the only important city in Russia which escaped the ravages of this
terrible foe.
Bati continued his career of conquest, and, in 1245, was almost undisputed
master of Russia, of many of the Polish provinces, of Hungary, Croatia,
Servia, Bulgaria on the Danube, Moldavia and Wallachia. He then returned
to the Volga and established himself there as permanent monarch over all
these subjugated realms. No one dared to resist him. Bati sent a haughty
message to the Grand Prince Yaroslaf at northern Vladimir, ordering him to
come to his camp on the distant Volga. Yaroslaf, in the position in which he
found himself—Russia being exhausted, depopulated, covered with ruins
and with graves—did not dare disobey. Accompanied by several of his
nobles, he took the weary journey, and humbly presented himself in the tent
of the conqueror. Bati compelled the humiliated prince to send his young
son, Constantin, to Tartary, to the palace of the grand khan Octai, who was
Page 109
about to celebrate, with his chiefs, the brilliant conquests his army had
made in China and Europe. If the statements of the annalists of those days
may be credited, so sumptuous a fête the world had never seen before. The
guests, assembled in the metropolis of the khan, were innumerable. Yaroslaf
was compelled to promise allegiance to the Tartar chieftain, and all the
other Russian princes, who had survived the general slaughter, were also
forced to pay homage and tribute to Bati.
After two years, the young prince, Constantin, returned from Tartary, and
then Yaroslaf himself was ordered, with all his relatives, to go to the capital
of this barbaric empire on the banks of the Amour, where the Tartar chiefs
were to meet to choose a successor to Octai, who had recently died. With
tears the unhappy prince bade adieu to his country, and, traversing vast
deserts and immense regions of hills and valleys, he at length reached the
metropolis of his cruel masters. Here he successfully defended himself
against some accusations which had been brought against him, and, after a
detention of several months, he was permitted to set out on his return. He
had proceeded but a few hundred miles on the weary journey when he was
taken sick, and died the 20th of September, 1246. The faithful nobles who
accompanied him bore his remains to Vladimir, where they were interred.
There was no longer a Russian kingdom. The country had lost its
independence; and the Tartar sway, rude, vacillating and awfully cruel,
extended from remote China to the shores of the Baltic. The Roman,
Grecian and Russian empires thus crumbling, the world was threatened with
an universal inundation of barbarism. Russian princes, with more or less
power ruled over the serfs who tilled their lands, but there was no
recognized head of the once powerful kingdom, and no Russian prince
ventured to disobey the commands even of the humblest captain of the
Tartar hordes.
While affairs were in this deplorable state, a Russian prince, Daniel, of
Gallicia, engaged secretly, but with great vigor, in the attempt to secure the
coöperation of the rest of Europe to emancipate Russia from the Tartar
yoke. Greece, overawed by the barbarians, did not dare to make any hostile
movement against them. Daniel turned to Rome, and promised the pope,
Innocent IV., that Russia should return to the Roman church, and would
made in China and Europe. If the statements of the annalists of those days
may be credited, so sumptuous a fête the world had never seen before. The
guests, assembled in the metropolis of the khan, were innumerable. Yaroslaf
was compelled to promise allegiance to the Tartar chieftain, and all the
other Russian princes, who had survived the general slaughter, were also
forced to pay homage and tribute to Bati.
After two years, the young prince, Constantin, returned from Tartary, and
then Yaroslaf himself was ordered, with all his relatives, to go to the capital
of this barbaric empire on the banks of the Amour, where the Tartar chiefs
were to meet to choose a successor to Octai, who had recently died. With
tears the unhappy prince bade adieu to his country, and, traversing vast
deserts and immense regions of hills and valleys, he at length reached the
metropolis of his cruel masters. Here he successfully defended himself
against some accusations which had been brought against him, and, after a
detention of several months, he was permitted to set out on his return. He
had proceeded but a few hundred miles on the weary journey when he was
taken sick, and died the 20th of September, 1246. The faithful nobles who
accompanied him bore his remains to Vladimir, where they were interred.
There was no longer a Russian kingdom. The country had lost its
independence; and the Tartar sway, rude, vacillating and awfully cruel,
extended from remote China to the shores of the Baltic. The Roman,
Grecian and Russian empires thus crumbling, the world was threatened with
an universal inundation of barbarism. Russian princes, with more or less
power ruled over the serfs who tilled their lands, but there was no
recognized head of the once powerful kingdom, and no Russian prince
ventured to disobey the commands even of the humblest captain of the
Tartar hordes.
While affairs were in this deplorable state, a Russian prince, Daniel, of
Gallicia, engaged secretly, but with great vigor, in the attempt to secure the
coöperation of the rest of Europe to emancipate Russia from the Tartar
yoke. Greece, overawed by the barbarians, did not dare to make any hostile
movement against them. Daniel turned to Rome, and promised the pope,
Innocent IV., that Russia should return to the Roman church, and would
Page 110
march under the papal flag if the pope would rouse Christian Europe
against the Tartars.
The pope eagerly embraced these offers, pronounced Daniel to be King of
Russia, and sent the papal legate to appoint Roman bishops over the Greek
church. At the same time he wished to crown Daniel with regal splendor.
"I have need," exclaimed the prince, "of an army, not of a crown. A crown is
but a childish ornament when the yoke of the barbarian is galling our
necks."
Daniel at length consented, for the sake of its moral influence, to be
crowned king, and the pope issued his letters calling upon the faithful to
unite under the banners of the cross, to drive the barbarians from Europe.
This union, however, accomplished but little, as the pope was only anxious
to bring the Greek church under the sway of Rome, and Daniel sought only
military aid to expel the Tartars; each endeavoring to surrender as little and
to gain as much as possible.
One of the Christian nobles endeavored to persuade Mangou, a Tartar
chieftain, of the superiority of the Christian religion. The pagan replied;
"We are not ignorant that there is a God; and we love him with all our heart.
There are more ways of salvation than there are fingers on your hands. If
God has given you the Bible, he has given us our wise men (Magi). But you
do not obey the precepts of your Bible, while we are perfectly obedient to
the instructions of our Magi, and never think of disputing their authority."
The pride of these Tartar conquerors may be inferred from the following
letter, sent by the great khan to Louis, King of France:
"In the name of God, the all powerful, I command you, King Louis, to be
obedient to me. When the will of Heaven shall be accomplished—when the
universe shall have recognized me as its sovereign, tranquillity will then be
seen restored to earth. But if you dare to despise the decrees of God, and to
say that your country is remote, your mountains inaccessible, and your seas
deep and wide, and that you fear not my displeasure, then the Almighty will
speedily show you how terrible is my power."
against the Tartars.
The pope eagerly embraced these offers, pronounced Daniel to be King of
Russia, and sent the papal legate to appoint Roman bishops over the Greek
church. At the same time he wished to crown Daniel with regal splendor.
"I have need," exclaimed the prince, "of an army, not of a crown. A crown is
but a childish ornament when the yoke of the barbarian is galling our
necks."
Daniel at length consented, for the sake of its moral influence, to be
crowned king, and the pope issued his letters calling upon the faithful to
unite under the banners of the cross, to drive the barbarians from Europe.
This union, however, accomplished but little, as the pope was only anxious
to bring the Greek church under the sway of Rome, and Daniel sought only
military aid to expel the Tartars; each endeavoring to surrender as little and
to gain as much as possible.
One of the Christian nobles endeavored to persuade Mangou, a Tartar
chieftain, of the superiority of the Christian religion. The pagan replied;
"We are not ignorant that there is a God; and we love him with all our heart.
There are more ways of salvation than there are fingers on your hands. If
God has given you the Bible, he has given us our wise men (Magi). But you
do not obey the precepts of your Bible, while we are perfectly obedient to
the instructions of our Magi, and never think of disputing their authority."
The pride of these Tartar conquerors may be inferred from the following
letter, sent by the great khan to Louis, King of France:
"In the name of God, the all powerful, I command you, King Louis, to be
obedient to me. When the will of Heaven shall be accomplished—when the
universe shall have recognized me as its sovereign, tranquillity will then be
seen restored to earth. But if you dare to despise the decrees of God, and to
say that your country is remote, your mountains inaccessible, and your seas
deep and wide, and that you fear not my displeasure, then the Almighty will
speedily show you how terrible is my power."
Page 111
After the death of Yaroslaf, his uncle Alexander assumed the sovereignty of
the grand principality. He was a prince of much military renown. Bati, who
was still encamped upon the banks of the Volga, sent to him a message as
follows:
"Prince of Novgorod: it is well known by you that God has subjected to our
sway innumerable peoples. If you wish to live in tranquillity, immediately
come to me, in my tent, that you may witness the glory and the grandeur of
the Mogols."
Alexander obeyed with the promptness of a slave. Bati received the prince
with great condescension, but commanded him to continue his journey
some hundreds of leagues further to the east, that he might pay homage to
the grand khan in Tartary. It was a terrible journey, beneath a blazing sun,
over burning plains, whitened by the bones of those who had perished by
the way. Those dreary solitudes had for ages been traversed by caravans,
and instead of cities and villages, and the hum of busy life, the eye met only
the tombs in which the dead mouldered; and the silence of the grave
oppressed the soul.
In the year 1249, Alexander returned from his humiliating journey to
Tartary. The khan was so well satisfied with his conduct, that he appointed
him king of all the realms of southern Russia. The pope, now thoroughly
alienated from Daniel, corresponded with Alexander, entreating him to
bring the Greek church under the supremacy of Rome, and thus secure for
himself the protection and the blessing of the father of all the faithful.
Alexander returned the peremptory reply,
"We wish to follow the true doctrines of the church. As for your doctrines,
we have no desire either to adopt them or to know them."
Alexander administered the government so much in accordance with the
will of his haughty masters, that the khan gradually increased his dominion.
Bati, the Tartar chieftain, who was encamped with his army on the banks of
the Volga and the Don, died in the year 1257, and his bloody sword, the
only scepter of his power, passed into the hands of his brother Berki.
Alexander felt compelled to hasten to the Tartar camp, with expressions of
homage to the new captain, and with rich presents to conciliate his favor.
Many of the Tartars had by this time embraced Christianity, and there were
the grand principality. He was a prince of much military renown. Bati, who
was still encamped upon the banks of the Volga, sent to him a message as
follows:
"Prince of Novgorod: it is well known by you that God has subjected to our
sway innumerable peoples. If you wish to live in tranquillity, immediately
come to me, in my tent, that you may witness the glory and the grandeur of
the Mogols."
Alexander obeyed with the promptness of a slave. Bati received the prince
with great condescension, but commanded him to continue his journey
some hundreds of leagues further to the east, that he might pay homage to
the grand khan in Tartary. It was a terrible journey, beneath a blazing sun,
over burning plains, whitened by the bones of those who had perished by
the way. Those dreary solitudes had for ages been traversed by caravans,
and instead of cities and villages, and the hum of busy life, the eye met only
the tombs in which the dead mouldered; and the silence of the grave
oppressed the soul.
In the year 1249, Alexander returned from his humiliating journey to
Tartary. The khan was so well satisfied with his conduct, that he appointed
him king of all the realms of southern Russia. The pope, now thoroughly
alienated from Daniel, corresponded with Alexander, entreating him to
bring the Greek church under the supremacy of Rome, and thus secure for
himself the protection and the blessing of the father of all the faithful.
Alexander returned the peremptory reply,
"We wish to follow the true doctrines of the church. As for your doctrines,
we have no desire either to adopt them or to know them."
Alexander administered the government so much in accordance with the
will of his haughty masters, that the khan gradually increased his dominion.
Bati, the Tartar chieftain, who was encamped with his army on the banks of
the Volga and the Don, died in the year 1257, and his bloody sword, the
only scepter of his power, passed into the hands of his brother Berki.
Alexander felt compelled to hasten to the Tartar camp, with expressions of
homage to the new captain, and with rich presents to conciliate his favor.
Many of the Tartars had by this time embraced Christianity, and there were
Page 112
frequent intermarriages between the Russian nobles and princesses of the
Tartar race. It is a curious fact, that even then the Tartars were so conscious
of the power of the clergy over the popular mind, that they employed all the
arts of courtesy and bribes to secure their influence to hold the Russians in
subjection.
The Tartars exacted enormous tribute from the subjugated country. An
insurrection, headed by a son of Alexander, broke out at Novgorod. The
grand prince, terrified in view of the Mogol wrath which might be expected
to overwhelm him, arrested and imprisoned his son, who had countenanced
the enterprise, and punished the nobles implicated in the movement with
terrible severity. Some were hung; others had their eyes plucked out and
their noses cut off. But, unappeased by this fearful retribution, the Tartars
were immediately on the march to avenge, with their own hands, the crime
of rebellion. Their footsteps were marked with such desolation and cruelty
that the Russians, goaded to despair, again ventured, like the crushed worm,
an impotent resistance. Alexander himself was compelled to join the
Tartars, and aid in cutting down his wretched countrymen.
The Tartars haughtily entered Novgorod. Silence and desolation reigned
through its streets. They went from house to house, extorting, as they well
knew how, treasure which beggared families and ruined the city.
Throughout all Russia the princes were compelled to break down the walls
of their cities and to demolish their fortifications. In the year 1262,
Alexander was alarmed by some indications of displeasure on the part of
the grand khan, and he decided to take an immediate journey to the Mogol
capital with rich presents, there to attempt to explain away any suspicions
which might be entertained. His health was feeble, and suffered much from
the exposures of the journey. He was detained in the Mogol court in
captivity, though treated with much consideration, for a year. He then
returned home, so crushed in health and spirits, that he died on the 14th of
November, 1263. The prince was buried at Vladimir, and was borne to the
grave surrounded by the tears and lamentations of his subjects. He seems to
have died the death of the righteous, breathing most fervent prayers of
penitence and of love. In the distressing situation in which his country was
placed, he could do nothing but seek to alleviate its woe; and to this object
he devoted all the energies of his life. The name of Alexander Nevsky is
still pronounced in Russia with love and admiration. His remains, after
Tartar race. It is a curious fact, that even then the Tartars were so conscious
of the power of the clergy over the popular mind, that they employed all the
arts of courtesy and bribes to secure their influence to hold the Russians in
subjection.
The Tartars exacted enormous tribute from the subjugated country. An
insurrection, headed by a son of Alexander, broke out at Novgorod. The
grand prince, terrified in view of the Mogol wrath which might be expected
to overwhelm him, arrested and imprisoned his son, who had countenanced
the enterprise, and punished the nobles implicated in the movement with
terrible severity. Some were hung; others had their eyes plucked out and
their noses cut off. But, unappeased by this fearful retribution, the Tartars
were immediately on the march to avenge, with their own hands, the crime
of rebellion. Their footsteps were marked with such desolation and cruelty
that the Russians, goaded to despair, again ventured, like the crushed worm,
an impotent resistance. Alexander himself was compelled to join the
Tartars, and aid in cutting down his wretched countrymen.
The Tartars haughtily entered Novgorod. Silence and desolation reigned
through its streets. They went from house to house, extorting, as they well
knew how, treasure which beggared families and ruined the city.
Throughout all Russia the princes were compelled to break down the walls
of their cities and to demolish their fortifications. In the year 1262,
Alexander was alarmed by some indications of displeasure on the part of
the grand khan, and he decided to take an immediate journey to the Mogol
capital with rich presents, there to attempt to explain away any suspicions
which might be entertained. His health was feeble, and suffered much from
the exposures of the journey. He was detained in the Mogol court in
captivity, though treated with much consideration, for a year. He then
returned home, so crushed in health and spirits, that he died on the 14th of
November, 1263. The prince was buried at Vladimir, and was borne to the
grave surrounded by the tears and lamentations of his subjects. He seems to
have died the death of the righteous, breathing most fervent prayers of
penitence and of love. In the distressing situation in which his country was
placed, he could do nothing but seek to alleviate its woe; and to this object
he devoted all the energies of his life. The name of Alexander Nevsky is
still pronounced in Russia with love and admiration. His remains, after
Page 113
reposing in the church of Notre Dame, at Vladimir, until the eighteenth
century, were transported, by Peter the Great, to the banks of the Neva, to
give renown to the capital which that illustrious monarch was rearing there.
Yaroslaf, of Tiver, succeeded almost immediately his father in the nominal
sway of Russia. The new sovereign promised fealty to the Tartars, and
feared no rival while sustained by their swords. His oppression becoming
intolerable, the tocsin was sounded in the streets of Novgorod, and the
whole populace rose in insurrection. The movement was successful. The
favorites and advisers of Yaroslaf were put to death, and the prince himself
was exiled. There is something quite refreshing in the energetic spirit with
which the populace transmitted their sentence of repudiation to the
discomfited prince, blockaded in his palace. The citizens met in a vast
gathering in the church of St. Nicholas, and sent to him the following act of
accusation:
"Why have you seized the mansion of one of our nobles? Why have you
robbed others of their money? Why have you driven from Novgorod
strangers who were living peaceably in the midst of us? Why do your game-
keepers exclude us from the chase, and drive us from our own fields? It is
time to put an end to such violence. Leave us. Go where you please, but
leave us, for we shall choose another prince."
Yaroslaf, terrified and humiliated, sent his son to the public assembly with
the assurance that he was ready to conform to all their wishes, if they would
return to their allegiance.
"It is too late," was the reply. "Leave us immediately, or we shall be
exposed to the inconvenience of driving you away."
Yaroslaf immediately left the city and sought safety in exile. The
Novgorodians then offered the soiled and battered crown to Dmitry, a
nephew of the deposed prince. But Dmitry, fearing the vengeance of the
Tartars, replied, "I am not willing to ascend a throne from which you have
expelled my uncle."
Yaroslaf immediately sent an embassador to the encampment of the Tartars,
where they were, ever eagerly waiting for any enterprise which promised
carnage and plunder. The embassador, imploring their aid, said,
century, were transported, by Peter the Great, to the banks of the Neva, to
give renown to the capital which that illustrious monarch was rearing there.
Yaroslaf, of Tiver, succeeded almost immediately his father in the nominal
sway of Russia. The new sovereign promised fealty to the Tartars, and
feared no rival while sustained by their swords. His oppression becoming
intolerable, the tocsin was sounded in the streets of Novgorod, and the
whole populace rose in insurrection. The movement was successful. The
favorites and advisers of Yaroslaf were put to death, and the prince himself
was exiled. There is something quite refreshing in the energetic spirit with
which the populace transmitted their sentence of repudiation to the
discomfited prince, blockaded in his palace. The citizens met in a vast
gathering in the church of St. Nicholas, and sent to him the following act of
accusation:
"Why have you seized the mansion of one of our nobles? Why have you
robbed others of their money? Why have you driven from Novgorod
strangers who were living peaceably in the midst of us? Why do your game-
keepers exclude us from the chase, and drive us from our own fields? It is
time to put an end to such violence. Leave us. Go where you please, but
leave us, for we shall choose another prince."
Yaroslaf, terrified and humiliated, sent his son to the public assembly with
the assurance that he was ready to conform to all their wishes, if they would
return to their allegiance.
"It is too late," was the reply. "Leave us immediately, or we shall be
exposed to the inconvenience of driving you away."
Yaroslaf immediately left the city and sought safety in exile. The
Novgorodians then offered the soiled and battered crown to Dmitry, a
nephew of the deposed prince. But Dmitry, fearing the vengeance of the
Tartars, replied, "I am not willing to ascend a throne from which you have
expelled my uncle."
Yaroslaf immediately sent an embassador to the encampment of the Tartars,
where they were, ever eagerly waiting for any enterprise which promised
carnage and plunder. The embassador, imploring their aid, said,
Page 114
"The Novgorodians are your enemies. They have shamefully expelled
Yaroslaf, and thus treated your authority with insolence. They have deposed
Yaroslaf, merely because he was faithful in collecting tribute for you."
By such a crisis, republicanism was necessarily introduced in Novgorod.
The people, destitute of a prince, and threatened by an approaching army,
made vigorous efforts for resistance. The two armies soon met face to face,
and they were on the eve of a terrible battle, when the worthy metropolitan
bishop, Cyrille, interposed and succeeded in effecting a treaty which
arrested the flow of torrents of blood. The Novgorodians again accepted
Yaroslaf, he making the most solemn promises of amendment. The
embassadors of the Tartar khan conducted Yaroslaf again to the throne.
The Tartars now embraced, almost simultaneously and universally, the
Mohammedan religion, and were inspired with the most fanatic zeal for its
extension. Yaroslaf retained his throne only by employing all possible
means to conciliate the Tartars. He died in the year 1272, as he was also on
his return journey from a visit to the Tartar court.
Vassali, a younger brother of Yaroslaf, now ascended the throne,
establishing himself at Vladimir. The grand duchy of Lithuania, extending
over a region of sixty thousand square miles, was situated just north of
Poland. The Tartars, dissatisfied with the Lithuanians, prepared an
expedition against them, and marching with a great army, compelled many
of the Russian princes to follow their banners. The Tartars spread desolation
over the whole tract of country they traversed, and on their return took a
careful census of the population of all the principalities of Russia, that they
might decide upon the tribute to be imposed. The Russians were so broken
in spirit that they submitted to all these indignities without a murmur. Still
there were to be seen here and there indications of discontent. An
ecclesiastical council was held at Vladimir, in the year 1274. All the bishops
of the north of Russia were assembled to rectify certain abuses which had
crept into the church. A copy of the canons then adopted, written upon
parchment, is still preserved in the Russian archives.
"What a chastisement," exclaim the bishops, "have we received for our
neglect of the true principles of Christianity! God has scattered us over the
whole surface of the globe. Our cities have fallen into the hands of the
Yaroslaf, and thus treated your authority with insolence. They have deposed
Yaroslaf, merely because he was faithful in collecting tribute for you."
By such a crisis, republicanism was necessarily introduced in Novgorod.
The people, destitute of a prince, and threatened by an approaching army,
made vigorous efforts for resistance. The two armies soon met face to face,
and they were on the eve of a terrible battle, when the worthy metropolitan
bishop, Cyrille, interposed and succeeded in effecting a treaty which
arrested the flow of torrents of blood. The Novgorodians again accepted
Yaroslaf, he making the most solemn promises of amendment. The
embassadors of the Tartar khan conducted Yaroslaf again to the throne.
The Tartars now embraced, almost simultaneously and universally, the
Mohammedan religion, and were inspired with the most fanatic zeal for its
extension. Yaroslaf retained his throne only by employing all possible
means to conciliate the Tartars. He died in the year 1272, as he was also on
his return journey from a visit to the Tartar court.
Vassali, a younger brother of Yaroslaf, now ascended the throne,
establishing himself at Vladimir. The grand duchy of Lithuania, extending
over a region of sixty thousand square miles, was situated just north of
Poland. The Tartars, dissatisfied with the Lithuanians, prepared an
expedition against them, and marching with a great army, compelled many
of the Russian princes to follow their banners. The Tartars spread desolation
over the whole tract of country they traversed, and on their return took a
careful census of the population of all the principalities of Russia, that they
might decide upon the tribute to be imposed. The Russians were so broken
in spirit that they submitted to all these indignities without a murmur. Still
there were to be seen here and there indications of discontent. An
ecclesiastical council was held at Vladimir, in the year 1274. All the bishops
of the north of Russia were assembled to rectify certain abuses which had
crept into the church. A copy of the canons then adopted, written upon
parchment, is still preserved in the Russian archives.
"What a chastisement," exclaim the bishops, "have we received for our
neglect of the true principles of Christianity! God has scattered us over the
whole surface of the globe. Our cities have fallen into the hands of the
Page 115
enemy. Our princes have perished on the field of battle. Our families have
been dragged into slavery. Our temples have become the prey of
destruction; and every day we groan more and more heavily beneath the
yoke which is imposed upon us."
It was decreed in this council of truly Christian men, that, as a public
expression of the importance of a holy life, none should be introduced into
the ranks of the clergy but those whose morals had been irreproachable
from their earliest infancy. "A single pastor," said the decree of this council,
"faithfully devoted to his Master's service, is more precious than a thousand
worldly priests."
Vassali died in the year 1276, and was succeeded by a prince of Vladimir,
named Dmitri. He immediately left his native principality and took up his
residence in Novgorod, which city at this time seems to have been regarded
as the capital of the subjugated and dishonored kingdom. The indomitable
tribes inhabiting the fastnesses of the Caucasian mountains had, thus far,
maintained their independence. The Tartars called upon Russia for troops to
aid in their subjugation; and four of the princes, one of whom, André of
Gorodetz, was a brother of Dmitri the king, submissively led the required
army into the Mogol encampment.
André, by his flattery, his presents and his servile devotion to the interests
of the khan, secured a decree of dethronement against his brother and his
own appointment as grand prince. Then, with a combined army of Tartars
and Russians, he marched upon Novgorod to take possession of the crown.
Resistance was not to be thought of, and Dmitri precipitately fled. Karamsin
thus describes the sweep of this Tartar wave of woe:
"The Mogols pillaged and burned the houses, the monasteries, the churches,
from which they took the images, the precious vases and the books richly
bound. Large troops of the inhabitants were dragged into slavery, or fell
beneath the sabers of the ferocious soldiers of the khan. The young sisters in
the convents were exposed to the brutality of these monsters. The unhappy
laborers, who, to escape death or captivity, had fled into the deserts,
perished of exposure and starvation. Not an inhabitant was left who did not
weep over the death of a father, a son, a brother or a friend."
been dragged into slavery. Our temples have become the prey of
destruction; and every day we groan more and more heavily beneath the
yoke which is imposed upon us."
It was decreed in this council of truly Christian men, that, as a public
expression of the importance of a holy life, none should be introduced into
the ranks of the clergy but those whose morals had been irreproachable
from their earliest infancy. "A single pastor," said the decree of this council,
"faithfully devoted to his Master's service, is more precious than a thousand
worldly priests."
Vassali died in the year 1276, and was succeeded by a prince of Vladimir,
named Dmitri. He immediately left his native principality and took up his
residence in Novgorod, which city at this time seems to have been regarded
as the capital of the subjugated and dishonored kingdom. The indomitable
tribes inhabiting the fastnesses of the Caucasian mountains had, thus far,
maintained their independence. The Tartars called upon Russia for troops to
aid in their subjugation; and four of the princes, one of whom, André of
Gorodetz, was a brother of Dmitri the king, submissively led the required
army into the Mogol encampment.
André, by his flattery, his presents and his servile devotion to the interests
of the khan, secured a decree of dethronement against his brother and his
own appointment as grand prince. Then, with a combined army of Tartars
and Russians, he marched upon Novgorod to take possession of the crown.
Resistance was not to be thought of, and Dmitri precipitately fled. Karamsin
thus describes the sweep of this Tartar wave of woe:
"The Mogols pillaged and burned the houses, the monasteries, the churches,
from which they took the images, the precious vases and the books richly
bound. Large troops of the inhabitants were dragged into slavery, or fell
beneath the sabers of the ferocious soldiers of the khan. The young sisters in
the convents were exposed to the brutality of these monsters. The unhappy
laborers, who, to escape death or captivity, had fled into the deserts,
perished of exposure and starvation. Not an inhabitant was left who did not
weep over the death of a father, a son, a brother or a friend."
Page 116
Thus André ascended the throne, and then returned the soldiers of the khan
laden with the booty which they had so cruelly and iniquitously obtained.
The barbarians, always greedy of rapine and blood, were ever delighted to
find occasion to ravage the principalities of Russia. The Tartars, having
withdrawn, Dmitri secured the coöperation of some powerful princes, drove
his brother from Novgorod, and again grasped the scepter which his brother
had wrested from him. The two brothers continued bitterly hostile to each
other, and years passed of petty intrigues and with occasional scenes of
violence and blood as Dmitri struggled to hold the crown which André as
perseveringly strove to seize. Again André obtained another Mogol army,
which swept Russia with fearful destruction, and, taking possession of
Vladimir and Moscow, and every city and village on their way, plundering,
burning and destroying, marched resistlessly to Novgorod, and placed again
the traitorous, blood-stained monster on the throne.
Dmitri, abandoning his palaces and his treasures, fled to a remote
principality, where he soon died, in the year 1294, an old man battered and
wrecked by the storms of a life of woe. He is celebrated in the Russian
annals only by the disasters which accompanied his reign. According to the
Russian historians, the infamous André, his elder brother being now dead,
found himself legitimately the sovereign of Russia. As no one dared to
dispute his authority, the ill-fated kingdom passed a few years in
tranquillity.
At length Daniel, prince of Moscow, claimed independence of the nominal
king, or grand prince, as he was called. In fact, most of the principalities
were, at this time, entirely independent of the grand prince of Novgorod,
whose supremacy was, in general, but an empty and powerless title. As
Daniel was one of the nearest neighbors of André, and reigned over a
desolate and impoverished realm, the grand prince was disposed to bring
him into subjection. But neither of the princes dared to march their armies
without first appealing to their Mogol masters. Daniel sent an embassador
to the Mogol camp, but André went in person with his young and beautiful
wife. The khan sent his embassador to Vladimir, there to summon before
him the two princes and their friends and to adjudge their cause.
In the heat and bitterness of the debate, the two princes drew their swords
and fell upon each other. Their followers joined in the melee, and a scene of
laden with the booty which they had so cruelly and iniquitously obtained.
The barbarians, always greedy of rapine and blood, were ever delighted to
find occasion to ravage the principalities of Russia. The Tartars, having
withdrawn, Dmitri secured the coöperation of some powerful princes, drove
his brother from Novgorod, and again grasped the scepter which his brother
had wrested from him. The two brothers continued bitterly hostile to each
other, and years passed of petty intrigues and with occasional scenes of
violence and blood as Dmitri struggled to hold the crown which André as
perseveringly strove to seize. Again André obtained another Mogol army,
which swept Russia with fearful destruction, and, taking possession of
Vladimir and Moscow, and every city and village on their way, plundering,
burning and destroying, marched resistlessly to Novgorod, and placed again
the traitorous, blood-stained monster on the throne.
Dmitri, abandoning his palaces and his treasures, fled to a remote
principality, where he soon died, in the year 1294, an old man battered and
wrecked by the storms of a life of woe. He is celebrated in the Russian
annals only by the disasters which accompanied his reign. According to the
Russian historians, the infamous André, his elder brother being now dead,
found himself legitimately the sovereign of Russia. As no one dared to
dispute his authority, the ill-fated kingdom passed a few years in
tranquillity.
At length Daniel, prince of Moscow, claimed independence of the nominal
king, or grand prince, as he was called. In fact, most of the principalities
were, at this time, entirely independent of the grand prince of Novgorod,
whose supremacy was, in general, but an empty and powerless title. As
Daniel was one of the nearest neighbors of André, and reigned over a
desolate and impoverished realm, the grand prince was disposed to bring
him into subjection. But neither of the princes dared to march their armies
without first appealing to their Mogol masters. Daniel sent an embassador
to the Mogol camp, but André went in person with his young and beautiful
wife. The khan sent his embassador to Vladimir, there to summon before
him the two princes and their friends and to adjudge their cause.
In the heat and bitterness of the debate, the two princes drew their swords
and fell upon each other. Their followers joined in the melee, and a scene of
Page 117
tumult and blood ensued characteristic of those barbaric times. The Tartar
guard rushed in and separated the combatants. The Tartar judge extorted
rich presents from both of the appellants and settled the question by leaving
it entirely unsettled, ordering them both to go home. They separated like
two boys who have been found quarreling, and who have both been soundly
whipped for their pugnacity. In the autumn of the year 1303 an assembly of
the Russian princes was convened at Pereiaslavle, to which congress the
imperious khan sent his commands.
"It is my will," said the Tartar chief, "that the principalities of Russia should
henceforth enjoy tranquillity. I therefore command all the princes to put an
end to their dissensions and each one to content himself with the
possessions and the power he now has."
Russia thus ceased to be even nominally a monarchy, unless we regard the
Khan of Tartary as its sovereign. It was a conglomeration of principalities,
ruled by princes, with irresponsible power, but all paying tribute to a
foreign despot, and obliged to obey his will whenever he saw fit to make
that will known. Still there continued incessant tempests of civil war,
violent but of brief duration, to which the khan paid no attention, he
deeming it beneath his dignity to inter meddle with such petty conflicts.
André died on the 27th July, 1304, execrated by his contemporaries, and he
has been consigned to infamy by posterity. As he approached the spirit land
he was tortured with the dread of the scenes which he might encounter
there. His crimes had condemned thousands to death and other thousands to
live-long woe. He sought by priestcraft, and penances, and monastic vows,
and garments of sackcloth, to efface the stains of a soul crimsoned with
crime. He died, and his guilty spirit passed away to meet God in judgment.
CHAPTER VIII.
RESURRECTION OF THE RUSSIAN MONARCHY.
guard rushed in and separated the combatants. The Tartar judge extorted
rich presents from both of the appellants and settled the question by leaving
it entirely unsettled, ordering them both to go home. They separated like
two boys who have been found quarreling, and who have both been soundly
whipped for their pugnacity. In the autumn of the year 1303 an assembly of
the Russian princes was convened at Pereiaslavle, to which congress the
imperious khan sent his commands.
"It is my will," said the Tartar chief, "that the principalities of Russia should
henceforth enjoy tranquillity. I therefore command all the princes to put an
end to their dissensions and each one to content himself with the
possessions and the power he now has."
Russia thus ceased to be even nominally a monarchy, unless we regard the
Khan of Tartary as its sovereign. It was a conglomeration of principalities,
ruled by princes, with irresponsible power, but all paying tribute to a
foreign despot, and obliged to obey his will whenever he saw fit to make
that will known. Still there continued incessant tempests of civil war,
violent but of brief duration, to which the khan paid no attention, he
deeming it beneath his dignity to inter meddle with such petty conflicts.
André died on the 27th July, 1304, execrated by his contemporaries, and he
has been consigned to infamy by posterity. As he approached the spirit land
he was tortured with the dread of the scenes which he might encounter
there. His crimes had condemned thousands to death and other thousands to
live-long woe. He sought by priestcraft, and penances, and monastic vows,
and garments of sackcloth, to efface the stains of a soul crimsoned with
crime. He died, and his guilty spirit passed away to meet God in judgment.
CHAPTER VIII.
RESURRECTION OF THE RUSSIAN MONARCHY.
Page 118
From 1304 to 1380.
Defeat of Georges and the Tartars—Indignation of the Khan.—Michel
Summoned to the Horde.—His Trial and Execution.—Assassination of
Georges.—Execution of Dmitri.—Repulse and Death of the Embassador
of the Khan.—Vengeance of the Khan.—Increasing Prosperity of Russia.
—The Great Plague.—Supremacy of Simon.—Anarchy in the Horde.—
Plague and Conflagration.—The Tartars Repulsed.—Reconquest of
Bulgaria.—The Great Battle of Koulikof.—Utter Rout of the Tartars.
The Tartars, now fierce Mohammedans, began to oppress severely,
particularly in Kief, the Christians. The metropolitan bishop of this ancient
city, with the whole body of the clergy, pursued by persecution, fled to
Vladimir; and others of the Christians of Kief were scattered over the
kingdom.
The death of André was as fatal to Russia as had been his reign. Two rival
princes, Michel of Tver, and Georges of Moscow, grasped at the shadow of
a scepter which had fallen from his hands. In consequence, war and anarchy
for a long time prevailed. At length, Michel, having appealed to the Tartars
and gained their support, ascended the frail throne. But a fierce war now
raged between Novgorod and Moscow. In the prosecution of this war,
Georges obtained some advantage which led Michel to appeal to the khan.
The prince of Moscow was immediately summoned to appear in the
presence of the Tartar chieftain. By the most ignoble fawning and promises
of plunder, Georges obtained the support of the khan, and returning with a
Tartar horde, cruelly devastated the principality of his foe. Michel and all
his subjects, roused to the highest pitch of indignation, marched to meet the
enemy. The two armies encountered each other a few leagues from
Moscow. The followers of Michel, fighting with the energies of despair,
were unexpectedly successful, and Georges, with his Russian and Tartar
troops, was thoroughly defeated.
Kavgadi, the leader of the Tartar allies of Georges, was taken prisoner.
Michel, appalled by the thought of the vengeance he might anticipate from
the great khan, whose power he had thus ventured to defy, treated his
captive, Kavgadi, with the highest consideration, and immediately set him
Defeat of Georges and the Tartars—Indignation of the Khan.—Michel
Summoned to the Horde.—His Trial and Execution.—Assassination of
Georges.—Execution of Dmitri.—Repulse and Death of the Embassador
of the Khan.—Vengeance of the Khan.—Increasing Prosperity of Russia.
—The Great Plague.—Supremacy of Simon.—Anarchy in the Horde.—
Plague and Conflagration.—The Tartars Repulsed.—Reconquest of
Bulgaria.—The Great Battle of Koulikof.—Utter Rout of the Tartars.
The Tartars, now fierce Mohammedans, began to oppress severely,
particularly in Kief, the Christians. The metropolitan bishop of this ancient
city, with the whole body of the clergy, pursued by persecution, fled to
Vladimir; and others of the Christians of Kief were scattered over the
kingdom.
The death of André was as fatal to Russia as had been his reign. Two rival
princes, Michel of Tver, and Georges of Moscow, grasped at the shadow of
a scepter which had fallen from his hands. In consequence, war and anarchy
for a long time prevailed. At length, Michel, having appealed to the Tartars
and gained their support, ascended the frail throne. But a fierce war now
raged between Novgorod and Moscow. In the prosecution of this war,
Georges obtained some advantage which led Michel to appeal to the khan.
The prince of Moscow was immediately summoned to appear in the
presence of the Tartar chieftain. By the most ignoble fawning and promises
of plunder, Georges obtained the support of the khan, and returning with a
Tartar horde, cruelly devastated the principality of his foe. Michel and all
his subjects, roused to the highest pitch of indignation, marched to meet the
enemy. The two armies encountered each other a few leagues from
Moscow. The followers of Michel, fighting with the energies of despair,
were unexpectedly successful, and Georges, with his Russian and Tartar
troops, was thoroughly defeated.
Kavgadi, the leader of the Tartar allies of Georges, was taken prisoner.
Michel, appalled by the thought of the vengeance he might anticipate from
the great khan, whose power he had thus ventured to defy, treated his
captive, Kavgadi, with the highest consideration, and immediately set him
Page 119
at liberty loaded with presents. Georges, accompanied by Kavgadi, repaired
promptly to the court of the khan, Usbeck, who was then encamped, with a
numerous army, upon the shores of the Caspian Sea. Soon an embassador of
the khan arrived at Vladimir, and informed Michel that Usbeck was
exasperated against him to the highest degree.
"Hasten," said he, "to the court of the great khan, or within a month you
will see your provinces inundated by his troops. Think of your peril, when
Kavgadi has informed Usbeck that you have dared to resist his authority."
Terrified by these words, the nobles of Michel entreated him not to place
himself in the power of the khan, but to allow some one of them to visit the
horde, as it was then called, in his stead, and endeavor to appease the wrath
of the monarch.
"No," replied the high-minded prince; "Usbeck demands my presence not
yours. Far be it from me, by my disobedience, to expose my country to ruin.
If I resist the commands of the khan, my country will be doomed to new
woes; thousands of Christians will perish, the victims of his fury. It is
impossible for us to repel the forces of the Tartars. What other asylum is
there then for me but death? Is it not better for me to die, if I may thus save
the lives of my faithful subjects?"
He made his will, divided his estates among his sons, and entreating them
ever to be faithful to the dictates of virtue, bade them an eternal adieu.
Michel encountered the khan near the mouth of the Don, as it enters the Sea
of Azof. Usbeck was on a magnificent hunting excursion, accompanied by
his chieftains and his army. For six weeks he did not deign, to pay any
attention to the Russian prince, not even condescending to order him to be
guarded. The rich presents Michel had brought, in token of homage, were
neither received nor rejected, but were merely disregarded as of no moment
whatever.
At length, one morning, suddenly, as if recollecting something which had
been forgotten, Usbeck ordered his lords to summon Michel before them
and adjudge his cause. A tent was spread as a tribunal of justice, near the
tent of the khan; and the unhappy prince, bound with cords, was led before
his judges. He was accused of the unpardonable crime of having drawn his
sword against the soldiers of the khan. No justification could be offered.
promptly to the court of the khan, Usbeck, who was then encamped, with a
numerous army, upon the shores of the Caspian Sea. Soon an embassador of
the khan arrived at Vladimir, and informed Michel that Usbeck was
exasperated against him to the highest degree.
"Hasten," said he, "to the court of the great khan, or within a month you
will see your provinces inundated by his troops. Think of your peril, when
Kavgadi has informed Usbeck that you have dared to resist his authority."
Terrified by these words, the nobles of Michel entreated him not to place
himself in the power of the khan, but to allow some one of them to visit the
horde, as it was then called, in his stead, and endeavor to appease the wrath
of the monarch.
"No," replied the high-minded prince; "Usbeck demands my presence not
yours. Far be it from me, by my disobedience, to expose my country to ruin.
If I resist the commands of the khan, my country will be doomed to new
woes; thousands of Christians will perish, the victims of his fury. It is
impossible for us to repel the forces of the Tartars. What other asylum is
there then for me but death? Is it not better for me to die, if I may thus save
the lives of my faithful subjects?"
He made his will, divided his estates among his sons, and entreating them
ever to be faithful to the dictates of virtue, bade them an eternal adieu.
Michel encountered the khan near the mouth of the Don, as it enters the Sea
of Azof. Usbeck was on a magnificent hunting excursion, accompanied by
his chieftains and his army. For six weeks he did not deign, to pay any
attention to the Russian prince, not even condescending to order him to be
guarded. The rich presents Michel had brought, in token of homage, were
neither received nor rejected, but were merely disregarded as of no moment
whatever.
At length, one morning, suddenly, as if recollecting something which had
been forgotten, Usbeck ordered his lords to summon Michel before them
and adjudge his cause. A tent was spread as a tribunal of justice, near the
tent of the khan; and the unhappy prince, bound with cords, was led before
his judges. He was accused of the unpardonable crime of having drawn his
sword against the soldiers of the khan. No justification could be offered.
Page 120
Michel was cruelly fettered with chains and thrown into a dungeon. An
enormous collar of iron was riveted around his neck.
Usbeck then set out for the chase, on an expedition which was to last for
one or two months. The annals of the time describe this expedition with
great particularity, presenting a scene of pomp almost surpassing credence.
Some allowance must doubtless be made for exaggeration; and yet there is
a minuteness of detail which, accompanied by corroborative evidence of the
populousness and the power of these Tartar tribes, invests the narrative with
a good degree of authenticity. We are informed that several hundreds of
thousands of men were in movement; that each soldier was clothed in rich
uniform and mounted upon a beautiful horse; that merchants transported, in
innumerable chariots, the most precious fabrics of Greece and of the Indies,
and that luxury and gayety reigned throughout the immense camp, which, in
the midst of savage deserts, presented the aspect of brilliant and populous
cities. Michel, who was awaiting his sentence from Usbeck, was dragged,
loaded with chains, in the train of the horde. Georges was in high favor with
the khan, and was importunately urging the condemnation of his rival.
With wonderful fortitude the prince endured his humiliation and tortures.
The nobles who had accompanied him were plunged into inconsolable
grief. Michel endeavored to solace them. He manifested, through the whole
of this terrible trial, the spirit of the Christian, passing whole nights in
prayer and in chanting the Psalms of David. As his hands were bound, one
of his pages held the sacred book before him. His faithful followers urged
him to take advantage of the confusion and tumult of the camp to effect his
escape. "Never," exclaimed Michel, "will I degrade myself by flight.
Moreover, should I escape, that would save me only, not my country. God's
will be done."
The horde was now encamped among the mountains of Circassia. It was the
22d of November, 1319, when, just after morning prayers, which were
conducted by an abbé and two priests, who accompanied the Russian
prince, Michel was informed that Usbeck had sentenced him to death. He
immediately called his young son Constantin, a lad twelve years of age, into
his presence, and gave his last directions to his wife and children.
enormous collar of iron was riveted around his neck.
Usbeck then set out for the chase, on an expedition which was to last for
one or two months. The annals of the time describe this expedition with
great particularity, presenting a scene of pomp almost surpassing credence.
Some allowance must doubtless be made for exaggeration; and yet there is
a minuteness of detail which, accompanied by corroborative evidence of the
populousness and the power of these Tartar tribes, invests the narrative with
a good degree of authenticity. We are informed that several hundreds of
thousands of men were in movement; that each soldier was clothed in rich
uniform and mounted upon a beautiful horse; that merchants transported, in
innumerable chariots, the most precious fabrics of Greece and of the Indies,
and that luxury and gayety reigned throughout the immense camp, which, in
the midst of savage deserts, presented the aspect of brilliant and populous
cities. Michel, who was awaiting his sentence from Usbeck, was dragged,
loaded with chains, in the train of the horde. Georges was in high favor with
the khan, and was importunately urging the condemnation of his rival.
With wonderful fortitude the prince endured his humiliation and tortures.
The nobles who had accompanied him were plunged into inconsolable
grief. Michel endeavored to solace them. He manifested, through the whole
of this terrible trial, the spirit of the Christian, passing whole nights in
prayer and in chanting the Psalms of David. As his hands were bound, one
of his pages held the sacred book before him. His faithful followers urged
him to take advantage of the confusion and tumult of the camp to effect his
escape. "Never," exclaimed Michel, "will I degrade myself by flight.
Moreover, should I escape, that would save me only, not my country. God's
will be done."
The horde was now encamped among the mountains of Circassia. It was the
22d of November, 1319, when, just after morning prayers, which were
conducted by an abbé and two priests, who accompanied the Russian
prince, Michel was informed that Usbeck had sentenced him to death. He
immediately called his young son Constantin, a lad twelve years of age, into
his presence, and gave his last directions to his wife and children.
Page 121
"Say to them," enjoined this Christian prince, "that I go down into the tomb
cherishing for them the most ardent affection. I recommend to their care the
generous nobles, the faithful servants who have manifested so much zeal
for their sovereign, both when he was upon the throne and when in chains."
These thoughts of home overwhelmed him, and, for a moment losing his
fortitude, he burst into tears. Causing the Bible to be opened to the Psalms
of David, which, in all ages, have been the great fountain of consolation to
the afflicted, he read from the fifty-sixth Psalm, fifth verse, "Fearfulness
and trembling are come upon me, and horror hath overwhelmed me."
"Prince," said the abbé, "in the same Psalm with which you are so familiar,
are the words, 'Cast thy burden upon the Lord, and he shall sustain thee. He
shall never suffer the righteous to be moved.'"
Michel simply replied by quoting again from the same inspired page: "Oh
that I had wings like a dove; for then would I fly away and be at rest."
At that moment one of the pages entered the tent, pale and trembling, and
informed that a great crowd of people were approaching. "I know why they
are coming," said the prince, and he immediately sent his young son away
on a message, that the child might not witness the cruel execution of his
father. Two brawny barbarians entered the tent. As the prince was fervently
praying, they smote him down with clubs, trampled him beneath their feet,
and then plunged a poignard into his heart. The crowd which had followed
the executioners, according to their custom rushed into the royal tent for
pillage. The gory body was left in the hands of the Russian nobles. They
enveloped the remains in precious clothes, and bore them with affectionate
care back to Moscow.
Georges, now confirmed in the dignity of grand prince by the khan,
returned to Vladimir, where he established his government, sending his
brother to Novgorod to reign over that principality in his name. Dmitri, and
others of the sons of Michel, for several years waged implacable warfare
against Georges, with but little success. The khan, however, did not deign to
interfere in a strife which caused him no trouble. But in the year 1325
Georges again went to the horde on the eastern banks of the Caspian. At the
same time, Dmitri appeared in the encampment. Meeting Georges
accidentally, whom he justly regarded as the murderer of his father, he drew
cherishing for them the most ardent affection. I recommend to their care the
generous nobles, the faithful servants who have manifested so much zeal
for their sovereign, both when he was upon the throne and when in chains."
These thoughts of home overwhelmed him, and, for a moment losing his
fortitude, he burst into tears. Causing the Bible to be opened to the Psalms
of David, which, in all ages, have been the great fountain of consolation to
the afflicted, he read from the fifty-sixth Psalm, fifth verse, "Fearfulness
and trembling are come upon me, and horror hath overwhelmed me."
"Prince," said the abbé, "in the same Psalm with which you are so familiar,
are the words, 'Cast thy burden upon the Lord, and he shall sustain thee. He
shall never suffer the righteous to be moved.'"
Michel simply replied by quoting again from the same inspired page: "Oh
that I had wings like a dove; for then would I fly away and be at rest."
At that moment one of the pages entered the tent, pale and trembling, and
informed that a great crowd of people were approaching. "I know why they
are coming," said the prince, and he immediately sent his young son away
on a message, that the child might not witness the cruel execution of his
father. Two brawny barbarians entered the tent. As the prince was fervently
praying, they smote him down with clubs, trampled him beneath their feet,
and then plunged a poignard into his heart. The crowd which had followed
the executioners, according to their custom rushed into the royal tent for
pillage. The gory body was left in the hands of the Russian nobles. They
enveloped the remains in precious clothes, and bore them with affectionate
care back to Moscow.
Georges, now confirmed in the dignity of grand prince by the khan,
returned to Vladimir, where he established his government, sending his
brother to Novgorod to reign over that principality in his name. Dmitri, and
others of the sons of Michel, for several years waged implacable warfare
against Georges, with but little success. The khan, however, did not deign to
interfere in a strife which caused him no trouble. But in the year 1325
Georges again went to the horde on the eastern banks of the Caspian. At the
same time, Dmitri appeared in the encampment. Meeting Georges
accidentally, whom he justly regarded as the murderer of his father, he drew
Page 122
his sword, and plunged it to the hilt in the heart of the grand prince. The
khan, accustomed to such deeds of violence, was not disposed to punish the
son who had thus avenged the death of his father. But the friends of
Georges so importunately urged that to pardon such a crime would be an
ineffaceable stain upon his honor, would be an indication of weakness, and
would encourage the Russian princes in the commission of other outrages,
that after the lapse of ten months, during which time Dmitri had been
detained a captive, Usbeck ordered his execution, and the unfortunate
prince was beheaded. Dmitri was then but twenty-seven years of age.
And yet Usbeck seems to have had some regard for the cause of the young
prince, for he immediately appointed Alexander, a brother of Dmitri, and
son of Michel, to succeed Georges in the grand principality. The
Novgorodians promptly received him as their ruler. Affairs wore in this
State when, at the close of the summer of 1327, an embassador of Usbeck
appeared, with a band of Tartars, and entered the royal city of Tver, which
was the residence of Alexander. The principality of the Tver was spread
along the head waters of the Volga, just north of the principality of Moscow.
The report spread through the city that the Mogol embassador, Schevkal,
who was a zealous Mohammedan, had come to convert the Russians to
Mohammedanism, that he intended the death of Alexander, to ascend the
throne himself, and to distribute the cities of the principality to his
followers.
The Tverians, in a paroxysm of terror and despair, rallied for the support of
their prince and their religion. In a terrible tumult all the inhabitants rose
and precipated themselves upon the embassador and his valiant body guard.
From morning until night the battle raged in the streets of Tver. The Tartars,
overpowered by numbers, and greatly weakened by losses during the day,
took refuge in a palace. The citizens set the palace on fire, and every Tartar
perished, either consumed by the flames or cut down by the Russians.
When Usbeck heard of this event, he was, at first, stupefied by the audacity
of the deed. He imagined that all Russia was in the conspiracy, and that
there was to be a general rising to throw off the Tartar yoke. Still Usbeck,
with his characteristic sagacity, decided to employ the Russians to subdue
the Russians. He at once deposed and outlawed Alexander, and declared
Jean Danielovitch, of Moscow, to be grand prince, who promised the most
khan, accustomed to such deeds of violence, was not disposed to punish the
son who had thus avenged the death of his father. But the friends of
Georges so importunately urged that to pardon such a crime would be an
ineffaceable stain upon his honor, would be an indication of weakness, and
would encourage the Russian princes in the commission of other outrages,
that after the lapse of ten months, during which time Dmitri had been
detained a captive, Usbeck ordered his execution, and the unfortunate
prince was beheaded. Dmitri was then but twenty-seven years of age.
And yet Usbeck seems to have had some regard for the cause of the young
prince, for he immediately appointed Alexander, a brother of Dmitri, and
son of Michel, to succeed Georges in the grand principality. The
Novgorodians promptly received him as their ruler. Affairs wore in this
State when, at the close of the summer of 1327, an embassador of Usbeck
appeared, with a band of Tartars, and entered the royal city of Tver, which
was the residence of Alexander. The principality of the Tver was spread
along the head waters of the Volga, just north of the principality of Moscow.
The report spread through the city that the Mogol embassador, Schevkal,
who was a zealous Mohammedan, had come to convert the Russians to
Mohammedanism, that he intended the death of Alexander, to ascend the
throne himself, and to distribute the cities of the principality to his
followers.
The Tverians, in a paroxysm of terror and despair, rallied for the support of
their prince and their religion. In a terrible tumult all the inhabitants rose
and precipated themselves upon the embassador and his valiant body guard.
From morning until night the battle raged in the streets of Tver. The Tartars,
overpowered by numbers, and greatly weakened by losses during the day,
took refuge in a palace. The citizens set the palace on fire, and every Tartar
perished, either consumed by the flames or cut down by the Russians.
When Usbeck heard of this event, he was, at first, stupefied by the audacity
of the deed. He imagined that all Russia was in the conspiracy, and that
there was to be a general rising to throw off the Tartar yoke. Still Usbeck,
with his characteristic sagacity, decided to employ the Russians to subdue
the Russians. He at once deposed and outlawed Alexander, and declared
Jean Danielovitch, of Moscow, to be grand prince, who promised the most
Page 123
obsequious obedience to his wishes. At the same time he sent an army of
fifty-thousand Tartars to coöperate with the Russian army, which Jean
Danielovitch was commanded to put in motion for the invasion of the
principality of Tver. It was in vain to think of resistance, and Alexander
fled. The invading army, with awful devastation, ravaged the principality.
Multitudes were slain. Others were dragged into captivity. The smoking
ruins of the cities and villages of Tver became the monument of the wrath
of the khan. Alexander, pursued by the implacable wrath of Usbeck, was
finally taken and beheaded.
But few particulars are known respecting the condition of southern Russia
at this time. The principalities were under the government of princes who
were all tributary to the Tartars, and yet these princes were incessantly
quarreling with one another, and the whole country was the scene of
violence and blood.
The energies of the Tartar horde were now engrossed by internal
dissensions and oriental wars, and for many years, the conquerors still
drawing their annual tribute from the country, but in no other way
interfering with its concerns, devoted all their energies to conspiracies and
bloody battles among themselves. Moscow now became the capital of the
country, and under the peaceful reign of Jean, increased rapidly in wealth
and splendor. Jean, acting professedly as the agent of Usbeck, extorted from
many of the principalities double tribute, one half of which he furtively
appropriated to the increase of the wealth, splendor and power of his own
dominions. His reign was on the whole one of the most prosperous Russia
had enjoyed for ages. Agriculture and commerce flourished. The Volga was
covered with boats, conveying to the Caspian the furs and manufactures of
the North, and laden, on their return, with the spices and fabrics of the
Indies. On the 31st of March, 1340, Jean died. As he felt the approach of
death his spirit was overawed by the realities of the eternal world. Laying
aside his regal robes he assumed the dress of a monk, and entering a
monastery, devoted his last days zealously to prayer. His end was peace.
Immediately after his death there were several princes who were ambitious
of grasping the scepter which he had dropped, and, as Usbeck alone could
settle that question, there was a general rush to the horde. Simeon, the
eldest son of Jean, and his brothers, were among the foremost who
fifty-thousand Tartars to coöperate with the Russian army, which Jean
Danielovitch was commanded to put in motion for the invasion of the
principality of Tver. It was in vain to think of resistance, and Alexander
fled. The invading army, with awful devastation, ravaged the principality.
Multitudes were slain. Others were dragged into captivity. The smoking
ruins of the cities and villages of Tver became the monument of the wrath
of the khan. Alexander, pursued by the implacable wrath of Usbeck, was
finally taken and beheaded.
But few particulars are known respecting the condition of southern Russia
at this time. The principalities were under the government of princes who
were all tributary to the Tartars, and yet these princes were incessantly
quarreling with one another, and the whole country was the scene of
violence and blood.
The energies of the Tartar horde were now engrossed by internal
dissensions and oriental wars, and for many years, the conquerors still
drawing their annual tribute from the country, but in no other way
interfering with its concerns, devoted all their energies to conspiracies and
bloody battles among themselves. Moscow now became the capital of the
country, and under the peaceful reign of Jean, increased rapidly in wealth
and splendor. Jean, acting professedly as the agent of Usbeck, extorted from
many of the principalities double tribute, one half of which he furtively
appropriated to the increase of the wealth, splendor and power of his own
dominions. His reign was on the whole one of the most prosperous Russia
had enjoyed for ages. Agriculture and commerce flourished. The Volga was
covered with boats, conveying to the Caspian the furs and manufactures of
the North, and laden, on their return, with the spices and fabrics of the
Indies. On the 31st of March, 1340, Jean died. As he felt the approach of
death his spirit was overawed by the realities of the eternal world. Laying
aside his regal robes he assumed the dress of a monk, and entering a
monastery, devoted his last days zealously to prayer. His end was peace.
Immediately after his death there were several princes who were ambitious
of grasping the scepter which he had dropped, and, as Usbeck alone could
settle that question, there was a general rush to the horde. Simeon, the
eldest son of Jean, and his brothers, were among the foremost who
Page 124
presented themselves in the tent of the all-powerful khan. Simeon
eloquently urged the fidelity with which his father had always served the
Mogol prince, and he promised, in his turn, to do every thing in his power
to merit the favor of the khan. So successfully did he prosecute his suit that
the khan declared him to be grand prince, and commanded all his rivals to
obey him as their chief.
The manners of the barbarian Mogols had, for some time, been assuming a
marked change. They emerged from their native wilds as fierce and
untamed as wolves. The herds of cattle they drove along with them supplied
them with food, and the skins of these animals supplied them with clothing
and with tents. Their home was wherever they happened to be encamped,
but, having reached the banks of the Black Sea and the fertile valleys of the
Volga and the Don, they became acquainted with the luxuries of Europe and
of the more civilized portions of Asia. Commerce enriched them. Large
cities were erected, embellished by the genius of Grecian and Italian
architects. Life became more desirable, and the wealthy chieftains,
indulging in luxury, were less eager to encounter the exposure and perils of
battle. The love of wealth now became with them a ruling passion. For gold
they would grant any favors. The golden promises of Simeon completely
won the heart of Usbeck, and the young prince returned to Moscow flushed
with success. He assumed such airs of superiority and of power as secured
for him the title of The Superb. He caused himself to be crowned king, with
much religious pomp, in the cathedral of Vladimir. Novgorod manifested
some resistance to his assumptions. He instantly invaded the principality,
hewed down all opposition, and punished his opponents with such severity
that there was a simultaneous cry for mercy. Rapidly he extended his power,
and the fragmentary principalities of Russia began again to assume the
aspect of concentration and adhesion.
Ere two years had elapsed, Usbeck, the khan, died. This remarkable man
had been, for some time, the friend and the ally of Pope Benoit XII., who
had hoped to convert him to the Christian religion. The khan had even
allowed the pope to introduce Christianity to the Tartar territories bordering
on the Black Sea. Tchanibek, the oldest son of Usbeck, upon the death of
his father, assassinated his brothers, and thus attained the supreme authority.
He was a zealous Mohammedan, and commenced his reign by commanding
all the princes of the principalities of Russia to hasten to the horde and
eloquently urged the fidelity with which his father had always served the
Mogol prince, and he promised, in his turn, to do every thing in his power
to merit the favor of the khan. So successfully did he prosecute his suit that
the khan declared him to be grand prince, and commanded all his rivals to
obey him as their chief.
The manners of the barbarian Mogols had, for some time, been assuming a
marked change. They emerged from their native wilds as fierce and
untamed as wolves. The herds of cattle they drove along with them supplied
them with food, and the skins of these animals supplied them with clothing
and with tents. Their home was wherever they happened to be encamped,
but, having reached the banks of the Black Sea and the fertile valleys of the
Volga and the Don, they became acquainted with the luxuries of Europe and
of the more civilized portions of Asia. Commerce enriched them. Large
cities were erected, embellished by the genius of Grecian and Italian
architects. Life became more desirable, and the wealthy chieftains,
indulging in luxury, were less eager to encounter the exposure and perils of
battle. The love of wealth now became with them a ruling passion. For gold
they would grant any favors. The golden promises of Simeon completely
won the heart of Usbeck, and the young prince returned to Moscow flushed
with success. He assumed such airs of superiority and of power as secured
for him the title of The Superb. He caused himself to be crowned king, with
much religious pomp, in the cathedral of Vladimir. Novgorod manifested
some resistance to his assumptions. He instantly invaded the principality,
hewed down all opposition, and punished his opponents with such severity
that there was a simultaneous cry for mercy. Rapidly he extended his power,
and the fragmentary principalities of Russia began again to assume the
aspect of concentration and adhesion.
Ere two years had elapsed, Usbeck, the khan, died. This remarkable man
had been, for some time, the friend and the ally of Pope Benoit XII., who
had hoped to convert him to the Christian religion. The khan had even
allowed the pope to introduce Christianity to the Tartar territories bordering
on the Black Sea. Tchanibek, the oldest son of Usbeck, upon the death of
his father, assassinated his brothers, and thus attained the supreme authority.
He was a zealous Mohammedan, and commenced his reign by commanding
all the princes of the principalities of Russia to hasten to the horde and
Page 125
prostrate themselves, in token of homage, before his throne. The least delay
would subject the offender to confiscation and death. Simeon was one of
the first to do homage to the new khan. He was received with great favor,
and dismissed confirmed in all his privileges.
In the year 1346, one of the most desolating plagues recorded in history,
commenced its ravages in China, and swept over all Asia and nearly all
Europe. The disease is recorded in the ancient annals under the name of
Black Death. Thirteen millions of the population were, in the course of a
few months, swept into the grave. Entire cities were depopulated, and the
dead by thousands lay unburied. The pestilence swept with terrible fury the
encampments of the Tartars, and weakened that despotic power beyond all
recovery. But one third of the population of the principalities of Pskof and
of Novgorod were left living. At London fifty thousand were interred in a
single cemetery. The disease commenced with swellings on the fleshy parts
of the body, a violent spitting of blood ensued, which was followed by
death the second or third day.
It is impossible, according to the ancient annalists, to imagine a spectacle so
terrible. Young and old, fathers and children, were buried in the same grave.
Entire families disappeared in a day. Each curate found, every morning,
thirty dead bodies, often more, in his church. Greedy men at first offered
their services to the dying, hoping to obtain their estates, but when it was
found that the disease was communicated by touch, even the most wealthy
could obtain no aid. The son fled from the father. The brother avoided the
brother. Still there were not a few examples of the most generous and self-
sacrificing devotion. Medical skill was of no avail whatever, and the
churches were thronged with the multitudes who, in the midst of the dying
and the dead, were crying to God for aid. Multitudes in their terror
bequeathed all their property to the church, and sought refuge in the
monasteries. It truth, it appeared as if Heaven had pronounced the sentence
of immediate death upon the whole human family.
Five times, during his short reign, Simeon was compelled to repair to the
horde, to remove suspicions and appease displeasure. He at length so far
ingratiated himself into favor with the khan, that the Tartar sovereign
conferred upon him the title of Grand Prince of all the Russias. The death of
Simeon in the year 1353, caused a general rush of the princes of the several
would subject the offender to confiscation and death. Simeon was one of
the first to do homage to the new khan. He was received with great favor,
and dismissed confirmed in all his privileges.
In the year 1346, one of the most desolating plagues recorded in history,
commenced its ravages in China, and swept over all Asia and nearly all
Europe. The disease is recorded in the ancient annals under the name of
Black Death. Thirteen millions of the population were, in the course of a
few months, swept into the grave. Entire cities were depopulated, and the
dead by thousands lay unburied. The pestilence swept with terrible fury the
encampments of the Tartars, and weakened that despotic power beyond all
recovery. But one third of the population of the principalities of Pskof and
of Novgorod were left living. At London fifty thousand were interred in a
single cemetery. The disease commenced with swellings on the fleshy parts
of the body, a violent spitting of blood ensued, which was followed by
death the second or third day.
It is impossible, according to the ancient annalists, to imagine a spectacle so
terrible. Young and old, fathers and children, were buried in the same grave.
Entire families disappeared in a day. Each curate found, every morning,
thirty dead bodies, often more, in his church. Greedy men at first offered
their services to the dying, hoping to obtain their estates, but when it was
found that the disease was communicated by touch, even the most wealthy
could obtain no aid. The son fled from the father. The brother avoided the
brother. Still there were not a few examples of the most generous and self-
sacrificing devotion. Medical skill was of no avail whatever, and the
churches were thronged with the multitudes who, in the midst of the dying
and the dead, were crying to God for aid. Multitudes in their terror
bequeathed all their property to the church, and sought refuge in the
monasteries. It truth, it appeared as if Heaven had pronounced the sentence
of immediate death upon the whole human family.
Five times, during his short reign, Simeon was compelled to repair to the
horde, to remove suspicions and appease displeasure. He at length so far
ingratiated himself into favor with the khan, that the Tartar sovereign
conferred upon him the title of Grand Prince of all the Russias. The death of
Simeon in the year 1353, caused a general rush of the princes of the several
Page 126
principalities to the Tartar horde, each emulous of being appointed his
successor. Tchanibek, the khan, after suitable deliberation, conferred the
dignity upon Jean Ivanovitch of Moscow. His reign of six years was
disturbed by a multiplicity of intestine feuds, but no events occurred worthy
of record. He died in 1359.
Again the Russian princes crowded to the horde, as, in every age, office
seekers have thronged the court. The khan, after due deliberation, conferred
the investiture of the grand principality upon Dmitri of Souzdal, though the
appointment was received with great dissatisfaction by the other princes.
But now the power of the Tartars was rapidly on the decline. Assassination
succeeded assassination, one chieftain after another securing the
assassination of his rival and with bloody hands ascending the Mogol
throne. The swords of the Mogol warriors were turned against each other, as
rival chieftains rallied their followers for attack or defense. Civil war raged
among these fierce bands with most terrible ferocity. Famine and pestilence
followed the ravages of the sword.
While the horde was in this state of distraction, antagonistic khans began to
court the aid of the Russian princes, and a successful Tartar chieftain, who
had poignarded his rival, and thus attained the throne, deposed Dmitri of
Souzdal, and declared a young prince, Dmitri of Moscow, to be sovereign
of Russia. But as the khan, whose whole energies were required to retain his
disputed throne, could send no army into Russia to enforce this decree,
Dmitri of Souzdal paid but little attention to the paper edict. Immediately
the Russian princes arrayed themselves on different sides. The conflict was
short, but decisive, and the victorious prince of Moscow was crowned as
sovereign. The light of a resurrection morning was now dawning upon the
Russian monarchy. There were, fortunately, at this time, two rival khans
beyond the waves of the Caspian opposing each other with bloody cimeters.
The energetic young prince, by fortunate marriage, and by the success of his
arms, rapidly extended his authority. But again the awful plague swept
Russia. The annalists of those days thus describe the symptoms and the
character of the malady:
"One felt himself suddenly struck as by a knife plunged into the heart
through the shoulder blades or between the two shoulders. An intense fire
seemed to burn the entrails; blood flowed freely from the throat; a violent
successor. Tchanibek, the khan, after suitable deliberation, conferred the
dignity upon Jean Ivanovitch of Moscow. His reign of six years was
disturbed by a multiplicity of intestine feuds, but no events occurred worthy
of record. He died in 1359.
Again the Russian princes crowded to the horde, as, in every age, office
seekers have thronged the court. The khan, after due deliberation, conferred
the investiture of the grand principality upon Dmitri of Souzdal, though the
appointment was received with great dissatisfaction by the other princes.
But now the power of the Tartars was rapidly on the decline. Assassination
succeeded assassination, one chieftain after another securing the
assassination of his rival and with bloody hands ascending the Mogol
throne. The swords of the Mogol warriors were turned against each other, as
rival chieftains rallied their followers for attack or defense. Civil war raged
among these fierce bands with most terrible ferocity. Famine and pestilence
followed the ravages of the sword.
While the horde was in this state of distraction, antagonistic khans began to
court the aid of the Russian princes, and a successful Tartar chieftain, who
had poignarded his rival, and thus attained the throne, deposed Dmitri of
Souzdal, and declared a young prince, Dmitri of Moscow, to be sovereign
of Russia. But as the khan, whose whole energies were required to retain his
disputed throne, could send no army into Russia to enforce this decree,
Dmitri of Souzdal paid but little attention to the paper edict. Immediately
the Russian princes arrayed themselves on different sides. The conflict was
short, but decisive, and the victorious prince of Moscow was crowned as
sovereign. The light of a resurrection morning was now dawning upon the
Russian monarchy. There were, fortunately, at this time, two rival khans
beyond the waves of the Caspian opposing each other with bloody cimeters.
The energetic young prince, by fortunate marriage, and by the success of his
arms, rapidly extended his authority. But again the awful plague swept
Russia. The annalists of those days thus describe the symptoms and the
character of the malady:
"One felt himself suddenly struck as by a knife plunged into the heart
through the shoulder blades or between the two shoulders. An intense fire
seemed to burn the entrails; blood flowed freely from the throat; a violent
Page 127
perspiration ensued, followed by severe chills; tumors gathered upon the
neck, the hip, under the arms or behind the shoulder blades. The end was
invariably the same—death, inevitable, speedy, but terrible."
Out of a hundred persons, frequently not more than ten would be left alive.
Moscow was almost depopulated. In Smolensk but five individuals escaped,
and they were compelled to abandon the city, the houses and the streets
being encumbered with the putrefying bodies of the dead.[2] Just before this
disaster, Moscow suffered severely from a conflagration. The imperial
palace and a large portion of the city were laid in ashes. The prince then
resolved to construct a Kremlin of stone, and he laid the foundations of a
gorgeous palace in the year 1367.
Dmitri now began to bid defiance to the Tartars, doubly weakened by the
sweep of the pestilence and by internal discord. There were a few minor
conflicts, in which the Russians were victorious, and, elated by success,
they began to rally for a united effort to shake off the degrading Mogol
yoke. Three bands of the Tartars were encamped at the mouth of the
Dnieper. The Russians descended the river in barges, assailed them with the
valor which their fathers had displayed, and drove the pagans, in wild rout,
to the shores of the Sea of Azof.
The Tartars, astounded at such unprecedented audacity, forgetting, for the
time, their personal animosities, collected a large army, and commenced a
march upon Moscow. The grand prince dispatched his couriers in every
direction to assemble the princes of the empire with all the soldiers they
could bring into the field. Again the Tartars were repulsed. For many years
the Tartars had been in possession of Bulgaria, an extensive region east of
the Volga. In the year 1376, the grand prince, Dmitri, fitted out an
expedition for the reconquest of that country. The Russian arms were
signally successful. The Tartars, beaten on all hands, their cities burned,
their boats destroyed, were compelled to submit to the conqueror. A large
sum of money was extorted from them to be distributed among the troops.
They were forced to acknowledge themselves, in their turn, tributary to
Russia, and to accept Russian magistrates for the government of their cities.
Encouraged by this success, the grand prince made arrangements for other
exploits. A border warfare ensued, which was continued for several years
neck, the hip, under the arms or behind the shoulder blades. The end was
invariably the same—death, inevitable, speedy, but terrible."
Out of a hundred persons, frequently not more than ten would be left alive.
Moscow was almost depopulated. In Smolensk but five individuals escaped,
and they were compelled to abandon the city, the houses and the streets
being encumbered with the putrefying bodies of the dead.[2] Just before this
disaster, Moscow suffered severely from a conflagration. The imperial
palace and a large portion of the city were laid in ashes. The prince then
resolved to construct a Kremlin of stone, and he laid the foundations of a
gorgeous palace in the year 1367.
Dmitri now began to bid defiance to the Tartars, doubly weakened by the
sweep of the pestilence and by internal discord. There were a few minor
conflicts, in which the Russians were victorious, and, elated by success,
they began to rally for a united effort to shake off the degrading Mogol
yoke. Three bands of the Tartars were encamped at the mouth of the
Dnieper. The Russians descended the river in barges, assailed them with the
valor which their fathers had displayed, and drove the pagans, in wild rout,
to the shores of the Sea of Azof.
The Tartars, astounded at such unprecedented audacity, forgetting, for the
time, their personal animosities, collected a large army, and commenced a
march upon Moscow. The grand prince dispatched his couriers in every
direction to assemble the princes of the empire with all the soldiers they
could bring into the field. Again the Tartars were repulsed. For many years
the Tartars had been in possession of Bulgaria, an extensive region east of
the Volga. In the year 1376, the grand prince, Dmitri, fitted out an
expedition for the reconquest of that country. The Russian arms were
signally successful. The Tartars, beaten on all hands, their cities burned,
their boats destroyed, were compelled to submit to the conqueror. A large
sum of money was extorted from them to be distributed among the troops.
They were forced to acknowledge themselves, in their turn, tributary to
Russia, and to accept Russian magistrates for the government of their cities.
Encouraged by this success, the grand prince made arrangements for other
exploits. A border warfare ensued, which was continued for several years
Page 128
with alternating success and with great ferocity. Neither party spared age or
sex, and cities and villages were indiscriminately committed to the flames.
Russia was soon alarmed by the rumor that Mamai, a Tartar chieftain, was
approaching the frontiers of Russia with one of the largest armies the
Mogols had ever raised. This intelligence roused the Russians to the highest
pitch of energy to meet their foes in a decisive battle. An immense force
was soon assembled at Moscow from all parts of the kingdom. After having
completed all his arrangements, Dmitri, with his chief captains, repaired to
the church of the Trinity to receive the benediction of the metropolitan
bishop.
"You will triumph," said the venerable ecclesiastic, "but only after terrible
carnage. You will vanquish the enemy, but your laurels will be sprinkled
with the blood of a vast number of Christian heroes."
The troops, accompanied by ecclesiastics who bore the banners of the cross,
passed out at the gate of the Kremlin. As the majestic host defiled from the
city, the grand prince passed the hours in the church of Saint Michael,
kneeling upon the tomb of his ancestors, fervently imploring the blessing of
Heaven. Animated by the strength which prayer ever gives, he embraced his
wife, saying, "God will be our defender," and then, mounting his horse,
placed himself at the head of his army. It was a beautiful summer's day,
calm, serene and cloudless, and the whole army were sanguine in the hope
that God would smile upon their enterprise. Marching nearly south, along
the valley of the Moskwa, they reached, in a few days, the large city of
Kolomna, a hundred miles distant, on the banks of the Oka. Here they were
joined by several confederate princes, with their contingents of troops,
swelling the army to one hundred and fifty thousand men. Seventy-five
thousand of these were cavalry, superbly mounted. Never had Russia, even
in her days of greatest splendor, witnessed a more magnificent array.
Mamai, the Tartar khan, had assembled the horde, in numbers which he
deemed overwhelming, on the waters of the Don. Resolved not to await the
irruption of the foe, on the 20th of August, Dmitri, with his army, crossed
the Oka, and pressed forward towards the valley of the Don. They reached
this stream on the 6th of September. Soon detachments of the advanced
guards of the two armies met, and several skirmishes ensued. Dmitri
assembled his generals in solemn conclave, and saying to them, "The hour
sex, and cities and villages were indiscriminately committed to the flames.
Russia was soon alarmed by the rumor that Mamai, a Tartar chieftain, was
approaching the frontiers of Russia with one of the largest armies the
Mogols had ever raised. This intelligence roused the Russians to the highest
pitch of energy to meet their foes in a decisive battle. An immense force
was soon assembled at Moscow from all parts of the kingdom. After having
completed all his arrangements, Dmitri, with his chief captains, repaired to
the church of the Trinity to receive the benediction of the metropolitan
bishop.
"You will triumph," said the venerable ecclesiastic, "but only after terrible
carnage. You will vanquish the enemy, but your laurels will be sprinkled
with the blood of a vast number of Christian heroes."
The troops, accompanied by ecclesiastics who bore the banners of the cross,
passed out at the gate of the Kremlin. As the majestic host defiled from the
city, the grand prince passed the hours in the church of Saint Michael,
kneeling upon the tomb of his ancestors, fervently imploring the blessing of
Heaven. Animated by the strength which prayer ever gives, he embraced his
wife, saying, "God will be our defender," and then, mounting his horse,
placed himself at the head of his army. It was a beautiful summer's day,
calm, serene and cloudless, and the whole army were sanguine in the hope
that God would smile upon their enterprise. Marching nearly south, along
the valley of the Moskwa, they reached, in a few days, the large city of
Kolomna, a hundred miles distant, on the banks of the Oka. Here they were
joined by several confederate princes, with their contingents of troops,
swelling the army to one hundred and fifty thousand men. Seventy-five
thousand of these were cavalry, superbly mounted. Never had Russia, even
in her days of greatest splendor, witnessed a more magnificent array.
Mamai, the Tartar khan, had assembled the horde, in numbers which he
deemed overwhelming, on the waters of the Don. Resolved not to await the
irruption of the foe, on the 20th of August, Dmitri, with his army, crossed
the Oka, and pressed forward towards the valley of the Don. They reached
this stream on the 6th of September. Soon detachments of the advanced
guards of the two armies met, and several skirmishes ensued. Dmitri
assembled his generals in solemn conclave, and saying to them, "The hour
Page 129
of God's judgment has sounded," gave minute directions for the conflict.
Aided by a dense fog, which concealed their operations from the view of
the enemy, the army crossed the Don, the cavalry fording the stream, while
the infantry passed over by a hastily-constructed bridge. Dmitri deployed
his columns in battle array upon the vast plain of Koulikof. A mound of
earth was thrown up, that Dmitri, upon its summit, might overlook the
whole plain.
As the Russian prince stood upon this pyramid and contemplated his army,
there was spread before him such a spectacle as mortal eyes have seldom
seen. A hundred and fifty thousand men were marshaled on the plain. It was
the morning of the 8th of September, 1380. Thousands of banners fluttered
in the breeze. The polished armor of the cavaliers, cuirass, spear and
helmet, glittered in the rays of the sun. Seventy-five thousand steeds,
gorgeously caparisoned, were neighing and prancing over the verdant
savanna. The soldiers, according to their custom, shouted the prayer, which
rose like the roar of many waters, "Great God, grant to our sovereign the
victory." The whole sublime scene moved the soul of Dmitry to its
profoundest depths; and as he reflected that in a few hours perhaps the
greater portion of that multitude might lie dead upon the field, tears gushed
from his eyes, and kneeling upon the summit of the mound, in the presence
of the whole army, he extended his hands towards heaven in a fervent
prayer that God would protect Russia and Christianity from the heel of the
infidel. Then, mounting his horse, he rode along the ranks, exclaiming,
"My brothers dearly beloved; my faithful companions in arms: by your
exploits this day you will live for ever in the memory of men; and those of
you who fall will find, beyond the tomb, the crown of martyrs."
The Tartar host approached upon the boundless plain slowly and cautiously,
but in numbers even exceeding those of the Russians. Notwithstanding the
most earnest remonstrances of his generals, Dmitri led the charge, exposing
himself to every peril which the humblest soldier was called to meet.
"It is not in me," said he, "to seek a place of safety while crying out to you,
'My brothers, let us die for our country!' My actions shall correspond with
my words. I am your chief. I will be your guide. I will go in advance, and, if
I die, it is for you to avenge me."
Aided by a dense fog, which concealed their operations from the view of
the enemy, the army crossed the Don, the cavalry fording the stream, while
the infantry passed over by a hastily-constructed bridge. Dmitri deployed
his columns in battle array upon the vast plain of Koulikof. A mound of
earth was thrown up, that Dmitri, upon its summit, might overlook the
whole plain.
As the Russian prince stood upon this pyramid and contemplated his army,
there was spread before him such a spectacle as mortal eyes have seldom
seen. A hundred and fifty thousand men were marshaled on the plain. It was
the morning of the 8th of September, 1380. Thousands of banners fluttered
in the breeze. The polished armor of the cavaliers, cuirass, spear and
helmet, glittered in the rays of the sun. Seventy-five thousand steeds,
gorgeously caparisoned, were neighing and prancing over the verdant
savanna. The soldiers, according to their custom, shouted the prayer, which
rose like the roar of many waters, "Great God, grant to our sovereign the
victory." The whole sublime scene moved the soul of Dmitry to its
profoundest depths; and as he reflected that in a few hours perhaps the
greater portion of that multitude might lie dead upon the field, tears gushed
from his eyes, and kneeling upon the summit of the mound, in the presence
of the whole army, he extended his hands towards heaven in a fervent
prayer that God would protect Russia and Christianity from the heel of the
infidel. Then, mounting his horse, he rode along the ranks, exclaiming,
"My brothers dearly beloved; my faithful companions in arms: by your
exploits this day you will live for ever in the memory of men; and those of
you who fall will find, beyond the tomb, the crown of martyrs."
The Tartar host approached upon the boundless plain slowly and cautiously,
but in numbers even exceeding those of the Russians. Notwithstanding the
most earnest remonstrances of his generals, Dmitri led the charge, exposing
himself to every peril which the humblest soldier was called to meet.
"It is not in me," said he, "to seek a place of safety while crying out to you,
'My brothers, let us die for our country!' My actions shall correspond with
my words. I am your chief. I will be your guide. I will go in advance, and, if
I die, it is for you to avenge me."
Page 130
Again ascending the mound, the king, with a loud voice, read the forty-sixth
Psalm: "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble.
Therefore will not we fear though the earth be removed, and though the
mountains be carried into the midst of the sea." The battle was immediately
commenced, with ferocity on both sides which has probably never been
surpassed. For three hours the two armies were blended in a hand to hand
fight, spreading over a space seven miles in length. Blood flowed in
torrents, and the sod was covered with the slain. Here the Russians were
victorious and the Tartars fled before them. There the Tartars, with frenzied
shouts, chased the Russians in awful rout over the plain. Dmitri had
stationed a strong reserve behind a forest. When both parties were utterly
exhausted, suddenly this reserve emerged from their retreat and rushed
upon the foe. Vladimir, the brother of Dmitri, led the charge. The Mogols,
surprised, confounded, overwhelmed and utterly routed, in the wildest
confusion, and with outcries which rent the heavens, turned and fled. "The
God of the Christians has conquered," exclaimed the Tartar chief, gnashing
his teeth in despair. The Tartars were hewed down by saber strokes from
unexhausted arms, and trampled beneath the hoofs of the war horse. The
entire camp of the horde, with immense booty of tents, chariots, horses,
camels, cattle and precious commodities of every kind, fell into the hands
of the captors.
The valorous prince Vladimir, the hero of the day, returned to the field of
battle, which his cavalry had swept like a tornado, and planting his banner
upon a mound, with signal trumpets, summoned the whole victorious host
to rally around it. The princes, the nobles, from every part of the extended
field, gathered beneath its folds. But to their consternation, the grand prince,
Dmitri, was missing. Amidst the surgings of the battle he had disappeared,
and was nowhere to be found.
———
[2] See Histoire de l'Empire de Russie, par M. Karamsin. Traduite par MM. St. Thomas et Jauffret.
Tome cinquieme, p. 10.
Psalm: "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble.
Therefore will not we fear though the earth be removed, and though the
mountains be carried into the midst of the sea." The battle was immediately
commenced, with ferocity on both sides which has probably never been
surpassed. For three hours the two armies were blended in a hand to hand
fight, spreading over a space seven miles in length. Blood flowed in
torrents, and the sod was covered with the slain. Here the Russians were
victorious and the Tartars fled before them. There the Tartars, with frenzied
shouts, chased the Russians in awful rout over the plain. Dmitri had
stationed a strong reserve behind a forest. When both parties were utterly
exhausted, suddenly this reserve emerged from their retreat and rushed
upon the foe. Vladimir, the brother of Dmitri, led the charge. The Mogols,
surprised, confounded, overwhelmed and utterly routed, in the wildest
confusion, and with outcries which rent the heavens, turned and fled. "The
God of the Christians has conquered," exclaimed the Tartar chief, gnashing
his teeth in despair. The Tartars were hewed down by saber strokes from
unexhausted arms, and trampled beneath the hoofs of the war horse. The
entire camp of the horde, with immense booty of tents, chariots, horses,
camels, cattle and precious commodities of every kind, fell into the hands
of the captors.
The valorous prince Vladimir, the hero of the day, returned to the field of
battle, which his cavalry had swept like a tornado, and planting his banner
upon a mound, with signal trumpets, summoned the whole victorious host
to rally around it. The princes, the nobles, from every part of the extended
field, gathered beneath its folds. But to their consternation, the grand prince,
Dmitri, was missing. Amidst the surgings of the battle he had disappeared,
and was nowhere to be found.
———
[2] See Histoire de l'Empire de Russie, par M. Karamsin. Traduite par MM. St. Thomas et Jauffret.
Tome cinquieme, p. 10.
Page 131
CHAPTER IX
DMITRI, VASSALI, AND THE MOGOL TAMERLANE.
From 1380 to 1462.
Recovery of Dmitri.—New Tartar invasion.—The Assault and Capture
of Moscow.—New Subjugation of the Russians.—Lithuania Embraces
Christianity.—Escape of Vassali From the Horde.—Death of Dmitri.—
Tamerlane—His Origin and Career.—His Invasion of India.—Defeat of
Bajazet.—Tamerlane Invades Russia.—Preparations for Resistance.—
Sudden Retreat of the Tartars.—Death of Vassali.—Accession of
Vassali Vassilievitch.—The Disputed Succession.—Appeal to the Khan.
—Rebellion of Youri.—Cruelty of Vassali.—The Retribution.
"Where is my brother?" exclaimed Vladimir; "where is he to whom we are
indebted for all this glory?" No one could give any information respecting
Dmitri. In the tumult he had disappeared. Sadly the chieftains dispersed
over the plain to search for him among the dead. After a long exploration,
two soldiers found him in the midst of a heap of the slain. Stunned by a
blow, he had fallen from his horse, and was apparently lifeless. As with
filial love they hung over his remains, bathing his bloody brow, he opened
his eyes. Gradually he recovered consciousness; and as he saw the
indications of triumph in the faces of his friends, heard the words of
assurance that he had gained the victory, and witnessed the Russian banners
all over the field, floating above the dead bodies of the Tartars, in a
transport of joy he folded his hands upon his breast, closed his eyes and
breathed forth a fervent, grateful prayer to God. The princes stood silently
and reverently by, as their sovereign thus returned thanks to Heaven.
Joy operated so effectually as a stimulus, that the prince, who had been
stunned, but not seriously wounded, mounted his horse and rode over the
hard-fought field. Though thousands of the Russians were silent in death,
the prince could count more than four times as many dead bodies of the
enemy. According to the annals of the time, a hundred thousand Tartars
were slain on that day. Couriers were immediately dispatched to all the
principalities with the joyful tidings. The anxiety had been so great, that,
DMITRI, VASSALI, AND THE MOGOL TAMERLANE.
From 1380 to 1462.
Recovery of Dmitri.—New Tartar invasion.—The Assault and Capture
of Moscow.—New Subjugation of the Russians.—Lithuania Embraces
Christianity.—Escape of Vassali From the Horde.—Death of Dmitri.—
Tamerlane—His Origin and Career.—His Invasion of India.—Defeat of
Bajazet.—Tamerlane Invades Russia.—Preparations for Resistance.—
Sudden Retreat of the Tartars.—Death of Vassali.—Accession of
Vassali Vassilievitch.—The Disputed Succession.—Appeal to the Khan.
—Rebellion of Youri.—Cruelty of Vassali.—The Retribution.
"Where is my brother?" exclaimed Vladimir; "where is he to whom we are
indebted for all this glory?" No one could give any information respecting
Dmitri. In the tumult he had disappeared. Sadly the chieftains dispersed
over the plain to search for him among the dead. After a long exploration,
two soldiers found him in the midst of a heap of the slain. Stunned by a
blow, he had fallen from his horse, and was apparently lifeless. As with
filial love they hung over his remains, bathing his bloody brow, he opened
his eyes. Gradually he recovered consciousness; and as he saw the
indications of triumph in the faces of his friends, heard the words of
assurance that he had gained the victory, and witnessed the Russian banners
all over the field, floating above the dead bodies of the Tartars, in a
transport of joy he folded his hands upon his breast, closed his eyes and
breathed forth a fervent, grateful prayer to God. The princes stood silently
and reverently by, as their sovereign thus returned thanks to Heaven.
Joy operated so effectually as a stimulus, that the prince, who had been
stunned, but not seriously wounded, mounted his horse and rode over the
hard-fought field. Though thousands of the Russians were silent in death,
the prince could count more than four times as many dead bodies of the
enemy. According to the annals of the time, a hundred thousand Tartars
were slain on that day. Couriers were immediately dispatched to all the
principalities with the joyful tidings. The anxiety had been so great, that,
Page 132
from the moment the army passed the Don, the churches had been thronged
by day and by night, and incessant prayers had ascended to heaven for its
success. No language can describe the enthusiasm which the glad tidings
inspired. It was felt that henceforth the prosperity, the glory, the
independence of Russia was secured for ever; that the supremacy of the
horde was annihilated; that the blood of the Christians, shed upon the plain
of Koulikof, was the last sacrifice Russia was doomed to make.
But in these anticipations, Russia was destined to be sadly disappointed.
Mamai, the discomfited Tartar chieftain, overwhelmed with shame and
rage, reached, with the wreck of his army, one of the great encampments of
the Tartars on the banks of the Volga. A new khan, the world-renowned
Tamerlane, now swayed the scepter of Tartar power. Two years were
devoted to immense preparations for the new invasion of Russia. Suddenly
and unexpectedly, Dmitri was informed that the Tartars were approaching in
strength unprecedented. Russia was unprepared for the attack, and terror
congealed all hearts. The invaders, crossing the Volga and the Oka, pressed
rapidly towards Moscow.
Dmitri, deeming it in vain to attempt the defense of the capital, fled, with
his wife and children, two hundred miles north, to the fortress of Kostroma.
A young prince, Ostei, was left in command of the city, with orders to hold
it to the last extremity against the Tartars, and with the assurance that the
king would return, as speedily as possible, with an army from Kostroma to
his relief. The panic in the city was fearful, and the gates were crowded, day
and night, by the women and children, the infirm and the timid seeking
safety in flight. Ostei made the most vigorous preparations for defense,
while the king, with untiring energy, was accumulating an army of relief.
The merchants and laborers from the neighboring villages, and even the
monks and priests crowded to Moscow, demanding arms for the defense of
the metropolis. From the battlements of the city, the advance of the
barbarians could be traced by the volumes of smoke which arose, as from a
furnace, through the day, and by the flames which flashed along the
horizon, from the burning cities and villages, through the night.
On the evening of the 23d of August, 1382, the Tartars appeared before the
gates of the city. Some of the chiefs rode slowly around the ramparts,
examining the ditch, the walls, the height of the towers, and selected the
by day and by night, and incessant prayers had ascended to heaven for its
success. No language can describe the enthusiasm which the glad tidings
inspired. It was felt that henceforth the prosperity, the glory, the
independence of Russia was secured for ever; that the supremacy of the
horde was annihilated; that the blood of the Christians, shed upon the plain
of Koulikof, was the last sacrifice Russia was doomed to make.
But in these anticipations, Russia was destined to be sadly disappointed.
Mamai, the discomfited Tartar chieftain, overwhelmed with shame and
rage, reached, with the wreck of his army, one of the great encampments of
the Tartars on the banks of the Volga. A new khan, the world-renowned
Tamerlane, now swayed the scepter of Tartar power. Two years were
devoted to immense preparations for the new invasion of Russia. Suddenly
and unexpectedly, Dmitri was informed that the Tartars were approaching in
strength unprecedented. Russia was unprepared for the attack, and terror
congealed all hearts. The invaders, crossing the Volga and the Oka, pressed
rapidly towards Moscow.
Dmitri, deeming it in vain to attempt the defense of the capital, fled, with
his wife and children, two hundred miles north, to the fortress of Kostroma.
A young prince, Ostei, was left in command of the city, with orders to hold
it to the last extremity against the Tartars, and with the assurance that the
king would return, as speedily as possible, with an army from Kostroma to
his relief. The panic in the city was fearful, and the gates were crowded, day
and night, by the women and children, the infirm and the timid seeking
safety in flight. Ostei made the most vigorous preparations for defense,
while the king, with untiring energy, was accumulating an army of relief.
The merchants and laborers from the neighboring villages, and even the
monks and priests crowded to Moscow, demanding arms for the defense of
the metropolis. From the battlements of the city, the advance of the
barbarians could be traced by the volumes of smoke which arose, as from a
furnace, through the day, and by the flames which flashed along the
horizon, from the burning cities and villages, through the night.
On the evening of the 23d of August, 1382, the Tartars appeared before the
gates of the city. Some of the chiefs rode slowly around the ramparts,
examining the ditch, the walls, the height of the towers, and selected the
Page 133
most favorable spot for commencing the assault. The Tartars did not appear
in such overwhelming numbers as report had taught the Russians to expect,
and they felt quite sanguine that they should be able to defend the city. But
the ensuing morning dispelled all these hopes. It then appeared that these
Tartars were but the advance guard of the great army. With the earliest
dawn, as far as the eye could reach, the inundation of warriors came rolling
on, and terror vanquished all hearts. This army was under the command of a
Tartar chieftain called Toktamonish. The assault was instantly commenced,
and continued without cessation four days and nights.
At length the city fell, vanquished, it is said, by stratagem rather than by
force. The Tartars clambering, by means of ten thousand ladders, over the
walls, and rushing through the gates, with no ear for mercy, commenced the
slaughter of the inhabitants. The city was set on fire in all directions, and a
scene of horror ensued indescribable and unimaginable. The barbarians,
laden with booty, and satiated with blood and carnage, encamped on the
plain outside of the walls, exulting in the entireness of their vengeance.
Moscow, the gorgeous capital, was no more. The dwellings of the city
became but the funeral pyre for the bodies of the inhabitants. The Tartars,
intoxicated with blood, dispersed over the whole principality; and all its
populous cities, Vladimir, Zvenigorod, Yourief, Mojaisk and Dmitrof,
experienced the same fate with that of Moscow. The khan then retired,
crossing the Oka at Kolomna.
Dmitri arrived with his army at Moscow, only to behold the ruins. The
enemy had already disappeared. In profoundest affliction, he gave orders
for the interment of the charred and blackened bodies of the dead. Eighty
thousand, by count, were interred, which number did not include the many
who had been consumed entirely by the conflagration. The walls of the city
and the towers of the Kremlin still remained. With great energy, the prince
devoted himself to the rebuilding and the repeopling of the capital; many
years, however, passed away ere it regained even the shadow of its former
splendor.
Thus again Russia, brought under the sway of the Tartars, was compelled to
pay tribute, and Dmitri was forced to send his own son to the horde, where
he was long detained as a hostage. The grand duchy of Lithuania, bordering
on Poland, was spread over a region of sixty thousand square miles. The
in such overwhelming numbers as report had taught the Russians to expect,
and they felt quite sanguine that they should be able to defend the city. But
the ensuing morning dispelled all these hopes. It then appeared that these
Tartars were but the advance guard of the great army. With the earliest
dawn, as far as the eye could reach, the inundation of warriors came rolling
on, and terror vanquished all hearts. This army was under the command of a
Tartar chieftain called Toktamonish. The assault was instantly commenced,
and continued without cessation four days and nights.
At length the city fell, vanquished, it is said, by stratagem rather than by
force. The Tartars clambering, by means of ten thousand ladders, over the
walls, and rushing through the gates, with no ear for mercy, commenced the
slaughter of the inhabitants. The city was set on fire in all directions, and a
scene of horror ensued indescribable and unimaginable. The barbarians,
laden with booty, and satiated with blood and carnage, encamped on the
plain outside of the walls, exulting in the entireness of their vengeance.
Moscow, the gorgeous capital, was no more. The dwellings of the city
became but the funeral pyre for the bodies of the inhabitants. The Tartars,
intoxicated with blood, dispersed over the whole principality; and all its
populous cities, Vladimir, Zvenigorod, Yourief, Mojaisk and Dmitrof,
experienced the same fate with that of Moscow. The khan then retired,
crossing the Oka at Kolomna.
Dmitri arrived with his army at Moscow, only to behold the ruins. The
enemy had already disappeared. In profoundest affliction, he gave orders
for the interment of the charred and blackened bodies of the dead. Eighty
thousand, by count, were interred, which number did not include the many
who had been consumed entirely by the conflagration. The walls of the city
and the towers of the Kremlin still remained. With great energy, the prince
devoted himself to the rebuilding and the repeopling of the capital; many
years, however, passed away ere it regained even the shadow of its former
splendor.
Thus again Russia, brought under the sway of the Tartars, was compelled to
pay tribute, and Dmitri was forced to send his own son to the horde, where
he was long detained as a hostage. The grand duchy of Lithuania, bordering
on Poland, was spread over a region of sixty thousand square miles. The
Page 134
grand duke, Jaghellon, a burly pagan, had married Hedwige, Queen of
Poland, promising, as one of the conditions of this marriage which would
unite Lithuania and Poland, to embrace Christianity.[3] He was married and
baptized at Cracow, receiving the Christian name of Ladislaus. He then
ordered the adoption of Christianity throughout Lithuania, and the universal
baptism of his subjects. In order to facilitate the baptism of over a million at
once, the inhabitants were collected at several central points. They were
arranged in vast groups, and were sprinkled with water which had been
blessed by the priests. As the formula of baptism was pronounced, to one
entire group the name of Peter was given, to another the name of Paul, to
another that of John. These converts were received, not into the Greek
church, which was dominant-in Russia, but to the Romish church, which
prevailed in Poland. Jaghellon became immediately the inveterate foe of the
Russians, whom he called heretics, for new proselytes are almost invariably
inspired with fanatic zeal, and he forbade the marriage of any of his
Catholic subjects with members of the Russian church. This event caused
great grief to Dmitri, for he had relied upon the coöperation of the warlike
Lithuanians to aid him to repel the Mogols.
Affairs were in this condition when Vassali, the son of Dmitri, escaped from
the horde after a three years' captivity, and, traversing Poland and Lithuania,
arrived safely at Moscow. Dmitri was now forty years of age. He was a man
of colossal stature, and of vigorous health. His hair and beard were black as
the raven's wing, and his ruddy cheek and piercing eye seemed to give
promise of a long life. But suddenly he was seized with a fatal disease, and
it was soon evident that death was near. The intellect of the dying prince
was unclouded, and, with much fortitude, in a long interview, he bade adieu
to his wife and his children. He designated his son Vassali, then but
seventeen years of age, as his successor, and then, after offering a touching
prayer, folded his hands across his breast, in the form of a cross, and died
without a struggle. The grief of the Russians was profound and universal.
For ages they had not known a prince so illustrious or so devoted to the
welfare of his country.
The young Vassali had been but a few years on the throne when Tamerlane
himself advanced with countless hordes from the far Orient, crushing down
all opposition, and sweeping over prostrate nations like the pestilence which
had preceded him, and whose track he followed. Tamerlane was the son of a
Poland, promising, as one of the conditions of this marriage which would
unite Lithuania and Poland, to embrace Christianity.[3] He was married and
baptized at Cracow, receiving the Christian name of Ladislaus. He then
ordered the adoption of Christianity throughout Lithuania, and the universal
baptism of his subjects. In order to facilitate the baptism of over a million at
once, the inhabitants were collected at several central points. They were
arranged in vast groups, and were sprinkled with water which had been
blessed by the priests. As the formula of baptism was pronounced, to one
entire group the name of Peter was given, to another the name of Paul, to
another that of John. These converts were received, not into the Greek
church, which was dominant-in Russia, but to the Romish church, which
prevailed in Poland. Jaghellon became immediately the inveterate foe of the
Russians, whom he called heretics, for new proselytes are almost invariably
inspired with fanatic zeal, and he forbade the marriage of any of his
Catholic subjects with members of the Russian church. This event caused
great grief to Dmitri, for he had relied upon the coöperation of the warlike
Lithuanians to aid him to repel the Mogols.
Affairs were in this condition when Vassali, the son of Dmitri, escaped from
the horde after a three years' captivity, and, traversing Poland and Lithuania,
arrived safely at Moscow. Dmitri was now forty years of age. He was a man
of colossal stature, and of vigorous health. His hair and beard were black as
the raven's wing, and his ruddy cheek and piercing eye seemed to give
promise of a long life. But suddenly he was seized with a fatal disease, and
it was soon evident that death was near. The intellect of the dying prince
was unclouded, and, with much fortitude, in a long interview, he bade adieu
to his wife and his children. He designated his son Vassali, then but
seventeen years of age, as his successor, and then, after offering a touching
prayer, folded his hands across his breast, in the form of a cross, and died
without a struggle. The grief of the Russians was profound and universal.
For ages they had not known a prince so illustrious or so devoted to the
welfare of his country.
The young Vassali had been but a few years on the throne when Tamerlane
himself advanced with countless hordes from the far Orient, crushing down
all opposition, and sweeping over prostrate nations like the pestilence which
had preceded him, and whose track he followed. Tamerlane was the son of a
Page 135
petty Mogol prince. He was born in a season of anarchy, and when the
whole Tartar horde was distracted with civil dissensions. The impetuous
young man had hardly begun to think, ere he had formed the resolve to
attain the supremacy over all the Mogol tribes, to conquer the whole known
world, and thus to render himself immortal in the annals of glory. Behind a
curtain of mountains, and protected by vast deserts, his persuasive genius
collected a large band of followers, who with enthusiasm adopted his views
and hailed him their chief.
After inuring them to fatigue, and drilling them thoroughly in the exercises
of battle, he commenced his career. The most signal victory followed his
steps, and he soon acquired the title of hero. Ambitious, war-loving,
thousands crowded to his standards, and he had but just attained the age of
thirty-five when he was the undisputed monarch of all the Mogol tribes, and
the whole Asiatic world trembled at the mention of his name. He took his
seat proudly upon the throne of Genghis Khan, a crown of gold was placed
upon his brow, a royal girdle encircled his waist, and in accordance with
oriental usage his robes glittered with jewels and gold. At his feet were his
renowned chieftains, kneeling around his throne in homage. Tamerlane then
took an oath, that by his future exploits he would justify the title he had
already acquired, and that all the kings of the earth should yet lie prostrate
before him.
And now commenced an incessant series of wars, and victory ever crowned
the banners of Tamerlane. He was soon in possession of all the countries on
the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea. He then entered Persia, and
conquered the whole realm between the Oxus and the Tigris. Bagdad, until
now the proud capital of the caliphs, submitted to his sway. Soon the whole
region of Asia, from the Sea of Aral to the Persian Gulf, and from Teflis to
the great Arabian desert, recognized the empire of Tamerlane. The
conqueror then assembled his companions in arms, and thus addressed
them:
"Friends and fellow-soldiers; fortune, who recognizes me as her child,
invites us to new conquests. The universe trembles at my name, and the
movement even of one of my fingers causes the earth to quake. The realms
of India are open to us. Woe to those who oppose my will. I will annihilate
them unless they acknowledge me as their lord."
whole Tartar horde was distracted with civil dissensions. The impetuous
young man had hardly begun to think, ere he had formed the resolve to
attain the supremacy over all the Mogol tribes, to conquer the whole known
world, and thus to render himself immortal in the annals of glory. Behind a
curtain of mountains, and protected by vast deserts, his persuasive genius
collected a large band of followers, who with enthusiasm adopted his views
and hailed him their chief.
After inuring them to fatigue, and drilling them thoroughly in the exercises
of battle, he commenced his career. The most signal victory followed his
steps, and he soon acquired the title of hero. Ambitious, war-loving,
thousands crowded to his standards, and he had but just attained the age of
thirty-five when he was the undisputed monarch of all the Mogol tribes, and
the whole Asiatic world trembled at the mention of his name. He took his
seat proudly upon the throne of Genghis Khan, a crown of gold was placed
upon his brow, a royal girdle encircled his waist, and in accordance with
oriental usage his robes glittered with jewels and gold. At his feet were his
renowned chieftains, kneeling around his throne in homage. Tamerlane then
took an oath, that by his future exploits he would justify the title he had
already acquired, and that all the kings of the earth should yet lie prostrate
before him.
And now commenced an incessant series of wars, and victory ever crowned
the banners of Tamerlane. He was soon in possession of all the countries on
the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea. He then entered Persia, and
conquered the whole realm between the Oxus and the Tigris. Bagdad, until
now the proud capital of the caliphs, submitted to his sway. Soon the whole
region of Asia, from the Sea of Aral to the Persian Gulf, and from Teflis to
the great Arabian desert, recognized the empire of Tamerlane. The
conqueror then assembled his companions in arms, and thus addressed
them:
"Friends and fellow-soldiers; fortune, who recognizes me as her child,
invites us to new conquests. The universe trembles at my name, and the
movement even of one of my fingers causes the earth to quake. The realms
of India are open to us. Woe to those who oppose my will. I will annihilate
them unless they acknowledge me as their lord."
Page 136
With flying banners and pealing trumpets he crossed the Indus, and
marched upon Delhi, which for three centuries had been governed by the
Mohammedan sultans. No opposition could retard the sweep of his locust
legions; and the renowned city at once passed into his hands. Indulging in
no delay, the order was still onwards, and the hosts soon bathed their dusty
limbs in the waves of the Ganges. Here he was informed that Bajazet, the
Grand Seignior of Turkey, was on a career of conquest which rivaled his
own; that he had overrun all of Asia Minor; that, crossing the Hellespont, he
had subjugated Serbia, Macedonia, Thessaly, and that he was even
besieging the imperial city of Constantine. The jealousy of Tamerlane was
thoroughly aroused. He instantly turned upon his steps to seek this foe,
worthy of his arms, dispatching to him the following defiant message:
"Learn," wrote Tamerlane to Bajazet, "that the earth is covered with my
warriors from sea-to sea. Kings compose my body guard, and range
themselves as servants before my tent. Are you ignorant that the destiny of
the universe is in my hands? Who are you? A Turkoman ant. And dare you
raise your head against an elephant? If in the forests of Natolia you have
obtained some trivial successes; if the timid Europeans have fled like
cowards before you, return thanks to Mohammed for your success, for it is
not owing to your own valor. Listen to the counsels of wisdom. Be content
with the heritage of your fathers, and, however small that heritage may be,
beware how you attempt, in the slightest degree, to extend its limits, lest
death be the penalty of your temerity."
To this insolent letter, Bajazet responded in terms equally defiant.
"For a long time," he wrote, "Bajazet has burned with the desire to measure
himself with Tamerlane, and he returns thanks to the All-powerful that
Tamerlane now comes himself, to present his head to the cimeter of
Bajazet."
The two conquerors gathered all their resources for the great and decisive
battle. Tamerlane speedily reached Aleppo, which city, after a bloody
conflict, he entered in triumph. The Tartar chieftain was an impostor and a
hypocrite, as well as a merciless butcher of his fellow-men. He assembled
the learned men of Aleppo, and assured them in most eloquent terms that he
was the devoted friend of God, and that the enemies who resisted his will
marched upon Delhi, which for three centuries had been governed by the
Mohammedan sultans. No opposition could retard the sweep of his locust
legions; and the renowned city at once passed into his hands. Indulging in
no delay, the order was still onwards, and the hosts soon bathed their dusty
limbs in the waves of the Ganges. Here he was informed that Bajazet, the
Grand Seignior of Turkey, was on a career of conquest which rivaled his
own; that he had overrun all of Asia Minor; that, crossing the Hellespont, he
had subjugated Serbia, Macedonia, Thessaly, and that he was even
besieging the imperial city of Constantine. The jealousy of Tamerlane was
thoroughly aroused. He instantly turned upon his steps to seek this foe,
worthy of his arms, dispatching to him the following defiant message:
"Learn," wrote Tamerlane to Bajazet, "that the earth is covered with my
warriors from sea-to sea. Kings compose my body guard, and range
themselves as servants before my tent. Are you ignorant that the destiny of
the universe is in my hands? Who are you? A Turkoman ant. And dare you
raise your head against an elephant? If in the forests of Natolia you have
obtained some trivial successes; if the timid Europeans have fled like
cowards before you, return thanks to Mohammed for your success, for it is
not owing to your own valor. Listen to the counsels of wisdom. Be content
with the heritage of your fathers, and, however small that heritage may be,
beware how you attempt, in the slightest degree, to extend its limits, lest
death be the penalty of your temerity."
To this insolent letter, Bajazet responded in terms equally defiant.
"For a long time," he wrote, "Bajazet has burned with the desire to measure
himself with Tamerlane, and he returns thanks to the All-powerful that
Tamerlane now comes himself, to present his head to the cimeter of
Bajazet."
The two conquerors gathered all their resources for the great and decisive
battle. Tamerlane speedily reached Aleppo, which city, after a bloody
conflict, he entered in triumph. The Tartar chieftain was an impostor and a
hypocrite, as well as a merciless butcher of his fellow-men. He assembled
the learned men of Aleppo, and assured them in most eloquent terms that he
was the devoted friend of God, and that the enemies who resisted his will
Page 137
were responsible to God for all the evils their obstinacy rendered it
necessary for him to inflict. Before every conflict he fell upon his knees in
the presence of the army in prayer. After every victory, he assembled his
troops to return thanks to God. There are some sad accounts to be settled at
the judgment day. In marching from Aleppo to Damascus, Tamerlane
visited ostentatiously the pretended tomb of Noah, that upon the shrine of
that patriarch, so profoundly venerated by the Mohammedans, he might
display his devotion.
Damascus was pillaged of all its treasures, which had been accumulating
for ages, and was then laid in ashes. The two armies, headed by their
respective chieftains, met in Galacia, near Ancyra. It was the 16th of June,
1402. The storm of war raged for a few hours, and the army of Bajazet was
cut to pieces by superior numbers, and he himself was taken captive.
Tamerlane treated his prisoner with the most condescending kindness,
seated him by his side upon the imperial couch, and endeavored to solace
him by philosophical disquisitions upon the mutability of all human affairs.
The annals of the day do not sustain the rumor that Bajazet was confined in
an iron cage.
The empire of Tamerlane now extended from the Caspian and the
Mediterranean to the Nile and the Ganges. He established his capital at
Samarcand, some six hundred miles east of the Caspian Sea. To this central
capital he returned after each of his expeditions, devoting immense
treasures to the erection of mosques, the construction of gardens, the
excavation of canals and the erection of cities. And now, in the pride and
plenitude of his power, he commenced his march upon Russia.
His army, four hundred thousand strong, defiled from the gates of
Samarcand, and marching to the north, between the Aral and the Caspian
Seas, traversed vast plains, where thousands of wild cattle had long enjoyed
undisturbed pasturage. These cattle afforded them abundant food. The
chase, in which they engaged on a magnificent scale, offered a very brilliant
spectacle. Thousands of horsemen spread out in an immense circle, making
the tent of the emperor the central point. With trumpet blasts, the clash of
arms and clouds of javelins and arrows, the cattle and wild beasts of every
kind were driven in upon the imperial tent, where Tamerlane and his lords
amused themselves with their destruction. The soldiers gathered around the
necessary for him to inflict. Before every conflict he fell upon his knees in
the presence of the army in prayer. After every victory, he assembled his
troops to return thanks to God. There are some sad accounts to be settled at
the judgment day. In marching from Aleppo to Damascus, Tamerlane
visited ostentatiously the pretended tomb of Noah, that upon the shrine of
that patriarch, so profoundly venerated by the Mohammedans, he might
display his devotion.
Damascus was pillaged of all its treasures, which had been accumulating
for ages, and was then laid in ashes. The two armies, headed by their
respective chieftains, met in Galacia, near Ancyra. It was the 16th of June,
1402. The storm of war raged for a few hours, and the army of Bajazet was
cut to pieces by superior numbers, and he himself was taken captive.
Tamerlane treated his prisoner with the most condescending kindness,
seated him by his side upon the imperial couch, and endeavored to solace
him by philosophical disquisitions upon the mutability of all human affairs.
The annals of the day do not sustain the rumor that Bajazet was confined in
an iron cage.
The empire of Tamerlane now extended from the Caspian and the
Mediterranean to the Nile and the Ganges. He established his capital at
Samarcand, some six hundred miles east of the Caspian Sea. To this central
capital he returned after each of his expeditions, devoting immense
treasures to the erection of mosques, the construction of gardens, the
excavation of canals and the erection of cities. And now, in the pride and
plenitude of his power, he commenced his march upon Russia.
His army, four hundred thousand strong, defiled from the gates of
Samarcand, and marching to the north, between the Aral and the Caspian
Seas, traversed vast plains, where thousands of wild cattle had long enjoyed
undisturbed pasturage. These cattle afforded them abundant food. The
chase, in which they engaged on a magnificent scale, offered a very brilliant
spectacle. Thousands of horsemen spread out in an immense circle, making
the tent of the emperor the central point. With trumpet blasts, the clash of
arms and clouds of javelins and arrows, the cattle and wild beasts of every
kind were driven in upon the imperial tent, where Tamerlane and his lords
amused themselves with their destruction. The soldiers gathered around the
Page 138
food thus abundantly supplied, innumerable fires were built, and feasting
and mirth closed the day. Vast herds of cattle were driven along for the
ordinary supply of the troops, affording all the nourishment which those
rude barbarians required. Pressing forward, in a long march, which
occupied several months, Tamerlane crossed the Volga, and entered the
south-eastern principalities of Russia. The tidings of the invasion spread
rapidly, and all Russia was paralyzed with terror. The grand prince, Vassali,
however, strove with all his energies to rouse the Russians to resistance. An
army was speedily collected, and veteran leaders placed in command. The
Russian troops were rapidly concentrated near Kolomna, on the banks of
the Oka, to dispute the passage of the river. All the churches of Moscow and
of Russia were thronged with the terrified inhabitants imploring divine aid,
the clergy conducting the devotions by day and by night.
Tamerlane, crossing from the Volga to the Don, ascended the valley of the
latter stream, spreading the most cruel devastation everywhere around him.
It was his design to confound his enemies with terror. He was pressing on
resistlessly towards Moscow, and had arrived within a few days' march of
the Russian army on the banks of the Oka, when suddenly he stopped, and
remained fifteen days without moving from his encampment. Then, for
some cause, which history has never satisfactory explained, he turned,
retraced his steps, and his banners soon disappeared beyond the frontiers of
the empire. It was early in September when he commenced this retrograde
march. Some have surmised that he feared the Russians, strongly posted on
the banks of the Oka, others that he dreaded the approaching Russian
winter; others that intelligence of some conspiracy in his distant realms
arrested his steps, and others that God, in answer to prayer, directly
interposed, and rescued Russia from ruin.
The joy of the Russians was almost delirious; and no one thought even of
pursuing a foe, who without arriving within sight of the banners of the
grand prince, or without hearing the sound of his war trumpets, had fled as
in a panic.
The whole of the remaining reign of Vassali was a scene of tumult and
strife. Civil war agitated the principalities. The Lithuanians, united with
Poland, were incessant in their endeavors to extend the triumph of their
arms over the Russian provinces; and the Tartar hordes again swept Russia
and mirth closed the day. Vast herds of cattle were driven along for the
ordinary supply of the troops, affording all the nourishment which those
rude barbarians required. Pressing forward, in a long march, which
occupied several months, Tamerlane crossed the Volga, and entered the
south-eastern principalities of Russia. The tidings of the invasion spread
rapidly, and all Russia was paralyzed with terror. The grand prince, Vassali,
however, strove with all his energies to rouse the Russians to resistance. An
army was speedily collected, and veteran leaders placed in command. The
Russian troops were rapidly concentrated near Kolomna, on the banks of
the Oka, to dispute the passage of the river. All the churches of Moscow and
of Russia were thronged with the terrified inhabitants imploring divine aid,
the clergy conducting the devotions by day and by night.
Tamerlane, crossing from the Volga to the Don, ascended the valley of the
latter stream, spreading the most cruel devastation everywhere around him.
It was his design to confound his enemies with terror. He was pressing on
resistlessly towards Moscow, and had arrived within a few days' march of
the Russian army on the banks of the Oka, when suddenly he stopped, and
remained fifteen days without moving from his encampment. Then, for
some cause, which history has never satisfactory explained, he turned,
retraced his steps, and his banners soon disappeared beyond the frontiers of
the empire. It was early in September when he commenced this retrograde
march. Some have surmised that he feared the Russians, strongly posted on
the banks of the Oka, others that he dreaded the approaching Russian
winter; others that intelligence of some conspiracy in his distant realms
arrested his steps, and others that God, in answer to prayer, directly
interposed, and rescued Russia from ruin.
The joy of the Russians was almost delirious; and no one thought even of
pursuing a foe, who without arriving within sight of the banners of the
grand prince, or without hearing the sound of his war trumpets, had fled as
in a panic.
The whole of the remaining reign of Vassali was a scene of tumult and
strife. Civil war agitated the principalities. The Lithuanians, united with
Poland, were incessant in their endeavors to extend the triumph of their
arms over the Russian provinces; and the Tartar hordes again swept Russia
Page 139
with the most horrible devastation. In the midst of calamities and
lamentations, Vassali approached his grave. He died on the 29th of
February, 1425, in the fifty-third year of his age, and the thirty-sixth of his
reign.
Vassali Vassalievitch, son of the deceased monarch, was but ten years of age
when the scepter of Russia passed into his hands. Youri, the eldest brother
of the late king, demanded the throne in accordance with the ancient custom
of descent, and denied the right of his brother to bequeath the crown to his
son. After much trouble, both of the rival claimants consented to submit the
question to the decision of the Tartar khan, to whom it appears that Russia
still paid tribute. Vassali was to remain upon the throne until the question
was decided. Six years passed away, and yet no answer to the appeal had
been obtained from the khan. At length both agreed to visit the horde in
person. It was a perilous movement, and Vassali, as yet but a boy sixteen
years of age, wept bitterly as he left the church, where he had implored the
prayers of the faithful, and set out upon his journey. All the powers of
bribery and intrigue were employed by each party to obtain a favorable
verdict.
A tribunal was appointed to adjudge the cause, over which Machmet, the
khan, presided. Vassali claimed the dominion, on the ground of the new rule
of descent adopted by the Russian princes. Youri pleaded the ancient
custom of the empire. The power which the Tartar horde still exercised,
may be inferred from the humiliating speech which Jean, a noble of
Moscow, made on this occasion, in advocacy of the cause of the young
Vassali. Approaching Machmet, and bowing profoundly before him, he
said,
"Sovereign king, your humble slave conjures you to permit him to speak in
behalf of his young prince. Youri founds his claim upon the ancient
institutions of Russia. Vassali appeals only to your generous protection, for
he knows that Russia is but one of the provinces of your vast domains. You,
as its sovereign, can dispose of the throne according to your pleasure.
Condescend to reflect that the uncle demands, the nephew supplicates.
What signify ancient or modern customs when all depends upon your royal
will? Is it not that august will which has confirmed the testament of Vassali
Dmitrievitch, by which his son was nominated as heir of the principality of
lamentations, Vassali approached his grave. He died on the 29th of
February, 1425, in the fifty-third year of his age, and the thirty-sixth of his
reign.
Vassali Vassalievitch, son of the deceased monarch, was but ten years of age
when the scepter of Russia passed into his hands. Youri, the eldest brother
of the late king, demanded the throne in accordance with the ancient custom
of descent, and denied the right of his brother to bequeath the crown to his
son. After much trouble, both of the rival claimants consented to submit the
question to the decision of the Tartar khan, to whom it appears that Russia
still paid tribute. Vassali was to remain upon the throne until the question
was decided. Six years passed away, and yet no answer to the appeal had
been obtained from the khan. At length both agreed to visit the horde in
person. It was a perilous movement, and Vassali, as yet but a boy sixteen
years of age, wept bitterly as he left the church, where he had implored the
prayers of the faithful, and set out upon his journey. All the powers of
bribery and intrigue were employed by each party to obtain a favorable
verdict.
A tribunal was appointed to adjudge the cause, over which Machmet, the
khan, presided. Vassali claimed the dominion, on the ground of the new rule
of descent adopted by the Russian princes. Youri pleaded the ancient
custom of the empire. The power which the Tartar horde still exercised,
may be inferred from the humiliating speech which Jean, a noble of
Moscow, made on this occasion, in advocacy of the cause of the young
Vassali. Approaching Machmet, and bowing profoundly before him, he
said,
"Sovereign king, your humble slave conjures you to permit him to speak in
behalf of his young prince. Youri founds his claim upon the ancient
institutions of Russia. Vassali appeals only to your generous protection, for
he knows that Russia is but one of the provinces of your vast domains. You,
as its sovereign, can dispose of the throne according to your pleasure.
Condescend to reflect that the uncle demands, the nephew supplicates.
What signify ancient or modern customs when all depends upon your royal
will? Is it not that august will which has confirmed the testament of Vassali
Dmitrievitch, by which his son was nominated as heir of the principality of
Page 140
Moscow? For six years, Vassali Vassilievitch has been upon the throne.
Would you have allowed him thus to remain there had you not recognized
him as the legitimate prince?"
This base flattery accomplished its object. Vassali was pronounced grand
prince, and, in accordance with Tartar custom, the uncle was compelled to
hold the bridle while his successful rival, at the door of the tent, mounted
his horse. On their return to Moscow, Vassali was crowned, with great
pomp, in the church of Notre Dame. Youri, while at the horde, dared not
manifest the slightest opposition to the decision, but, having returned to his
own country, he murmured loudly, rallied his friends, excited disaffection,
and soon kindled the flames of civil war.
Youri soon marched, with an army, upon Moscow, took the city by storm,
and Vassali, who had displayed but little energy of character, was made
captive. Youri proclaimed himself grand prince, and Vassali in vain
endeavored to move the compassion of his captor by tears. The uncle,
however, so far had pity for his vanquished nephew as to appoint him to the
governorship of the city of Kolomna. This seemed perfectly to satisfy the
pusillanimous young man, and, after partaking of a splendid feast with his
uncle, he departed, rejoicing, from the capital where he had been enthroned,
to the provincial city assigned to him.
A curious result ensued. Youri brought to Moscow his own friends, who
were placed in the posts of honor and authority. Such general discontent
was excited, that the citizens, in crowds, abandoned Moscow and repaired
to Kolomna, and rallied, with the utmost enthusiasm, around their ejected
sovereign. The dwellings and the streets of Moscow became silent and
deserted. Kolomna, on the contrary, was thronged. To use the expression of
a Russian annalist, the people gathered around their prince as bees cluster
around their queen. The tidings of the life, activity and thriving business to
be found at Kolomna, lured ever-increasing numbers, and, in a few months,
grass was growing in the streets of Moscow, while Kolomna had become
the thronged metropolis of the principality. The nobles, with their armies,
gathered around Vassali, and Youri was so thoroughly abandoned, that,
convinced of the impossibility of maintaining his position, he sent word to
his nephew that he yielded to him the capital, and immediately left for his
native principality of Galitch.
Would you have allowed him thus to remain there had you not recognized
him as the legitimate prince?"
This base flattery accomplished its object. Vassali was pronounced grand
prince, and, in accordance with Tartar custom, the uncle was compelled to
hold the bridle while his successful rival, at the door of the tent, mounted
his horse. On their return to Moscow, Vassali was crowned, with great
pomp, in the church of Notre Dame. Youri, while at the horde, dared not
manifest the slightest opposition to the decision, but, having returned to his
own country, he murmured loudly, rallied his friends, excited disaffection,
and soon kindled the flames of civil war.
Youri soon marched, with an army, upon Moscow, took the city by storm,
and Vassali, who had displayed but little energy of character, was made
captive. Youri proclaimed himself grand prince, and Vassali in vain
endeavored to move the compassion of his captor by tears. The uncle,
however, so far had pity for his vanquished nephew as to appoint him to the
governorship of the city of Kolomna. This seemed perfectly to satisfy the
pusillanimous young man, and, after partaking of a splendid feast with his
uncle, he departed, rejoicing, from the capital where he had been enthroned,
to the provincial city assigned to him.
A curious result ensued. Youri brought to Moscow his own friends, who
were placed in the posts of honor and authority. Such general discontent
was excited, that the citizens, in crowds, abandoned Moscow and repaired
to Kolomna, and rallied, with the utmost enthusiasm, around their ejected
sovereign. The dwellings and the streets of Moscow became silent and
deserted. Kolomna, on the contrary, was thronged. To use the expression of
a Russian annalist, the people gathered around their prince as bees cluster
around their queen. The tidings of the life, activity and thriving business to
be found at Kolomna, lured ever-increasing numbers, and, in a few months,
grass was growing in the streets of Moscow, while Kolomna had become
the thronged metropolis of the principality. The nobles, with their armies,
gathered around Vassali, and Youri was so thoroughly abandoned, that,
convinced of the impossibility of maintaining his position, he sent word to
his nephew that he yielded to him the capital, and immediately left for his
native principality of Galitch.
Page 141
The journey of Vassali, from Kolomna to Moscow, a distance of two
hundred miles, was a brilliant triumph. An immense crowd accompanied
the grand prince the whole distance, raising incessant shouts of joy. But
Youri was by no means prepared to relinquish his claim, and soon the
armies of the two rivals were struggling upon the field of battle. While the
conflict was raging, Youri suddenly died at the age of sixty years. One of
the sons of Youri made an attempt to regain the throne which his father had
lost, but he failed in the attempt, and was taken captive. Vassali, as cruel as
he was pusillanimous, in vengeance, plucked out the eyes of his cousin.
Vassali, now seated peacefully upon his throne, exerted himself to keep on
friendly relations with the horde, by being prompt in the payment of the
tribute which they exacted.
In June, 1444, the Tartars, having taken some offense, again invaded
Russia. Vassali had no force of character to resist them. Under his weak
reign the grand principality had lost all its vigor. The Tartars surprised the
Russian army near Moscow, and overwhelming them with numbers, two to
one, trampled them beneath their horses. Vassali fought fiercely, as
sometimes even the most timid will fight when hedged in by despair. An
arrow pierced his hand; a saber stroke cut off several of his fingers; a
javelin pierced his shoulder; thirteen wounds covered his head and breast,
when by the blow of a battle-ax he was struck to the ground and taken
prisoner. The Tartars, elated with their signal victory, and fearful that all
Russia might rise for the rescue of its prince, retreated rapidly, carrying
with them their captive and immense booty. As they retired they plundered
and burned every city and village on their way. After a captivity of three
months the prince was released, upon paying a moderate ransom, and
returned to Moscow.
Still new sorrows awaited the prince. He was doomed to experience that,
even in this world, Providence often rewards a man according to his deeds.
The brothers of the prince, whose eyes Vassali had caused to be plucked
out, formed a conspiracy against him; and they were encouraged in this
conspiracy by the detestation with which the grand prince was now
generally regarded.
During the night of the 12th of February, 1446, the conspirators entered the
Kremlin. Vassali, who attempted to compensate for his neglect of true
hundred miles, was a brilliant triumph. An immense crowd accompanied
the grand prince the whole distance, raising incessant shouts of joy. But
Youri was by no means prepared to relinquish his claim, and soon the
armies of the two rivals were struggling upon the field of battle. While the
conflict was raging, Youri suddenly died at the age of sixty years. One of
the sons of Youri made an attempt to regain the throne which his father had
lost, but he failed in the attempt, and was taken captive. Vassali, as cruel as
he was pusillanimous, in vengeance, plucked out the eyes of his cousin.
Vassali, now seated peacefully upon his throne, exerted himself to keep on
friendly relations with the horde, by being prompt in the payment of the
tribute which they exacted.
In June, 1444, the Tartars, having taken some offense, again invaded
Russia. Vassali had no force of character to resist them. Under his weak
reign the grand principality had lost all its vigor. The Tartars surprised the
Russian army near Moscow, and overwhelming them with numbers, two to
one, trampled them beneath their horses. Vassali fought fiercely, as
sometimes even the most timid will fight when hedged in by despair. An
arrow pierced his hand; a saber stroke cut off several of his fingers; a
javelin pierced his shoulder; thirteen wounds covered his head and breast,
when by the blow of a battle-ax he was struck to the ground and taken
prisoner. The Tartars, elated with their signal victory, and fearful that all
Russia might rise for the rescue of its prince, retreated rapidly, carrying
with them their captive and immense booty. As they retired they plundered
and burned every city and village on their way. After a captivity of three
months the prince was released, upon paying a moderate ransom, and
returned to Moscow.
Still new sorrows awaited the prince. He was doomed to experience that,
even in this world, Providence often rewards a man according to his deeds.
The brothers of the prince, whose eyes Vassali had caused to be plucked
out, formed a conspiracy against him; and they were encouraged in this
conspiracy by the detestation with which the grand prince was now
generally regarded.
During the night of the 12th of February, 1446, the conspirators entered the
Kremlin. Vassali, who attempted to compensate for his neglect of true
Page 142
religion by punctilious and ostentatious observance of ecclesiastical rites,
was in the church of the Trinity attending a midnight mass. Silently the
conspirators surrounded the church with their troops. Vassali was prostrate
upon the tomb of a Russian saint, apparently absorbed in devotion. Soon the
alarm was given, and the prince, in a paroxysm of terror, threw himself
upon his knees, and for once, at least, in his life, prayed with sincerity and
fervor. His pathetic cries to God for help caused many of the nobles around
him to weep. The prince was immediately seized, no opposition being
offered, and was confined in one of the palaces of Moscow. Four nights
after his capture, some agents of the conspirators entered his apartment and
tore out his eyes, as he had torn out the eyes of his cousin. He was then
sent, with his wife, to a castle in a distant city, and his children were
immured in a convent. Dmitri Chemyaka, the prime mover of this
conspiracy, now assumed the reins of government. Gradually the grand
principality had lost its power over the other principalities of the empire,
and Russia was again, virtually, a conglomeration of independent states.
Public opinion now turned so sternly against Chemyaka, and such bitter
murmurs rose around his throne for the cruelty he had practiced upon
Vassali, that he felt constrained to liberate the prince, and to assign him a
residence of splendor upon the shores of lake Kouben. Chemyaka, thus
constrained to set the body of his captive free, wished to enchain his soul by
the most solemn oaths. With all his court he visited Vassali. The blinded
prince, with characteristic duplicity, expressed heartfelt penitence in view of
his past course, and took the most solemn oaths never to attempt to disturb
the reign of his conqueror.
Vassali received the city of Vologda in appanage, to which he retired, with
his family, and with the nobles and bishops who still adhered to him. But a
few months had passed ere he, with his friends, had enlisted the coöperation
of many princes, and especially of the Tartar horde, and was on the march
with a strong army to drive Chemyaka from Moscow. Chemyaka, utterly
discomfited, fled, and Moscow fell easily into the hands of Vassali the
blind.
Anguish of body and of soul seems now to have changed the nature of
Vassali, and with energy, disinterestedness and wisdom undeveloped before,
he consecrated himself to the welfare of his country. He associated with
was in the church of the Trinity attending a midnight mass. Silently the
conspirators surrounded the church with their troops. Vassali was prostrate
upon the tomb of a Russian saint, apparently absorbed in devotion. Soon the
alarm was given, and the prince, in a paroxysm of terror, threw himself
upon his knees, and for once, at least, in his life, prayed with sincerity and
fervor. His pathetic cries to God for help caused many of the nobles around
him to weep. The prince was immediately seized, no opposition being
offered, and was confined in one of the palaces of Moscow. Four nights
after his capture, some agents of the conspirators entered his apartment and
tore out his eyes, as he had torn out the eyes of his cousin. He was then
sent, with his wife, to a castle in a distant city, and his children were
immured in a convent. Dmitri Chemyaka, the prime mover of this
conspiracy, now assumed the reins of government. Gradually the grand
principality had lost its power over the other principalities of the empire,
and Russia was again, virtually, a conglomeration of independent states.
Public opinion now turned so sternly against Chemyaka, and such bitter
murmurs rose around his throne for the cruelty he had practiced upon
Vassali, that he felt constrained to liberate the prince, and to assign him a
residence of splendor upon the shores of lake Kouben. Chemyaka, thus
constrained to set the body of his captive free, wished to enchain his soul by
the most solemn oaths. With all his court he visited Vassali. The blinded
prince, with characteristic duplicity, expressed heartfelt penitence in view of
his past course, and took the most solemn oaths never to attempt to disturb
the reign of his conqueror.
Vassali received the city of Vologda in appanage, to which he retired, with
his family, and with the nobles and bishops who still adhered to him. But a
few months had passed ere he, with his friends, had enlisted the coöperation
of many princes, and especially of the Tartar horde, and was on the march
with a strong army to drive Chemyaka from Moscow. Chemyaka, utterly
discomfited, fled, and Moscow fell easily into the hands of Vassali the
blind.
Anguish of body and of soul seems now to have changed the nature of
Vassali, and with energy, disinterestedness and wisdom undeveloped before,
he consecrated himself to the welfare of his country. He associated with
Page 143
himself his young son Ivan, who subsequently attained the title of the Great.
"But Chemyaka," writes Karamsin, "still lived, and his heart, ferocious,
implacable, sought new means of vengeance. His death seemed necessary
for the safety of the state, and some one gave him poison, of which he died
the next day. The author, of an action so contrary to religion, to the
principles of morality and of honor, remains unknown. A lawyer, named
Beda, who conveyed the news of his death to Moscow, was elevated to the
rank of secretary by the grand prince, who exhibited on that occasion an
indiscreet joy." On the 14th of March, 1462, Vassali terminated his eventful
and tumultuous life, at the age of forty-seven. His reign was during one of
the darkest periods in the Russian annals. Life to him, and to his
cotemporaries, was but a pitiless tempest, through which hardly one ray of
sunshine penetrated. It was under his reign that the horrible punishment of
the knout was introduced into Moscow, a barbaric mode of scourging
unknown to the ancient Russians. Fire-arms were also beginning to be
introduced, which weapons have diminished rather than increased the
carnage of fields of battle.
———
"But Chemyaka," writes Karamsin, "still lived, and his heart, ferocious,
implacable, sought new means of vengeance. His death seemed necessary
for the safety of the state, and some one gave him poison, of which he died
the next day. The author, of an action so contrary to religion, to the
principles of morality and of honor, remains unknown. A lawyer, named
Beda, who conveyed the news of his death to Moscow, was elevated to the
rank of secretary by the grand prince, who exhibited on that occasion an
indiscreet joy." On the 14th of March, 1462, Vassali terminated his eventful
and tumultuous life, at the age of forty-seven. His reign was during one of
the darkest periods in the Russian annals. Life to him, and to his
cotemporaries, was but a pitiless tempest, through which hardly one ray of
sunshine penetrated. It was under his reign that the horrible punishment of
the knout was introduced into Moscow, a barbaric mode of scourging
unknown to the ancient Russians. Fire-arms were also beginning to be
introduced, which weapons have diminished rather than increased the
carnage of fields of battle.
———
Page 144
[3] For an account of the romantic circumstances attending this marriage, see Empire of Austria, pp.
53 and 54.
CHAPTER X.
THE ILLUSTRIOUS IVAN III.
From 1462 to 1480.
Ivan III.—His Precocity and Rising Power.—The Three Great Hordes.—
Russian Expedition Against Kezan.—Defeat of the Tartars.—Capture of
Constantinople by the Turks.—The Princess Sophia.—Her Journey to
Russia, and Marriage with Ivan III.—Increasing Renown of Russia.—
New Difficulty with the Horde.—The Tartars Invade Russia.—Strife on
the Banks of the Oka.—Letter of the Metropolitan Bishop.—
Unprecedented Panic.—Liberation of Russia.
In the middle of the fifteenth century, Constantinople was to Russia what
Paris, in the reign of Louis XIV., was to modern Europe. The imperial city
of Constantine was the central point of ecclesiastical magnificence, of
courtly splendor, of taste, of all intellectual culture.[4] To the Greeks the
Russians were indebted for their religion, their civilization and their social
culture.
Ivan III., who had for some time been associated with his father in the
government, was now recognized as the undisputed prince of the grand
principality, though his sway over the other provinces of Russia was very
feeble, and very obscurely defined. At twelve years of age, Ivan was
married to Maria, a princess of Tver. At eighteen years of age he was the
father of a son, to whom he gave his own name. When he had attained the
age of twenty-two years, his father died, and the reins of government passed
entirely into his hands. From his earliest years, he gave indications of a
character of much more than ordinary judgment and maturity. Upon his
53 and 54.
CHAPTER X.
THE ILLUSTRIOUS IVAN III.
From 1462 to 1480.
Ivan III.—His Precocity and Rising Power.—The Three Great Hordes.—
Russian Expedition Against Kezan.—Defeat of the Tartars.—Capture of
Constantinople by the Turks.—The Princess Sophia.—Her Journey to
Russia, and Marriage with Ivan III.—Increasing Renown of Russia.—
New Difficulty with the Horde.—The Tartars Invade Russia.—Strife on
the Banks of the Oka.—Letter of the Metropolitan Bishop.—
Unprecedented Panic.—Liberation of Russia.
In the middle of the fifteenth century, Constantinople was to Russia what
Paris, in the reign of Louis XIV., was to modern Europe. The imperial city
of Constantine was the central point of ecclesiastical magnificence, of
courtly splendor, of taste, of all intellectual culture.[4] To the Greeks the
Russians were indebted for their religion, their civilization and their social
culture.
Ivan III., who had for some time been associated with his father in the
government, was now recognized as the undisputed prince of the grand
principality, though his sway over the other provinces of Russia was very
feeble, and very obscurely defined. At twelve years of age, Ivan was
married to Maria, a princess of Tver. At eighteen years of age he was the
father of a son, to whom he gave his own name. When he had attained the
age of twenty-two years, his father died, and the reins of government passed
entirely into his hands. From his earliest years, he gave indications of a
character of much more than ordinary judgment and maturity. Upon his
Page 145
accession to the throne, he not only declined making any appeal to the khan
for the ratification of his authority, but refused to pay the tribute which the
horde had so long extorted. The result was, that the Tartars were speedily
rallying their forces, with vows of vengeance. But on the march, fortunately
for Russia, they fell into a dispute among themselves, and exhausted their
energies in mutual slaughter.
According to the Greek chronology, the world was then approaching the
end of the seven thousandth year since the creation, and the impression was
universal that the end of the world was at hand. It is worthy of remark that
this conviction seemed rather to increase recklessness and crime than to be
promotive of virtue. Bat the years glided on, and gradually the impression
faded away. Ivan, with extraordinary energy and sagacity, devoted himself
to the consolidation of the Russian empire, and the development of all its
sources of wealth. The refractory princes he assailed one by one, and,
favored by a peculiar combination of circumstances, succeeded in
chastising them into obedience.
The great Mogol power was essentially concentrated in three immense
hordes. All these three combined when there was a work of national
importance to be achieved. The largest of the hordes, and the most eastern,
spread over a region of undefined extent, some hundreds of miles east of
the Caspian Sea. The most western occupied a large territory upon the
Volga and the Kama, called Kezan. From this, their encampment, where
they had already erected many flourishing cities, enriched by commerce
with India and Greece, they were continually ravaging the frontiers of
Russia, often penetrating the country three or four hundred miles, laying the
largest cities in ashes, and then retiring laden with plunder and prisoners.
This encampment of the horde was but five hundred miles east of Moscow;
but much of the country directly intervening was an uninhabited waste, so
great was the terror which the barbarians inspired.
Ivan resolved to take Kezan from the horde. It was the boldest resolve
which any Russian prince had conceived for ages. All the mechanics in the
great cities which lined the banks of the upper Volga and the Oka, were
employed in constructing barges, which were armed with the most
approved instruments of war. The enthusiasm of Russia was roused to the
for the ratification of his authority, but refused to pay the tribute which the
horde had so long extorted. The result was, that the Tartars were speedily
rallying their forces, with vows of vengeance. But on the march, fortunately
for Russia, they fell into a dispute among themselves, and exhausted their
energies in mutual slaughter.
According to the Greek chronology, the world was then approaching the
end of the seven thousandth year since the creation, and the impression was
universal that the end of the world was at hand. It is worthy of remark that
this conviction seemed rather to increase recklessness and crime than to be
promotive of virtue. Bat the years glided on, and gradually the impression
faded away. Ivan, with extraordinary energy and sagacity, devoted himself
to the consolidation of the Russian empire, and the development of all its
sources of wealth. The refractory princes he assailed one by one, and,
favored by a peculiar combination of circumstances, succeeded in
chastising them into obedience.
The great Mogol power was essentially concentrated in three immense
hordes. All these three combined when there was a work of national
importance to be achieved. The largest of the hordes, and the most eastern,
spread over a region of undefined extent, some hundreds of miles east of
the Caspian Sea. The most western occupied a large territory upon the
Volga and the Kama, called Kezan. From this, their encampment, where
they had already erected many flourishing cities, enriched by commerce
with India and Greece, they were continually ravaging the frontiers of
Russia, often penetrating the country three or four hundred miles, laying the
largest cities in ashes, and then retiring laden with plunder and prisoners.
This encampment of the horde was but five hundred miles east of Moscow;
but much of the country directly intervening was an uninhabited waste, so
great was the terror which the barbarians inspired.
Ivan resolved to take Kezan from the horde. It was the boldest resolve
which any Russian prince had conceived for ages. All the mechanics in the
great cities which lined the banks of the upper Volga and the Oka, were
employed in constructing barges, which were armed with the most
approved instruments of war. The enthusiasm of Russia was roused to the
Page 146
highest pitch by this naval expedition, which presented a spectacle as novel
as it was magnificent and exciting.
War has its pageantry as well as its woe. The two flotillas, with fluttering
pennants and resounding music, and crowded with gayly-dressed and
sanguine warriors, floated down the streams until they met, at the
confluence of these rivers, near Nizni Novgorod. Here the two fleets,
covering the Volga for many leagues, were united. Spreading their sails,
they passed rapidly down the river about two hundred miles, until they
arrived at Kezan, the capital of the horde. Deeming their enterprise a
religious one, in which the cross of Christ was to be planted against the
banners of the infidel, they all partook of the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, and engaged in the most earnest exercises of devotion the evening
before they reached their place of landing.
In those days intelligence was only transmitted by means of couriers, at vast
expense, and either accompanied by an army or by a strong body guard.
The Mogols had no suspicion of the tempest which was about to break over
their heads. On the 21st of May, 1469, before the dawn of the morning, the
Russians leaped upon the shore near Kezan, the capital, and with trumpet
blasts and appalling cries, rushed upon the sleeping inhabitants. Without
resistance they penetrated the streets. The Russians, in war, were as barbaric
as the Tartars. The city was set on fire; indiscriminate slaughter ensued, and
awful vengeance was taken for the woes which the horde had for ages
inflicted upon Russia. But few escaped. Those who fell not by the sword
perished in the flames. Many Russian prisoners were found in the city who
had been in slavery for years.
Thus far, success, exceeding the most sanguine anticipations, had
accompanied the enterprise. The victorious Russians, burdened with the
plunder of the city, reembarked, and, descending the river some distance,
landed upon an island which presented every attraction for a party of
pleasure, and there they passed a week in rest, in feasting and in all festive
joys. Ibrahim, prince of the horde, escaped the general carnage, and, in a
few days, rallied such a force of cavalry as to make a fierce assault upon the
invaders. The strife continued, from morning until night, without any
decisive results, when both parties were glad to seek repose, with the Volga
flowing between them. The next morning neither were willing to renew the
as it was magnificent and exciting.
War has its pageantry as well as its woe. The two flotillas, with fluttering
pennants and resounding music, and crowded with gayly-dressed and
sanguine warriors, floated down the streams until they met, at the
confluence of these rivers, near Nizni Novgorod. Here the two fleets,
covering the Volga for many leagues, were united. Spreading their sails,
they passed rapidly down the river about two hundred miles, until they
arrived at Kezan, the capital of the horde. Deeming their enterprise a
religious one, in which the cross of Christ was to be planted against the
banners of the infidel, they all partook of the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, and engaged in the most earnest exercises of devotion the evening
before they reached their place of landing.
In those days intelligence was only transmitted by means of couriers, at vast
expense, and either accompanied by an army or by a strong body guard.
The Mogols had no suspicion of the tempest which was about to break over
their heads. On the 21st of May, 1469, before the dawn of the morning, the
Russians leaped upon the shore near Kezan, the capital, and with trumpet
blasts and appalling cries, rushed upon the sleeping inhabitants. Without
resistance they penetrated the streets. The Russians, in war, were as barbaric
as the Tartars. The city was set on fire; indiscriminate slaughter ensued, and
awful vengeance was taken for the woes which the horde had for ages
inflicted upon Russia. But few escaped. Those who fell not by the sword
perished in the flames. Many Russian prisoners were found in the city who
had been in slavery for years.
Thus far, success, exceeding the most sanguine anticipations, had
accompanied the enterprise. The victorious Russians, burdened with the
plunder of the city, reembarked, and, descending the river some distance,
landed upon an island which presented every attraction for a party of
pleasure, and there they passed a week in rest, in feasting and in all festive
joys. Ibrahim, prince of the horde, escaped the general carnage, and, in a
few days, rallied such a force of cavalry as to make a fierce assault upon the
invaders. The strife continued, from morning until night, without any
decisive results, when both parties were glad to seek repose, with the Volga
flowing between them. The next morning neither were willing to renew the
Page 147
combat. Ibrahim soon had a flotilla upon the Volga nearly equal to that of
the Russians. The war now raged, embittered by every passion which can
goad the soul of man to madness.
One of the Russian princes, a man of astonishing nerve and agility, in one
of these conflicts sprang into a Tartar boat, smiting, with his war club, upon
the right hand and the left, and, leaping from boat to boat of the foe, warded
off every blow, striking down multitudes, until he finally returned, in safety,
to his own flotilla, cheered by the huzzas of his troops. The Mogols were
punished, not subdued; but this punishment, so unexpected and severe, was
quite a new experience for them. The Russian troops, elated with their
success, returned to Nizni Novgorod. In the autumn, Ivan III. sent another
army, under the command of his two brothers, Youri and André, to
coöperate with the troops in Nizni Novgorod in a new expedition. This
army left Moscow in two divisions, one of which marched across the
country, and the other descended the Volga in barges. Ibrahim had made
every effort in his power to prepare to repel the invasion. A decisive battle
was fought. The Mogols, completely vanquished, were compelled to accept
such terms as the conqueror condescended to grant.
This victory attracted the attention of Europe, and the great monarchies of
the southern portion of the continent began to regard Russia as an infant
power which might yet rise to importance. Another event at this time
occurred which brought Russia still more prominently into the view of the
nations of the South. In the year 1467, the grand prince, with tears of
anguish, buried his young and beautiful spouse. Five years of widowhood
had passed away. The Turks had overrun Asia Minor, and, crossing the
Hellespont under Mohammed II., with bloody cimeter had taken
Constantinople by storm, cutting down sixty thousand of its inhabitants, and
bringing all Greece under the Turkish sway. The Mohammedan placed his
heel upon the head of the Christian, and Constantinople became the capital
of Moslem power. This was in the year 1472.
Constantin Paleologue was the last of the Grecian emperors. One of his
brothers, Thomas, escaping from the ruins of his country, fled to Rome,
where, in consideration of his illustrious rank and lineage, he received a
large monthly stipend from the pope. Thomas had a daughter, Sophia, a
princess of rare beauty, and richly endowed with all mental graces and
the Russians. The war now raged, embittered by every passion which can
goad the soul of man to madness.
One of the Russian princes, a man of astonishing nerve and agility, in one
of these conflicts sprang into a Tartar boat, smiting, with his war club, upon
the right hand and the left, and, leaping from boat to boat of the foe, warded
off every blow, striking down multitudes, until he finally returned, in safety,
to his own flotilla, cheered by the huzzas of his troops. The Mogols were
punished, not subdued; but this punishment, so unexpected and severe, was
quite a new experience for them. The Russian troops, elated with their
success, returned to Nizni Novgorod. In the autumn, Ivan III. sent another
army, under the command of his two brothers, Youri and André, to
coöperate with the troops in Nizni Novgorod in a new expedition. This
army left Moscow in two divisions, one of which marched across the
country, and the other descended the Volga in barges. Ibrahim had made
every effort in his power to prepare to repel the invasion. A decisive battle
was fought. The Mogols, completely vanquished, were compelled to accept
such terms as the conqueror condescended to grant.
This victory attracted the attention of Europe, and the great monarchies of
the southern portion of the continent began to regard Russia as an infant
power which might yet rise to importance. Another event at this time
occurred which brought Russia still more prominently into the view of the
nations of the South. In the year 1467, the grand prince, with tears of
anguish, buried his young and beautiful spouse. Five years of widowhood
had passed away. The Turks had overrun Asia Minor, and, crossing the
Hellespont under Mohammed II., with bloody cimeter had taken
Constantinople by storm, cutting down sixty thousand of its inhabitants, and
bringing all Greece under the Turkish sway. The Mohammedan placed his
heel upon the head of the Christian, and Constantinople became the capital
of Moslem power. This was in the year 1472.
Constantin Paleologue was the last of the Grecian emperors. One of his
brothers, Thomas, escaping from the ruins of his country, fled to Rome,
where, in consideration of his illustrious rank and lineage, he received a
large monthly stipend from the pope. Thomas had a daughter, Sophia, a
princess of rare beauty, and richly endowed with all mental graces and
Page 148
attractions. The pope sought a spouse worthy of this princess, who was the
descendant of a long line of emperors. Mohammed II., having overrun all
Greece, flushed with victory, was collecting his forces for the invasion of
the Italian peninsula, and his vaunt, that he would feed his horse from the
altar of St. Peters, had thrilled the ear of Catholic Europe. The pope, Paul
II., anxious to rouse all the Christian powers against the Turks, wished to
make the marriage of the Grecian princess promotive of his political views.
Her beauty, her genius and her exalted birth rendered her a rare prize.
Rumors had reached Rome of the vast population and extraordinary wealth
of Russia; nearly all the great Russian rivers emptied into the Black Sea,
and along these channels the Russian flotillas could easily descend upon the
conquerors of Constantinople; Russia was united with Greece by the ties of
the same religion, and the recent victory over the Tartars had given the
grand prince great renown. These considerations influenced the pope to
send an embassador to Moscow, proposing to Ivan III. the hand of Sophia.
To increase the apparent value of the offer, the embassador was authorized
to state that the princess had refused the hand of the King of France, and
also of the Duke of Milan, she being unwilling, as a member of the Greek
church, to ally herself with a prince of the Latin religion.
Nothing could have been more attractive to Ivan III., and his nobles, than
this alliance. "God himself," exclaimed a bishop, "must have conferred the
gift. She is a shoot from an imperial tree which formerly overspread all
orthodox Christians. This alliance will make Moscow another
Constantinople, and will confer upon our sovereign the rights of the
Grecian emperors."
The grand prince, not deeming it decorous to appear too eager, and yet
solicitous lest he might lose the prize, sent an embassador, with a numerous
suite, to Rome, with a letter to the pope, and to report more particularly
respecting the princess, not forgetting to bring him her portrait. This
embassage was speedily followed by another, authorized to complete the
arrangements. The embassadors were received with signal honors by Sextus
IV., who had just succeeded Paul II., and at length it was solemnly
announced, in a full conclave of cardinals, on the 22d of May, 1472, that the
Russian prince wished to espouse Sophia. Some of the cardinals objected to
the orthodoxy of Ivan III.; but the pope replied that it was by condescension
descendant of a long line of emperors. Mohammed II., having overrun all
Greece, flushed with victory, was collecting his forces for the invasion of
the Italian peninsula, and his vaunt, that he would feed his horse from the
altar of St. Peters, had thrilled the ear of Catholic Europe. The pope, Paul
II., anxious to rouse all the Christian powers against the Turks, wished to
make the marriage of the Grecian princess promotive of his political views.
Her beauty, her genius and her exalted birth rendered her a rare prize.
Rumors had reached Rome of the vast population and extraordinary wealth
of Russia; nearly all the great Russian rivers emptied into the Black Sea,
and along these channels the Russian flotillas could easily descend upon the
conquerors of Constantinople; Russia was united with Greece by the ties of
the same religion, and the recent victory over the Tartars had given the
grand prince great renown. These considerations influenced the pope to
send an embassador to Moscow, proposing to Ivan III. the hand of Sophia.
To increase the apparent value of the offer, the embassador was authorized
to state that the princess had refused the hand of the King of France, and
also of the Duke of Milan, she being unwilling, as a member of the Greek
church, to ally herself with a prince of the Latin religion.
Nothing could have been more attractive to Ivan III., and his nobles, than
this alliance. "God himself," exclaimed a bishop, "must have conferred the
gift. She is a shoot from an imperial tree which formerly overspread all
orthodox Christians. This alliance will make Moscow another
Constantinople, and will confer upon our sovereign the rights of the
Grecian emperors."
The grand prince, not deeming it decorous to appear too eager, and yet
solicitous lest he might lose the prize, sent an embassador, with a numerous
suite, to Rome, with a letter to the pope, and to report more particularly
respecting the princess, not forgetting to bring him her portrait. This
embassage was speedily followed by another, authorized to complete the
arrangements. The embassadors were received with signal honors by Sextus
IV., who had just succeeded Paul II., and at length it was solemnly
announced, in a full conclave of cardinals, on the 22d of May, 1472, that the
Russian prince wished to espouse Sophia. Some of the cardinals objected to
the orthodoxy of Ivan III.; but the pope replied that it was by condescension
Page 149
and kindness alone that they could hope to open the eyes of one spiritually
blind; a sentiment which it is to be regretted that the court of Rome and also
all other communions have too often ignored.
On the 1st of June the princess was sacredly affianced in the church of St.
Peter's to the prince of Moscow, the embassadors of Ivan III. assuring the
pope of the zeal of their monarch for the happy reunion of the Greek and
Latin churches. The pope conferred a very rich dowry upon Sophia, and
sent his legate to accompany her to Russia, attended by a splendid suite of
the most illustrious Romans. The affianced princess had a special court of
her own, with its functionaries of every grade, and its established etiquette.
A large number of Greeks followed her to Moscow, hoping to find in that
distant capital a second country. Directions were given by the pope that, in
every city through which she should pass, the princess should receive the
honors due to her rank, and that, especially throughout Italy and Germany,
she should be furnished with entertainment, relays of horses and guides,
until she should arrive at the frontiers of Russia.
Sophia left Rome on the 24th of August, and after a rapid journey of six
days, arrived, on the 1st of September, at Lubec, on the extreme southern
shore of the Baltic. Here she remained ten days, and on the 10th of
September embarked in a ship expressly and gorgeously equipped for her
accommodation. A sail of eight hundred miles along the Baltic Sea, which
occupied twenty days, conveyed the princess to Revel, near the mouth of
the Gulf of Finland. Arriving at this city on the 30th of September, she
remained there for rest, ten days, during which time she was regaled with
the utmost magnificence by the authorities of the place. Couriers had been
immediately dispatched, by the way of Novgorod, to Moscow, to inform the
prince of her arrival. Her journey from Revel to lake Tchoude presented but
a continued triumphal show. On the 11th of October she reached the shores
of the lake. A flotilla of barges, decorated with garlands and pennants, here
awaited her. A pleasant sail of two days conveyed her across the lake.
Immediately upon landing at Pskov, she repaired, with all her retinue, to the
church of Notre Dame, to give thanks to Heaven for the prosperity which
had thus far attended her journey. From the church she was conducted to the
palace of the prince of that province, where she received from the nobles
many precious gifts.
blind; a sentiment which it is to be regretted that the court of Rome and also
all other communions have too often ignored.
On the 1st of June the princess was sacredly affianced in the church of St.
Peter's to the prince of Moscow, the embassadors of Ivan III. assuring the
pope of the zeal of their monarch for the happy reunion of the Greek and
Latin churches. The pope conferred a very rich dowry upon Sophia, and
sent his legate to accompany her to Russia, attended by a splendid suite of
the most illustrious Romans. The affianced princess had a special court of
her own, with its functionaries of every grade, and its established etiquette.
A large number of Greeks followed her to Moscow, hoping to find in that
distant capital a second country. Directions were given by the pope that, in
every city through which she should pass, the princess should receive the
honors due to her rank, and that, especially throughout Italy and Germany,
she should be furnished with entertainment, relays of horses and guides,
until she should arrive at the frontiers of Russia.
Sophia left Rome on the 24th of August, and after a rapid journey of six
days, arrived, on the 1st of September, at Lubec, on the extreme southern
shore of the Baltic. Here she remained ten days, and on the 10th of
September embarked in a ship expressly and gorgeously equipped for her
accommodation. A sail of eight hundred miles along the Baltic Sea, which
occupied twenty days, conveyed the princess to Revel, near the mouth of
the Gulf of Finland. Arriving at this city on the 30th of September, she
remained there for rest, ten days, during which time she was regaled with
the utmost magnificence by the authorities of the place. Couriers had been
immediately dispatched, by the way of Novgorod, to Moscow, to inform the
prince of her arrival. Her journey from Revel to lake Tchoude presented but
a continued triumphal show. On the 11th of October she reached the shores
of the lake. A flotilla of barges, decorated with garlands and pennants, here
awaited her. A pleasant sail of two days conveyed her across the lake.
Immediately upon landing at Pskov, she repaired, with all her retinue, to the
church of Notre Dame, to give thanks to Heaven for the prosperity which
had thus far attended her journey. From the church she was conducted to the
palace of the prince of that province, where she received from the nobles
many precious gifts.
Page 150
After a five days' sojourn at Pskov, she left the city to continue her journey.
Upon taking her departure, she aroused the enthusiasm of the citizens by the
following words:
"I must hasten to present myself before your prince who is soon to be mine.
I thank the magistrates, the nobles and the citizens generally for the
reception which they have given me, and I promise never to neglect to
plead the cause of Pskov at the court of Moscow."
At Novgorod she was again entertained with all the splendor which Russian
opulence and art could display. The Russian winter had already
commenced, and the princess entered Moscow, in a sledge, on the 12th of
November. An innumerable crowd accompanied her. She was welcomed at
the gates of the city by the metropolitan bishop, who conducted her to the
church, where she received his benediction. She was then presented to the
mother of the grand prince, who introduced her to her future spouse.
Immediately the marriage ceremony was performed with the most imposing
pomp of the Greek church.
This marriage contributed much in making Russia better known throughout
Europe. In that age, far more than now, exalted birth was esteemed the
greatest of earthly honors; and Sophia, the daughter of a long line of
emperors, was followed by the eyes of every court in Europe to her distant
destination. Moreover, many Greeks, of high aesthetic and intellectual
culture, exiled from their country by the domination of the Turk, followed
their princess to Russia. They, by their knowledge of the arts and sciences,
rendered essential service to their adopted kingdom, which was just
emerging from barbarism. They enriched the libraries by the books which
they had rescued from the barbarism of the Turks, and contributed much to
the eclat of the court of Moscow by the introduction of the pompous
ceremonies of the Grecian court. Indeed, from this date Moscow was often
called a second Constantinople. The capital was rapidly embellished with
palaces and churches, constructed in the highest style of Grecian and Italian
architecture. From Italy, also, mechanics were introduced, who established
foundries for casting cannon, and mints for the coinage of money.
The prominent object in the mind of Ivan III. was the consolidation of all
the ancient principalities into one great empire, being firmly resolved to
Upon taking her departure, she aroused the enthusiasm of the citizens by the
following words:
"I must hasten to present myself before your prince who is soon to be mine.
I thank the magistrates, the nobles and the citizens generally for the
reception which they have given me, and I promise never to neglect to
plead the cause of Pskov at the court of Moscow."
At Novgorod she was again entertained with all the splendor which Russian
opulence and art could display. The Russian winter had already
commenced, and the princess entered Moscow, in a sledge, on the 12th of
November. An innumerable crowd accompanied her. She was welcomed at
the gates of the city by the metropolitan bishop, who conducted her to the
church, where she received his benediction. She was then presented to the
mother of the grand prince, who introduced her to her future spouse.
Immediately the marriage ceremony was performed with the most imposing
pomp of the Greek church.
This marriage contributed much in making Russia better known throughout
Europe. In that age, far more than now, exalted birth was esteemed the
greatest of earthly honors; and Sophia, the daughter of a long line of
emperors, was followed by the eyes of every court in Europe to her distant
destination. Moreover, many Greeks, of high aesthetic and intellectual
culture, exiled from their country by the domination of the Turk, followed
their princess to Russia. They, by their knowledge of the arts and sciences,
rendered essential service to their adopted kingdom, which was just
emerging from barbarism. They enriched the libraries by the books which
they had rescued from the barbarism of the Turks, and contributed much to
the eclat of the court of Moscow by the introduction of the pompous
ceremonies of the Grecian court. Indeed, from this date Moscow was often
called a second Constantinople. The capital was rapidly embellished with
palaces and churches, constructed in the highest style of Grecian and Italian
architecture. From Italy, also, mechanics were introduced, who established
foundries for casting cannon, and mints for the coinage of money.
The prominent object in the mind of Ivan III. was the consolidation of all
the ancient principalities into one great empire, being firmly resolved to
Page 151
justify the title which he had assumed, of Sovereign of all the Russias. He
wished to give new vigor to the monarchical power, to abolish the ancient
system of almost independent appanages which was leading to incessant
wars, and to wrest from the princes those prerogatives which limited the
authority of the sovereign. This was a formidable undertaking, requiring
great sagacity and firmness, but it would doubtless be promotive of the
welfare of Russia to be under the sway of one general sovereign, rather than
to be exposed to the despotism of a hundred petty and quarrelsome princes.
Ivan III. was anxious to accomplish this result without violating any treaty,
without committing any arbitrary or violent act which could rouse
opposition.
That he might triumph over the princes, it was necessary for him to secure
the affections of the people. The palace was consequently rendered easy of
access to them all. Appointed days were consecrated to justice, and, from
morning until evening, the grand prince listened to any complaints from his
subjects. The old magistrates had generally forfeited all claim to esteem.
Regarding only their own interests, they trafficked in offices, favored their
relatives, persecuted their enemies and surrounded themselves with crowds
of parasites who stifled, in the courts of justice, all the complaints of the
oppressed. Novgorod was first brought into entire subjection to the crown;
then Pskov.
While affairs were moving thus prosperously in Russia, the horde upon the
Volga was also recovering its energies; and a new khan, Akhmet, war-
loving and inflated by the success which his sword had already achieved,
resolved to bring Russia again into subjection. He accordingly, in the year
1480, sent an embassy, bearing an image of the khan as their credentials, to
Moscow, to demand the tribute which of old had been paid to the Tartars.
Ivan III. was in no mood to receive the insult patiently. He admitted the
embassage into the audience chamber of his palace. His nobles, in imposing
array, were gathered around prepared for a scene such as was not unusual in
those barbaric times. As soon as the embassadors entered and were
presented, the image of the khan was dashed to the floor by the order of
Ivan, and trampled under feet; and all the Mogol embassadors, with the
exception of one, were slain.
wished to give new vigor to the monarchical power, to abolish the ancient
system of almost independent appanages which was leading to incessant
wars, and to wrest from the princes those prerogatives which limited the
authority of the sovereign. This was a formidable undertaking, requiring
great sagacity and firmness, but it would doubtless be promotive of the
welfare of Russia to be under the sway of one general sovereign, rather than
to be exposed to the despotism of a hundred petty and quarrelsome princes.
Ivan III. was anxious to accomplish this result without violating any treaty,
without committing any arbitrary or violent act which could rouse
opposition.
That he might triumph over the princes, it was necessary for him to secure
the affections of the people. The palace was consequently rendered easy of
access to them all. Appointed days were consecrated to justice, and, from
morning until evening, the grand prince listened to any complaints from his
subjects. The old magistrates had generally forfeited all claim to esteem.
Regarding only their own interests, they trafficked in offices, favored their
relatives, persecuted their enemies and surrounded themselves with crowds
of parasites who stifled, in the courts of justice, all the complaints of the
oppressed. Novgorod was first brought into entire subjection to the crown;
then Pskov.
While affairs were moving thus prosperously in Russia, the horde upon the
Volga was also recovering its energies; and a new khan, Akhmet, war-
loving and inflated by the success which his sword had already achieved,
resolved to bring Russia again into subjection. He accordingly, in the year
1480, sent an embassy, bearing an image of the khan as their credentials, to
Moscow, to demand the tribute which of old had been paid to the Tartars.
Ivan III. was in no mood to receive the insult patiently. He admitted the
embassage into the audience chamber of his palace. His nobles, in imposing
array, were gathered around prepared for a scene such as was not unusual in
those barbaric times. As soon as the embassadors entered and were
presented, the image of the khan was dashed to the floor by the order of
Ivan, and trampled under feet; and all the Mogol embassadors, with the
exception of one, were slain.
Page 152
"Go," said Ivan sternly to him, "go to your master and tell him what you
have seen; tell him that if he has the insolence again to trouble my repose, I
will treat him as I have served his image and his embassadors."
This emphatic declaration of war was followed on both sides by the
mustering of armies. The horde was soon in motion, passing from the Volga
to the Don in numbers which were represented to be as the sands of the sea.
They rapidly and resistlessly ascended the valley of this river, marking their
path by a swath of ruin many miles in width. The grand prince took the
command of the Russian army in person, and rendezvoused his troops at
Kalouga, thence stationing them along the northern banks of the Oka, to
dispute the passage of that stream. All Russia was in a state of feverish
excitement. One decisive battle would settle the question, whether the
invaders were to be driven in bloody rout out of the empire, or, whether the
whole kingdom was to be surrendered to devastation by savages as fierce
and merciless as wolves.
About the middle of October the two armies met upon the opposite banks of
the Oka, with only the waters of that narrow stream to separate them.
Cannon and muskets were then just coming into use, but they were rude and
feeble instruments compared with the power of such weapons at the present
day. Swords, arrows, javelins, clubs, axes, battering-rams and catapults, and
the tramplings of horse were the engines of destruction which man then
wielded most potently against his fellow-man. The quarrel was a very
simple one. Some hundreds of thousands of Mogols had marched to the
heart of Russia, leaving behind them a path of flame and blood nearly a
thousand miles in length, that they might compel the Russians to pay them
tribute. Some hundred thousand Russians had met them there, to resist even
to death their insolent and oppressive demand.
The Tartars were far superior in numbers to the Russians, but Ivan had
made such a skillful disposition of his troops that Akhmet could not cross
the stream. For nearly a week the two armies fought from the opposite
banks, throwing at each other bullets, balls, stones, arrows and javelins. A
few were wounded and some slain in this impotent warfare.
The Russians were, however, very faint-hearted. It was evident that, should
the Tartars effect the passage of the river, the Russians, already demoralized
have seen; tell him that if he has the insolence again to trouble my repose, I
will treat him as I have served his image and his embassadors."
This emphatic declaration of war was followed on both sides by the
mustering of armies. The horde was soon in motion, passing from the Volga
to the Don in numbers which were represented to be as the sands of the sea.
They rapidly and resistlessly ascended the valley of this river, marking their
path by a swath of ruin many miles in width. The grand prince took the
command of the Russian army in person, and rendezvoused his troops at
Kalouga, thence stationing them along the northern banks of the Oka, to
dispute the passage of that stream. All Russia was in a state of feverish
excitement. One decisive battle would settle the question, whether the
invaders were to be driven in bloody rout out of the empire, or, whether the
whole kingdom was to be surrendered to devastation by savages as fierce
and merciless as wolves.
About the middle of October the two armies met upon the opposite banks of
the Oka, with only the waters of that narrow stream to separate them.
Cannon and muskets were then just coming into use, but they were rude and
feeble instruments compared with the power of such weapons at the present
day. Swords, arrows, javelins, clubs, axes, battering-rams and catapults, and
the tramplings of horse were the engines of destruction which man then
wielded most potently against his fellow-man. The quarrel was a very
simple one. Some hundreds of thousands of Mogols had marched to the
heart of Russia, leaving behind them a path of flame and blood nearly a
thousand miles in length, that they might compel the Russians to pay them
tribute. Some hundred thousand Russians had met them there, to resist even
to death their insolent and oppressive demand.
The Tartars were far superior in numbers to the Russians, but Ivan had
made such a skillful disposition of his troops that Akhmet could not cross
the stream. For nearly a week the two armies fought from the opposite
banks, throwing at each other bullets, balls, stones, arrows and javelins. A
few were wounded and some slain in this impotent warfare.
The Russians were, however, very faint-hearted. It was evident that, should
the Tartars effect the passage of the river, the Russians, already demoralized
Page 153
by fear, would be speedily overpowered. The grand prince himself was so
apprehensive as to the result, that he sent one of his nobles with rich
presents to the khan and proposed terms of peace. Akhmet rejected the
presents, and sent back the haughty reply:
"I have come thus far to take vengeance upon Ivan; to punish him for
neglecting for nine years to appear before me with tribute and in homage.
Let him come penitently into my presence and kiss my stirrup, and then
perhaps, if my lords intercede for him, I may forgive him."
As soon as it was heard in Moscow that the grand prince was manifesting
such timidity, the clergy sent to him a letter urging the vigorous defense of
their country and of their religion. The letter was written by Vassian, the
archbishop of Moscow, and was signed, on behalf of the clergy, by several
of the higher ecclesiastics. We have not space to introduce the whole of this
noble epistle, which is worthy of being held in perpetual remembrance. The
following extracts will show its spirit. It was in the form of a letter from the
archbishop to the king; to which letter others of the clergy gave their assent:
"It is our duty to announce the truth to kings, and that which I have already
spoken in the ear of your majesty I now write, to inspire you with new
courage and energy. When, influenced by the prayers and the councils of
your bishop, you left Moscow for the army, with the firm intention of
attacking the enemy of the Christians, we prostrated ourselves day and
night before God, pleading with him to grant the victory to our armies.
Nevertheless, we learn that at the approach of Akhmet, of that ferocious
warrior who has already caused thousands of Christians to perish, and who
menaces your throne and your country, you tremble before him—you
implore peace of him, and send to him embassadors, while that impious
warrior breathes only vengeance and despises your prayer.
"Ah, grand prince, to what counselors have you lent your ear? What men,
unworthy of the name of Christian, have given you such advice? Will you
throw away your arms and shamefully take to flight? But reflect from what
a height of grandeur your majesty will descend; to what a depth of
humiliation you will fall! Are you willing, oh prince, to surrender Russia to
fire and blood, your churches to pillage, your subjects to the sword of the
apprehensive as to the result, that he sent one of his nobles with rich
presents to the khan and proposed terms of peace. Akhmet rejected the
presents, and sent back the haughty reply:
"I have come thus far to take vengeance upon Ivan; to punish him for
neglecting for nine years to appear before me with tribute and in homage.
Let him come penitently into my presence and kiss my stirrup, and then
perhaps, if my lords intercede for him, I may forgive him."
As soon as it was heard in Moscow that the grand prince was manifesting
such timidity, the clergy sent to him a letter urging the vigorous defense of
their country and of their religion. The letter was written by Vassian, the
archbishop of Moscow, and was signed, on behalf of the clergy, by several
of the higher ecclesiastics. We have not space to introduce the whole of this
noble epistle, which is worthy of being held in perpetual remembrance. The
following extracts will show its spirit. It was in the form of a letter from the
archbishop to the king; to which letter others of the clergy gave their assent:
"It is our duty to announce the truth to kings, and that which I have already
spoken in the ear of your majesty I now write, to inspire you with new
courage and energy. When, influenced by the prayers and the councils of
your bishop, you left Moscow for the army, with the firm intention of
attacking the enemy of the Christians, we prostrated ourselves day and
night before God, pleading with him to grant the victory to our armies.
Nevertheless, we learn that at the approach of Akhmet, of that ferocious
warrior who has already caused thousands of Christians to perish, and who
menaces your throne and your country, you tremble before him—you
implore peace of him, and send to him embassadors, while that impious
warrior breathes only vengeance and despises your prayer.
"Ah, grand prince, to what counselors have you lent your ear? What men,
unworthy of the name of Christian, have given you such advice? Will you
throw away your arms and shamefully take to flight? But reflect from what
a height of grandeur your majesty will descend; to what a depth of
humiliation you will fall! Are you willing, oh prince, to surrender Russia to
fire and blood, your churches to pillage, your subjects to the sword of the
Page 154
enemy? What heart is so insensible as not to be overwhelmed by the
thought even of such a calamity?
"No; we will trust in the all-powerful God! No; you will not abandon us!
You will blush at the name of a fugitive, of being the betrayer of your
country. Lay aside all fear. Redouble your confidence in God. Then one
shall chase a thousand, and two shall put ten thousand to flight. There is no
God like ours. Do you say that the oath, taken by your ancestors, binds you
not to raise your arms against the khan? But we, your metropolitan bishop,
and all the other bishops, representatives of Jesus Christ, absolve you from
that oath, extorted by force; we all give you our benediction, and conjure
you to march against Akhmet, who is but a brigand and an enemy of God.
"God is a Father full of tenderness for his children. He knows when to
punish and when to pardon. And if formerly he submerged Pharaoh to save
the children of Israel, he will, in the same manner, save you and your
people, if you purify your heart by penitence, for you are a man and a
sinner. The penitence of a monarch is his sacred obligation to obey the laws
of justice, to cherish his people, to renounce every act of violence, and grant
pardon even to the guilty. It is thus that God will elevate you among us, as
formerly he elevated Moses, Joshua and the other liberators of Israel, that
Russia, a new Israel, may be delivered by you from the impious Akhmet,
that other Pharaoh.
"I pray you, grand prince, do not censure me for my feeble words, for it is
written, 'Give instruction to a wise man and he will be yet wiser.'[5] So may
it be. Receive our benediction, you and your children, all the nobles and
chieftains, and all your brave warriors, children of Jesus Christ. Amen."
This letter, instead of giving the king offense, inspired him with new zeal
and courage. He immediately abandoned all idea of peace. A fortnight had
now passed in comparative inaction, the Russians and Tartars menacing
each other from opposite sides of the stream. The cold month of November
had now come, and a thin coating of ice began to spread over the surface of
the stream. It was evident that Akhmet was only waiting for the river to be
frozen over, and that, in a few days, he would be able to cross at any point.
The grand prince, seeing that the decisive battle could not much longer be
deferred, ordered his troops, in the night, to make a change of position, that
thought even of such a calamity?
"No; we will trust in the all-powerful God! No; you will not abandon us!
You will blush at the name of a fugitive, of being the betrayer of your
country. Lay aside all fear. Redouble your confidence in God. Then one
shall chase a thousand, and two shall put ten thousand to flight. There is no
God like ours. Do you say that the oath, taken by your ancestors, binds you
not to raise your arms against the khan? But we, your metropolitan bishop,
and all the other bishops, representatives of Jesus Christ, absolve you from
that oath, extorted by force; we all give you our benediction, and conjure
you to march against Akhmet, who is but a brigand and an enemy of God.
"God is a Father full of tenderness for his children. He knows when to
punish and when to pardon. And if formerly he submerged Pharaoh to save
the children of Israel, he will, in the same manner, save you and your
people, if you purify your heart by penitence, for you are a man and a
sinner. The penitence of a monarch is his sacred obligation to obey the laws
of justice, to cherish his people, to renounce every act of violence, and grant
pardon even to the guilty. It is thus that God will elevate you among us, as
formerly he elevated Moses, Joshua and the other liberators of Israel, that
Russia, a new Israel, may be delivered by you from the impious Akhmet,
that other Pharaoh.
"I pray you, grand prince, do not censure me for my feeble words, for it is
written, 'Give instruction to a wise man and he will be yet wiser.'[5] So may
it be. Receive our benediction, you and your children, all the nobles and
chieftains, and all your brave warriors, children of Jesus Christ. Amen."
This letter, instead of giving the king offense, inspired him with new zeal
and courage. He immediately abandoned all idea of peace. A fortnight had
now passed in comparative inaction, the Russians and Tartars menacing
each other from opposite sides of the stream. The cold month of November
had now come, and a thin coating of ice began to spread over the surface of
the stream. It was evident that Akhmet was only waiting for the river to be
frozen over, and that, in a few days, he would be able to cross at any point.
The grand prince, seeing that the decisive battle could not much longer be
deferred, ordered his troops, in the night, to make a change of position, that
Page 155
he might occupy the plains of Borosk as a field more favorable for his
troops. But the Russian soldiers, still agitated by the fears which their
sovereign had not been able to conceal, regarded this order as the signal for
retreat. The panic spread from rank to rank, and, favored by the obscurity of
the night, soon the whole host, in the wildest confusion, were in rapid flight.
No efforts of the officers could arrest the dismay. Before the morning, the
Russian camp was entirely deserted, and the fugitives were rushing, like an
inundation, up the valley of the Moskwa toward the imperial city.
But God did not desert Russia in this decisive hour. He appears to have
heard and answered the prayers which had so incessantly ascended. In the
Russian annals, their preservation is wholly attributed to the interposition of
that God whose aid the bishops, the clergy and Christian men and women in
hundreds of churches had so earnestly implored. The Tartars, seeing, in the
earliest dawn of the morning, the banks of the river entirely abandoned by
the Russians, imagined that the flight was but a ruse of war, that
ambuscades were prepared for them, and, remembering previous scenes of
exterminating slaughter, they, also, were seized with a panic, and
commenced a retreat. This movement itself increased the alarm. Terror
spread rapidly. In an hour, the whole Tartar host, abandoning their tents and
their baggage, were in tumultuous flight.
As the sun rose, an unprecedented spectacle was presented. Two immense
armies were flying from each other in indescribable confusion and dismay,
each actually frightened out of its wits, and no one pursuing either. The
Russians did not stop for a long breath until they attained the walls of
Moscow. Akhmet, having reached the head waters of the Don, retreated
rapidly down that stream, wreaking such vengeance as he could by the way,
but not venturing to stop until he had reached his strongholds upon the
banks of the Volga. Thus, singularly, providentially, terminated this last
serious invasion of Russia by the Tartars. A Russian annalist, in attributing
the glory of this well-authenticated event all to God, writes: "Shall men,
vain and feeble, celebrate the terror of their arms? No! it is not to the might
of earth's warriors, it is not to human wisdom that Russia owes her safety,
but only to the goodness of God."
Ivan III., in the cathedrals of Moscow, offered long continued praises to
God for this victory, obtained without the effusion of blood. An annual
troops. But the Russian soldiers, still agitated by the fears which their
sovereign had not been able to conceal, regarded this order as the signal for
retreat. The panic spread from rank to rank, and, favored by the obscurity of
the night, soon the whole host, in the wildest confusion, were in rapid flight.
No efforts of the officers could arrest the dismay. Before the morning, the
Russian camp was entirely deserted, and the fugitives were rushing, like an
inundation, up the valley of the Moskwa toward the imperial city.
But God did not desert Russia in this decisive hour. He appears to have
heard and answered the prayers which had so incessantly ascended. In the
Russian annals, their preservation is wholly attributed to the interposition of
that God whose aid the bishops, the clergy and Christian men and women in
hundreds of churches had so earnestly implored. The Tartars, seeing, in the
earliest dawn of the morning, the banks of the river entirely abandoned by
the Russians, imagined that the flight was but a ruse of war, that
ambuscades were prepared for them, and, remembering previous scenes of
exterminating slaughter, they, also, were seized with a panic, and
commenced a retreat. This movement itself increased the alarm. Terror
spread rapidly. In an hour, the whole Tartar host, abandoning their tents and
their baggage, were in tumultuous flight.
As the sun rose, an unprecedented spectacle was presented. Two immense
armies were flying from each other in indescribable confusion and dismay,
each actually frightened out of its wits, and no one pursuing either. The
Russians did not stop for a long breath until they attained the walls of
Moscow. Akhmet, having reached the head waters of the Don, retreated
rapidly down that stream, wreaking such vengeance as he could by the way,
but not venturing to stop until he had reached his strongholds upon the
banks of the Volga. Thus, singularly, providentially, terminated this last
serious invasion of Russia by the Tartars. A Russian annalist, in attributing
the glory of this well-authenticated event all to God, writes: "Shall men,
vain and feeble, celebrate the terror of their arms? No! it is not to the might
of earth's warriors, it is not to human wisdom that Russia owes her safety,
but only to the goodness of God."
Ivan III., in the cathedrals of Moscow, offered long continued praises to
God for this victory, obtained without the effusion of blood. An annual
Page 156
festival was established in honor of this great event. Akhmet, with his
troops disorganized and scattered, had hardly reached the Volga, ere he was
attacked by a rival khan, who drove him some five hundred miles south to
the shore of the Sea of Azof. Here his rival overtook him, killed him with
his own hand, took his wives and his daughters captives, seized all his
riches, and then, seeking friendly relations with Russia, sent word to
Moscow that the great enemy of the grand prince was in his grave.
Thus terminated for ever the sway of the Tartars over the Russians. For two
hundred years, Russia had been held by the khans in slavery. Though the
horde long continued to exist as a band of lawless and uncivilized men,
often engaged in predatory excursions, no further attempts were made to
exact either tribute or homage.
———
[4] Karamsin, vol. ix., p. 436.
[5] Proverbs of Solomon, ix. 9.
CHAPTER XI.
THE REIGN OF VASSILI
From 1480 to 1533.
Alliance With Hungary.—A Traveler From Germany.—Treaty Between
Russia and Germany.—Embassage To Turkey.—Court Etiquette.—Death
of the Princess Sophia.—Death of Ivan.—Advancement of Knowledge.—
Succession of Vassili.—Attack Upon the Horde.—Rout of the Russians.
—The Grand Prince Takes the Title of Emperor.—Turkish Envoy To
Moscow.—Efforts To Arm Europe Against the Turks.—Death of the
Emperor Maximilian, and Accession of Charles V. To the Empire of
Germany.—Death of Vassili.
troops disorganized and scattered, had hardly reached the Volga, ere he was
attacked by a rival khan, who drove him some five hundred miles south to
the shore of the Sea of Azof. Here his rival overtook him, killed him with
his own hand, took his wives and his daughters captives, seized all his
riches, and then, seeking friendly relations with Russia, sent word to
Moscow that the great enemy of the grand prince was in his grave.
Thus terminated for ever the sway of the Tartars over the Russians. For two
hundred years, Russia had been held by the khans in slavery. Though the
horde long continued to exist as a band of lawless and uncivilized men,
often engaged in predatory excursions, no further attempts were made to
exact either tribute or homage.
———
[4] Karamsin, vol. ix., p. 436.
[5] Proverbs of Solomon, ix. 9.
CHAPTER XI.
THE REIGN OF VASSILI
From 1480 to 1533.
Alliance With Hungary.—A Traveler From Germany.—Treaty Between
Russia and Germany.—Embassage To Turkey.—Court Etiquette.—Death
of the Princess Sophia.—Death of Ivan.—Advancement of Knowledge.—
Succession of Vassili.—Attack Upon the Horde.—Rout of the Russians.
—The Grand Prince Takes the Title of Emperor.—Turkish Envoy To
Moscow.—Efforts To Arm Europe Against the Turks.—Death of the
Emperor Maximilian, and Accession of Charles V. To the Empire of
Germany.—Death of Vassili.
Page 157
The retreat of the Tartars did not redound much to the glory of Ivan. The
citizens of Moscow, in the midst of their rejoicings, were far from being
satisfied with their sovereign. They thought that he had not exhibited that
courage which characterizes grand souls, and that he had been signally
wanting in that devotion which leads one to sacrifice himself for the good
of his country. They lavished, however, their praises upon the clergy,
especially upon the Archbishop Vassian, whose letter to the grand prince
was read and re-read throughout the kingdom with the greatest enthusiasm.
This noble prelate, whose Christian heroism had saved his country, soon
after fell sick and died, deplored by all Russia.
Hungary was at this time governed by Matthias, son of the renowned
Hunniades,[6] a prince equally renowned for his valor and his genius.
Matthias, threatened by Poland, sent embassadors to Russia to seek alliance
with Ivan III. Eagerly Russia accepted the proposition, and entered into
friendly connections with Hungary, which kingdom was then, in
civilization, quite in advance of the northern empire.
In the year 1486, an illustrious cavalier, named Nicholas Poppel, visited
Russia, taking a letter of introduction to the grand prince from Frederic III.,
Emperor of Germany. He had no particular mission, and was led only by
motives of curiosity. "I have seen," said the traveler, "all the Christian
countries and all the kings, and I wished, also, to see Russia and the grand
prince."
The lords at Moscow had no faith in these words, and were persuaded that
he was a spy sent by their enemy, the King of Poland. Though they watched
him narrowly, he was not incommoded, and left the kingdom after having
satisfied his desire to see all that was remarkable. His report to the German
emperor was such that, two years after, he returned, in the quality of an
embassador from Frederic III., with a letter to Ivan III., dated Ulm,
December 26th, 1488. The nobles now received Poppel with great
cordiality. He said to them:
"After having left Russia, I went to find the emperor and the princes of
Germany at Nuremburg. I spent a long time giving them information
respecting your country and the grand prince. I corrected the false
impression, conceived by them, that Ivan III. was but the vassal of Casimir,
citizens of Moscow, in the midst of their rejoicings, were far from being
satisfied with their sovereign. They thought that he had not exhibited that
courage which characterizes grand souls, and that he had been signally
wanting in that devotion which leads one to sacrifice himself for the good
of his country. They lavished, however, their praises upon the clergy,
especially upon the Archbishop Vassian, whose letter to the grand prince
was read and re-read throughout the kingdom with the greatest enthusiasm.
This noble prelate, whose Christian heroism had saved his country, soon
after fell sick and died, deplored by all Russia.
Hungary was at this time governed by Matthias, son of the renowned
Hunniades,[6] a prince equally renowned for his valor and his genius.
Matthias, threatened by Poland, sent embassadors to Russia to seek alliance
with Ivan III. Eagerly Russia accepted the proposition, and entered into
friendly connections with Hungary, which kingdom was then, in
civilization, quite in advance of the northern empire.
In the year 1486, an illustrious cavalier, named Nicholas Poppel, visited
Russia, taking a letter of introduction to the grand prince from Frederic III.,
Emperor of Germany. He had no particular mission, and was led only by
motives of curiosity. "I have seen," said the traveler, "all the Christian
countries and all the kings, and I wished, also, to see Russia and the grand
prince."
The lords at Moscow had no faith in these words, and were persuaded that
he was a spy sent by their enemy, the King of Poland. Though they watched
him narrowly, he was not incommoded, and left the kingdom after having
satisfied his desire to see all that was remarkable. His report to the German
emperor was such that, two years after, he returned, in the quality of an
embassador from Frederic III., with a letter to Ivan III., dated Ulm,
December 26th, 1488. The nobles now received Poppel with great
cordiality. He said to them:
"After having left Russia, I went to find the emperor and the princes of
Germany at Nuremburg. I spent a long time giving them information
respecting your country and the grand prince. I corrected the false
impression, conceived by them, that Ivan III. was but the vassal of Casimir,
Page 158
King of Poland. 'That is impossible,' I said to them. 'The monarch of
Moscow is much more powerful and much richer than the King of Poland.
His estates are immense, his people numerous, his wisdom extraordinary.'
All the court listened to me with astonishment, and especially the emperor
himself, who often invited me to dine, and passed hours with me conversing
upon Russia. At length, the emperor, desiring to enter into an alliance with
the grand prince, has sent me to the court of your majesty as his
embassador."
He then solicited, in the name of Frederic III., the hand of Ivan's daughter,
Helen, for the nephew of the emperor, Albert, margrave of Baden. The
proposition for the marriage of the daughter of the grand prince with a mere
margrave was coldly received. Ivan, however, sent an embassador to
Germany with the following instructions:
"Should the emperor ask if the grand prince will consent to the marriage of
his daughter with the margrave of Baden, reply that such an alliance is not
worthy of the grandeur of the Russian monarch, brother of the ancient
emperors of Greece, who, in establishing themselves at Constantinople,
ceded the city of Rome to the popes. Leave the emperor, however, to see
that there is some hope of success should he desire one of our princesses for
his son, the King Maximilian."
The Russian embassador was received in Germany with the most flattering
attentions, even being conducted to a seat upon the throne by the side of the
emperor. It is said that Maximilian, who was then a widower, wished to
marry Helen, the daughter of the grand prince, but he wished, very
naturally, first to see her through the eyes of his embassador, and to
ascertain the amount of her dowry. To this request a polite refusal was
returned.
"How could one suppose," writes the Russian historian Karamsin, "that an
illustrious monarch and a princess, his daughter, could consent to the affront
of submitting the princess to the judgment of a foreign minister, who might
declare her unworthy of his master?"
The pride of the Russian court was touched, and the emperor's embassador
was informed, in very plain language, that the grand prince was not at all
disposed to make a matter of merchandise of his daughter—that, after her
Moscow is much more powerful and much richer than the King of Poland.
His estates are immense, his people numerous, his wisdom extraordinary.'
All the court listened to me with astonishment, and especially the emperor
himself, who often invited me to dine, and passed hours with me conversing
upon Russia. At length, the emperor, desiring to enter into an alliance with
the grand prince, has sent me to the court of your majesty as his
embassador."
He then solicited, in the name of Frederic III., the hand of Ivan's daughter,
Helen, for the nephew of the emperor, Albert, margrave of Baden. The
proposition for the marriage of the daughter of the grand prince with a mere
margrave was coldly received. Ivan, however, sent an embassador to
Germany with the following instructions:
"Should the emperor ask if the grand prince will consent to the marriage of
his daughter with the margrave of Baden, reply that such an alliance is not
worthy of the grandeur of the Russian monarch, brother of the ancient
emperors of Greece, who, in establishing themselves at Constantinople,
ceded the city of Rome to the popes. Leave the emperor, however, to see
that there is some hope of success should he desire one of our princesses for
his son, the King Maximilian."
The Russian embassador was received in Germany with the most flattering
attentions, even being conducted to a seat upon the throne by the side of the
emperor. It is said that Maximilian, who was then a widower, wished to
marry Helen, the daughter of the grand prince, but he wished, very
naturally, first to see her through the eyes of his embassador, and to
ascertain the amount of her dowry. To this request a polite refusal was
returned.
"How could one suppose," writes the Russian historian Karamsin, "that an
illustrious monarch and a princess, his daughter, could consent to the affront
of submitting the princess to the judgment of a foreign minister, who might
declare her unworthy of his master?"
The pride of the Russian court was touched, and the emperor's embassador
was informed, in very plain language, that the grand prince was not at all
disposed to make a matter of merchandise of his daughter—that, after her
Page 159
marriage, the grand prince would present her with a dowry such as he
should deem proportionate to the rank of the united pair, and that, above all,
should she marry Maximilian, she should not change her religion, but
should always have residing with her chaplains of the Greek church. Thus
terminated the question of the marriage. A treaty, however, of alliance was
formed between the two nations which was signed at Moscow, August 16th,
1490. In this treaty, Ivan III. subscribes himself, "by the grace of God,
monarch of all the Russias, prince of Vladimir, Moscow, Novgorod, Pskof,
Yougra, Viatha, Perme and Bulgaria." We thus see what portion of the
country was then deemed subject to his sway.
Ivan III., continually occupied in extending, consolidating and developing
the resources of his vast empire, could not but look with jealousy upon the
encroachments of the Turks, who had already overrun all Greece, who had
taken a large part of Hungary, and who were surging up the Danube in wave
after wave of terrible invasion. Still, sound judgment taught him that the
hour had not yet come for him to interpose; that it was his present policy to
devote all his energies to the increase of Russian wealth and power. It was a
matter of the first importance that Russia should enjoy the privileges of
commerce with those cities of Greece now occupied by the Turks, to which
Russia had access through the Dnieper and the Don, and partially through
the vast floods of the Volga. But the Russian merchants were incessantly
annoyed by the oppression of the lawless Turks. The following letter from
Ivan III. to the Sultan Bajazet II., gives one a very clear idea of the relations
existing between the two countries at that time. It is dated Moscow, August
31st, 1492.
"To Bajazet, Sultan, King of the princes of Turkey, Sovereign of the earth
and of the sea, we, Ivan III., by the grace of God, only true and hereditary
monarch of all the Russias, and of many other countries of the North and of
the East; behold! that which we deem it our duty to write to your majesty.
We have never sent embassadors to each other with friendly greetings.
Nevertheless, the Russian merchants have traversed your estates in the
exercise of a traffic advantageous to both of our empires. Often they
complain to me of the vexations they encounter from your magistrates, but I
have kept silence. The last summer, the pacha of Azof forced them to dig a
ditch, and to carry stones for the construction of the edifices of the city;
more than this, they have compelled our merchants of Azof and of Caffa to
should deem proportionate to the rank of the united pair, and that, above all,
should she marry Maximilian, she should not change her religion, but
should always have residing with her chaplains of the Greek church. Thus
terminated the question of the marriage. A treaty, however, of alliance was
formed between the two nations which was signed at Moscow, August 16th,
1490. In this treaty, Ivan III. subscribes himself, "by the grace of God,
monarch of all the Russias, prince of Vladimir, Moscow, Novgorod, Pskof,
Yougra, Viatha, Perme and Bulgaria." We thus see what portion of the
country was then deemed subject to his sway.
Ivan III., continually occupied in extending, consolidating and developing
the resources of his vast empire, could not but look with jealousy upon the
encroachments of the Turks, who had already overrun all Greece, who had
taken a large part of Hungary, and who were surging up the Danube in wave
after wave of terrible invasion. Still, sound judgment taught him that the
hour had not yet come for him to interpose; that it was his present policy to
devote all his energies to the increase of Russian wealth and power. It was a
matter of the first importance that Russia should enjoy the privileges of
commerce with those cities of Greece now occupied by the Turks, to which
Russia had access through the Dnieper and the Don, and partially through
the vast floods of the Volga. But the Russian merchants were incessantly
annoyed by the oppression of the lawless Turks. The following letter from
Ivan III. to the Sultan Bajazet II., gives one a very clear idea of the relations
existing between the two countries at that time. It is dated Moscow, August
31st, 1492.
"To Bajazet, Sultan, King of the princes of Turkey, Sovereign of the earth
and of the sea, we, Ivan III., by the grace of God, only true and hereditary
monarch of all the Russias, and of many other countries of the North and of
the East; behold! that which we deem it our duty to write to your majesty.
We have never sent embassadors to each other with friendly greetings.
Nevertheless, the Russian merchants have traversed your estates in the
exercise of a traffic advantageous to both of our empires. Often they
complain to me of the vexations they encounter from your magistrates, but I
have kept silence. The last summer, the pacha of Azof forced them to dig a
ditch, and to carry stones for the construction of the edifices of the city;
more than this, they have compelled our merchants of Azof and of Caffa to
Page 160
dispose of their merchandise for one half their value. If any one of the
merchants happens to fall sick, the magistrates place seals upon the goods
of all, and, if he dies, the State seizes all these goods, and restores but half if
he recover. No regard is paid to the clauses of a will, the Turkish
magistrates recognizing no heirs but themselves to the property of the
Russians.
"Such glaring injustice has compelled me to forbid my merchants to engage
in traffic in your country. From whence come these acts of violence?
Formerly these merchants paid only the legal tax, and they were permitted
to trade without annoyance. Are you aware of this, or not? One word more.
Mahomet II., your father, was a prince of grandeur and renown. He wished,
it is reported, to send to us embassadors, proposing friendly relations.
Providence frustrated the execution of this project. But why should we not
now see the accomplishment of this plan? We await your response."
The Russian embassador received orders from Ivan III. to present his
document to the sultan, standing, and not upon his knees, as was the custom
in the Turkish court; he was not to yield precedence to the embassador of
any other nation whatever, and was to address himself only to the sultan,
and not to the pachas. Plestchief, the Russian envoy, obeyed his instructions
to the letter, and by his haughty bearing excited the indignation of the
Turkish nobles. The pacha of Constantinople received him with great
politeness, loaded him with attentions, invited him to dine, and begged him
to accept of a present of some rich dresses, and a purse of ten thousand
sequins. The haughty Russian declined the invitation to dine, returning the
purse and the robes with the ungracious response,
"I have nothing to say to pachas. I have no need to wear their clothes,
neither have I any need of their money. I wish only to speak to the sultan."
Notwithstanding this arrogance, Bajazet II., the sultan, received Plestchief
politely, and returned a conciliatory answer to the grand prince, promising
the redress of those grievances of which he complained. The Turk was
decidedly more civilized than the Christian. He wrote to Mengli Ghirei, the
pacha of the Crimea, where most of these annoyances had occurred:
"The monarch of Russia, with whom I desire to live in friendly relations,
has sent to me a clown. I can not consequently allow any of my people to
merchants happens to fall sick, the magistrates place seals upon the goods
of all, and, if he dies, the State seizes all these goods, and restores but half if
he recover. No regard is paid to the clauses of a will, the Turkish
magistrates recognizing no heirs but themselves to the property of the
Russians.
"Such glaring injustice has compelled me to forbid my merchants to engage
in traffic in your country. From whence come these acts of violence?
Formerly these merchants paid only the legal tax, and they were permitted
to trade without annoyance. Are you aware of this, or not? One word more.
Mahomet II., your father, was a prince of grandeur and renown. He wished,
it is reported, to send to us embassadors, proposing friendly relations.
Providence frustrated the execution of this project. But why should we not
now see the accomplishment of this plan? We await your response."
The Russian embassador received orders from Ivan III. to present his
document to the sultan, standing, and not upon his knees, as was the custom
in the Turkish court; he was not to yield precedence to the embassador of
any other nation whatever, and was to address himself only to the sultan,
and not to the pachas. Plestchief, the Russian envoy, obeyed his instructions
to the letter, and by his haughty bearing excited the indignation of the
Turkish nobles. The pacha of Constantinople received him with great
politeness, loaded him with attentions, invited him to dine, and begged him
to accept of a present of some rich dresses, and a purse of ten thousand
sequins. The haughty Russian declined the invitation to dine, returning the
purse and the robes with the ungracious response,
"I have nothing to say to pachas. I have no need to wear their clothes,
neither have I any need of their money. I wish only to speak to the sultan."
Notwithstanding this arrogance, Bajazet II., the sultan, received Plestchief
politely, and returned a conciliatory answer to the grand prince, promising
the redress of those grievances of which he complained. The Turk was
decidedly more civilized than the Christian. He wrote to Mengli Ghirei, the
pacha of the Crimea, where most of these annoyances had occurred:
"The monarch of Russia, with whom I desire to live in friendly relations,
has sent to me a clown. I can not consequently allow any of my people to
Page 161
accompany him back to Russia, lest they should find him offensive.
Respected as I am from the east to the west, I blush in being exposed to
such an affront. It is in consequence my wish that my son, the sultan of
Caffa, should correspond directly with the grand prince of Moscow."
With a sense of delicacy as attractive as it is rare, Bajazet II. refrained from
complaining of the boorishness of the Russian envoy, but wrote to the grand
prince, Ivan III., in the following courteous terms:
"You have sent, in the sincerity of your soul, one of your lords to the
threshold of my palace. He has seen me and has handed me your letter,
which I have pressed to my heart, since you have expressed a desire to
become my friend. Let your embassadors and your merchants no longer
fear to frequent our country. They have only to come to certify to the
veracity of all which your envoy will report to you from us. May God grant
him a prosperous journey and the grace to convey to you our profound
salutation—to you and to your friends; for those whom you love are equally
dear to us."
In the whole of this transaction the Turkish court appears far superior to the
Russian in the refinements and graces of polished life. There seems to be
something in a southern clime which ameliorates harshness of manners. The
Grecian emperors, perhaps, in abandoning their palaces, left also to their
conquerors that suavity which has transmitted even to our day the enviable
title of the "polished Greek."
In the year 1503, Ivan III. lost his spouse, the Greek princess Sophia. Her
death affected the aged monarch deeply, and seriously impaired his health.
Twenty-five years had now elapsed since he received the young and
beautiful princess as his bride, and during all these tumultuous years her
genius and attractions had been the most brilliant ornament of his court. The
infirmities of age pressed heavily upon the king, and it was manifest that his
days could not much longer be prolonged. With much ceremony, in the
presence of his lords, he dictated his will, declaring his oldest son Vassili to
be his successor as monarch, and assigning to all his younger children rich
possessions. The passion for the aggrandizement of Russia still glowed
strongly in his bosom even in the hour of death. Vassili, though twenty-five
years of age, was as yet unmarried. He decided to select his spouse from the
Respected as I am from the east to the west, I blush in being exposed to
such an affront. It is in consequence my wish that my son, the sultan of
Caffa, should correspond directly with the grand prince of Moscow."
With a sense of delicacy as attractive as it is rare, Bajazet II. refrained from
complaining of the boorishness of the Russian envoy, but wrote to the grand
prince, Ivan III., in the following courteous terms:
"You have sent, in the sincerity of your soul, one of your lords to the
threshold of my palace. He has seen me and has handed me your letter,
which I have pressed to my heart, since you have expressed a desire to
become my friend. Let your embassadors and your merchants no longer
fear to frequent our country. They have only to come to certify to the
veracity of all which your envoy will report to you from us. May God grant
him a prosperous journey and the grace to convey to you our profound
salutation—to you and to your friends; for those whom you love are equally
dear to us."
In the whole of this transaction the Turkish court appears far superior to the
Russian in the refinements and graces of polished life. There seems to be
something in a southern clime which ameliorates harshness of manners. The
Grecian emperors, perhaps, in abandoning their palaces, left also to their
conquerors that suavity which has transmitted even to our day the enviable
title of the "polished Greek."
In the year 1503, Ivan III. lost his spouse, the Greek princess Sophia. Her
death affected the aged monarch deeply, and seriously impaired his health.
Twenty-five years had now elapsed since he received the young and
beautiful princess as his bride, and during all these tumultuous years her
genius and attractions had been the most brilliant ornament of his court. The
infirmities of age pressed heavily upon the king, and it was manifest that his
days could not much longer be prolonged. With much ceremony, in the
presence of his lords, he dictated his will, declaring his oldest son Vassili to
be his successor as monarch, and assigning to all his younger children rich
possessions. The passion for the aggrandizement of Russia still glowed
strongly in his bosom even in the hour of death. Vassili, though twenty-five
years of age, was as yet unmarried. He decided to select his spouse from the
Page 162
daughters of the Russian nobles, and fifteen hundred of the most beautiful
belles of the kingdom were brought to the court that the prince, from among
them, might make his selection. The choice fell upon a maiden of exquisite
beauty, of Tartar descent. Her father was an officer in the army, a son of one
of the chiefs of the horde. The marriage was immediately consummated,
and all Moscow was in a blaze of illumination, rejoicing over the nuptials
of the heir to the crown. The decay of the aged monarch, however,
advanced, day by day. His death, at last, was quite sudden, in the night of
the 27th of October, 1505, at the age of sixty-six years and nine months,
and at the close of a reign of forty three years and a half.
Ivan III. will, through all ages, retain the rank of one of the most illustrious
of the sovereigns of Russia. The excellencies of his character and the length
of his reign, combined in enabling him to give an abiding direction to the
career of his country. He made his appearance on the political stage just in
the time when a new system of government, favorable to the power of the
sovereigns of Europe, was rising upon the ruins of feudalism. The royal
authority was gaining rapidly in England and in France. Spain, freed from
the domination of the Moors, had just become a power of the first rank. The
fleets of Portugal were whitening the most distant seas, conferring upon the
energetic kingdom wonderful wealth and power. Italy, though divided,
exulted in her fleet, her maritime wealth, and her elevation above all other
nations in the arts, the sciences and the intrigues of politics. Frederic IV.,
Emperor of Germany, an inefficient, apathetic man, was unable to restore
repose to the empire, distracted by civil war. His energetic son, Maximilian,
was already meditating that political change which should give new
strength to the monarch, and which finally raised the house of Austria to the
highest point of earthly grandeur. Hungary, Bohemia and Poland, governed
by near relatives, might almost be considered as a single power, and they
were, as by instinct, allied with Austria in endeavors to resist the
encroachments of the Turks.
Inventions and discoveries of the greatest importance were made in the
world during the reign of Ivan III. Gutenberg and Faust in Strasbourg
invented the art of printing. Christopher Columbus discovered the New
World. Until then the productions of India reached central Europe through
Persia, the Caspian Sea and the Sea of Azof. On the 20th of November,
1497, Vasco de Gama doubled the Cape of Good Hope, thus opening a new
belles of the kingdom were brought to the court that the prince, from among
them, might make his selection. The choice fell upon a maiden of exquisite
beauty, of Tartar descent. Her father was an officer in the army, a son of one
of the chiefs of the horde. The marriage was immediately consummated,
and all Moscow was in a blaze of illumination, rejoicing over the nuptials
of the heir to the crown. The decay of the aged monarch, however,
advanced, day by day. His death, at last, was quite sudden, in the night of
the 27th of October, 1505, at the age of sixty-six years and nine months,
and at the close of a reign of forty three years and a half.
Ivan III. will, through all ages, retain the rank of one of the most illustrious
of the sovereigns of Russia. The excellencies of his character and the length
of his reign, combined in enabling him to give an abiding direction to the
career of his country. He made his appearance on the political stage just in
the time when a new system of government, favorable to the power of the
sovereigns of Europe, was rising upon the ruins of feudalism. The royal
authority was gaining rapidly in England and in France. Spain, freed from
the domination of the Moors, had just become a power of the first rank. The
fleets of Portugal were whitening the most distant seas, conferring upon the
energetic kingdom wonderful wealth and power. Italy, though divided,
exulted in her fleet, her maritime wealth, and her elevation above all other
nations in the arts, the sciences and the intrigues of politics. Frederic IV.,
Emperor of Germany, an inefficient, apathetic man, was unable to restore
repose to the empire, distracted by civil war. His energetic son, Maximilian,
was already meditating that political change which should give new
strength to the monarch, and which finally raised the house of Austria to the
highest point of earthly grandeur. Hungary, Bohemia and Poland, governed
by near relatives, might almost be considered as a single power, and they
were, as by instinct, allied with Austria in endeavors to resist the
encroachments of the Turks.
Inventions and discoveries of the greatest importance were made in the
world during the reign of Ivan III. Gutenberg and Faust in Strasbourg
invented the art of printing. Christopher Columbus discovered the New
World. Until then the productions of India reached central Europe through
Persia, the Caspian Sea and the Sea of Azof. On the 20th of November,
1497, Vasco de Gama doubled the Cape of Good Hope, thus opening a new
Page 163
route to the Indies, and adding immeasurably to the enterprise and wealth of
the world. A new epoch seemed to dawn upon mankind, favorable at least to
the tranquillity of nations, the progress of civilization and the strength of
governments. Thus far Russia, in her remote seclusion, had taken no part in
the politics of Europe. It was not until the reign of Ivan III. that this great
northern empire emerged from that state of chaos in which she had neither
possessed definiteness of form nor assured existence.
Ivan III. found his nation in subjection to the Tartars. He threw off the yoke;
became one of the most illustrious monarchs in Europe, commanding
respect throughout Christendom; he took his position by the side of
emperors and sultans, and by the native energies of his mind, unenlightened
by study, he gave the wisest precepts for the internal and the external
government of his realms. But he was a rude, stern man, the legitimate
growth of those savage times. It is recorded that a single angry look from
him would make any woman faint; that at the table the nobles trembled
before him, not daring to utter a word.
Vassili now ascended the throne, and with great energy carried out the
principles established by his father. The first important measure of the new
monarch was to fit out an expedition against the still powerful but vagabond
horde at Kezan, on the Volga, to punish them for some acts of
insubordination. A powerful armament descended the Volga in barges. The
infantry landed near Kezan on the 22d of May, 1506. The Tartars, with a
numerous array of cavalry, were ready to receive their assailants, and fell
upon them with such impetuosity and courage that the Russians were
overpowered, and driven back, with much slaughter, to their boats. They
consequently retreated to await the arrival of the cavalry. The Tartars,
imagining that the foe, utterly discomfited, had fled back to Moscow,
surrendered themselves to excessive joy. A month passed away, and on the
22d of June an immense assemblage of uncounted thousands of Tartars
were gathered in festivity on the plains of Arsk, which spread around their
capital city. More than a thousand tents were spread upon the field.
Merchants from all parts were gathered there displaying their goods, and a
scene of festivity and splendor was exhibited, such as modern civilization
has never paralleled.
the world. A new epoch seemed to dawn upon mankind, favorable at least to
the tranquillity of nations, the progress of civilization and the strength of
governments. Thus far Russia, in her remote seclusion, had taken no part in
the politics of Europe. It was not until the reign of Ivan III. that this great
northern empire emerged from that state of chaos in which she had neither
possessed definiteness of form nor assured existence.
Ivan III. found his nation in subjection to the Tartars. He threw off the yoke;
became one of the most illustrious monarchs in Europe, commanding
respect throughout Christendom; he took his position by the side of
emperors and sultans, and by the native energies of his mind, unenlightened
by study, he gave the wisest precepts for the internal and the external
government of his realms. But he was a rude, stern man, the legitimate
growth of those savage times. It is recorded that a single angry look from
him would make any woman faint; that at the table the nobles trembled
before him, not daring to utter a word.
Vassili now ascended the throne, and with great energy carried out the
principles established by his father. The first important measure of the new
monarch was to fit out an expedition against the still powerful but vagabond
horde at Kezan, on the Volga, to punish them for some acts of
insubordination. A powerful armament descended the Volga in barges. The
infantry landed near Kezan on the 22d of May, 1506. The Tartars, with a
numerous array of cavalry, were ready to receive their assailants, and fell
upon them with such impetuosity and courage that the Russians were
overpowered, and driven back, with much slaughter, to their boats. They
consequently retreated to await the arrival of the cavalry. The Tartars,
imagining that the foe, utterly discomfited, had fled back to Moscow,
surrendered themselves to excessive joy. A month passed away, and on the
22d of June an immense assemblage of uncounted thousands of Tartars
were gathered in festivity on the plains of Arsk, which spread around their
capital city. More than a thousand tents were spread upon the field.
Merchants from all parts were gathered there displaying their goods, and a
scene of festivity and splendor was exhibited, such as modern civilization
has never paralleled.
Page 164
Suddenly the Russian army, horse and infantry, were seen upon the plain, as
if they had dropped from the clouds. They rushed upon the encampment,
cutting down the terrified multitude, with awful butchery, and trampling
them beneath their horses' feet. The fugitives, in dismay, sought to regain
the city, crushing each other in their flight and in the desperate endeavor to
crowd in at the gates and along the narrow streets. The Russians, exhausted
by their victory, and lured by the luxuries which filled the tents, instead of
taking the city by storm, as, in the confusion they probably could have
done, surrendered themselves to pillage and voluptuous indulgence. They
found the tents filled with food, liquors of all kinds and a great quantity of
precious commodities, and forgetting they were in the presence of an
enemy, they plunged into the wildest excesses of festivity and wassail.
The disgraceful carousal was briefly terminated during the night, but
renewed, with additional zest, in the morning. The songs and the shouts of
the drunken soldiers were heard in the streets of Kezan, and, from the
battlements, the Tartars beheld these orgies, equaling the most frantic revels
of pagan bacchanals. The Tartar khan, from the top of a bastion, watched
the spectacle, and perceiving the negligence of his enemies, prepared for a
surprise and for vengeance. On the 25th of June, just at the dawn of day, the
gates were thrown open, and twenty thousand horsemen and thirty thousand
infantry precipitated themselves with frightful yells upon the Russians,
stupefied with sleep and wine. Though the Russians exceeded the Tartars
two to one, yet they fled towards their boats like a flock of sheep, without
order and without arms. The plain was speedily strewn with their dead
bodies and crimsoned with their blood. Too much terrified to think even of
resistance, they clambered into their barges, cut the cables, and pushed out
into the stream. But for the valor of the Russian cavalry all would have been
destroyed. In the deepest humiliation the fugitives returned to Moscow.
Vassili resolved upon another expedition which should inflict signal
vengeance upon the horde. But while he was making his preparations, the
khan, terrified in view of the storm which was gathering, sent an embassage
to Moscow imploring pardon and peace, offering to deliver up all the
prisoners and to take a new oath of homage to the grand prince. Vassili, who
was just on the eve of a war with Poland, with alacrity accepted these
concessions. The King of Poland had heard, with much joy, of the death of
Ivan III., whose energetic arm he had greatly feared, and he now hoped to
if they had dropped from the clouds. They rushed upon the encampment,
cutting down the terrified multitude, with awful butchery, and trampling
them beneath their horses' feet. The fugitives, in dismay, sought to regain
the city, crushing each other in their flight and in the desperate endeavor to
crowd in at the gates and along the narrow streets. The Russians, exhausted
by their victory, and lured by the luxuries which filled the tents, instead of
taking the city by storm, as, in the confusion they probably could have
done, surrendered themselves to pillage and voluptuous indulgence. They
found the tents filled with food, liquors of all kinds and a great quantity of
precious commodities, and forgetting they were in the presence of an
enemy, they plunged into the wildest excesses of festivity and wassail.
The disgraceful carousal was briefly terminated during the night, but
renewed, with additional zest, in the morning. The songs and the shouts of
the drunken soldiers were heard in the streets of Kezan, and, from the
battlements, the Tartars beheld these orgies, equaling the most frantic revels
of pagan bacchanals. The Tartar khan, from the top of a bastion, watched
the spectacle, and perceiving the negligence of his enemies, prepared for a
surprise and for vengeance. On the 25th of June, just at the dawn of day, the
gates were thrown open, and twenty thousand horsemen and thirty thousand
infantry precipitated themselves with frightful yells upon the Russians,
stupefied with sleep and wine. Though the Russians exceeded the Tartars
two to one, yet they fled towards their boats like a flock of sheep, without
order and without arms. The plain was speedily strewn with their dead
bodies and crimsoned with their blood. Too much terrified to think even of
resistance, they clambered into their barges, cut the cables, and pushed out
into the stream. But for the valor of the Russian cavalry all would have been
destroyed. In the deepest humiliation the fugitives returned to Moscow.
Vassili resolved upon another expedition which should inflict signal
vengeance upon the horde. But while he was making his preparations, the
khan, terrified in view of the storm which was gathering, sent an embassage
to Moscow imploring pardon and peace, offering to deliver up all the
prisoners and to take a new oath of homage to the grand prince. Vassili, who
was just on the eve of a war with Poland, with alacrity accepted these
concessions. The King of Poland had heard, with much joy, of the death of
Ivan III., whose energetic arm he had greatly feared, and he now hoped to
Page 165
take advantage of the youth and inexperience of Vassili. A harassing warfare
was commenced between Russia and Poland, which raged for several years.
Peace was finally made, Russia extorting from Poland several important
provinces.
In the year 1514, Vassili, entering into a treaty with Maximilian, the
Emperor of Germany, laid aside the title of grand prince and assumed for
himself that of emperor, which was Kayser in the German language and
Tzar in the Russian. With great energy Vassili pushed the work of
concentrating and extending his empire, every year strengthening his power
over the distant principalities. Bajazet II., the Turkish sultan, the victim of a
conspiracy, was dethroned by his son Selim. Vassili, wishing, for the sake of
commerce, to maintain friendly relations with Turkey, sent an embassador
to the new sultan. The embassador, Alexeief, was authorized to make all
proper protestations of friendship, but to be very cautious not to compromit
the dignity of his sovereign. He was instructed not to prostrate himself
before the sultan, as was the oriental custom, but merely to offer his hands.
He was to convey rich presents to Selim, with a letter from the Russian
court, but was by no means to enquire for the health of the sultan, unless the
sultan should first enquire for the health of the emperor.
Notwithstanding these chilling punctilios, Selim received the Russian
embassador with much cordiality, and sent back with him a Turkish
embassador to the court of Moscow. Nine months, from August to May,
were occupied in the weary journey. While traversing the vast deserts of
Veronage, their horses, exhausted and starving, sank beneath them, and they
were obliged to toil along for weary leagues on foot, suffering from the
want both of food and water. They nearly perished before reaching the
frontiers of Rezan, but here they found horses and retinue awaiting them,
sent by Vassili. Upon their arrival at Moscow, the Turkish embassador was
received with great enthusiasm. It was deemed an honor, as yet unparalleled
in Russia, that the terrible conquerors of Constantinople, before whose arms
all Christendom was trembling, should send an embassador fifteen hundred
miles to Moscow to seek the alliance of the emperor.
The Turkish envoy was received with great magnificence by Vassili, seated
upon his throne, and surrounded by his nobles clad in robes of the most
costly furs. The embassador, Theodoric Kamal, a Greek by birth, with the
was commenced between Russia and Poland, which raged for several years.
Peace was finally made, Russia extorting from Poland several important
provinces.
In the year 1514, Vassili, entering into a treaty with Maximilian, the
Emperor of Germany, laid aside the title of grand prince and assumed for
himself that of emperor, which was Kayser in the German language and
Tzar in the Russian. With great energy Vassili pushed the work of
concentrating and extending his empire, every year strengthening his power
over the distant principalities. Bajazet II., the Turkish sultan, the victim of a
conspiracy, was dethroned by his son Selim. Vassili, wishing, for the sake of
commerce, to maintain friendly relations with Turkey, sent an embassador
to the new sultan. The embassador, Alexeief, was authorized to make all
proper protestations of friendship, but to be very cautious not to compromit
the dignity of his sovereign. He was instructed not to prostrate himself
before the sultan, as was the oriental custom, but merely to offer his hands.
He was to convey rich presents to Selim, with a letter from the Russian
court, but was by no means to enquire for the health of the sultan, unless the
sultan should first enquire for the health of the emperor.
Notwithstanding these chilling punctilios, Selim received the Russian
embassador with much cordiality, and sent back with him a Turkish
embassador to the court of Moscow. Nine months, from August to May,
were occupied in the weary journey. While traversing the vast deserts of
Veronage, their horses, exhausted and starving, sank beneath them, and they
were obliged to toil along for weary leagues on foot, suffering from the
want both of food and water. They nearly perished before reaching the
frontiers of Rezan, but here they found horses and retinue awaiting them,
sent by Vassili. Upon their arrival at Moscow, the Turkish embassador was
received with great enthusiasm. It was deemed an honor, as yet unparalleled
in Russia, that the terrible conquerors of Constantinople, before whose arms
all Christendom was trembling, should send an embassador fifteen hundred
miles to Moscow to seek the alliance of the emperor.
The Turkish envoy was received with great magnificence by Vassili, seated
upon his throne, and surrounded by his nobles clad in robes of the most
costly furs. The embassador, Theodoric Kamal, a Greek by birth, with the
Page 166
courtesy of the polished Greek, kneeling, kissed the hand of the emperor,
presented him the letter of his master, the sultan, beautifully written upon
parchment in Arabic letters, and assured the emperor of the wish of the
sultan to live with him in eternal friendship. But the Turk, loud in
protestations, was not disposed to alliance. It was evident that the office of a
spy constituted the most important part of the mission of Kamal.
This embassador had but just left the court of Moscow when another
appeared, from the Emperor Maximilian, of Germany. The message with
which the Baron Herberstein was commissioned from the court of Vienna to
the court of Moscow is sufficiently important to be recorded.
"Ought not sovereigns," said the embassador, "to seek the glory of religion
and the happiness of their subjects? Such are the principles which have ever
guided the emperor. If he has waged war, it has never been from the love of
false glory, nor to seize the territories of others, but to punish those who
have dared to provoke him. Despising danger, he has been seen in battle,
exposing himself like the humblest soldier, and gaining victories against
superior forces because the Almighty lends his arm to aid the virtuous.
"The Emperor of Germany is now reposing in the bosom of tranquillity. The
pope and all the princes of Italy have become his allies. Spain, Naples,
Sicily and twenty-six other realms recognize his grandson, Charles V., for
their legitimate and hereditary monarch. The King of Portugal is attached to
him by the ties of relationship, and the King of England by the bonds of
sincere friendship. The sovereigns of Denmark and Hungary have married
the grand-daughters of Maximilian, and the King of Poland testifies to
unbounded confidence in him. I will not speak of your majesty, for the
Emperor of Russia well knows how to appreciate the sentiments of the
Emperor of Germany.
"The King of France and the republic of Venice, influenced by selfish
interests, and disregarding the prosperity of Christianity, have taken no part
in this fraternal alliance of all the rest of Europe; but they are now
beginning to manifest a love for peace, and I have just learned that a treaty
is about to be concluded with them, also. Let any one now cast a glance
over the world and he will see but one Christian prince who is not attached
presented him the letter of his master, the sultan, beautifully written upon
parchment in Arabic letters, and assured the emperor of the wish of the
sultan to live with him in eternal friendship. But the Turk, loud in
protestations, was not disposed to alliance. It was evident that the office of a
spy constituted the most important part of the mission of Kamal.
This embassador had but just left the court of Moscow when another
appeared, from the Emperor Maximilian, of Germany. The message with
which the Baron Herberstein was commissioned from the court of Vienna to
the court of Moscow is sufficiently important to be recorded.
"Ought not sovereigns," said the embassador, "to seek the glory of religion
and the happiness of their subjects? Such are the principles which have ever
guided the emperor. If he has waged war, it has never been from the love of
false glory, nor to seize the territories of others, but to punish those who
have dared to provoke him. Despising danger, he has been seen in battle,
exposing himself like the humblest soldier, and gaining victories against
superior forces because the Almighty lends his arm to aid the virtuous.
"The Emperor of Germany is now reposing in the bosom of tranquillity. The
pope and all the princes of Italy have become his allies. Spain, Naples,
Sicily and twenty-six other realms recognize his grandson, Charles V., for
their legitimate and hereditary monarch. The King of Portugal is attached to
him by the ties of relationship, and the King of England by the bonds of
sincere friendship. The sovereigns of Denmark and Hungary have married
the grand-daughters of Maximilian, and the King of Poland testifies to
unbounded confidence in him. I will not speak of your majesty, for the
Emperor of Russia well knows how to appreciate the sentiments of the
Emperor of Germany.
"The King of France and the republic of Venice, influenced by selfish
interests, and disregarding the prosperity of Christianity, have taken no part
in this fraternal alliance of all the rest of Europe; but they are now
beginning to manifest a love for peace, and I have just learned that a treaty
is about to be concluded with them, also. Let any one now cast a glance
over the world and he will see but one Christian prince who is not attached
Page 167
to the Emperor Maximilian either by the ties of friendship or affection. All
Christian Europe is in profound peace excepting Russia and Poland.
"Maximilian has sent me to your majesty, illustrious monarch, to entreat
you to restore repose to Christianity and to your states. Peace causes
empires to flourish; war destroys their resources and hastens their downfall.
Who can be sure of victory? Fortune often frustrates the wisest plans.
"Thus far I have spoken in the name of my master. I wish now to add, that
on my journey I have been informed, by the Turkish embassador himself,
that the sultan has just captured Damascus, Jerusalem and all Egypt. A
traveler, worthy of credence, has confirmed this deplorable intelligence. If,
before these events, the power of the sultan inspired us with just fear, ought
not this success of his arms to augment our apprehensions?"
Russia and Poland had long been engaged in a bloody frontier war, each
endeavoring to wrest provinces from the other; but Russia was steadily on
the advance. The embassage of Maximilian was not productive of peace.
On the contrary, Vassili immediately sent an embassador to Vienna to
endeavor to secure the aid of Austria in his war with Poland. Maximilian
received the envoy with very extraordinary marks of favor. He was invited
to sit, in the presence of the emperor, with his hat upon his head, and
whenever the embassador, during the conference, mentioned the name of
the Russian emperor, Maximilian uncovered his head in token of respect.
The great object of Maximilian's ambition was to arm all Europe against the
Turks; and he was exceedingly anxious to secure the coöperation of a power
so energetic as that of Russia had now proved herself to be. Even then with
consummate foresight he wrote:
"The integrity of Poland is indispensable to the general interests of Europe.
The grandeur of Russia is becoming dangerous."
Maximilian soon sent another embassador to Moscow, who very forcibly
described the conquests made by the Turks in Europe, Asia and Africa, from
the Thracian Bosporus to the sands of Egypt, and from the mountains of
Caucasia to Venice. He spoke of the melancholy captivity of the Greek
church, which was the mother of Russian Christianity; of the profanation of
the holy sepulcher; of Nazareth, Bethlehem and Sinai, which had fallen
under the domination of the Turk. He suggested, that the Turks, in
Christian Europe is in profound peace excepting Russia and Poland.
"Maximilian has sent me to your majesty, illustrious monarch, to entreat
you to restore repose to Christianity and to your states. Peace causes
empires to flourish; war destroys their resources and hastens their downfall.
Who can be sure of victory? Fortune often frustrates the wisest plans.
"Thus far I have spoken in the name of my master. I wish now to add, that
on my journey I have been informed, by the Turkish embassador himself,
that the sultan has just captured Damascus, Jerusalem and all Egypt. A
traveler, worthy of credence, has confirmed this deplorable intelligence. If,
before these events, the power of the sultan inspired us with just fear, ought
not this success of his arms to augment our apprehensions?"
Russia and Poland had long been engaged in a bloody frontier war, each
endeavoring to wrest provinces from the other; but Russia was steadily on
the advance. The embassage of Maximilian was not productive of peace.
On the contrary, Vassili immediately sent an embassador to Vienna to
endeavor to secure the aid of Austria in his war with Poland. Maximilian
received the envoy with very extraordinary marks of favor. He was invited
to sit, in the presence of the emperor, with his hat upon his head, and
whenever the embassador, during the conference, mentioned the name of
the Russian emperor, Maximilian uncovered his head in token of respect.
The great object of Maximilian's ambition was to arm all Europe against the
Turks; and he was exceedingly anxious to secure the coöperation of a power
so energetic as that of Russia had now proved herself to be. Even then with
consummate foresight he wrote:
"The integrity of Poland is indispensable to the general interests of Europe.
The grandeur of Russia is becoming dangerous."
Maximilian soon sent another embassador to Moscow, who very forcibly
described the conquests made by the Turks in Europe, Asia and Africa, from
the Thracian Bosporus to the sands of Egypt, and from the mountains of
Caucasia to Venice. He spoke of the melancholy captivity of the Greek
church, which was the mother of Russian Christianity; of the profanation of
the holy sepulcher; of Nazareth, Bethlehem and Sinai, which had fallen
under the domination of the Turk. He suggested, that the Turks, in
Page 168
possession of the Tauride—as the country upon the north shore of the Black
Sea, bounded by the Dnieper and the Sea of Azof was then called—
threatened the independence of Russia herself; that Vassili had every thing
to fear from the ferocity, the perfidy and the success of Selim, who, stained
with the blood of his father and his three brothers, dared to assume the title
of master of the world. He entreated Vassili, as one of the most powerful of
the Christian princes, to follow the banner of Jesus Christ, and to cease to
make war upon Poland, thus exhausting the Christian powers.
Maximilian died before his embassador returned, and thus these
negotiations were interrupted. But Russia was then all engrossed with the
desire of obtaining provinces from Poland. Turkey was too formidable a foe
to think of assailing, and the idea at that time of wresting any territory from
Turkey was preposterous. All Europe combined could only hope to check
any further advance of the Moslem cimeters. Influenced by these
considerations, Vassili sent another embassador to Constantinople to
propose a treaty with Selim, which might aid Russia in the strife with her
hereditary rival. The sultan, glad of any opportunity to weaken the Christian
powers, ordered his pachas to harass Poland in every possible way on the
south, thus enabling Russia more easily to assail the distracted kingdom on
the north. The King of Poland, Sigismond, was in consternation.
Poland was united with Rome in religion. The pope, Leo X., anxious to
secure the coöperation of both Poland and Russia against the Turks, who
were the great foe Christianity had most to dread, proposed that the King of
Poland, a renowned warrior, should be entrusted with the supreme
command of the Christian armies, and adroitly suggested to Vassili, that
Constantinople was the legitimate heritage of a Russian monarch, who was
the descendant of a Grecian princess; that it was sound policy for him to
turn his attention to Turkey; for Poland, being a weaker power, and
combined of two discordant elements, the original Poland and Lithuania,
would of necessity be gradually absorbed by the growth of Russia.
Vassili hated the pope, because he had ordered Te Deums in Rome, in
celebration of a victory which the Poles had obtained over the Russians, and
had called the Russians heretics. But still the bait the pope presented was
too alluring not to be caught at. In the labyrinthine mazes of politics,
Sea, bounded by the Dnieper and the Sea of Azof was then called—
threatened the independence of Russia herself; that Vassili had every thing
to fear from the ferocity, the perfidy and the success of Selim, who, stained
with the blood of his father and his three brothers, dared to assume the title
of master of the world. He entreated Vassili, as one of the most powerful of
the Christian princes, to follow the banner of Jesus Christ, and to cease to
make war upon Poland, thus exhausting the Christian powers.
Maximilian died before his embassador returned, and thus these
negotiations were interrupted. But Russia was then all engrossed with the
desire of obtaining provinces from Poland. Turkey was too formidable a foe
to think of assailing, and the idea at that time of wresting any territory from
Turkey was preposterous. All Europe combined could only hope to check
any further advance of the Moslem cimeters. Influenced by these
considerations, Vassili sent another embassador to Constantinople to
propose a treaty with Selim, which might aid Russia in the strife with her
hereditary rival. The sultan, glad of any opportunity to weaken the Christian
powers, ordered his pachas to harass Poland in every possible way on the
south, thus enabling Russia more easily to assail the distracted kingdom on
the north. The King of Poland, Sigismond, was in consternation.
Poland was united with Rome in religion. The pope, Leo X., anxious to
secure the coöperation of both Poland and Russia against the Turks, who
were the great foe Christianity had most to dread, proposed that the King of
Poland, a renowned warrior, should be entrusted with the supreme
command of the Christian armies, and adroitly suggested to Vassili, that
Constantinople was the legitimate heritage of a Russian monarch, who was
the descendant of a Grecian princess; that it was sound policy for him to
turn his attention to Turkey; for Poland, being a weaker power, and
combined of two discordant elements, the original Poland and Lithuania,
would of necessity be gradually absorbed by the growth of Russia.
Vassili hated the pope, because he had ordered Te Deums in Rome, in
celebration of a victory which the Poles had obtained over the Russians, and
had called the Russians heretics. But still the bait the pope presented was
too alluring not to be caught at. In the labyrinthine mazes of politics,
Page 169
however, there were obstacles to the development of this policy which years
only could remove.
Upon the death of Maximilian, Charles V. of Spain ascended the throne of
the German empire, and established a power, the most formidable that had
been known in Europe for seven hundred years, that is, since the age of
Charlemagne. Vassili was in the midst of these plans of aggrandizement
when death came with its unexpected summons. He was in the fifty-fourth
year of his age, with mental and physical vigor unimpaired. A small pimple
appeared on his left thigh, not larger than the head of a pin, but from its
commencement attended with excruciating pain. It soon resolved itself into
a malignant ulcer, which rapidly exhausted all the vital energies. The dying
king was exceedingly anxious to prepare himself to stand before the
judgment seat of God. He spent days and nights in prayer, gave most
affectionate exhortations to all around him to live for heaven, assumed
monastic robes, resolving that, should he recover, he would devote himself
exclusively to the service of God. It was midnight the 3d of December,
1533. The king had just partaken of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
Suddenly his tongue was paralyzed, his eyes fixed, his hands dropped by
his side, and the metropolitan bishop, who had been administering the last
rites of religion, exclaimed, "It is all over. The king is dead."
———
[6] See Empire of Austria, p. 71.
CHAPTER XII.
IVAN IV.—HIS MINORITY.
From 1533 to 1546.
Vassili At the Chase.—Attention To Distinguished Foreigners.—The
Autocracy.—Splendor of the Edifices.—Slavery.—Aristocracy.—
Infancy of Ivan IV.—Regency of Hélène.—Conspiracies and Tumults.—
only could remove.
Upon the death of Maximilian, Charles V. of Spain ascended the throne of
the German empire, and established a power, the most formidable that had
been known in Europe for seven hundred years, that is, since the age of
Charlemagne. Vassili was in the midst of these plans of aggrandizement
when death came with its unexpected summons. He was in the fifty-fourth
year of his age, with mental and physical vigor unimpaired. A small pimple
appeared on his left thigh, not larger than the head of a pin, but from its
commencement attended with excruciating pain. It soon resolved itself into
a malignant ulcer, which rapidly exhausted all the vital energies. The dying
king was exceedingly anxious to prepare himself to stand before the
judgment seat of God. He spent days and nights in prayer, gave most
affectionate exhortations to all around him to live for heaven, assumed
monastic robes, resolving that, should he recover, he would devote himself
exclusively to the service of God. It was midnight the 3d of December,
1533. The king had just partaken of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
Suddenly his tongue was paralyzed, his eyes fixed, his hands dropped by
his side, and the metropolitan bishop, who had been administering the last
rites of religion, exclaimed, "It is all over. The king is dead."
———
[6] See Empire of Austria, p. 71.
CHAPTER XII.
IVAN IV.—HIS MINORITY.
From 1533 to 1546.
Vassili At the Chase.—Attention To Distinguished Foreigners.—The
Autocracy.—Splendor of the Edifices.—Slavery.—Aristocracy.—
Infancy of Ivan IV.—Regency of Hélène.—Conspiracies and Tumults.—
Page 170
War with Sigismond of Poland.—Death of Hélène.—Struggles of the
Nobles.—Appalling Sufferings of Dmitri.—Incursion of the Tartars.—
Successful Conspiracy.—Ivan IV. At the Chase.—Coronation of Ivan IV.
Under Vassili, the Russian court attained a degree of splendor which had
before been unknown. The Baron of Herberstein thus describes the
appearance of the monarch when engaging in the pleasures of the chase:
"As soon as we saw the monarch entering the field, we dismounted and
advanced to meet him on foot. He was mounted upon a magnificent
charger, gorgeously caparisoned. He wore upon his head a tall cap,
embroidered with precious stones, and surmounted by gilded plumes which
waved in the wind. A poignard and two knives were attached to his girdle.
He had upon his right, Aley, tzar of Kazan, armed with a bow and arrows; at
his left, two young princes, one of whom held an ax, and the other a number
of arms. His suite consisted of more than three hundred cavaliers."
The chase was continued, over the boundless plains, for many days and
often weeks. When night approached, the whole party, often consisting of
thousands, dismounted and reared their village of tents. The tent of the
emperor was ample, gorgeous, and furnished with all the appliances of
luxury. Hounds were first introduced into these sports in Russia by Vassili.
The evening hours were passed in festivity, with abundance of good cheer,
and in narrating the adventures of the day.
Whenever the emperor appeared in public, he was preceded by esquires
chosen from among the young nobles distinguished for their beauty, the
delicacy of their features and the perfect proportion of their forms. Clothed
in robes of white satin and armed with small hatchets of silver, they
marched before the emperor, and appeared to strangers, say his
cotemporaries, "like angels descended from the skies."
Vassili was especially fond of magnificence in the audiences which he gave
to foreign embassadors. To impress them with an idea of the vast population
and wealth of Russia, and of the glory and power of the sovereign, Vassili
ordered, on the day of presentation, that all the ordinary avocations of life
should cease, and the citizens, clothed in their richest dresses, were to
crowd around the walls of the Kremlin. All the young nobles in the vicinity,
Nobles.—Appalling Sufferings of Dmitri.—Incursion of the Tartars.—
Successful Conspiracy.—Ivan IV. At the Chase.—Coronation of Ivan IV.
Under Vassili, the Russian court attained a degree of splendor which had
before been unknown. The Baron of Herberstein thus describes the
appearance of the monarch when engaging in the pleasures of the chase:
"As soon as we saw the monarch entering the field, we dismounted and
advanced to meet him on foot. He was mounted upon a magnificent
charger, gorgeously caparisoned. He wore upon his head a tall cap,
embroidered with precious stones, and surmounted by gilded plumes which
waved in the wind. A poignard and two knives were attached to his girdle.
He had upon his right, Aley, tzar of Kazan, armed with a bow and arrows; at
his left, two young princes, one of whom held an ax, and the other a number
of arms. His suite consisted of more than three hundred cavaliers."
The chase was continued, over the boundless plains, for many days and
often weeks. When night approached, the whole party, often consisting of
thousands, dismounted and reared their village of tents. The tent of the
emperor was ample, gorgeous, and furnished with all the appliances of
luxury. Hounds were first introduced into these sports in Russia by Vassili.
The evening hours were passed in festivity, with abundance of good cheer,
and in narrating the adventures of the day.
Whenever the emperor appeared in public, he was preceded by esquires
chosen from among the young nobles distinguished for their beauty, the
delicacy of their features and the perfect proportion of their forms. Clothed
in robes of white satin and armed with small hatchets of silver, they
marched before the emperor, and appeared to strangers, say his
cotemporaries, "like angels descended from the skies."
Vassili was especially fond of magnificence in the audiences which he gave
to foreign embassadors. To impress them with an idea of the vast population
and wealth of Russia, and of the glory and power of the sovereign, Vassili
ordered, on the day of presentation, that all the ordinary avocations of life
should cease, and the citizens, clothed in their richest dresses, were to
crowd around the walls of the Kremlin. All the young nobles in the vicinity,
Page 171
with their retinues, were summoned. The troops were under arms, and the
most distinguished officers, glittering in the panoply of war, rode to meet
the envoys.[7] In the hall of audience, crowded to its utmost capacity, there
was silence, as of the grave. The king sat upon his throne, his bonnet upon
one side of him, his scepter upon the other. His nobles were seated around
upon couches draped in purple and embroidered with pearls and gold.
Following the example of Ivan III., Vassili was unwearied in his endeavors
to induce foreigners of distinction, particularly artists, physicians and men
of science, to take up their residence in Russia. Any stranger, distinguished
for genius or capability of any kind, who entered Russia, found it not easy
to leave the kingdom. A Greek physician, of much celebrity, from
Constantinople, visited Moscow. Vassili could not find it in his heart to
relinquish so rich a prize, and detained him with golden bonds, which the
unhappy man, mourning for his wife and children, in vain endeavored to
break away. At last the sultan was influenced to write in behalf of the
Greek.
"Permit," he wrote, "Marc to return to Constantinople to rejoin his family.
He went to Russia only for a temporary visit."
The emperor replied:
"For a long time Marc has served me to his and my perfect satisfaction. He
is now my lieutenant at Novgorod. Send to him his wife and children."
The power of the sovereign was absolute. His will was the supreme law.
The lives, the fortunes of the clergy, the laity, the lords, the citizens were
dependent upon his pleasure. The Russians regarded their monarch as the
executor of the divine will. Their ordinary language was, God and the
prince decree it. The Russians generally defend this autocracy as the only
true principle of government. The philosophic Karamsin writes:
"Ivan III. and Vassili knew how to establish permanently the nature of one
government by constituting in autocracy the necessary attribute of empire,
its sole constitution, and the only basis of safety, force and prosperity. This
limitless power of the prince is regarded as tyranny in the eye of strangers,
because, in their inconsiderate judgment, they forget that tyranny is the
abuse of autocracy, and that the same tyranny may exist in a republic when
most distinguished officers, glittering in the panoply of war, rode to meet
the envoys.[7] In the hall of audience, crowded to its utmost capacity, there
was silence, as of the grave. The king sat upon his throne, his bonnet upon
one side of him, his scepter upon the other. His nobles were seated around
upon couches draped in purple and embroidered with pearls and gold.
Following the example of Ivan III., Vassili was unwearied in his endeavors
to induce foreigners of distinction, particularly artists, physicians and men
of science, to take up their residence in Russia. Any stranger, distinguished
for genius or capability of any kind, who entered Russia, found it not easy
to leave the kingdom. A Greek physician, of much celebrity, from
Constantinople, visited Moscow. Vassili could not find it in his heart to
relinquish so rich a prize, and detained him with golden bonds, which the
unhappy man, mourning for his wife and children, in vain endeavored to
break away. At last the sultan was influenced to write in behalf of the
Greek.
"Permit," he wrote, "Marc to return to Constantinople to rejoin his family.
He went to Russia only for a temporary visit."
The emperor replied:
"For a long time Marc has served me to his and my perfect satisfaction. He
is now my lieutenant at Novgorod. Send to him his wife and children."
The power of the sovereign was absolute. His will was the supreme law.
The lives, the fortunes of the clergy, the laity, the lords, the citizens were
dependent upon his pleasure. The Russians regarded their monarch as the
executor of the divine will. Their ordinary language was, God and the
prince decree it. The Russians generally defend this autocracy as the only
true principle of government. The philosophic Karamsin writes:
"Ivan III. and Vassili knew how to establish permanently the nature of one
government by constituting in autocracy the necessary attribute of empire,
its sole constitution, and the only basis of safety, force and prosperity. This
limitless power of the prince is regarded as tyranny in the eye of strangers,
because, in their inconsiderate judgment, they forget that tyranny is the
abuse of autocracy, and that the same tyranny may exist in a republic when
Page 172
citizens or powerful magistrates oppress society. Autocracy does not signify
the absence of laws, since law is everywhere where there is any duty to be
performed, and the first duty of princes, is it not to watch over the
happiness of their people?"
To the traveler, in the age of Vassili, Russia appeared like a vast desert
compared with the other countries of Europe. The sparseness of the
habitations, the extended plains, dense forests and roads, rough and
desolate, attested that Russia was still in the cradle of its civilization. But as
one approached Moscow, the signs of animated life rapidly increased.
Convoys crowded the grand route, which traversed vast prairies waving
with grain and embellished with all the works of industry. In the midst of
this plain rose the majestic domes and glittering towers of Moscow. The
convents, in massive piles, scattered around, resembled beautiful villages.
The palace of the Kremlin alone, was a city in itself. Around this, as the
nucleus, but spreading over a wide extent, were the streets of the
metropolis, the palaces of the nobles, the mansions of the wealthy citizens
and the shops of the artisans. The city in that day was, indeed, one of
"magnificent distances," almost every dwelling being surrounded by a
garden in luxurious cultivation. In the year 1520, the houses, by count,
which was ordered by the grand prince, amounted to forty-one thousand
five hundred.
The metropolitan bishop, the grand dignitaries of the court, the princes and
lords occupied splendid mansions of wood reared by Grecian and Italian
architects in the environs of the Kremlin. On wide and beautiful streets
there were a large number of very magnificent churches also built of wood.
The bazaars or shops, filled with the rich merchandise of Europe and of
Asia, were collected in one quarter of the city, and were surrounded by a
high stone wall as a protection against the armies, domestic or foreign,
which were ever sweeping over the land.
From the eleventh to the sixteenth century, slavery may be said to have
been universal in Russia. Absolutely every man but the monarch was a
slave. The highest nobles and princes avowed themselves the slaves of the
monarch. There was no law but the will of the sovereign. He could deprive
any one of property and of life, and there was no power to call him to
account but the poignard of the assassin or the sword of rebellion. In like
the absence of laws, since law is everywhere where there is any duty to be
performed, and the first duty of princes, is it not to watch over the
happiness of their people?"
To the traveler, in the age of Vassili, Russia appeared like a vast desert
compared with the other countries of Europe. The sparseness of the
habitations, the extended plains, dense forests and roads, rough and
desolate, attested that Russia was still in the cradle of its civilization. But as
one approached Moscow, the signs of animated life rapidly increased.
Convoys crowded the grand route, which traversed vast prairies waving
with grain and embellished with all the works of industry. In the midst of
this plain rose the majestic domes and glittering towers of Moscow. The
convents, in massive piles, scattered around, resembled beautiful villages.
The palace of the Kremlin alone, was a city in itself. Around this, as the
nucleus, but spreading over a wide extent, were the streets of the
metropolis, the palaces of the nobles, the mansions of the wealthy citizens
and the shops of the artisans. The city in that day was, indeed, one of
"magnificent distances," almost every dwelling being surrounded by a
garden in luxurious cultivation. In the year 1520, the houses, by count,
which was ordered by the grand prince, amounted to forty-one thousand
five hundred.
The metropolitan bishop, the grand dignitaries of the court, the princes and
lords occupied splendid mansions of wood reared by Grecian and Italian
architects in the environs of the Kremlin. On wide and beautiful streets
there were a large number of very magnificent churches also built of wood.
The bazaars or shops, filled with the rich merchandise of Europe and of
Asia, were collected in one quarter of the city, and were surrounded by a
high stone wall as a protection against the armies, domestic or foreign,
which were ever sweeping over the land.
From the eleventh to the sixteenth century, slavery may be said to have
been universal in Russia. Absolutely every man but the monarch was a
slave. The highest nobles and princes avowed themselves the slaves of the
monarch. There was no law but the will of the sovereign. He could deprive
any one of property and of life, and there was no power to call him to
account but the poignard of the assassin or the sword of rebellion. In like
Page 173
manner the peasant serfs were slaves of the nobles, with no privileges
whatever, except such as the humanity or the selfishness of their lords
might grant But gradually custom, controlling public opinion, assumed
almost the form of law. The kings established certain rules for the
promotion of industry and the regulation of commerce. Merchants and
scholars attained a degree of practical independence which was based on
indulgence rather than any constitutional right, and, during the reign of
Vassili, the law alone could doom the serf to death, and he began to be
regarded as a man, as a citizen protected by the laws.[8] From this time we
begin to see the progress of humanity and of higher conceptions of social
life. It is, perhaps, worthy of record that anciently the peasants or serfs were
universally designated by the name smerdi, which simply means smelling
offensively. Is the exhalation of an offensive odor the necessary property of
a people imbruted by poverty and filth? In America that unpleasant
effluvium has generally been considered a peculiarity pertaining to the
colored race. Philosophic observation may show that it is a disease, the
result of uncleanliness, but, like other diseases, often transmitted from the
guilty parent to the unoffending child. We have known white people who
were exceedingly offensive in this respect, and colored people who were
not so at all.
The pride of illustrious birth was carried to the greatest extreme, and a
noble would blush to enter into any friendly relations whatever with a
plebeian. The nobles considered all business degrading excepting war, and
spent the weary months, when not under arms, in indolence in their castles.
The young women of the higher families were in a deplorable state of
captivity. Etiquette did not allow them to mingle with society, or even to be
seen except by their parents, and they had no employment except sewing or
knitting, no mental culture and no sources of amusement. It was not the
custom for the young men to choose their wives, but the father of the
maiden selected some eligible match for his daughter, and made
propositions to the family of his contemplated son-in-law, stating the dowry
he would confer upon the bride, and the parties were frequently married
without ever having previously seen each other.
The death of Vassili transmitted the crown to his only son, Ivan, an infant
but three years of age. By the will of the dying monarch, the regency,
during the minority of the child, was placed in the hands of the youthful
whatever, except such as the humanity or the selfishness of their lords
might grant But gradually custom, controlling public opinion, assumed
almost the form of law. The kings established certain rules for the
promotion of industry and the regulation of commerce. Merchants and
scholars attained a degree of practical independence which was based on
indulgence rather than any constitutional right, and, during the reign of
Vassili, the law alone could doom the serf to death, and he began to be
regarded as a man, as a citizen protected by the laws.[8] From this time we
begin to see the progress of humanity and of higher conceptions of social
life. It is, perhaps, worthy of record that anciently the peasants or serfs were
universally designated by the name smerdi, which simply means smelling
offensively. Is the exhalation of an offensive odor the necessary property of
a people imbruted by poverty and filth? In America that unpleasant
effluvium has generally been considered a peculiarity pertaining to the
colored race. Philosophic observation may show that it is a disease, the
result of uncleanliness, but, like other diseases, often transmitted from the
guilty parent to the unoffending child. We have known white people who
were exceedingly offensive in this respect, and colored people who were
not so at all.
The pride of illustrious birth was carried to the greatest extreme, and a
noble would blush to enter into any friendly relations whatever with a
plebeian. The nobles considered all business degrading excepting war, and
spent the weary months, when not under arms, in indolence in their castles.
The young women of the higher families were in a deplorable state of
captivity. Etiquette did not allow them to mingle with society, or even to be
seen except by their parents, and they had no employment except sewing or
knitting, no mental culture and no sources of amusement. It was not the
custom for the young men to choose their wives, but the father of the
maiden selected some eligible match for his daughter, and made
propositions to the family of his contemplated son-in-law, stating the dowry
he would confer upon the bride, and the parties were frequently married
without ever having previously seen each other.
The death of Vassili transmitted the crown to his only son, Ivan, an infant
but three years of age. By the will of the dying monarch, the regency,
during the minority of the child, was placed in the hands of the youthful
Page 174
mother, the princess Hélène. The brothers of Vassili and twenty nobles of
distinction were appointed as counselors for the queen regent. Two men,
however, in concert with Hélène, soon took the reins of government into
their own hands. One of these was a sturdy, ambitious old noble, Michel
Glinsky, an uncle of Hélène; the other was a young and handsome prince,
Ivan Telennef, who was suspected of tender liaisons with his royal mistress.
The first act of the new government was to assemble all the higher clergy in
the church of the Assumption, where the metropolitan bishop gave his
benediction to the child destined to reign over Russia, and who was there
declared to be accountable to God only for his actions. At the same time
embassadors were sent to all the courts of Europe to announce the death of
Vassili and the accession of Ivan IV. to the throne.
But a week passed after these ceremonies ere the prince Youri, one of the
brothers of Vassili, was arrested, charged with conspiracy to wrest the
crown from his young nephew. He was thrown into prison, where he was
left to perish by the slow torture of starvation. This severity excited great
terror in Moscow. The Russians, ever strongly attached to their sovereigns,
now found themselves under the reign of an oligarchy which they detested.
Conspiracies and rumors of conspiracies agitated the court. Many were
arrested upon suspicion alone, and, cruelly chained, were thrown into
dungeons. Michel Glinsky, indignant at the shameful intimacy evidently
existing between Hélène and Telennef, ventured to remonstrate with the
regent boldly and earnestly, assuring her that the eyes of the court were
scrutinizing her conduct, and that such vice, disgraceful anywhere, was
peculiarly hideous upon a throne, where all looked for examples of virtue.
The audacious noble, though president of the council, was immediately
arrested under an accusation of treason, and was thrown into a dungeon,
where, soon after, he was assassinated. A reign of terror now commenced,
and imprisonment and death awaited all those who undertook in any way to
thwart the plans of Hélène and Telennef.
André, the youngest of the brothers of Vassili, a man of feeble character,
now alone remained of the royal princes at court. He was nominally the
tutor of his nephew, the young emperor, Ivan IV., and though a prominent
member of the council which Vassili had established, he had no influence in
the government which had been grasped so energetically and despotically
distinction were appointed as counselors for the queen regent. Two men,
however, in concert with Hélène, soon took the reins of government into
their own hands. One of these was a sturdy, ambitious old noble, Michel
Glinsky, an uncle of Hélène; the other was a young and handsome prince,
Ivan Telennef, who was suspected of tender liaisons with his royal mistress.
The first act of the new government was to assemble all the higher clergy in
the church of the Assumption, where the metropolitan bishop gave his
benediction to the child destined to reign over Russia, and who was there
declared to be accountable to God only for his actions. At the same time
embassadors were sent to all the courts of Europe to announce the death of
Vassili and the accession of Ivan IV. to the throne.
But a week passed after these ceremonies ere the prince Youri, one of the
brothers of Vassili, was arrested, charged with conspiracy to wrest the
crown from his young nephew. He was thrown into prison, where he was
left to perish by the slow torture of starvation. This severity excited great
terror in Moscow. The Russians, ever strongly attached to their sovereigns,
now found themselves under the reign of an oligarchy which they detested.
Conspiracies and rumors of conspiracies agitated the court. Many were
arrested upon suspicion alone, and, cruelly chained, were thrown into
dungeons. Michel Glinsky, indignant at the shameful intimacy evidently
existing between Hélène and Telennef, ventured to remonstrate with the
regent boldly and earnestly, assuring her that the eyes of the court were
scrutinizing her conduct, and that such vice, disgraceful anywhere, was
peculiarly hideous upon a throne, where all looked for examples of virtue.
The audacious noble, though president of the council, was immediately
arrested under an accusation of treason, and was thrown into a dungeon,
where, soon after, he was assassinated. A reign of terror now commenced,
and imprisonment and death awaited all those who undertook in any way to
thwart the plans of Hélène and Telennef.
André, the youngest of the brothers of Vassili, a man of feeble character,
now alone remained of the royal princes at court. He was nominally the
tutor of his nephew, the young emperor, Ivan IV., and though a prominent
member of the council which Vassili had established, he had no influence in
the government which had been grasped so energetically and despotically
Page 175
by Hélène and her paramour Telennef. At length André, trembling for his
own life, timidly raised the banners of revolt, and gathered quite an army
around him. But he had no energy to conduct a war. He was speedily taken,
and, loaded with chains, was thrown into a dungeon, where, after a few
weeks of most cruel deprivations, he miserably perished. Thirty of the lords,
implicated with him in the rebellion, were hung upon the trees around
Novgorod. Many others were put to torture and perished on the rack.
Hélène, surrendering herself to the dominion of guilty love, developed the
ferocity of a tigress.
Sigismond, King of Poland, taking advantage of the general discontent of
the Russians under the sway of Hélène, formed an alliance with the horde
upon the lower waters of the Don, and invaded Russia, burning and
destroying with mercilessness which demons could not have surpassed.
Prince Telennef headed an army to repel them. The pen wearies in
describing the horrors of these scenes. One hundred thousand Russians are
now flying before one hundred and fifty thousand Polanders. Hundreds of
miles of territory are ravaged. Cities and villages are stormed, plundered,
burned; women and children are cut down and trampled beneath the feet of
cavalry, or escape shrieking into the forests, where they perish of exposure
and starvation. But an army of recruits comes to the aid of the Russians.
And now one hundred and fifty thousand Polanders are driven before two
hundred thousand Russians. They sweep across the frontier like dust driven
by the tornado. And now the cities and villages of Poland blaze; her streams
run red with blood. The Polish wives and daughters in their turn struggle,
shriek and die. From exhaustion the warfare ceases. The two antagonists,
moaning and bleeding, wait for a few years but to recover sufficient
strength to renew the strife, and then the brutal, demoniac butchery
commences anew. Such is the history of man.
In this brief, but bloody war, the city of Staradoub, in Russia, was besieged
by an army of Poles and Tartars. The assault was urged with the most
desperate energy and fearlessness. The defense was conducted with equal
ferocity. Thousands fell on both sides in every mangled form of death. At
last the besiegers undermined the walls, and placing beneath hundreds of
barrels of gunpowder, as with the burst of a volcano, uphove the massive
bastions to the clouds. They fell in a storm of ruin upon the city, setting it
on fire in many places. Through the flames and over the smouldering ruins,
own life, timidly raised the banners of revolt, and gathered quite an army
around him. But he had no energy to conduct a war. He was speedily taken,
and, loaded with chains, was thrown into a dungeon, where, after a few
weeks of most cruel deprivations, he miserably perished. Thirty of the lords,
implicated with him in the rebellion, were hung upon the trees around
Novgorod. Many others were put to torture and perished on the rack.
Hélène, surrendering herself to the dominion of guilty love, developed the
ferocity of a tigress.
Sigismond, King of Poland, taking advantage of the general discontent of
the Russians under the sway of Hélène, formed an alliance with the horde
upon the lower waters of the Don, and invaded Russia, burning and
destroying with mercilessness which demons could not have surpassed.
Prince Telennef headed an army to repel them. The pen wearies in
describing the horrors of these scenes. One hundred thousand Russians are
now flying before one hundred and fifty thousand Polanders. Hundreds of
miles of territory are ravaged. Cities and villages are stormed, plundered,
burned; women and children are cut down and trampled beneath the feet of
cavalry, or escape shrieking into the forests, where they perish of exposure
and starvation. But an army of recruits comes to the aid of the Russians.
And now one hundred and fifty thousand Polanders are driven before two
hundred thousand Russians. They sweep across the frontier like dust driven
by the tornado. And now the cities and villages of Poland blaze; her streams
run red with blood. The Polish wives and daughters in their turn struggle,
shriek and die. From exhaustion the warfare ceases. The two antagonists,
moaning and bleeding, wait for a few years but to recover sufficient
strength to renew the strife, and then the brutal, demoniac butchery
commences anew. Such is the history of man.
In this brief, but bloody war, the city of Staradoub, in Russia, was besieged
by an army of Poles and Tartars. The assault was urged with the most
desperate energy and fearlessness. The defense was conducted with equal
ferocity. Thousands fell on both sides in every mangled form of death. At
last the besiegers undermined the walls, and placing beneath hundreds of
barrels of gunpowder, as with the burst of a volcano, uphove the massive
bastions to the clouds. They fell in a storm of ruin upon the city, setting it
on fire in many places. Through the flames and over the smouldering ruins,
Page 176
Poles and Tartars, blackened with smoke and smeared with blood, rushed
into the city, and in a few hours thirteen thousand of the inhabitants were
weltering in their gore. None were left alive. And this is but a specimen of
the wars which raged for ages. The world now has but the faintest
conception of the seas of blood and woe through which humanity has
waded to attain even its present feeble recognition of fraternity.
In this, as in every war with Poland, Russia was gaining, ever wresting from
her rival the provinces of Lithuania, and attaching them to the gigantic
empire. In the year 1534, Hélène commenced the enterprise of surrounding
the whole of Moscow with a ditch, and a wall capable of resisting the
batterings of artillery. An Italian engineer, named Petrok Maloi,
superintended these works. The foundation of the walls was laid with
imposing religious ceremonies. The wall was crowned with four towers at
the opening of the four gates. Hélène was so conscious of the importance of
augmenting the population of Russia, that she offered land and freedom
from taxes for a term of years to all who would migrate into her territory
from Poland. Perhaps also she had a double object, wishing to weaken a
rival power. Much counterfeit coin was found to be in circulation. The
regent issued an edict, that any one found guilty of depreciating the current
standard of coin, should be punished with death, and this death was to be
barbarously inflicted by first cutting off the hands of the culprit, and then
pouring melted lead through a tunnel down his throat.
On the 3d of April, 1538, Hélène, in the prime of life, and with all her sins
in full vigor and unrepented, retired to her bed at night, suddenly and
seriously sick. Some one had succeeded in administering to her a dose of
poison. She shrieked for a few hours in mortal agony, and soon after the
hour of twelve was tolled, her spirit ascended to meet God in judgment.
Being dead, she had no favors to confer and no terrors to execute; and her
festering remains were the same day hurried ignominiously to the grave.
Her paramour, Telennef, alone wept over her death. Russia rejoiced, and yet
with trembling. Whose strong arm would now seize the helm of the
tempest-torn ship of State, no one could tell.
The young prince, Ivan IV., was but seven years of age at the death of his
mother Hélène. For several days there was ominous silence in Moscow, the
stillness which precedes the storm. The death of the regent had come so
into the city, and in a few hours thirteen thousand of the inhabitants were
weltering in their gore. None were left alive. And this is but a specimen of
the wars which raged for ages. The world now has but the faintest
conception of the seas of blood and woe through which humanity has
waded to attain even its present feeble recognition of fraternity.
In this, as in every war with Poland, Russia was gaining, ever wresting from
her rival the provinces of Lithuania, and attaching them to the gigantic
empire. In the year 1534, Hélène commenced the enterprise of surrounding
the whole of Moscow with a ditch, and a wall capable of resisting the
batterings of artillery. An Italian engineer, named Petrok Maloi,
superintended these works. The foundation of the walls was laid with
imposing religious ceremonies. The wall was crowned with four towers at
the opening of the four gates. Hélène was so conscious of the importance of
augmenting the population of Russia, that she offered land and freedom
from taxes for a term of years to all who would migrate into her territory
from Poland. Perhaps also she had a double object, wishing to weaken a
rival power. Much counterfeit coin was found to be in circulation. The
regent issued an edict, that any one found guilty of depreciating the current
standard of coin, should be punished with death, and this death was to be
barbarously inflicted by first cutting off the hands of the culprit, and then
pouring melted lead through a tunnel down his throat.
On the 3d of April, 1538, Hélène, in the prime of life, and with all her sins
in full vigor and unrepented, retired to her bed at night, suddenly and
seriously sick. Some one had succeeded in administering to her a dose of
poison. She shrieked for a few hours in mortal agony, and soon after the
hour of twelve was tolled, her spirit ascended to meet God in judgment.
Being dead, she had no favors to confer and no terrors to execute; and her
festering remains were the same day hurried ignominiously to the grave.
Her paramour, Telennef, alone wept over her death. Russia rejoiced, and yet
with trembling. Whose strong arm would now seize the helm of the
tempest-torn ship of State, no one could tell.
The young prince, Ivan IV., was but seven years of age at the death of his
mother Hélène. For several days there was ominous silence in Moscow, the
stillness which precedes the storm. The death of the regent had come so
Page 177
suddenly, so unexpectedly, that none were prepared for it. A week passed
away, during which time parties were forming and conspiracies ripening,
while Telennef was desperately endeavoring to retain that power which he
had so despotically wielded in conjunction with his royal mistress. The
prince Vassili Schouisky, who had occupied the first place in the councils of
Vassili, opened the drama. Having secured the coöperation of a large
number of nobles, he declared himself the head of the government, arrested
all the favorites of Hélène, and threw Telennef, bound with chains, into a
dungeon. There he was left to die of starvation—barbarity, which, though in
accordance with that brutal age, even all the similar excesses of Telennef
could not justify. The beautiful sister of Telennef, Agrippene by name, was
torn from the saloons her loveliness had embellished, and was imprisoned
for life in a convent. The victims of the cruelty of Hélène, who were still
languishing in prison, were set at liberty.
Schouisky was a widower, and in the fiftieth year of his age. He wished to
strengthen his power by engaging the coöperation of the still formidable
energies of the horde at Kezan, and accordingly married, quite hurriedly, the
daughter of the czar of the horde. But the regal diadem proved to him but a
crown of thorns. Conspiracy succeeded conspiracy, and Schouisky felt
compelled to enlist all the terrors of the dungeon, the scaffold and the block
to maintain his place. Six months only passed away, ere he too was writhing
upon the royal couch in the agonies of death, whether paralyzed by poison
or smitten by the hand of God, the day of judgment alone can reveal.
Ivan Schouisky, the brother of the deceased usurper, now stepped into the
dangerous post which death had so suddenly rendered vacant. He was a
weak man, assuming the most pompous airs, quite unable to discriminate
between imposing grandeur and ridiculous parade. He soon became both
despised and detested. This state of things encouraged the two hordes of
Kezan and Tauride to unite, and with an army of a hundred thousand men
they penetrated Russia almost unopposed, burning and plundering in all
directions.
Under these circumstances the metropolitan bishop, Joseph, a man of
sincere piety and of very elevated character, and who enjoyed in the highest
degree the confidence both of the aristocracy and of the people, presented
himself before the council, urged the incapacity of Ivan Schouisky to
away, during which time parties were forming and conspiracies ripening,
while Telennef was desperately endeavoring to retain that power which he
had so despotically wielded in conjunction with his royal mistress. The
prince Vassili Schouisky, who had occupied the first place in the councils of
Vassili, opened the drama. Having secured the coöperation of a large
number of nobles, he declared himself the head of the government, arrested
all the favorites of Hélène, and threw Telennef, bound with chains, into a
dungeon. There he was left to die of starvation—barbarity, which, though in
accordance with that brutal age, even all the similar excesses of Telennef
could not justify. The beautiful sister of Telennef, Agrippene by name, was
torn from the saloons her loveliness had embellished, and was imprisoned
for life in a convent. The victims of the cruelty of Hélène, who were still
languishing in prison, were set at liberty.
Schouisky was a widower, and in the fiftieth year of his age. He wished to
strengthen his power by engaging the coöperation of the still formidable
energies of the horde at Kezan, and accordingly married, quite hurriedly, the
daughter of the czar of the horde. But the regal diadem proved to him but a
crown of thorns. Conspiracy succeeded conspiracy, and Schouisky felt
compelled to enlist all the terrors of the dungeon, the scaffold and the block
to maintain his place. Six months only passed away, ere he too was writhing
upon the royal couch in the agonies of death, whether paralyzed by poison
or smitten by the hand of God, the day of judgment alone can reveal.
Ivan Schouisky, the brother of the deceased usurper, now stepped into the
dangerous post which death had so suddenly rendered vacant. He was a
weak man, assuming the most pompous airs, quite unable to discriminate
between imposing grandeur and ridiculous parade. He soon became both
despised and detested. This state of things encouraged the two hordes of
Kezan and Tauride to unite, and with an army of a hundred thousand men
they penetrated Russia almost unopposed, burning and plundering in all
directions.
Under these circumstances the metropolitan bishop, Joseph, a man of
sincere piety and of very elevated character, and who enjoyed in the highest
degree the confidence both of the aristocracy and of the people, presented
himself before the council, urged the incapacity of Ivan Schouisky to
Page 178
govern, and proposed that Ivan Belsky, a nobleman of great energy and
moral worth, should be chosen regent. The proposal was carried by
acclamation. So unanimous was the vote, so cordial was the adoption of the
republican principle of election, that Ivan Schouisky was powerless and was
merely dismissed.
The new regent, sustained by the clergy and the aristocracy, governed the
State with wisdom and moderation. All kinds of persecution ceased, and
vigorous measures were adopted for the promotion of the public welfare.
Old abuses were repressed; vicious governors deposed, and the rising
flames of civil strife were quenched. Even the hitherto unheard-of novelty
of trial by jury was introduced. Jurors were chosen from among the most
intelligent citizens. Though there was some bitter opposition among the
corrupt nobles to these salutary reforms, the clergy, as a body, sustained
them, and so did also even a majority of the lords. It was Christianity and
the church which introduced these humanizing measures.
Among the innumerable tragedies of those days, let one be mentioned
illustrative of the terrific wrongs to which all are exposed under a despotic
government. There was a young prince, Dmitri, a child, grandson of Vassili
the blind, whose claims to the throne were feared. He was thrown into
prison and there forgotten . For forty-nine years he had now remained in a
damp and dismal dungeon. He had committed no crime. He was accused of
no crime. It was only feared that restive nobles might use him as an
instrument for the furtherance of their plans. All the years of youth and of
manhood had passed in darkness and misery. No beam of the sun ever
penetrated his tomb. All unheeded the tides of life surged in the world
above him, while his mind with his body was wasting away in the long
agony.
"O who can tell what days, what nights he spent,
Of tideless, waveless, sailless, shoreless woe."
Mercy now entered his cell, but it was too late even for that angel visitant to
bring a gleam of joy. His friends were all dead. His name was forgotten on
earth. He knew nothing of the world or of its ways. His mind was
enfeebled, and even the slender stock of knowledge which he had possessed
as a child, had vanished away. They broke off his chains and removed him
moral worth, should be chosen regent. The proposal was carried by
acclamation. So unanimous was the vote, so cordial was the adoption of the
republican principle of election, that Ivan Schouisky was powerless and was
merely dismissed.
The new regent, sustained by the clergy and the aristocracy, governed the
State with wisdom and moderation. All kinds of persecution ceased, and
vigorous measures were adopted for the promotion of the public welfare.
Old abuses were repressed; vicious governors deposed, and the rising
flames of civil strife were quenched. Even the hitherto unheard-of novelty
of trial by jury was introduced. Jurors were chosen from among the most
intelligent citizens. Though there was some bitter opposition among the
corrupt nobles to these salutary reforms, the clergy, as a body, sustained
them, and so did also even a majority of the lords. It was Christianity and
the church which introduced these humanizing measures.
Among the innumerable tragedies of those days, let one be mentioned
illustrative of the terrific wrongs to which all are exposed under a despotic
government. There was a young prince, Dmitri, a child, grandson of Vassili
the blind, whose claims to the throne were feared. He was thrown into
prison and there forgotten . For forty-nine years he had now remained in a
damp and dismal dungeon. He had committed no crime. He was accused of
no crime. It was only feared that restive nobles might use him as an
instrument for the furtherance of their plans. All the years of youth and of
manhood had passed in darkness and misery. No beam of the sun ever
penetrated his tomb. All unheeded the tides of life surged in the world
above him, while his mind with his body was wasting away in the long
agony.
"O who can tell what days, what nights he spent,
Of tideless, waveless, sailless, shoreless woe."
Mercy now entered his cell, but it was too late even for that angel visitant to
bring a gleam of joy. His friends were all dead. His name was forgotten on
earth. He knew nothing of the world or of its ways. His mind was
enfeebled, and even the slender stock of knowledge which he had possessed
as a child, had vanished away. They broke off his chains and removed him
Page 179
from his dungeon to a comfortable chamber. The poor old man, dazzled by
the light and bewildered by the change, lingered joylessly and without a
smile for a few weeks and died. Immortality alone offers a solution for
these mysteries. "After death cometh the judgment."
The Christian bishop, Joseph, and Ivan Belsky, the regent, in cordial
coöperation, endeavored in all things to promote prosperity and happiness.
Again there was a coalition of the Tartars for the invasion of Russia. The
three hordes, in Kezan, in the Tauride and at the mouth of the Volga, united,
and in an army one hundred thousand strong, with numerous cavalry and
powerful artillery, commenced their march. The Russian troops were hastily
collected upon the banks of the Oka, there to take their stand and dispute
the passage of the stream. By order of the clergy, prayers were offered
incessantly in the churches by day and by night, that God would avert this
terrible invasion. The young prince, Ivan IV., was now ten years of age. The
citizens of Moscow were moved to tears and to the deepest enthusiasm on
hearing their young prince, in the church of the Assumption, offer aloud and
fervently the prayer,
"Oh heavenly Father! thou who didst protect our ancestors
against the cruel Tamerlane, take us also under thy holy
protection—us in childhood and orphanage. Our mind and our
body are still feeble, and yet the nation looks to us for
deliverance."
Accompanied by the metropolitan Joseph, he entered the council and said,
"The enemy is approaching. Decide for me whether it be best
that I should remain here or go to meet the foe."
With one voice they exclaimed, "Prince, remain at Moscow."
They then took a solemn oath to die, if necessary, for their prince. The
citizens came forward in crowds and volunteered for the defense of the
walls. The faubourgs were surrounded with pallisades, and batteries of
artillery were placed to sweep, in all directions, the approaches to the city.
The enthusiasm was so astonishing that the Russian annalists ascribe it to a
supernatural cause. On the 30th of July, 1541, the Tartar army appeared
upon the southern banks of the Oka, crowning all the heights which
the light and bewildered by the change, lingered joylessly and without a
smile for a few weeks and died. Immortality alone offers a solution for
these mysteries. "After death cometh the judgment."
The Christian bishop, Joseph, and Ivan Belsky, the regent, in cordial
coöperation, endeavored in all things to promote prosperity and happiness.
Again there was a coalition of the Tartars for the invasion of Russia. The
three hordes, in Kezan, in the Tauride and at the mouth of the Volga, united,
and in an army one hundred thousand strong, with numerous cavalry and
powerful artillery, commenced their march. The Russian troops were hastily
collected upon the banks of the Oka, there to take their stand and dispute
the passage of the stream. By order of the clergy, prayers were offered
incessantly in the churches by day and by night, that God would avert this
terrible invasion. The young prince, Ivan IV., was now ten years of age. The
citizens of Moscow were moved to tears and to the deepest enthusiasm on
hearing their young prince, in the church of the Assumption, offer aloud and
fervently the prayer,
"Oh heavenly Father! thou who didst protect our ancestors
against the cruel Tamerlane, take us also under thy holy
protection—us in childhood and orphanage. Our mind and our
body are still feeble, and yet the nation looks to us for
deliverance."
Accompanied by the metropolitan Joseph, he entered the council and said,
"The enemy is approaching. Decide for me whether it be best
that I should remain here or go to meet the foe."
With one voice they exclaimed, "Prince, remain at Moscow."
They then took a solemn oath to die, if necessary, for their prince. The
citizens came forward in crowds and volunteered for the defense of the
walls. The faubourgs were surrounded with pallisades, and batteries of
artillery were placed to sweep, in all directions, the approaches to the city.
The enthusiasm was so astonishing that the Russian annalists ascribe it to a
supernatural cause. On the 30th of July, 1541, the Tartar army appeared
upon the southern banks of the Oka, crowning all the heights which
Page 180
bordered the stream. Immediately they made an attempt to force the
passage. But the Russians, thoroughly prepared for the assault, repelled
them with prodigious slaughter. Night put an end to the contest. The
Russians were elated with their success, and waited eagerly for the morning
to renew the strife. They even hoped to be able to cross the river and to
sweep the camp of their foes. The fires of their bivouacs blazed all the
night, reinforcements were continually arriving, and their songs of joy
floated across the water, and fell heavily upon the hearts of the dismayed
Tartars.
At midnight the khan, and the whole host, conscious of their peril,
commenced a precipitate retreat, in their haste abandoning many guns and
much of their baggage. The Russians pursued the foe, but were not able to
overtake them, so rapidly did they retrace their steps.
The news of the expulsion of the enemy spread rapidly through Russia. The
conduct of the grand prince everywhere excited the most lively enthusiasm.
He entered the church, and in an affecting prayer returned thanks to God for
the deliverance. The people, with unanimity, exclaimed,
"Grand prince, your angelic prayers and your happy star have
caused us to triumph."
Awful, however, were the woes which fell upon those people who were on
the line of march of the barbaric Tartars.
Ivan Belsky, the regent, had now attained the highest degree of good
fortune, and in his own conscience, and in the general approbation of the
people, he found ample recompense for his deeds of humanity, and his
patriotic exertions. But envy, that poison of society, raised up against him
enemies. Ivan Schouisky, who had been deposed by vote of the council,
organized a conspiracy among the disaffected nobles, and on the night of
the 3d of January, 1542, three hundred cavaliers surrounded the residences
of the regent and of the metropolitan bishop, seized them and hurried them
to prison, and in the prison finished their work by the assassination of Ivan
Belsky.
Ivan Schouisky, sustained by the sabers of his partisans, reassumed the
government. A new metropolitan bishop, Macaire was appointed to take the
passage. But the Russians, thoroughly prepared for the assault, repelled
them with prodigious slaughter. Night put an end to the contest. The
Russians were elated with their success, and waited eagerly for the morning
to renew the strife. They even hoped to be able to cross the river and to
sweep the camp of their foes. The fires of their bivouacs blazed all the
night, reinforcements were continually arriving, and their songs of joy
floated across the water, and fell heavily upon the hearts of the dismayed
Tartars.
At midnight the khan, and the whole host, conscious of their peril,
commenced a precipitate retreat, in their haste abandoning many guns and
much of their baggage. The Russians pursued the foe, but were not able to
overtake them, so rapidly did they retrace their steps.
The news of the expulsion of the enemy spread rapidly through Russia. The
conduct of the grand prince everywhere excited the most lively enthusiasm.
He entered the church, and in an affecting prayer returned thanks to God for
the deliverance. The people, with unanimity, exclaimed,
"Grand prince, your angelic prayers and your happy star have
caused us to triumph."
Awful, however, were the woes which fell upon those people who were on
the line of march of the barbaric Tartars.
Ivan Belsky, the regent, had now attained the highest degree of good
fortune, and in his own conscience, and in the general approbation of the
people, he found ample recompense for his deeds of humanity, and his
patriotic exertions. But envy, that poison of society, raised up against him
enemies. Ivan Schouisky, who had been deposed by vote of the council,
organized a conspiracy among the disaffected nobles, and on the night of
the 3d of January, 1542, three hundred cavaliers surrounded the residences
of the regent and of the metropolitan bishop, seized them and hurried them
to prison, and in the prison finished their work by the assassination of Ivan
Belsky.
Ivan Schouisky, sustained by the sabers of his partisans, reassumed the
government. A new metropolitan bishop, Macaire was appointed to take the
Page 181
place of Joseph, who was deposed and imprisoned. The clergy, overawed,
were silent. The reign of silence was again commenced, and all the posts of
honor and influence were placed in the hands of the partisans of Schouisky.
The government, such as it was, was now in the hands of a triumvirate
consisting of Ivan, André and Feodor. Not a syllable of opposition would
these men endure, and the dungeon and the assassin's poignard silenced all
murmurs. The young prince, Ivan IV., was now thirteen years of age. He
was endowed by nature with a mind of extraordinary sagacity and force, but
his education had been entirely neglected, and the scenes of perfidy and
violence he was continually witnessing were developing, a character which
menaced Russia with many woes.
The infamous Schiouskies sought to secure the friendship of the young
prince by ministering, in every possible way, to his pleasures. They led him
to the chase, encouraged whatever disposition he chanced to manifest, and
endeavored to train him in a state of feebleness and ignorance which might
promote their ambitious plans. The Kremlin became the scene of constant
intrigues. Cabal succeeded cabal. The position of the triumvirate became,
month after month, more perilous. The young prince gave decisive
indications of discontent. It began to be whispered into his ears that it was
time for him to assume the reins of government, and he was assured that all
Russia was waiting, eager to obey his orders. The metropolitan bishop,
either from a sense of justice or of policy, also espoused the cause of the
youthful sovereign. It was evident that another party was rising into power.
On the 29th of December, 1534, Ivan IV. went with a large party of his lords
to the chase. Instructed beforehand in the measures he was to adopt, he,
quite unexpectedly to the triumvirate, summoned all his lords around him,
and, assuming an imperious and threatening tone, declared that the
triumvirate had abused his extreme youth, had trampled upon justice, and,
as culprits, deserved to die. In his great clemency, however, he decided to
spare the lives of two, executing only one as an example to the nation. The
oldest of the three, André Schouisky, was immediately seized and handed
over to the conductors of the hounds. They set the dogs upon him, and he
was speedily torn to pieces in the presence of the company, and his mangled
remains were scattered over the plain.
were silent. The reign of silence was again commenced, and all the posts of
honor and influence were placed in the hands of the partisans of Schouisky.
The government, such as it was, was now in the hands of a triumvirate
consisting of Ivan, André and Feodor. Not a syllable of opposition would
these men endure, and the dungeon and the assassin's poignard silenced all
murmurs. The young prince, Ivan IV., was now thirteen years of age. He
was endowed by nature with a mind of extraordinary sagacity and force, but
his education had been entirely neglected, and the scenes of perfidy and
violence he was continually witnessing were developing, a character which
menaced Russia with many woes.
The infamous Schiouskies sought to secure the friendship of the young
prince by ministering, in every possible way, to his pleasures. They led him
to the chase, encouraged whatever disposition he chanced to manifest, and
endeavored to train him in a state of feebleness and ignorance which might
promote their ambitious plans. The Kremlin became the scene of constant
intrigues. Cabal succeeded cabal. The position of the triumvirate became,
month after month, more perilous. The young prince gave decisive
indications of discontent. It began to be whispered into his ears that it was
time for him to assume the reins of government, and he was assured that all
Russia was waiting, eager to obey his orders. The metropolitan bishop,
either from a sense of justice or of policy, also espoused the cause of the
youthful sovereign. It was evident that another party was rising into power.
On the 29th of December, 1534, Ivan IV. went with a large party of his lords
to the chase. Instructed beforehand in the measures he was to adopt, he,
quite unexpectedly to the triumvirate, summoned all his lords around him,
and, assuming an imperious and threatening tone, declared that the
triumvirate had abused his extreme youth, had trampled upon justice, and,
as culprits, deserved to die. In his great clemency, however, he decided to
spare the lives of two, executing only one as an example to the nation. The
oldest of the three, André Schouisky, was immediately seized and handed
over to the conductors of the hounds. They set the dogs upon him, and he
was speedily torn to pieces in the presence of the company, and his mangled
remains were scattered over the plain.
Page 182
The partisans of Schouisky, terrified by this deed, were afraid to utter a
murmur. The nobles generally were alarmed, for it was evident that though
they had escaped the violence of the triumvirate, they had fallen into hands
equally to be dreaded. Confiscations and other acts of rigor rapidly
succeeded, and the young prince, still too youthful to govern by the
decision of his own mind, was quite under the control of the Glinskys,
through whose council he had shaken off the triumvirate of the Schouiskies.
Ivan IV. now made the tour of his kingdom, but with no other object than
the promotion of his personal gratification. Most of his time was devoted to
the excitements of the chase in the savage forests which spread over a large
portion of his realms. He was always surrounded by a brilliant staff of
nobles, and the sufferings of the people were all concealed from his view.
The enormous expenses of his court were exacted from the people he
visited, and his steps were followed by lamentations.
In the year 1546, Ivan attained the eighteenth year of his age, and made
great preparations for his coronation. The imposing rites were to be
performed at Moscow. On the 16th of January, the grand prince entered one
of the saloons of his palaces while the nobles, the princes, the officers of the
court, all richly dressed, were assembled in the ante-chamber. The confessor
of the grand prince, having received from Ivan IV. a crucifix, placed it upon
a plate of gold with the crown and other regalia, and conveyed them to the
church of the Assumption accompanied by the grand equerry, Glinsky, and
other important personages of the court. Soon after, the grand prince also
repaired to the church. He was preceded by an ecclesiastic holding in his
hand a crucifix, and sprinkling to the right and to the left holy water upon
the crowd.
Ivan IV., surrounded by all the splendors of his court, entered the church,
where he was encircled by the ecclesiastics, and received the benediction of
the metropolitan bishop. A hymn was then sang by the accumulated choirs,
which astounded the audience; after which mass was celebrated. In the
midst of the cathedral, a platform was erected, which was ascended by
twelve steps. Upon this platform there were two thrones of equal splendor,
covered with cloth of gold, one for the monarch, the other for the
metropolitan bishop. In front of the stage there was a desk, richly decorated,
upon which were placed the crown regalia. The monarch and the bishop
took their seats. The bishop, rising, pronounced a benediction upon the
murmur. The nobles generally were alarmed, for it was evident that though
they had escaped the violence of the triumvirate, they had fallen into hands
equally to be dreaded. Confiscations and other acts of rigor rapidly
succeeded, and the young prince, still too youthful to govern by the
decision of his own mind, was quite under the control of the Glinskys,
through whose council he had shaken off the triumvirate of the Schouiskies.
Ivan IV. now made the tour of his kingdom, but with no other object than
the promotion of his personal gratification. Most of his time was devoted to
the excitements of the chase in the savage forests which spread over a large
portion of his realms. He was always surrounded by a brilliant staff of
nobles, and the sufferings of the people were all concealed from his view.
The enormous expenses of his court were exacted from the people he
visited, and his steps were followed by lamentations.
In the year 1546, Ivan attained the eighteenth year of his age, and made
great preparations for his coronation. The imposing rites were to be
performed at Moscow. On the 16th of January, the grand prince entered one
of the saloons of his palaces while the nobles, the princes, the officers of the
court, all richly dressed, were assembled in the ante-chamber. The confessor
of the grand prince, having received from Ivan IV. a crucifix, placed it upon
a plate of gold with the crown and other regalia, and conveyed them to the
church of the Assumption accompanied by the grand equerry, Glinsky, and
other important personages of the court. Soon after, the grand prince also
repaired to the church. He was preceded by an ecclesiastic holding in his
hand a crucifix, and sprinkling to the right and to the left holy water upon
the crowd.
Ivan IV., surrounded by all the splendors of his court, entered the church,
where he was encircled by the ecclesiastics, and received the benediction of
the metropolitan bishop. A hymn was then sang by the accumulated choirs,
which astounded the audience; after which mass was celebrated. In the
midst of the cathedral, a platform was erected, which was ascended by
twelve steps. Upon this platform there were two thrones of equal splendor,
covered with cloth of gold, one for the monarch, the other for the
metropolitan bishop. In front of the stage there was a desk, richly decorated,
upon which were placed the crown regalia. The monarch and the bishop
took their seats. The bishop, rising, pronounced a benediction upon the
Page 183
monarch, placed the crown upon his head, the scepter in his hand, and then,
with a loud voice, prayed that God would endow this new David with the
influences of the Holy Spirit, establish his throne in righteousness, and
render him terrible to evil doers and a benefactor to those who should do
well. The ceremonies were closed by an anthem by the choir. The young
emperor then returned, with his court, to the Kremlin, through streets
carpeted with velvet and damask. As they walked along, the emperor's
brother, Youri, scattered among the crowd handsfull of gold coin, which he
took from a vase carried at his side by Michel Glinsky. The moment Ivan
IV. left the church, the people, till then motionless and silent, precipitated
themselves upon the platform, and all the rich cloths which had decorated it
were torn to shreds, each individual eager to possess a souvenir of the
memorable day.
———
[7] Francis da Callo relates that when he was received by the emperor, forty thousand soldiers were
under arms, in the richest uniform, extending from the Kremlin to the hotel of the embassadors.
[8] Karamsin, tome vii., page 265.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.
From 1546 to 1552.
The Title of Tzar.—marriage of Ivan IV.—Virtues of His Bride.—
Depraved Character of the Young Emperor.—Terrible Conflagrations.
—Insurrections.—The Rebuke.—Wonderful Change in the Character of
Ivan IV.—Confessions of Sin and Measures of Reform.—Sylvestre and
Alexis Adachef.—The Code of Laws.—Reforms in the Church.—
Encouragement To Men of Science and Letters.—The Embassage of
Schlit.—War With Kezan.—Disasters and Disgrace.—Immense
Preparation For the Chastisement of the Horde.—The March.—Repulse
with a loud voice, prayed that God would endow this new David with the
influences of the Holy Spirit, establish his throne in righteousness, and
render him terrible to evil doers and a benefactor to those who should do
well. The ceremonies were closed by an anthem by the choir. The young
emperor then returned, with his court, to the Kremlin, through streets
carpeted with velvet and damask. As they walked along, the emperor's
brother, Youri, scattered among the crowd handsfull of gold coin, which he
took from a vase carried at his side by Michel Glinsky. The moment Ivan
IV. left the church, the people, till then motionless and silent, precipitated
themselves upon the platform, and all the rich cloths which had decorated it
were torn to shreds, each individual eager to possess a souvenir of the
memorable day.
———
[7] Francis da Callo relates that when he was received by the emperor, forty thousand soldiers were
under arms, in the richest uniform, extending from the Kremlin to the hotel of the embassadors.
[8] Karamsin, tome vii., page 265.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.
From 1546 to 1552.
The Title of Tzar.—marriage of Ivan IV.—Virtues of His Bride.—
Depraved Character of the Young Emperor.—Terrible Conflagrations.
—Insurrections.—The Rebuke.—Wonderful Change in the Character of
Ivan IV.—Confessions of Sin and Measures of Reform.—Sylvestre and
Alexis Adachef.—The Code of Laws.—Reforms in the Church.—
Encouragement To Men of Science and Letters.—The Embassage of
Schlit.—War With Kezan.—Disasters and Disgrace.—Immense
Preparation For the Chastisement of the Horde.—The March.—Repulse
Page 184
of the Tauredians.—Siege of Kezan.—Incidents of the Siege.
Though the monarchs of Russia, in all their relations with foreign powers,
took the title of Tzar or Emperor, they also retained that of Grand Prince
which was consecrated by ancient usage. And now the envoys of Ivan IV.
were traversing Russia in all directions to find, among the maidens of noble
blood, one whose beauty would render her worthy of the sovereign. The
choice at last fell upon Anastasia, the daughter of a lady of illustrious rank,
who was a widow. Language is exhausted, by the Russian annalists, in
describing the perfections of her person, mind and heart. All conceivable
social and moral excellences were in her united with the most brilliant
intellectual gifts and the most exquisite loveliness.
The marriage was performed by the bishop in the church of Notre Dame.
"You are now," said the metropolitan, in conclusion, "united for ever, by
virtue of the mysteries of the gospel. Prostrate yourselves, then, before the
Most High, and secure his favor by the practice of every virtue. But those
virtues which should especially distinguish you, are the love of truth and of
benevolence. Prince, love and honor your spouse. Princess, truly Christian,
be submissive to your husband; for as the Redeemer is the head of the
church, so is man the head of the woman."
For many days Moscow was surrendered to festivity and rejoicings. The
emperor devoted his attention to the rich, the empress to the poor.
Anastasia, since the death of her father, had lived remote from the capital,
in the most profound rural seclusion. Suddenly, and as by magic, she found
herself transported to the scenes of the highest earthly grandeur, but still she
maintained the same beautiful simplicity of character which she had
developed in the saddened home of her widowed mother. Ivan IV. was a
man of ungovernable passions, and accustomed only to idleness, he devoted
himself to the most gross and ignoble pleasures. Mercilessly he confiscated
the estates of those who displeased him, and with caprice equal to his
mercilessness, he conferred their possessions upon his favorites. He seemed
to regard this arbitrary conduct as indicative of his independence and
grandeur.
Though the monarchs of Russia, in all their relations with foreign powers,
took the title of Tzar or Emperor, they also retained that of Grand Prince
which was consecrated by ancient usage. And now the envoys of Ivan IV.
were traversing Russia in all directions to find, among the maidens of noble
blood, one whose beauty would render her worthy of the sovereign. The
choice at last fell upon Anastasia, the daughter of a lady of illustrious rank,
who was a widow. Language is exhausted, by the Russian annalists, in
describing the perfections of her person, mind and heart. All conceivable
social and moral excellences were in her united with the most brilliant
intellectual gifts and the most exquisite loveliness.
The marriage was performed by the bishop in the church of Notre Dame.
"You are now," said the metropolitan, in conclusion, "united for ever, by
virtue of the mysteries of the gospel. Prostrate yourselves, then, before the
Most High, and secure his favor by the practice of every virtue. But those
virtues which should especially distinguish you, are the love of truth and of
benevolence. Prince, love and honor your spouse. Princess, truly Christian,
be submissive to your husband; for as the Redeemer is the head of the
church, so is man the head of the woman."
For many days Moscow was surrendered to festivity and rejoicings. The
emperor devoted his attention to the rich, the empress to the poor.
Anastasia, since the death of her father, had lived remote from the capital,
in the most profound rural seclusion. Suddenly, and as by magic, she found
herself transported to the scenes of the highest earthly grandeur, but still she
maintained the same beautiful simplicity of character which she had
developed in the saddened home of her widowed mother. Ivan IV. was a
man of ungovernable passions, and accustomed only to idleness, he devoted
himself to the most gross and ignoble pleasures. Mercilessly he confiscated
the estates of those who displeased him, and with caprice equal to his
mercilessness, he conferred their possessions upon his favorites. He seemed
to regard this arbitrary conduct as indicative of his independence and
grandeur.
Page 185
The situation of Russia was perhaps never more deplorable than at the
commencement of the reign of Ivan IV. The Glinskys were in high favor,
and easily persuaded the young emperor to gratify all their desires. Laden
with honors and riches, they turned a deaf ear to all the murmurs which
despotism, the most atrocious, extorted from every portion of the empire.
The inhabitants of Pskof, oppressed beyond endurance by an infamous
governor, sent seventy of their most influential citizens to Moscow to
present their grievances to the emperor. Ivan IV. raved like a madman at
what he called the insolence of his subjects, in complaining of their
governor. Almost choking with rage, he ordered the seventy deputies to be
put to death by the most cruel tortures.
Anastasia wept in anguish over these scenes, and her prayers were
incessantly ascending, that God would change the heart of her husband. Her
prayers were heard and answered. The same power which changed Saul of
Tarsus into Paul the Apostle, seemed to renew the soul of Ivan IV. History is
full of these marvelous transformations—a mental phenomenon only to be
explained by the scriptural doctrine of regeneration. In Ivan's case, as in that
of thousands of others, afflictions were instruments made available by the
Holy Spirit for the heart's renewal.
Moscow was at this time a capital of vast extent and of great magnificence.
As timber was abundant and easily worked, most of the buildings, even the
churches and the palaces, were constructed of wood. Though almost every
house was surrounded by a garden, these enclosures were necessarily not
extensive, and the city was peculiarly exposed to the perils of conflagration.
On the 12th of April, 1547, the cry of fire alarmed the inhabitants, and soon
the flames were spreading with fury which baffled all human power. The
store-houses of commerce, the magazines of the crown, the convent of
Epiphany and a large number of dwellings, extending from the gate of
Illinsky, to the Kremlin and the Moskwa, were consumed. The river alone
arrested the destruction. A powder magazine took fire, and with a terrible
explosion its towers were thrown into the air, taking with them a large
section of the walls. The ruins fell like an avalanche into the river,
completely filling up its channel, adding the destruction of a deluge to that
of the fire.
commencement of the reign of Ivan IV. The Glinskys were in high favor,
and easily persuaded the young emperor to gratify all their desires. Laden
with honors and riches, they turned a deaf ear to all the murmurs which
despotism, the most atrocious, extorted from every portion of the empire.
The inhabitants of Pskof, oppressed beyond endurance by an infamous
governor, sent seventy of their most influential citizens to Moscow to
present their grievances to the emperor. Ivan IV. raved like a madman at
what he called the insolence of his subjects, in complaining of their
governor. Almost choking with rage, he ordered the seventy deputies to be
put to death by the most cruel tortures.
Anastasia wept in anguish over these scenes, and her prayers were
incessantly ascending, that God would change the heart of her husband. Her
prayers were heard and answered. The same power which changed Saul of
Tarsus into Paul the Apostle, seemed to renew the soul of Ivan IV. History is
full of these marvelous transformations—a mental phenomenon only to be
explained by the scriptural doctrine of regeneration. In Ivan's case, as in that
of thousands of others, afflictions were instruments made available by the
Holy Spirit for the heart's renewal.
Moscow was at this time a capital of vast extent and of great magnificence.
As timber was abundant and easily worked, most of the buildings, even the
churches and the palaces, were constructed of wood. Though almost every
house was surrounded by a garden, these enclosures were necessarily not
extensive, and the city was peculiarly exposed to the perils of conflagration.
On the 12th of April, 1547, the cry of fire alarmed the inhabitants, and soon
the flames were spreading with fury which baffled all human power. The
store-houses of commerce, the magazines of the crown, the convent of
Epiphany and a large number of dwellings, extending from the gate of
Illinsky, to the Kremlin and the Moskwa, were consumed. The river alone
arrested the destruction. A powder magazine took fire, and with a terrible
explosion its towers were thrown into the air, taking with them a large
section of the walls. The ruins fell like an avalanche into the river,
completely filling up its channel, adding the destruction of a deluge to that
of the fire.
Page 186
A week had hardly passed ere the cry of fire again was raised, and, in a few
hours, the whole section of the city on the other side of the Yaouza was in
ashes. This region was mostly occupied by mechanics and manufacturers,
and immense suffering ensued. Six weeks elapsed, and the inhabitants were
just beginning to recover from their consternation, and were sweeping away
the ashes to rebuild, when on the 20th of June, the wind at the time blowing
a gale, the fearful cry of fire again rang through the streets. The palaces of
the nobles were now in flames. The palace of the Kremlin itself, the
gorgeous streets which surrounded it, and the whole of the grand faubourg
in a few moments were glowing like a furnace. God had come with flaming
fire as his minister of vengeance, and resistance was unavailing. The whole
city was now in ashes, and presented the aspect of an immense funeral pile,
over which was spread a pall of thick and black smoke. The wooden
edifices disappeared entirely. Those of stone and brick presented a still
more gloomy aspect, with only portions of their walls standing, crumbling
and blackened. The howling of the tempest, the roar of the flames, the crash
of falling buildings, and the shrieks of the inhabitants, were all frequently
overpowered by the explosions of the powder magazines in the arsenals of
the Kremlin.
To many of the people it seemed that the day of judgment had actually
arrived, that the trump of the archangel was sounding, and that the final
conflagration had arrived. The palace of the emperor, his treasures, his
precious things, his arms, his venerated images and the archives of the
kingdom, all were devoured. The destruction of the city was almost as
entire and as signal a proof of the divine displeasure as that of Sodom and
Gomorrah. Even the metropolitan bishop, who was in the church of the
Assumption, pleading for divine interposition, was with great difficulty
rescued. Smothered, and in a state almost of insensibility, he was conveyed
through billows of flame and smoke. Seventeen hundred adults, besides
uncounted children, perished in the fire.
For many days the wretched inhabitants were seen wandering about, in the
fields and among the ruins, searching for their children, their friends or any
articles of furniture which might, by chance, have escaped the flames.
Many became maniacs, and their cries arose in all directions like the
howlings of wild beasts. The emperor and the nobles, to avoid the spectacle
of so much misery, retired to the village of Vorobeif, a few miles from
hours, the whole section of the city on the other side of the Yaouza was in
ashes. This region was mostly occupied by mechanics and manufacturers,
and immense suffering ensued. Six weeks elapsed, and the inhabitants were
just beginning to recover from their consternation, and were sweeping away
the ashes to rebuild, when on the 20th of June, the wind at the time blowing
a gale, the fearful cry of fire again rang through the streets. The palaces of
the nobles were now in flames. The palace of the Kremlin itself, the
gorgeous streets which surrounded it, and the whole of the grand faubourg
in a few moments were glowing like a furnace. God had come with flaming
fire as his minister of vengeance, and resistance was unavailing. The whole
city was now in ashes, and presented the aspect of an immense funeral pile,
over which was spread a pall of thick and black smoke. The wooden
edifices disappeared entirely. Those of stone and brick presented a still
more gloomy aspect, with only portions of their walls standing, crumbling
and blackened. The howling of the tempest, the roar of the flames, the crash
of falling buildings, and the shrieks of the inhabitants, were all frequently
overpowered by the explosions of the powder magazines in the arsenals of
the Kremlin.
To many of the people it seemed that the day of judgment had actually
arrived, that the trump of the archangel was sounding, and that the final
conflagration had arrived. The palace of the emperor, his treasures, his
precious things, his arms, his venerated images and the archives of the
kingdom, all were devoured. The destruction of the city was almost as
entire and as signal a proof of the divine displeasure as that of Sodom and
Gomorrah. Even the metropolitan bishop, who was in the church of the
Assumption, pleading for divine interposition, was with great difficulty
rescued. Smothered, and in a state almost of insensibility, he was conveyed
through billows of flame and smoke. Seventeen hundred adults, besides
uncounted children, perished in the fire.
For many days the wretched inhabitants were seen wandering about, in the
fields and among the ruins, searching for their children, their friends or any
articles of furniture which might, by chance, have escaped the flames.
Many became maniacs, and their cries arose in all directions like the
howlings of wild beasts. The emperor and the nobles, to avoid the spectacle
of so much misery, retired to the village of Vorobeif, a few miles from
Page 187
Moscow. The whole population of Moscow, being in a state of despair, and
reckless of consequences, were ripe for any conspiracy against an emperor
and his favorites, whose iniquities, in their judgment, had brought down
upon them the indignation of Heaven.
Several of the higher clergy, in coöperation with some of the princes and
nobles, resolved to arouse the energies of the populace to effect a change in
the government. The Glinskys were the advisers and instigators of the king.
Against them the fury of the populace was easily directed. These doomed
minions of despotism were pursued with fury energized by despair. Ivan IV.
was quite unable to protect them. The Glinskys, with their numerous
partisans, had returned to Moscow to make arrangements for the rebuilding
of the Kremlin when the mob fell upon them, and they were nearly all slain.
In the eye of the populace, there was something so sacred in the person of
their prince that no one thought of offering him any harm.
Ivan IV., astounded by this outbreak, was trembling in his palace at
Vorobeif, and his truly pious wife, Anastasia, was, with tears, pleading with
Heaven, when one of the clergy, an extraordinary man named Sylvestre,
endowed with the boldness of an ancient prophet, entered the presence of
the emperor. He was venerable in years, and his gray locks fell in clusters
upon his shoulders. The boy king was overawed by his appearance. One
word from that capricious king would cause the head of Sylvestre to fall
from the block. But the intrepid Christian, with the solemnity of an
embassador from God, with pointed finger and eye sparkling with
indignation, thus addressed him:
"God's avenging hand is suspended over the head of a God-
forgetting, man-oppressing tzar. Fire from heaven has consumed
Moscow. The anger of the Most High has called up the people in
revolt, and is spreading over the kingdom anarchy, fury and
blood."
Then taking from his bosom a copy of the New Testament, he read to the
king those divinely-inspired precepts which are alike applicable to
monarchs and peasants, and, in tones subdued by sadness, urged the king to
follow these sacred lessons. The warning was heeded, and Ivan became "a
new creature." Whatever explanations philosophy may attempt of the
reckless of consequences, were ripe for any conspiracy against an emperor
and his favorites, whose iniquities, in their judgment, had brought down
upon them the indignation of Heaven.
Several of the higher clergy, in coöperation with some of the princes and
nobles, resolved to arouse the energies of the populace to effect a change in
the government. The Glinskys were the advisers and instigators of the king.
Against them the fury of the populace was easily directed. These doomed
minions of despotism were pursued with fury energized by despair. Ivan IV.
was quite unable to protect them. The Glinskys, with their numerous
partisans, had returned to Moscow to make arrangements for the rebuilding
of the Kremlin when the mob fell upon them, and they were nearly all slain.
In the eye of the populace, there was something so sacred in the person of
their prince that no one thought of offering him any harm.
Ivan IV., astounded by this outbreak, was trembling in his palace at
Vorobeif, and his truly pious wife, Anastasia, was, with tears, pleading with
Heaven, when one of the clergy, an extraordinary man named Sylvestre,
endowed with the boldness of an ancient prophet, entered the presence of
the emperor. He was venerable in years, and his gray locks fell in clusters
upon his shoulders. The boy king was overawed by his appearance. One
word from that capricious king would cause the head of Sylvestre to fall
from the block. But the intrepid Christian, with the solemnity of an
embassador from God, with pointed finger and eye sparkling with
indignation, thus addressed him:
"God's avenging hand is suspended over the head of a God-
forgetting, man-oppressing tzar. Fire from heaven has consumed
Moscow. The anger of the Most High has called up the people in
revolt, and is spreading over the kingdom anarchy, fury and
blood."
Then taking from his bosom a copy of the New Testament, he read to the
king those divinely-inspired precepts which are alike applicable to
monarchs and peasants, and, in tones subdued by sadness, urged the king to
follow these sacred lessons. The warning was heeded, and Ivan became "a
new creature." Whatever explanations philosophy may attempt of the
Page 188
sudden and marvelous change of the character of Ivan IV., the fact remains
one of the marvels of history. He appears to have been immediately
overwhelmed with a sense of his guilt; with tears he extended his hand to
the courageous monitor, asked imploringly what he could do to avert the
wrath and secure the favor of Heaven, and placed himself at once under the
guidance of his new-found friend.
Sylvestre, a humble, world-renouncing Christian, sought nothing for
himself, and would accept neither riches nor honors, but he remained near
the throne to strengthen the young monarch in his good resolutions. There
was a young man, Alexis Adachef, connected with the court who possessed
a character of extraordinary nobleness and loveliness. He was of remarkable
personal beauty, and his soul was pure and sensitive. Entirely devoted to the
good of others, without the least apparent mixture of sordid motives, he
engaged in the service of the tzar, and became to him a friend of priceless
value. Alexis, mingling freely with the people, was acquainted with all their
wants and griefs, and he coöperating with Sylvestre, inspired the emperor
with a heart to conceive and energy to execute all good things.
From this conjunction is to be dated the commencement of the glory of the
reign of Ivan IV. The first endeavor of the reformed monarch was to quell
the tumult among the people. Three days after the assassination of the
Glinskys, a mob from Moscow rushed out to the village of Vorobeif,
surrounded the palace and demanded one of the aunts of the emperor and
another of the nobles who had become obnoxious to them. The king
immediately opened a fire upon mob and dispersed them. This decisive act
restored order. Ivan IV. immediately devoted all his energies to preparing
dwellings for the houseless poor and in relieving their necessities. His
whole soul seemed aroused to promote the happiness of his subjects, both
temporal and spiritual, and all selfish considerations were apparently
obliterated from his mind. In order to consolidate, by the aids of religion,
the happy change effected in the government and in his own heart, the
young sovereign shut himself up for several days in solitude, and, in the
exercises of self-examination, fasting and prayer, made the entire
consecration of himself to his Maker. He then assembled the bishops in one
of the churches, and, in their presence, with touching words and tearful
eyes, made confession of his faults, implored divine forgiveness, and then,
one of the marvels of history. He appears to have been immediately
overwhelmed with a sense of his guilt; with tears he extended his hand to
the courageous monitor, asked imploringly what he could do to avert the
wrath and secure the favor of Heaven, and placed himself at once under the
guidance of his new-found friend.
Sylvestre, a humble, world-renouncing Christian, sought nothing for
himself, and would accept neither riches nor honors, but he remained near
the throne to strengthen the young monarch in his good resolutions. There
was a young man, Alexis Adachef, connected with the court who possessed
a character of extraordinary nobleness and loveliness. He was of remarkable
personal beauty, and his soul was pure and sensitive. Entirely devoted to the
good of others, without the least apparent mixture of sordid motives, he
engaged in the service of the tzar, and became to him a friend of priceless
value. Alexis, mingling freely with the people, was acquainted with all their
wants and griefs, and he coöperating with Sylvestre, inspired the emperor
with a heart to conceive and energy to execute all good things.
From this conjunction is to be dated the commencement of the glory of the
reign of Ivan IV. The first endeavor of the reformed monarch was to quell
the tumult among the people. Three days after the assassination of the
Glinskys, a mob from Moscow rushed out to the village of Vorobeif,
surrounded the palace and demanded one of the aunts of the emperor and
another of the nobles who had become obnoxious to them. The king
immediately opened a fire upon mob and dispersed them. This decisive act
restored order. Ivan IV. immediately devoted all his energies to preparing
dwellings for the houseless poor and in relieving their necessities. His
whole soul seemed aroused to promote the happiness of his subjects, both
temporal and spiritual, and all selfish considerations were apparently
obliterated from his mind. In order to consolidate, by the aids of religion,
the happy change effected in the government and in his own heart, the
young sovereign shut himself up for several days in solitude, and, in the
exercises of self-examination, fasting and prayer, made the entire
consecration of himself to his Maker. He then assembled the bishops in one
of the churches, and, in their presence, with touching words and tearful
eyes, made confession of his faults, implored divine forgiveness, and then,
Page 189
with the calmness of a soul relieved of the burden of sin, received the
sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
With true nobility of soul, he wished his penitence to be as conspicuous as
his sins had been. He resolved to humble himself before his Maker in the
presence of all Russia, that his subjects universally might understand the
new principles which animated his heart, and the new desires which would
enlist his energies. Every city in the empire received orders to send deputies
to Moscow, chosen from all the ranks of society, to attend to matters of the
utmost importance to the country. The Sabbath morning after their arrival,
they were all assembled, an immense multitude, in one of the public squares
of the city. The czar, accompanied by the clergy and the nobles, left the
palace of the Kremlin to meet the deputies. The solemnity of the Sabbath
hallowed the scene, and the people received their sovereign in profound
silence.
The metropolitan bishop first offered a prayer. Ivan IV. then, standing on a
platform, addressed the bishop in the following terms:
"Holy father! Your zeal for religion, your love for our country are well
known to me; aid me in my good intentions. I lost, while an infant, my
parents, and the nobles, who sought only their own aggrandizement,
neglected entirely my education, and have usurped, in my name, wealth and
power. They have enriched themselves by injustice, and have crushed the
poor without any one daring to check their ambition. I was, as it were, both
deaf and dumb in my deplorable ignorance, for I heard not the lamentations
of the poor, and my words solaced them not in their sorrows. Who can tell
the tears which have been shed, the blood which has flowed? For all these
things the judgment of God is to be feared."
Bowing then on all sides to the people, the monarch continuing, thus
addressed them:
"O, you my people, whom the All-powerful has entrusted to my care, I
invoke this day, in my behalf, both your religion and the love you have for
me. It is impossible to repair past faults, but I will hereafter be your
protector from oppression and all wrong. Forget those griefs which shall
never be renewed. Lay aside every subject of discord, and let Christian love
sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
With true nobility of soul, he wished his penitence to be as conspicuous as
his sins had been. He resolved to humble himself before his Maker in the
presence of all Russia, that his subjects universally might understand the
new principles which animated his heart, and the new desires which would
enlist his energies. Every city in the empire received orders to send deputies
to Moscow, chosen from all the ranks of society, to attend to matters of the
utmost importance to the country. The Sabbath morning after their arrival,
they were all assembled, an immense multitude, in one of the public squares
of the city. The czar, accompanied by the clergy and the nobles, left the
palace of the Kremlin to meet the deputies. The solemnity of the Sabbath
hallowed the scene, and the people received their sovereign in profound
silence.
The metropolitan bishop first offered a prayer. Ivan IV. then, standing on a
platform, addressed the bishop in the following terms:
"Holy father! Your zeal for religion, your love for our country are well
known to me; aid me in my good intentions. I lost, while an infant, my
parents, and the nobles, who sought only their own aggrandizement,
neglected entirely my education, and have usurped, in my name, wealth and
power. They have enriched themselves by injustice, and have crushed the
poor without any one daring to check their ambition. I was, as it were, both
deaf and dumb in my deplorable ignorance, for I heard not the lamentations
of the poor, and my words solaced them not in their sorrows. Who can tell
the tears which have been shed, the blood which has flowed? For all these
things the judgment of God is to be feared."
Bowing then on all sides to the people, the monarch continuing, thus
addressed them:
"O, you my people, whom the All-powerful has entrusted to my care, I
invoke this day, in my behalf, both your religion and the love you have for
me. It is impossible to repair past faults, but I will hereafter be your
protector from oppression and all wrong. Forget those griefs which shall
never be renewed. Lay aside every subject of discord, and let Christian love
Page 190
fraternize your hearts. From this day I will be your judge and your
defender."
Religious ceremonies, simple yet imposing, closed this scene. Alexis
Adachef was appointed minister of justice, receiving special instructions to
watch the empire with a vigilant eye, that the poor especially should be
subject to no oppression. From that moment all the actions of the sovereign
were guided by the counsels of Sylvestre and Adachef. Ivan IV. assembled
around him a council of his wisest and best men, and ever presided in
person over their meetings. With great energy he entered upon the work of
establishing a code of laws, which should be based upon the love of justice
and good order. In the year 1550 this important code was promulgated,
which forms almost the basis of Russian civilization.
On the 23d of February, 1551, a large convention of the clergy, of the
nobles and of the principal citizens of the empire, was assembled at the
Kremlin, and the emperor presented to them, for their own consideration
and approval, the code of laws which had been framed. The mind of Ivan
IV. expanded rapidly under these noble toils, and in a speech of great
eloquence he urged them to examine these laws, to point out any defects
and to coöperate with him in every endeavor for the prosperity of Russia.
After having thus settled the affairs of the State, the monarch turned his
attention to those of the Church, urging the clergy to devote themselves to
the work of ecclesiastical reform; to add simplicity to the ceremonies of
religion, to prepare books of piety for the people, to train up a thoroughly
instructed clergy for the pulpits, to establish rules for the decorous
observance of divine worship, to abolish useless monasteries, to purify the
convents of all immorality, and to insist that ecclesiastics, of every grade,
should be patterns of piety for their flocks. The clergy eagerly engaged in
this plan of reform, and vied with their Christian monarch in their efforts for
the public weal.
Among the number of projects truly worthy of the grand prince, we must
not neglect particular mention of his attempt to enrich Russia by
encouraging the emigration, from other lands, of men distinguished in the
arts and sciences. A distinguished German, named Schlit, being in Moscow
in 1547, informed the tzar of the rapid progress Germany was making in
defender."
Religious ceremonies, simple yet imposing, closed this scene. Alexis
Adachef was appointed minister of justice, receiving special instructions to
watch the empire with a vigilant eye, that the poor especially should be
subject to no oppression. From that moment all the actions of the sovereign
were guided by the counsels of Sylvestre and Adachef. Ivan IV. assembled
around him a council of his wisest and best men, and ever presided in
person over their meetings. With great energy he entered upon the work of
establishing a code of laws, which should be based upon the love of justice
and good order. In the year 1550 this important code was promulgated,
which forms almost the basis of Russian civilization.
On the 23d of February, 1551, a large convention of the clergy, of the
nobles and of the principal citizens of the empire, was assembled at the
Kremlin, and the emperor presented to them, for their own consideration
and approval, the code of laws which had been framed. The mind of Ivan
IV. expanded rapidly under these noble toils, and in a speech of great
eloquence he urged them to examine these laws, to point out any defects
and to coöperate with him in every endeavor for the prosperity of Russia.
After having thus settled the affairs of the State, the monarch turned his
attention to those of the Church, urging the clergy to devote themselves to
the work of ecclesiastical reform; to add simplicity to the ceremonies of
religion, to prepare books of piety for the people, to train up a thoroughly
instructed clergy for the pulpits, to establish rules for the decorous
observance of divine worship, to abolish useless monasteries, to purify the
convents of all immorality, and to insist that ecclesiastics, of every grade,
should be patterns of piety for their flocks. The clergy eagerly engaged in
this plan of reform, and vied with their Christian monarch in their efforts for
the public weal.
Among the number of projects truly worthy of the grand prince, we must
not neglect particular mention of his attempt to enrich Russia by
encouraging the emigration, from other lands, of men distinguished in the
arts and sciences. A distinguished German, named Schlit, being in Moscow
in 1547, informed the tzar of the rapid progress Germany was making in
Page 191
civilization and enlightenment. Ivan IV. listened attentively, and after many
interviews and protracted questionings, proposed that he should return to
Germany as an envoy from Russia, and invite, in his name, to Moscow,
artists, physicians, apothecaries, printers, mechanics, and also literary men,
skilled in the languages, dead or living, and learned theologians.
Schlit accepted the mission and hastened to Augsburg, where the Emperor
Charles V. was then presiding over a diet. Schlit presented to him a letter
from Ivan IV. relative to this business. Charles was a little doubtful as to the
expediency of allowing illustrious men from his empire to emigrate and
thus add to the consideration and power of a rival kingdom. Nevertheless,
after a long deliberation with the assembled States, he consented to gratify
the tzar, on consideration that he would engage, by oath, not to allow any of
the artists or the literati to pass from Russia into Turkey, and that he would
not employ their talents in any manner hurtful to the German empire.
Turkey was at that time assuming an attitude so formidable, that it was
deemed expedient to increase the power of Russia, as that kingdom might
thus more effectually aid as a barrier against the Turks; while, at the same
time, it was deemed a matter of the utmost moment that Turkey should
receive no aid whatever from Christian civilization.
Charles V. accordingly gave Schlit a written commission to raise his corps
of emigrants. He soon assembled one hundred and twenty illustrious men at
Lubeck, where they were to embark for Russia. But, in the mean time, the
opposition had gained ground, and even Charles V. himself had become
apprehensive that Russia, thus enlightened, might attain to formidable
power. He accordingly had Schlit arrested. The corps of emigrants, thus
deprived of their leader, and consequently disheartened, soon dispersed.
Several months passed away before Ivan IV. received intelligence of the sad
fate of his envoy. Though the plan thus failed, nevertheless, quite a number
of these German artists, notwithstanding the prohibition of the emperor,
effected their escape from Germany, secretly entered Russia, and engaged
in the service of the tzar, were they were very efficient in contributing to
Russian civilization.
The barbarian horde at Kezan still continued to annoy Russia with very
many incursions. Some were mere petty forays, others were extended
invasions, but all were alike merciless and bloody. In February, 1550, Ivan
interviews and protracted questionings, proposed that he should return to
Germany as an envoy from Russia, and invite, in his name, to Moscow,
artists, physicians, apothecaries, printers, mechanics, and also literary men,
skilled in the languages, dead or living, and learned theologians.
Schlit accepted the mission and hastened to Augsburg, where the Emperor
Charles V. was then presiding over a diet. Schlit presented to him a letter
from Ivan IV. relative to this business. Charles was a little doubtful as to the
expediency of allowing illustrious men from his empire to emigrate and
thus add to the consideration and power of a rival kingdom. Nevertheless,
after a long deliberation with the assembled States, he consented to gratify
the tzar, on consideration that he would engage, by oath, not to allow any of
the artists or the literati to pass from Russia into Turkey, and that he would
not employ their talents in any manner hurtful to the German empire.
Turkey was at that time assuming an attitude so formidable, that it was
deemed expedient to increase the power of Russia, as that kingdom might
thus more effectually aid as a barrier against the Turks; while, at the same
time, it was deemed a matter of the utmost moment that Turkey should
receive no aid whatever from Christian civilization.
Charles V. accordingly gave Schlit a written commission to raise his corps
of emigrants. He soon assembled one hundred and twenty illustrious men at
Lubeck, where they were to embark for Russia. But, in the mean time, the
opposition had gained ground, and even Charles V. himself had become
apprehensive that Russia, thus enlightened, might attain to formidable
power. He accordingly had Schlit arrested. The corps of emigrants, thus
deprived of their leader, and consequently disheartened, soon dispersed.
Several months passed away before Ivan IV. received intelligence of the sad
fate of his envoy. Though the plan thus failed, nevertheless, quite a number
of these German artists, notwithstanding the prohibition of the emperor,
effected their escape from Germany, secretly entered Russia, and engaged
in the service of the tzar, were they were very efficient in contributing to
Russian civilization.
The barbarian horde at Kezan still continued to annoy Russia with very
many incursions. Some were mere petty forays, others were extended
invasions, but all were alike merciless and bloody. In February, 1550, Ivan
Page 192
IV., then but twenty two years of age, placed himself at the head of a large
army to descend the Volga and punish the horde. The monarch was young
and totally inexperienced in war. A series of terrible disasters from storms
and floods thinned his ranks, and the monarch in great dejection returned to
Moscow to replenish his forces. Again, early in December, he hastened to
meet his army which had been rendezvoused at Nigni Novgorod, on the
Volga, about three hundred miles west of Moscow. In the early spring they
descended the river, and in great force encamped before the walls of Kezan.
The walls were of wood. The Russians were sixty thousand strong, and
were aided with several batteries of artillery. The assault was immediately
commenced, and for one whole day the battle raged with equal valor on the
part of the assailants and the defendants. The next day a storm arose, the
rain falling abundantly and freezing as it touched the ground. The
encampment was flooded, and the assailants, unable to make any progress,
were again compelled to beat a retreat. These reverses mortified the young
tzar, though he succeeded in effecting a treaty with the barbarians, which in
some degree covered his disgrace.
But the horde, entirely disorganized, paid no regard to treaties and
continued their depredations. Again, in the year 1552, the tzar prepared
another expedition to check their ravages. He announced to the council, in a
very solemn session, that the time had arrived when it was necessary, at all
hazards, to check the pride of the horde.
"God is my witness," said he, "that I do not seek vain glory, but I wish to
secure the repose of my people. How shall I be able in the day of judgment
to say to the Most High, 'Behold me and the subjects thou hast entrusted to
my care,' if I do not shelter them from the eternal enemies of Russia, from
these barbarians from whom one can have neither peace nor truce?"
The lords endeavored to persuade the emperor to remain at Moscow, and to
entrust the expedition to his experienced generals, but he declared that he
would not expose his army to perils and fatigues which he was not also
ready and willing to share. Though many were in favor of a winter's
campaign, as Kezan was surrounded with streams and lakes which the ice
would then bridge, yet Ivan decided upon the summer as more favorable for
the transportation of his army down the rivers. By the latter part of May the
waters of the Volga and the Oka were covered with bateaux laden with
army to descend the Volga and punish the horde. The monarch was young
and totally inexperienced in war. A series of terrible disasters from storms
and floods thinned his ranks, and the monarch in great dejection returned to
Moscow to replenish his forces. Again, early in December, he hastened to
meet his army which had been rendezvoused at Nigni Novgorod, on the
Volga, about three hundred miles west of Moscow. In the early spring they
descended the river, and in great force encamped before the walls of Kezan.
The walls were of wood. The Russians were sixty thousand strong, and
were aided with several batteries of artillery. The assault was immediately
commenced, and for one whole day the battle raged with equal valor on the
part of the assailants and the defendants. The next day a storm arose, the
rain falling abundantly and freezing as it touched the ground. The
encampment was flooded, and the assailants, unable to make any progress,
were again compelled to beat a retreat. These reverses mortified the young
tzar, though he succeeded in effecting a treaty with the barbarians, which in
some degree covered his disgrace.
But the horde, entirely disorganized, paid no regard to treaties and
continued their depredations. Again, in the year 1552, the tzar prepared
another expedition to check their ravages. He announced to the council, in a
very solemn session, that the time had arrived when it was necessary, at all
hazards, to check the pride of the horde.
"God is my witness," said he, "that I do not seek vain glory, but I wish to
secure the repose of my people. How shall I be able in the day of judgment
to say to the Most High, 'Behold me and the subjects thou hast entrusted to
my care,' if I do not shelter them from the eternal enemies of Russia, from
these barbarians from whom one can have neither peace nor truce?"
The lords endeavored to persuade the emperor to remain at Moscow, and to
entrust the expedition to his experienced generals, but he declared that he
would not expose his army to perils and fatigues which he was not also
ready and willing to share. Though many were in favor of a winter's
campaign, as Kezan was surrounded with streams and lakes which the ice
would then bridge, yet Ivan decided upon the summer as more favorable for
the transportation of his army down the rivers. By the latter part of May the
waters of the Volga and the Oka were covered with bateaux laden with
Page 193
artillery and with military stores, and the banks of those streams were
crowded with troops upon the march. Nigni Novgorod, where the Oka
empties into the Volga, was as usual the appointed place of rendezvous. The
16th of June Ivan took leave of the Empress Anastasia. Her emotion at
parting was so great that she fell fainting into the arms of her husband.
From his palace Ivan proceeded to the church of the Assumption, where the
blessing of Heaven was implored, and then issuing orders that the bishops,
all over the empire, should offer prayers daily for the success of the
expedition, he mounted his horse, and accompanied by the cavalry of his
guard, took the route to Kolumna, a city on the Oka, about a hundred miles
south of Moscow.
It will be remembered that the Tartar horde existed in several vast
encampments. One of these encampments occupied Tauride, as the region
north of the Crimea, and including that peninsula, was then called. These
barbarians, thinking that the Russian army was now five hundred miles
west of Moscow at Kezan, and that the empire was thus defenseless, with a
vast army of invasion were on the eager march for Moscow. Ivan at
Kolumna heard joyfully of their approach, for he was prepared to meet
them and to chastise them with merited severity. On the 22d of July, the
horde, unconscious of their danger, surrounded the walls of Toola, a city
about a hundred miles south of Kolumna. Ivan himself, heading a division
of the army, fell fiercely upon them, and the Tartars were totally routed,
losing artillery, camels, banners and a large number of prisoners. They were
pursued a long distance as in wild rout they fled back to their own country.
This brilliant success greatly elated the army. Ivan IV., sending his trophies
to Moscow, as an encouragement to the capital, again put his army in
motion towards Kezan. The relation which existed between the sovereign
and his pastor, the faithful metropolitan bishop, may be inferred from the
following communications which passed between them, equally worthy of
them both.
"May the soul of your majesty," wrote the metropolitan, "remain pure and
chaste. Be humble in prosperity and courageous in adversity. The piety of a
sovereign saves and blesses his empire." The tzar replied,
crowded with troops upon the march. Nigni Novgorod, where the Oka
empties into the Volga, was as usual the appointed place of rendezvous. The
16th of June Ivan took leave of the Empress Anastasia. Her emotion at
parting was so great that she fell fainting into the arms of her husband.
From his palace Ivan proceeded to the church of the Assumption, where the
blessing of Heaven was implored, and then issuing orders that the bishops,
all over the empire, should offer prayers daily for the success of the
expedition, he mounted his horse, and accompanied by the cavalry of his
guard, took the route to Kolumna, a city on the Oka, about a hundred miles
south of Moscow.
It will be remembered that the Tartar horde existed in several vast
encampments. One of these encampments occupied Tauride, as the region
north of the Crimea, and including that peninsula, was then called. These
barbarians, thinking that the Russian army was now five hundred miles
west of Moscow at Kezan, and that the empire was thus defenseless, with a
vast army of invasion were on the eager march for Moscow. Ivan at
Kolumna heard joyfully of their approach, for he was prepared to meet
them and to chastise them with merited severity. On the 22d of July, the
horde, unconscious of their danger, surrounded the walls of Toola, a city
about a hundred miles south of Kolumna. Ivan himself, heading a division
of the army, fell fiercely upon them, and the Tartars were totally routed,
losing artillery, camels, banners and a large number of prisoners. They were
pursued a long distance as in wild rout they fled back to their own country.
This brilliant success greatly elated the army. Ivan IV., sending his trophies
to Moscow, as an encouragement to the capital, again put his army in
motion towards Kezan. The relation which existed between the sovereign
and his pastor, the faithful metropolitan bishop, may be inferred from the
following communications which passed between them, equally worthy of
them both.
"May the soul of your majesty," wrote the metropolitan, "remain pure and
chaste. Be humble in prosperity and courageous in adversity. The piety of a
sovereign saves and blesses his empire." The tzar replied,
Page 194
"Worthy pastor of the church, we thank you for your Christian instructions.
We will engrave them on our heart. Continue to us your wise counsels, and
aid us also with your prayers. We advance against the enemy. May the Lord
soon enable us to secure peace and repose to the Christians."
On the 13th of August, with his assembled army, he reached Viask on the
Volga, about fifty miles above Kezan. Here he encamped to concentrate and
rest his troops after so long a march. Barges freighted with provisions,
merchandise and munitions of war, were incessantly arriving from the vast
regions watered by the Volga and the Oka. As by magic an immense city
spread out over the green plain. Tents glistened in the sun, banners waved,
and horsemen and footmen, in all the gorgeous panoply of war, extended as
far as the eye could reach.
While resting here, Ivan IV. sent an embassy to Kezan, saying that the tzar
sought their repentance and amendment, not their destruction; that if they
would deliver up to punishment the authors of sedition, and would give
satisfactory pledges of future friendliness, they might live in peace under
the paternal government of the tzar. To this message a contemptuous and
defiant response was returned by the Tartar khan. The answer was closed
with these words: "We are anxiously awaiting your arrival, and are all ready
to commence our festivities."
That very day, the Russian army, amounting to one hundred and fifty
thousand men, arrived within sight of Kezan. A prairie four miles in width,
carpeted with flowers, extended from the Volga to the range of mountains at
the base of which the city stood. The Tartars, abounding in wealth, by the
aid of engineers and architects from all lands, had surrounded the city with
massive walls defended with towers, ramparts and bastions in the most
formidable strength of military art as then known. Within the walls rose the
minarets of innumerable mosques and the turrets of palaces embellished
with all the gorgeousness of oriental wealth and taste. The horde, relying
upon the strength of their fortification, remained behind their walls, where
they prepared for a defense which they doubted not would be successful.
Two days were employed in disembarking the artillery and the munitions of
war.
We will engrave them on our heart. Continue to us your wise counsels, and
aid us also with your prayers. We advance against the enemy. May the Lord
soon enable us to secure peace and repose to the Christians."
On the 13th of August, with his assembled army, he reached Viask on the
Volga, about fifty miles above Kezan. Here he encamped to concentrate and
rest his troops after so long a march. Barges freighted with provisions,
merchandise and munitions of war, were incessantly arriving from the vast
regions watered by the Volga and the Oka. As by magic an immense city
spread out over the green plain. Tents glistened in the sun, banners waved,
and horsemen and footmen, in all the gorgeous panoply of war, extended as
far as the eye could reach.
While resting here, Ivan IV. sent an embassy to Kezan, saying that the tzar
sought their repentance and amendment, not their destruction; that if they
would deliver up to punishment the authors of sedition, and would give
satisfactory pledges of future friendliness, they might live in peace under
the paternal government of the tzar. To this message a contemptuous and
defiant response was returned by the Tartar khan. The answer was closed
with these words: "We are anxiously awaiting your arrival, and are all ready
to commence our festivities."
That very day, the Russian army, amounting to one hundred and fifty
thousand men, arrived within sight of Kezan. A prairie four miles in width,
carpeted with flowers, extended from the Volga to the range of mountains at
the base of which the city stood. The Tartars, abounding in wealth, by the
aid of engineers and architects from all lands, had surrounded the city with
massive walls defended with towers, ramparts and bastions in the most
formidable strength of military art as then known. Within the walls rose the
minarets of innumerable mosques and the turrets of palaces embellished
with all the gorgeousness of oriental wealth and taste. The horde, relying
upon the strength of their fortification, remained behind their walls, where
they prepared for a defense which they doubted not would be successful.
Two days were employed in disembarking the artillery and the munitions of
war.
Page 195
While thus engaged, a deserter escaped from the city and announced to the
tzar that the fortress was abundantly supplied with artillery, provisions and
all means of defense; that the garrison consisted of thirty-two thousand
seven hundred veteran soldiers; that a numerous corps of cavalry had been
detached to scour the surrounding country and raise an army of cavalry and
infantry to assail the besiegers in flank and rear, while the garrisons should
be prepared to sally from their entrenchments.
On the 23d of August, at the dawn of day, the army, advancing from the
river, approached the city. The moment the sun appeared in the horizon, at
the sound of innumerable trumpets, the whole army arrested their steps and
the sacred standard was unfurled, presenting the effigy of Jesus Christ, our
Saviour, surmounted by a golden cross. Ivan IV. and his staff alighted from
their horses, and, beneath the shadow of the banner, with prayers and other
exercises of devotion, received the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The
monarch then rode along the ranks, and, in an impassioned harangue,
roused the soldiers to the noblest enthusiasm. Exalting the glory of those
who might fall in the defense of religion, he assured them in the name of
Russia that their wives and their children should never be forgotten, but that
they should be the objects of his special care and should ever enjoy
protection and abundance. In conclusion, he assured them that he was
determined to sacrifice his own life, if necessary, to secure the triumph of
the cross. These words were received with shouts of acclaim. The chaplain
of Ivan, elevated in the view of the whole army, pronounced a solemn
benediction upon the sovereign and upon all the troops, and then bowing to
the sacred standard, exclaimed,
"O Lord, it is in thy name we now march against the infidels."
With waving banners and pealing trumpets, the army was now conducted
before the walls of the city. Every thing there seemed abandoned and in
profound silence and solitude. Not the slightest movement could be
perceived. Not an individual appeared upon the walls. Many of the Russians
began to rejoice, imagining that the tzar of Kezan, struck with terror, had
fled with all his army into the forest. But the generals, more experienced,
suspected a snare, and regarded the aspect of affairs as a motive for
redoubled prudence. With great caution they made their dispositions for
commencing the siege. As a division of seven thousand troops were
tzar that the fortress was abundantly supplied with artillery, provisions and
all means of defense; that the garrison consisted of thirty-two thousand
seven hundred veteran soldiers; that a numerous corps of cavalry had been
detached to scour the surrounding country and raise an army of cavalry and
infantry to assail the besiegers in flank and rear, while the garrisons should
be prepared to sally from their entrenchments.
On the 23d of August, at the dawn of day, the army, advancing from the
river, approached the city. The moment the sun appeared in the horizon, at
the sound of innumerable trumpets, the whole army arrested their steps and
the sacred standard was unfurled, presenting the effigy of Jesus Christ, our
Saviour, surmounted by a golden cross. Ivan IV. and his staff alighted from
their horses, and, beneath the shadow of the banner, with prayers and other
exercises of devotion, received the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The
monarch then rode along the ranks, and, in an impassioned harangue,
roused the soldiers to the noblest enthusiasm. Exalting the glory of those
who might fall in the defense of religion, he assured them in the name of
Russia that their wives and their children should never be forgotten, but that
they should be the objects of his special care and should ever enjoy
protection and abundance. In conclusion, he assured them that he was
determined to sacrifice his own life, if necessary, to secure the triumph of
the cross. These words were received with shouts of acclaim. The chaplain
of Ivan, elevated in the view of the whole army, pronounced a solemn
benediction upon the sovereign and upon all the troops, and then bowing to
the sacred standard, exclaimed,
"O Lord, it is in thy name we now march against the infidels."
With waving banners and pealing trumpets, the army was now conducted
before the walls of the city. Every thing there seemed abandoned and in
profound silence and solitude. Not the slightest movement could be
perceived. Not an individual appeared upon the walls. Many of the Russians
began to rejoice, imagining that the tzar of Kezan, struck with terror, had
fled with all his army into the forest. But the generals, more experienced,
suspected a snare, and regarded the aspect of affairs as a motive for
redoubled prudence. With great caution they made their dispositions for
commencing the siege. As a division of seven thousand troops were
Page 196
crossing a bridge which they had thrown over a ditch near the walls,
suddenly a violent uproar succeeded the profound silence which had
reigned in the city. The air was filled with cries of rage. The massive gates
rolled open upon their hinges, and fifteen thousand mounted Tartars, armed
to the teeth, rushed upon the little band with a shock utterly resistless, and,
in a few moments, the Russians were cut to pieces in the presence of the
whole army. The victorious Tartars, having achieved this signal exploit,
swept back again into the city and the gates were closed. This event taught
the Russians prudence.
Anticipating a long siege, a city of tents was reared, with its streets and
squares, beyond the reach of the guns from the walls. Three churches of
canvas were constructed, where worship was daily held. Day after day, the
siege was conducted with the usual events witnessed around a beleaguered
fortress. There were the thunderings of artillery, the explosion of mines,
fierce and bloody sorties, the shrieks of the combatants, and the city ever
burning by flames enkindled by red hot shot thrown over the walls. The
Russian batteries grew every day more and more formidable, and the
ramparts crumbled beneath their blows. The Russian army was so numerous
that the soldiers relieved themselves at the batteries, and the bombardment
was continued day and night. At length a Tartar army was seen descending
the distant mountains and hastening to the relief of the garrison. Ivan
dispatched one half his army to meet them. The Tartars, after a sanguinary
conflict, were cut to pieces. As the division returned covered with dust and
blood, and exulting in their great achievement, Ivan displayed the prisoners,
the banners, and the spoil he had taken, before the walls of the city. A herald
was then sent, to address these words to the besieged:
"Ivan promises you life, liberty and pardon for the past, if you will submit
yourselves to him."
The response returned was,
"We had rather die by our own pure hands, than perish by those of
miserable Christians."
This answer was followed by a storm of all the missiles of war.
suddenly a violent uproar succeeded the profound silence which had
reigned in the city. The air was filled with cries of rage. The massive gates
rolled open upon their hinges, and fifteen thousand mounted Tartars, armed
to the teeth, rushed upon the little band with a shock utterly resistless, and,
in a few moments, the Russians were cut to pieces in the presence of the
whole army. The victorious Tartars, having achieved this signal exploit,
swept back again into the city and the gates were closed. This event taught
the Russians prudence.
Anticipating a long siege, a city of tents was reared, with its streets and
squares, beyond the reach of the guns from the walls. Three churches of
canvas were constructed, where worship was daily held. Day after day, the
siege was conducted with the usual events witnessed around a beleaguered
fortress. There were the thunderings of artillery, the explosion of mines,
fierce and bloody sorties, the shrieks of the combatants, and the city ever
burning by flames enkindled by red hot shot thrown over the walls. The
Russian batteries grew every day more and more formidable, and the
ramparts crumbled beneath their blows. The Russian army was so numerous
that the soldiers relieved themselves at the batteries, and the bombardment
was continued day and night. At length a Tartar army was seen descending
the distant mountains and hastening to the relief of the garrison. Ivan
dispatched one half his army to meet them. The Tartars, after a sanguinary
conflict, were cut to pieces. As the division returned covered with dust and
blood, and exulting in their great achievement, Ivan displayed the prisoners,
the banners, and the spoil he had taken, before the walls of the city. A herald
was then sent, to address these words to the besieged:
"Ivan promises you life, liberty and pardon for the past, if you will submit
yourselves to him."
The response returned was,
"We had rather die by our own pure hands, than perish by those of
miserable Christians."
This answer was followed by a storm of all the missiles of war.
Page 197
The monarch, wishing as far as possible to save the city from destruction,
and to avoid the effusion of blood, directed a German engineer to sink a
mine under an important portion of the walls. The miners proceeded until
they could hear the footsteps of the Kezanians over their heads. Eleven tons
of powder were placed in the vault. On the 5th of September the match was
applied. The explosion was awful. Large portions of the wall, towers,
buildings, rocks, the mutilated bodies of men, were thrown hundreds of feet
into the air and fell upon the city, crushing the dwellings and the
inhabitants. The besieged were seized with mortal terror, not knowing to
what to attribute so dire a calamity. The Russians, who were prepared for
the explosion, waving their swords, with loud outcries rushed in at the
breach. But the Kezanians, soon recovering from their consternation, with
their breasts and their artillery presented a new rampart, and beat back the
foe. Thus, day after day, the horrible carnage continued. Within the city and
without the city, death held high carnival. There were famine and pestilence
and misery in all imaginable forms within the walls. In the camp of the
besiegers, there were mutilation, and death's agonies and despair. Army
after army of Tartars came to the help of the besieged, but they were mown
down mercilessly by Russian sabers, and trampled beneath Russian hoofs.
Ivan, morning and evening, with his generals, entered the church to implore
the blessing of God upon his enterprise. In no other way could he rescue
Russia from the invasion of these barbarians, than by thus appealing to the
energies of the sword. In the contemplation of such a tragedy, the mind
struggles in bewilderment, and can only say, "Be still and know that I am
God."
CHAPTER XIV.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.—CONTINUED.
From 1552 to 1557.
and to avoid the effusion of blood, directed a German engineer to sink a
mine under an important portion of the walls. The miners proceeded until
they could hear the footsteps of the Kezanians over their heads. Eleven tons
of powder were placed in the vault. On the 5th of September the match was
applied. The explosion was awful. Large portions of the wall, towers,
buildings, rocks, the mutilated bodies of men, were thrown hundreds of feet
into the air and fell upon the city, crushing the dwellings and the
inhabitants. The besieged were seized with mortal terror, not knowing to
what to attribute so dire a calamity. The Russians, who were prepared for
the explosion, waving their swords, with loud outcries rushed in at the
breach. But the Kezanians, soon recovering from their consternation, with
their breasts and their artillery presented a new rampart, and beat back the
foe. Thus, day after day, the horrible carnage continued. Within the city and
without the city, death held high carnival. There were famine and pestilence
and misery in all imaginable forms within the walls. In the camp of the
besiegers, there were mutilation, and death's agonies and despair. Army
after army of Tartars came to the help of the besieged, but they were mown
down mercilessly by Russian sabers, and trampled beneath Russian hoofs.
Ivan, morning and evening, with his generals, entered the church to implore
the blessing of God upon his enterprise. In no other way could he rescue
Russia from the invasion of these barbarians, than by thus appealing to the
energies of the sword. In the contemplation of such a tragedy, the mind
struggles in bewilderment, and can only say, "Be still and know that I am
God."
CHAPTER XIV.
THE REIGN OF IVAN IV.—CONTINUED.
From 1552 to 1557.
Page 198
Siege of Kezan.—Artifices of War.—The Explosion of Mines.—The
Final Assault.—Complete Subjugation of Kezan.—Gratitude and
Liberality of the Tzar.—Return To Moscow.—Joy of the inhabitants.—
Birth of An Heir To the Crown.—Insurrection in Kezan.—The
Insurrection Quelled.—Conquest of Astrachan.—The English
Expedition in Search of a North-East Passage to India.—The
Establishment at Archangel.—Commercial Relations Between France
and Russia.—Russian Embassy to England.—Extension of Commerce.
The Russians had now been a month before the walls of Kezan. Ten
thousand of the defenders had already been slain. The autumnal sun was
rapidly declining, and the storms of winter were approaching. Secretly they
now constructed, a mile and a half from the camp, an immense tower upon
wheels, and rising higher than the walls of the city. Upon the platform of
this tower they placed sixteen cannon, of the largest caliber, which were
worked by the most skillful gunners. In the night this terrible machine was
rolled up to the walls, and with the first dawn of the morning opened its fire
upon the dwellings and the streets. The carnage was at first horrible, but the
besieged at length took refuge in subterranean walks and covered ways,
where they indomitably continued the conflict. The artillery, placed upon
the walls of Kezan, were speedily dismounted by the batteries on the tower.
A new series of mines beneath the walls were now constructed by the
Russian engineers, which were to operate with destructive power, hitherto
unrecorded in the annals of war. On the 1st of October the tzar announced
to the army that the mines were ready to be fired, and wished them to
prepare for the general assault. While one half of the troops continued the
incessant bombardment, the other half were assembled in the churches to
purify themselves for the conflict by confession, penitence, prayer and the
partaking of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The divisions then
exchanged that the whole army might prostrate itself before God. Ivan IV.
himself retired with his confessor and passed several hours in earnest
devotion. The night preceding the assault there was no repose in either
camp. The Kezanians, who were anxiously awaiting events, had perceived
an extraordinary movement among the Russians, as each battalion was
guided to the spot whence it was to rush over the ruins immediately after
Final Assault.—Complete Subjugation of Kezan.—Gratitude and
Liberality of the Tzar.—Return To Moscow.—Joy of the inhabitants.—
Birth of An Heir To the Crown.—Insurrection in Kezan.—The
Insurrection Quelled.—Conquest of Astrachan.—The English
Expedition in Search of a North-East Passage to India.—The
Establishment at Archangel.—Commercial Relations Between France
and Russia.—Russian Embassy to England.—Extension of Commerce.
The Russians had now been a month before the walls of Kezan. Ten
thousand of the defenders had already been slain. The autumnal sun was
rapidly declining, and the storms of winter were approaching. Secretly they
now constructed, a mile and a half from the camp, an immense tower upon
wheels, and rising higher than the walls of the city. Upon the platform of
this tower they placed sixteen cannon, of the largest caliber, which were
worked by the most skillful gunners. In the night this terrible machine was
rolled up to the walls, and with the first dawn of the morning opened its fire
upon the dwellings and the streets. The carnage was at first horrible, but the
besieged at length took refuge in subterranean walks and covered ways,
where they indomitably continued the conflict. The artillery, placed upon
the walls of Kezan, were speedily dismounted by the batteries on the tower.
A new series of mines beneath the walls were now constructed by the
Russian engineers, which were to operate with destructive power, hitherto
unrecorded in the annals of war. On the 1st of October the tzar announced
to the army that the mines were ready to be fired, and wished them to
prepare for the general assault. While one half of the troops continued the
incessant bombardment, the other half were assembled in the churches to
purify themselves for the conflict by confession, penitence, prayer and the
partaking of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The divisions then
exchanged that the whole army might prostrate itself before God. Ivan IV.
himself retired with his confessor and passed several hours in earnest
devotion. The night preceding the assault there was no repose in either
camp. The Kezanians, who were anxiously awaiting events, had perceived
an extraordinary movement among the Russians, as each battalion was
guided to the spot whence it was to rush over the ruins immediately after
Page 199
the explosion. Forty-eight tons (tonneaux) of powder had been placed in the
mines.
The morning of the 2d of October dawned serene and cloudless. The
earliest light revealed the Russians and the Kezanians each at their posts.
The moment the sun appeared above the horizon the explosion took place.
First the earth trembled and rose and fell for many miles as if shaken by an
earthquake. A smothered roar, swelling into pealing thunder ensued, which
appalled every mind. Immense volumes of smoke, thick and suffocating,
instantaneously rolled over the city and the beleaguering camp, converting
day into night. A horrible melange of timbers, rocks, guns and mutilated
bodies of men, women and children were hurled into the air through this
storm cloud of war, and fell in hideous ruin alike upon the besiegers and the
besieged. At the moment when the explosion took place, one of the bishops
in the church was reading the words of our Saviour foretelling the peaceful
reign of fraternity and of heavenly love, "Henceforth there shall be but one
flock and one shepherd." Strange contrast between the spirit of heaven and
the woes of a fallen world!
For a moment even the Russians, though all prepared for the explosion,
were paralyzed by its direful effects. But instantly recovering, they raised
the simultaneous shout, "God is with us," and rushing over the debris, of
ruin and blood, penetrated the city. The Tartars met them with the fury of
despair, appealing, in their turn, to Allah and Mohammed. Soon the Russian
banner floated over tottering towers and blackened walls, though for many
hours the battle raged with fierceness, which human energies can not
exceed.
Prince Vorotinsky, early in the afternoon, soiled with blood and blackened
with smoke, rode from the ruins of the city into the presence of Ivan, and
bowing, said,
"Sire, rejoice; your bravery and your good fortune have secured the victory.
Kezan is ours. The khan is in your power, the people are slain or taken
captive. Unspeakable riches have fallen into our hands."
"Let God be glorified," cried Ivan, raising his eyes and his hands to heaven.
Then taking the sacred standard in his own hands, he entered the city,
planted the banner in one of the principal squares, ordered a Te Deum there
mines.
The morning of the 2d of October dawned serene and cloudless. The
earliest light revealed the Russians and the Kezanians each at their posts.
The moment the sun appeared above the horizon the explosion took place.
First the earth trembled and rose and fell for many miles as if shaken by an
earthquake. A smothered roar, swelling into pealing thunder ensued, which
appalled every mind. Immense volumes of smoke, thick and suffocating,
instantaneously rolled over the city and the beleaguering camp, converting
day into night. A horrible melange of timbers, rocks, guns and mutilated
bodies of men, women and children were hurled into the air through this
storm cloud of war, and fell in hideous ruin alike upon the besiegers and the
besieged. At the moment when the explosion took place, one of the bishops
in the church was reading the words of our Saviour foretelling the peaceful
reign of fraternity and of heavenly love, "Henceforth there shall be but one
flock and one shepherd." Strange contrast between the spirit of heaven and
the woes of a fallen world!
For a moment even the Russians, though all prepared for the explosion,
were paralyzed by its direful effects. But instantly recovering, they raised
the simultaneous shout, "God is with us," and rushing over the debris, of
ruin and blood, penetrated the city. The Tartars met them with the fury of
despair, appealing, in their turn, to Allah and Mohammed. Soon the Russian
banner floated over tottering towers and blackened walls, though for many
hours the battle raged with fierceness, which human energies can not
exceed.
Prince Vorotinsky, early in the afternoon, soiled with blood and blackened
with smoke, rode from the ruins of the city into the presence of Ivan, and
bowing, said,
"Sire, rejoice; your bravery and your good fortune have secured the victory.
Kezan is ours. The khan is in your power, the people are slain or taken
captive. Unspeakable riches have fallen into our hands."
"Let God be glorified," cried Ivan, raising his eyes and his hands to heaven.
Then taking the sacred standard in his own hands, he entered the city,
planted the banner in one of the principal squares, ordered a Te Deum there
Page 200
to be chanted, and then directed that upon that spot the foundation should
be laid of the first Christian temple. All the booty Ivan surrendered to the
army, saying,
"The only riches I desire, are the repose and the honor of Russia."
Then assembling his troops around him, he thus addressed them:
"Valiant lords, generals, officers, all of you who in this solemn day have
suffered for the glory of God, for religion, your country and your emperor,
you have acquired immortal glory. Never before did a people develop such
bravery; never before was so signal a victory gained. How can I suitably
reward your glorious actions?
"And you who repose on the field of honor, noble children of Russia, you
are already in the celestial realms, in the midst of Christian martyrs and all
resplendent with glory. This is the recompense with which God has
rewarded you. But as for us, it is our duty to transmit your names to future
ages, and the sacred list in which they shall be enrolled shall be placed in
the temple of the Lord, that they may ever live in the memory of men.
"You, who bathed in your blood, still live to experience the effects of my
love and my gratitude; all of you brave warriors now before me, listen
attentively to my words, and repose perfect confidence in the promises I
make to you this day, that I will cherish you and protect you to the end of
my life."
These were not idle words. Ivan personally visited the wounded, cheered
them with his sympathy, and ever after watched over them with parental
care. His brother-in-law, Daniel, was immediately sent an envoy to the
empress and to the metropolitan bishop, to inform them of the victory. The
day was closed by a festival, in a gorgeous tent, where all the principal
officers and lords were invited to dine with the tzar. A proclamation was
addressed to all the tribes and nations of the conquered region.
"Come," said the Russian tzar, "without fear to me. The past is forgotten;
for perfidy has received its reward. I shall require of you only the tribute
which you have heretofore paid to the tzars of Kezan."
be laid of the first Christian temple. All the booty Ivan surrendered to the
army, saying,
"The only riches I desire, are the repose and the honor of Russia."
Then assembling his troops around him, he thus addressed them:
"Valiant lords, generals, officers, all of you who in this solemn day have
suffered for the glory of God, for religion, your country and your emperor,
you have acquired immortal glory. Never before did a people develop such
bravery; never before was so signal a victory gained. How can I suitably
reward your glorious actions?
"And you who repose on the field of honor, noble children of Russia, you
are already in the celestial realms, in the midst of Christian martyrs and all
resplendent with glory. This is the recompense with which God has
rewarded you. But as for us, it is our duty to transmit your names to future
ages, and the sacred list in which they shall be enrolled shall be placed in
the temple of the Lord, that they may ever live in the memory of men.
"You, who bathed in your blood, still live to experience the effects of my
love and my gratitude; all of you brave warriors now before me, listen
attentively to my words, and repose perfect confidence in the promises I
make to you this day, that I will cherish you and protect you to the end of
my life."
These were not idle words. Ivan personally visited the wounded, cheered
them with his sympathy, and ever after watched over them with parental
care. His brother-in-law, Daniel, was immediately sent an envoy to the
empress and to the metropolitan bishop, to inform them of the victory. The
day was closed by a festival, in a gorgeous tent, where all the principal
officers and lords were invited to dine with the tzar. A proclamation was
addressed to all the tribes and nations of the conquered region.
"Come," said the Russian tzar, "without fear to me. The past is forgotten;
for perfidy has received its reward. I shall require of you only the tribute
which you have heretofore paid to the tzars of Kezan."
Page 201
On the 3d of October the dead were buried and the whole city was cleansed.
The next day, Ivan, accompanied by his clergy, his council and the chiefs of
his army, made his triumphal entrance, and laid, on the designated spot, the
corner-stone of the cathedral church of the Visitation. He also made the tour
of the city, bearing the sacred banner, and consecrating Kezan to the true
God. The clergy sprinkled holy water upon the streets and upon the walls of
the houses, imploring the benediction of Heaven upon this new rampart of
Christianity. They prayed that the inhabitants might be preserved from all
maladies, that they might be strengthened to repel every enemy, and that the
city might for ever remain the glorious heritage of Russia. Having traversed
the whole city and designated the places for the erection of churches, the
tzar gave orders for the immediate rebuilding of the fortifications, and then,
accompanied by his court, he took possession of the palace of the khan,
over which now floated the banners of the cross.
It was thus that one of the most considerable principalities of the
descendants of Genghis Khan fell into the hands of Russia. Kezan was
founded upon the ruins of ancient Bulgaria, and, situated upon the frontiers
of Russia, had long filled the empire with terror. Ivan immediately
established a new government for the city and the surrounding region,
which was occupied by five different nations, powerful in numbers and
redoubtable in war. An army of about ten thousand men was left to garrison
the fortresses of the city. On the 11th of October the emperor prepared to
return to Moscow. Many of the lords counseled that he should remain at
Kezan until spring, that the more distant regions might be overawed by the
presence of the army. But the monarch, impatient to see his spouse and to
present himself in Moscow fresh from these fields of glory, rejected these
sage counsels and adopted the advice of those who also wished to repose
beneath the laurels they had already acquired. Passing the night of the 11th
of October on the banks of the Volga, he embarked on the morning of the
12th in a barge to ascend the stream, while the cavalry followed along upon
the banks. The emperor passed one day at Sviazk and then proceeded to
Nigni Novgorod. The whole city, men, women and children, flocked to
meet him. They could not find words strong enough to express their
gratitude for their deliverance from the terrible incursions of the horde.
They fell at their monarch's feet, bathed his hands with their tears and
implored Heaven's blessing upon him.
The next day, Ivan, accompanied by his clergy, his council and the chiefs of
his army, made his triumphal entrance, and laid, on the designated spot, the
corner-stone of the cathedral church of the Visitation. He also made the tour
of the city, bearing the sacred banner, and consecrating Kezan to the true
God. The clergy sprinkled holy water upon the streets and upon the walls of
the houses, imploring the benediction of Heaven upon this new rampart of
Christianity. They prayed that the inhabitants might be preserved from all
maladies, that they might be strengthened to repel every enemy, and that the
city might for ever remain the glorious heritage of Russia. Having traversed
the whole city and designated the places for the erection of churches, the
tzar gave orders for the immediate rebuilding of the fortifications, and then,
accompanied by his court, he took possession of the palace of the khan,
over which now floated the banners of the cross.
It was thus that one of the most considerable principalities of the
descendants of Genghis Khan fell into the hands of Russia. Kezan was
founded upon the ruins of ancient Bulgaria, and, situated upon the frontiers
of Russia, had long filled the empire with terror. Ivan immediately
established a new government for the city and the surrounding region,
which was occupied by five different nations, powerful in numbers and
redoubtable in war. An army of about ten thousand men was left to garrison
the fortresses of the city. On the 11th of October the emperor prepared to
return to Moscow. Many of the lords counseled that he should remain at
Kezan until spring, that the more distant regions might be overawed by the
presence of the army. But the monarch, impatient to see his spouse and to
present himself in Moscow fresh from these fields of glory, rejected these
sage counsels and adopted the advice of those who also wished to repose
beneath the laurels they had already acquired. Passing the night of the 11th
of October on the banks of the Volga, he embarked on the morning of the
12th in a barge to ascend the stream, while the cavalry followed along upon
the banks. The emperor passed one day at Sviazk and then proceeded to
Nigni Novgorod. The whole city, men, women and children, flocked to
meet him. They could not find words strong enough to express their
gratitude for their deliverance from the terrible incursions of the horde.
They fell at their monarch's feet, bathed his hands with their tears and
implored Heaven's blessing upon him.
Page 202
From Nigni Novgorod the emperor took the land route through Balakna and
Vladimir to Moscow. On the way he met a courier from the Empress
Anastasia, announcing to him that she had given birth to a son whom she
named Dmitri. The tzar, in the tumult of his joy, leaped from his horse,
passionately embraced Trakhaniot, the herald, and then falling upon his
knees with tears trickling down his cheeks, rendered thanks to God for the
gift. Not knowing how upon the spot to recompense the herald for the
blissful tidings, he took the royal cloak from his own shoulders and spread
it over Trakhaniot, and passed into his hands the magnificent charger from
which the monarch had just alighted. He spent the night of the 28th of
October in a small village but a few miles from Moscow, all things being
prepared for his triumphant entrance into the capital the next day. With the
earliest light of the morning he advanced toward the city. The crowd, even
at that early hour, was so great that, for a distance of four miles, there was
but a narrow passage left through the dense ranks of the people for the tzar
and his guard. The emperor advanced slowly, greeted by the acclaim of
more than a million of his people. With uncovered head he bowed to the
right and to the left, while the multitude incessantly cried, "May Heaven
grant long life to our pious tzar, conqueror of barbarians and saviour of
Christians."
At the gate he was met by the metropolitan, the bishops, the lords and the
princes ranged in order of procession under the sacred banner. Ivan IV.
dismounted and addressed them in touching words of congratulation. The
response of the metropolitan was soulfull, flooding the eyes of the monarch
and exciting all who heard it to the highest enthusiasm.
"As for us, O tzar," he said, in conclusion, "in testimony of our gratitude for
your toils and your glorious exploits, we prostrate ourselves before you."
At these words the metropolitan, the clergy, the dignitaries and the people
fell upon their knees before their sovereign, bowing their faces to the
ground. There were sobbings and shoutings, cries of benedictions and
transports of joy. The monarch was now conducted to the Kremlin, which
had been rebuilt, and attended mass in the church of the Assumption. He
then hastened to the palace to greet his spouse. The happy mother was in
the chamber of convalescence with her beautiful boy at her side. For once,
at least, there was joy in a palace.
Vladimir to Moscow. On the way he met a courier from the Empress
Anastasia, announcing to him that she had given birth to a son whom she
named Dmitri. The tzar, in the tumult of his joy, leaped from his horse,
passionately embraced Trakhaniot, the herald, and then falling upon his
knees with tears trickling down his cheeks, rendered thanks to God for the
gift. Not knowing how upon the spot to recompense the herald for the
blissful tidings, he took the royal cloak from his own shoulders and spread
it over Trakhaniot, and passed into his hands the magnificent charger from
which the monarch had just alighted. He spent the night of the 28th of
October in a small village but a few miles from Moscow, all things being
prepared for his triumphant entrance into the capital the next day. With the
earliest light of the morning he advanced toward the city. The crowd, even
at that early hour, was so great that, for a distance of four miles, there was
but a narrow passage left through the dense ranks of the people for the tzar
and his guard. The emperor advanced slowly, greeted by the acclaim of
more than a million of his people. With uncovered head he bowed to the
right and to the left, while the multitude incessantly cried, "May Heaven
grant long life to our pious tzar, conqueror of barbarians and saviour of
Christians."
At the gate he was met by the metropolitan, the bishops, the lords and the
princes ranged in order of procession under the sacred banner. Ivan IV.
dismounted and addressed them in touching words of congratulation. The
response of the metropolitan was soulfull, flooding the eyes of the monarch
and exciting all who heard it to the highest enthusiasm.
"As for us, O tzar," he said, in conclusion, "in testimony of our gratitude for
your toils and your glorious exploits, we prostrate ourselves before you."
At these words the metropolitan, the clergy, the dignitaries and the people
fell upon their knees before their sovereign, bowing their faces to the
ground. There were sobbings and shoutings, cries of benedictions and
transports of joy. The monarch was now conducted to the Kremlin, which
had been rebuilt, and attended mass in the church of the Assumption. He
then hastened to the palace to greet his spouse. The happy mother was in
the chamber of convalescence with her beautiful boy at her side. For once,
at least, there was joy in a palace.
Page 203
The enthusiasm which reigned in the capital and throughout all Russia was
such as has never been surpassed. The people, trained to faith and devotion,
crowded the churches, which were constantly open, addressing incessant
thanksgivings to Heaven. The preachers exhausted the powers of eloquence
in describing the grandeur of the actions of their prince—his exertions,
fatigues, bravery, the stratagems of war during the siege, the despairing
ferocity of the Kezanians and the final and glorious result.
After several days passed in the bosom, of his family, Ivan gave a grand
festival in his palace, on the 8th of November. The metropolitan, the
bishops, the abbés, the princes, and all the lords and warriors who had
distinguished themselves during the siege of Kezan, were invited. "Never,"
say the annalists, "had there before been seen at Moscow a fête so
sumptuous, joy so intense, or liberality so princely." The fête continued for
three days, during which the emperor did not cease to distribute, with a
liberal hand, proofs of his munificence. His bounty was extended from the
metropolitan bishop down to the humblest soldier distinguished for his
bravery or his wounds. The monarch, thus surrounded with glory, beloved
by his people, the conqueror of a foreign empire and the pacificator of his
own, distinguished for the nobleness of his personal character and the
grandeur of his exploits, alike wise as a legislator and humane as a man,
was still but twenty-two years of age. His career thus far presents a
phenomenon quite unparalleled in history.
As soon as Anastasia was able to leave her couch she accompanied the tzar
to the monastery of Yroitzky, where his infant son Dmitri received the
ordinance of baptism. It seems to be the doom of life that every calm should
be succeeded by a storm; that days of sunshine should be followed by
darkness and tempests. Early in the year 1553 tidings reached Moscow that
the barbarians at Kezan were in bloody insurrection. The Russian troops
had been worsted in many conflicts; very many of them were slain. The
danger was imminent that the insurrection would prove successful, and that
the Russians would be entirely exterminated from Kezan. The imprudence
of the emperor, in withdrawing before the conquest was consolidated, was
now apparent to all. To add to the consternation the monarch himself was
suddenly seized with an inflammatory fever; the progress of the malady was
so rapid that almost immediately his life was despaired of. The mind of the
tzar was unclouded, and being informed of his danger, without any apparent
such as has never been surpassed. The people, trained to faith and devotion,
crowded the churches, which were constantly open, addressing incessant
thanksgivings to Heaven. The preachers exhausted the powers of eloquence
in describing the grandeur of the actions of their prince—his exertions,
fatigues, bravery, the stratagems of war during the siege, the despairing
ferocity of the Kezanians and the final and glorious result.
After several days passed in the bosom, of his family, Ivan gave a grand
festival in his palace, on the 8th of November. The metropolitan, the
bishops, the abbés, the princes, and all the lords and warriors who had
distinguished themselves during the siege of Kezan, were invited. "Never,"
say the annalists, "had there before been seen at Moscow a fête so
sumptuous, joy so intense, or liberality so princely." The fête continued for
three days, during which the emperor did not cease to distribute, with a
liberal hand, proofs of his munificence. His bounty was extended from the
metropolitan bishop down to the humblest soldier distinguished for his
bravery or his wounds. The monarch, thus surrounded with glory, beloved
by his people, the conqueror of a foreign empire and the pacificator of his
own, distinguished for the nobleness of his personal character and the
grandeur of his exploits, alike wise as a legislator and humane as a man,
was still but twenty-two years of age. His career thus far presents a
phenomenon quite unparalleled in history.
As soon as Anastasia was able to leave her couch she accompanied the tzar
to the monastery of Yroitzky, where his infant son Dmitri received the
ordinance of baptism. It seems to be the doom of life that every calm should
be succeeded by a storm; that days of sunshine should be followed by
darkness and tempests. Early in the year 1553 tidings reached Moscow that
the barbarians at Kezan were in bloody insurrection. The Russian troops
had been worsted in many conflicts; very many of them were slain. The
danger was imminent that the insurrection would prove successful, and that
the Russians would be entirely exterminated from Kezan. The imprudence
of the emperor, in withdrawing before the conquest was consolidated, was
now apparent to all. To add to the consternation the monarch himself was
suddenly seized with an inflammatory fever; the progress of the malady was
so rapid that almost immediately his life was despaired of. The mind of the
tzar was unclouded, and being informed of his danger, without any apparent
Page 204
agitation he called for his secretary to draw up his last will and testament.
The monarch nominated for his successor his infant son, Dmitri. To render
the act more imposing, he requested the lords, who were assembled in an
adjoining saloon, to take the oath of allegiance to his son. Immediately the
spirit of revolt was manifested. Many of the lords dreaded the long minority
of the infant prince, and the government of the regency which would
probably ensue. The contest, loud and angry, reached the ears of the king,
and he sent for the refractory lords to approach his bedside. Ivan, burning
with fever, with hardly strength to speak, and expecting every hour to die,
turned his eyes to them reproachfully and said,
"Who then do you wish to choose for your tzar? I am too feeble to speak
long. Dmitri, though in his cradle, is none the less your legitimate
sovereign. If you are deaf to the voice of conscience you must answer for it
before God."
One of the nobles frankly responded,
"Sire, we are all devoted to you and to your son. But we fear the regency of
Yourief, who will undoubtedly govern Russia in the name of an infant who
has not yet attained his intellectual faculties. This is the true cause of our
solicitude. To how many calamities were we not exposed during the
government of the lords, before your majesty had attained the age of reason.
It is necessary to avoid the recurrence of such woes."
The monarch was now too feeble to speak, and the nobles withdrew from
his chamber. Some took the oath to obey the will of the sovereign, others
refused, and the bitter strife extended through the city and the kingdom. The
dissentients rallied round prince Vladimir, and the nation was threatened
with civil war. The next day the tzar had revived a little, and again
assembled the lords in his chamber and entreated them to take the oath of
submission to his son and to Anastasia, the guardian of the infant prince.
Overcome by the exertion the monarch sank into a state of lethargy, and to
all seemed to be dying. But being young, temperate and vigorous, it proved
but the crisis of the disease. He awoke from his sleep calm and decidedly
convalescent. Deeply wounded by the unexpected opposition which he had
encountered, he yet manifested no spirit of revenge, though Anastasia, with
The monarch nominated for his successor his infant son, Dmitri. To render
the act more imposing, he requested the lords, who were assembled in an
adjoining saloon, to take the oath of allegiance to his son. Immediately the
spirit of revolt was manifested. Many of the lords dreaded the long minority
of the infant prince, and the government of the regency which would
probably ensue. The contest, loud and angry, reached the ears of the king,
and he sent for the refractory lords to approach his bedside. Ivan, burning
with fever, with hardly strength to speak, and expecting every hour to die,
turned his eyes to them reproachfully and said,
"Who then do you wish to choose for your tzar? I am too feeble to speak
long. Dmitri, though in his cradle, is none the less your legitimate
sovereign. If you are deaf to the voice of conscience you must answer for it
before God."
One of the nobles frankly responded,
"Sire, we are all devoted to you and to your son. But we fear the regency of
Yourief, who will undoubtedly govern Russia in the name of an infant who
has not yet attained his intellectual faculties. This is the true cause of our
solicitude. To how many calamities were we not exposed during the
government of the lords, before your majesty had attained the age of reason.
It is necessary to avoid the recurrence of such woes."
The monarch was now too feeble to speak, and the nobles withdrew from
his chamber. Some took the oath to obey the will of the sovereign, others
refused, and the bitter strife extended through the city and the kingdom. The
dissentients rallied round prince Vladimir, and the nation was threatened
with civil war. The next day the tzar had revived a little, and again
assembled the lords in his chamber and entreated them to take the oath of
submission to his son and to Anastasia, the guardian of the infant prince.
Overcome by the exertion the monarch sank into a state of lethargy, and to
all seemed to be dying. But being young, temperate and vigorous, it proved
but the crisis of the disease. He awoke from his sleep calm and decidedly
convalescent. Deeply wounded by the unexpected opposition which he had
encountered, he yet manifested no spirit of revenge, though Anastasia, with
Page 205
woman's more sensitive nature, could never forget the opposition which had
been manifested towards herself and her child.
Ivan during his sickness had made a vow that, in case of recovery, he would
visit, in homage, the monastery of St. Cyrille, some thousand miles distant
beyond the waves of the Volga. It is pleasant to record the remonstrance
which Maxime, one of the clergy, made against the fulfillment of his
wishes.
"You are about," said he, "to undertake a dangerous journey with your
spouse and your infant child. Can the fulfillment of a vow which reason
disapproves, be agreeable to God? It is useless to seek in deserts that
heavenly Father who fills the universe with his presence. If you desire to
testify to Heaven the gratitude you feel, do good upon the throne. The
conquest of Kezan, an event so propitious for Russia, has nevertheless
caused the death of many Christians. The widows, the mothers, the orphans
of warriors who fell upon the field of honor, are overwhelmed with
affliction. Endeavor to comfort them and to dry their tears by your
beneficence. These are the deeds pleasing to God and worthy of a tzar."
Nevertheless the monarch persisted in his plan, and entered upon the long
journey. He buried his child by the way, and returned overwhelmed with
grief. But he encountered a greater calamity than the death of the young
prince, in bad advice which he received from Vassian, the aged and
venerable prince of Kolumna.
"Sire," said this unwise ecclesiastic, "if you wish to become a monarch truly
absolute, ask advice of no one, and deem no one wiser than yourself.
Establish it as an irrevocable principle never to receive the counsels of
others, but, on the contrary, give counsel to them. Command, but never
obey. Then you will be a true sovereign, terrible to the lords. Remember
that the counselors of the wisest princes always in the end dominate over
them."
The subtle poison which this discourse distilled, penetrated the soul of Ivan.
He seized the hand of Vassian, pressed it to his lips, and said,
"My father himself could not have given me advice more salutary."
been manifested towards herself and her child.
Ivan during his sickness had made a vow that, in case of recovery, he would
visit, in homage, the monastery of St. Cyrille, some thousand miles distant
beyond the waves of the Volga. It is pleasant to record the remonstrance
which Maxime, one of the clergy, made against the fulfillment of his
wishes.
"You are about," said he, "to undertake a dangerous journey with your
spouse and your infant child. Can the fulfillment of a vow which reason
disapproves, be agreeable to God? It is useless to seek in deserts that
heavenly Father who fills the universe with his presence. If you desire to
testify to Heaven the gratitude you feel, do good upon the throne. The
conquest of Kezan, an event so propitious for Russia, has nevertheless
caused the death of many Christians. The widows, the mothers, the orphans
of warriors who fell upon the field of honor, are overwhelmed with
affliction. Endeavor to comfort them and to dry their tears by your
beneficence. These are the deeds pleasing to God and worthy of a tzar."
Nevertheless the monarch persisted in his plan, and entered upon the long
journey. He buried his child by the way, and returned overwhelmed with
grief. But he encountered a greater calamity than the death of the young
prince, in bad advice which he received from Vassian, the aged and
venerable prince of Kolumna.
"Sire," said this unwise ecclesiastic, "if you wish to become a monarch truly
absolute, ask advice of no one, and deem no one wiser than yourself.
Establish it as an irrevocable principle never to receive the counsels of
others, but, on the contrary, give counsel to them. Command, but never
obey. Then you will be a true sovereign, terrible to the lords. Remember
that the counselors of the wisest princes always in the end dominate over
them."
The subtle poison which this discourse distilled, penetrated the soul of Ivan.
He seized the hand of Vassian, pressed it to his lips, and said,
"My father himself could not have given me advice more salutary."
Page 206
Bitterly was the prince deceived. Experience has proved that, in the counsel
of the wise and virtuous, there is safety. There was no sudden change in the
character of Ivan. He still continued for some years to manifest the most
sincere esteem for the opinions of Sylvestre and Adachef. But the poison of
bad principles was gradually diffusing itself through his heart. A year had
not passed away, ere Ivan was consoled by the birth of another son. In the
meantime he devoted himself with ardor to measures for the restoration of
tranquillity in Kezan. A numerous army was assembled at Nigni Novgorod,
with orders to commence the campaign for the reconquest of the country as
soon as the cold of winter should bridge the lakes and streams. The Tartars
had made very vigorous efforts to repel their foes, by summoning every
fighting man to the field, and by the construction of fortresses and throwing
up of redoubts.
In November of 1553, the storm of battle was recommenced on fields of
ice, and amidst smothering tempests of snow. For more than a month there
was not a day without a conflict. In these incessant engagements the Tartars
lost ten thousand men slain and six thousand prisoners. One thousand six
hundred of the most distinguished of these prisoners, princes, nobles and
chieftains, who had been the most conspicuous in the rebellion, were put to
death. Nevertheless these severities did not stifle the insurrection; the
Tartars, in banditti bands, even crossing the Volga, pillaging, massacring
and burning with savage cruelty. For five years the war raged in Kezan,
with every accompaniment of ferocity and misery. The country was
devastated and almost depopulated. Hardly a chief of note was left alive.
The horrors of war then ceased. The Russians took possession of the
country, filled it with their own emigrants, reared churches, established
Christianity, and spread over the community the protection of Russian law.
Most of the Kezanians who remained embraced Christianity, and from that
time Kezan, the ancient Bulgaria, has remained an integral portion of the
Russian empire.
Soon after, a new conquest, more easy, but not less glorious, was added to
that of Kezan. The city and province of Astrachan, situated at the mouth of
the Volga as it enters the Caspian, had existed from the remotest antiquity,
enjoying wealth and renown, even before the foundation of the Russian
empire. In the third century of the Christian era, it was celebrated for its
commerce, and it became one of the favorite capitals of the all-conquering
of the wise and virtuous, there is safety. There was no sudden change in the
character of Ivan. He still continued for some years to manifest the most
sincere esteem for the opinions of Sylvestre and Adachef. But the poison of
bad principles was gradually diffusing itself through his heart. A year had
not passed away, ere Ivan was consoled by the birth of another son. In the
meantime he devoted himself with ardor to measures for the restoration of
tranquillity in Kezan. A numerous army was assembled at Nigni Novgorod,
with orders to commence the campaign for the reconquest of the country as
soon as the cold of winter should bridge the lakes and streams. The Tartars
had made very vigorous efforts to repel their foes, by summoning every
fighting man to the field, and by the construction of fortresses and throwing
up of redoubts.
In November of 1553, the storm of battle was recommenced on fields of
ice, and amidst smothering tempests of snow. For more than a month there
was not a day without a conflict. In these incessant engagements the Tartars
lost ten thousand men slain and six thousand prisoners. One thousand six
hundred of the most distinguished of these prisoners, princes, nobles and
chieftains, who had been the most conspicuous in the rebellion, were put to
death. Nevertheless these severities did not stifle the insurrection; the
Tartars, in banditti bands, even crossing the Volga, pillaging, massacring
and burning with savage cruelty. For five years the war raged in Kezan,
with every accompaniment of ferocity and misery. The country was
devastated and almost depopulated. Hardly a chief of note was left alive.
The horrors of war then ceased. The Russians took possession of the
country, filled it with their own emigrants, reared churches, established
Christianity, and spread over the community the protection of Russian law.
Most of the Kezanians who remained embraced Christianity, and from that
time Kezan, the ancient Bulgaria, has remained an integral portion of the
Russian empire.
Soon after, a new conquest, more easy, but not less glorious, was added to
that of Kezan. The city and province of Astrachan, situated at the mouth of
the Volga as it enters the Caspian, had existed from the remotest antiquity,
enjoying wealth and renown, even before the foundation of the Russian
empire. In the third century of the Christian era, it was celebrated for its
commerce, and it became one of the favorite capitals of the all-conquering
Page 207
Tartars. Russia, being now in possession of all the upper waters of the
Volga, decided to extend their dominions down the river to the Caspian. It
was not difficult to find ample causes of complaint against pagan and
barbaric hordes, whose only profession was robbery and war.
Early in the spring of 1554 a numerous and choice army descended the
Volga in bateaux to the delta on which Astrachan is built. The low lands,
intersected by the branching stream, is composed of innumerable islands.
The inhabitants of the city, abandoning the capital entirely, took refuge
among these islands, where they enjoyed great advantages in repelling
assailants. The Russians took possession of the city, prosecuted the war
vigorously through the summer, and the tzar, on the 20th of October, which
was his birthday, received the gratifying intelligence that every foe was
quelled, and that the Russian government was firmly established on the
shores of the Caspian. Well might Russia now be proud of its territorial
greatness. The opening of these new realms encouraged commerce,
promoted wealth, and developed to an extraordinary degree the resources of
the empire.
England was, at that time, far beyond the bounds of the political horizon of
Russia. In fact, the Russians hardly knew that there was such a nation.
Great Britain was not, at that time, a maritime power of the first order.
Spain, Portugal, Venice and Genoa were then the great monarchs of the
ocean. England was just beginning to become the dangerous rival of those
States whom she has already so infinitely surpassed in maritime greatness.
She had then formed the project of opening a shorter route to the Indies
through the North Sea, and, in 1553, during the reign of Edward VI., had
dispatched an expedition of three vessels, under Hugh Willoughby, in
search of a north-east passage. These vessels, separated by a tempest, were
unable to reunite, and two of them were wrecked upon the icy coast of
Russian Lapland in the extreme latitude of eighty degrees north.
Willoughby and his companions perished. Some Lapland fishermen found
their remains in the winter of the year 1554. Willoughby was seated in a
cabin constructed upon the shore with his journal before him, with which he
appeared to have been occupied until the moment of his death. The other
ship, commanded by Captain Chanceller, was more fortunate. He penetrated
the White Sea, and, on the 24th of August, landed in the Bay of Dwina at
the Russian monastery of St. Nicholas, where now stands the city of
Volga, decided to extend their dominions down the river to the Caspian. It
was not difficult to find ample causes of complaint against pagan and
barbaric hordes, whose only profession was robbery and war.
Early in the spring of 1554 a numerous and choice army descended the
Volga in bateaux to the delta on which Astrachan is built. The low lands,
intersected by the branching stream, is composed of innumerable islands.
The inhabitants of the city, abandoning the capital entirely, took refuge
among these islands, where they enjoyed great advantages in repelling
assailants. The Russians took possession of the city, prosecuted the war
vigorously through the summer, and the tzar, on the 20th of October, which
was his birthday, received the gratifying intelligence that every foe was
quelled, and that the Russian government was firmly established on the
shores of the Caspian. Well might Russia now be proud of its territorial
greatness. The opening of these new realms encouraged commerce,
promoted wealth, and developed to an extraordinary degree the resources of
the empire.
England was, at that time, far beyond the bounds of the political horizon of
Russia. In fact, the Russians hardly knew that there was such a nation.
Great Britain was not, at that time, a maritime power of the first order.
Spain, Portugal, Venice and Genoa were then the great monarchs of the
ocean. England was just beginning to become the dangerous rival of those
States whom she has already so infinitely surpassed in maritime greatness.
She had then formed the project of opening a shorter route to the Indies
through the North Sea, and, in 1553, during the reign of Edward VI., had
dispatched an expedition of three vessels, under Hugh Willoughby, in
search of a north-east passage. These vessels, separated by a tempest, were
unable to reunite, and two of them were wrecked upon the icy coast of
Russian Lapland in the extreme latitude of eighty degrees north.
Willoughby and his companions perished. Some Lapland fishermen found
their remains in the winter of the year 1554. Willoughby was seated in a
cabin constructed upon the shore with his journal before him, with which he
appeared to have been occupied until the moment of his death. The other
ship, commanded by Captain Chanceller, was more fortunate. He penetrated
the White Sea, and, on the 24th of August, landed in the Bay of Dwina at
the Russian monastery of St. Nicholas, where now stands the city of
Page 208
Archangel. The English informed the inhabitants, who were astonished at
the apparition of such a ship in their waters, that they were bearers of a
letter to the tzar from the King of England, who desired to establish
commercial relations with the great and hitherto almost unknown northern
empire. The commandant of the country furnished the mariners with
provisions, and immediately dispatched a courier to Ivan at Moscow, which
was some six hundred miles south of the Bay of Dwina.
Ivan IV. wisely judged that this circumstance might prove favorable to
Russian commerce, and immediately sent a courier to invite Chanceller to
come to Moscow, at the same time making arrangements for him to
accomplish the journey with speed and comfort. Chanceller, with some of
his officers, accepted the invitation. Arriving at Moscow, the English were
struck with astonishment in view of the magnificence of the court, the
polished address and the dignified manners of the nobles, the rich costume
of the courtiers, and, particularly, with the jeweled and golden brilliance of
the throne, upon which was seated a young monarch decorated in the most
dazzling style of regal splendor, and in whose presence all observed the
most respectful silence. Chanceller presented to Ivan IV. the letter of
Edward VI. It was a noble letter, worthy of England's monarch, and, being
translated into many languages, was addressed generally to all the
sovereigns of the East and the North. The letter was dated, "London, in the
year 5517 of the creation, and of our reign the 17." The English were
honorably received, and were invited to dine with the tzar in the royal
palace, which furnished them with a new occasion of astonishment from the
sumptuousness which surrounded the sovereign. The guests, more than a
hundred in number, were served on plates of gold. The goblets were of the
same metal. The servants, one hundred and fifty in number, were also in
livery richly decorated with gold lace.
The tzar wrote to Edward that he desired to form with him an alliance of
friendship conformable to the precepts of the Christian religion and of every
wise government; that he was anxious to do any thing in his power which
should be agreeable to the King of England, and that the English
embassadors and merchants who might come to Russia should be protected,
treated as friends and should enjoy perfect security.
the apparition of such a ship in their waters, that they were bearers of a
letter to the tzar from the King of England, who desired to establish
commercial relations with the great and hitherto almost unknown northern
empire. The commandant of the country furnished the mariners with
provisions, and immediately dispatched a courier to Ivan at Moscow, which
was some six hundred miles south of the Bay of Dwina.
Ivan IV. wisely judged that this circumstance might prove favorable to
Russian commerce, and immediately sent a courier to invite Chanceller to
come to Moscow, at the same time making arrangements for him to
accomplish the journey with speed and comfort. Chanceller, with some of
his officers, accepted the invitation. Arriving at Moscow, the English were
struck with astonishment in view of the magnificence of the court, the
polished address and the dignified manners of the nobles, the rich costume
of the courtiers, and, particularly, with the jeweled and golden brilliance of
the throne, upon which was seated a young monarch decorated in the most
dazzling style of regal splendor, and in whose presence all observed the
most respectful silence. Chanceller presented to Ivan IV. the letter of
Edward VI. It was a noble letter, worthy of England's monarch, and, being
translated into many languages, was addressed generally to all the
sovereigns of the East and the North. The letter was dated, "London, in the
year 5517 of the creation, and of our reign the 17." The English were
honorably received, and were invited to dine with the tzar in the royal
palace, which furnished them with a new occasion of astonishment from the
sumptuousness which surrounded the sovereign. The guests, more than a
hundred in number, were served on plates of gold. The goblets were of the
same metal. The servants, one hundred and fifty in number, were also in
livery richly decorated with gold lace.
The tzar wrote to Edward that he desired to form with him an alliance of
friendship conformable to the precepts of the Christian religion and of every
wise government; that he was anxious to do any thing in his power which
should be agreeable to the King of England, and that the English
embassadors and merchants who might come to Russia should be protected,
treated as friends and should enjoy perfect security.
Page 209
When Chanceller returned to England, Edward VI. was already in the tomb,
and Mary, Bloody Mary, the child of brutal Henry VIII., was on the throne.
The letter of Ivan IV. caused intense excitement throughout England. Every
one spoke of Russia as of a country newly discovered, and all were eager to
obtain information respecting its history and its geography. An association
of merchants was immediately formed to open avenues of commerce with
this new world. Another expedition of two ships was fitted out, commanded
by Chanceller, to conclude a treaty of commerce with the tzar. Mary, and
her husband, Philip of Spain, who was son of the Emperor Charles V., wrote
a letter to the Russian monarch full of the most gracious expressions.
Chanceller and his companions were received with the same cordial
hospitality as before. Ivan gave them a seat at his own table, loaded them
with favors and gave to the Queen of England the title of "my dearly
beloved sister." A commission of Russian merchants was appointed to
confer with the English to form a commercial treaty. It was decided that the
principal place for the exchange of merchandise should be at Kolmogar, on
the Bay of Dwina, nearly opposite the convent of St. Nicholas; that each
party should be free to name its own prices, but that every kind of fraud
should be judged after the criminal code of Russia. Ivan then delivered to
the English a diploma, granting them permission to traffic freely in all the
cities of Russia without molestation and without paying any tribute or tax.
They were free to establish themselves wherever they pleased to purchase
houses and shops, and to engage servants and mechanics in their employ,
and to exact from them oaths of fidelity. It was also agreed that a man
should be responsible for his own conduct only, and not for that of his
agents, and that though the sovereign might punish the criminal with the
loss of liberty and even of life, yet, under no circumstances, should he touch
his property; that should always pass to his natural heirs.
The port of St. Nicholas, which, for ages, had been silent and solitary in
these northern waters where the English had found but a poor and gloomy
monastery, the tomb, as it were, of hooded monks, soon became a busy
place of traffic. The English constructed there a large and beautiful mansion
for the accommodation of their merchants, and streets were formed, lined
with spacious storehouses. The principal merchandise which the English
then imported into Russia consisted of cloths and sugar. The merchants
and Mary, Bloody Mary, the child of brutal Henry VIII., was on the throne.
The letter of Ivan IV. caused intense excitement throughout England. Every
one spoke of Russia as of a country newly discovered, and all were eager to
obtain information respecting its history and its geography. An association
of merchants was immediately formed to open avenues of commerce with
this new world. Another expedition of two ships was fitted out, commanded
by Chanceller, to conclude a treaty of commerce with the tzar. Mary, and
her husband, Philip of Spain, who was son of the Emperor Charles V., wrote
a letter to the Russian monarch full of the most gracious expressions.
Chanceller and his companions were received with the same cordial
hospitality as before. Ivan gave them a seat at his own table, loaded them
with favors and gave to the Queen of England the title of "my dearly
beloved sister." A commission of Russian merchants was appointed to
confer with the English to form a commercial treaty. It was decided that the
principal place for the exchange of merchandise should be at Kolmogar, on
the Bay of Dwina, nearly opposite the convent of St. Nicholas; that each
party should be free to name its own prices, but that every kind of fraud
should be judged after the criminal code of Russia. Ivan then delivered to
the English a diploma, granting them permission to traffic freely in all the
cities of Russia without molestation and without paying any tribute or tax.
They were free to establish themselves wherever they pleased to purchase
houses and shops, and to engage servants and mechanics in their employ,
and to exact from them oaths of fidelity. It was also agreed that a man
should be responsible for his own conduct only, and not for that of his
agents, and that though the sovereign might punish the criminal with the
loss of liberty and even of life, yet, under no circumstances, should he touch
his property; that should always pass to his natural heirs.
The port of St. Nicholas, which, for ages, had been silent and solitary in
these northern waters where the English had found but a poor and gloomy
monastery, the tomb, as it were, of hooded monks, soon became a busy
place of traffic. The English constructed there a large and beautiful mansion
for the accommodation of their merchants, and streets were formed, lined
with spacious storehouses. The principal merchandise which the English
then imported into Russia consisted of cloths and sugar. The merchants
Page 210
offered twelve guineas for what was then called a half piece of cloth, and
four shillings a pound for sugar.
In 1556, Chanceller embarked for England with four ships richly laden with
the gold and the produce of Russia, accompanied by Joseph Nepeia, an
embassador to the Queen of England. Fortune, which, until then, had smiled
upon this hardy mariner, now turned adverse. Tempests dispersed his ships,
and one only reached London. Chanceller himself perished in the waves
upon the coast of Scotland. The ships dashed upon the rocks, and the
Russian embassador, Nepeia, barely escaped with his life. Arriving at
London, he was overwhelmed with caresses and presents. The most
distinguished dignitaries of the State and one hundred and forty merchants,
accompanied by a great number of attendants, all richly clad and mounted
upon superb horses, rode out to meet him. They presented to him a horse
magnificently caparisoned, and thus escorted, the first Russian embassador
made his entrance into the capital of Great Britain. The inhabitants of
London crowded the streets to catch a sight of the illustrious Russian, and
thousands of voices greeted him with the heartiest acclaim. A magnificent
mansion was assigned for his residence, which was furnished in the highest
style of splendor. He was invited to innumerable festivals, and the court
were eager to exhibit to him every thing worthy of notice in the city of
London. He was conducted to the cathedral of St. Paul, to Westminster
Abbey, to the Tower and to all the parks and palaces. The queen received
Nepeia with the most marked consideration. At one of the most gorgeous
festivals he was seated by her side, the observed of all observers.
The embassador could only regret that the rich presents of furs and Russian
fabrics which the tzar had sent by his hand to Mary, were all engulfed upon
the coast of Scotland. The queen sent to the tzar the most beautiful fabrics
of the English looms, the most exquisitely constructed weapons of war,
such as sabers, guns and pistols, and a living lion and lioness, animals
which never before had been seen within the bounds of the Russian empire.
In September, 1557, Nepeia embarked for Russia, taking with him several
English artisans, miners and physicians. Ivan was anxious to lose no
opportunity to gain from foreign lands every thing which could contribute
to Russian civilization. The letter which Mary and Philip returned to
Moscow was flatteringly addressed to the august emperor, Ivan IV. When
the tzar learned all the honors and the testimonials of affection with which
four shillings a pound for sugar.
In 1556, Chanceller embarked for England with four ships richly laden with
the gold and the produce of Russia, accompanied by Joseph Nepeia, an
embassador to the Queen of England. Fortune, which, until then, had smiled
upon this hardy mariner, now turned adverse. Tempests dispersed his ships,
and one only reached London. Chanceller himself perished in the waves
upon the coast of Scotland. The ships dashed upon the rocks, and the
Russian embassador, Nepeia, barely escaped with his life. Arriving at
London, he was overwhelmed with caresses and presents. The most
distinguished dignitaries of the State and one hundred and forty merchants,
accompanied by a great number of attendants, all richly clad and mounted
upon superb horses, rode out to meet him. They presented to him a horse
magnificently caparisoned, and thus escorted, the first Russian embassador
made his entrance into the capital of Great Britain. The inhabitants of
London crowded the streets to catch a sight of the illustrious Russian, and
thousands of voices greeted him with the heartiest acclaim. A magnificent
mansion was assigned for his residence, which was furnished in the highest
style of splendor. He was invited to innumerable festivals, and the court
were eager to exhibit to him every thing worthy of notice in the city of
London. He was conducted to the cathedral of St. Paul, to Westminster
Abbey, to the Tower and to all the parks and palaces. The queen received
Nepeia with the most marked consideration. At one of the most gorgeous
festivals he was seated by her side, the observed of all observers.
The embassador could only regret that the rich presents of furs and Russian
fabrics which the tzar had sent by his hand to Mary, were all engulfed upon
the coast of Scotland. The queen sent to the tzar the most beautiful fabrics
of the English looms, the most exquisitely constructed weapons of war,
such as sabers, guns and pistols, and a living lion and lioness, animals
which never before had been seen within the bounds of the Russian empire.
In September, 1557, Nepeia embarked for Russia, taking with him several
English artisans, miners and physicians. Ivan was anxious to lose no
opportunity to gain from foreign lands every thing which could contribute
to Russian civilization. The letter which Mary and Philip returned to
Moscow was flatteringly addressed to the august emperor, Ivan IV. When
the tzar learned all the honors and the testimonials of affection with which
Page 211
his embassador had been greeted in London, he considered the English as
the most precious of all the friends of Russia. He ordered mansions to be
prepared for the accommodation of their merchants in all the commercial
cities of the empire, and he treated them in other respects with such marked
tokens of regard, that all the letters which they wrote to London were filled
with expressions of gratitude towards the Russian sovereign.
In the year 1557 an English commercial fleet entered the Baltic Sea and
proceeded to the mouth of the Dwina to establish there an entrepot of
English merchandise. The commander-in-chief of the squadron visited
Moscow, where he was received with the greatest cordiality, and thence
passed down the Volga to Astrachan, that he might there establish
commercial relations with Persia. The tzar, reposing entire confidence in the
London merchants, entered into their views and promised to grant them
every facility for the transportation of English merchandise, even to the
remotest sections of the empire. This commercial alliance with Great
Britain, founded upon reciprocal advantages, without any commingling of
political jealousies, was impressed with a certain character of magnanimity
and fraternity which greatly augmented the renown of the reign of Ivan IV.,
and which was a signal proof of the sagacity of his administration. How
beautiful are the records of peace when contrasted with the hideous annals
of war!
The merchants of the other nations of southern and western Europe were
not slow to profit by the discovery that the English had made. Ships from
Holland, freighted with the goods of that ingenious and industrious people,
were soon coasting along the bays of the great empire, and penetrating her
rivers, engaged in traffic which neither Russia or England seemed disposed
to disturb. While the tzar was engaged in those objects which we have thus
rapidly traced, other questions of immense magnitude engrossed his mind.
The Tartar horde in Tauride terrified by the destruction of the horde in
Kezan, were ravaging southern Russia with continual invasions which the
tzar found it difficult to repress. Poland was also hostile, ever watching for
an opportunity to strike a deadly blow, and Sweden, under Gustavus Vasa,
was in open war with the empire.
the most precious of all the friends of Russia. He ordered mansions to be
prepared for the accommodation of their merchants in all the commercial
cities of the empire, and he treated them in other respects with such marked
tokens of regard, that all the letters which they wrote to London were filled
with expressions of gratitude towards the Russian sovereign.
In the year 1557 an English commercial fleet entered the Baltic Sea and
proceeded to the mouth of the Dwina to establish there an entrepot of
English merchandise. The commander-in-chief of the squadron visited
Moscow, where he was received with the greatest cordiality, and thence
passed down the Volga to Astrachan, that he might there establish
commercial relations with Persia. The tzar, reposing entire confidence in the
London merchants, entered into their views and promised to grant them
every facility for the transportation of English merchandise, even to the
remotest sections of the empire. This commercial alliance with Great
Britain, founded upon reciprocal advantages, without any commingling of
political jealousies, was impressed with a certain character of magnanimity
and fraternity which greatly augmented the renown of the reign of Ivan IV.,
and which was a signal proof of the sagacity of his administration. How
beautiful are the records of peace when contrasted with the hideous annals
of war!
The merchants of the other nations of southern and western Europe were
not slow to profit by the discovery that the English had made. Ships from
Holland, freighted with the goods of that ingenious and industrious people,
were soon coasting along the bays of the great empire, and penetrating her
rivers, engaged in traffic which neither Russia or England seemed disposed
to disturb. While the tzar was engaged in those objects which we have thus
rapidly traced, other questions of immense magnitude engrossed his mind.
The Tartar horde in Tauride terrified by the destruction of the horde in
Kezan, were ravaging southern Russia with continual invasions which the
tzar found it difficult to repress. Poland was also hostile, ever watching for
an opportunity to strike a deadly blow, and Sweden, under Gustavus Vasa,
was in open war with the empire.
Page 212
CHAPTER XV.
THE ABDICATION OF IVAN IV.
From 1557 to 1582.
Terror of the Horde in Tauride.—War with Gustavus Vasa of Sweden.—
Political Punctilios.—The Kingdom of Livonia Annexed to Sweden.—
Death of Anastasia.—Conspiracy Against Ivan.—His Abdication.—His
Resumption of the Crown.—Invasion of Russia by the Tartars and Turks.
—Heroism of Zerebrinow.—Utter Discomfiture of the Tartars.—
Relations Between Queen Elizabeth of England, and Russia.—Intrepid
Embassage.—New War with Poland.—Disasters of Russia.—The
Emperor Kills His Own Son.—Anguish of Ivan IV.
The entire subjugation of the Tartars in Kezan terrified the horde in Tauride,
lest their turn to be overwhelmed should next come. Devlet Ghirei, the khan
of this horde, was a man of great ability and ferocity. Ivan IV. was urged by
his counselors immediately to advance to the conquest of the Crimea. The
achievement could then doubtless have been easily accomplished. But it
was a journey of nearly a thousand miles from Moscow to Tauride. The
route was very imperfectly known; much of the intervening region was an
inhospitable wilderness. The Sultan of Turkey was the sovereign master of
the horde, and Ivan feared that all the terrible energies of Turkey would be
roused against him. There was, moreover, another enemy nearer at home
whom Ivan had greater cause to fear. Gustavus Vasa, the King of Sweden,
had, for some time, contemplated with alarm the rapidly increasing power
of Russia. He accordingly formed a coalition with the Kings of Poland and
Livonia, and with the powerful Dukes of Prussia and of Denmark, for those
two States were then but dukedoms, to oppose the ambition of the tzar. An
occasion for hostilities was found in a dispute, respecting the boundaries
between Russia and Sweden. The terrible tragedy of war was inducted by a
prologue of burning villages, trampled harvests and massacred peasants,
upon the frontiers. Sieges, bombardments and fierce battles ensued, with the
THE ABDICATION OF IVAN IV.
From 1557 to 1582.
Terror of the Horde in Tauride.—War with Gustavus Vasa of Sweden.—
Political Punctilios.—The Kingdom of Livonia Annexed to Sweden.—
Death of Anastasia.—Conspiracy Against Ivan.—His Abdication.—His
Resumption of the Crown.—Invasion of Russia by the Tartars and Turks.
—Heroism of Zerebrinow.—Utter Discomfiture of the Tartars.—
Relations Between Queen Elizabeth of England, and Russia.—Intrepid
Embassage.—New War with Poland.—Disasters of Russia.—The
Emperor Kills His Own Son.—Anguish of Ivan IV.
The entire subjugation of the Tartars in Kezan terrified the horde in Tauride,
lest their turn to be overwhelmed should next come. Devlet Ghirei, the khan
of this horde, was a man of great ability and ferocity. Ivan IV. was urged by
his counselors immediately to advance to the conquest of the Crimea. The
achievement could then doubtless have been easily accomplished. But it
was a journey of nearly a thousand miles from Moscow to Tauride. The
route was very imperfectly known; much of the intervening region was an
inhospitable wilderness. The Sultan of Turkey was the sovereign master of
the horde, and Ivan feared that all the terrible energies of Turkey would be
roused against him. There was, moreover, another enemy nearer at home
whom Ivan had greater cause to fear. Gustavus Vasa, the King of Sweden,
had, for some time, contemplated with alarm the rapidly increasing power
of Russia. He accordingly formed a coalition with the Kings of Poland and
Livonia, and with the powerful Dukes of Prussia and of Denmark, for those
two States were then but dukedoms, to oppose the ambition of the tzar. An
occasion for hostilities was found in a dispute, respecting the boundaries
between Russia and Sweden. The terrible tragedy of war was inducted by a
prologue of burning villages, trampled harvests and massacred peasants,
upon the frontiers. Sieges, bombardments and fierce battles ensued, with the
Page 213
alternations of success. From one triumphal march of invasion into Sweden,
the Russians returned so laden with prisoners, that, as their annalists record,
a man was sold for one dollar, and a girl for five shillings.
At length, as usual, both parties became weary of toil and blood, and were
anxious for a respite. Gustavus proposed terms of reconciliation. Ivan IV.
accepted the overtures, though he returned a reproachful and indignant
answer.
"Your people," he wrote, "have exhausted their ferocity upon our territories.
Not only have they burned our cities and massacred our subjects, but they
have even profaned our churches, purloined our images and destroyed our
bells. The inhabitants of Novgorod implored the aid of our grand army. My
soldiers burned with impatience to carry the war to Stockholm, but I
restrained them; so anxious was I to avoid the effusion of human blood. All
the misery resulting from this war, is to be attributed to your pride.
Admitting that you were ignorant of the grandeur of Novgorod, you might
have learned the facts from your own merchants. They could have told you,
that even the suburbs of Novgorod are superior to the whole of your capital
of Stockholm. Lay aside this pride, and give up your quarrelsome
disposition. We are willing to live in peace with you."
Sweden was not in a condition to resent this rebuke. In February, 1557, the
embassadors of Gustavus, consisting of four of the most illustrious men in
the empire, clergy and nobles, accompanied by a brilliant suite, arrived in
Moscow. They were not received as friends, but as distinguished prisoners,
who were to be treated with consideration, and whose wants were to be
abundantly supplied. The tzar refused to have any direct intercourse with
them, and would only treat through the dignitaries of his court. A truce was
concluded for forty years. The tzar, to impress the embassadors with his
wealth and grandeur, entertained them sumptuously, and they were served
from vessels of gold.
Though peace was thus made with Sweden, a foolish quarrel, for some
time, prevented the conclusion of a treaty with Poland. Ivan IV. demanded,
that Augustus, King of Poland, should recognize him as Emperor of Russia.
Augustus replied, that there were but two emperors in the world, the
Emperor of Germany and the Sultan of Turkey. Ivan sent, through his
the Russians returned so laden with prisoners, that, as their annalists record,
a man was sold for one dollar, and a girl for five shillings.
At length, as usual, both parties became weary of toil and blood, and were
anxious for a respite. Gustavus proposed terms of reconciliation. Ivan IV.
accepted the overtures, though he returned a reproachful and indignant
answer.
"Your people," he wrote, "have exhausted their ferocity upon our territories.
Not only have they burned our cities and massacred our subjects, but they
have even profaned our churches, purloined our images and destroyed our
bells. The inhabitants of Novgorod implored the aid of our grand army. My
soldiers burned with impatience to carry the war to Stockholm, but I
restrained them; so anxious was I to avoid the effusion of human blood. All
the misery resulting from this war, is to be attributed to your pride.
Admitting that you were ignorant of the grandeur of Novgorod, you might
have learned the facts from your own merchants. They could have told you,
that even the suburbs of Novgorod are superior to the whole of your capital
of Stockholm. Lay aside this pride, and give up your quarrelsome
disposition. We are willing to live in peace with you."
Sweden was not in a condition to resent this rebuke. In February, 1557, the
embassadors of Gustavus, consisting of four of the most illustrious men in
the empire, clergy and nobles, accompanied by a brilliant suite, arrived in
Moscow. They were not received as friends, but as distinguished prisoners,
who were to be treated with consideration, and whose wants were to be
abundantly supplied. The tzar refused to have any direct intercourse with
them, and would only treat through the dignitaries of his court. A truce was
concluded for forty years. The tzar, to impress the embassadors with his
wealth and grandeur, entertained them sumptuously, and they were served
from vessels of gold.
Though peace was thus made with Sweden, a foolish quarrel, for some
time, prevented the conclusion of a treaty with Poland. Ivan IV. demanded,
that Augustus, King of Poland, should recognize him as Emperor of Russia.
Augustus replied, that there were but two emperors in the world, the
Emperor of Germany and the Sultan of Turkey. Ivan sent, through his
Page 214
embassadors, to Augustus; the letters of Pope Clement, of the Emperor
Maximilian, of the Sultan, of the Kings of Spain, Sweden and Denmark,
and the recent dispatch of the King of England, all of whom recognized his
title of tzar, or emperor. Still, the Polish king would not allow Ivan a title,
which seemed to place the Russian throne on an eminence above that of
Poland. Unfriendly relations consequently continued, with jealousies and
border strifes, though there was no vigorous outbreak of war.
Ivan IV. now succeeded in attaching Livonia to the great and growing
empire. It came in first as tributary, purchasing, by an annual contribution,
peace with Russia and protection. Though there were many subsequent
conflicts with Livonia, the territory subsequently became an integral portion
of the empire. Russia had now become so great, that her growth was yearly
manifest as surrounding regions were absorbed by her superior civilization
and her armies. The unenlightened States which surrounded her, were ever
provoking hostilities, invasion, and becoming absorbed. In the year 1558,
the Tartars of Tauride, having assembled an army of one hundred thousand
horsemen, a combination of Tartars and Turks, suddenly entered Russia,
and sweeping resistlessly on, a war tempest of utter desolation, reached
within two hundred miles of Moscow. There they learned that Ivan himself,
with an army more numerous than their own, was on the march to meet
them. Turning, they retreated more rapidly than they advanced.
Notwithstanding their retreat, Ivan resolved to pursue them to their own
haunts. A large number of bateaux was constructed and launched upon the
Don and also upon the Dnieper. The army, in these two divisions,
descended these streams, one to the Sea of Azof, the other to the mouth of
the Dnieper. Thence invading Tauride, both by the east and the west, they
drove the terrified inhabitants, taken entirely by surprise, like sheep before
them. The tents of these nomads they committed to the flames. Their flocks
and herds were seized, with a great amount of booty, and many Russian
captives were liberated. The Tartars fled to fastnesses whence they could
not be pursued. Some Turks being taken with the horde, Ivan sent them with
rich presents to the sultan, stating that he did not make war against Turkey,
only against the robbers of Tauride. The Russian troops returned from this
triumphant expedition, by ascending the waters of the Dnieper. All Russia
was filled with rejoicing, while the churches resounded with "Te Deums."
Maximilian, of the Sultan, of the Kings of Spain, Sweden and Denmark,
and the recent dispatch of the King of England, all of whom recognized his
title of tzar, or emperor. Still, the Polish king would not allow Ivan a title,
which seemed to place the Russian throne on an eminence above that of
Poland. Unfriendly relations consequently continued, with jealousies and
border strifes, though there was no vigorous outbreak of war.
Ivan IV. now succeeded in attaching Livonia to the great and growing
empire. It came in first as tributary, purchasing, by an annual contribution,
peace with Russia and protection. Though there were many subsequent
conflicts with Livonia, the territory subsequently became an integral portion
of the empire. Russia had now become so great, that her growth was yearly
manifest as surrounding regions were absorbed by her superior civilization
and her armies. The unenlightened States which surrounded her, were ever
provoking hostilities, invasion, and becoming absorbed. In the year 1558,
the Tartars of Tauride, having assembled an army of one hundred thousand
horsemen, a combination of Tartars and Turks, suddenly entered Russia,
and sweeping resistlessly on, a war tempest of utter desolation, reached
within two hundred miles of Moscow. There they learned that Ivan himself,
with an army more numerous than their own, was on the march to meet
them. Turning, they retreated more rapidly than they advanced.
Notwithstanding their retreat, Ivan resolved to pursue them to their own
haunts. A large number of bateaux was constructed and launched upon the
Don and also upon the Dnieper. The army, in these two divisions,
descended these streams, one to the Sea of Azof, the other to the mouth of
the Dnieper. Thence invading Tauride, both by the east and the west, they
drove the terrified inhabitants, taken entirely by surprise, like sheep before
them. The tents of these nomads they committed to the flames. Their flocks
and herds were seized, with a great amount of booty, and many Russian
captives were liberated. The Tartars fled to fastnesses whence they could
not be pursued. Some Turks being taken with the horde, Ivan sent them with
rich presents to the sultan, stating that he did not make war against Turkey,
only against the robbers of Tauride. The Russian troops returned from this
triumphant expedition, by ascending the waters of the Dnieper. All Russia
was filled with rejoicing, while the churches resounded with "Te Deums."
Page 215
And now domestic griefs came to darken the palace of Ivan. For thirteen
years he had enjoyed all the happiness which conjugal love can confer.
Anastasia was still in the brilliance of youth and beauty, when she was
attacked by dangerous sickness. As she was lying upon her couch, helpless
and burning with fever, the cry of fire was heard. The day was excessively
hot; the windows of the palace all open, and a drouth of several weeks made
every thing dry as tinder. The conflagration commenced in an adjoining
street, and, in a moment, volumes of flame and smoke were swept by the
wind, enveloping the Kremlin, and showering upon it and into it,
innumerable flakes of fire. The queen was thrown into a paroxysm of terror;
the attendants hastily placed her upon a litter and bore her, almost
suffocated, through the blazing streets out of the city, to the village of
Kolomensk. The emperor then returned to assist in arresting the
conflagration. He exposed himself like a common laborer, inspiring others
with intrepidity by mounting ladders, carrying water and opposing the
flames in the most dangerous positions. The conflagration proved awful in
its ravages, many of the inhabitants perishing in the flames.
This calamitous event was more than the feeble frame of Anastasia could
endure. She rapidly failed, and on the 7th of August, 1560, she expired. The
grief of Ivan was heartrending, and never was national affliction manifested
in a more sincere and touching manner. Not only the whole court, but
almost the entire city of Moscow, followed the remains of Anastasia to their
interment. Many, in the bitterness of their grief, sobbed aloud. The most
inconsolable were the poor and friendless, calling Anastasia by the name of
mother. The anguish of Ivan for a time quite unmanned him, and he wept
like a child. The loss of Anastasia did indeed prove to Ivan the greatest of
earthly calamities. She had been his guardian angel, his guide to virtue.
Having lost his guide, he fell into many errors from which Anastasia would
have preserved him.
In the course of a few months, either the tears of Ivan were dried up, or
political considerations seemed to render it necessary for him to seek
another wife. Notwithstanding the long hereditary hostility which had
existed between Russia and Poland, perhaps in consequence of it, Ivan
made proposals for a Polish princess, Catharine, sister of Sigismond
Augustus, the king. The Poles demanded, as an essential item in the
marriage contract, that the children of Catharine should take the precedence
years he had enjoyed all the happiness which conjugal love can confer.
Anastasia was still in the brilliance of youth and beauty, when she was
attacked by dangerous sickness. As she was lying upon her couch, helpless
and burning with fever, the cry of fire was heard. The day was excessively
hot; the windows of the palace all open, and a drouth of several weeks made
every thing dry as tinder. The conflagration commenced in an adjoining
street, and, in a moment, volumes of flame and smoke were swept by the
wind, enveloping the Kremlin, and showering upon it and into it,
innumerable flakes of fire. The queen was thrown into a paroxysm of terror;
the attendants hastily placed her upon a litter and bore her, almost
suffocated, through the blazing streets out of the city, to the village of
Kolomensk. The emperor then returned to assist in arresting the
conflagration. He exposed himself like a common laborer, inspiring others
with intrepidity by mounting ladders, carrying water and opposing the
flames in the most dangerous positions. The conflagration proved awful in
its ravages, many of the inhabitants perishing in the flames.
This calamitous event was more than the feeble frame of Anastasia could
endure. She rapidly failed, and on the 7th of August, 1560, she expired. The
grief of Ivan was heartrending, and never was national affliction manifested
in a more sincere and touching manner. Not only the whole court, but
almost the entire city of Moscow, followed the remains of Anastasia to their
interment. Many, in the bitterness of their grief, sobbed aloud. The most
inconsolable were the poor and friendless, calling Anastasia by the name of
mother. The anguish of Ivan for a time quite unmanned him, and he wept
like a child. The loss of Anastasia did indeed prove to Ivan the greatest of
earthly calamities. She had been his guardian angel, his guide to virtue.
Having lost his guide, he fell into many errors from which Anastasia would
have preserved him.
In the course of a few months, either the tears of Ivan were dried up, or
political considerations seemed to render it necessary for him to seek
another wife. Notwithstanding the long hereditary hostility which had
existed between Russia and Poland, perhaps in consequence of it, Ivan
made proposals for a Polish princess, Catharine, sister of Sigismond
Augustus, the king. The Poles demanded, as an essential item in the
marriage contract, that the children of Catharine should take the precedence
Page 216
of those of Anastasia as heirs to the throne. This iniquitous demand the tzar
rejected with the scorn it merited. The revenge in which the Poles indulged
was characteristic of the rudeness of the times. The court of Augustus sent a
white mare, beautifully caparisoned, to Ivan, with the message, that such a
wife he would find to be in accordance with his character and wants. The
outrageous insult incensed Ivan to the highest degree, and he vowed that the
Poles should feel the weight of his displeasure. Catharine, in the meantime,
was married to the Duke of Finland, who was brother to the King of
Sweden, and whose sister was married to the King of Denmark. Thus the
three kingdoms of Poland, Sweden and Denmark, and the Duchy of Finland
were strongly allied by matrimonial ties, and were ready to combine against
the Russian emperor.
Ivan IV. nursed his vengeance, waiting for an opportunity to strike a blow
which should be felt. Elizabeth was now Queen of England, and her
embassador at the court of Russia was in high favor with the emperor.
Probably through his influence Ivan showed great favor to the Lutheran
clergy, who were gradually gaining followers in the empire. He frequently
admitted them to court, and even listened to their arguments in favor of the
reformed religion. The higher clergy and the lords were much incensed by
this liberality, which, in their view, endangered the ancient usages, both
civil and religious, of the realm, and a very formidable conspiracy was
organized against the tzar.
Ivan IV. was apprised of the conspiracy, and, with singular boldness and
magnanimity, immediately assembled his leading nobles and higher clergy
in the great audience-chamber of the Kremlin. He presented himself before
them in the glittering robes and with all the insignia of royalty. Divesting
himself of them all, he said to his astonished auditors,
"You have deemed me unworthy any longer to occupy the throne. I here and
now give in my abdication, and request you to nominate some person whom
you may consider worthy to be your sovereign."
Without permitting any reply he dismissed them, and the next day convened
all the clergy of Moscow in the church of St. Mary. A high mass was
celebrated by the metropolitan, in which the monarch assisted, and he then
took an affecting leave of them all, in a solemn renunciation of all claims to
rejected with the scorn it merited. The revenge in which the Poles indulged
was characteristic of the rudeness of the times. The court of Augustus sent a
white mare, beautifully caparisoned, to Ivan, with the message, that such a
wife he would find to be in accordance with his character and wants. The
outrageous insult incensed Ivan to the highest degree, and he vowed that the
Poles should feel the weight of his displeasure. Catharine, in the meantime,
was married to the Duke of Finland, who was brother to the King of
Sweden, and whose sister was married to the King of Denmark. Thus the
three kingdoms of Poland, Sweden and Denmark, and the Duchy of Finland
were strongly allied by matrimonial ties, and were ready to combine against
the Russian emperor.
Ivan IV. nursed his vengeance, waiting for an opportunity to strike a blow
which should be felt. Elizabeth was now Queen of England, and her
embassador at the court of Russia was in high favor with the emperor.
Probably through his influence Ivan showed great favor to the Lutheran
clergy, who were gradually gaining followers in the empire. He frequently
admitted them to court, and even listened to their arguments in favor of the
reformed religion. The higher clergy and the lords were much incensed by
this liberality, which, in their view, endangered the ancient usages, both
civil and religious, of the realm, and a very formidable conspiracy was
organized against the tzar.
Ivan IV. was apprised of the conspiracy, and, with singular boldness and
magnanimity, immediately assembled his leading nobles and higher clergy
in the great audience-chamber of the Kremlin. He presented himself before
them in the glittering robes and with all the insignia of royalty. Divesting
himself of them all, he said to his astonished auditors,
"You have deemed me unworthy any longer to occupy the throne. I here and
now give in my abdication, and request you to nominate some person whom
you may consider worthy to be your sovereign."
Without permitting any reply he dismissed them, and the next day convened
all the clergy of Moscow in the church of St. Mary. A high mass was
celebrated by the metropolitan, in which the monarch assisted, and he then
took an affecting leave of them all, in a solemn renunciation of all claims to
Page 217
the crown. Accompanied by his two sons, he retired to the strong yet
secluded castle of Caloujintz, situated about five miles from Moscow. Here
he remained several days, waiting, it is generally supposed, for a delegation
to call, imploring him again to resume the crown. In this expectation he was
not disappointed. The lords were unprepared for such decisive action. In
their councils there was nothing but confusion. Anarchy was rapidly
commencing its reign, which would be followed inevitably by civil war.
The partisans of the emperor in the provinces were very numerous, and
could be rallied by a word from him; and no one imagined that the emperor
had any idea of retiring so peacefully. It was not doubted that he would
soon appear at the head of an army, and punish relentlessly the disaffected,
who would all then be revealed. The citizens, the nobles and the clergy met
together and appointed a numerous deputation to call upon the emperor and
implore him again to resume the reins of power.
"Your faithful subjects, sire," exclaimed the petitioners, "are deeply
afflicted. The State is exposed to fearful peril from dissension within and
enemies without. We do therefore most earnestly entreat your majesty, as a
faithful shepherd, still to watch over his flock; we do entreat you to return
to your throne, to continue your favor to the deserving, and not to forsake
your faithful subjects in consequence of the errors of a few."
Ivan listened with much apparent indifference to this pathetic address, and
either really felt, or affected, great reluctance again to resume the cares of
royalty. He requested a day's time to consider their proposal. The next
morning the nobles were again convened, and Ivan acquainted them with
his decision. Rebuking them with severity for their ingratitude, reproaching
them with the danger to which his life had been exposed through their
conspiracy, he declared that he could not again assume the cares and the
perils of the crown. Still his refusal was not so decisive as to exclude all
room for further entreaties. They renewed their supplications with tears, for
Russia was, indeed, exposed to all the horrors of civil war, should Ivan
persist in his resolve, and it was certain that the empire, thus distracted,
would at once be invaded by both Poles and Turks.
Thus importuned, Ivan at last consented to return to the Kremlin. He
resolved, however, to make an example of those who had conspired against
him, which should warn loudly against the renewal of similar attempts. The
secluded castle of Caloujintz, situated about five miles from Moscow. Here
he remained several days, waiting, it is generally supposed, for a delegation
to call, imploring him again to resume the crown. In this expectation he was
not disappointed. The lords were unprepared for such decisive action. In
their councils there was nothing but confusion. Anarchy was rapidly
commencing its reign, which would be followed inevitably by civil war.
The partisans of the emperor in the provinces were very numerous, and
could be rallied by a word from him; and no one imagined that the emperor
had any idea of retiring so peacefully. It was not doubted that he would
soon appear at the head of an army, and punish relentlessly the disaffected,
who would all then be revealed. The citizens, the nobles and the clergy met
together and appointed a numerous deputation to call upon the emperor and
implore him again to resume the reins of power.
"Your faithful subjects, sire," exclaimed the petitioners, "are deeply
afflicted. The State is exposed to fearful peril from dissension within and
enemies without. We do therefore most earnestly entreat your majesty, as a
faithful shepherd, still to watch over his flock; we do entreat you to return
to your throne, to continue your favor to the deserving, and not to forsake
your faithful subjects in consequence of the errors of a few."
Ivan listened with much apparent indifference to this pathetic address, and
either really felt, or affected, great reluctance again to resume the cares of
royalty. He requested a day's time to consider their proposal. The next
morning the nobles were again convened, and Ivan acquainted them with
his decision. Rebuking them with severity for their ingratitude, reproaching
them with the danger to which his life had been exposed through their
conspiracy, he declared that he could not again assume the cares and the
perils of the crown. Still his refusal was not so decisive as to exclude all
room for further entreaties. They renewed their supplications with tears, for
Russia was, indeed, exposed to all the horrors of civil war, should Ivan
persist in his resolve, and it was certain that the empire, thus distracted,
would at once be invaded by both Poles and Turks.
Thus importuned, Ivan at last consented to return to the Kremlin. He
resolved, however, to make an example of those who had conspired against
him, which should warn loudly against the renewal of similar attempts. The
Page 218
principal movers in the plot were executed. Ivan then surrounded himself
with a body guard of two hundred men carefully selected from the distant
provinces, and who were in no way under the influence of any of the lords.
This body guard, composed of low-born, uneducated men, incapable of
being roused to any high enthusiasm, subsequently proved quite a nuisance.
Ivan IV. had but just resumed his seat upon the throne when couriers from
the southern provinces brought the alarming intelligence that an immense
army of combined Tartars and Turks had invaded the empire and were on
the rapid march, burning and destroying all before them. Selim, the son and
successor of Solyman the Magnificent, entered into an alliance with several
oriental princes, who were to send him succors by the way of the Caspian
Sea, and raised an army of three hundred thousand men. These troops were
embarked at Constantinople, and, crossing the Black Sea and the Sea of
Azof, entered Tauride. Here they were joined by a reinforcement of
Crimean Tartars, consisting of forty thousand well-armed and veteran
fighters. With this force the sultan marched directly across the country to
the Russian city and province of Astrachan, at the mouth of the Volga.
But a heroic man, Zerebrinow, was in command of the fortresses in this
remote province of the Russian empire. He immediately assembled all his
available troops, and, advancing to meet the foe, selected his own ground
for the battle in a narrow defile where the vast masses of the enemy would
only encumber each other. Falling upon the invaders unexpectedly from
ambuscades, he routed the Turks with great carnage. They were compelled
to retreat, having lost nearly all their baggage and heavy artillery. The
triumphant Russians pursued them all the way back to the city of Azof,
cannonading them with the artillery and the ammunition they had wrested
from their foes. Here the Turks attempted to make a final stand, but a
chance shot from one of the guns penetrated the immense powder
magazine, and an explosion so terrific ensued that two thirds of the city
were entirely demolished.
The Turks, in consternation, now made a rush for their ships. But
Zerebrinow, with coolness and sagacity which no horrors could disturb, had
already planted his batteries to sweep them with a storm of bullets and
balls. The cannonade was instantly commenced. The missiles of death fell
like hail stones into the crowded boats and upon the crowded decks. Many
with a body guard of two hundred men carefully selected from the distant
provinces, and who were in no way under the influence of any of the lords.
This body guard, composed of low-born, uneducated men, incapable of
being roused to any high enthusiasm, subsequently proved quite a nuisance.
Ivan IV. had but just resumed his seat upon the throne when couriers from
the southern provinces brought the alarming intelligence that an immense
army of combined Tartars and Turks had invaded the empire and were on
the rapid march, burning and destroying all before them. Selim, the son and
successor of Solyman the Magnificent, entered into an alliance with several
oriental princes, who were to send him succors by the way of the Caspian
Sea, and raised an army of three hundred thousand men. These troops were
embarked at Constantinople, and, crossing the Black Sea and the Sea of
Azof, entered Tauride. Here they were joined by a reinforcement of
Crimean Tartars, consisting of forty thousand well-armed and veteran
fighters. With this force the sultan marched directly across the country to
the Russian city and province of Astrachan, at the mouth of the Volga.
But a heroic man, Zerebrinow, was in command of the fortresses in this
remote province of the Russian empire. He immediately assembled all his
available troops, and, advancing to meet the foe, selected his own ground
for the battle in a narrow defile where the vast masses of the enemy would
only encumber each other. Falling upon the invaders unexpectedly from
ambuscades, he routed the Turks with great carnage. They were compelled
to retreat, having lost nearly all their baggage and heavy artillery. The
triumphant Russians pursued them all the way back to the city of Azof,
cannonading them with the artillery and the ammunition they had wrested
from their foes. Here the Turks attempted to make a final stand, but a
chance shot from one of the guns penetrated the immense powder
magazine, and an explosion so terrific ensued that two thirds of the city
were entirely demolished.
The Turks, in consternation, now made a rush for their ships. But
Zerebrinow, with coolness and sagacity which no horrors could disturb, had
already planted his batteries to sweep them with a storm of bullets and
balls. The cannonade was instantly commenced. The missiles of death fell
like hail stones into the crowded boats and upon the crowded decks. Many
Page 219
of the ships were sunk, others disabled, and but a few, torn and riddled,
succeeded in escaping to sea, where the most of them also perished beneath
the waves of the stormy Euxine. Such was the utter desolation of this one
brief war tempest which lasted but a few weeks.
Queen Elizabeth, anxious to maintain friendly relations with an empire so
vast, and opening before her subjects such a field of profitable commerce,
having been informed of the conspiracy against Ivan IV., of his abdication,
and of his resumption of the crown, sent to him an embassador with
expressions of her kindest wishes, and assured him that should he ever be
reduced to the disagreeable necessity of leaving his empire, he would find a
safe retreat in England, where he would be received and provided for in a
manner suitable to his dignity, where he could enjoy the free exercise of his
religion and be permitted to depart whenever he should wish.
The tolerant spirit manifested by Ivan IV. towards the Lutherans, continued
to disturb the ecclesiastics; and the clergy and nobles of the province of
Novgorod, headed by the archbishop, formed a plot of dissevering
Novgorod from the empire, and attaching it to the kingdom of Poland. This
conspiracy assumed a very formidable attitude, and one of the brothers of
the tzar was involved in it. Ivan immediately sent an army of fifteen
thousand men to quell the revolt. We have no account of this transaction but
from the pens of those who were envenomed by their animosity to the
religious toleration of Ivan. We must consequently receive their narratives
with some allowance.
The army, according to their account, ravaged the whole province; took the
city by storm; and cut down in indiscriminate slaughter twenty-five
thousand men, women and children. The brother of Ivan IV. was seized and
thrown into prison, where he miserably perished. The archbishop was
stripped of his canonical robes, clad in the dress of a harlequin, paraded
through the streets on a gray mare, an object of derision to the people, and
then was imprisoned for life. Such cruelty does not seem at all in
accordance with the character of Ivan, while the grossest exaggeration is in
accordance with the character of all civil and religious partisans.
War with Poland seems to have been the chronic state of Russia. Whenever
either party could get a chance to strike the other a blow, the blow was sure
succeeded in escaping to sea, where the most of them also perished beneath
the waves of the stormy Euxine. Such was the utter desolation of this one
brief war tempest which lasted but a few weeks.
Queen Elizabeth, anxious to maintain friendly relations with an empire so
vast, and opening before her subjects such a field of profitable commerce,
having been informed of the conspiracy against Ivan IV., of his abdication,
and of his resumption of the crown, sent to him an embassador with
expressions of her kindest wishes, and assured him that should he ever be
reduced to the disagreeable necessity of leaving his empire, he would find a
safe retreat in England, where he would be received and provided for in a
manner suitable to his dignity, where he could enjoy the free exercise of his
religion and be permitted to depart whenever he should wish.
The tolerant spirit manifested by Ivan IV. towards the Lutherans, continued
to disturb the ecclesiastics; and the clergy and nobles of the province of
Novgorod, headed by the archbishop, formed a plot of dissevering
Novgorod from the empire, and attaching it to the kingdom of Poland. This
conspiracy assumed a very formidable attitude, and one of the brothers of
the tzar was involved in it. Ivan immediately sent an army of fifteen
thousand men to quell the revolt. We have no account of this transaction but
from the pens of those who were envenomed by their animosity to the
religious toleration of Ivan. We must consequently receive their narratives
with some allowance.
The army, according to their account, ravaged the whole province; took the
city by storm; and cut down in indiscriminate slaughter twenty-five
thousand men, women and children. The brother of Ivan IV. was seized and
thrown into prison, where he miserably perished. The archbishop was
stripped of his canonical robes, clad in the dress of a harlequin, paraded
through the streets on a gray mare, an object of derision to the people, and
then was imprisoned for life. Such cruelty does not seem at all in
accordance with the character of Ivan, while the grossest exaggeration is in
accordance with the character of all civil and religious partisans.
War with Poland seems to have been the chronic state of Russia. Whenever
either party could get a chance to strike the other a blow, the blow was sure
Page 220
to be given; and they were alike unscrupulous whether it were a saber blow
in the face or a dagger thrust in the back. In the year 1571, a Russian army
pursued a discomfited band of Livonian insurgents across the frontier into
Poland. The Poles eagerly joined the insurgents, and sent envoys to invite
the Crimean Tartars to invade Russia from Tauride, while Poland and
Livonia should assail the empire from the west. The Tartars were always
ready for war at a moment's notice. Seventy thousand men were
immediately on the march. They rapidly traversed the southern provinces,
trampling down all opposition until they reached the Oka. Here they
encountered a few Russian troops who attempted to dispute the passage of
the stream. They were, however, speedily overpowered by the Tartars and
were compelled to retreat. Pressing on, they arrived within sixty miles of
the city, when they found the Russians again concentered, but now in large
numbers, to oppose their progress. A fierce battle was fought. Again the
Russians were overpowered, and the Tartars, trampling them beneath their
horses' hoofs, with yells of triumph, pressed on towards the metropolis. The
whole city was in consternation, for it had no means of effectual resistance.
Ivan IV. in his terror packed up his most valuable effects, and, with the
royal family, fled to a strong fortress far away in the North.
From the battlements of the city, the banners of these terrible barbarians
were soon seen on the approach. With bugle blasts and savage shouts they
rushed in at the gates, swept the streets with their sabers, pillaged houses
and churches, and set the city on fire in all directions. The city was at that
time, according to the testimony of the cotemporary annalists, forty miles in
circumference. The weltering flames rose and fell as in the crater of a
volcano, and in six hours the city was in ashes. Thousands perished in the
flames. The fire, communicating with a powder magazine, produced an
explosion which uphove the buildings like an earthquake, and prostrated
more than a third of a mile of the city walls. According to the most reliable
testimony, there perished in Moscow, by fire and sword, from this one raid
of the Tartars, more than one hundred and fifty thousand of its inhabitants.
The Tartars, tottering beneath the burden of their spoil, and dragging after
them many thousand prisoners of distinction, slowly, proudly, defiantly
retired. With barbaric genius they sent to the tzar a naked cimiter,
accompanied by the following message:
in the face or a dagger thrust in the back. In the year 1571, a Russian army
pursued a discomfited band of Livonian insurgents across the frontier into
Poland. The Poles eagerly joined the insurgents, and sent envoys to invite
the Crimean Tartars to invade Russia from Tauride, while Poland and
Livonia should assail the empire from the west. The Tartars were always
ready for war at a moment's notice. Seventy thousand men were
immediately on the march. They rapidly traversed the southern provinces,
trampling down all opposition until they reached the Oka. Here they
encountered a few Russian troops who attempted to dispute the passage of
the stream. They were, however, speedily overpowered by the Tartars and
were compelled to retreat. Pressing on, they arrived within sixty miles of
the city, when they found the Russians again concentered, but now in large
numbers, to oppose their progress. A fierce battle was fought. Again the
Russians were overpowered, and the Tartars, trampling them beneath their
horses' hoofs, with yells of triumph, pressed on towards the metropolis. The
whole city was in consternation, for it had no means of effectual resistance.
Ivan IV. in his terror packed up his most valuable effects, and, with the
royal family, fled to a strong fortress far away in the North.
From the battlements of the city, the banners of these terrible barbarians
were soon seen on the approach. With bugle blasts and savage shouts they
rushed in at the gates, swept the streets with their sabers, pillaged houses
and churches, and set the city on fire in all directions. The city was at that
time, according to the testimony of the cotemporary annalists, forty miles in
circumference. The weltering flames rose and fell as in the crater of a
volcano, and in six hours the city was in ashes. Thousands perished in the
flames. The fire, communicating with a powder magazine, produced an
explosion which uphove the buildings like an earthquake, and prostrated
more than a third of a mile of the city walls. According to the most reliable
testimony, there perished in Moscow, by fire and sword, from this one raid
of the Tartars, more than one hundred and fifty thousand of its inhabitants.
The Tartars, tottering beneath the burden of their spoil, and dragging after
them many thousand prisoners of distinction, slowly, proudly, defiantly
retired. With barbaric genius they sent to the tzar a naked cimiter,
accompanied by the following message:
Page 221
"This is a token left to your majesty by an enemy, whose revenge is still
unsatiated, and who will soon return again to complete the work which he
has but just begun."
Such is war. It is but a succession of miseries. A hundred and fifty thousand
Tartars perished but a few months before in the waves of the Euxine. Now,
a hundred and fifty thousand Russians perish, in their turn, amidst the
flames of Moscow. When we contemplate the wars which have incessantly
ravaged this globe, the history of man seems to be but the record of the
strifes of demons, with occasional gleams of angel magnanimity.
After the retreat of the Tartars, Ivan IV. convened a council of war, punished
with death those officers who had fled before the enemy as he himself had
done; and, rendered pliant by accumulated misfortune, he presented such
overtures to the King of Poland as to obtain the promise of a truce for three
years. Soon after this, Sigismond, King of Poland, died. The crown was
elective, and the nobles, who met to choose a new monarch, by a
considerable majority invited Maximilian II., Emperor of Germany, to
assume the scepter. They assigned as a reason for this choice, which
surprised Europe, the religious liberality of the emperor, who, as they justly
remarked, had conciliated the contending factions of the Christian world,
and had acquired more glory by his pacific policy than other princes had
acquired in the exploits of war.
A minority of the nobles were displeased with this choice, and refusing to
accede to the vote of the majority, proceeded to another election, and chose
Stephen Bathori, a warrior chief of Transylvania, as their sovereign.[9] The
two parties now rallied around their rival candidates and prepared for war.
Ivan IV. could not allow so favorable an opportunity to interfere in the
politics of Poland to escape him. He immediately sent embassadors to
Maximilian, offering to assist him with all the power of the Russian armies
against Stephen Bathori. Maximilian gratefully acknowledged the
generosity of the tzar, and promised to return the favor whenever an
opportunity should be presented. At the same time, Stephen Bathori, who
had already been crowned King of Poland, sent an embassador to Moscow
to inform Ivan of his election and coronation, and to propose friendly
relations with Russia. Ivan answered frankly that a treaty already existed
between him and the Emperor Maximilian, but that, since he wished to live
unsatiated, and who will soon return again to complete the work which he
has but just begun."
Such is war. It is but a succession of miseries. A hundred and fifty thousand
Tartars perished but a few months before in the waves of the Euxine. Now,
a hundred and fifty thousand Russians perish, in their turn, amidst the
flames of Moscow. When we contemplate the wars which have incessantly
ravaged this globe, the history of man seems to be but the record of the
strifes of demons, with occasional gleams of angel magnanimity.
After the retreat of the Tartars, Ivan IV. convened a council of war, punished
with death those officers who had fled before the enemy as he himself had
done; and, rendered pliant by accumulated misfortune, he presented such
overtures to the King of Poland as to obtain the promise of a truce for three
years. Soon after this, Sigismond, King of Poland, died. The crown was
elective, and the nobles, who met to choose a new monarch, by a
considerable majority invited Maximilian II., Emperor of Germany, to
assume the scepter. They assigned as a reason for this choice, which
surprised Europe, the religious liberality of the emperor, who, as they justly
remarked, had conciliated the contending factions of the Christian world,
and had acquired more glory by his pacific policy than other princes had
acquired in the exploits of war.
A minority of the nobles were displeased with this choice, and refusing to
accede to the vote of the majority, proceeded to another election, and chose
Stephen Bathori, a warrior chief of Transylvania, as their sovereign.[9] The
two parties now rallied around their rival candidates and prepared for war.
Ivan IV. could not allow so favorable an opportunity to interfere in the
politics of Poland to escape him. He immediately sent embassadors to
Maximilian, offering to assist him with all the power of the Russian armies
against Stephen Bathori. Maximilian gratefully acknowledged the
generosity of the tzar, and promised to return the favor whenever an
opportunity should be presented. At the same time, Stephen Bathori, who
had already been crowned King of Poland, sent an embassador to Moscow
to inform Ivan of his election and coronation, and to propose friendly
relations with Russia. Ivan answered frankly that a treaty already existed
between him and the Emperor Maximilian, but that, since he wished to live
Page 222
on friendly terms with Poland, whoever her monarch might be, he would
send embassadors to examine into the claims of the rival candidates for the
crown. Thus adroitly he endeavored to obtain for himself the position of
umpire between Maximilian and Stephen Bathori. The death of the Emperor
Maximilian on the 12th of October, 1576, settled this strife, and Stephen
attained the undisputed sovereignty of Poland.
Almost the first measure of the new sovereign, in accordance with
hereditary usage, was war against Russia. His object was to regain those
territories which the tzar had heretofore wrested from the Poles. Apparently
trivial incidents reveal the rude and fierce character of the times. Stephen
chivalrously sent first an embassador, Basil Lapotinsky, to the court of Ivan,
to demand the restitution of the provinces. Lapotinsky was accompanied by
a numerous train of nobles, magnificently mounted and armed to the teeth.
As the glittering cavalcade, protected by its flag of truce, swept along
through the cities of Russia towards Moscow, and it became known that
they were the bearers of an imperious message, demanding the surrender of
portions of the Russian empire, the populace were with difficulty restrained
from falling upon them.
Through a thousand dangers they reached Moscow. When there, Lapotinsky
declared that he came not as a suppliant, but to present a claim which his
master was prepared to enforce, if necessary, with the sword, and that, in
accordance with the character of his mission, he was directed, in his
audience with Ivan, to present the letter with one hand while he held his
unsheathed saber in the other. The officers of the imperial household
assured him that such bravado would inevitably cost him his life.
"The tzar," Lapotinsky replied, "can easily take my life, and he may do so if
he please, but nothing shall prevent me from performing the duty with
which I am intrusted, with the utmost exactitude."
The audience day arrived. Lapotinsky was conducted to the Kremlin. The
tzar, in his imperial robes glittering with diamonds and pearls, received him
in a magnificent hall. The haughty embassador, with great dignity and in
respectful terms, yet bold and decisive, demanded reparation for the injuries
which Russia had inflicted upon Poland. His gleaming saber was carelessly
held in one hand and the letter to the tzar, from the King of Poland, in the
send embassadors to examine into the claims of the rival candidates for the
crown. Thus adroitly he endeavored to obtain for himself the position of
umpire between Maximilian and Stephen Bathori. The death of the Emperor
Maximilian on the 12th of October, 1576, settled this strife, and Stephen
attained the undisputed sovereignty of Poland.
Almost the first measure of the new sovereign, in accordance with
hereditary usage, was war against Russia. His object was to regain those
territories which the tzar had heretofore wrested from the Poles. Apparently
trivial incidents reveal the rude and fierce character of the times. Stephen
chivalrously sent first an embassador, Basil Lapotinsky, to the court of Ivan,
to demand the restitution of the provinces. Lapotinsky was accompanied by
a numerous train of nobles, magnificently mounted and armed to the teeth.
As the glittering cavalcade, protected by its flag of truce, swept along
through the cities of Russia towards Moscow, and it became known that
they were the bearers of an imperious message, demanding the surrender of
portions of the Russian empire, the populace were with difficulty restrained
from falling upon them.
Through a thousand dangers they reached Moscow. When there, Lapotinsky
declared that he came not as a suppliant, but to present a claim which his
master was prepared to enforce, if necessary, with the sword, and that, in
accordance with the character of his mission, he was directed, in his
audience with Ivan, to present the letter with one hand while he held his
unsheathed saber in the other. The officers of the imperial household
assured him that such bravado would inevitably cost him his life.
"The tzar," Lapotinsky replied, "can easily take my life, and he may do so if
he please, but nothing shall prevent me from performing the duty with
which I am intrusted, with the utmost exactitude."
The audience day arrived. Lapotinsky was conducted to the Kremlin. The
tzar, in his imperial robes glittering with diamonds and pearls, received him
in a magnificent hall. The haughty embassador, with great dignity and in
respectful terms, yet bold and decisive, demanded reparation for the injuries
which Russia had inflicted upon Poland. His gleaming saber was carelessly
held in one hand and the letter to the tzar, from the King of Poland, in the
Page 223
other. Having finished his brief speech, he received a cimeter from one of
his suite, and, advancing firmly, yet very respectfully, to the monarch,
presented them both, saying,
"Here is peace and here is war. It is for your majesty to choose between
them."
Ivan IV. was capable of appreciating the nobility of such a character. The
intrepidity of the embassador, which was defiled with no comminglings of
insolence, excited his admiration. The emperor, with a smile, took the letter,
which was written on parchment in the Russian language and sealed with a
seal of gold. Slowly and carefully he read it, and then addressing the
embassador, said,
"Such menaces will not induce Russia to surrender her dominions to
Poland. We, who have vanquished the Poles on so many fields of battle,
who have conquered the Tartars of Kezan and Astrachan, and who have
triumphed over the forces of the Ottoman empire, will soon cause the King
of Poland to repent his rashness."
He then dismissed the embassador, ordering him to be treated with the
respect due his high station. War being thus formally declared, both parties
prepared to prosecute it with the utmost vigor. The tzar immediately
commenced raising a large army, reinforced his garrisons, and sent a secret
envoy to Tauride, to excite the Crimean Tartars to invade Poland on the
south-east while Russia should make an assault from the north.
The Poles opened the campaign by crossing the frontiers with a large army,
seizing several minor cities and laying siege to the important fortress of
Polotzk. After a long siege, which constituted one of those terrific tragedies
of blood and woe with which the pages of history are filled, but which no
pen can describe and no imagination can conceive, the city, a pile of gory
and smouldering ruins, fell into the hands of the Poles. Battle after battle,
siege after siege ensued, in nearly all of which the Poles were successful.
They were guided by their monarch in person, a veteran warrior, who
possessed extraordinary military skill. The blasts of winter drove both
parties from the field. But, in the earliest spring, the campaign was opened
again with redoubled energy. Again the Poles, who had obtained strong
reinforcements of troops from Germany and Hungary, were signally
his suite, and, advancing firmly, yet very respectfully, to the monarch,
presented them both, saying,
"Here is peace and here is war. It is for your majesty to choose between
them."
Ivan IV. was capable of appreciating the nobility of such a character. The
intrepidity of the embassador, which was defiled with no comminglings of
insolence, excited his admiration. The emperor, with a smile, took the letter,
which was written on parchment in the Russian language and sealed with a
seal of gold. Slowly and carefully he read it, and then addressing the
embassador, said,
"Such menaces will not induce Russia to surrender her dominions to
Poland. We, who have vanquished the Poles on so many fields of battle,
who have conquered the Tartars of Kezan and Astrachan, and who have
triumphed over the forces of the Ottoman empire, will soon cause the King
of Poland to repent his rashness."
He then dismissed the embassador, ordering him to be treated with the
respect due his high station. War being thus formally declared, both parties
prepared to prosecute it with the utmost vigor. The tzar immediately
commenced raising a large army, reinforced his garrisons, and sent a secret
envoy to Tauride, to excite the Crimean Tartars to invade Poland on the
south-east while Russia should make an assault from the north.
The Poles opened the campaign by crossing the frontiers with a large army,
seizing several minor cities and laying siege to the important fortress of
Polotzk. After a long siege, which constituted one of those terrific tragedies
of blood and woe with which the pages of history are filled, but which no
pen can describe and no imagination can conceive, the city, a pile of gory
and smouldering ruins, fell into the hands of the Poles. Battle after battle,
siege after siege ensued, in nearly all of which the Poles were successful.
They were guided by their monarch in person, a veteran warrior, who
possessed extraordinary military skill. The blasts of winter drove both
parties from the field. But, in the earliest spring, the campaign was opened
again with redoubled energy. Again the Poles, who had obtained strong
reinforcements of troops from Germany and Hungary, were signally
Page 224
successful. Though the fighting was constant and arduous, the whole
campaign was but a series of conquests on the part of Stephen, and when
the snows of another winter whitened the fields, the Polish banners were
waving over large portions of the Russian territory. The details of these
scenes are revolting. Fire, blood and the brutal passions of demoniac men
were combined in deeds of horror, the recital of which makes the ears to
tingle.
Before the buds of another spring had opened into leaf, the contending
armies were again upon the march. Poland had now succeeded in enlisting
Sweden in her cause, and Russia began to be quite seriously imperiled.
Riga, on the Dwina, soon fell into the hands of the Poles, and their banners
were resistlessly on the advance. Ivan IV., much dejected, proposed terms
of peace. Stephen refused to treat unless Russia would surrender the whole
of Livonia, a province nearly three times as large as the State of
Massachusetts, to Poland. The tzar was compelled essentially to yield to
these hard terms.
The treaty of peace was signed on the 15th of January, 1582. Ivan IV.
surrendered to Poland all of Livonia which bordered on Poland, which
contained thirty-four towns and castles, together with several other
important fortresses on the frontiers. A truce was concluded for ten years,
should both parties live so long. But should either die, the survivor was at
liberty immediately to attack the territory of the deceased. No mention
whatever was made of Sweden in this treaty. This neglect gave such offense
to the Swedish court, that, in petty revenge, they sent an Italian cook to the
Polish court as an embassador with the most arrogant demands. Stephen
very wisely treated the insult, which he probably deserved, with contempt.
The result of this war, so humiliating to Russia, rendered Ivan very
unpopular. Murmurs loud and deep were heard all over the empire. Many of
the nobles threw themselves at the feet of the tzar and entreated him not to
assent to so disgraceful a treaty, assuring him that the whole nation were
ready at his call to rise and drive the invaders from the empire. Ivan was
greatly incensed, and petulantly replied that if they were not satisfied with
his administration they had better choose another sovereign. Suspecting that
his son was inciting this movement, and that he perhaps was aiming at the
crown, Ivan assailed him in the bitterest terms of reproach. The young
campaign was but a series of conquests on the part of Stephen, and when
the snows of another winter whitened the fields, the Polish banners were
waving over large portions of the Russian territory. The details of these
scenes are revolting. Fire, blood and the brutal passions of demoniac men
were combined in deeds of horror, the recital of which makes the ears to
tingle.
Before the buds of another spring had opened into leaf, the contending
armies were again upon the march. Poland had now succeeded in enlisting
Sweden in her cause, and Russia began to be quite seriously imperiled.
Riga, on the Dwina, soon fell into the hands of the Poles, and their banners
were resistlessly on the advance. Ivan IV., much dejected, proposed terms
of peace. Stephen refused to treat unless Russia would surrender the whole
of Livonia, a province nearly three times as large as the State of
Massachusetts, to Poland. The tzar was compelled essentially to yield to
these hard terms.
The treaty of peace was signed on the 15th of January, 1582. Ivan IV.
surrendered to Poland all of Livonia which bordered on Poland, which
contained thirty-four towns and castles, together with several other
important fortresses on the frontiers. A truce was concluded for ten years,
should both parties live so long. But should either die, the survivor was at
liberty immediately to attack the territory of the deceased. No mention
whatever was made of Sweden in this treaty. This neglect gave such offense
to the Swedish court, that, in petty revenge, they sent an Italian cook to the
Polish court as an embassador with the most arrogant demands. Stephen
very wisely treated the insult, which he probably deserved, with contempt.
The result of this war, so humiliating to Russia, rendered Ivan very
unpopular. Murmurs loud and deep were heard all over the empire. Many of
the nobles threw themselves at the feet of the tzar and entreated him not to
assent to so disgraceful a treaty, assuring him that the whole nation were
ready at his call to rise and drive the invaders from the empire. Ivan was
greatly incensed, and petulantly replied that if they were not satisfied with
his administration they had better choose another sovereign. Suspecting that
his son was inciting this movement, and that he perhaps was aiming at the
crown, Ivan assailed him in the bitterest terms of reproach. The young
Page 225
prince replied in a manner which so exasperated his father, that he struck
him with a staff which he had in his hand. The staff was tipped with an iron
ferule which unfortunately hit the young man on the temple, and he fell
senseless at his father's feet.
The anguish of Ivan was unspeakable. His paroxysm of anger instantly gave
place to a more intense paroxysm of grief and remorse. He threw himself
upon the body of his son, pressed him fervently to his heart, and addressed
him in the most endearing terms of affection and affliction. The prince so
far revived as to be able to exchange a few words with his father, but in four
days he died. The blow which deprived the son of life, for ever after
deprived the father of peace. He was seldom again seen to smile. Any
mention of his son would ever throw him into a paroxysm of tears. For a
long time he could with difficulty be persuaded to take any nourishment or
to change his dress. With the utmost possible demonstrations of grief and
respect the remains of the prince were conveyed to the grave. The death of
this young man was a calamity to Russia. He was the worthy son of
Anastasia, and from his mother he had inherited both genius and moral
worth. By a subsequent marriage Ivan had two other sons, Feodor and
Dmitri. But they were of different blood; feeble in intellect and possessed
no requisites for the exalted station opening before them.
———
him with a staff which he had in his hand. The staff was tipped with an iron
ferule which unfortunately hit the young man on the temple, and he fell
senseless at his father's feet.
The anguish of Ivan was unspeakable. His paroxysm of anger instantly gave
place to a more intense paroxysm of grief and remorse. He threw himself
upon the body of his son, pressed him fervently to his heart, and addressed
him in the most endearing terms of affection and affliction. The prince so
far revived as to be able to exchange a few words with his father, but in four
days he died. The blow which deprived the son of life, for ever after
deprived the father of peace. He was seldom again seen to smile. Any
mention of his son would ever throw him into a paroxysm of tears. For a
long time he could with difficulty be persuaded to take any nourishment or
to change his dress. With the utmost possible demonstrations of grief and
respect the remains of the prince were conveyed to the grave. The death of
this young man was a calamity to Russia. He was the worthy son of
Anastasia, and from his mother he had inherited both genius and moral
worth. By a subsequent marriage Ivan had two other sons, Feodor and
Dmitri. But they were of different blood; feeble in intellect and possessed
no requisites for the exalted station opening before them.
———
Page 226
[9] See Empire of Austria, page 181.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE STORMS OF HEREDITARY SUCCESSION.
From 1582 to 1608.
Anguish and Death of Ivan IV.—His Character.—Feodor and Dmitri.—
Usurpation of Boris Gudenow.—The Polish Election.—Conquest of
Siberia.—Assassination of Dmitri.—Death of Feodor.—Boris Crowned
King.—Conspiracies.—Reappearance of Dmitri.—Boris Poisoned.—The
Pretender Crowned.—Embarrassments of Dmitri.—A New Pretender.—
Assassination of Dmitri.—Crowning of Zuski.—Indignation of Poland.—
Historical Romance.
The hasty blow which deprived the son of Ivan of life was also fatal to the
father. He never recovered from the effects. After a few months of anguish
and remorse, Ivan IV. sank sorrowing to the grave. Penitent, prayerful and
assured that his sins were forgiven, he met death with perfect composure.
The last days of his life were devoted exclusively to such preparations for
his departure that the welfare of his people might be undisturbed. He
ordered a general act of amnesty to be proclaimed to all the prisoners
throughout all the empire, abolished several onerous taxes, restored several
confiscated estates to their original owners, and urged his son, Feodor, who
was to be his successor, to make every possible endeavor to live at peace
with his neighbors, that Russia might thus be saved from the woes of war.
Exhausted by a long interview with his son, he took a bath; on coming out
he reclined upon a couch, and suddenly, without a struggle or a groan, was
dead.
Ivan IV. has ever been regarded as one of the most illustrious of the Russian
monarchs. He was eminently a learned prince for the times in which he
CHAPTER XVI.
THE STORMS OF HEREDITARY SUCCESSION.
From 1582 to 1608.
Anguish and Death of Ivan IV.—His Character.—Feodor and Dmitri.—
Usurpation of Boris Gudenow.—The Polish Election.—Conquest of
Siberia.—Assassination of Dmitri.—Death of Feodor.—Boris Crowned
King.—Conspiracies.—Reappearance of Dmitri.—Boris Poisoned.—The
Pretender Crowned.—Embarrassments of Dmitri.—A New Pretender.—
Assassination of Dmitri.—Crowning of Zuski.—Indignation of Poland.—
Historical Romance.
The hasty blow which deprived the son of Ivan of life was also fatal to the
father. He never recovered from the effects. After a few months of anguish
and remorse, Ivan IV. sank sorrowing to the grave. Penitent, prayerful and
assured that his sins were forgiven, he met death with perfect composure.
The last days of his life were devoted exclusively to such preparations for
his departure that the welfare of his people might be undisturbed. He
ordered a general act of amnesty to be proclaimed to all the prisoners
throughout all the empire, abolished several onerous taxes, restored several
confiscated estates to their original owners, and urged his son, Feodor, who
was to be his successor, to make every possible endeavor to live at peace
with his neighbors, that Russia might thus be saved from the woes of war.
Exhausted by a long interview with his son, he took a bath; on coming out
he reclined upon a couch, and suddenly, without a struggle or a groan, was
dead.
Ivan IV. has ever been regarded as one of the most illustrious of the Russian
monarchs. He was eminently a learned prince for the times in which he
Page 227
lived, entertaining uncommonly just views both of religion and politics. In
religion he was tolerant far above his age, allowing no Christians to be
persecuted for their belief. We regret that this high praise must be limited by
his treatment of the Jews, whom he could not endure. With
conscientiousness, unenlightened and bigoted, he declared that those who
had betrayed and crucified the Saviour of the world ought not to be
tolerated by any Christian prince. He accordingly ordered every Jew either
to be baptized into the Christian faith or to depart from the empire.
Ivan was naturally of a very hasty temper, which was nurtured by the cruel
and shameful neglect of his early years. Though he struggled against this
infirmity, it would occasionally break out in paroxysms which caused bitter
repentance. The death of his son, caused by one of these outbreaks, was the
great woe of his life. Still he was distinguished for his love of justice. At
stated times the aggrieved of every rank were admitted to his presence,
where they in person presented their petitions. If any minister or governor
was found guilty of oppression, he was sure to meet with condign
punishment. This impartiality, from which no noble was exempted, at times
exasperated greatly the haughty aristocracy. He was also inflexible in his
determination to confer office only upon those who were worthy of the
trust. No solicitations or views of self-interest could induce him to swerve
from this resolve. Intemperance he especially abominated, and frowned
upon the degrading vice alike in prince or peasant. He conferred an
inestimable favor upon Russia by causing a compilation, for the use of his
subjects, of a body of laws, which was called "The Book of Justice." This
code was presented to the judges, and was regarded as authority in all law
proceedings.
The historians of those days record that his memory was so remarkable that
he could call all the officers of his army by name, and could even remember
the name of every prisoner he had taken, numbering many thousands. In
those days of dim enlightenment, when the masses were little elevated
above the animal, the popular mind was more easily impressed by material
than intellectual grandeur. It was then deemed necessary, among the
unenlightened nations of Europe, to overawe the multitude by the splendor
of the throne—by scepters, robes and diadems glittering with priceless
jewels and with gold. The crown regalia of Russia were inestimably rich.
religion he was tolerant far above his age, allowing no Christians to be
persecuted for their belief. We regret that this high praise must be limited by
his treatment of the Jews, whom he could not endure. With
conscientiousness, unenlightened and bigoted, he declared that those who
had betrayed and crucified the Saviour of the world ought not to be
tolerated by any Christian prince. He accordingly ordered every Jew either
to be baptized into the Christian faith or to depart from the empire.
Ivan was naturally of a very hasty temper, which was nurtured by the cruel
and shameful neglect of his early years. Though he struggled against this
infirmity, it would occasionally break out in paroxysms which caused bitter
repentance. The death of his son, caused by one of these outbreaks, was the
great woe of his life. Still he was distinguished for his love of justice. At
stated times the aggrieved of every rank were admitted to his presence,
where they in person presented their petitions. If any minister or governor
was found guilty of oppression, he was sure to meet with condign
punishment. This impartiality, from which no noble was exempted, at times
exasperated greatly the haughty aristocracy. He was also inflexible in his
determination to confer office only upon those who were worthy of the
trust. No solicitations or views of self-interest could induce him to swerve
from this resolve. Intemperance he especially abominated, and frowned
upon the degrading vice alike in prince or peasant. He conferred an
inestimable favor upon Russia by causing a compilation, for the use of his
subjects, of a body of laws, which was called "The Book of Justice." This
code was presented to the judges, and was regarded as authority in all law
proceedings.
The historians of those days record that his memory was so remarkable that
he could call all the officers of his army by name, and could even remember
the name of every prisoner he had taken, numbering many thousands. In
those days of dim enlightenment, when the masses were little elevated
above the animal, the popular mind was more easily impressed by material
than intellectual grandeur. It was then deemed necessary, among the
unenlightened nations of Europe, to overawe the multitude by the splendor
of the throne—by scepters, robes and diadems glittering with priceless
jewels and with gold. The crown regalia of Russia were inestimably rich.
Page 228
The robe of the monarch was of purple, embroidered with precious stones,
and even his shoes sparkled with diamonds of dazzling luster.
When he sat upon his throne to receive foreign embassadors, or the
members of his own court, he held in his right hand a globe, the emblem of
universal monarchy, enriched with all the jeweled splendor which art could
entwine around it. In his left hand he held a scepter, which also dazzled the
eye by its superb embellishments. His fingers were laden with the most
precious gems the Indies could afford. Whenever he appeared in public, the
arms of the empire, finely embroidered upon a spread eagle, and
magnificently adorned, were borne as a banner before him; and the masses
of the people bowed before their monarch, thus arrayed, as though he were
a god.
Ivan IV. left two sons, Feodor and Dmitri. Feodor, who succeeded his
father, was twenty years of age, weak, characterless, though quite amiable.
In his early youth his chief pleasure seemed to consist in ringing the bells of
Moscow, which led his father, at one time, to say that he was fitter to be the
son of a sexton than of a prince. Dmitri was an infant. He was placed, by his
father's will, under the tutelage of an energetic, ambitious noble, by the
name of Bogdan Bielski. This aspiring nobleman, conscious of the
incapacity of Feodor to govern, laid his plans to obtain the throne for
himself.
Feodor was crowned immediately after the death of his father, and
proceeded at once to carry out the provisions of his will by liberating the
prisoners, abolishing the taxes and restoring confiscated estates. He also
abolished the body guard of the tzar, which had become peculiarly
obnoxious to the nation. These measures rendered him, for a time, very
popular. This popularity thwarted Bielski in the plan of organizing the
people and the nobles in a conspiracy against the young monarch, and the
nobles even became so much alarmed by the proceedings of the haughty
minister, who was so evidently aiming at the usurpation of the throne, that
they besieged him in his castle. The fortress was strong, and the powerful
feudal lord, rallying his vassals around him, made a valiant and a protracted
defense. At length, finding that he would be compelled to surrender, he
attempted to escape in disguise. Being taken a captive, he was offered his
choice, death, or the renunciation of all political influence and departure
and even his shoes sparkled with diamonds of dazzling luster.
When he sat upon his throne to receive foreign embassadors, or the
members of his own court, he held in his right hand a globe, the emblem of
universal monarchy, enriched with all the jeweled splendor which art could
entwine around it. In his left hand he held a scepter, which also dazzled the
eye by its superb embellishments. His fingers were laden with the most
precious gems the Indies could afford. Whenever he appeared in public, the
arms of the empire, finely embroidered upon a spread eagle, and
magnificently adorned, were borne as a banner before him; and the masses
of the people bowed before their monarch, thus arrayed, as though he were
a god.
Ivan IV. left two sons, Feodor and Dmitri. Feodor, who succeeded his
father, was twenty years of age, weak, characterless, though quite amiable.
In his early youth his chief pleasure seemed to consist in ringing the bells of
Moscow, which led his father, at one time, to say that he was fitter to be the
son of a sexton than of a prince. Dmitri was an infant. He was placed, by his
father's will, under the tutelage of an energetic, ambitious noble, by the
name of Bogdan Bielski. This aspiring nobleman, conscious of the
incapacity of Feodor to govern, laid his plans to obtain the throne for
himself.
Feodor was crowned immediately after the death of his father, and
proceeded at once to carry out the provisions of his will by liberating the
prisoners, abolishing the taxes and restoring confiscated estates. He also
abolished the body guard of the tzar, which had become peculiarly
obnoxious to the nation. These measures rendered him, for a time, very
popular. This popularity thwarted Bielski in the plan of organizing the
people and the nobles in a conspiracy against the young monarch, and the
nobles even became so much alarmed by the proceedings of the haughty
minister, who was so evidently aiming at the usurpation of the throne, that
they besieged him in his castle. The fortress was strong, and the powerful
feudal lord, rallying his vassals around him, made a valiant and a protracted
defense. At length, finding that he would be compelled to surrender, he
attempted to escape in disguise. Being taken a captive, he was offered his
choice, death, or the renunciation of all political influence and departure
Page 229
into exile. He chose the latter, and retired beyond the Volga to one of the
most remote provinces of Kezan.
Feodor had married the daughter of one of the most illustrious of his nobles.
His father-in-law, a man of peculiar address and capacity, with ability both
to conceive and execute the greatest undertakings, soon attained supremacy
over the mind of the feeble monarch. The name of this noble, who became
renowned in Russian annals, was Boris Gudenow. He had the rare faculty of
winning the favor of all whom he approached. With rapid strides he attained
the posts of prime minister, commander-in-chief and co-regent of the
empire. A Polish embassador at this time visited Moscow, and, witnessing
the extreme feebleness of Feodor, sent word to his ambitious master,
Stephen Bathori, that nothing would be easier than to invade Russia
successfully; that Smolensk could easily be taken, and that thence the
Polish army might find an almost unobstructed march to Moscow. But
death soon removed the Polish monarch from the labyrinths of war and
diplomacy.
Boris was now virtually the monarch of Russia, reigning, however, in the
name of Feodor. We have before mentioned that Poland was an elective
monarchy. Immediately upon the death of a sovereign, the nobles, with their
bands of retainers, often eighty thousand in number, met upon a large plain,
where they spent many days in intrigues and finally in the election of a new
chieftain. Boris Gudenow now roused all his energies in the endeavor to
unite Poland and Russia under one monarchy by the election of Feodor as
sovereign of the latter kingdom. The Polish nobles, proud and self-
confident, and apprised of the incapacity of Feodor, were many of them in
favor of the plan, as Boris had adroitly intimated to them that they might
regard the measure rather as the annexing Russia to Poland than Poland to
Russia. All that Boris cared for was the fact accomplished. He was willing
that the agents of his schemes should be influenced by any motives which
might be most efficacious.
The Polish diet met in a stormy session, and finally, a majority of its
members, instead of voting for Feodor, elected Prince Sigismond, a son of
John, King of Sweden. This election greatly alarmed Russia, as it allied
Poland and Sweden by the most intimate ties, and might eventually place
the crown of both of those powerful kingdoms upon the same brow. These
most remote provinces of Kezan.
Feodor had married the daughter of one of the most illustrious of his nobles.
His father-in-law, a man of peculiar address and capacity, with ability both
to conceive and execute the greatest undertakings, soon attained supremacy
over the mind of the feeble monarch. The name of this noble, who became
renowned in Russian annals, was Boris Gudenow. He had the rare faculty of
winning the favor of all whom he approached. With rapid strides he attained
the posts of prime minister, commander-in-chief and co-regent of the
empire. A Polish embassador at this time visited Moscow, and, witnessing
the extreme feebleness of Feodor, sent word to his ambitious master,
Stephen Bathori, that nothing would be easier than to invade Russia
successfully; that Smolensk could easily be taken, and that thence the
Polish army might find an almost unobstructed march to Moscow. But
death soon removed the Polish monarch from the labyrinths of war and
diplomacy.
Boris was now virtually the monarch of Russia, reigning, however, in the
name of Feodor. We have before mentioned that Poland was an elective
monarchy. Immediately upon the death of a sovereign, the nobles, with their
bands of retainers, often eighty thousand in number, met upon a large plain,
where they spent many days in intrigues and finally in the election of a new
chieftain. Boris Gudenow now roused all his energies in the endeavor to
unite Poland and Russia under one monarchy by the election of Feodor as
sovereign of the latter kingdom. The Polish nobles, proud and self-
confident, and apprised of the incapacity of Feodor, were many of them in
favor of the plan, as Boris had adroitly intimated to them that they might
regard the measure rather as the annexing Russia to Poland than Poland to
Russia. All that Boris cared for was the fact accomplished. He was willing
that the agents of his schemes should be influenced by any motives which
might be most efficacious.
The Polish diet met in a stormy session, and finally, a majority of its
members, instead of voting for Feodor, elected Prince Sigismond, a son of
John, King of Sweden. This election greatly alarmed Russia, as it allied
Poland and Sweden by the most intimate ties, and might eventually place
the crown of both of those powerful kingdoms upon the same brow. These
Page 230
apprehensions were increased by the fact that the Crimean Tartars soon
again began to make hostile demonstrations, and it was feared that they
were moving only in accordance with suggestions which had been sent to
them from Poland and Sweden, and that thus a triple alliance was about to
desolate the empire. The Tartars commenced their march. But Boris met
them with such energy that they were driven back in utter discomfiture.
The northern portion of Asia consisted of a vast, desolate, thinly-peopled
country called Siberia. It was bounded by the Caucasian and Altai
mountains on the south, the Ural mountains on the west, the Pacific Ocean
on the east, and the Frozen Ocean on the north. Most of the region was
within the limits of the frozen zone, and the most southern sections were
cold and inhospitable, enjoying but a gleam of summer sunshine. This
country, embracing over four millions of square miles, being thus larger
than the whole of Europe, contained but about two millions of inhabitants.
It was watered by some of the most majestic rivers on the globe, the Oby,
Enisei and the Lena. The population consisted mostly of wandering
Mohammedan Tartars, in a very low state of civilization. At that time there
were but two important towns in this region, Tura and Tobolsk. Some of the
barbarians of this region descended to the shores of the Volga, in a
desolating, predatory excursion. A Russian army drove them back, pursued
them to their homes, took both of these towns, erected fortresses, and
gradually brought the whole of Siberia under Russian sway. This great
conquest was achieved almost without bloodshed.
Boris Gudenow now exercised all the functions of sovereign authority. His
energy had enriched Russia with the accession of Siberia. He now resolved
to lay aside the feeble prince Feodor, who nominally occupied the throne,
and to place the crown upon his own brow. It seemed to him an easy thing
to appropriate the emblems of power, since he already enjoyed all the
prerogatives of royalty. Under the pretense of rewarding, with important
posts of trust, the most efficient of the nobles, he removed all those whose
influence he had most to dread, to distant provinces and foreign embassies.
He then endeavored, by many favors, to win the affections of the populace
of Moscow.
The young prince Dmitri had now attained his ninth year, and was residing,
under the care of his tutors, at the city of Uglitz, about two hundred miles
again began to make hostile demonstrations, and it was feared that they
were moving only in accordance with suggestions which had been sent to
them from Poland and Sweden, and that thus a triple alliance was about to
desolate the empire. The Tartars commenced their march. But Boris met
them with such energy that they were driven back in utter discomfiture.
The northern portion of Asia consisted of a vast, desolate, thinly-peopled
country called Siberia. It was bounded by the Caucasian and Altai
mountains on the south, the Ural mountains on the west, the Pacific Ocean
on the east, and the Frozen Ocean on the north. Most of the region was
within the limits of the frozen zone, and the most southern sections were
cold and inhospitable, enjoying but a gleam of summer sunshine. This
country, embracing over four millions of square miles, being thus larger
than the whole of Europe, contained but about two millions of inhabitants.
It was watered by some of the most majestic rivers on the globe, the Oby,
Enisei and the Lena. The population consisted mostly of wandering
Mohammedan Tartars, in a very low state of civilization. At that time there
were but two important towns in this region, Tura and Tobolsk. Some of the
barbarians of this region descended to the shores of the Volga, in a
desolating, predatory excursion. A Russian army drove them back, pursued
them to their homes, took both of these towns, erected fortresses, and
gradually brought the whole of Siberia under Russian sway. This great
conquest was achieved almost without bloodshed.
Boris Gudenow now exercised all the functions of sovereign authority. His
energy had enriched Russia with the accession of Siberia. He now resolved
to lay aside the feeble prince Feodor, who nominally occupied the throne,
and to place the crown upon his own brow. It seemed to him an easy thing
to appropriate the emblems of power, since he already enjoyed all the
prerogatives of royalty. Under the pretense of rewarding, with important
posts of trust, the most efficient of the nobles, he removed all those whose
influence he had most to dread, to distant provinces and foreign embassies.
He then endeavored, by many favors, to win the affections of the populace
of Moscow.
The young prince Dmitri had now attained his ninth year, and was residing,
under the care of his tutors, at the city of Uglitz, about two hundred miles
Page 231
from Moscow. Uglitz, with its dependencies, had been assigned to him for
his appanage. Gudenow deemed it essential, to his secure occupancy of the
throne, that this young prince should be put out of the way. He accordingly
employed a Russian officer, by the promise of immense rewards, to
assassinate the child. And then, the deed having been performed, to prevent
the possibility of his agency in it being divulged, he caused another low-
born murderer to track the path of the officer and plunge a dagger into his
bosom. Both murders were successfully accomplished.
The news of the assassination of the young prince soon reached Moscow,
and caused intense excitement. Gudenow was by many suspected, though
he endeavored to stifle the report by clamorous expressions of horror and
indignation, and by apparently making the most strenuous efforts to
discover the murderers. As an expression of his rage, he sent troops to
demolish the fortress of Uglitz, and to drive the inhabitants from the city,
because they had, as he asserted, harbored the assassins. Soon after this
Feodor was suddenly taken ill. He lingered upon his bed for a few days in
great pain, and then died. When the king was lying upon this dying bed,
Boris Gudenow, who, it will be recollected, was the father of the wife of
Feodor, succeeded in obtaining from him a sort of bequest of the throne,
and immediately upon the death of the king, he assumed the state of royalty
as a duty enjoined upon him by this bequest. The death of Feodor
terminated the reign of the house of Ruric, which had now governed Russia
for more than seven hundred years.
Not a little artifice was still requisite to quell the indignant passions which
were rising in the bosoms of the nobles. But Gudenow was a consummate
master of his art, and through the intrigues of years had the programme of
operations all arranged. According to custom, six weeks were devoted to
mourning for Feodor. Boris then assembled the nobility and principal
citizens of Moscow, in the Kremlin, and, to the unutterable surprise of many
of them, declared that he could not consent to assume the weighty cares and
infinite responsibilities of royalty; that the empire was unfortunately left
without a sovereign, and that they must proceed to designate the one to
whom the crown should be transferred; that he, worn down with the toils of
State, had decided to retire to a monastery, and devote the remainder of his
days to poverty, retirement and to God. He immediately took leave of the
his appanage. Gudenow deemed it essential, to his secure occupancy of the
throne, that this young prince should be put out of the way. He accordingly
employed a Russian officer, by the promise of immense rewards, to
assassinate the child. And then, the deed having been performed, to prevent
the possibility of his agency in it being divulged, he caused another low-
born murderer to track the path of the officer and plunge a dagger into his
bosom. Both murders were successfully accomplished.
The news of the assassination of the young prince soon reached Moscow,
and caused intense excitement. Gudenow was by many suspected, though
he endeavored to stifle the report by clamorous expressions of horror and
indignation, and by apparently making the most strenuous efforts to
discover the murderers. As an expression of his rage, he sent troops to
demolish the fortress of Uglitz, and to drive the inhabitants from the city,
because they had, as he asserted, harbored the assassins. Soon after this
Feodor was suddenly taken ill. He lingered upon his bed for a few days in
great pain, and then died. When the king was lying upon this dying bed,
Boris Gudenow, who, it will be recollected, was the father of the wife of
Feodor, succeeded in obtaining from him a sort of bequest of the throne,
and immediately upon the death of the king, he assumed the state of royalty
as a duty enjoined upon him by this bequest. The death of Feodor
terminated the reign of the house of Ruric, which had now governed Russia
for more than seven hundred years.
Not a little artifice was still requisite to quell the indignant passions which
were rising in the bosoms of the nobles. But Gudenow was a consummate
master of his art, and through the intrigues of years had the programme of
operations all arranged. According to custom, six weeks were devoted to
mourning for Feodor. Boris then assembled the nobility and principal
citizens of Moscow, in the Kremlin, and, to the unutterable surprise of many
of them, declared that he could not consent to assume the weighty cares and
infinite responsibilities of royalty; that the empire was unfortunately left
without a sovereign, and that they must proceed to designate the one to
whom the crown should be transferred; that he, worn down with the toils of
State, had decided to retire to a monastery, and devote the remainder of his
days to poverty, retirement and to God. He immediately took leave of the
Page 232
astonished and perplexed assembly, and withdrew to a convent about three
miles from Moscow.
The partisans of Boris were prepared to act their part. They stated that
intelligence had arrived that the Tartars, with an immense army, had
commenced the invasion of Russia; that Boris alone was familiar with the
condition and resources of the empire, and with the details of administration
—that he was a veteran soldier, and that his military genius and vigorous
arm were requisite to beat back the foe. These considerations were
influential, and a deputation was chosen to urge Boris, as he loved his
country, to continue in power and accept the scepter, which, as prime
minister, he had so long successfully wielded. Boris affected the most
extreme reluctance. The populace of Moscow, whose favor he had
purchased, surrounded the convent in crowds, and with vehemence,
characteristic of their impulsive, childish natures, threw themselves upon
the ground, tore their hair, beat their breasts, and declared that they would
never return to their homes unless Boris would consent to be their
sovereign.
Pretending, at last, to be overcome by these entreaties, Boris consented to
raise and lead an army to repel the Tartars, and he promised that should
Providence prosper him in this enterprise, he would regard it as an
indication that it was the will of Heaven that he should ascend the throne.
He immediately called all his tremendous energies into exercise, and in a
few months collected an army, of the nobles and of the militia, amounting
to five hundred thousand men. With great pomp he rode through the ranks
of this mighty host, receiving their enthusiastic applause. In that day, as
neither telegraphs, newspapers or stage-coaches existed, intelligence was
transmitted with difficulty, and very slowly. The story of the Tartar invasion
proved a sham. Boris had originated it to accomplish his purposes. He
amused and conciliated the soldiers with magnificent parades, intimating
that the Tartars, alarmed by his vast preparations, had not dared to advance
against him. A year's pay was ordered for each one of the soldiers. The
nobles received gratuities and were entertained by the tzar in festivals, at
which parties of ten thousand, day after day, were feasted, during an
interval of six weeks. Boris then returned to Moscow. The people met him
several miles from the city, and conducted him in triumph to the Kremlin.
miles from Moscow.
The partisans of Boris were prepared to act their part. They stated that
intelligence had arrived that the Tartars, with an immense army, had
commenced the invasion of Russia; that Boris alone was familiar with the
condition and resources of the empire, and with the details of administration
—that he was a veteran soldier, and that his military genius and vigorous
arm were requisite to beat back the foe. These considerations were
influential, and a deputation was chosen to urge Boris, as he loved his
country, to continue in power and accept the scepter, which, as prime
minister, he had so long successfully wielded. Boris affected the most
extreme reluctance. The populace of Moscow, whose favor he had
purchased, surrounded the convent in crowds, and with vehemence,
characteristic of their impulsive, childish natures, threw themselves upon
the ground, tore their hair, beat their breasts, and declared that they would
never return to their homes unless Boris would consent to be their
sovereign.
Pretending, at last, to be overcome by these entreaties, Boris consented to
raise and lead an army to repel the Tartars, and he promised that should
Providence prosper him in this enterprise, he would regard it as an
indication that it was the will of Heaven that he should ascend the throne.
He immediately called all his tremendous energies into exercise, and in a
few months collected an army, of the nobles and of the militia, amounting
to five hundred thousand men. With great pomp he rode through the ranks
of this mighty host, receiving their enthusiastic applause. In that day, as
neither telegraphs, newspapers or stage-coaches existed, intelligence was
transmitted with difficulty, and very slowly. The story of the Tartar invasion
proved a sham. Boris had originated it to accomplish his purposes. He
amused and conciliated the soldiers with magnificent parades, intimating
that the Tartars, alarmed by his vast preparations, had not dared to advance
against him. A year's pay was ordered for each one of the soldiers. The
nobles received gratuities and were entertained by the tzar in festivals, at
which parties of ten thousand, day after day, were feasted, during an
interval of six weeks. Boris then returned to Moscow. The people met him
several miles from the city, and conducted him in triumph to the Kremlin.
Page 233
He was crowned, with great pomp, Emperor of Russia, on the 1st of
September, 1577.
Boris watched, with an eagle eye, all those who could by any possibility
disturb his reign or endanger the permanence of the new dynasty which he
wished to establish. Some of the princes of the old royal family were
forbidden to marry; others were banished to Siberia. The diadem, thus
usurped, proved indeed a crown of thorns. That which is founded in crime,
can generally by crime alone be perpetuated. The manners of the usurper
were soon entirely altered. He had been affable, easy of access, and very
popular. But now he became haughty, reserved and suspicious. Wishing to
strengthen his dynasty by royal alliances, he proposed the marriage of his
daughter to Gustavus, son of Eric XIV., King of Sweden. He accordingly
invited Gustavus to Moscow, making him pompous promises. The young
prince was received with magnificent display and loaded with presents. But
there was soon a falling out between Boris and his intended son-in-law, and
the young prince was dismissed in disgrace. He however succeeded in
establishing a treaty of peace with the Poles, which was to continue twenty
years. He also was successful in contracting an alliance for his daughter
Axinia, with Duke John of Denmark. The marriage was celebrated in
Moscow in 1602 with great splendor. But even before the marriage
festivities were closed, the duke was taken sick and died, to the
inexpressible disappointment of Boris.
The Turks from Constantinople sent an embassy to Moscow with rich
presents, proposing a treaty of friendship and alliance. But Boris declined
the presents and dismissed the embassadors, saying that he could never be
friendly to the Turks, as they were the enemies of Christianity. Like many
other men, he could trample upon the precepts of the gospel, and yet be
zealous of Christianity as a doctrinal code or an institution.
A report was now circulated that the young Dmitri was still alive, that his
mother, conscious of the danger of his assassination, had placed the prince
in a position of safety, and that another child had been assassinated in his
stead. This rumor overwhelmed the guilty soul of Boris with melancholy.
His fears were so strongly excited, that several nobles, who were supposed
to be in the interests of the young prince, were put to the rack to extort a
confession. But no positive information respecting Dmitri could be gained.
September, 1577.
Boris watched, with an eagle eye, all those who could by any possibility
disturb his reign or endanger the permanence of the new dynasty which he
wished to establish. Some of the princes of the old royal family were
forbidden to marry; others were banished to Siberia. The diadem, thus
usurped, proved indeed a crown of thorns. That which is founded in crime,
can generally by crime alone be perpetuated. The manners of the usurper
were soon entirely altered. He had been affable, easy of access, and very
popular. But now he became haughty, reserved and suspicious. Wishing to
strengthen his dynasty by royal alliances, he proposed the marriage of his
daughter to Gustavus, son of Eric XIV., King of Sweden. He accordingly
invited Gustavus to Moscow, making him pompous promises. The young
prince was received with magnificent display and loaded with presents. But
there was soon a falling out between Boris and his intended son-in-law, and
the young prince was dismissed in disgrace. He however succeeded in
establishing a treaty of peace with the Poles, which was to continue twenty
years. He also was successful in contracting an alliance for his daughter
Axinia, with Duke John of Denmark. The marriage was celebrated in
Moscow in 1602 with great splendor. But even before the marriage
festivities were closed, the duke was taken sick and died, to the
inexpressible disappointment of Boris.
The Turks from Constantinople sent an embassy to Moscow with rich
presents, proposing a treaty of friendship and alliance. But Boris declined
the presents and dismissed the embassadors, saying that he could never be
friendly to the Turks, as they were the enemies of Christianity. Like many
other men, he could trample upon the precepts of the gospel, and yet be
zealous of Christianity as a doctrinal code or an institution.
A report was now circulated that the young Dmitri was still alive, that his
mother, conscious of the danger of his assassination, had placed the prince
in a position of safety, and that another child had been assassinated in his
stead. This rumor overwhelmed the guilty soul of Boris with melancholy.
His fears were so strongly excited, that several nobles, who were supposed
to be in the interests of the young prince, were put to the rack to extort a
confession. But no positive information respecting Dmitri could be gained.
Page 234
The mother of Dmitri was banished to an obscure fortress six hundred miles
from Moscow.
The emissaries of Boris were everywhere busy to detect, if possible, the
hiding place of Dmitri. Intelligence was at length brought to the Kremlin
that two monks had escaped from a convent and had fled to Poland, and that
it was apprehended that one of them was the young prince in disguise; it
was also said that Weisnowiski, prince of Kief, was protector of Dmitri,
and, in concert with others, was preparing a movement to place him upon
the throne of his ancestors. Boris was thrown into paroxysms of terror. Not
knowing what else to do, he franticly sent a party of Cossacks to murder
Weisnowiski; but the prince was on his guard, and the enterprise failed.
The question, "Have we a Bourbon among us?" has agitated the whole of
the United States. The question, "Have we a Dmitri among us?" then
agitated Russia far more intensely. It was a question of the utmost practical
importance, involving civil war and the removal of the new dynasty for the
restoration of the old. Whether the person said to be Dmitri were really
such, is a question which can now never be settled. The monk Griska
Utropeja, who declared himself to be the young prince, sustained his claim
with such an array of evidence as to secure the support of a large portion of
the Russians, and also the coöperation of the court of Poland. The claims of
Griska were brought up before the Polish diet and carefully examined. He
was then acknowledged by them as the legitimate heir to the crown of
Russia. An army was raised to restore him to his ancestral throne.
Sigismond, the King of Poland, with ardor espoused his cause.
Boris immediately dispatched an embassy to Warsaw to remind Sigismond
of the treaty of alliance into which he had entered, and to insist upon his
delivering up the pretended Dmitri, dead or alive. A threat was added to the
entreaty: "If you countenance this impostor," said Boris, "you will draw
down upon you a war which you may have cause to repent."
Sigismond replied, that though he had no doubt that Griska was truly the
Prince Dmitri, and, as such, entitled to the throne of Russia, still he had no
disposition personally to embark in the advocacy of his rights; but, that if
any of his nobles felt disposed to espouse his claims with arms or money, he
certainly should do nothing to thwart them. The Polish nobles, thus
from Moscow.
The emissaries of Boris were everywhere busy to detect, if possible, the
hiding place of Dmitri. Intelligence was at length brought to the Kremlin
that two monks had escaped from a convent and had fled to Poland, and that
it was apprehended that one of them was the young prince in disguise; it
was also said that Weisnowiski, prince of Kief, was protector of Dmitri,
and, in concert with others, was preparing a movement to place him upon
the throne of his ancestors. Boris was thrown into paroxysms of terror. Not
knowing what else to do, he franticly sent a party of Cossacks to murder
Weisnowiski; but the prince was on his guard, and the enterprise failed.
The question, "Have we a Bourbon among us?" has agitated the whole of
the United States. The question, "Have we a Dmitri among us?" then
agitated Russia far more intensely. It was a question of the utmost practical
importance, involving civil war and the removal of the new dynasty for the
restoration of the old. Whether the person said to be Dmitri were really
such, is a question which can now never be settled. The monk Griska
Utropeja, who declared himself to be the young prince, sustained his claim
with such an array of evidence as to secure the support of a large portion of
the Russians, and also the coöperation of the court of Poland. The claims of
Griska were brought up before the Polish diet and carefully examined. He
was then acknowledged by them as the legitimate heir to the crown of
Russia. An army was raised to restore him to his ancestral throne.
Sigismond, the King of Poland, with ardor espoused his cause.
Boris immediately dispatched an embassy to Warsaw to remind Sigismond
of the treaty of alliance into which he had entered, and to insist upon his
delivering up the pretended Dmitri, dead or alive. A threat was added to the
entreaty: "If you countenance this impostor," said Boris, "you will draw
down upon you a war which you may have cause to repent."
Sigismond replied, that though he had no doubt that Griska was truly the
Prince Dmitri, and, as such, entitled to the throne of Russia, still he had no
disposition personally to embark in the advocacy of his rights; but, that if
any of his nobles felt disposed to espouse his claims with arms or money, he
certainly should do nothing to thwart them. The Polish nobles, thus
Page 235
encouraged, raised an army of forty thousand men, which they surrendered
to Griska. He, assuming the name of Dmitri, placed himself at their head,
and boldly commenced a march upon Moscow. As soon as he entered the
Russian territories many nobles hastened to his banners, and several
important cities declared for him.
Boris was excessively alarmed. With characteristic energy he speedily
raised an army of two hundred thousand men, and then was in the utmost
terror lest this very army should pass over to the ranks of his foes. He
applied to Sweden and to Denmark to help him, but both kingdoms refused.
Dmitri advanced triumphantly, and laid siege to Novgorod on the 21st of
December, 1605. For five months the war continued with varying success.
Boris made every attempt to secure the assassination of Griska, but the
wary chieftain was on his guard, and all such endeavors were frustrated.
Griska at length decided to resort to the same weapons. An officer was sent
to the Kremlin with a feigned account of a victory obtained over the troops
of Dmitri. This officer succeeded in mingling poison with the food of Boris.
The drug was so deadly that the usurper dropped and expired almost
without a struggle and without a groan.
As soon as Boris was dead, his widow, a woman of great ambition and
energy, lost not an hour in proclaiming the succession of her son, Feodor.
The officers of the army were promptly summoned to take the oath of
allegiance to the new sovereign. Feodor was but fifteen years of age, a
thoroughly spoilt boy, proud, domineering, selfish and cruel. There was
now a revolt in the army of the late tzar. Several of the officers embraced
the cause of Griska, declaring their full conviction that he was the Prince
Dmitri, and, they carried over to his ranks a large body of the soldiers.
The defection of the army caused great consternation at court. The
courtiers, eager to secure the favor of the prince whose star was so
evidently in the ascendant, at once abandoned the hapless Feodor and his
enraged mother; and the halls of the Kremlin and the streets of Moscow
were soon resounding with the name of Dmitri. A proclamation was
published declaring general amnesty, and rich rewards to all who should
recognize and support the rights of their legitimate prince, but that his
opponents must expect no mercy. The populace immediately rose in revolt
against Feodor. They assailed the Kremlin. In a resistless inundation they
to Griska. He, assuming the name of Dmitri, placed himself at their head,
and boldly commenced a march upon Moscow. As soon as he entered the
Russian territories many nobles hastened to his banners, and several
important cities declared for him.
Boris was excessively alarmed. With characteristic energy he speedily
raised an army of two hundred thousand men, and then was in the utmost
terror lest this very army should pass over to the ranks of his foes. He
applied to Sweden and to Denmark to help him, but both kingdoms refused.
Dmitri advanced triumphantly, and laid siege to Novgorod on the 21st of
December, 1605. For five months the war continued with varying success.
Boris made every attempt to secure the assassination of Griska, but the
wary chieftain was on his guard, and all such endeavors were frustrated.
Griska at length decided to resort to the same weapons. An officer was sent
to the Kremlin with a feigned account of a victory obtained over the troops
of Dmitri. This officer succeeded in mingling poison with the food of Boris.
The drug was so deadly that the usurper dropped and expired almost
without a struggle and without a groan.
As soon as Boris was dead, his widow, a woman of great ambition and
energy, lost not an hour in proclaiming the succession of her son, Feodor.
The officers of the army were promptly summoned to take the oath of
allegiance to the new sovereign. Feodor was but fifteen years of age, a
thoroughly spoilt boy, proud, domineering, selfish and cruel. There was
now a revolt in the army of the late tzar. Several of the officers embraced
the cause of Griska, declaring their full conviction that he was the Prince
Dmitri, and, they carried over to his ranks a large body of the soldiers.
The defection of the army caused great consternation at court. The
courtiers, eager to secure the favor of the prince whose star was so
evidently in the ascendant, at once abandoned the hapless Feodor and his
enraged mother; and the halls of the Kremlin and the streets of Moscow
were soon resounding with the name of Dmitri. A proclamation was
published declaring general amnesty, and rich rewards to all who should
recognize and support the rights of their legitimate prince, but that his
opponents must expect no mercy. The populace immediately rose in revolt
against Feodor. They assailed the Kremlin. In a resistless inundation they
Page 236
forced its gates, seized the young tzar, with his mother, sister and other
relatives, and hurried them all to prison.
Dmitri was at Thula when he received intelligence of this revolution. He
immediately sent an officer, Basilius Galitzan, to Moscow to receive the
oath of fidelity of the city, and, at the same time, he diabolically sent an
assassin, one Ivan Bogdanoff, with orders to strangle Feodor and his mother
in the prison, but with directions not to hurt his sister. Bogdanoff reluctantly
executed his mission. On the 15th of July, 1605, Dmitri made his triumphal
entry into Moscow. He was received with all the noisy demonstrations of
public rejoicing, and, on the 29th of July, was crowned, with extraordinary
grandeur, Emperor of all the Russias.
The ceremonies of the triumphal entrance are perhaps worthy of record. A
detachment of Polish horse in brilliant uniform led the procession, headed
by a numerous band of trumpeters. Then came the gorgeous coach of
Dmitri, empty, drawn by six horses, richly caparisoned, and preceded,
followed and flanked by dense columns of musqueteers. Next came a
procession of the clergy in their ecclesiastical robes, and with the banners of
the church. This procession was led by the bishops, who bore effigies of the
Virgin Mary and of St. Nicholas, the patron saint of Russia. Following the
clergy appeared Dmitri, mounted on a white charger, and surrounded by a
splendid retinue. He proceeded first to the church of Notre Dame, where a
Te Deum was chanted, and where the new monarch received the sacrament.
He then visited the tomb of Ivan IV., and kneeling upon it, as the tomb of
his father, implored God's blessing. Perceiving that the body of Boris
Gudenow had received interment in the royal cemetery, he ordered his
remains, with those of his wife and son, all three of whom Dmitri had
caused to be assassinated, to be removed to a common churchyard without
the city.
Either to silence those who might doubt his legitimacy or being truly the
son of Ivan IV., he sent two of the nobles, with a brilliant retinue, to the
convent, more than six hundred miles from Moscow, to which Boris had
banished the widow of Ivan. They were to conduct the queen dowager to
the capital. As she approached the city, Dmitri went out to receive her,
accompanied by a great number of his nobles. As soon as he perceived her
coach, he alighted, went on foot to meet his alleged mother, and threw
relatives, and hurried them all to prison.
Dmitri was at Thula when he received intelligence of this revolution. He
immediately sent an officer, Basilius Galitzan, to Moscow to receive the
oath of fidelity of the city, and, at the same time, he diabolically sent an
assassin, one Ivan Bogdanoff, with orders to strangle Feodor and his mother
in the prison, but with directions not to hurt his sister. Bogdanoff reluctantly
executed his mission. On the 15th of July, 1605, Dmitri made his triumphal
entry into Moscow. He was received with all the noisy demonstrations of
public rejoicing, and, on the 29th of July, was crowned, with extraordinary
grandeur, Emperor of all the Russias.
The ceremonies of the triumphal entrance are perhaps worthy of record. A
detachment of Polish horse in brilliant uniform led the procession, headed
by a numerous band of trumpeters. Then came the gorgeous coach of
Dmitri, empty, drawn by six horses, richly caparisoned, and preceded,
followed and flanked by dense columns of musqueteers. Next came a
procession of the clergy in their ecclesiastical robes, and with the banners of
the church. This procession was led by the bishops, who bore effigies of the
Virgin Mary and of St. Nicholas, the patron saint of Russia. Following the
clergy appeared Dmitri, mounted on a white charger, and surrounded by a
splendid retinue. He proceeded first to the church of Notre Dame, where a
Te Deum was chanted, and where the new monarch received the sacrament.
He then visited the tomb of Ivan IV., and kneeling upon it, as the tomb of
his father, implored God's blessing. Perceiving that the body of Boris
Gudenow had received interment in the royal cemetery, he ordered his
remains, with those of his wife and son, all three of whom Dmitri had
caused to be assassinated, to be removed to a common churchyard without
the city.
Either to silence those who might doubt his legitimacy or being truly the
son of Ivan IV., he sent two of the nobles, with a brilliant retinue, to the
convent, more than six hundred miles from Moscow, to which Boris had
banished the widow of Ivan. They were to conduct the queen dowager to
the capital. As she approached the city, Dmitri went out to receive her,
accompanied by a great number of his nobles. As soon as he perceived her
coach, he alighted, went on foot to meet his alleged mother, and threw
Page 237
himself into her arms with every demonstration of joy and affection, which
embraces she returned with equal tenderness. Then, with his head
uncovered, and walking by the side of her carriage, he conducted her to the
city and to the Kremlin. He ever after treated her with the deference due to
a mother, and received from her corresponding proofs of confidence and
affection.
But Dmitri was thoroughly a bad man, and every day became more
unpopular. He debauched the young sister of Feodor, and then shut her up
in a convent. He banished seventy noble families who were accused of
being the friends of Boris, and gave their estates and dignities to his Polish
partisans. A party was soon organized against him, who busily circulated
reports that he was an impostor, and a conspiracy was formed to take his
life. Perplexities and perils now gathered rapidly around his throne. He
surrounded himself with Polish guards, and thus increased the exasperation
of his subjects.
To add to his perplexities, another claimant of the crown appeared, who
declared himself to be the son of the late tzar, Feodor, son of Ivan IV. This
young man, named Peter, was seventeen years of age. He had raised his
standard on the other side of the Volga, and had rallied four thousand
partisans around him. In the meantime, Dmitri had made arrangements for
his marriage with Mariana Meneiski, a Polish princess, of the Roman
church. This princess was married to the tzar by proxy, in Cracow, and in
January, 1606, with a numerous retinue set out on her journey to Moscow.
She did not reach the capital of Moscow until the 1st of May. Her father's
whole family, and several thousand armed Polanders, by way of guard,
accompanied her. Many of the Polish nobles also took this opportunity of
visiting Russia, and a multitude of merchants put themselves in her train for
purposes of traffic.
The tzarina was met, at some distance from Moscow, by the royal guard,
and escorted to the city, where she was received with ringing of bells,
shoutings, discharge of cannons and all the ordinary and extraordinary
demonstrations of popular joy. On the 8th of May, the ceremony of blessing
the marriage was performed by the patriarch, and immediately after she was
crowned tzarina with greater pomp than Russia had ever witnessed before.
But the appearance of this immense train of armed Poles incensed the
embraces she returned with equal tenderness. Then, with his head
uncovered, and walking by the side of her carriage, he conducted her to the
city and to the Kremlin. He ever after treated her with the deference due to
a mother, and received from her corresponding proofs of confidence and
affection.
But Dmitri was thoroughly a bad man, and every day became more
unpopular. He debauched the young sister of Feodor, and then shut her up
in a convent. He banished seventy noble families who were accused of
being the friends of Boris, and gave their estates and dignities to his Polish
partisans. A party was soon organized against him, who busily circulated
reports that he was an impostor, and a conspiracy was formed to take his
life. Perplexities and perils now gathered rapidly around his throne. He
surrounded himself with Polish guards, and thus increased the exasperation
of his subjects.
To add to his perplexities, another claimant of the crown appeared, who
declared himself to be the son of the late tzar, Feodor, son of Ivan IV. This
young man, named Peter, was seventeen years of age. He had raised his
standard on the other side of the Volga, and had rallied four thousand
partisans around him. In the meantime, Dmitri had made arrangements for
his marriage with Mariana Meneiski, a Polish princess, of the Roman
church. This princess was married to the tzar by proxy, in Cracow, and in
January, 1606, with a numerous retinue set out on her journey to Moscow.
She did not reach the capital of Moscow until the 1st of May. Her father's
whole family, and several thousand armed Polanders, by way of guard,
accompanied her. Many of the Polish nobles also took this opportunity of
visiting Russia, and a multitude of merchants put themselves in her train for
purposes of traffic.
The tzarina was met, at some distance from Moscow, by the royal guard,
and escorted to the city, where she was received with ringing of bells,
shoutings, discharge of cannons and all the ordinary and extraordinary
demonstrations of popular joy. On the 8th of May, the ceremony of blessing
the marriage was performed by the patriarch, and immediately after she was
crowned tzarina with greater pomp than Russia had ever witnessed before.
But the appearance of this immense train of armed Poles incensed the
Page 238
Russians; and the clergy, who were jealous of the encroachments of the
church of Rome, were alarmed in behalf of their religion. An intrepid noble,
Zuski, now resolved, by the energies of a popular insurrection, to rid the
throne of Dmitri. With great sagacity and energy the conspiracy was
formed. The tzarina was to give a grand entertainment on the evening of the
17th of May, and the conspirators fixed upon that occasion for the
consummation of their plan. Twenty thousand troops were under the orders
of Zuski, and he had led them all into the city, under the pretense of having
them assist in the festival.
At six o'clock in the morning of the appointed day these troops,
accompanied by some thousands of the populace, surrounded the palace and
seized its gates. A division was then sent in, who commenced the
indiscriminate massacre of all who were, or who looked like Polanders. It
was taken for granted that all in the palace were either Poles or their
partisans. The alarm bells were now rung, and Zuski traversed the streets
with a drawn saber in one hand and a cross in the other, rousing the ignorant
populace by the cry that the Poles had taken up arms to murder the
Russians. Dmitri, in his chamber, hearing the cries of the dying and the
shrieks of those who fled before the assassins, leaped from his window into
the court yard, and, by his fall, dislocated his thigh. He was immediately
seized, conveyed into the grand hall of audience, and a strong guard was set
over him.
The murderers ransacked the palace, penetrating every room, killing every
Polish man and treating the Polish ladies with the utmost brutality. They
inquired eagerly for the tzarina, but she was nowhere to be found. She had
concealed herself beneath the hoop of an elderly lady whose gray hairs and
withered cheek had preserved her from violence. Zuski now went to the
dowager tzarina, the widow of Ivan IV., and demanded that she should take
her oath upon the Gospels whether Dmitri were her son. He reported that,
thus pressed, she confessed that he was an impostor, and that her true son
had perished many years before. The conspirators now fell upon Dmitri and
his body was pierced with a thousand dagger thrusts. His mangled remains
were then dragged through the streets and burned. Mariana was soon after
arrested and sent to prison. It is said that nearly two thousand Poles
perished in this massacre.
church of Rome, were alarmed in behalf of their religion. An intrepid noble,
Zuski, now resolved, by the energies of a popular insurrection, to rid the
throne of Dmitri. With great sagacity and energy the conspiracy was
formed. The tzarina was to give a grand entertainment on the evening of the
17th of May, and the conspirators fixed upon that occasion for the
consummation of their plan. Twenty thousand troops were under the orders
of Zuski, and he had led them all into the city, under the pretense of having
them assist in the festival.
At six o'clock in the morning of the appointed day these troops,
accompanied by some thousands of the populace, surrounded the palace and
seized its gates. A division was then sent in, who commenced the
indiscriminate massacre of all who were, or who looked like Polanders. It
was taken for granted that all in the palace were either Poles or their
partisans. The alarm bells were now rung, and Zuski traversed the streets
with a drawn saber in one hand and a cross in the other, rousing the ignorant
populace by the cry that the Poles had taken up arms to murder the
Russians. Dmitri, in his chamber, hearing the cries of the dying and the
shrieks of those who fled before the assassins, leaped from his window into
the court yard, and, by his fall, dislocated his thigh. He was immediately
seized, conveyed into the grand hall of audience, and a strong guard was set
over him.
The murderers ransacked the palace, penetrating every room, killing every
Polish man and treating the Polish ladies with the utmost brutality. They
inquired eagerly for the tzarina, but she was nowhere to be found. She had
concealed herself beneath the hoop of an elderly lady whose gray hairs and
withered cheek had preserved her from violence. Zuski now went to the
dowager tzarina, the widow of Ivan IV., and demanded that she should take
her oath upon the Gospels whether Dmitri were her son. He reported that,
thus pressed, she confessed that he was an impostor, and that her true son
had perished many years before. The conspirators now fell upon Dmitri and
his body was pierced with a thousand dagger thrusts. His mangled remains
were then dragged through the streets and burned. Mariana was soon after
arrested and sent to prison. It is said that nearly two thousand Poles
perished in this massacre.
Page 239
Even to the present day opinion is divided in Russia in regard to Dmitri,
whether he was an impostor or the son of Ivan IV. Respecting his character
there is no dispute. All that can be said in his favor is that he would not
commit an atrocious crime unless impelled to it by very strong temptation.
There was now no one who seemed to have any legitimate title to the throne
of Russia.
The nobles and the senators who were at Moscow then met to proceed to
the election of a new sovereign. It was an event almost without a parallel in
Russian history. The lords, though very friendly in their deliberations, found
it difficult to decide into whose hands to intrust the scepter. It was at last
unanimously concluded to make an appeal to the people. Their voice was
for Zuski. He was accordingly declared tzar and was soon after crowned
with a degree of unanimity which, though well authenticated, seems
inexplicable.
The Poles were exasperated beyond measure at the massacre of so many of
their nobles and at the insult offered to Mariana, the tzarina. But Poland was
at that time distracted by civil strife, and the king found it expedient to
postpone the hour of vengeance. Zuski commenced his reign by adopting
measures which gave him great popularity with the adjoining kingdoms,
while they did not diminish the favorable regards of the people. But
suddenly affairs assumed a new aspect, so strange that a writer of fiction
would hardly have ventured to imagine it. An artful man, a schoolmaster in
Poland, who could speak the Russian language, declared that he was
Dmitri; that he had escaped from the massacre in his palace, and that it was
another man, mistaken for him, whom the assassins had killed. Poland,
inspired by revenge, eagerly embraced this man's cause. Mariana, who had
been liberated from prison, was let into the secret, and willing to ascend
again to the grandeur from which she had fallen, entered with cordial
coöperation into this new intrigue. The widowed tzarina and the Polish
adventurer contrived their first meeting in the presence of a large concourse
of nobles and citizens. They rushed together in a warm embrace, while tears
of affected transport bedewed their cheeks. The farce was so admirably
performed that many were deceived, and this new Dmitri and the tzarina
occupied for several days the same tent in the Polish encampment,
apparently as husband and wife.
whether he was an impostor or the son of Ivan IV. Respecting his character
there is no dispute. All that can be said in his favor is that he would not
commit an atrocious crime unless impelled to it by very strong temptation.
There was now no one who seemed to have any legitimate title to the throne
of Russia.
The nobles and the senators who were at Moscow then met to proceed to
the election of a new sovereign. It was an event almost without a parallel in
Russian history. The lords, though very friendly in their deliberations, found
it difficult to decide into whose hands to intrust the scepter. It was at last
unanimously concluded to make an appeal to the people. Their voice was
for Zuski. He was accordingly declared tzar and was soon after crowned
with a degree of unanimity which, though well authenticated, seems
inexplicable.
The Poles were exasperated beyond measure at the massacre of so many of
their nobles and at the insult offered to Mariana, the tzarina. But Poland was
at that time distracted by civil strife, and the king found it expedient to
postpone the hour of vengeance. Zuski commenced his reign by adopting
measures which gave him great popularity with the adjoining kingdoms,
while they did not diminish the favorable regards of the people. But
suddenly affairs assumed a new aspect, so strange that a writer of fiction
would hardly have ventured to imagine it. An artful man, a schoolmaster in
Poland, who could speak the Russian language, declared that he was
Dmitri; that he had escaped from the massacre in his palace, and that it was
another man, mistaken for him, whom the assassins had killed. Poland,
inspired by revenge, eagerly embraced this man's cause. Mariana, who had
been liberated from prison, was let into the secret, and willing to ascend
again to the grandeur from which she had fallen, entered with cordial
coöperation into this new intrigue. The widowed tzarina and the Polish
adventurer contrived their first meeting in the presence of a large concourse
of nobles and citizens. They rushed together in a warm embrace, while tears
of affected transport bedewed their cheeks. The farce was so admirably
performed that many were deceived, and this new Dmitri and the tzarina
occupied for several days the same tent in the Polish encampment,
apparently as husband and wife.
Page 240
CHAPTER XVII.
A CHANGE OF DYNASTY.
From 1608 to 1680.
Conquests by Poland.—Sweden in Alliance with Russia.—Grandeur of
Poland.—Ladislaus Elected King of Russia.—Commotions and
Insurrections.—Rejection of Ladislaus and Election of Michael Feodor
Romanow.—Sorrow of His Mother.—Pacific Character of Romanow.—
Choice of a Bride.—Eudochia Streschnew.—The Archbishop Feodor.—
Death of Michael and Accession of Alexis.—Love in the Palace.—
Successful Intrigue.—Mobs in Moscow.—Change in the Character of
the Tzar.—Turkish Invasions.—Alliance Between Russia and Poland.
This public testimonial of conjugal love led men, who had before doubted
the pretender, to repose confidence in his claims. The King of Poland took
advantage of the confusion now reigning in Russia to extend his dominions
by wresting still more border territory from his great rival. In this exigence,
Zuski purchased the loan of an army of five thousand men from Sweden by
surrendering Livonia to the Swedes. With these succors united to his own
troops, he marched to meet the pretended Dmitri. There was now universal
confusion in Russia. The two hostile armies, avoiding a decisive
engagement, were maneuvering and engaging in incessant petty skirmishes,
which resulted only in bloodshed and misery. Thus five years of national
woe lingered away. The people became weary of both the claimants for the
crown, and the nobles boldly met, regardless of the rival combatants, and
resolved to choose a new sovereign.
Poland had then attained the summit of its greatness. As an energetic
military power, it was superior to Russia. To conciliate Poland, whose
aggressions were greatly feared, the Russian nobles chose, for their
sovereign, Ladislaus, son of Sigismond, the King of Poland. They hoped
A CHANGE OF DYNASTY.
From 1608 to 1680.
Conquests by Poland.—Sweden in Alliance with Russia.—Grandeur of
Poland.—Ladislaus Elected King of Russia.—Commotions and
Insurrections.—Rejection of Ladislaus and Election of Michael Feodor
Romanow.—Sorrow of His Mother.—Pacific Character of Romanow.—
Choice of a Bride.—Eudochia Streschnew.—The Archbishop Feodor.—
Death of Michael and Accession of Alexis.—Love in the Palace.—
Successful Intrigue.—Mobs in Moscow.—Change in the Character of
the Tzar.—Turkish Invasions.—Alliance Between Russia and Poland.
This public testimonial of conjugal love led men, who had before doubted
the pretender, to repose confidence in his claims. The King of Poland took
advantage of the confusion now reigning in Russia to extend his dominions
by wresting still more border territory from his great rival. In this exigence,
Zuski purchased the loan of an army of five thousand men from Sweden by
surrendering Livonia to the Swedes. With these succors united to his own
troops, he marched to meet the pretended Dmitri. There was now universal
confusion in Russia. The two hostile armies, avoiding a decisive
engagement, were maneuvering and engaging in incessant petty skirmishes,
which resulted only in bloodshed and misery. Thus five years of national
woe lingered away. The people became weary of both the claimants for the
crown, and the nobles boldly met, regardless of the rival combatants, and
resolved to choose a new sovereign.
Poland had then attained the summit of its greatness. As an energetic
military power, it was superior to Russia. To conciliate Poland, whose
aggressions were greatly feared, the Russian nobles chose, for their
sovereign, Ladislaus, son of Sigismond, the King of Poland. They hoped
Page 241
thus to withdraw the Polish armies from the banners of the pretended
Dmitri, and also to secure peace for their war-blasted kingdom.
Ladislaus accepted the crown. Zuski was seized, deposed, shaved, dressed
in a friar's robe and shut up in a convent to count his beads. He soon died of
that malignant poison, grief. Dmitri made a show of opposition, but he was
soon assassinated by his own men, who were convinced of the hopelessness
of his cause. His party, however, lasted for many years, bringing forward a
young man who was called his son. At one time there was quite an
enthusiasm in his favor, crowds flocked to his camp, and he even sent
embassadors to Gustavus IX., King of Sweden, proposing an alliance. At
last he was betrayed by some of his own party, and was sent to Moscow,
where he was hanged.
Sigismond was much perplexed in deciding whether to consent to his son's
accepting the crown of Russia. That kingdom was now in such a state of
confusion and weakness that he was quite sanguine that he would be able to
conquer it by force of arms and bring the whole empire under the dominion
of his own scepter. His armies were already besieging Smolensk, and the
city was hourly expected to fall into their hands. This would open to them
almost an unobstructed march to Moscow. The Poles, generally warlike and
ambitious of conquest, represented to Sigismond that it would be far more
glorious for him to be the conqueror of Russia than to be merely the father
of its tzar.
Sigismond, with trivial excuses, detained his son in Poland, while, under
various pretexts, he continued to pour his troops into Russia. Ten thousand
armed Poles were sent to Moscow to be in readiness to receive the newly-
elected monarch upon his arrival. Their general, Stanislaus, artfully
contrived even to place a thousand of these Polish troops in garrison in the
citadel of Moscow. These foreign soldiers at last became so insolent that
there was a general rising of the populace, and they were threatened with
utter extermination. The storm of passion thus raised, no earthly power
could quell. The awful slaughter was commenced, and the Poles, conscious
of their danger, resorted to the horrible but only measure which could save
them from destruction. They immediately set fire to the city in many
different places. The city then consisted of one hundred and eighty thousand
houses, most of them being of wood. As the flames rose, sweeping from
Dmitri, and also to secure peace for their war-blasted kingdom.
Ladislaus accepted the crown. Zuski was seized, deposed, shaved, dressed
in a friar's robe and shut up in a convent to count his beads. He soon died of
that malignant poison, grief. Dmitri made a show of opposition, but he was
soon assassinated by his own men, who were convinced of the hopelessness
of his cause. His party, however, lasted for many years, bringing forward a
young man who was called his son. At one time there was quite an
enthusiasm in his favor, crowds flocked to his camp, and he even sent
embassadors to Gustavus IX., King of Sweden, proposing an alliance. At
last he was betrayed by some of his own party, and was sent to Moscow,
where he was hanged.
Sigismond was much perplexed in deciding whether to consent to his son's
accepting the crown of Russia. That kingdom was now in such a state of
confusion and weakness that he was quite sanguine that he would be able to
conquer it by force of arms and bring the whole empire under the dominion
of his own scepter. His armies were already besieging Smolensk, and the
city was hourly expected to fall into their hands. This would open to them
almost an unobstructed march to Moscow. The Poles, generally warlike and
ambitious of conquest, represented to Sigismond that it would be far more
glorious for him to be the conqueror of Russia than to be merely the father
of its tzar.
Sigismond, with trivial excuses, detained his son in Poland, while, under
various pretexts, he continued to pour his troops into Russia. Ten thousand
armed Poles were sent to Moscow to be in readiness to receive the newly-
elected monarch upon his arrival. Their general, Stanislaus, artfully
contrived even to place a thousand of these Polish troops in garrison in the
citadel of Moscow. These foreign soldiers at last became so insolent that
there was a general rising of the populace, and they were threatened with
utter extermination. The storm of passion thus raised, no earthly power
could quell. The awful slaughter was commenced, and the Poles, conscious
of their danger, resorted to the horrible but only measure which could save
them from destruction. They immediately set fire to the city in many
different places. The city then consisted of one hundred and eighty thousand
houses, most of them being of wood. As the flames rose, sweeping from
Page 242
house to house and from street to street, the inhabitants, distracted by the
endeavor to save their wives, their children and their property, threw down
their arms and dispersed. When thus helpless, the Poles fell upon them, and
one of the most awful massacres ensued of which history gives any record.
A hundred thousand of the wretched people of Moscow perished beneath
the Polish cimeters. For fifteen days the depopulated and smouldering
capital was surrendered to pillage. The royal treasury, the churches, the
convents were all plundered. The Poles, then, laden with booty, but leaving
a garrison in the citadel, evacuated the ruined city and commenced their
march to Poland.
These horrors roused the Russians. An army under a heroic general,
Zachary Lippenow, besieged the Polish garrison, starved them into a
surrender, and put them all to death. The nobles then met, declared the
election of Ladislaus void, on account of his not coming to Moscow to
accept it, and again proceeded to the choice of a sovereign. After long
deliberation, one man ventured to propose a candidate very different from
any who had before been thought of. It was Michael Feodor Romanow. He
was a studious, philosophic young man, seventeen years of age. His father
was archbishop of Rostow, a man of exalted reputation, both for genius and
piety. Michael, with his mother, was in a convent at Castroma. It was
modestly urged that in this young man there were centered all the
qualifications essential for the promotion of the tranquillity of the State.
There were but three males of his family living, and thus the State would
avoid the evil of having numerous relatives of the prince to be cared for. He
was entirely free from embroilments in the late troubles. As his father was a
clergyman of known piety and virtue, he would counsel his son to peace,
and would conscientiously seek the best good of the empire.
The proposition, sustained by such views, was accepted with general
acclaim. There were several nobles from Castroma who testified that
though they were not personally acquainted with young Romanow, they
believed him to be a youth of unusual intelligence, discretion and moral
worth. As the nobles were anxious not to act hastily in a matter of such
great importance, they dispatched two of their number to Castroma with a
letter to the mother of Michael, urging her to repair immediately with her
son to Moscow.
endeavor to save their wives, their children and their property, threw down
their arms and dispersed. When thus helpless, the Poles fell upon them, and
one of the most awful massacres ensued of which history gives any record.
A hundred thousand of the wretched people of Moscow perished beneath
the Polish cimeters. For fifteen days the depopulated and smouldering
capital was surrendered to pillage. The royal treasury, the churches, the
convents were all plundered. The Poles, then, laden with booty, but leaving
a garrison in the citadel, evacuated the ruined city and commenced their
march to Poland.
These horrors roused the Russians. An army under a heroic general,
Zachary Lippenow, besieged the Polish garrison, starved them into a
surrender, and put them all to death. The nobles then met, declared the
election of Ladislaus void, on account of his not coming to Moscow to
accept it, and again proceeded to the choice of a sovereign. After long
deliberation, one man ventured to propose a candidate very different from
any who had before been thought of. It was Michael Feodor Romanow. He
was a studious, philosophic young man, seventeen years of age. His father
was archbishop of Rostow, a man of exalted reputation, both for genius and
piety. Michael, with his mother, was in a convent at Castroma. It was
modestly urged that in this young man there were centered all the
qualifications essential for the promotion of the tranquillity of the State.
There were but three males of his family living, and thus the State would
avoid the evil of having numerous relatives of the prince to be cared for. He
was entirely free from embroilments in the late troubles. As his father was a
clergyman of known piety and virtue, he would counsel his son to peace,
and would conscientiously seek the best good of the empire.
The proposition, sustained by such views, was accepted with general
acclaim. There were several nobles from Castroma who testified that
though they were not personally acquainted with young Romanow, they
believed him to be a youth of unusual intelligence, discretion and moral
worth. As the nobles were anxious not to act hastily in a matter of such
great importance, they dispatched two of their number to Castroma with a
letter to the mother of Michael, urging her to repair immediately with her
son to Moscow.
Page 243
The affectionate, judicious mother, upon the reception of this letter, burst
into tears of anguish, lamenting the calamity which was impending.
"My son," she said, "my only son is to be taken from me to be placed upon
the throne, only to be miserably slaughtered like so many of the tzars who
have preceded him."
She wrote to the electors entreating them that her son might be excused,
saying that he was altogether too young to reign, that his father was a
prisoner in Poland, and that her son had no relations capable of assisting
him with their advice. This letter, on the whole, did but confirm the
assembly of nobles in their conviction that they could not make a better
choice than that of the young Romanow. They accordingly, with great
unanimity, elected Michael Feodor Romanow, sovereign of all the Russias;
then, repairing in a body to the cathedral, they proclaimed him to the people
as their sovereign. The announcement was received with rapturous
applause. It was thus that the house of Romanow was placed upon the
throne of Russia. It retains the throne to the present day.
Michael, incited by singular sagacity and by true Christian philanthropy,
commenced his reign by the most efficient measures to secure the peace of
the empire. As soon as he had notified his election to the King of Poland,
his father, archbishop of Rostow, was set at liberty and sent home. He was
immediately created by his son patriarch of all Russia, an office in the
Greek church almost equivalent to that of the pope in the Romish hierarchy.
While these scenes were transpiring, Charles IX. died, and Gustavus
Adolphus succeeded to the throne of Sweden. Gustavus and Michael both
desired peace, the preliminaries were soon settled, and peace was
established upon a basis far more advantageous to the Swedes than to the
Russians. By this treaty, Russia ceded to Sweden territory, which deprived
Russia of all access to the Baltic Sea. Thus the only point now upon which
Russia touched the ocean, was on the North Sea. No enemies remained to
Russia but the Poles. Here there was trouble enough. Ladislaus still
demanded the throne, and invaded the empire with an immense army. He
advanced, ravaging the country, even to the gates of Moscow. But, finding
that he had no partisans in the kingdom, and that powerful armies were
combining against him, he consented to a truce for fourteen years.
into tears of anguish, lamenting the calamity which was impending.
"My son," she said, "my only son is to be taken from me to be placed upon
the throne, only to be miserably slaughtered like so many of the tzars who
have preceded him."
She wrote to the electors entreating them that her son might be excused,
saying that he was altogether too young to reign, that his father was a
prisoner in Poland, and that her son had no relations capable of assisting
him with their advice. This letter, on the whole, did but confirm the
assembly of nobles in their conviction that they could not make a better
choice than that of the young Romanow. They accordingly, with great
unanimity, elected Michael Feodor Romanow, sovereign of all the Russias;
then, repairing in a body to the cathedral, they proclaimed him to the people
as their sovereign. The announcement was received with rapturous
applause. It was thus that the house of Romanow was placed upon the
throne of Russia. It retains the throne to the present day.
Michael, incited by singular sagacity and by true Christian philanthropy,
commenced his reign by the most efficient measures to secure the peace of
the empire. As soon as he had notified his election to the King of Poland,
his father, archbishop of Rostow, was set at liberty and sent home. He was
immediately created by his son patriarch of all Russia, an office in the
Greek church almost equivalent to that of the pope in the Romish hierarchy.
While these scenes were transpiring, Charles IX. died, and Gustavus
Adolphus succeeded to the throne of Sweden. Gustavus and Michael both
desired peace, the preliminaries were soon settled, and peace was
established upon a basis far more advantageous to the Swedes than to the
Russians. By this treaty, Russia ceded to Sweden territory, which deprived
Russia of all access to the Baltic Sea. Thus the only point now upon which
Russia touched the ocean, was on the North Sea. No enemies remained to
Russia but the Poles. Here there was trouble enough. Ladislaus still
demanded the throne, and invaded the empire with an immense army. He
advanced, ravaging the country, even to the gates of Moscow. But, finding
that he had no partisans in the kingdom, and that powerful armies were
combining against him, he consented to a truce for fourteen years.
Page 244
Russia was now at peace with all the world. The young tzar, aided by the
counsels of his excellent father, devoted himself with untiring energy to the
promotion of the prosperity of his subjects. It was deemed a matter of much
political importance that the tzar should be immediately married. According
to the custom of the empire, all the most beautiful girls were collected for
the monarch to make his choice. They were received in the palace, and were
lodged separately though they all dined together. The tzar saw them, either
incognito or without disguise, as suited his pleasure. The day for the
nuptials was appointed, and the bridal robes prepared when no one knew
upon whom the monarch's choice had been fixed. On the morning of the
nuptial day the robes were presented to the empress elect, who then, for the
first time, learned that she had proved the successful candidate. The rejected
maidens were returned to their homes laden with rich presents.
The young lady selected, was Eudocia Streschnew, who chanced to be the
daughter of a very worthy gentleman, in quite straitened circumstances,
residing nearly two hundred miles from Moscow. The messenger who was
sent to inform him that his daughter was Empress of Russia, found him in
the field at work with his domestics. The good old man was conducted to
Moscow; but he soon grew weary of the splendors of the court, and
entreated permission to return again to his humble rural home. Eudocia,
reared in virtuous retirement, proved as lovely in character as she was
beautiful in person, and she soon won the love of the nation. The first year
of her marriage, she gave birth to a daughter. The three next children proved
also daughters, to the great disappointment of their parents. But in the year
1630, a son was born, and not only the court, but all Russia, was filled with
rejoicing. In the year 1634, the tzar met with one of the greatest of
afflictions in the loss of his father by death. His reverence for the venerable
patriarch Feodor, had been such that he was ever his principal counselor,
and all his public acts were proclaimed in the name of the tzar and his
majesty's father, the most holy patriarch.
"As he had joined," writes an ancient historian, "the miter to the sword,
having been a general in the army before he was an ecclesiastic, the affable
and modest behaviour, so becoming the ministers of the altar, had tempered
and corrected the fire of the warrior, and rendered his manners amiable to
all that came near him."
counsels of his excellent father, devoted himself with untiring energy to the
promotion of the prosperity of his subjects. It was deemed a matter of much
political importance that the tzar should be immediately married. According
to the custom of the empire, all the most beautiful girls were collected for
the monarch to make his choice. They were received in the palace, and were
lodged separately though they all dined together. The tzar saw them, either
incognito or without disguise, as suited his pleasure. The day for the
nuptials was appointed, and the bridal robes prepared when no one knew
upon whom the monarch's choice had been fixed. On the morning of the
nuptial day the robes were presented to the empress elect, who then, for the
first time, learned that she had proved the successful candidate. The rejected
maidens were returned to their homes laden with rich presents.
The young lady selected, was Eudocia Streschnew, who chanced to be the
daughter of a very worthy gentleman, in quite straitened circumstances,
residing nearly two hundred miles from Moscow. The messenger who was
sent to inform him that his daughter was Empress of Russia, found him in
the field at work with his domestics. The good old man was conducted to
Moscow; but he soon grew weary of the splendors of the court, and
entreated permission to return again to his humble rural home. Eudocia,
reared in virtuous retirement, proved as lovely in character as she was
beautiful in person, and she soon won the love of the nation. The first year
of her marriage, she gave birth to a daughter. The three next children proved
also daughters, to the great disappointment of their parents. But in the year
1630, a son was born, and not only the court, but all Russia, was filled with
rejoicing. In the year 1634, the tzar met with one of the greatest of
afflictions in the loss of his father by death. His reverence for the venerable
patriarch Feodor, had been such that he was ever his principal counselor,
and all his public acts were proclaimed in the name of the tzar and his
majesty's father, the most holy patriarch.
"As he had joined," writes an ancient historian, "the miter to the sword,
having been a general in the army before he was an ecclesiastic, the affable
and modest behaviour, so becoming the ministers of the altar, had tempered
and corrected the fire of the warrior, and rendered his manners amiable to
all that came near him."
Page 245
The reign of Michael proved almost a constant success. His wisdom and
probity caused him to be respected by the neighboring States, while the
empire, in the enjoyment of peace, was rapidly developing all its resources,
and increasing in wealth, population and power. His court was constantly
filled with embassadors from all the monarchies of Europe and even of
Asia. The tzar, rightly considering peace as almost the choicest of all
earthly blessings, resisted all temptations to draw the sword. There were a
few trivial interruptions of peace during his reign; but the dark clouds of
war, by his energies, were soon dispelled. This pacific prince, one of the
most worthy who ever sat upon any throne, died revered by his subjects on
the 12th of July, 1645, in the forty-ninth year of his age and the thirty-third
of his reign. He left but two children—a son, Alexis, who succeeded him,
and a daughter, Irene, who a few years after died unmarried.
Alexis was but sixteen years of age when he succeeded to the throne. To
prevent the possibility of any cabals being formed, in consequence of his
youth, he was crowned the day after his father's death. In one week from
that time Eudocia also died, her death being hastened by grief for the loss of
her husband. An ambitious noble, Moroson, supremely selfish, but cool,
calculating and persevering, attained the post of prime minister or counselor
of the young tzar. The great object of his aim was to make himself the first
subject in the empire. In the accomplishment of this object there were two
leading measures to which he resorted. The first was to keep the young tzar
as much as possible from taking any part in the transactions of state, by
involving him in an incessant round of pleasures. The next step was to
secure for the tzar a wife who would be under his own influence. The love
of pleasure incident to youth rendered the first measure not difficult of
accomplishment. Peculiar circumstances seemed remarkably to favor the
second measure. There was a nobleman of high rank but of small fortune,
strongly attached to Moroson, who had two daughters of marvelous beauty.
Moroson doubted not that he could lead his ardent young monarch to marry
one of these lovely sisters, and he resolved himself to marry the other. He
would thus become the brother-in-law of the emperor. Through his wife he
would be able to influence her sister, the empress. The family would also all
feel that they were indebted to him for their elevation. The plan was
triumphantly successful.
probity caused him to be respected by the neighboring States, while the
empire, in the enjoyment of peace, was rapidly developing all its resources,
and increasing in wealth, population and power. His court was constantly
filled with embassadors from all the monarchies of Europe and even of
Asia. The tzar, rightly considering peace as almost the choicest of all
earthly blessings, resisted all temptations to draw the sword. There were a
few trivial interruptions of peace during his reign; but the dark clouds of
war, by his energies, were soon dispelled. This pacific prince, one of the
most worthy who ever sat upon any throne, died revered by his subjects on
the 12th of July, 1645, in the forty-ninth year of his age and the thirty-third
of his reign. He left but two children—a son, Alexis, who succeeded him,
and a daughter, Irene, who a few years after died unmarried.
Alexis was but sixteen years of age when he succeeded to the throne. To
prevent the possibility of any cabals being formed, in consequence of his
youth, he was crowned the day after his father's death. In one week from
that time Eudocia also died, her death being hastened by grief for the loss of
her husband. An ambitious noble, Moroson, supremely selfish, but cool,
calculating and persevering, attained the post of prime minister or counselor
of the young tzar. The great object of his aim was to make himself the first
subject in the empire. In the accomplishment of this object there were two
leading measures to which he resorted. The first was to keep the young tzar
as much as possible from taking any part in the transactions of state, by
involving him in an incessant round of pleasures. The next step was to
secure for the tzar a wife who would be under his own influence. The love
of pleasure incident to youth rendered the first measure not difficult of
accomplishment. Peculiar circumstances seemed remarkably to favor the
second measure. There was a nobleman of high rank but of small fortune,
strongly attached to Moroson, who had two daughters of marvelous beauty.
Moroson doubted not that he could lead his ardent young monarch to marry
one of these lovely sisters, and he resolved himself to marry the other. He
would thus become the brother-in-law of the emperor. Through his wife he
would be able to influence her sister, the empress. The family would also all
feel that they were indebted to him for their elevation. The plan was
triumphantly successful.
Page 246
The two young ladies were invited to court, and were decorated to make the
most impressive display of their loveliness. With the young tzar, a boy of
sixteen, it was love at first sight, and that very day he told Moroson that he
wished to marry Maria, the eldest of the beauties. Rich presents were
immediately lavished upon the whole family, so that they could make their
appearance at court with suitable splendor. The tzar and Maria were
immediately betrothed, and in just eight days the ardent lover led his bride
from the altar. At the end of another week Moroson married the other sister.
Moroson and Miloslouski, the father of the two brides, now ruled Russia,
while the tzar surrendered himself to amusements.
The people soon became exasperated by the haughtiness and insolence of
the duumvirate, and murmurs growing deeper and louder, ere long led to an
insurrection. On the 6th of July, 1648, the tzar, engaged in some civic
celebration, was escorted in a procession to one of the monasteries of
Moscow. The populace assembled in immense numbers to see him pass. On
his return the crowd broke through the attendant guards, seized the bridle of
his horse, and entreated him to listen to their complaints concerning the
outrages perpetrated by his ministers. The tzar, much alarmed by their
violence, listened impatiently to their complaints and promised to render
them satisfaction. The people were appeased, and were quietly retiring
when the partisans of the ministers rode among them, assailing them with
abusive language, crowding them with their horses, and even striking at
them with their whips. The populace, incensed, began to pelt them with
stones, and though the guard of the tzar came to their rescue, they escaped
with difficulty to the palace. The mob was now thoroughly aroused. They
rushed to the palace of Moroson, burst down the doors, and sacked every
apartment. They even tore from the person of his wife her jewels, throwing
them into the street, but in other respects treating her with civility. They
then passed to the palace of Miloslauski, treating it in the same manner. The
mob had now possession of Moscow. Palace after palace of the partisans of
the ministers was sacked, and several of the most distinguished members of
the court were massacred.
The tzar, entirely deficient in energy, remained trembling in the Kremlin
during the whole of the night of the 6th of July, only entreating his friends
to strengthen the guards and to secure the palace from the outrages of the
populace. Afraid to trust the Russian troops, who might be found in
most impressive display of their loveliness. With the young tzar, a boy of
sixteen, it was love at first sight, and that very day he told Moroson that he
wished to marry Maria, the eldest of the beauties. Rich presents were
immediately lavished upon the whole family, so that they could make their
appearance at court with suitable splendor. The tzar and Maria were
immediately betrothed, and in just eight days the ardent lover led his bride
from the altar. At the end of another week Moroson married the other sister.
Moroson and Miloslouski, the father of the two brides, now ruled Russia,
while the tzar surrendered himself to amusements.
The people soon became exasperated by the haughtiness and insolence of
the duumvirate, and murmurs growing deeper and louder, ere long led to an
insurrection. On the 6th of July, 1648, the tzar, engaged in some civic
celebration, was escorted in a procession to one of the monasteries of
Moscow. The populace assembled in immense numbers to see him pass. On
his return the crowd broke through the attendant guards, seized the bridle of
his horse, and entreated him to listen to their complaints concerning the
outrages perpetrated by his ministers. The tzar, much alarmed by their
violence, listened impatiently to their complaints and promised to render
them satisfaction. The people were appeased, and were quietly retiring
when the partisans of the ministers rode among them, assailing them with
abusive language, crowding them with their horses, and even striking at
them with their whips. The populace, incensed, began to pelt them with
stones, and though the guard of the tzar came to their rescue, they escaped
with difficulty to the palace. The mob was now thoroughly aroused. They
rushed to the palace of Moroson, burst down the doors, and sacked every
apartment. They even tore from the person of his wife her jewels, throwing
them into the street, but in other respects treating her with civility. They
then passed to the palace of Miloslauski, treating it in the same manner. The
mob had now possession of Moscow. Palace after palace of the partisans of
the ministers was sacked, and several of the most distinguished members of
the court were massacred.
The tzar, entirely deficient in energy, remained trembling in the Kremlin
during the whole of the night of the 6th of July, only entreating his friends
to strengthen the guards and to secure the palace from the outrages of the
populace. Afraid to trust the Russian troops, who might be found in
Page 247
sympathy with the people, Alexis sent for a regiment of German troops who
were in his employ, and stationed them around the palace. He then sent out
an officer to disperse the crowd, assuring them that the disorders of which
they complained should be redressed. They demanded that the offending
ministers should be delivered to them, to be punished for the injuries they
had inflicted upon the empire. Alexis assured them, through his messenger,
upon his oath, that Moroson and Miloslauski had escaped, but promised that
the third minister whom they demanded, a noble by the name of Plesseon,
who was judge of the supreme court of judicature of Moscow, should be
brought out directly, and that those who had escaped should be delivered up
as soon as they could be arrested. The guilty, wretched man, thus doomed to
be the victim to appease the rage of the mob, in a quarter of an hour was led
out bareheaded by the servants of the tzar to the market-place. The mob fell
upon him with clubs, beat him to the earth, dragged him over the
pavements, and finally cut off his head. Thus satiated, about eleven o'clock
in the morning they dispersed and returned to their homes.
In the afternoon, however, the reign of violence was resumed. The city was
set on fire in several places, and the mob collected for plunder, making no
effort to extinguish the flames. The fire spread with such alarming rapidity
that the whole city was endangered. At length, however, after terrible
destruction of property and the loss of many lives, the fury of the
conflagration was arrested. The affrighted tzar now filled the important
posts of the ministry with men who had a reputation for justice, and the
clergy immediately espousing the cause of order, exhorted the populace to
that respect and obedience to the higher powers which their religion
enjoined. Alexis personally appeared before the people and addressed them
in a speech, in which he made no apology for the outrages which had been
committed by the government, but, assuming that the people were right in
their demands, promised to repeal the onerous duties, to abolish the
obnoxious monopolies, and even to increase the privileges which they had
formerly enjoyed. The people received this announcement with great
applause. The tzar, taking advantage of this return to friendliness, remarked,
"I have promised to deliver up to you Moroson and his confederates in the
government. Their acts I admit to have been very unjust, but their personal
relations to me renders it peculiarly trying for me to condemn them. I hope
the people will not deny the first request I have ever made to them, which
were in his employ, and stationed them around the palace. He then sent out
an officer to disperse the crowd, assuring them that the disorders of which
they complained should be redressed. They demanded that the offending
ministers should be delivered to them, to be punished for the injuries they
had inflicted upon the empire. Alexis assured them, through his messenger,
upon his oath, that Moroson and Miloslauski had escaped, but promised that
the third minister whom they demanded, a noble by the name of Plesseon,
who was judge of the supreme court of judicature of Moscow, should be
brought out directly, and that those who had escaped should be delivered up
as soon as they could be arrested. The guilty, wretched man, thus doomed to
be the victim to appease the rage of the mob, in a quarter of an hour was led
out bareheaded by the servants of the tzar to the market-place. The mob fell
upon him with clubs, beat him to the earth, dragged him over the
pavements, and finally cut off his head. Thus satiated, about eleven o'clock
in the morning they dispersed and returned to their homes.
In the afternoon, however, the reign of violence was resumed. The city was
set on fire in several places, and the mob collected for plunder, making no
effort to extinguish the flames. The fire spread with such alarming rapidity
that the whole city was endangered. At length, however, after terrible
destruction of property and the loss of many lives, the fury of the
conflagration was arrested. The affrighted tzar now filled the important
posts of the ministry with men who had a reputation for justice, and the
clergy immediately espousing the cause of order, exhorted the populace to
that respect and obedience to the higher powers which their religion
enjoined. Alexis personally appeared before the people and addressed them
in a speech, in which he made no apology for the outrages which had been
committed by the government, but, assuming that the people were right in
their demands, promised to repeal the onerous duties, to abolish the
obnoxious monopolies, and even to increase the privileges which they had
formerly enjoyed. The people received this announcement with great
applause. The tzar, taking advantage of this return to friendliness, remarked,
"I have promised to deliver up to you Moroson and his confederates in the
government. Their acts I admit to have been very unjust, but their personal
relations to me renders it peculiarly trying for me to condemn them. I hope
the people will not deny the first request I have ever made to them, which
Page 248
is, that these men, whom I have displaced, may be pardoned. I will answer
for them for the future, and assure you that their conduct shall be such as to
give you cause to rejoice at your lenity."
The people were so moved by this address, which the tzar pronounced with
tears, that, as with one accord, they shouted, "God grant his majesty a long
and happy life. The will of God and of the tzar be done." Peace was thus
restored between the government and the people, and great good accrued to
Russia from this successful insurrection.
During the early reign of Alexis, there were no foreign wars of any note.
The Poles were all the time busy in endeavors to beat back the Turks, who,
in wave after wave of invasion, were crossing the Danube. Upon the death
of Ladislaus, King of Poland, Alexis, who had then a fine army at his
command, offered to march to repel the Turks, if the Poles would choose
him King of Poland. But at the same time France made a still more alluring
offer, in case they would choose John Casimir, a prince in the interests of
France, as their sovereign. The choice fell upon John Casimir. The
provinces of Smolensk, Kiof and Tchernigov were then in possession of the
Poles, having been, in former wars, wrested from Russia. The Poles had
conquered them by taking advantage of internal troubles in Russia, which
enabled them with success to invade the empire.
Alexis now thought it right, in his turn, to take advantage of the weakness
of Poland, harassed by the Turks, to recover these lost provinces. He
accordingly marched to the city of Smolensk, and encamped before it with
an army of three hundred thousand men. Smolensk was one of the strongest
places which military art had then been able to rear. The Poles had received
sufficient warning of the attack to enable them to garrison the fortifications
to their utmost capacity and to supply the town abundantly with all the
materials of war. The siege was continued for a full year, with all the usual
accompaniments of carnage and misery which attend a beleaguered fortress.
At last the city, battered into ruins, surrendered, and the victorious Russians
immediately swept over Lithuanian Poland, meeting no force to obstruct its
march. Another army, equally resistless, swept the banks of the Dnieper,
and recovered Tchernigov and Kiof.
for them for the future, and assure you that their conduct shall be such as to
give you cause to rejoice at your lenity."
The people were so moved by this address, which the tzar pronounced with
tears, that, as with one accord, they shouted, "God grant his majesty a long
and happy life. The will of God and of the tzar be done." Peace was thus
restored between the government and the people, and great good accrued to
Russia from this successful insurrection.
During the early reign of Alexis, there were no foreign wars of any note.
The Poles were all the time busy in endeavors to beat back the Turks, who,
in wave after wave of invasion, were crossing the Danube. Upon the death
of Ladislaus, King of Poland, Alexis, who had then a fine army at his
command, offered to march to repel the Turks, if the Poles would choose
him King of Poland. But at the same time France made a still more alluring
offer, in case they would choose John Casimir, a prince in the interests of
France, as their sovereign. The choice fell upon John Casimir. The
provinces of Smolensk, Kiof and Tchernigov were then in possession of the
Poles, having been, in former wars, wrested from Russia. The Poles had
conquered them by taking advantage of internal troubles in Russia, which
enabled them with success to invade the empire.
Alexis now thought it right, in his turn, to take advantage of the weakness
of Poland, harassed by the Turks, to recover these lost provinces. He
accordingly marched to the city of Smolensk, and encamped before it with
an army of three hundred thousand men. Smolensk was one of the strongest
places which military art had then been able to rear. The Poles had received
sufficient warning of the attack to enable them to garrison the fortifications
to their utmost capacity and to supply the town abundantly with all the
materials of war. The siege was continued for a full year, with all the usual
accompaniments of carnage and misery which attend a beleaguered fortress.
At last the city, battered into ruins, surrendered, and the victorious Russians
immediately swept over Lithuanian Poland, meeting no force to obstruct its
march. Another army, equally resistless, swept the banks of the Dnieper,
and recovered Tchernigov and Kiof.
Page 249
Misfortunes seemed now to be falling like an avalanche upon Poland. While
the Turks were assailing them on the south, and the Russians were wresting
from them opulent and populous provinces on the north, Charles Gustavus
of Sweden, was crossing her eastern frontiers with invading hosts. The
impetuous Swedish king, in three months, overran nearly the whole of
Poland, threatening the utter extinction of the kingdom. This alarmed the
surrounding kingdoms, lest Sweden should become too powerful for their
safety. Alexis immediately entered into a truce with Poland, which
guaranteed to him the peaceable possession of the provinces he had
regained, and then united his armies with those of his humiliated rival, to
arrest the strides of the Swedish conqueror.
Sieges, cannonades and battles innumerable ensued, over hundreds of
leagues of territory, bordering the shores of the Baltic. For several years the
maddened strife continued, producing its usual fruits of gory fields,
smouldering cities, desolated homes, with orphanage, widowhood,
starvation, pestilence, and every conceivable form of human misery. At
length, all parties being exhausted, peace was concluded on the 2d of June,
1661.
The great insurrection in Moscow had taught the tzar Alexis a good lesson,
and he profited by it wisely. He was led to devote himself earnestly to the
welfare of his people. His recovery of the lost provinces of Russia was
considered just, and added immeasurably to his renown. Conscious of the
imperfection of his education, he engaged earnestly in study, causing many
important scientific treatises to be translated into the Russian language, and
perusing them with diligence and delight. He had the laws of the several
provinces collected and published together. Many new manufactures were
introduced, particularly those of silk and linen. Though rigidly economical
in his expenses, he maintained a magnificent court and a numerous army.
He took great interest in the promotion of agriculture, bringing many desert
wastes into cultivation, and peopling them with the prisoners taken in the
Polish and Swedish wars. It was the custom in those barbaric times to drive,
as captives of war, the men, women and children of whole provinces, to be
slaves in the territory of the conqueror. Often they occupied the position of
a vassal peasantry, tilling the soil for the benefit of their lords. With singular
foresight, Alexis planned for the construction of a fleet both on the Caspian
the Turks were assailing them on the south, and the Russians were wresting
from them opulent and populous provinces on the north, Charles Gustavus
of Sweden, was crossing her eastern frontiers with invading hosts. The
impetuous Swedish king, in three months, overran nearly the whole of
Poland, threatening the utter extinction of the kingdom. This alarmed the
surrounding kingdoms, lest Sweden should become too powerful for their
safety. Alexis immediately entered into a truce with Poland, which
guaranteed to him the peaceable possession of the provinces he had
regained, and then united his armies with those of his humiliated rival, to
arrest the strides of the Swedish conqueror.
Sieges, cannonades and battles innumerable ensued, over hundreds of
leagues of territory, bordering the shores of the Baltic. For several years the
maddened strife continued, producing its usual fruits of gory fields,
smouldering cities, desolated homes, with orphanage, widowhood,
starvation, pestilence, and every conceivable form of human misery. At
length, all parties being exhausted, peace was concluded on the 2d of June,
1661.
The great insurrection in Moscow had taught the tzar Alexis a good lesson,
and he profited by it wisely. He was led to devote himself earnestly to the
welfare of his people. His recovery of the lost provinces of Russia was
considered just, and added immeasurably to his renown. Conscious of the
imperfection of his education, he engaged earnestly in study, causing many
important scientific treatises to be translated into the Russian language, and
perusing them with diligence and delight. He had the laws of the several
provinces collected and published together. Many new manufactures were
introduced, particularly those of silk and linen. Though rigidly economical
in his expenses, he maintained a magnificent court and a numerous army.
He took great interest in the promotion of agriculture, bringing many desert
wastes into cultivation, and peopling them with the prisoners taken in the
Polish and Swedish wars. It was the custom in those barbaric times to drive,
as captives of war, the men, women and children of whole provinces, to be
slaves in the territory of the conqueror. Often they occupied the position of
a vassal peasantry, tilling the soil for the benefit of their lords. With singular
foresight, Alexis planned for the construction of a fleet both on the Caspian
Page 250
and the Black Sea. With this object in view, he sent for ship carpenters from
Holland and other places.
All Europe was now trembling in view of the encroachments of the Turks.
Several very angry messages had passed between the sultan and the tzar,
and the Turks had proved themselves ever eager to combine with the Tartars
in bloody raids into the southern regions of the empire. Alexis resolved to
combine Christian Europe, if possible, in a war of extermination against the
Turks. To this end he sent embassadors to every court in Christendom. As
his embassador was presented to Pope Clement X., the pope extended his
foot for the customary kiss. The proud Russian drew back, exclaiming,
"So ignoble an act of homage is beneath the dignity of the prince whom I
have the honor to serve."
He then informed the pope that the Emperor of Russia had resolved to make
war against the Turks, that he wished to see all Christian princes unite
against those enemies of humanity and religion, that for that purpose he had
sent embassadors to all the potentates of Europe, and that he exhorted his
holiness to place himself at the head of a league so powerful, so necessary
for the protection of the church, and from which every Christian State might
derive the greatest advantages. Foolish punctilios of etiquette interfered
with any efficient arrangements with the court of Rome, and though the
embassadors of other powers were received with the most marked respect,
these powers were all too much engrossed with their own internal affairs to
enlist in this enterprise for the public good. The Turks were, however,
alarmed by these formidable movements, and, fearing such an alliance,
were somewhat checked in their career of conquest.
On the 10th of November, 1674, the King of Poland died, and again there
was an attempt on the part of Russia to unite Poland and the empire under
the same crown. All the monarchies in Europe were involved in intrigues
for the Polish crown. The electors, however, chose John Sobieski, a
renowned Polish general, for their sovereign. The tzar was very
apprehensive that the Poles would make peace with the Turks, and thus
leave the sultan at liberty to concentrate all his tremendous resources upon
Russia. Alexis raised three large armies, amounting in all to one hundred
Holland and other places.
All Europe was now trembling in view of the encroachments of the Turks.
Several very angry messages had passed between the sultan and the tzar,
and the Turks had proved themselves ever eager to combine with the Tartars
in bloody raids into the southern regions of the empire. Alexis resolved to
combine Christian Europe, if possible, in a war of extermination against the
Turks. To this end he sent embassadors to every court in Christendom. As
his embassador was presented to Pope Clement X., the pope extended his
foot for the customary kiss. The proud Russian drew back, exclaiming,
"So ignoble an act of homage is beneath the dignity of the prince whom I
have the honor to serve."
He then informed the pope that the Emperor of Russia had resolved to make
war against the Turks, that he wished to see all Christian princes unite
against those enemies of humanity and religion, that for that purpose he had
sent embassadors to all the potentates of Europe, and that he exhorted his
holiness to place himself at the head of a league so powerful, so necessary
for the protection of the church, and from which every Christian State might
derive the greatest advantages. Foolish punctilios of etiquette interfered
with any efficient arrangements with the court of Rome, and though the
embassadors of other powers were received with the most marked respect,
these powers were all too much engrossed with their own internal affairs to
enlist in this enterprise for the public good. The Turks were, however,
alarmed by these formidable movements, and, fearing such an alliance,
were somewhat checked in their career of conquest.
On the 10th of November, 1674, the King of Poland died, and again there
was an attempt on the part of Russia to unite Poland and the empire under
the same crown. All the monarchies in Europe were involved in intrigues
for the Polish crown. The electors, however, chose John Sobieski, a
renowned Polish general, for their sovereign. The tzar was very
apprehensive that the Poles would make peace with the Turks, and thus
leave the sultan at liberty to concentrate all his tremendous resources upon
Russia. Alexis raised three large armies, amounting in all to one hundred
Page 251
and fifty thousand men, which he sent into the Ukraine, as the frontier
country, watered by the lower Dnieper, was then called.
The Turkish army, which was spread over the country between the Danube
and the Dniester, now crossed this latter stream, and, in solid battalions,
four hundred thousand strong, penetrated the Ukraine. They immediately
commenced the fiend-like work of reducing the whole province to a desert.
The process of destruction is swift. Flames, in a few hours, will consume a
city which centuries alone have reared. A squadron of cavalry will, in a few
moments, trample fields of grain which have been slowly growing and
ripening for months. In less than a fortnight nearly the whole of the Ukraine
was a depopulated waste, the troops of the tzar being shut up in narrow
fortresses. The King of Poland, apprehensive that this vast Turkish army
would soon turn with all their energies of destruction upon his own
territories, resolved to march, with all the forces of his kingdom, to the aid
of the Russians. One hundred thousand Polish troops immediately besieged
the great city of Humau, which the Turks had taken, midway between the
Dnieper and the Dniester.
John Sobieski, the newly-elected King of Poland, was a veteran soldier of
great military renown. He placed himself at the head of other divisions of
the army, and endeavored to distract the enemy and to divide their forces.
At the same time, Alexis himself hastened to the theater of war that he
might animate his troops by his presence. The Turks, finding themselves
unable to advance any further, sullenly returned to their own country by the
way of the Danube. Upon the retirement of the Turks, the Russians and the
Poles began to quarrel respecting the possession of the Ukraine. Affairs
were in this condition when the tzar Alexis, in all the vigor of manhood,
was taken sick and died. He was then in the forty-sixth year of his age. His
first wife, Maria Miloslouski, had died several years before him, leaving
two sons and four daughters. His second wife, Natalia Nariskin, to whom he
was married in the year 1671, still lived with her two children, a son, Peter,
who was subsequently entitled the Great, as being the most illustrious
monarch Russia has known, and a daughter Natalia.
Alexis, notwithstanding the unpropitious promise of his youth, proved one
of the wisest and best princes Russia had known for years. He was a lover
of peace, and yet prosecuted war with energy when it was forced upon him.
country, watered by the lower Dnieper, was then called.
The Turkish army, which was spread over the country between the Danube
and the Dniester, now crossed this latter stream, and, in solid battalions,
four hundred thousand strong, penetrated the Ukraine. They immediately
commenced the fiend-like work of reducing the whole province to a desert.
The process of destruction is swift. Flames, in a few hours, will consume a
city which centuries alone have reared. A squadron of cavalry will, in a few
moments, trample fields of grain which have been slowly growing and
ripening for months. In less than a fortnight nearly the whole of the Ukraine
was a depopulated waste, the troops of the tzar being shut up in narrow
fortresses. The King of Poland, apprehensive that this vast Turkish army
would soon turn with all their energies of destruction upon his own
territories, resolved to march, with all the forces of his kingdom, to the aid
of the Russians. One hundred thousand Polish troops immediately besieged
the great city of Humau, which the Turks had taken, midway between the
Dnieper and the Dniester.
John Sobieski, the newly-elected King of Poland, was a veteran soldier of
great military renown. He placed himself at the head of other divisions of
the army, and endeavored to distract the enemy and to divide their forces.
At the same time, Alexis himself hastened to the theater of war that he
might animate his troops by his presence. The Turks, finding themselves
unable to advance any further, sullenly returned to their own country by the
way of the Danube. Upon the retirement of the Turks, the Russians and the
Poles began to quarrel respecting the possession of the Ukraine. Affairs
were in this condition when the tzar Alexis, in all the vigor of manhood,
was taken sick and died. He was then in the forty-sixth year of his age. His
first wife, Maria Miloslouski, had died several years before him, leaving
two sons and four daughters. His second wife, Natalia Nariskin, to whom he
was married in the year 1671, still lived with her two children, a son, Peter,
who was subsequently entitled the Great, as being the most illustrious
monarch Russia has known, and a daughter Natalia.
Alexis, notwithstanding the unpropitious promise of his youth, proved one
of the wisest and best princes Russia had known for years. He was a lover
of peace, and yet prosecuted war with energy when it was forced upon him.
Page 252
His oldest surviving son, Feodor, who was but eighteen years of age at the
time of his father's death, succeeded to the crown. Feodor, following the
counsel which his father gave him on his dying bed, soon took military
possession of nearly all of the Ukraine. The Turks entered the country
again, but were repulsed with severe loss. Apprehensive that they would
speedily return, the tzar made great efforts to secure a friendly alliance with
Poland, in which he succeeded by paying a large sum of money in requital
for the provinces of Smolensk and Kiof which his arms had recovered.
In the spring of 1678, the Turks again entered the Ukraine with a still more
formidable army than the year before. The campaign was opened by laying
siege to the city Czeherin, which was encompassed by nearly four hundred
thousand men, and, after a destructive cannonade, was carried by storm.
The garrison, consisting of thirty thousand men, were put to the sword. The
Russian troops were so panic-stricken by this defeat, that they speedily
retreated. The Turks pursued them a long distance, constantly harassing
their rear. But the Turks, in their turn, were compelled to retire, being driven
back by famine, a foe against whom their weapons could make no
impression.
The Ottoman Porte soon found that little was gained by waging war with an
empire so vast and sparsely settled as Russia, and that their conquest of the
desolated and depopulated lands of the Ukraine, was by no means worth the
expenses of the war. The Porte was therefore inclined to make peace with
Russia, that the Turkish armies might fall upon Poland again, which
presented a much more inviting field of conquest. The Poles were informed
of this through their embassador at Constantinople, and earnestly appealed
to the tzar of Russia, and to all the princes in Christendom to come to their
aid. The selfishness which every court manifested is humiliating to human
nature. Each court seemed only to think of its own aggrandizement. Feodor
consented to aid them only on condition that the Poles should renounce all
pretension to any places then in possession of Russia. To this the Polish
king assented, and the armies of Russia and Poland were again combined to
repel the Turks.
time of his father's death, succeeded to the crown. Feodor, following the
counsel which his father gave him on his dying bed, soon took military
possession of nearly all of the Ukraine. The Turks entered the country
again, but were repulsed with severe loss. Apprehensive that they would
speedily return, the tzar made great efforts to secure a friendly alliance with
Poland, in which he succeeded by paying a large sum of money in requital
for the provinces of Smolensk and Kiof which his arms had recovered.
In the spring of 1678, the Turks again entered the Ukraine with a still more
formidable army than the year before. The campaign was opened by laying
siege to the city Czeherin, which was encompassed by nearly four hundred
thousand men, and, after a destructive cannonade, was carried by storm.
The garrison, consisting of thirty thousand men, were put to the sword. The
Russian troops were so panic-stricken by this defeat, that they speedily
retreated. The Turks pursued them a long distance, constantly harassing
their rear. But the Turks, in their turn, were compelled to retire, being driven
back by famine, a foe against whom their weapons could make no
impression.
The Ottoman Porte soon found that little was gained by waging war with an
empire so vast and sparsely settled as Russia, and that their conquest of the
desolated and depopulated lands of the Ukraine, was by no means worth the
expenses of the war. The Porte was therefore inclined to make peace with
Russia, that the Turkish armies might fall upon Poland again, which
presented a much more inviting field of conquest. The Poles were informed
of this through their embassador at Constantinople, and earnestly appealed
to the tzar of Russia, and to all the princes in Christendom to come to their
aid. The selfishness which every court manifested is humiliating to human
nature. Each court seemed only to think of its own aggrandizement. Feodor
consented to aid them only on condition that the Poles should renounce all
pretension to any places then in possession of Russia. To this the Polish
king assented, and the armies of Russia and Poland were again combined to
repel the Turks.
Page 253
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE REGENCY OF SOPHIA.
From 1680 to 1697.
Administration of Feodor.—Death of Feodor.—Incapacity of Ivan.—
Succession of Peter.—Usurpation of Sophia.—Insurrection of the
Strelitzes.—Massacre in Moscow.—Success of the Insurrection.—Ivan
and Peter Declared Sovereigns under the Regency of Sophia.—General
Discontent.—Conspiracy against Sophia.—Her Flight to the Convent.—
The Conspiracy Quelled.—New Conspiracy.—Energy of Peter.—He
Assumes the Crown.—Sophia Banished to a Convent.—Commencement of
the Reign of Peter.
Feodor, influenced by the wise counsels of his father, devoted much
attention to the beautifying of his capital, and to developing the internal
resources of the empire. He paved the streets of Moscow, erected several
large buildings of stone in place of the old wooden structures. Commerce
and arts were patronized, he even loaning, from the public treasury, sums of
money to enterprising men to encourage them in their industrial enterprises.
Foreigners of distinction, both scholars and artisans, were invited to take up
their residence in the empire. The tzar was particularly fond of fine horses,
and was very successful in improving, by importations, the breed in Russia.
Feodor had always been of an exceedingly frail constitution, and it was
evident that he could not anticipate long life. In the year 1681 he married a
daughter of one of the nobles. His bride, Opimia Routoski, was also frail in
health, though very beautiful. Six months had hardly passed away ere the
youthful empress exchanged her bridal robes and couch for the shroud and
the tomb. The emperor himself, grief-stricken, was rapidly sinking in a
decline. His ministers almost forced him to another immediate marriage,
hoping that, by the birth of a son, the succession of his half brother Peter
might be prevented. The dying emperor received into his emaciate, feeble
arms the new bride who had been selected for him, Marva Matweowna, and
after a few weeks of languor and depression died. He was deeply lamented
by his subjects, for during his short reign of less than three years he had
THE REGENCY OF SOPHIA.
From 1680 to 1697.
Administration of Feodor.—Death of Feodor.—Incapacity of Ivan.—
Succession of Peter.—Usurpation of Sophia.—Insurrection of the
Strelitzes.—Massacre in Moscow.—Success of the Insurrection.—Ivan
and Peter Declared Sovereigns under the Regency of Sophia.—General
Discontent.—Conspiracy against Sophia.—Her Flight to the Convent.—
The Conspiracy Quelled.—New Conspiracy.—Energy of Peter.—He
Assumes the Crown.—Sophia Banished to a Convent.—Commencement of
the Reign of Peter.
Feodor, influenced by the wise counsels of his father, devoted much
attention to the beautifying of his capital, and to developing the internal
resources of the empire. He paved the streets of Moscow, erected several
large buildings of stone in place of the old wooden structures. Commerce
and arts were patronized, he even loaning, from the public treasury, sums of
money to enterprising men to encourage them in their industrial enterprises.
Foreigners of distinction, both scholars and artisans, were invited to take up
their residence in the empire. The tzar was particularly fond of fine horses,
and was very successful in improving, by importations, the breed in Russia.
Feodor had always been of an exceedingly frail constitution, and it was
evident that he could not anticipate long life. In the year 1681 he married a
daughter of one of the nobles. His bride, Opimia Routoski, was also frail in
health, though very beautiful. Six months had hardly passed away ere the
youthful empress exchanged her bridal robes and couch for the shroud and
the tomb. The emperor himself, grief-stricken, was rapidly sinking in a
decline. His ministers almost forced him to another immediate marriage,
hoping that, by the birth of a son, the succession of his half brother Peter
might be prevented. The dying emperor received into his emaciate, feeble
arms the new bride who had been selected for him, Marva Matweowna, and
after a few weeks of languor and depression died. He was deeply lamented
by his subjects, for during his short reign of less than three years he had
Page 254
developed a noble character, and had accomplished more for the real
prosperity of Russia than many a monarch in the longest occupation of the
throne.
Feodor left two brothers—Ivan, a brother by the same mother, Eudocia, and
Peter, the son of the second wife of Alexis. Ivan was very feeble in body
and in mind, with dim vision, and subject to epileptic fits. Feodor
consequently declared his younger brother Peter, who was but ten years of
age, his successor. The custom of the empire allowed him to do this, and
rendered this appointment valid. It was generally the doom of the daughters
of the Russian emperors, who could seldom find a match equal to their
rank, to pass their lives immured in a convent.
Feodor had a sister, Sophia, a very spirited, energetic woman, ambitious and
resolute, whose whole soul revolted against such a moping existence.
Seeing that Feodor had but a short time to live, she left her convent and
returned to the Kremlin, persisting in her resolve to perform all sisterly
duties for her dying brother. Ivan, her own brother, was incapable of
reigning, from his infirmities. Peter, her half-brother, was but a child.
Sophia, with wonderful energy, while tending at the couch of Feodor, made
herself familiar with the details of the administration, and, acting on behalf
of the dying sovereign, gathered the reins of power into her own hands.
As soon as Feodor expired, and it was announced that Peter was appointed
successor to the throne, to the exclusion of his elder brother Ivan, Sophia,
through her emissaries, excited the militia of the capital to one of the most
bloody revolts Moscow had ever witnessed. It was her intention to gain the
throne for the imbecile Ivan, as she doubted not that she could, in that
event, govern the empire at her pleasure. Peter, child as he was, had already
developed a character of self-reliance which taught Sophia that he would
speedily wrest the scepter from her hands.
The second day after the burial of Feodor, the militia, or strelitzes as they
were called, a body of citizen soldiers in Moscow, corresponding very much
with the national guard of Paris, surrounded the Kremlin, in a great tumult,
and commenced complaining of nine of their colonels, who owed them
some arrears of pay. They demanded that these officers should be
surrendered to them, and their demand was so threatening that the court,
prosperity of Russia than many a monarch in the longest occupation of the
throne.
Feodor left two brothers—Ivan, a brother by the same mother, Eudocia, and
Peter, the son of the second wife of Alexis. Ivan was very feeble in body
and in mind, with dim vision, and subject to epileptic fits. Feodor
consequently declared his younger brother Peter, who was but ten years of
age, his successor. The custom of the empire allowed him to do this, and
rendered this appointment valid. It was generally the doom of the daughters
of the Russian emperors, who could seldom find a match equal to their
rank, to pass their lives immured in a convent.
Feodor had a sister, Sophia, a very spirited, energetic woman, ambitious and
resolute, whose whole soul revolted against such a moping existence.
Seeing that Feodor had but a short time to live, she left her convent and
returned to the Kremlin, persisting in her resolve to perform all sisterly
duties for her dying brother. Ivan, her own brother, was incapable of
reigning, from his infirmities. Peter, her half-brother, was but a child.
Sophia, with wonderful energy, while tending at the couch of Feodor, made
herself familiar with the details of the administration, and, acting on behalf
of the dying sovereign, gathered the reins of power into her own hands.
As soon as Feodor expired, and it was announced that Peter was appointed
successor to the throne, to the exclusion of his elder brother Ivan, Sophia,
through her emissaries, excited the militia of the capital to one of the most
bloody revolts Moscow had ever witnessed. It was her intention to gain the
throne for the imbecile Ivan, as she doubted not that she could, in that
event, govern the empire at her pleasure. Peter, child as he was, had already
developed a character of self-reliance which taught Sophia that he would
speedily wrest the scepter from her hands.
The second day after the burial of Feodor, the militia, or strelitzes as they
were called, a body of citizen soldiers in Moscow, corresponding very much
with the national guard of Paris, surrounded the Kremlin, in a great tumult,
and commenced complaining of nine of their colonels, who owed them
some arrears of pay. They demanded that these officers should be
surrendered to them, and their demand was so threatening that the court,
Page 255
intimidated, was compelled to yield. The wretched officers were seized by
the mob, tied to the ground naked, upon their faces, and whipped with most
terrible severity. The soldiers thus overawed opposition, and became a
power which no one dared resist. Sophia was their inspiring genius, inciting
and directing them through her emissaries. Though some have denied her
complicity in these deeds of violence, still the prevailing voice of history is
altogether against her.
Sophia, having the terrors of the mob to wield, as her executive power,
convened an assembly of the princes of the blood, the generals, the lords,
the patriarch and the bishops of the church, and even of the principal
merchants. She urged upon them that Ivan, by right of birth, was entitled to
the empire. The mother of Peter, Natalia Nariskin, now empress dowager,
was still young and beautiful. She had two brothers occupying posts of
influence at court. The family of the Nariskins had consequently much
authority in the empire. Sophia dreaded the power of her mother-in-law, and
her first efforts of intrigue were directed against the Nariskins. Her agents
were everywhere busy, in the court and in the army, whispering insinuations
against them. It was even intimated that they had caused the death of
Feodor, by bribing his physician to poison him, and that they had attempted
the life of Ivan. At length Sophia gave to her agents a list of forty lords
whom they were to denounce to the insurgent soldiery as enemies to them
and to the State.
This was the signal for their massacre. Two were first seized in the palace
of the Kremlin, and thrown out of the window. The soldiers received them
upon their pikes, and dragged their mutilated corpses through the streets to
the great square of the city. They then rushed back to the palace, where they
found Athanasius Nariskin, one of the brothers of the queen dowager. He
was immediately murdered. They soon after found three of the proscribed in
a church, to which they had fled as a sanctuary. Notwithstanding the
sacredness of the church, the unhappy lords were instantly hewn to pieces
by the swords of the assassins. Thus frenzied with blood, they met a young
lord whom they mistook for Ivan Nariskin, the remaining brother of the
mother of Peter. He was instantly slain, and then the assassins discovered
their error. With some slight sense of justice, perhaps of humanity, they
carried the bleeding corpse of the young nobleman to his father. The panic-
stricken, heartbroken parent dared not rebuke them for the murder, but
the mob, tied to the ground naked, upon their faces, and whipped with most
terrible severity. The soldiers thus overawed opposition, and became a
power which no one dared resist. Sophia was their inspiring genius, inciting
and directing them through her emissaries. Though some have denied her
complicity in these deeds of violence, still the prevailing voice of history is
altogether against her.
Sophia, having the terrors of the mob to wield, as her executive power,
convened an assembly of the princes of the blood, the generals, the lords,
the patriarch and the bishops of the church, and even of the principal
merchants. She urged upon them that Ivan, by right of birth, was entitled to
the empire. The mother of Peter, Natalia Nariskin, now empress dowager,
was still young and beautiful. She had two brothers occupying posts of
influence at court. The family of the Nariskins had consequently much
authority in the empire. Sophia dreaded the power of her mother-in-law, and
her first efforts of intrigue were directed against the Nariskins. Her agents
were everywhere busy, in the court and in the army, whispering insinuations
against them. It was even intimated that they had caused the death of
Feodor, by bribing his physician to poison him, and that they had attempted
the life of Ivan. At length Sophia gave to her agents a list of forty lords
whom they were to denounce to the insurgent soldiery as enemies to them
and to the State.
This was the signal for their massacre. Two were first seized in the palace
of the Kremlin, and thrown out of the window. The soldiers received them
upon their pikes, and dragged their mutilated corpses through the streets to
the great square of the city. They then rushed back to the palace, where they
found Athanasius Nariskin, one of the brothers of the queen dowager. He
was immediately murdered. They soon after found three of the proscribed in
a church, to which they had fled as a sanctuary. Notwithstanding the
sacredness of the church, the unhappy lords were instantly hewn to pieces
by the swords of the assassins. Thus frenzied with blood, they met a young
lord whom they mistook for Ivan Nariskin, the remaining brother of the
mother of Peter. He was instantly slain, and then the assassins discovered
their error. With some slight sense of justice, perhaps of humanity, they
carried the bleeding corpse of the young nobleman to his father. The panic-
stricken, heartbroken parent dared not rebuke them for the murder, but
Page 256
thanked them for bringing to him the corpse of his child. The mother, more
impulsive and less cautious, broke out into bitter and almost delirious
reproaches. The father, to appease her, said to her, in an under tone, "Let us
wait till the hour shall come when we shall be able to take revenge."
Some one overheard the imprudent words, and reported them to the mob.
They immediately returned, dragged the old man down the stairs of his
palace by the hair, and cut his throat upon his own door sill. They were now
searching the city, in all directions, for Von Gaden the German physician of
the late tzar, who was accused of administering to him poison. They met in
the streets, the son of the physician, and demanded of him where his father
was. The trembling lad replied that he did not know. They cut him down.
Soon they met another German physician.
"You are a doctor," they said. "If you have not poisoned our sovereign you
have poisoned others, and deserve death."
He was immediately murdered. At length they discovered Von Gaden. He
had attempted to disguise himself in a beggar's garb. The worthy old man,
who, like most eminent physicians, was as distinguished for humanity as for
eminent medical skill, was dragged to the Kremlin. The princesses
themselves came out and mingled with the crowd, begging for the life of
the good man, assuring them that he had been a faithful physician and that
he had served their sovereign with zeal. The soldiers declared that he
deserved to die, as they had positive proof that he was a sorcerer, for, in
searching his apartments, they had found the skin of a snake and several
reptiles preserved in bottles. Against such proof no earthly testimony could
avail.
They also demanded that Ivan Nariskin, whom they had been seeking for
two days, should be delivered up to them. They were sure that he was
concealed somewhere in the Kremlin, and they threatened to set fire to the
palace and burn it to the ground unless he were immediately delivered to
them. It was evident that these threats would be promptly put into
execution. Firing the palace would certainly insure his death. There was the
bare possibility of escape by surrendering him to the mob. The empress
herself went to her brother in his concealment and informed him of the
direful choice before him. The young prince sent for the patriarch,
impulsive and less cautious, broke out into bitter and almost delirious
reproaches. The father, to appease her, said to her, in an under tone, "Let us
wait till the hour shall come when we shall be able to take revenge."
Some one overheard the imprudent words, and reported them to the mob.
They immediately returned, dragged the old man down the stairs of his
palace by the hair, and cut his throat upon his own door sill. They were now
searching the city, in all directions, for Von Gaden the German physician of
the late tzar, who was accused of administering to him poison. They met in
the streets, the son of the physician, and demanded of him where his father
was. The trembling lad replied that he did not know. They cut him down.
Soon they met another German physician.
"You are a doctor," they said. "If you have not poisoned our sovereign you
have poisoned others, and deserve death."
He was immediately murdered. At length they discovered Von Gaden. He
had attempted to disguise himself in a beggar's garb. The worthy old man,
who, like most eminent physicians, was as distinguished for humanity as for
eminent medical skill, was dragged to the Kremlin. The princesses
themselves came out and mingled with the crowd, begging for the life of
the good man, assuring them that he had been a faithful physician and that
he had served their sovereign with zeal. The soldiers declared that he
deserved to die, as they had positive proof that he was a sorcerer, for, in
searching his apartments, they had found the skin of a snake and several
reptiles preserved in bottles. Against such proof no earthly testimony could
avail.
They also demanded that Ivan Nariskin, whom they had been seeking for
two days, should be delivered up to them. They were sure that he was
concealed somewhere in the Kremlin, and they threatened to set fire to the
palace and burn it to the ground unless he were immediately delivered to
them. It was evident that these threats would be promptly put into
execution. Firing the palace would certainly insure his death. There was the
bare possibility of escape by surrendering him to the mob. The empress
herself went to her brother in his concealment and informed him of the
direful choice before him. The young prince sent for the patriarch,
Page 257
confessed his sins, partook of the Lord's Supper, received the sacrament of
extreme unction in preparation for death, and was then led out, by the
patriarch himself, dressed in his pontifical robes and bearing an image of
the Virgin Mary, and was delivered by him to the soldiers. The queen and
the princesses accompanied the victim, surrounding him, and, falling upon
their knees before the soldiers, they united with the patriarch in pleading for
his life. But the mob, intoxicated and maddened, dragged the young prince
and the physician before a tribunal which they had constituted on the spot,
and condemned them to what was expressively called the punishment of
"ten thousand slices." Their bodies were speedily cut into the smallest
fragments, while their heads were stuck upon the iron spikes of the
balustrade.
These outrages were terminated by a proclamation from the soldiery that
Ivan and Peter should be joint sovereigns under the regency of Sophia. The
regent rewarded her partisans liberally for their efficient and successful
measures. Upon the leaders she conferred the confiscated estates of the
proscribed. A monument of shame was reared, upon which the names of the
assassinated were engraved as traitors to their country. The soldiers were
rewarded with double pay.
Sophia unscrupulously usurped all the prerogatives and honors of royalty.
All dispatches were sealed with her hand. Her effigy was stamped upon the
current coin. She took her seat as presiding officer at the council. To confer
a little more dignity upon the character of her imbecile brother, Ivan, she
selected for him a wife, a young lady of extraordinary beauty whose father
had command of a fortress in Siberia. It was on the 25th of June, 1682, that
Sophia assumed the regency. In 1684 Ivan was married. The scenes of
violence which had occurred agitated the whole political atmosphere
throughout the empire. There was intense exasperation, and many
conspiracies were formed for the overthrow of the government. The most
formidable of these conspiracies was organized by Couvanski, commander-
in-chief of the strelitzes. He was dissatisfied with the rewards he had
received, and, conscious that he had placed Sophia upon the throne through
the energies of the soldiers he commanded, he believed that he might just as
easily have placed himself there. Having become accustomed to blood, the
slaughter of a few more persons, that he might place the crown upon his
own brow, appeared to him a matter of but little moment. He accordingly
extreme unction in preparation for death, and was then led out, by the
patriarch himself, dressed in his pontifical robes and bearing an image of
the Virgin Mary, and was delivered by him to the soldiers. The queen and
the princesses accompanied the victim, surrounding him, and, falling upon
their knees before the soldiers, they united with the patriarch in pleading for
his life. But the mob, intoxicated and maddened, dragged the young prince
and the physician before a tribunal which they had constituted on the spot,
and condemned them to what was expressively called the punishment of
"ten thousand slices." Their bodies were speedily cut into the smallest
fragments, while their heads were stuck upon the iron spikes of the
balustrade.
These outrages were terminated by a proclamation from the soldiery that
Ivan and Peter should be joint sovereigns under the regency of Sophia. The
regent rewarded her partisans liberally for their efficient and successful
measures. Upon the leaders she conferred the confiscated estates of the
proscribed. A monument of shame was reared, upon which the names of the
assassinated were engraved as traitors to their country. The soldiers were
rewarded with double pay.
Sophia unscrupulously usurped all the prerogatives and honors of royalty.
All dispatches were sealed with her hand. Her effigy was stamped upon the
current coin. She took her seat as presiding officer at the council. To confer
a little more dignity upon the character of her imbecile brother, Ivan, she
selected for him a wife, a young lady of extraordinary beauty whose father
had command of a fortress in Siberia. It was on the 25th of June, 1682, that
Sophia assumed the regency. In 1684 Ivan was married. The scenes of
violence which had occurred agitated the whole political atmosphere
throughout the empire. There was intense exasperation, and many
conspiracies were formed for the overthrow of the government. The most
formidable of these conspiracies was organized by Couvanski, commander-
in-chief of the strelitzes. He was dissatisfied with the rewards he had
received, and, conscious that he had placed Sophia upon the throne through
the energies of the soldiers he commanded, he believed that he might just as
easily have placed himself there. Having become accustomed to blood, the
slaughter of a few more persons, that he might place the crown upon his
own brow, appeared to him a matter of but little moment. He accordingly
Page 258
planned to murder the two tzars, the regent Sophia and all the remaining
princes of the royal family. Then, by lavishing abundant rewards upon the
soldiers, he doubted not that he could secure their efficient coöperation in
maintaining him on the throne.
The conspiracy was discovered upon the eve of its accomplishment. Sophia
immediately fled with the two tzars and the princes, to the monastery of the
Trinity. This was a palace, a convent and a fortress. The vast pile, reared of
stone, was situated thirty-six miles from Moscow, and was encompassed
with deep ditches, and massive ramparts bristling with cannon. The monks
were in possession of the whole country for a space of twelve miles around
this almost impregnable citadel. From this safe retreat Sophia opened
communications with the rebel chief. She succeeded in alluring him to
come half way to meet her in conference. A powerful band of soldiers,
placed in ambush, seized him. He was immediately beheaded, with one of
his sons, and thirty-seven strelitzes who had accompanied him.
As soon as the strelitzes in Moscow, numbering many thousands, heard of
the assassination of their general and of their comrades, they flew to arms,
and in solid battalions, with infantry, artillery and cavalry, marched to the
assault of the convent. The regent rallied her supporters, consisting of the
lords who were her partisans, and their vassals, and prepared for a vigorous
defense. Russia seemed now upon the eve of a bloody civil war. The nobles
generally espoused the cause of the tzars under the regency of Sophia. Their
claims seemed those of legitimacy, while the success of the insurrectionary
soldiers promised only anarchy. The rise of the people in defense of the
government was so sudden and simultaneous, that the strelitzes were panic-
stricken, and soon, in the most abject submission, implored pardon, which
was wisely granted them. Sophia, with the tzars, surrounded by an army,
returned in triumph to Moscow. Tranquillity was thus restored.
Sophia still held the reins of power with a firm grasp. The imbecility of
Ivan and the youth of Peter rendered this usurpation easy. Very adroitly she
sent the most mutinous regiments of the strelitzes on apparently honorable
missions to the distant provinces of the Ukraine, Kesan, and Siberia.
Poland, menaced by the Turks, made peace with Russia, and purchased her
alliance by the surrender of the vast province of Smolensk and all the
conquered territory in the Ukraine. In the year 1687, Sophia sent the first
princes of the royal family. Then, by lavishing abundant rewards upon the
soldiers, he doubted not that he could secure their efficient coöperation in
maintaining him on the throne.
The conspiracy was discovered upon the eve of its accomplishment. Sophia
immediately fled with the two tzars and the princes, to the monastery of the
Trinity. This was a palace, a convent and a fortress. The vast pile, reared of
stone, was situated thirty-six miles from Moscow, and was encompassed
with deep ditches, and massive ramparts bristling with cannon. The monks
were in possession of the whole country for a space of twelve miles around
this almost impregnable citadel. From this safe retreat Sophia opened
communications with the rebel chief. She succeeded in alluring him to
come half way to meet her in conference. A powerful band of soldiers,
placed in ambush, seized him. He was immediately beheaded, with one of
his sons, and thirty-seven strelitzes who had accompanied him.
As soon as the strelitzes in Moscow, numbering many thousands, heard of
the assassination of their general and of their comrades, they flew to arms,
and in solid battalions, with infantry, artillery and cavalry, marched to the
assault of the convent. The regent rallied her supporters, consisting of the
lords who were her partisans, and their vassals, and prepared for a vigorous
defense. Russia seemed now upon the eve of a bloody civil war. The nobles
generally espoused the cause of the tzars under the regency of Sophia. Their
claims seemed those of legitimacy, while the success of the insurrectionary
soldiers promised only anarchy. The rise of the people in defense of the
government was so sudden and simultaneous, that the strelitzes were panic-
stricken, and soon, in the most abject submission, implored pardon, which
was wisely granted them. Sophia, with the tzars, surrounded by an army,
returned in triumph to Moscow. Tranquillity was thus restored.
Sophia still held the reins of power with a firm grasp. The imbecility of
Ivan and the youth of Peter rendered this usurpation easy. Very adroitly she
sent the most mutinous regiments of the strelitzes on apparently honorable
missions to the distant provinces of the Ukraine, Kesan, and Siberia.
Poland, menaced by the Turks, made peace with Russia, and purchased her
alliance by the surrender of the vast province of Smolensk and all the
conquered territory in the Ukraine. In the year 1687, Sophia sent the first
Page 259
Russian embassy to France, which was then in the meridian of her splendor,
under the reign of Louis XIV. Voltaire states that France, at that time, was
so unacquainted with Russia, that the Academy of Inscriptions celebrated
this embassy by a medal, as if it had come from India.[10] The Crimean
Tartars, in confederacy with the Turks, kept Russia, Poland, Hungary,
Transylvania, and the various provinces of the German empire in perpetual
alarm. Poland and Russia were so humiliated, that for several years they
had purchased exemption from these barbaric forays by paying the Tartars
an annual tribute amounting to fifty thousand dollars each. Sophia, anxious
to wipe out this disgrace, renewed the effort, which had so often failed, to
unite all Europe against the Turks. Immense armies were raised by Russia
and Poland and sent to the Tauride. For two years a bloody war raged with
about equal slaughter upon both sides, while neither party gained any
marked advantage.
Peter had now attained his eighteenth year, and began to manifest pretty
decisively a will of his own. He fell in love with a beautiful maiden,
Ottokesa Lapuchin, daughter of one of his nobles, and, notwithstanding all
the intriguing opposition of Sophia, persisted in marrying her. This marriage
increased greatly the popularity of the young prince, and it was very
manifest that he would soon thrust Sophia aside, and with his own vigorous
arm, wield the scepter alone.
The regent, whose hands were already stained with the blood of
assassination, now resolved to remove Peter out of the way. The young
prince, with his bride, was residing at his country seat, a few miles out from
Moscow. Sophia, in that corrupt, barbaric age, found no difficulty in
obtaining, with bribes, as many accomplices as she wanted. Two
distinguished generals led a party of six hundred strelitzes out of the city, to
surround the palace of Peter and to secure his death. The soldiers had
already commenced their march, when Peter was informed of his danger.
The tzar leaped upon a horse, and spurring him to his utmost speed,
accompanied by a few attendants, escaped to the convent of the Trinity, to
which we have before alluded as one of the strongest fortresses of Russia.
The mother, wife and sister of the tzar, immediately joined him there.
The soldiers were not aware of the mission which their leaders were
intending to accomplish. When they arrived at the palace, and it was found
under the reign of Louis XIV. Voltaire states that France, at that time, was
so unacquainted with Russia, that the Academy of Inscriptions celebrated
this embassy by a medal, as if it had come from India.[10] The Crimean
Tartars, in confederacy with the Turks, kept Russia, Poland, Hungary,
Transylvania, and the various provinces of the German empire in perpetual
alarm. Poland and Russia were so humiliated, that for several years they
had purchased exemption from these barbaric forays by paying the Tartars
an annual tribute amounting to fifty thousand dollars each. Sophia, anxious
to wipe out this disgrace, renewed the effort, which had so often failed, to
unite all Europe against the Turks. Immense armies were raised by Russia
and Poland and sent to the Tauride. For two years a bloody war raged with
about equal slaughter upon both sides, while neither party gained any
marked advantage.
Peter had now attained his eighteenth year, and began to manifest pretty
decisively a will of his own. He fell in love with a beautiful maiden,
Ottokesa Lapuchin, daughter of one of his nobles, and, notwithstanding all
the intriguing opposition of Sophia, persisted in marrying her. This marriage
increased greatly the popularity of the young prince, and it was very
manifest that he would soon thrust Sophia aside, and with his own vigorous
arm, wield the scepter alone.
The regent, whose hands were already stained with the blood of
assassination, now resolved to remove Peter out of the way. The young
prince, with his bride, was residing at his country seat, a few miles out from
Moscow. Sophia, in that corrupt, barbaric age, found no difficulty in
obtaining, with bribes, as many accomplices as she wanted. Two
distinguished generals led a party of six hundred strelitzes out of the city, to
surround the palace of Peter and to secure his death. The soldiers had
already commenced their march, when Peter was informed of his danger.
The tzar leaped upon a horse, and spurring him to his utmost speed,
accompanied by a few attendants, escaped to the convent of the Trinity, to
which we have before alluded as one of the strongest fortresses of Russia.
The mother, wife and sister of the tzar, immediately joined him there.
The soldiers were not aware of the mission which their leaders were
intending to accomplish. When they arrived at the palace, and it was found
Page 260
that the tzar had fled, and it was whispered about that he had fled to save his
life, the soldiers, by nature more strongly attached to a chivalrous young
man than to an intriguing, ambitious woman, whose character was of very
doubtful reputation, broke out into open revolt, and, abandoning their
officers, marched directly to the monastery and offered their services to
Peter. The patriarch, whose religious character gave him almost unbounded
influence with the people, also found that he was included as one of the
victims of the conspiracy; that he was to have been assassinated, and his
place conferred upon one of the partisans of Sophia. He also fled to the
convent of the Trinity.
Sophia now found herself deserted by the soldiery and the nation. She
accordingly, with the most solemn protestations, declared that she had been
accused falsely, and after sending messenger after messenger to plead her
cause with her brother, resolved to go herself. She had not advanced more
than half way, ere she was met by a detachment of Peter's friends who
informed her, from him, that she must go directly back to Moscow, as she
could not be received into the convent. The next day Peter assembled a
council, and it was resolved to bring the traitors to justice. A colonel, with
three hundred men, was sent to the Kremlin to arrest the officers implicated
in the conspiracy. They were loaded with chains, conducted to the Trinity,
and in accordance with the barbaric custom of the times were put to the
torture. In agony too dreadful to be borne, they of course made any
confession which was demanded.
Peter was reluctant to make a public example of his sister. There ensued a
series of punishments of the conspirators too revolting to be narrated. The
mildest of these punishments was exile to Siberia, there, in the extremest
penury, to linger through scenes of woe so long as God should prolong their
lives. The executions being terminated and the exiles out of sight, Sophia
was ordered to leave the Kremlin, and retire to the cloisters of Denitz,
which she was never again to leave. Peter then made a triumphal entry into
Moscow. He was accompanied by a guard of eighteen thousand troops. His
feeble brother Ivan received him at the outer gate of the Kremlin. They
embraced each other with much affection, and then retired to their
respective apartments. The wife and mother of Peter accompanied him on
his return to Moscow.
life, the soldiers, by nature more strongly attached to a chivalrous young
man than to an intriguing, ambitious woman, whose character was of very
doubtful reputation, broke out into open revolt, and, abandoning their
officers, marched directly to the monastery and offered their services to
Peter. The patriarch, whose religious character gave him almost unbounded
influence with the people, also found that he was included as one of the
victims of the conspiracy; that he was to have been assassinated, and his
place conferred upon one of the partisans of Sophia. He also fled to the
convent of the Trinity.
Sophia now found herself deserted by the soldiery and the nation. She
accordingly, with the most solemn protestations, declared that she had been
accused falsely, and after sending messenger after messenger to plead her
cause with her brother, resolved to go herself. She had not advanced more
than half way, ere she was met by a detachment of Peter's friends who
informed her, from him, that she must go directly back to Moscow, as she
could not be received into the convent. The next day Peter assembled a
council, and it was resolved to bring the traitors to justice. A colonel, with
three hundred men, was sent to the Kremlin to arrest the officers implicated
in the conspiracy. They were loaded with chains, conducted to the Trinity,
and in accordance with the barbaric custom of the times were put to the
torture. In agony too dreadful to be borne, they of course made any
confession which was demanded.
Peter was reluctant to make a public example of his sister. There ensued a
series of punishments of the conspirators too revolting to be narrated. The
mildest of these punishments was exile to Siberia, there, in the extremest
penury, to linger through scenes of woe so long as God should prolong their
lives. The executions being terminated and the exiles out of sight, Sophia
was ordered to leave the Kremlin, and retire to the cloisters of Denitz,
which she was never again to leave. Peter then made a triumphal entry into
Moscow. He was accompanied by a guard of eighteen thousand troops. His
feeble brother Ivan received him at the outer gate of the Kremlin. They
embraced each other with much affection, and then retired to their
respective apartments. The wife and mother of Peter accompanied him on
his return to Moscow.
Page 261
Thus terminated the regency of Sophia. From this time Peter was the real
sovereign of Russia. His brother Ivan took no other share in the government
than that of lending his name to the public acts. He lived for a few years in
great seclusion, almost forgotten, and died in 1696. Peter was physically, as
well as intellectually, a remarkable man. He was tall and finely formed,
with noble features lighted up with an extremely brilliant eye. His
constitution was robust, enabling him to undergo great hardship, and he
was, by nature, a man of great activity and energy. His education, however,
was exceedingly defective. The regent Sophia had not only exerted all her
influence to keep him in ignorance, but also to allure him into the wildest
excesses of youthful indulgence. Even his recent marriage had not
interfered with the publicity of his amours, and all distinguished foreigners
in Moscow were welcomed by him to scenes of feasting and carousing.
Notwithstanding these deplorable defects of character, for which much
allowance is to be made from the neglect of his education and his peculiar
temptations, still it was manifest to close observers even then, that the seeds
of true greatness were implanted in his nature. When five years of age, he
was riding with his mother in a coach, and was asleep in her arms. As they
were passing over a bridge where there was a heavy fall of water from
spring rains, the roar of the cataract awoke him. The noise, with the sudden
aspect of the rushing torrent, created such terror that he was thrown into a
fever, and, for years, he could not see any standing water, much less a
running stream, without being thrown almost into convulsions. To
overcome this weakness, he resolutely persisted in plunging into the waves
until his aversion was changed into a great fondness for that element.
Ashamed of his ignorance, he vigorously commenced studying German,
and, notwithstanding all the seductions of the court, succeeded in acquiring
such a mastery of the language as to be able both to speak and write it
correctly. Peter's father, Alexis, had been anxious to open the fields of
commerce to his subjects. He had, at great expense, engaged the services of
ship builders and navigators from Holland. A frigate and a yacht had been
constructed, with which the Volga had been navigated to its mouth at
Astrachan. It was his intention to open a trade with Persia through the
Caspian Sea. But, in a revolt at Astrachan, the vessels were seized and
destroyed, and the captain killed. Thus terminated this enterprise. The
sovereign of Russia. His brother Ivan took no other share in the government
than that of lending his name to the public acts. He lived for a few years in
great seclusion, almost forgotten, and died in 1696. Peter was physically, as
well as intellectually, a remarkable man. He was tall and finely formed,
with noble features lighted up with an extremely brilliant eye. His
constitution was robust, enabling him to undergo great hardship, and he
was, by nature, a man of great activity and energy. His education, however,
was exceedingly defective. The regent Sophia had not only exerted all her
influence to keep him in ignorance, but also to allure him into the wildest
excesses of youthful indulgence. Even his recent marriage had not
interfered with the publicity of his amours, and all distinguished foreigners
in Moscow were welcomed by him to scenes of feasting and carousing.
Notwithstanding these deplorable defects of character, for which much
allowance is to be made from the neglect of his education and his peculiar
temptations, still it was manifest to close observers even then, that the seeds
of true greatness were implanted in his nature. When five years of age, he
was riding with his mother in a coach, and was asleep in her arms. As they
were passing over a bridge where there was a heavy fall of water from
spring rains, the roar of the cataract awoke him. The noise, with the sudden
aspect of the rushing torrent, created such terror that he was thrown into a
fever, and, for years, he could not see any standing water, much less a
running stream, without being thrown almost into convulsions. To
overcome this weakness, he resolutely persisted in plunging into the waves
until his aversion was changed into a great fondness for that element.
Ashamed of his ignorance, he vigorously commenced studying German,
and, notwithstanding all the seductions of the court, succeeded in acquiring
such a mastery of the language as to be able both to speak and write it
correctly. Peter's father, Alexis, had been anxious to open the fields of
commerce to his subjects. He had, at great expense, engaged the services of
ship builders and navigators from Holland. A frigate and a yacht had been
constructed, with which the Volga had been navigated to its mouth at
Astrachan. It was his intention to open a trade with Persia through the
Caspian Sea. But, in a revolt at Astrachan, the vessels were seized and
destroyed, and the captain killed. Thus terminated this enterprise. The
Page 262
master builder, however, remained in Russia, where he lived a long time in
obscurity.
One day, Peter, at one of his summer palaces of Ismaelhof, saw upon the
shore of the lake the remains of a pleasure boat of peculiar construction. He
had never before seen any boat but such as was propelled by oars. The
peculiarity of the structure of this arrested his attention, and being informed
that it was constructed for sails as well as oars, he ordered it to be repaired,
that he might make trial of it. It so chanced that the shipwright, Brandt,
from Holland, who had built the boat, was found, and the tzar, to his great
delight, enjoyed, for the first time in his life, the pleasures of a sail. He
immediately gave directions for the boat to be transported to the great lake
near the convent of the Trinity, and here he ordered two frigates and three
yachts to be built. For months he amused himself piloting his little fleet
over the waves of the lake. Like many a plebeian boy, the tzar had now
acquired a passion for the sea, and he longed to get a sight of the ocean.
With this object in view, in 1694 he set out on a journey of nearly a
thousand miles to Archangel, on the shores of the White Sea. Taking his
shipwrights with him, he had a small vessel constructed, in which he
embarked for the exploration of the Frozen Ocean, a body of water which
no sovereign had seen before him. A Dutch man-of-war, which chanced to
be in the harbor at Archangel, and all the merchant fleet there accompanied
the tzar on this expedition. The sovereign himself had already acquired
much of the art of working a ship, and on this trip devoted all his energies
to improvement in the science and practical skill of navigation.
While the tzar was thus turning his attention to the subject of a navy, he at
the same time was adopting measures of extraordinary vigor for the
reorganization of the army. Hitherto the army had been composed of bands
of vassals, poorly armed and without discipline, led by their lords, who
were often entirely without experience in the arts of war. Peter commenced,
at his country residence, with a company of fifty picked men, who were put
through the most thorough drill by General Gordon, a Scotchman of much
military ability, who had secured the confidence of the tzar. Some of the
sons of the lords were chosen as their officers, but these young nobles were
all trained by the same military discipline, Peter setting them the example
by passing through all the degrees of the service from the very lowest rank.
obscurity.
One day, Peter, at one of his summer palaces of Ismaelhof, saw upon the
shore of the lake the remains of a pleasure boat of peculiar construction. He
had never before seen any boat but such as was propelled by oars. The
peculiarity of the structure of this arrested his attention, and being informed
that it was constructed for sails as well as oars, he ordered it to be repaired,
that he might make trial of it. It so chanced that the shipwright, Brandt,
from Holland, who had built the boat, was found, and the tzar, to his great
delight, enjoyed, for the first time in his life, the pleasures of a sail. He
immediately gave directions for the boat to be transported to the great lake
near the convent of the Trinity, and here he ordered two frigates and three
yachts to be built. For months he amused himself piloting his little fleet
over the waves of the lake. Like many a plebeian boy, the tzar had now
acquired a passion for the sea, and he longed to get a sight of the ocean.
With this object in view, in 1694 he set out on a journey of nearly a
thousand miles to Archangel, on the shores of the White Sea. Taking his
shipwrights with him, he had a small vessel constructed, in which he
embarked for the exploration of the Frozen Ocean, a body of water which
no sovereign had seen before him. A Dutch man-of-war, which chanced to
be in the harbor at Archangel, and all the merchant fleet there accompanied
the tzar on this expedition. The sovereign himself had already acquired
much of the art of working a ship, and on this trip devoted all his energies
to improvement in the science and practical skill of navigation.
While the tzar was thus turning his attention to the subject of a navy, he at
the same time was adopting measures of extraordinary vigor for the
reorganization of the army. Hitherto the army had been composed of bands
of vassals, poorly armed and without discipline, led by their lords, who
were often entirely without experience in the arts of war. Peter commenced,
at his country residence, with a company of fifty picked men, who were put
through the most thorough drill by General Gordon, a Scotchman of much
military ability, who had secured the confidence of the tzar. Some of the
sons of the lords were chosen as their officers, but these young nobles were
all trained by the same military discipline, Peter setting them the example
by passing through all the degrees of the service from the very lowest rank.
Page 263
He shouldered his musket, and commencing at the humblest post, served as
sentinel, sergeant and lieutenant. No one ventured to refuse to follow in the
footsteps of his sovereign. This company, thus formed and disciplined, was
rapidly increased until it became the royal guard, most terrible on the field
of battle. When this regiment numbered five thousand men, another
regiment upon the same principle was organized, which contained twelve
thousand. It is a remarkable fact stated by Voltaire, that one third of these
troops were French refugees, driven from France by the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes.
One of the first efforts of the far-sighted monarch was to consolidate the
army and to bring it under the energy of one mind, by breaking down the
independence of the nobles, who had heretofore acted as petty sovereigns,
leading their contingents of vassals. Peter was thus preparing to make the
influence of Russia felt among the armies of Europe as it had never been
felt before.
The Russian empire, sweeping across Siberian Asia, reached down
indefinitely to about the latitude of fifty-two degrees, where it was met by
the Chinese claims. Very naturally, a dispute arose respecting the
boundaries, and with a degree of good sense which seems almost incredible
in view of the developments of history, the two half-civilized nations
decided to settle the question by conference rather than by war. A place of
meeting, for the embassadors, was appointed on the frontiers of Siberia,
about nine hundred miles from the great Chinese wall. Fortunately for both
parties, there were some Christian missionaries who accompanied the
Chinese as interpreters. Probably through the influence of these men of
peace a treaty was soon formed. Both parties pledged themselves to the
observance of the treaty in the following words, which were doubtless
written by the missionaries:
"If any of us entertain the least thought of renewing the flames of war, we
beseech the supreme Lord of all things, who knows the heart of man, to
punish the traitor with sudden death."
Two large pillars were erected upon the spot to mark the boundaries
between the two empires, and the treaty was engraved upon each of them.
Soon after, a treaty of commerce was formed, which commerce, with brief
sentinel, sergeant and lieutenant. No one ventured to refuse to follow in the
footsteps of his sovereign. This company, thus formed and disciplined, was
rapidly increased until it became the royal guard, most terrible on the field
of battle. When this regiment numbered five thousand men, another
regiment upon the same principle was organized, which contained twelve
thousand. It is a remarkable fact stated by Voltaire, that one third of these
troops were French refugees, driven from France by the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes.
One of the first efforts of the far-sighted monarch was to consolidate the
army and to bring it under the energy of one mind, by breaking down the
independence of the nobles, who had heretofore acted as petty sovereigns,
leading their contingents of vassals. Peter was thus preparing to make the
influence of Russia felt among the armies of Europe as it had never been
felt before.
The Russian empire, sweeping across Siberian Asia, reached down
indefinitely to about the latitude of fifty-two degrees, where it was met by
the Chinese claims. Very naturally, a dispute arose respecting the
boundaries, and with a degree of good sense which seems almost incredible
in view of the developments of history, the two half-civilized nations
decided to settle the question by conference rather than by war. A place of
meeting, for the embassadors, was appointed on the frontiers of Siberia,
about nine hundred miles from the great Chinese wall. Fortunately for both
parties, there were some Christian missionaries who accompanied the
Chinese as interpreters. Probably through the influence of these men of
peace a treaty was soon formed. Both parties pledged themselves to the
observance of the treaty in the following words, which were doubtless
written by the missionaries:
"If any of us entertain the least thought of renewing the flames of war, we
beseech the supreme Lord of all things, who knows the heart of man, to
punish the traitor with sudden death."
Two large pillars were erected upon the spot to mark the boundaries
between the two empires, and the treaty was engraved upon each of them.
Soon after, a treaty of commerce was formed, which commerce, with brief
Page 264
interruptions, has continued to flourish until the present day. Peter now
prepared, with his small but highly disciplined army, to make vigorous
warfare upon the Turks, and to obtain, if possible, the control of the Black
Sea. Early in the summer of 1695 the Russian army commenced its march.
Striking the head waters of the Don, they descended the valley of that river
to attack the city of Azov, an important port of the Turks, situated on an
island at the mouth of the Don.
The tzar accompanied his troops, not as commander-in-chief, but a
volunteer soldier. Generals Gordon and Le Fort, veteran officers, had the
command of the expedition. Azov was a very strong fortress and was
defended by a numerous garrison. It was found necessary to invest the place
and commence a regular siege. A foreign officer from Dantzic, by the name
of Jacob, had the direction of the battering train. For some violation of
military etiquette, he had been condemned to ignominious punishment. The
Russians were accustomed to such treatment, but Jacob, burning with
revenge, spiked his guns, deserted, joined the enemy, adopted the
Mussulman faith, and with great vigor conducted the defense.
Jacob was a man of much military science, and he succeeded in thwarting
all the efforts of the besiegers. In the attempt to storm the town the Russians
were repulsed with great loss, and at length were compelled to raise the
siege and to retire. But Peter was not a man to yield to difficulties. The next
summer he was found before Azov, with a still more formidable force. In
this attempt the tzar was successful, and on the 28th of July the garrison
surrendered without obtaining any of the honors of war. Elated with success
Peter increased the fortifications, dug a harbor capable of holding large
ships, and prepared to fit out a strong fleet against the Turks; which fleet
was to consist of nine sixty gun ships, and forty-one of from thirty to fifty
guns. While the fleet was being built he returned to Moscow, and to impress
his subjects with a sense of the great victory obtained, he marched the army
into Moscow beneath triumphal arches, while the whole city was
surrendered to all the demonstrations of joy. Characteristically Peter refused
to take any of the credit of the victory which had been gained by the skill
and valor of his generals. These officers consequently took the precedency
of their sovereign in the triumphal procession, Peter declaring that merit
was the only road to military preferment, and that, as yet, he had attained no
rank in the army. In imitation of the ancient Romans, the captives taken in
prepared, with his small but highly disciplined army, to make vigorous
warfare upon the Turks, and to obtain, if possible, the control of the Black
Sea. Early in the summer of 1695 the Russian army commenced its march.
Striking the head waters of the Don, they descended the valley of that river
to attack the city of Azov, an important port of the Turks, situated on an
island at the mouth of the Don.
The tzar accompanied his troops, not as commander-in-chief, but a
volunteer soldier. Generals Gordon and Le Fort, veteran officers, had the
command of the expedition. Azov was a very strong fortress and was
defended by a numerous garrison. It was found necessary to invest the place
and commence a regular siege. A foreign officer from Dantzic, by the name
of Jacob, had the direction of the battering train. For some violation of
military etiquette, he had been condemned to ignominious punishment. The
Russians were accustomed to such treatment, but Jacob, burning with
revenge, spiked his guns, deserted, joined the enemy, adopted the
Mussulman faith, and with great vigor conducted the defense.
Jacob was a man of much military science, and he succeeded in thwarting
all the efforts of the besiegers. In the attempt to storm the town the Russians
were repulsed with great loss, and at length were compelled to raise the
siege and to retire. But Peter was not a man to yield to difficulties. The next
summer he was found before Azov, with a still more formidable force. In
this attempt the tzar was successful, and on the 28th of July the garrison
surrendered without obtaining any of the honors of war. Elated with success
Peter increased the fortifications, dug a harbor capable of holding large
ships, and prepared to fit out a strong fleet against the Turks; which fleet
was to consist of nine sixty gun ships, and forty-one of from thirty to fifty
guns. While the fleet was being built he returned to Moscow, and to impress
his subjects with a sense of the great victory obtained, he marched the army
into Moscow beneath triumphal arches, while the whole city was
surrendered to all the demonstrations of joy. Characteristically Peter refused
to take any of the credit of the victory which had been gained by the skill
and valor of his generals. These officers consequently took the precedency
of their sovereign in the triumphal procession, Peter declaring that merit
was the only road to military preferment, and that, as yet, he had attained no
rank in the army. In imitation of the ancient Romans, the captives taken in
Page 265
the war were led in the train of the victors. The unfortunate Jacob was
carried in a cart, with a rope about his neck, and after being broken upon the
wheel was ignominiously hung.
———
[10] "La France n'avait eu encore aucune correspondance avec la Russie; on ne le connaissait pas; et
l'Académie des Inscriptions célébra par une médaille cette ambassade, comme si elle fut venue des
Indes."—Histoire de l'Empire de Russie, sous Pierre le Grand, page 93.
CHAPTER XIX.
PETER THE GREAT.
From 1697 to 1702.
Young Russians Sent to Foreign Countries.—The Tzar Decides Upon a
Tour of Observation.—His Plan of Travel.—Anecdote.—Peter's Mode
of Life in Holland.—Characteristic Anecdotes.—The Presentation of
the Embassador.—The Tzar Visits England.—Life at Deptford.—
Illustrious Foreigners Engaged in His Service.—Peter Visits Vienna.—
The Game of Landlord.—Insurrection in Moscow.—Return of the Tzar,
and Measures of Severity.—War with Sweden.—Disastrous Defeat of
Narva.—Efforts to Secure the Shores of the Baltic.—Designs Upon the
Black Sea.
It was a source of mortification to the tzar that he was dependent upon
foreigners for the construction of his ships. He accordingly sent sixty young
Russians to the sea-ports of Venice and Leghorn, in Italy, to acquire the art
of ship-building, and to learn scientific and practical navigation. Soon after
this he sent forty more to Holland for the same purpose. He sent also a large
number of young men to Germany, to learn the military discipline of that
warlike people.
carried in a cart, with a rope about his neck, and after being broken upon the
wheel was ignominiously hung.
———
[10] "La France n'avait eu encore aucune correspondance avec la Russie; on ne le connaissait pas; et
l'Académie des Inscriptions célébra par une médaille cette ambassade, comme si elle fut venue des
Indes."—Histoire de l'Empire de Russie, sous Pierre le Grand, page 93.
CHAPTER XIX.
PETER THE GREAT.
From 1697 to 1702.
Young Russians Sent to Foreign Countries.—The Tzar Decides Upon a
Tour of Observation.—His Plan of Travel.—Anecdote.—Peter's Mode
of Life in Holland.—Characteristic Anecdotes.—The Presentation of
the Embassador.—The Tzar Visits England.—Life at Deptford.—
Illustrious Foreigners Engaged in His Service.—Peter Visits Vienna.—
The Game of Landlord.—Insurrection in Moscow.—Return of the Tzar,
and Measures of Severity.—War with Sweden.—Disastrous Defeat of
Narva.—Efforts to Secure the Shores of the Baltic.—Designs Upon the
Black Sea.
It was a source of mortification to the tzar that he was dependent upon
foreigners for the construction of his ships. He accordingly sent sixty young
Russians to the sea-ports of Venice and Leghorn, in Italy, to acquire the art
of ship-building, and to learn scientific and practical navigation. Soon after
this he sent forty more to Holland for the same purpose. He sent also a large
number of young men to Germany, to learn the military discipline of that
warlike people.
Page 266
He now adopted the extraordinary resolve of traveling himself, incognito,
through most of the countries of Europe, that he might see how they were
governed, and might become acquainted with the progress they had made in
the arts and sciences. In this European tour he decided to omit Spain,
because the arts there were but little cultivated, and France, because he
disliked the pompous ceremonials of the court of Louis XIV. His plan of
travel was as ingenuous as it was odd. An extraordinary embassage was sent
by him, as Emperor of Russia, to all the leading courts of Europe. These
embassadors received minute instructions, and were fitted out for their
expedition with splendor which should add to the renown of the Russian
monarchy. Peter followed in the retinue of this embassage as a private
gentleman of wealth, with the servants suitable for his station.
Three nobles of the highest dignity were selected as embassadors. Their
retinue consisted of four secretaries, twelve gentlemen, two pages for each
embassador, and a company of fifty of the royal guard. The whole
embassage embraced two hundred persons. The tzar was lost to view in this
crowd. He reserved for himself one valet de chambre, one servant in livery,
and a dwarf. "It was," says Voltaire, "a thing unparalleled in history, either
ancient or modern, for a sovereign, of five and twenty years of age, to
withdraw from his kingdoms, only to learn the art of government." The
regency, during his absence, was entrusted to two of the lords in whom he
reposed confidence, who were to consult, in cases of importance, with the
rest of the nobility. General Gordon, the Scotch officer, was placed in
command of four thousand of the royal troops, to secure the peace of the
capital.
The embassadors commenced their journey in April, 1697. Passing directly
west from Moscow to Novgorod, they thence traversed the province of
Livonia until they reached Riga, at the mouth of the Dwina. Peter was
anxious to examine the important fortifications of this place, but the
governor peremptorily forbade it, Riga then belonging to Sweden. Peter did
not forget the affront. Continuing their journey, they arrived at Konigsburg,
the capital of the feeble electorate of Brandenburg, which has since grown
into the kingdom of Prussia. The elector, an ambitious man, who
subsequently took the title of king, received them with an extravagant
display of splendor. At one of the bacchanalian feasts, given on the
occasion, the bad and good qualities of Peter were very conspicuously
through most of the countries of Europe, that he might see how they were
governed, and might become acquainted with the progress they had made in
the arts and sciences. In this European tour he decided to omit Spain,
because the arts there were but little cultivated, and France, because he
disliked the pompous ceremonials of the court of Louis XIV. His plan of
travel was as ingenuous as it was odd. An extraordinary embassage was sent
by him, as Emperor of Russia, to all the leading courts of Europe. These
embassadors received minute instructions, and were fitted out for their
expedition with splendor which should add to the renown of the Russian
monarchy. Peter followed in the retinue of this embassage as a private
gentleman of wealth, with the servants suitable for his station.
Three nobles of the highest dignity were selected as embassadors. Their
retinue consisted of four secretaries, twelve gentlemen, two pages for each
embassador, and a company of fifty of the royal guard. The whole
embassage embraced two hundred persons. The tzar was lost to view in this
crowd. He reserved for himself one valet de chambre, one servant in livery,
and a dwarf. "It was," says Voltaire, "a thing unparalleled in history, either
ancient or modern, for a sovereign, of five and twenty years of age, to
withdraw from his kingdoms, only to learn the art of government." The
regency, during his absence, was entrusted to two of the lords in whom he
reposed confidence, who were to consult, in cases of importance, with the
rest of the nobility. General Gordon, the Scotch officer, was placed in
command of four thousand of the royal troops, to secure the peace of the
capital.
The embassadors commenced their journey in April, 1697. Passing directly
west from Moscow to Novgorod, they thence traversed the province of
Livonia until they reached Riga, at the mouth of the Dwina. Peter was
anxious to examine the important fortifications of this place, but the
governor peremptorily forbade it, Riga then belonging to Sweden. Peter did
not forget the affront. Continuing their journey, they arrived at Konigsburg,
the capital of the feeble electorate of Brandenburg, which has since grown
into the kingdom of Prussia. The elector, an ambitious man, who
subsequently took the title of king, received them with an extravagant
display of splendor. At one of the bacchanalian feasts, given on the
occasion, the bad and good qualities of Peter were very conspicuously
Page 267
displayed. Heated with wine, and provoked by a remark made by La Fort,
who was one of his embassadors, he drew his sword and called upon La
Fort to defend himself. The embassador humbly bowed, folded his hands
upon his breast, and said,
"Far be it from me. Rather let me perish by the hand of my master." The
tzar, enraged and intoxicated, raised his arm to strike, when one of the
retinue seized the uplifted hand and averted the blow. Peter immediately
recovered his self-possession, and sheathing his sword said to his
embassador,
"I ask your pardon. It is my great desire to reform my subjects, and yet I am
ashamed to confess that I am unable to reform myself."
From Konigsburg they continued their route to Berlin, and thence to
Hamburg, near the mouth of the Elbe, which was, even then, an important
maritime town. They then turned their steps towards Amsterdam. As soon
as they reached Emmeric, on the Rhine, the tzar, impatient of the slow
progress of the embassage, forsook his companions, and hiring a small boat,
sailed down the Rhine and proceeded to Amsterdam, reaching that city
fifteen days before the embassy. "He flew through the city," says one of the
annalists of those days, "like lightning," and proceeded to a small but active
sea-port town on the coast, Zaandam. The first person they saw here was a
man fishing from a small skiff, at a short distance from the shore. The tzar,
who was dressed like a common Dutch skipper, in a red jacket and white
linen trowsers, hailed the man, and engaged lodgings of him, consisting of
two small rooms with a loft over them, and an adjoining shed. Strangely
enough, this man, whose name was Kist, had been in Russia working as a
smith, and he knew the tzar. He was strictly enjoined on no account to let it
be known who his lodger was.
A group soon gathered around the strangers, with many questions. Peter
told them that they were carpenters and laborers from a foreign country in
search of work. But no one believed this, for the attendants of the tzar still
wore the rich robes which constituted the costume of Russia. With
sympathy as beautiful as it is rare, Peter called upon several families of ship
carpenters who had worked for him and with him at Archangel, and to some
of these families he gave valuable presents, which he said that the tzar of
who was one of his embassadors, he drew his sword and called upon La
Fort to defend himself. The embassador humbly bowed, folded his hands
upon his breast, and said,
"Far be it from me. Rather let me perish by the hand of my master." The
tzar, enraged and intoxicated, raised his arm to strike, when one of the
retinue seized the uplifted hand and averted the blow. Peter immediately
recovered his self-possession, and sheathing his sword said to his
embassador,
"I ask your pardon. It is my great desire to reform my subjects, and yet I am
ashamed to confess that I am unable to reform myself."
From Konigsburg they continued their route to Berlin, and thence to
Hamburg, near the mouth of the Elbe, which was, even then, an important
maritime town. They then turned their steps towards Amsterdam. As soon
as they reached Emmeric, on the Rhine, the tzar, impatient of the slow
progress of the embassage, forsook his companions, and hiring a small boat,
sailed down the Rhine and proceeded to Amsterdam, reaching that city
fifteen days before the embassy. "He flew through the city," says one of the
annalists of those days, "like lightning," and proceeded to a small but active
sea-port town on the coast, Zaandam. The first person they saw here was a
man fishing from a small skiff, at a short distance from the shore. The tzar,
who was dressed like a common Dutch skipper, in a red jacket and white
linen trowsers, hailed the man, and engaged lodgings of him, consisting of
two small rooms with a loft over them, and an adjoining shed. Strangely
enough, this man, whose name was Kist, had been in Russia working as a
smith, and he knew the tzar. He was strictly enjoined on no account to let it
be known who his lodger was.
A group soon gathered around the strangers, with many questions. Peter
told them that they were carpenters and laborers from a foreign country in
search of work. But no one believed this, for the attendants of the tzar still
wore the rich robes which constituted the costume of Russia. With
sympathy as beautiful as it is rare, Peter called upon several families of ship
carpenters who had worked for him and with him at Archangel, and to some
of these families he gave valuable presents, which he said that the tzar of
Page 268
Russia had sent to them. He clothed himself, and ordered his companions to
clothe themselves, in the ordinary dress of the dockyard, and purchasing
carpenters' tools they all went vigorously to work.
The next day was the Sabbath. The arrival of these strangers, so peculiar in
aspect and conduct, was noised abroad, and when Peter awoke in the
morning he was greatly annoyed by finding a large crowd assembled before
his door. Indeed the rumor of the Russian embassage, and that the tzar
himself was to accompany it, had already reached Amsterdam, and it was
shrewdly suspected that these strangers were in some way connected with
the expected arrival of the embassadors. One of the barbers in Amsterdam
had received from a ship carpenter in Archangel a portrait of the tzar, which
had been for some time hanging in his shop. He was with the crowd around
the door. The moment his eye rested upon Peter, he exclaimed, with
astonishment, "that is the tzar!" His form, features and character were all so
marked that he could not easily be mistaken.
No further efforts were made at concealment, though Peter was often very
much annoyed by the crowds who followed his footsteps and watched all
his actions. He was persuaded to change his lodgings to more suitable
apartments, though he still wore his workman's dress and toiled in the ship-
yard with energy, and also with skill which no one could surpass. The
extraordinary rapidity of his motions astonished and amused the Dutch.
"Such running, jumping and clambering over the shipping," they said, "we
never witnessed before." To the patriarch in Moscow he wrote,
"I am living in obedience to the commands of God, which were spoken to
father Adam: 'In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat thy bread.'"
Very many anecdotes are related of Peter during this portion of his life,
which, though they may be apochryphal, are very characteristic of his
eccentric nature. At one time he visited a celebrated iron manufactory, and
forged himself several bars of iron, directing his companions to assist him
in the capacity of journeymen blacksmiths. Upon the bars he forged, he put
his own mark, and then he demanded of Muller, the proprietor, payment for
his work, at the same rate he paid other workmen. Having received eighteen
altins, he said, looking at the patched shoes on his feet,
clothe themselves, in the ordinary dress of the dockyard, and purchasing
carpenters' tools they all went vigorously to work.
The next day was the Sabbath. The arrival of these strangers, so peculiar in
aspect and conduct, was noised abroad, and when Peter awoke in the
morning he was greatly annoyed by finding a large crowd assembled before
his door. Indeed the rumor of the Russian embassage, and that the tzar
himself was to accompany it, had already reached Amsterdam, and it was
shrewdly suspected that these strangers were in some way connected with
the expected arrival of the embassadors. One of the barbers in Amsterdam
had received from a ship carpenter in Archangel a portrait of the tzar, which
had been for some time hanging in his shop. He was with the crowd around
the door. The moment his eye rested upon Peter, he exclaimed, with
astonishment, "that is the tzar!" His form, features and character were all so
marked that he could not easily be mistaken.
No further efforts were made at concealment, though Peter was often very
much annoyed by the crowds who followed his footsteps and watched all
his actions. He was persuaded to change his lodgings to more suitable
apartments, though he still wore his workman's dress and toiled in the ship-
yard with energy, and also with skill which no one could surpass. The
extraordinary rapidity of his motions astonished and amused the Dutch.
"Such running, jumping and clambering over the shipping," they said, "we
never witnessed before." To the patriarch in Moscow he wrote,
"I am living in obedience to the commands of God, which were spoken to
father Adam: 'In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat thy bread.'"
Very many anecdotes are related of Peter during this portion of his life,
which, though they may be apochryphal, are very characteristic of his
eccentric nature. At one time he visited a celebrated iron manufactory, and
forged himself several bars of iron, directing his companions to assist him
in the capacity of journeymen blacksmiths. Upon the bars he forged, he put
his own mark, and then he demanded of Muller, the proprietor, payment for
his work, at the same rate he paid other workmen. Having received eighteen
altins, he said, looking at the patched shoes on his feet,
Page 269
"This will serve me to buy a pair of shoes, of which I stand in great need. I
have earned them well, by the sweat of my brow, with hammer and anvil."
When the embassadors entered Amsterdam, Peter thought it proper to take a
part in the procession, which was arranged in the highest style of
magnificence. The three embassadors rode first, followed by a long train of
carriages, with servants in rich livery on foot. The tzar, dressed as a private
gentleman, was in one of the last carriages in the train of his embassadors.
The eyes of the populace searched for him in vain. From this fête he
returned eagerly to his work, with saw, hammer and adz, at Zaandam. He
persisted in living like the rest of the workmen, rising early, building his
own fire, and often cooking his own meals. One of the inhabitants of
Zaandam thus describes his appearance at that time:
"The tzar is very tall and robust, quick and nimble of foot, dexterous and
rapid in all his actions. His face is plump and round; fierce in his look, with
brown eyebrows, and short, curly hair of a brownish color. He is quick in
his gait, swinging his arms, and holding in one of them a cane."
The Dutch were so much interested in him, that a regular diary was kept in
Zaandam of all he said and did. Those who were in daily intercourse with
him preserved a memorandum of all that occurred. He was generally called
by the name of Master Peter. While hard at work in the ship-yard, he
received intelligence of troubles in Poland. The renowned king, John
Sobieski, died in 1696. The electors were divided in the choice of a
successor. Augustus II., Elector of Saxony, by means of bribes and his army,
obtained the vote. But there was great dissatisfaction, and a large party of
the nation rallied around the prince of Conti, the rival candidate. Peter,
learning these facts, immediately sent word, from his carpenter's shop, to
Augustus, offering to send an army of thirty thousand men to his assistance.
He frequently went from Zaandam to Amsterdam, to attend the anatomical
lectures of the celebrated Ruisch. His thirst for knowledge appeared to be
universal and insatiable. He even performed, himself, several surgical
operations. He also studied natural philosophy under Witsen. Most minds
would have been bewildered by such a multiplicity of employments, but his
mental organization was of that peculiar class which grasps and retains all
within its reach. He worked at the forge, in the rope-walks, at the sawing
have earned them well, by the sweat of my brow, with hammer and anvil."
When the embassadors entered Amsterdam, Peter thought it proper to take a
part in the procession, which was arranged in the highest style of
magnificence. The three embassadors rode first, followed by a long train of
carriages, with servants in rich livery on foot. The tzar, dressed as a private
gentleman, was in one of the last carriages in the train of his embassadors.
The eyes of the populace searched for him in vain. From this fête he
returned eagerly to his work, with saw, hammer and adz, at Zaandam. He
persisted in living like the rest of the workmen, rising early, building his
own fire, and often cooking his own meals. One of the inhabitants of
Zaandam thus describes his appearance at that time:
"The tzar is very tall and robust, quick and nimble of foot, dexterous and
rapid in all his actions. His face is plump and round; fierce in his look, with
brown eyebrows, and short, curly hair of a brownish color. He is quick in
his gait, swinging his arms, and holding in one of them a cane."
The Dutch were so much interested in him, that a regular diary was kept in
Zaandam of all he said and did. Those who were in daily intercourse with
him preserved a memorandum of all that occurred. He was generally called
by the name of Master Peter. While hard at work in the ship-yard, he
received intelligence of troubles in Poland. The renowned king, John
Sobieski, died in 1696. The electors were divided in the choice of a
successor. Augustus II., Elector of Saxony, by means of bribes and his army,
obtained the vote. But there was great dissatisfaction, and a large party of
the nation rallied around the prince of Conti, the rival candidate. Peter,
learning these facts, immediately sent word, from his carpenter's shop, to
Augustus, offering to send an army of thirty thousand men to his assistance.
He frequently went from Zaandam to Amsterdam, to attend the anatomical
lectures of the celebrated Ruisch. His thirst for knowledge appeared to be
universal and insatiable. He even performed, himself, several surgical
operations. He also studied natural philosophy under Witsen. Most minds
would have been bewildered by such a multiplicity of employments, but his
mental organization was of that peculiar class which grasps and retains all
within its reach. He worked at the forge, in the rope-walks, at the sawing
Page 270
mills, and in the manufactures for wire drawing, making paper and
extracting oil.
While at Zaandam, Peter finished a sixty gun ship, upon which he had
worked diligently from the laying of the keel. As the Russians then had no
harbor in the Baltic, this ship was sent to Archangel, on the shores of the
White Sea. Peter also engaged a large number of French refugees, and
Swiss and German artists, to enter his service and sent them to Moscow.
Whenever he found a mechanic whose work testified to superior skill, he
would secure him at almost any price and send him to Moscow. To
geography he devoted great attention, and even then devised the plan of
uniting the Caspian and the Black Sea by a ship canal.
Early in January, 1698, Peter, having passed nine months at Zaandam, left
for the Hague. King William III. sent his yacht to the Hague, to convey the
tzar to England, with a convoy of two ships of war. Peter left the Hague on
the 18th of January, and arrived in London on the 21st. Though he
attempted here no secrecy as to his rank, he requested to be treated only as a
private gentleman. A large mansion was engaged for him, near the royal
navy yard at Deptford, a small town upon the Thames, about four miles
from London. The London Postman, one of the leading metropolitan
journals of that day, thus announces this extraordinary visit:
"The tzar of Muscovy, desiring to raise the glory of his nation, and avenge
the Christians of all the injuries they have received from the Turks, has
abrogated the wild manners of his predecessors, and having concluded,
from the behavior of his engineers and officers, who were sent him by the
Elector of Brandenburg, that the western nations of Europe understood the
art of war better than others, he resolved to take a journey thither, and not
wholly to rely upon the relations which his embassadors might give him;
and, at the same time, to send a great number of his nobility into those parts
through which he did not intend to travel, that he might have a complete
idea of the affairs of Europe, and enrich his subjects with the arts of all
other Christian nations; and as navigation is the most useful invention that
ever was yet found out, he seems to have chosen it as his own part in the
general inquiry he is about. His design is certainly very noble, and
discovers the greatness of his genius. But the model he has proposed
himself to imitate is a convincing proof of his extraordinary judgment; for
extracting oil.
While at Zaandam, Peter finished a sixty gun ship, upon which he had
worked diligently from the laying of the keel. As the Russians then had no
harbor in the Baltic, this ship was sent to Archangel, on the shores of the
White Sea. Peter also engaged a large number of French refugees, and
Swiss and German artists, to enter his service and sent them to Moscow.
Whenever he found a mechanic whose work testified to superior skill, he
would secure him at almost any price and send him to Moscow. To
geography he devoted great attention, and even then devised the plan of
uniting the Caspian and the Black Sea by a ship canal.
Early in January, 1698, Peter, having passed nine months at Zaandam, left
for the Hague. King William III. sent his yacht to the Hague, to convey the
tzar to England, with a convoy of two ships of war. Peter left the Hague on
the 18th of January, and arrived in London on the 21st. Though he
attempted here no secrecy as to his rank, he requested to be treated only as a
private gentleman. A large mansion was engaged for him, near the royal
navy yard at Deptford, a small town upon the Thames, about four miles
from London. The London Postman, one of the leading metropolitan
journals of that day, thus announces this extraordinary visit:
"The tzar of Muscovy, desiring to raise the glory of his nation, and avenge
the Christians of all the injuries they have received from the Turks, has
abrogated the wild manners of his predecessors, and having concluded,
from the behavior of his engineers and officers, who were sent him by the
Elector of Brandenburg, that the western nations of Europe understood the
art of war better than others, he resolved to take a journey thither, and not
wholly to rely upon the relations which his embassadors might give him;
and, at the same time, to send a great number of his nobility into those parts
through which he did not intend to travel, that he might have a complete
idea of the affairs of Europe, and enrich his subjects with the arts of all
other Christian nations; and as navigation is the most useful invention that
ever was yet found out, he seems to have chosen it as his own part in the
general inquiry he is about. His design is certainly very noble, and
discovers the greatness of his genius. But the model he has proposed
himself to imitate is a convincing proof of his extraordinary judgment; for
Page 271
what other prince, in the world, was a fitter pattern for the great Emperor of
Muscovy, than William the Third, King of Great Britain?"[11]
In London and Deptford Peter followed essentially the same mode of life
which he had adopted in Amsterdam. There was not a single article
belonging to a ship, from the casting of a cannon to the making of cables, to
which he did not devote special attention. He also devoted some time to
watch making. A number of English artificers, and also several literary and
scientific gentlemen from England, were taken into his service. He made
arrangements with a distinguished Scotch geometrician and two
mathematicians from Christ Church hospital, to remove to Moscow, who
laid the foundation in Russia of the Marine Academy. To astronomy, the
calculation of eclipses, and the laws of gravitation he devoted much
thought, guided by the most scientific men England could then produce.
Perry, an English engineer, was sent to Russia to survey a route for a ship
canal from the ocean to the Caspian and from the Caspian to the Black Sea.
A company of merchants paid the tzar seventy-five thousand dollars for
permission to import tobacco into Russia. The sale of this narcotic had
heretofore been discouraged in Russia, by the church, as demoralizing in its
tendency and inducing untidy habits. Peter was occasionally induced to
attend the theater, but he had no relish for that amusement. He visited the
various churches and observed the mode of conducting religious worship by
the several sects.
Before leaving England the tzar was entertained by King William with the
spectacle of a sham sea fight. In this scene Peter was in his element, and in
the excess of his delight he declared that an English admiral must be a
happier man than even the tzar of Russia. His Britannic majesty made his
guest also a present of a beautiful yacht, called the Royal Transport. In this
vessel Peter returned to Holland, in May, 1698, having passed four months
in England. He took with him quite a colony of emigrants, consisting of
three captains of men of war, twenty-five captains of merchant ships, forty
lieutenants, thirty pilots, thirty surgeons, two hundred and fifty gunners, and
three hundred artificers. These men from Holland sailed in the Royal
Transport to Archangel, from whence they were sent to different places
where their services were needed. The officers whom the tzar sent to Italy,
also led back to Russia many artists from that country.
Muscovy, than William the Third, King of Great Britain?"[11]
In London and Deptford Peter followed essentially the same mode of life
which he had adopted in Amsterdam. There was not a single article
belonging to a ship, from the casting of a cannon to the making of cables, to
which he did not devote special attention. He also devoted some time to
watch making. A number of English artificers, and also several literary and
scientific gentlemen from England, were taken into his service. He made
arrangements with a distinguished Scotch geometrician and two
mathematicians from Christ Church hospital, to remove to Moscow, who
laid the foundation in Russia of the Marine Academy. To astronomy, the
calculation of eclipses, and the laws of gravitation he devoted much
thought, guided by the most scientific men England could then produce.
Perry, an English engineer, was sent to Russia to survey a route for a ship
canal from the ocean to the Caspian and from the Caspian to the Black Sea.
A company of merchants paid the tzar seventy-five thousand dollars for
permission to import tobacco into Russia. The sale of this narcotic had
heretofore been discouraged in Russia, by the church, as demoralizing in its
tendency and inducing untidy habits. Peter was occasionally induced to
attend the theater, but he had no relish for that amusement. He visited the
various churches and observed the mode of conducting religious worship by
the several sects.
Before leaving England the tzar was entertained by King William with the
spectacle of a sham sea fight. In this scene Peter was in his element, and in
the excess of his delight he declared that an English admiral must be a
happier man than even the tzar of Russia. His Britannic majesty made his
guest also a present of a beautiful yacht, called the Royal Transport. In this
vessel Peter returned to Holland, in May, 1698, having passed four months
in England. He took with him quite a colony of emigrants, consisting of
three captains of men of war, twenty-five captains of merchant ships, forty
lieutenants, thirty pilots, thirty surgeons, two hundred and fifty gunners, and
three hundred artificers. These men from Holland sailed in the Royal
Transport to Archangel, from whence they were sent to different places
where their services were needed. The officers whom the tzar sent to Italy,
also led back to Russia many artists from that country.
Page 272
From Holland the Emperor of Russia, with his suite, repaired to Vienna to
observe the military discipline of the Germans, who had then the reputation
of being the best soldiers in Europe. He also wished to enter into a closer
alliance with the Austrian court as his natural ally against the Turks. Peter,
however, insisted upon laying aside all the ceremonials of royalty, and, as a
private person, held an interview with the Emperor Leopold.
Nothing of especial interest occurred during the brief residence of Peter in
Vienna. The Emperor of Germany paid the tzar every possible attention
which could be conferred upon one who had the strongest reluctance to be
gazed upon, or to take part in any parade. For the amusement of the tzar the
emperor revived the ancient game of landlord. The royal game is as follows.
The emperor is landlord, the empress landlady, the heir apparent to the
throne, the archdukes and archduchesses are generally their assistants. They
entertain people of all nations, dressed after the most ancient fashion of
their respective countries. The invited guests draw lots for tickets, on each
of which is written the name or the nation of the character they are to
represent. One is a Chinese mandarin, another a Persian mirza, another a
Roman senator. A queen perhaps represents a dairy maid or a nursery girl. A
king or prince represents a miller, a peasant or a soldier. Characteristic
amusements are introduced. The landlord and landlady, with their family,
wait upon the table.
On this occasion the emperor's eldest son, Joseph, who was the heir
apparent, represented, with the Countess of Traun, the ancient Egyptians.
His brother, the Archduke Charles, and the Countess of Walstein appeared
as Flemings in the reign of Charles V. His sister Mary and Count Fraun
were Tartars. Josephine, another daughter of Leopold, with the Count of
Workla, represented Persians. Marianne, a third daughter, and Prince
Maximilian of Hanover were North Holland peasants. Peter presented
himself as a Friesland boor, a character, we regret to say, which the tzar
could personify without making the slightest change in his usual habits, for
Peter was quite a stranger to the graces of the polished gentleman.
This game seems to have been quite a favorite in the Austrian court. Maria
Antoinette introduced it to Versailles. The tourist is still shown the dairy
where that unhappy queen made butter and cheese, the mill where Louis
observe the military discipline of the Germans, who had then the reputation
of being the best soldiers in Europe. He also wished to enter into a closer
alliance with the Austrian court as his natural ally against the Turks. Peter,
however, insisted upon laying aside all the ceremonials of royalty, and, as a
private person, held an interview with the Emperor Leopold.
Nothing of especial interest occurred during the brief residence of Peter in
Vienna. The Emperor of Germany paid the tzar every possible attention
which could be conferred upon one who had the strongest reluctance to be
gazed upon, or to take part in any parade. For the amusement of the tzar the
emperor revived the ancient game of landlord. The royal game is as follows.
The emperor is landlord, the empress landlady, the heir apparent to the
throne, the archdukes and archduchesses are generally their assistants. They
entertain people of all nations, dressed after the most ancient fashion of
their respective countries. The invited guests draw lots for tickets, on each
of which is written the name or the nation of the character they are to
represent. One is a Chinese mandarin, another a Persian mirza, another a
Roman senator. A queen perhaps represents a dairy maid or a nursery girl. A
king or prince represents a miller, a peasant or a soldier. Characteristic
amusements are introduced. The landlord and landlady, with their family,
wait upon the table.
On this occasion the emperor's eldest son, Joseph, who was the heir
apparent, represented, with the Countess of Traun, the ancient Egyptians.
His brother, the Archduke Charles, and the Countess of Walstein appeared
as Flemings in the reign of Charles V. His sister Mary and Count Fraun
were Tartars. Josephine, another daughter of Leopold, with the Count of
Workla, represented Persians. Marianne, a third daughter, and Prince
Maximilian of Hanover were North Holland peasants. Peter presented
himself as a Friesland boor, a character, we regret to say, which the tzar
could personify without making the slightest change in his usual habits, for
Peter was quite a stranger to the graces of the polished gentleman.
This game seems to have been quite a favorite in the Austrian court. Maria
Antoinette introduced it to Versailles. The tourist is still shown the dairy
where that unhappy queen made butter and cheese, the mill where Louis
Page 273
XVI. ground his grist, and the mimic village tavern where the King and
Queen of France, as landlord and landlady, received their guests.
Peter was just leaving Vienna to go to Venice when he received intelligence
that a rebellion had broken out in Moscow. His ambitious sister Sophia,
who had been placed with a shaven head in the cloisters of a monastery,
took advantage of the tzar's absence to make another attempt to regain the
crown. She represented that the nation was in danger of being overrun with
foreigners, that their ancient customs would all be abolished, and that their
religion would be subverted. She involved several of the clergy in her plans,
and a band of eight thousand insurgents were assembled, who commenced
their march towards Moscow, hoping to rouse the metropolis to unite with
them. General Gordon, whom Peter had left in command of the royal guard,
met them, and a battle ensued in which a large number of the insurgents
were slain, and the rest were taken prisoners and conducted to the capital.
Hearing these tidings Peter abandoned all plans for visiting Italy, and set out
impetuously for Moscow, and arrived at the Kremlin before it was known
that he had left Germany.
Peter was a rough, stern man, and he determined to punish the abettors of
this rebellion with severity, which should appall all the discontented.
General Gordon, in the battle, had slain three thousand of the insurgents and
had taken five thousand captive. These prisoners he had punished,
decimating them by lot and hanging every tenth man. Peter rewarded
magnificently the royal guard, and then commenced the terrible
chastisement of all who were judged guilty of sympathizing in the
conspiracy. Some were broken on the wheel and then beheaded. Others
were hung in chains, on gibbets near the gates of the city, and left, frozen as
solid as marble, to swing in the wind through the long months of winter.
Stone monuments were erected, on which were engraved the names, the
crimes and the punishment of the rebels. A large number were banished to
Siberia, to Astrachan, and to the shores of the Sea of Azof. The entire corps
of the strelitzes was abolished, and their place supplied by the new guard,
marshaled and disciplined on the model of the German troops. The long and
cumbersome robes which had been in fashion were exchanged for a
uniform better adapted for rapid motion. The sons of the nobles were
compelled to serve in the ranks as common soldiers before they could be
promoted to be officers. Many of the young nobles were sent to the tzar's
Queen of France, as landlord and landlady, received their guests.
Peter was just leaving Vienna to go to Venice when he received intelligence
that a rebellion had broken out in Moscow. His ambitious sister Sophia,
who had been placed with a shaven head in the cloisters of a monastery,
took advantage of the tzar's absence to make another attempt to regain the
crown. She represented that the nation was in danger of being overrun with
foreigners, that their ancient customs would all be abolished, and that their
religion would be subverted. She involved several of the clergy in her plans,
and a band of eight thousand insurgents were assembled, who commenced
their march towards Moscow, hoping to rouse the metropolis to unite with
them. General Gordon, whom Peter had left in command of the royal guard,
met them, and a battle ensued in which a large number of the insurgents
were slain, and the rest were taken prisoners and conducted to the capital.
Hearing these tidings Peter abandoned all plans for visiting Italy, and set out
impetuously for Moscow, and arrived at the Kremlin before it was known
that he had left Germany.
Peter was a rough, stern man, and he determined to punish the abettors of
this rebellion with severity, which should appall all the discontented.
General Gordon, in the battle, had slain three thousand of the insurgents and
had taken five thousand captive. These prisoners he had punished,
decimating them by lot and hanging every tenth man. Peter rewarded
magnificently the royal guard, and then commenced the terrible
chastisement of all who were judged guilty of sympathizing in the
conspiracy. Some were broken on the wheel and then beheaded. Others
were hung in chains, on gibbets near the gates of the city, and left, frozen as
solid as marble, to swing in the wind through the long months of winter.
Stone monuments were erected, on which were engraved the names, the
crimes and the punishment of the rebels. A large number were banished to
Siberia, to Astrachan, and to the shores of the Sea of Azof. The entire corps
of the strelitzes was abolished, and their place supplied by the new guard,
marshaled and disciplined on the model of the German troops. The long and
cumbersome robes which had been in fashion were exchanged for a
uniform better adapted for rapid motion. The sons of the nobles were
compelled to serve in the ranks as common soldiers before they could be
promoted to be officers. Many of the young nobles were sent to the tzar's
Page 274
fleet in the Sea of Azof to serve their apprenticeship for the navy. The
revenue of the empire had thus far been raised by the payment of a
stipulated sum from each noble according to his amount of land. The noble
collected this sum from his vassals or bondmen; but they often failed of
paying in the amount demanded. Peter took now the collection of the
revenue into his own hands, appointing officers for that purpose.
Reforms in the church he also undertook. The patriarch, Adrian, who was
the pope of the Greek church, dying about this time, Peter declared that he
should have no successor. Virtually assuming the authority of the head of
the church, he gathered the immense revenues of the patriarchal see into the
royal treasury. Though professedly intrusting the government of the church
to the bishops, he controlled them with despotism which could brook no
opposition. Anxious to promote the population of his vast empire, so
sparsely inhabited, he caused a decree to be issued, that all the clergy, of
every, grade, should be married; and that whenever one of the clergy lost a
wife his clerical functions should cease until he obtained another. Regarding
the monastic vow, which consigned young men and young women to a life
of indolence in the cloister, as alike injurious to morality and to the interests
of the State, he forbade any one from taking that vow until after the age of
fifty had been passed. This salutary regulation has since his time been
repealed.
The year, in Russia, had for ages commenced with the 1st of September.
Peter ordered that, in conformity with the custom in the rest of Europe, the
year should commence with the 1st of January. This alteration took place in
the year 1700, and was celebrated with the most imposing solemnities. The
national dress of the Russians was a long flowing robe, which required no
skill in cutting or making. Razors were also scarce, and every man wore his
beard. The tzar ordered long robes and beards to be laid aside. No man was
admitted to the palace without a neatly shaven face. Throughout the empire
a penalty was imposed upon any one who persisted in wearing his beard. A
smooth face thus became in Russia, and has continued, to the present day,
the badge of culture and refinement. Peter also introduced social parties, to
which ladies with their daughters were invited, dressed in the fashions of
southern Europe.
revenue of the empire had thus far been raised by the payment of a
stipulated sum from each noble according to his amount of land. The noble
collected this sum from his vassals or bondmen; but they often failed of
paying in the amount demanded. Peter took now the collection of the
revenue into his own hands, appointing officers for that purpose.
Reforms in the church he also undertook. The patriarch, Adrian, who was
the pope of the Greek church, dying about this time, Peter declared that he
should have no successor. Virtually assuming the authority of the head of
the church, he gathered the immense revenues of the patriarchal see into the
royal treasury. Though professedly intrusting the government of the church
to the bishops, he controlled them with despotism which could brook no
opposition. Anxious to promote the population of his vast empire, so
sparsely inhabited, he caused a decree to be issued, that all the clergy, of
every, grade, should be married; and that whenever one of the clergy lost a
wife his clerical functions should cease until he obtained another. Regarding
the monastic vow, which consigned young men and young women to a life
of indolence in the cloister, as alike injurious to morality and to the interests
of the State, he forbade any one from taking that vow until after the age of
fifty had been passed. This salutary regulation has since his time been
repealed.
The year, in Russia, had for ages commenced with the 1st of September.
Peter ordered that, in conformity with the custom in the rest of Europe, the
year should commence with the 1st of January. This alteration took place in
the year 1700, and was celebrated with the most imposing solemnities. The
national dress of the Russians was a long flowing robe, which required no
skill in cutting or making. Razors were also scarce, and every man wore his
beard. The tzar ordered long robes and beards to be laid aside. No man was
admitted to the palace without a neatly shaven face. Throughout the empire
a penalty was imposed upon any one who persisted in wearing his beard. A
smooth face thus became in Russia, and has continued, to the present day,
the badge of culture and refinement. Peter also introduced social parties, to
which ladies with their daughters were invited, dressed in the fashions of
southern Europe.
Page 275
Heretofore, whenever a Russian addressed the tzar, he always said, "Your
slave begs," etc. Peter abolished this word, and ordered subject to be used
instead. Public inns were established on the highways, and relays of horses
for the convenience of travelers. Conscious of the power of splendor to awe
the public mind, he added very considerably to the magnificence of his
court, and instituted an order of knighthood. In all these measures Peter
wielded the energies of an unrelenting despotism, and yet of a despotism
which was constantly devoted, not to his own personal aggrandizement, but
to the welfare of his country.
The tzar established his great ship-yard at Voronise, on the Don, from which
place he could float his ships down to the Sea of Azof, hoping to establish
there a fleet which would soon give him the command of the Black Sea. In
March, 1699, he had thirty-six ships launched and rigged, carrying each
from thirty to sixty guns; and there were then twenty more ships on the
stocks. There were, also, either finished or in process of construction,
eighteen large galleys, one hundred smaller brigantines, seven bomb ships
and four fire ships. At the same time Peter was directing his attention to the
Volga and the Caspian, and still more vigorously to the Baltic, upon whose
shores he had succeeded in obtaining a foothold.
And now the kingdom of Sweden came, with a rush, into the political arena.
Poland had ceded to Sweden nearly the whole of Livonia. The Livonians
were very much dissatisfied with the administration of the government
under Charles XI., and sent a deputation to Stockholm to present respectful
remonstrances. The indignant king consigned all of the deputation,
consisting of eight gentlemen, to prison, and condemned the leader, John
Patgul, to an ignominious death. Patgul escaped from prison, and hastening
to Poland, urged the new sovereign, Augustus, to reconquer the province of
Livonia, which Poland had lost, assuring him the Livonians would aid with
all their energies to throw off the Swedish yoke. Patgul hastened from
Poland to Moscow, and urged Peter to unite with Augustus, in a war against
Sweden, assuring him that thus he could easily regain the provinces of
Ingria and Carelia, which Sweden had wrested from his ancestors. Denmark
also, under its new sovereign, Frederic IV., was induced to enter into the
alliance with Russia and Poland against Sweden. Just at that time, Charles
XI. died, and his son, Charles XII., a young man of eighteen, ascended the
slave begs," etc. Peter abolished this word, and ordered subject to be used
instead. Public inns were established on the highways, and relays of horses
for the convenience of travelers. Conscious of the power of splendor to awe
the public mind, he added very considerably to the magnificence of his
court, and instituted an order of knighthood. In all these measures Peter
wielded the energies of an unrelenting despotism, and yet of a despotism
which was constantly devoted, not to his own personal aggrandizement, but
to the welfare of his country.
The tzar established his great ship-yard at Voronise, on the Don, from which
place he could float his ships down to the Sea of Azof, hoping to establish
there a fleet which would soon give him the command of the Black Sea. In
March, 1699, he had thirty-six ships launched and rigged, carrying each
from thirty to sixty guns; and there were then twenty more ships on the
stocks. There were, also, either finished or in process of construction,
eighteen large galleys, one hundred smaller brigantines, seven bomb ships
and four fire ships. At the same time Peter was directing his attention to the
Volga and the Caspian, and still more vigorously to the Baltic, upon whose
shores he had succeeded in obtaining a foothold.
And now the kingdom of Sweden came, with a rush, into the political arena.
Poland had ceded to Sweden nearly the whole of Livonia. The Livonians
were very much dissatisfied with the administration of the government
under Charles XI., and sent a deputation to Stockholm to present respectful
remonstrances. The indignant king consigned all of the deputation,
consisting of eight gentlemen, to prison, and condemned the leader, John
Patgul, to an ignominious death. Patgul escaped from prison, and hastening
to Poland, urged the new sovereign, Augustus, to reconquer the province of
Livonia, which Poland had lost, assuring him the Livonians would aid with
all their energies to throw off the Swedish yoke. Patgul hastened from
Poland to Moscow, and urged Peter to unite with Augustus, in a war against
Sweden, assuring him that thus he could easily regain the provinces of
Ingria and Carelia, which Sweden had wrested from his ancestors. Denmark
also, under its new sovereign, Frederic IV., was induced to enter into the
alliance with Russia and Poland against Sweden. Just at that time, Charles
XI. died, and his son, Charles XII., a young man of eighteen, ascended the
Page 276
throne. The youth and inexperience of the new monarch encouraged the
allies in the hope that they might make an easy conquest.
Charles XII., a man of indomitable, of maniacal energy, and who speedily
infused into his soldiers his own spirit, came down upon Denmark like
northern wolves into southern flocks and herds. In less than six weeks the
war was terminated and the Danes thoroughly humbled. Then with his fleet
of thirty sail of the line and a vast number of transports, he crossed the
Baltic, entered the Gulf of Finland, and marching over ice and snow
encountered the Russians at Narva, a small town about eighty miles south-
west of the present site of the city of St. Petersburg. The Russians were
drawn up eighty thousand strong, behind intrenchments lined with one
hundred and forty-five pieces of artillery; Charles XII. had but nine
thousand men. Taking advantage of one of the fiercest of wintry storms,
which blew directly into the faces of the Russians, smothering them with
snow and sleet mingled with smoke, and which concealed both the numbers
and the movements of the Swedes, Charles XII. hurled his battalions with
such impetuosity upon the foe, that in less than an hour the camp was taken
by storm. One of the most awful routs known in the annals of war ensued.
The Swedes toiled to utter exhaustion in cutting down the flying fugitives.
Thirty thousand Russians perished on that bloody field. Nearly all of the
remainder were taken captive, with all their artillery. Disarmed and with
uncovered heads, thirty thousand of these prisoners defiled before the
victorious king.[12]
Peter, the day before this disastrous battle, had left the intrenchments at
Narva to go to Novgorod, ostensibly to hasten forward the march of some
reinforcements. When Peter was informed of the annihilation of his army he
replied, with characteristic coolness,
"I know very well that the Swedes will have the advantage of us for a
considerable time; but they will teach us, at length, to beat them."
He immediately collected the fragments of his army at Novgorod, and
repairing to Moscow issued orders for a certain proportion of the bells of
the churches and convents throughout the empire to be cast into cannon and
mortars. In a few months one hundred pieces of cannon for sieges, and
allies in the hope that they might make an easy conquest.
Charles XII., a man of indomitable, of maniacal energy, and who speedily
infused into his soldiers his own spirit, came down upon Denmark like
northern wolves into southern flocks and herds. In less than six weeks the
war was terminated and the Danes thoroughly humbled. Then with his fleet
of thirty sail of the line and a vast number of transports, he crossed the
Baltic, entered the Gulf of Finland, and marching over ice and snow
encountered the Russians at Narva, a small town about eighty miles south-
west of the present site of the city of St. Petersburg. The Russians were
drawn up eighty thousand strong, behind intrenchments lined with one
hundred and forty-five pieces of artillery; Charles XII. had but nine
thousand men. Taking advantage of one of the fiercest of wintry storms,
which blew directly into the faces of the Russians, smothering them with
snow and sleet mingled with smoke, and which concealed both the numbers
and the movements of the Swedes, Charles XII. hurled his battalions with
such impetuosity upon the foe, that in less than an hour the camp was taken
by storm. One of the most awful routs known in the annals of war ensued.
The Swedes toiled to utter exhaustion in cutting down the flying fugitives.
Thirty thousand Russians perished on that bloody field. Nearly all of the
remainder were taken captive, with all their artillery. Disarmed and with
uncovered heads, thirty thousand of these prisoners defiled before the
victorious king.[12]
Peter, the day before this disastrous battle, had left the intrenchments at
Narva to go to Novgorod, ostensibly to hasten forward the march of some
reinforcements. When Peter was informed of the annihilation of his army he
replied, with characteristic coolness,
"I know very well that the Swedes will have the advantage of us for a
considerable time; but they will teach us, at length, to beat them."
He immediately collected the fragments of his army at Novgorod, and
repairing to Moscow issued orders for a certain proportion of the bells of
the churches and convents throughout the empire to be cast into cannon and
mortars. In a few months one hundred pieces of cannon for sieges, and
Page 277
forty-two field pieces, with twelve mortars and thirteen howitzers, were
sent to the army, which was rapidly being rendezvoused at Novgorod.
Charles XII., having struck this terrific blow, left the tzar to recover as best
he could, and turned his attention to Poland, resolved to hurl Augustus from
the throne. Peter himself hurried to Poland to encourage Augustus to the
most vigorous prosecution of the war, promising to send him speedily
twenty thousand troops. In the midst of these disasters and turmoil, the tzar
continued to prosecute his plans for the internal improvement of his empire,
and commenced the vast enterprise of digging a canal which should unite
the waters of the Baltic with the Caspian, first, by connecting the Don with
the Volga, and then by connecting the Don with the Dwina, which empties
into the Baltic near Riga.
War continued to rage very fiercely for many months between the Swedes
on one side, and Russia and Poland on the other, Charles XII. gaining
almost constant victories. The Swedes so signally proved their superiority
in these conflicts, that when, on one occasion, eight thousand Russians
repulsed four thousand Swedes, the tzar said,
"Well, we have at last beaten the Swedes, when we were two to one against
them. We shall by and by be able to face them man to man."
In these conflicts, it was the constant aim of Peter to get a foothold upon the
shores of the Baltic, that he might open to his empire the advantages of
commerce. He launched a large fleet upon Lake Ladoga, a large inland sea,
which, by the river Neva, connects with the Gulf of Finland. The fleets of
Sweden penetrated these remote waters, and for months their solitudes
resounded with the roar of naval conflicts. We can not refrain from
recording the heroic conduct of Colonel Schlippenbuch, the Swedish
commander of the town of Notteburg, on this lake. The town was invested
by a large Russian army. For a month the Russians battered the town night
and day, until it presented the aspect of a pile of ruins, and the garrison was
reduced to one hundred men. Yet, so indomitable was this little band, that,
standing in the breaches, they extorted honorable terms of capitulation from
their conqueror. They would not surrender but on condition of being
allowed to send for two Swedish officers, who should examine their
sent to the army, which was rapidly being rendezvoused at Novgorod.
Charles XII., having struck this terrific blow, left the tzar to recover as best
he could, and turned his attention to Poland, resolved to hurl Augustus from
the throne. Peter himself hurried to Poland to encourage Augustus to the
most vigorous prosecution of the war, promising to send him speedily
twenty thousand troops. In the midst of these disasters and turmoil, the tzar
continued to prosecute his plans for the internal improvement of his empire,
and commenced the vast enterprise of digging a canal which should unite
the waters of the Baltic with the Caspian, first, by connecting the Don with
the Volga, and then by connecting the Don with the Dwina, which empties
into the Baltic near Riga.
War continued to rage very fiercely for many months between the Swedes
on one side, and Russia and Poland on the other, Charles XII. gaining
almost constant victories. The Swedes so signally proved their superiority
in these conflicts, that when, on one occasion, eight thousand Russians
repulsed four thousand Swedes, the tzar said,
"Well, we have at last beaten the Swedes, when we were two to one against
them. We shall by and by be able to face them man to man."
In these conflicts, it was the constant aim of Peter to get a foothold upon the
shores of the Baltic, that he might open to his empire the advantages of
commerce. He launched a large fleet upon Lake Ladoga, a large inland sea,
which, by the river Neva, connects with the Gulf of Finland. The fleets of
Sweden penetrated these remote waters, and for months their solitudes
resounded with the roar of naval conflicts. We can not refrain from
recording the heroic conduct of Colonel Schlippenbuch, the Swedish
commander of the town of Notteburg, on this lake. The town was invested
by a large Russian army. For a month the Russians battered the town night
and day, until it presented the aspect of a pile of ruins, and the garrison was
reduced to one hundred men. Yet, so indomitable was this little band, that,
standing in the breaches, they extorted honorable terms of capitulation from
their conqueror. They would not surrender but on condition of being
allowed to send for two Swedish officers, who should examine their
Page 278
remaining means of defense, and inform their master, Charles XII., that it
was impossible for them any longer to preserve the town.
Peter was a man of too strong sense to be elated and vainglorious in view of
such success. He knew full well that Charles XII., since the battle of Narva,
looked with utter contempt upon the Russian soldiers, and he was himself
fully conscious of the vast superiority of the Swedish troops. But while
Charles XII., with a monarch's energies, was battering down the fortresses
and cutting to pieces the armies of Poland, Peter had gained several
victories over small detachments of Swedish troops left in Russia. To
inspire his soldiers with more confidence, he ordered a very magnificent
celebration of these victories in Moscow. It was one of the most gorgeous
fête days the metropolis had ever witnessed. The Swedish banners, taken in
several conflicts on sea and land, were borne in front of the procession,
while all the prisoners, taken in the campaign, were marched in humiliation
in the train of the victors.
While thus employed, the stern, indefatigable tzar was pressing forward the
building of his fleet on the Don for the conquest of the Black Sea, and was
unwearied in his endeavors to promote the elevation of his still semi-
barbaric realms, by the introduction of the sciences, the arts, the
manufactures and the social refinements of southern Europe.
———
[11] Postman, No. 417.
[12] These are the numbers as accurately as they can now be ascertained by the most careful sifting
of the contradictory accounts. The forces of the Russians have been variously estimated at from forty
thousand to one hundred thousand. That the Swedes had but nine thousand is admitted on all hands.
CHAPTER XX.
CONQUESTS AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF PETER THE GREAT.
From 1702 TO 1718.
was impossible for them any longer to preserve the town.
Peter was a man of too strong sense to be elated and vainglorious in view of
such success. He knew full well that Charles XII., since the battle of Narva,
looked with utter contempt upon the Russian soldiers, and he was himself
fully conscious of the vast superiority of the Swedish troops. But while
Charles XII., with a monarch's energies, was battering down the fortresses
and cutting to pieces the armies of Poland, Peter had gained several
victories over small detachments of Swedish troops left in Russia. To
inspire his soldiers with more confidence, he ordered a very magnificent
celebration of these victories in Moscow. It was one of the most gorgeous
fête days the metropolis had ever witnessed. The Swedish banners, taken in
several conflicts on sea and land, were borne in front of the procession,
while all the prisoners, taken in the campaign, were marched in humiliation
in the train of the victors.
While thus employed, the stern, indefatigable tzar was pressing forward the
building of his fleet on the Don for the conquest of the Black Sea, and was
unwearied in his endeavors to promote the elevation of his still semi-
barbaric realms, by the introduction of the sciences, the arts, the
manufactures and the social refinements of southern Europe.
———
[11] Postman, No. 417.
[12] These are the numbers as accurately as they can now be ascertained by the most careful sifting
of the contradictory accounts. The forces of the Russians have been variously estimated at from forty
thousand to one hundred thousand. That the Swedes had but nine thousand is admitted on all hands.
CHAPTER XX.
CONQUESTS AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF PETER THE GREAT.
From 1702 TO 1718.
Page 279
Peter takes Lake Lagoda and the Neva.—Foundation of St. Petersburg.
—Conquest of Livonia.—Marienburg Taken by Storm.—The Empress
Catharine.—Extraordinary Efforts in Building St. Petersburg.—Threat
of Charles XII.—Deposition of Augustus.—Enthronement of Stanislaus.
—Battle of Pultowa.—Flight of Charles XII. to Turkey.—Increased
Renown of Russia.—Disastrous Conflict with the Turks.—Marriage of
Alexis.—His Character.—Death of his Wife.—The Empress
Acknowledged.—Conquest of Finland.—Tour of the Tzar to Southern
Europe.
Charles XII., despising the Russians, devoted all his energies to the
humiliation of Augustus of Poland, resolving to pursue him until he had
driven him for ever from his throne. Peter was thus enabled to get the
command of the lake of Ladoga, and of the river Neva, which connects that
lake with the Baltic. He immediately laid the foundations of a city, St.
Petersburg, to be his great commercial emporium, at the mouth of the Neva,
near the head of the Gulf of Finland. The land was low and marshy, but in
other respects the location was admirable. Its approaches could easily be
defended against any naval attack, and water communications were opened
with the interior through the Neva and lake Ladoga.
Livonia was a large province, about the size of the State of Maine, nearly
encircled by the Gulf of Riga, the Baltic, the Gulf of Finland and Lake
Tchude. The possession of this province, which contained some five
hundred thousand inhabitants, was essential to Peter in the prosecution of
his commercial enterprises. During the prosecution of this war the small
town of Marienburg, on the confines of Livonia, situated on the shores of a
lake, was taken by storm. The town was utterly destroyed and nearly all the
inhabitants slain, a few only being taken prisoners. The Russian
commanding officer saw among these captives a young girl of extraordinary
beauty, who was weeping bitterly. Attracted by such rare loveliness and
uncontrollable grief he called her to him, and learned from her that she was
born in a village in the vicinity on the borders of the lake; that she had
never known her father, and that her mother died when she was but three
years of age. The protestant minister of Marienburg, Dr. Gluck, chancing to
see her one day, and ascertaining that she was left an orphan and friendless,
—Conquest of Livonia.—Marienburg Taken by Storm.—The Empress
Catharine.—Extraordinary Efforts in Building St. Petersburg.—Threat
of Charles XII.—Deposition of Augustus.—Enthronement of Stanislaus.
—Battle of Pultowa.—Flight of Charles XII. to Turkey.—Increased
Renown of Russia.—Disastrous Conflict with the Turks.—Marriage of
Alexis.—His Character.—Death of his Wife.—The Empress
Acknowledged.—Conquest of Finland.—Tour of the Tzar to Southern
Europe.
Charles XII., despising the Russians, devoted all his energies to the
humiliation of Augustus of Poland, resolving to pursue him until he had
driven him for ever from his throne. Peter was thus enabled to get the
command of the lake of Ladoga, and of the river Neva, which connects that
lake with the Baltic. He immediately laid the foundations of a city, St.
Petersburg, to be his great commercial emporium, at the mouth of the Neva,
near the head of the Gulf of Finland. The land was low and marshy, but in
other respects the location was admirable. Its approaches could easily be
defended against any naval attack, and water communications were opened
with the interior through the Neva and lake Ladoga.
Livonia was a large province, about the size of the State of Maine, nearly
encircled by the Gulf of Riga, the Baltic, the Gulf of Finland and Lake
Tchude. The possession of this province, which contained some five
hundred thousand inhabitants, was essential to Peter in the prosecution of
his commercial enterprises. During the prosecution of this war the small
town of Marienburg, on the confines of Livonia, situated on the shores of a
lake, was taken by storm. The town was utterly destroyed and nearly all the
inhabitants slain, a few only being taken prisoners. The Russian
commanding officer saw among these captives a young girl of extraordinary
beauty, who was weeping bitterly. Attracted by such rare loveliness and
uncontrollable grief he called her to him, and learned from her that she was
born in a village in the vicinity on the borders of the lake; that she had
never known her father, and that her mother died when she was but three
years of age. The protestant minister of Marienburg, Dr. Gluck, chancing to
see her one day, and ascertaining that she was left an orphan and friendless,
Page 280
received her into his own house, and cherished her with true parental
tenderness.
The very evening before the town of Marienburg was assaulted and taken
by storm, she was married to a young Livonian sergeant, a very excellent
young man, of reputable family and possessing a little property. In the
horrors of the tempest of war which immediately succeeded the nuptial
ceremonies, her husband was slain, and as his body could never be found, it
probably was consumed in the flames, which laid the town in ashes.
General Boyer, moved with compassion, took her under his protection. He
ascertained that her character had always been irreproachable, and he ever
maintained that she continued to be a pattern of virtue. She was but
seventeen years of age when Peter saw her. Her beauty immediately
vanquished him. His wife he had repudiated after a long disagreement, and
she had retired to a convent. Peter took the lovely child, still a child in
years, under his own care, and soon privately married her, with how much
sacredness of nuptial rites is not now known. Such was the early history of
Catharine, who subsequently became the recognized and renowned
Empress of Russia.
"That a poor stranger," says Voltaire, "who had been discovered amid the
ruins of a plundered town, should become the absolute sovereign of that
very empire into which she was led captive, is an incident which fortune
and merit have never before produced in the annals of the world."
The city of Petersburg was founded on the 22d of May, 1703, on a desert
and marshy spot of ground, in the sixtieth degree of latitude. The first
building was a fort which now stands in the center of the city. Though Peter
was involved in all the hurry and confusion of war, he devoted himself with
marvelous energy to the work of rearing an imperial city upon the bogs and
the swamps of the Neva. It required the merciless vigor of despotism to
accomplish such an enterprise. Workmen were marched by thousands from
Kesan, from Astrachan, from the Ukraine, to assist in building the city. No
difficulties, no obstacles were allowed to impede the work. The tzar had a
low hut, built of plank, just sufficient to shelter him from the weather,
where he superintended the operations. This hut is still preserved as one of
the curiosities of St. Petersburg. In less than a year thirty thousand houses
were reared, and these were all crowded by the many thousands Peter had
tenderness.
The very evening before the town of Marienburg was assaulted and taken
by storm, she was married to a young Livonian sergeant, a very excellent
young man, of reputable family and possessing a little property. In the
horrors of the tempest of war which immediately succeeded the nuptial
ceremonies, her husband was slain, and as his body could never be found, it
probably was consumed in the flames, which laid the town in ashes.
General Boyer, moved with compassion, took her under his protection. He
ascertained that her character had always been irreproachable, and he ever
maintained that she continued to be a pattern of virtue. She was but
seventeen years of age when Peter saw her. Her beauty immediately
vanquished him. His wife he had repudiated after a long disagreement, and
she had retired to a convent. Peter took the lovely child, still a child in
years, under his own care, and soon privately married her, with how much
sacredness of nuptial rites is not now known. Such was the early history of
Catharine, who subsequently became the recognized and renowned
Empress of Russia.
"That a poor stranger," says Voltaire, "who had been discovered amid the
ruins of a plundered town, should become the absolute sovereign of that
very empire into which she was led captive, is an incident which fortune
and merit have never before produced in the annals of the world."
The city of Petersburg was founded on the 22d of May, 1703, on a desert
and marshy spot of ground, in the sixtieth degree of latitude. The first
building was a fort which now stands in the center of the city. Though Peter
was involved in all the hurry and confusion of war, he devoted himself with
marvelous energy to the work of rearing an imperial city upon the bogs and
the swamps of the Neva. It required the merciless vigor of despotism to
accomplish such an enterprise. Workmen were marched by thousands from
Kesan, from Astrachan, from the Ukraine, to assist in building the city. No
difficulties, no obstacles were allowed to impede the work. The tzar had a
low hut, built of plank, just sufficient to shelter him from the weather,
where he superintended the operations. This hut is still preserved as one of
the curiosities of St. Petersburg. In less than a year thirty thousand houses
were reared, and these were all crowded by the many thousands Peter had
Page 281
ordered to the rising city, from all parts of the empire. Death made terrible
ravages among them; but the remote provinces furnished an abundant
supply to fill the places of the dead. Exposure, toil, and the insalubrity of
the marshy ground, consigned one hundred thousand to the grave during
this first year.
The morass had to be drained, and the ground raised by bringing earth from
a distance. Wheelbarrows were not in use there, and the laborers conveyed
the earth in baskets, bags and even in the skirts of their clothes, scooping it
up with their hands and with wooden paddles. The tzar always manifested
great respect for the outward observances of religion, and was constant in
his attendance upon divine service. As we have mentioned, the first building
the tzar erected was a fort, the second was a church, the third a hotel. In the
meantime private individuals were busily employed, by thousands, in
putting up shops and houses. The city of Amsterdam was essentially the
model upon which St. Petersburg was built. The wharves, the canals, the
bridges and the rectangular streets lined with trees were arranged by
architects brought from the Dutch metropolis. When Charles XII. was
informed of the rapid progress the tzar was making in building a city on the
banks of the Neva, he said,
"Let him amuse himself as he thinks fit in building his city. I shall soon find
time to take it from him and to put his wooden houses in a blaze."
Five months had not passed away, from the commencement of operations
upon these vast morasses at the mouth of the Neva, ere, one day, it was
reported to the tzar that a large ship under Dutch colors was in full sail
entering the harbor. Peter was overjoyed at this realization of the dearest
wish of his heart. With ardor he set off to meet the welcome stranger. He
found that the ship had been sent by one of his old friends at Zaandam. The
cargo consisted of salt, wine and provisions generally. The cargo was
landed free from all duties and was speedily sold to the great profit of the
owners. To protect his capital, Peter immediately commenced his defenses
at Cronstadt, about thirty miles down the bay. From that hour until this,
Russia has been at work upon those fortifications, and they can now
probably bid defiance to all the navies of the world.
ravages among them; but the remote provinces furnished an abundant
supply to fill the places of the dead. Exposure, toil, and the insalubrity of
the marshy ground, consigned one hundred thousand to the grave during
this first year.
The morass had to be drained, and the ground raised by bringing earth from
a distance. Wheelbarrows were not in use there, and the laborers conveyed
the earth in baskets, bags and even in the skirts of their clothes, scooping it
up with their hands and with wooden paddles. The tzar always manifested
great respect for the outward observances of religion, and was constant in
his attendance upon divine service. As we have mentioned, the first building
the tzar erected was a fort, the second was a church, the third a hotel. In the
meantime private individuals were busily employed, by thousands, in
putting up shops and houses. The city of Amsterdam was essentially the
model upon which St. Petersburg was built. The wharves, the canals, the
bridges and the rectangular streets lined with trees were arranged by
architects brought from the Dutch metropolis. When Charles XII. was
informed of the rapid progress the tzar was making in building a city on the
banks of the Neva, he said,
"Let him amuse himself as he thinks fit in building his city. I shall soon find
time to take it from him and to put his wooden houses in a blaze."
Five months had not passed away, from the commencement of operations
upon these vast morasses at the mouth of the Neva, ere, one day, it was
reported to the tzar that a large ship under Dutch colors was in full sail
entering the harbor. Peter was overjoyed at this realization of the dearest
wish of his heart. With ardor he set off to meet the welcome stranger. He
found that the ship had been sent by one of his old friends at Zaandam. The
cargo consisted of salt, wine and provisions generally. The cargo was
landed free from all duties and was speedily sold to the great profit of the
owners. To protect his capital, Peter immediately commenced his defenses
at Cronstadt, about thirty miles down the bay. From that hour until this,
Russia has been at work upon those fortifications, and they can now
probably bid defiance to all the navies of the world.
Page 282
Charles XII., sweeping Poland with fire and the sword, drove Augustus out
of the kingdom to his hereditary electorate of Saxony, and then, convening
the Polish nobles, caused Stanislaus Leszczynski, one of his own followers,
to be elected sovereign, and sustained him on the throne by all the power of
the Swedish armies. [13] The Swedish warrior now fitted out a fleet for the
destruction of Cronstadt and Petersburg. The defense of the province was
intrusted to Menzikoff. This man subsequently passed through a career so
full of vicissitudes that a sketch of his varied life thus far seems important.
He was the son of one of the humblest of the peasants living in the vicinity
of Moscow. When but thirteen years of age he was taken into the service of
a pastry cook to sell pies and cakes about the streets, and he was
accustomed to attract customers by singing jocular songs. The tzar chanced
to hear him one day, and, diverted by his song and struck by his bright,
intelligent appearance, called for the boy, and offered to purchase his whole
stock, both cakes and basket.
The boy replied,
"It is my business to sell the cakes, and I have no right to sell the basket
without my master's permission. Yet, as every thing belongs to our prince,
your majesty has only to give the command, and it is my duty to obey."
This adroit, apt answer so pleased the tzar that he took the lad into his
service, giving him at first some humble employment. But being daily more
pleased with his wit and shrewdness, he raised him, step by step, to the
highest preferment. Under the tuition of General Le Fort, he attained great
skill in military affairs, and became one of the bravest and most successful
of the Russian generals.
Early in the spring of 1705 the Swedish fleet, consisting of twenty-two
ships of war, each carrying about sixty guns, besides six frigates, two bomb
ketches and two fire ships, approached Cronstadt. At the same time a large
number of transports landed a strong body of troops to assail the forts in the
rear. This was the most formidable attack Charles XII. had yet attempted in
his wars. Though the Swedes almost invariably conquered the Russians in
the open field, Menzikoff, from behind his well-constructed redoubts, beat
back his assailants, and St. Petersburg was saved. The summer passed away
with many but undecisive battles, until the storms of the long northern
of the kingdom to his hereditary electorate of Saxony, and then, convening
the Polish nobles, caused Stanislaus Leszczynski, one of his own followers,
to be elected sovereign, and sustained him on the throne by all the power of
the Swedish armies. [13] The Swedish warrior now fitted out a fleet for the
destruction of Cronstadt and Petersburg. The defense of the province was
intrusted to Menzikoff. This man subsequently passed through a career so
full of vicissitudes that a sketch of his varied life thus far seems important.
He was the son of one of the humblest of the peasants living in the vicinity
of Moscow. When but thirteen years of age he was taken into the service of
a pastry cook to sell pies and cakes about the streets, and he was
accustomed to attract customers by singing jocular songs. The tzar chanced
to hear him one day, and, diverted by his song and struck by his bright,
intelligent appearance, called for the boy, and offered to purchase his whole
stock, both cakes and basket.
The boy replied,
"It is my business to sell the cakes, and I have no right to sell the basket
without my master's permission. Yet, as every thing belongs to our prince,
your majesty has only to give the command, and it is my duty to obey."
This adroit, apt answer so pleased the tzar that he took the lad into his
service, giving him at first some humble employment. But being daily more
pleased with his wit and shrewdness, he raised him, step by step, to the
highest preferment. Under the tuition of General Le Fort, he attained great
skill in military affairs, and became one of the bravest and most successful
of the Russian generals.
Early in the spring of 1705 the Swedish fleet, consisting of twenty-two
ships of war, each carrying about sixty guns, besides six frigates, two bomb
ketches and two fire ships, approached Cronstadt. At the same time a large
number of transports landed a strong body of troops to assail the forts in the
rear. This was the most formidable attack Charles XII. had yet attempted in
his wars. Though the Swedes almost invariably conquered the Russians in
the open field, Menzikoff, from behind his well-constructed redoubts, beat
back his assailants, and St. Petersburg was saved. The summer passed away
with many but undecisive battles, until the storms of the long northern
Page 283
winter separated the combatants. The state of exasperation was now such
that the most revolting cruelties were perpetrated on both sides.
The campaign of 1706 opened most disastrously to Russia. In four
successive pitched battles the forces of the tzar had been defeated. Augustus
was humbled to the dust, and was compelled to write a letter to Stanislaus
congratulating him upon his accession to the throne. He also ignominiously
consented to deliver up the unfortunate Livonian noble, Patgul, whose only
crime was his love for the rights and privileges of his country. Charles XII.
caused this unhappy noble to be broken upon the wheel, thus inflicting a
stain upon his own character which can never be effaced. The haughty
Swedish monarch seemed now to be sovereign over all of northern Europe
excepting Russia. Augustus, driven from the throne of Poland, was
permitted to hold the electorate of Saxony only in consequence of his abject
submission to Charles XII. Stanislaus, the new Polish sovereign, was
merely a vassal of Sweden. And even the Emperor Joseph of Germany paid
implicit obedience to the will of a monarch who had such terrible armies at
his command.
Under these circumstances some of the powers endeavored to secure peace
between Sweden and Russia. The French envoy at the court of Sweden
introduced the subject. Charles XII. proudly replied, "I shall treat with the
tzar in the city of Moscow."
Peter, being informed of this boast and threat, remarked, "My brother
Charles wants to act the part of Alexander, but he shall not find in me a
Darius."
Charles XII., from his triumphant invasion of Saxony, marched with an
army of forty-five thousand men through Poland, which was utterly
desolated by war, and crossing the frontiers of Russia, directed his march to
Moscow. Driving all opposition before him, he arrived upon the banks of
the Dnieper, and without much difficulty effected the passage of the stream.
Peter himself, with Menzikoff, now hastened to the theater of conflict, and
summoned his mightiest energies to repel the foe. Battle after battle ensued
with varying results. But the situation of the Swedish conqueror was fast
growing desperate. He was far from home. His regiments were daily
diminishing beneath the terrible storms of war, while recruits were pouring
that the most revolting cruelties were perpetrated on both sides.
The campaign of 1706 opened most disastrously to Russia. In four
successive pitched battles the forces of the tzar had been defeated. Augustus
was humbled to the dust, and was compelled to write a letter to Stanislaus
congratulating him upon his accession to the throne. He also ignominiously
consented to deliver up the unfortunate Livonian noble, Patgul, whose only
crime was his love for the rights and privileges of his country. Charles XII.
caused this unhappy noble to be broken upon the wheel, thus inflicting a
stain upon his own character which can never be effaced. The haughty
Swedish monarch seemed now to be sovereign over all of northern Europe
excepting Russia. Augustus, driven from the throne of Poland, was
permitted to hold the electorate of Saxony only in consequence of his abject
submission to Charles XII. Stanislaus, the new Polish sovereign, was
merely a vassal of Sweden. And even the Emperor Joseph of Germany paid
implicit obedience to the will of a monarch who had such terrible armies at
his command.
Under these circumstances some of the powers endeavored to secure peace
between Sweden and Russia. The French envoy at the court of Sweden
introduced the subject. Charles XII. proudly replied, "I shall treat with the
tzar in the city of Moscow."
Peter, being informed of this boast and threat, remarked, "My brother
Charles wants to act the part of Alexander, but he shall not find in me a
Darius."
Charles XII., from his triumphant invasion of Saxony, marched with an
army of forty-five thousand men through Poland, which was utterly
desolated by war, and crossing the frontiers of Russia, directed his march to
Moscow. Driving all opposition before him, he arrived upon the banks of
the Dnieper, and without much difficulty effected the passage of the stream.
Peter himself, with Menzikoff, now hastened to the theater of conflict, and
summoned his mightiest energies to repel the foe. Battle after battle ensued
with varying results. But the situation of the Swedish conqueror was fast
growing desperate. He was far from home. His regiments were daily
diminishing beneath the terrible storms of war, while recruits were pouring
Page 284
in, from all directions, to swell the ranks of the tzar. It was the month of
December. The villages had been all burned and the country turned into a
desert. The cold was so intense that on one particular march two thousand
men dropped down dead in their ranks. The wintry storms soon became so
severe that both parties were compelled to remain for some time in inaction.
Every poor peasant, within fifty miles, was robbed by detachments of
starving soldiers.
The moment the weather permitted, both armies were again in action.
Charles XII. had taken a circuitous route towards Moscow, through the
Ukraine, hoping to rouse the people of this region to join his standards. This
plan, however, proved an utter failure. About the middle of June the two
armies, led by their respective sovereigns, met at Pultowa, upon the
Worskla, near its point of junction with the Dnieper, about four hundred
miles south of Moscow. Several days were passed in maneuvering and
skirmishing in preparation for a decisive struggle. It was evident to all
Europe that the great battle to ensue would decide the fate of Russia, Poland
and Sweden. Thirty thousand war-worn veterans were marshaled under the
banners of Charles XII. The tzar led sixty thousand troops into the conflict.
Fully aware of the superiority of the Swedish troops, he awaited the attack
of his formidable foe behind his redoubts. In one of the skirmishes, two
days before the great battle, a bullet struck Charles XII., shattering the bone
of his heel. It was an exceedingly painful wound, which was followed by an
equally painful operation. Though the indomitable warrior was suffering
severely, he caused himself to be borne in a litter to the head of his troops,
and led the charge. The attack upon the intrenchments was made with all
the characteristic impetuosity of these demoniac fighters. Notwithstanding
the storm of grape shot which was hurled into their faces, covering the
ground with the mangled and the dead, two of the redoubts were taken, and
shouts of victory ran along the lines of the Swedes.
The action continued with fiend-like ferocity for two hours. Charles XII.,
with a pistol in his hand, was borne on his litter from rank to rank,
animating his troops, until a cannon ball, striking down one of his bearers,
also shattered the litter into fragments, and dashed the bandaged monarch to
the ground. With as much calmness as though this were an ordinary,
everyday occurrence, Charles ordered his guards immediately to make
another litter with their pikes. He was placed upon it, and continued to
December. The villages had been all burned and the country turned into a
desert. The cold was so intense that on one particular march two thousand
men dropped down dead in their ranks. The wintry storms soon became so
severe that both parties were compelled to remain for some time in inaction.
Every poor peasant, within fifty miles, was robbed by detachments of
starving soldiers.
The moment the weather permitted, both armies were again in action.
Charles XII. had taken a circuitous route towards Moscow, through the
Ukraine, hoping to rouse the people of this region to join his standards. This
plan, however, proved an utter failure. About the middle of June the two
armies, led by their respective sovereigns, met at Pultowa, upon the
Worskla, near its point of junction with the Dnieper, about four hundred
miles south of Moscow. Several days were passed in maneuvering and
skirmishing in preparation for a decisive struggle. It was evident to all
Europe that the great battle to ensue would decide the fate of Russia, Poland
and Sweden. Thirty thousand war-worn veterans were marshaled under the
banners of Charles XII. The tzar led sixty thousand troops into the conflict.
Fully aware of the superiority of the Swedish troops, he awaited the attack
of his formidable foe behind his redoubts. In one of the skirmishes, two
days before the great battle, a bullet struck Charles XII., shattering the bone
of his heel. It was an exceedingly painful wound, which was followed by an
equally painful operation. Though the indomitable warrior was suffering
severely, he caused himself to be borne in a litter to the head of his troops,
and led the charge. The attack upon the intrenchments was made with all
the characteristic impetuosity of these demoniac fighters. Notwithstanding
the storm of grape shot which was hurled into their faces, covering the
ground with the mangled and the dead, two of the redoubts were taken, and
shouts of victory ran along the lines of the Swedes.
The action continued with fiend-like ferocity for two hours. Charles XII.,
with a pistol in his hand, was borne on his litter from rank to rank,
animating his troops, until a cannon ball, striking down one of his bearers,
also shattered the litter into fragments, and dashed the bandaged monarch to
the ground. With as much calmness as though this were an ordinary,
everyday occurrence, Charles ordered his guards immediately to make
another litter with their pikes. He was placed upon it, and continued to
Page 285
direct the battle, paying no more attention to bullets, balls and bombshells,
than if they had been snow flakes.
Peter was equally prodigal of danger. Death in that hour was more desirable
to him than defeat, for Charles XII., victorious, would march direct to
Moscow, and Russia would share the fate of Poland. The tzar was
conspicuous at every point where the battle raged most fiercely. Several
bullets pierced his clothes; one passing through his hat just grazed the
crown of his head. At length, the Swedes, overpowered by numbers, gave
way, and fled in great confusion. Charles, though agonized by his wound,
was compelled to mount on horseback as the only means of escape from
capture. The black hour of woe came, which sooner or later meets almost
every warrior, however successful for a time his career may be. The blow
was fatal to Charles XII. More than nine thousand of the Swedes were left
dead upon the field of battle. Eighteen thousand were taken prisoners. The
Swedish king, with a few hundred troops in his retinue, cut off from his
retreat towards Sweden, crossed the Dnieper and fled to Turkey. Peter did
not pursue him, but being informed of his desperate resolve to seek refuge
in the territory of the Turks, he magnanimously wrote a letter to him, urging
him not to take so perilous a step, assuring him, upon his honor, that he
would not detain him as a prisoner, but that all their difficulties should be
settled by a reasonable peace. A special courier was dispatched with this
letter, but he could not overtake the fugitives. When the courier arrived at
the river Boy, which separates the deserts of Ukraine from the territories of
the Grand Seignor, the Swedes had already crossed the river. In the
character of Peter there was a singular compound of magnanimity and of
the most brutal insensibility and mercilessness. He ordered all the Swedish
generals, who were his captives, to be introduced to him, returned to them
their swords and invited them to dine. With a gracefulness of courtesy
rarely surpassed, he offered as a toast the sentiment, "To the health of my
masters in the art of war." And yet, soon after, he consigned nearly all these
captives to the horrors of Siberian exile.
This utter defeat of Charles XII. produced a sudden revolution in Poland,
Sweden and Saxony. Peter immediately dispatched a large body of cavalry,
under Menzikoff, to Poland, to assist Augustus in regaining his crown. Soon
after, he followed himself, at the head of an army, and entering Warsaw in
triumph, on the 7th of October, 1709, replaced Augustus upon the throne
than if they had been snow flakes.
Peter was equally prodigal of danger. Death in that hour was more desirable
to him than defeat, for Charles XII., victorious, would march direct to
Moscow, and Russia would share the fate of Poland. The tzar was
conspicuous at every point where the battle raged most fiercely. Several
bullets pierced his clothes; one passing through his hat just grazed the
crown of his head. At length, the Swedes, overpowered by numbers, gave
way, and fled in great confusion. Charles, though agonized by his wound,
was compelled to mount on horseback as the only means of escape from
capture. The black hour of woe came, which sooner or later meets almost
every warrior, however successful for a time his career may be. The blow
was fatal to Charles XII. More than nine thousand of the Swedes were left
dead upon the field of battle. Eighteen thousand were taken prisoners. The
Swedish king, with a few hundred troops in his retinue, cut off from his
retreat towards Sweden, crossed the Dnieper and fled to Turkey. Peter did
not pursue him, but being informed of his desperate resolve to seek refuge
in the territory of the Turks, he magnanimously wrote a letter to him, urging
him not to take so perilous a step, assuring him, upon his honor, that he
would not detain him as a prisoner, but that all their difficulties should be
settled by a reasonable peace. A special courier was dispatched with this
letter, but he could not overtake the fugitives. When the courier arrived at
the river Boy, which separates the deserts of Ukraine from the territories of
the Grand Seignor, the Swedes had already crossed the river. In the
character of Peter there was a singular compound of magnanimity and of
the most brutal insensibility and mercilessness. He ordered all the Swedish
generals, who were his captives, to be introduced to him, returned to them
their swords and invited them to dine. With a gracefulness of courtesy
rarely surpassed, he offered as a toast the sentiment, "To the health of my
masters in the art of war." And yet, soon after, he consigned nearly all these
captives to the horrors of Siberian exile.
This utter defeat of Charles XII. produced a sudden revolution in Poland,
Sweden and Saxony. Peter immediately dispatched a large body of cavalry,
under Menzikoff, to Poland, to assist Augustus in regaining his crown. Soon
after, he followed himself, at the head of an army, and entering Warsaw in
triumph, on the 7th of October, 1709, replaced Augustus upon the throne
Page 286
from which Charles XII. had ejected him. The whole kingdom
acknowledged Peter for their protector. Peter then marched to the electorate
of Brandenburg, which had recently been elevated into the kingdom of
Prussia, and performing the functions of his own embassador, entered into a
treaty with Frederic I., grandfather of Frederic the Great. He then returned
with all eagerness to St. Petersburg, and pressed forward the erection of
new buildings and the enlargement of the fleet.
A magnificent festival was here arranged in commemoration of the great
victory of Pultowa. Nine arches were reared, beneath which the procession
marched, in the most gorgeous array of civic and military pageantry. The
artillery of the vanquished, their standards, the shattered litter of the king,
and the vast array of captives, soldiers and officers, all on foot, followed in
the train of the triumphal procession, while the ringing of bells, the
explosion of an hundred pieces of artillery, and the shouts of an
innumerable multitude, added to the enthusiasm which the scene inspired.
The battle of Pultowa gave Peter great renown throughout Europe, and
added immeasurably to the reputation of Russia. An occurrence had taken
place in London which had deeply offended the tzar, who, wielding himself
the energies of despotism, could form no idea of that government of law
which was irrespective of the will of the sovereign. The Russian
embassador at the court of Queen Anne had been arrested at the suit of a
tradesman in London, and had been obliged to give bail to save himself
from the debtor's prison. Peter, regarding this as a personal insult,
demanded of Queen Anne satisfaction. She expressed her regret for the
occurrence, but stated, that according to the laws of England, a creditor had
a right to sue for his just demands, and that there was no statute exempting
foreign embassadors from being arrested for debt. Peter, who had no respect
for constitutional liberty, was not at all satisfied with this declaration, but
postponed further action until his conflict with Sweden should be
terminated.
Now, in the hour of victory, he turned again to Queen Anne and demanded
reparation for what he deemed the insult offered to his government. He
threatened, in retaliation, to take vengeance upon all the merchants and
British subjects within his dominions. This was an appalling menace. Queen
Anne accordingly sent Lord Whitworth on a formal embassy to the tzar,
acknowledged Peter for their protector. Peter then marched to the electorate
of Brandenburg, which had recently been elevated into the kingdom of
Prussia, and performing the functions of his own embassador, entered into a
treaty with Frederic I., grandfather of Frederic the Great. He then returned
with all eagerness to St. Petersburg, and pressed forward the erection of
new buildings and the enlargement of the fleet.
A magnificent festival was here arranged in commemoration of the great
victory of Pultowa. Nine arches were reared, beneath which the procession
marched, in the most gorgeous array of civic and military pageantry. The
artillery of the vanquished, their standards, the shattered litter of the king,
and the vast array of captives, soldiers and officers, all on foot, followed in
the train of the triumphal procession, while the ringing of bells, the
explosion of an hundred pieces of artillery, and the shouts of an
innumerable multitude, added to the enthusiasm which the scene inspired.
The battle of Pultowa gave Peter great renown throughout Europe, and
added immeasurably to the reputation of Russia. An occurrence had taken
place in London which had deeply offended the tzar, who, wielding himself
the energies of despotism, could form no idea of that government of law
which was irrespective of the will of the sovereign. The Russian
embassador at the court of Queen Anne had been arrested at the suit of a
tradesman in London, and had been obliged to give bail to save himself
from the debtor's prison. Peter, regarding this as a personal insult,
demanded of Queen Anne satisfaction. She expressed her regret for the
occurrence, but stated, that according to the laws of England, a creditor had
a right to sue for his just demands, and that there was no statute exempting
foreign embassadors from being arrested for debt. Peter, who had no respect
for constitutional liberty, was not at all satisfied with this declaration, but
postponed further action until his conflict with Sweden should be
terminated.
Now, in the hour of victory, he turned again to Queen Anne and demanded
reparation for what he deemed the insult offered to his government. He
threatened, in retaliation, to take vengeance upon all the merchants and
British subjects within his dominions. This was an appalling menace. Queen
Anne accordingly sent Lord Whitworth on a formal embassy to the tzar,
Page 287
with a diplomatic lie in his mouth. Addressing Peter in the flattering words
of "most high and mighty emperor," he assured him, that the offending
tradesman had been punished with imprisonment and rendered infamous,
and that an act of Parliament should be passed, rendering it no longer lawful
to arrest a foreign embassador. The offender had not been punished, but the
act was subsequently passed.
The acknowledgment, accompanied by such flattering testimonials of
respect, was deemed satisfactory. The tzar had demanded the death of the
offender. Every Englishman must read with pride the declaration of Queen
Anne in reference to this demand.
"There are," said she, "insuperable difficulties with respect to the ancient
and fundamental laws of the government of our people, which we fear do
not permit so severe and rigorous a sentence to be given, as your imperial
majesty first seemed to expect in this case. And we persuade ourselves that
your imperial majesty, who are a prince famous for clemency and exact
justice, will not require us, who are the guardian and protector of the laws,
to inflict a punishment on our subjects which the law does not empower us
to do."
The whole of Livonia speedily fell into the hands of the tzar and was
reannexed to Russia. Pestilence, which usually follows in the train of war,
now rose from the putridity of battle fields, and sweeping, like the angel of
death, over the war-scathed and starving inhabitants of Livonia, penetrated
Sweden. Whole provinces were depopulated, and in Stockholm alone thirty
thousand perished. The war of the Spanish Succession was now raging, and
every nation in Europe was engaged in the work of destruction and
butchery. Spain, Portugal, Italy, France, the German empire, England,
Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Poland, were all in arms, and hundreds of
millions of men were directly or indirectly employed in the work of mutual
destruction. The fugitive king, Charles XII., was endeavoring to enlist the
energies of the Ottoman Porte in his behalf, and the Grand Seignor had
promised to throw his armies also, two hundred thousand strong, into the
arena of flame and blood, and to march for the conquest of Russia.
Peter, conscious of the danger of an attack from Turkey, raised an army of
one hundred and twenty-five thousand men, when he was informed that the
of "most high and mighty emperor," he assured him, that the offending
tradesman had been punished with imprisonment and rendered infamous,
and that an act of Parliament should be passed, rendering it no longer lawful
to arrest a foreign embassador. The offender had not been punished, but the
act was subsequently passed.
The acknowledgment, accompanied by such flattering testimonials of
respect, was deemed satisfactory. The tzar had demanded the death of the
offender. Every Englishman must read with pride the declaration of Queen
Anne in reference to this demand.
"There are," said she, "insuperable difficulties with respect to the ancient
and fundamental laws of the government of our people, which we fear do
not permit so severe and rigorous a sentence to be given, as your imperial
majesty first seemed to expect in this case. And we persuade ourselves that
your imperial majesty, who are a prince famous for clemency and exact
justice, will not require us, who are the guardian and protector of the laws,
to inflict a punishment on our subjects which the law does not empower us
to do."
The whole of Livonia speedily fell into the hands of the tzar and was
reannexed to Russia. Pestilence, which usually follows in the train of war,
now rose from the putridity of battle fields, and sweeping, like the angel of
death, over the war-scathed and starving inhabitants of Livonia, penetrated
Sweden. Whole provinces were depopulated, and in Stockholm alone thirty
thousand perished. The war of the Spanish Succession was now raging, and
every nation in Europe was engaged in the work of destruction and
butchery. Spain, Portugal, Italy, France, the German empire, England,
Holland, Denmark, Sweden, Poland, were all in arms, and hundreds of
millions of men were directly or indirectly employed in the work of mutual
destruction. The fugitive king, Charles XII., was endeavoring to enlist the
energies of the Ottoman Porte in his behalf, and the Grand Seignor had
promised to throw his armies also, two hundred thousand strong, into the
arena of flame and blood, and to march for the conquest of Russia.
Peter, conscious of the danger of an attack from Turkey, raised an army of
one hundred and twenty-five thousand men, when he was informed that the
Page 288
Turks, with a combined army of two hundred and ten thousand troops, were
ravaging the province of Azof. Urging his troops impetuously onward, he
crossed the Pruth and entered Jassi, the capital of Moldavia. The grand
vizier, with an army three times more numerous, crossed the Danube and
advanced to meet him. For three days the contending hosts poured their shot
into each other's bosoms. The tzar, outnumbered and surrounded, though
enabled to hold his position behind his intrenchments, saw clearly that
famine would soon compel him to surrender. His position was desperate.
Catharine had accompanied her husband on this expedition, and, at her
earnest solicitation, the tzar sent proposals of peace to the grand vizier,
accompanied with a valuable present of money and jewels. The Turk,
dreading the energies which despair might develop in so powerful a foe,
was willing to come into an accommodation, and entered into a treaty,
which, though greatly to the advantage of the Ottoman Porte, rescued the
tzar from the greatest peril in which he had ever been placed. The grand
vizier good-naturedly sent several wagons of provisions to the camp of his
humbled foes, and the Russians returned to their homes, having lost twenty
thousand men.
Alexis, the oldest son of Peter, had ever been a bad boy, and he had now
grown up into an exceedingly dissolute and vicious young man. Indolent,
licentious, bacchanalian in his habits, and overbearing, his father had often
threatened to deprive him of his right of succession, and to shave his crown
and consign him to a convent. Hoping to improve his character, he urged his
marriage, and selected for him a beautiful princess of Wolfenbuttle, as the
possessions of the dukes of Brunswick were then called. The old ducal
castle still stands on the banks of the Oka about forty miles south-east of
Hanover. The princess of Wolfenbuttle, who was but eighteen years of age,
was sister to the Empress of Germany, consort of Charles VI. The young
Russian prince was dragged very reluctantly to this marriage, for he wished
to be shackled by no such ties. He was the son of Peter's first wife, not of
the Empress Catharine, whom the tzar had now acknowledged. Peter and
Catharine attended these untoward nuptials, which were celebrated in the
palace of the Queen of Poland, in which a princess as lovely in character as
in person was sacrificed to one who made the few remaining months of her
life a continued martyrdom. But little more than a year had passed after
their marriage ere she was brought to bed of a son. Her heart was already
ravaging the province of Azof. Urging his troops impetuously onward, he
crossed the Pruth and entered Jassi, the capital of Moldavia. The grand
vizier, with an army three times more numerous, crossed the Danube and
advanced to meet him. For three days the contending hosts poured their shot
into each other's bosoms. The tzar, outnumbered and surrounded, though
enabled to hold his position behind his intrenchments, saw clearly that
famine would soon compel him to surrender. His position was desperate.
Catharine had accompanied her husband on this expedition, and, at her
earnest solicitation, the tzar sent proposals of peace to the grand vizier,
accompanied with a valuable present of money and jewels. The Turk,
dreading the energies which despair might develop in so powerful a foe,
was willing to come into an accommodation, and entered into a treaty,
which, though greatly to the advantage of the Ottoman Porte, rescued the
tzar from the greatest peril in which he had ever been placed. The grand
vizier good-naturedly sent several wagons of provisions to the camp of his
humbled foes, and the Russians returned to their homes, having lost twenty
thousand men.
Alexis, the oldest son of Peter, had ever been a bad boy, and he had now
grown up into an exceedingly dissolute and vicious young man. Indolent,
licentious, bacchanalian in his habits, and overbearing, his father had often
threatened to deprive him of his right of succession, and to shave his crown
and consign him to a convent. Hoping to improve his character, he urged his
marriage, and selected for him a beautiful princess of Wolfenbuttle, as the
possessions of the dukes of Brunswick were then called. The old ducal
castle still stands on the banks of the Oka about forty miles south-east of
Hanover. The princess of Wolfenbuttle, who was but eighteen years of age,
was sister to the Empress of Germany, consort of Charles VI. The young
Russian prince was dragged very reluctantly to this marriage, for he wished
to be shackled by no such ties. He was the son of Peter's first wife, not of
the Empress Catharine, whom the tzar had now acknowledged. Peter and
Catharine attended these untoward nuptials, which were celebrated in the
palace of the Queen of Poland, in which a princess as lovely in character as
in person was sacrificed to one who made the few remaining months of her
life a continued martyrdom. But little more than a year had passed after
their marriage ere she was brought to bed of a son. Her heart was already
Page 289
broken, and she was quite unprepared for the anguish of such an hour.
Though the sweetness of her disposition and the gentleness of her manners
had endeared her to all her household, her husband treated her with the
most brutal neglect and cruelty. Unblushingly he introduced into the palace
his mistresses, and the saloons ever resounded with the uproar of his
drunken companions. The woe-stricken princess, then but twenty years of
age, covered her face with the bed clothes, and, weeping bitterly, refused to
take any nourishment, and begged the physicians to permit her to die in
peace. Intelligence was immediately sent to the tzar of the confinement of
his daughter in-law, and of her dangerous situation. He hastened to her
chamber. The interview was short, but so affecting that the tzar, losing all
self-control, burst into an agony of grief and wept like a child. The dying
princess commended to his care her babe and her servants, and, as the clock
struck the hour of midnight, her spirit departed, we trust to that world
"where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest." The
orphan babe was baptized as Peter Alexis, and subsequently, on the death of
the Empress Catharine, became Emperor of Russia.
On the 20th of February, 1712, Peter, who had previously acknowledged his
private marriage with Catharine, had the marriage publicly solemnized at
St. Petersburg with the utmost pomp. Soon after this, to the inexpressible
joy of both parents, Catharine gave birth to a son. The war with Sweden still
continued, notwithstanding Charles XII. was a fugitive in Turkey unable to
return to his own country. Finland, a vast realm containing one hundred and
thirty-five thousand square miles and almost embraced by the Gulfs of
Bothnia and of Finland, then belonged to Sweden. Peter fitted out an
expedition from St. Petersburg for the conquest of that country. With three
hundred ships, conveying thirteen thousand men, he effected a landing in
the vicinity of Abo notwithstanding the opposition of the Swedish force
there, and, establishing his troops in redoubts with ample supplies, he
returned to St. Petersburg for reinforcements. He soon returned, and, with
an army augmented to twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse, with a
powerful train of artillery, commenced a career of conquest. The city of
Abo, on the coast, the capital of Finland, fell unresistingly into his hands
with a large quantity of provisions. There was a flourishing university here
containing a valuable library. Peter sent the books to St. Petersburg, and
they became the foundation of the present royal library in that place.
Though the sweetness of her disposition and the gentleness of her manners
had endeared her to all her household, her husband treated her with the
most brutal neglect and cruelty. Unblushingly he introduced into the palace
his mistresses, and the saloons ever resounded with the uproar of his
drunken companions. The woe-stricken princess, then but twenty years of
age, covered her face with the bed clothes, and, weeping bitterly, refused to
take any nourishment, and begged the physicians to permit her to die in
peace. Intelligence was immediately sent to the tzar of the confinement of
his daughter in-law, and of her dangerous situation. He hastened to her
chamber. The interview was short, but so affecting that the tzar, losing all
self-control, burst into an agony of grief and wept like a child. The dying
princess commended to his care her babe and her servants, and, as the clock
struck the hour of midnight, her spirit departed, we trust to that world
"where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest." The
orphan babe was baptized as Peter Alexis, and subsequently, on the death of
the Empress Catharine, became Emperor of Russia.
On the 20th of February, 1712, Peter, who had previously acknowledged his
private marriage with Catharine, had the marriage publicly solemnized at
St. Petersburg with the utmost pomp. Soon after this, to the inexpressible
joy of both parents, Catharine gave birth to a son. The war with Sweden still
continued, notwithstanding Charles XII. was a fugitive in Turkey unable to
return to his own country. Finland, a vast realm containing one hundred and
thirty-five thousand square miles and almost embraced by the Gulfs of
Bothnia and of Finland, then belonged to Sweden. Peter fitted out an
expedition from St. Petersburg for the conquest of that country. With three
hundred ships, conveying thirteen thousand men, he effected a landing in
the vicinity of Abo notwithstanding the opposition of the Swedish force
there, and, establishing his troops in redoubts with ample supplies, he
returned to St. Petersburg for reinforcements. He soon returned, and, with
an army augmented to twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse, with a
powerful train of artillery, commenced a career of conquest. The city of
Abo, on the coast, the capital of Finland, fell unresistingly into his hands
with a large quantity of provisions. There was a flourishing university here
containing a valuable library. Peter sent the books to St. Petersburg, and
they became the foundation of the present royal library in that place.
Page 290
The tzar, leaving the prosecution of the war to his generals, returned to St.
Petersburg. Many and bloody battles were fought in those northern wilds
during the summer, in most of which the Russians had the advantage,
gaining citadel after citadel until winter drove the combatants from the
field.
With indefatigable zeal Peter pressed forward in his plan to give splendor
and power to his new city of Petersburg. One thousand families were
moved there from Moscow. Very flattering offers were made to induce
foreigners to settle there, and a decree was issued declaring Petersburg to be
the only port of entry in the empire. He ordered that no more wooden
houses should be built, and that all should be covered with tile; and to
secure the best architects from Europe, he offered them houses rent free,
and entire exemption from taxes for fourteen years. The campaign of
another summer, that of 1714, rendered the tzar the master of the whole
province of Finland.
In the autumn of this year, Charles XII., escaped from Turkey, where he had
performed pranks outrivaling Don Quixote, and had finally been held a
prisoner. He traversed Hungary and Germany in disguise, and traveling day
and night, in such haste that but one of his attendants could keep up with
him, arrived, exhausted and haggard, in Sweden. He was received with the
liveliest demonstrations of joy, and immediately placed himself again at the
head of the Swedish armies.
The tzar, however, conscious that he now had not much to fear from
Sweden, left the conduct of the desultory war with his generals, and set out
on another tour of observation to southern Europe. The lovely Catharine,
who, with the fairy form and sylph-like grace of a girl of seventeen, had
won the love of Peter, was now a staid and worthy matron of middle life.
She had, however, secured the abiding affection of the tzar, and he loved to
take her with him on all his journeys. Catharine, though on the eve of again
becoming a mother, accompanied her husband as far as Holland. Through
Stralsund, Mecklenburg and Hamburg, they proceeded to Rostock, where a
fleet of forty-five galleys awaited him. The emperor took the command, and
hoisting his flag, sailed to Copenhagen. Here he was entertained for two
months with profuse hospitality by the King of Denmark, during which
Petersburg. Many and bloody battles were fought in those northern wilds
during the summer, in most of which the Russians had the advantage,
gaining citadel after citadel until winter drove the combatants from the
field.
With indefatigable zeal Peter pressed forward in his plan to give splendor
and power to his new city of Petersburg. One thousand families were
moved there from Moscow. Very flattering offers were made to induce
foreigners to settle there, and a decree was issued declaring Petersburg to be
the only port of entry in the empire. He ordered that no more wooden
houses should be built, and that all should be covered with tile; and to
secure the best architects from Europe, he offered them houses rent free,
and entire exemption from taxes for fourteen years. The campaign of
another summer, that of 1714, rendered the tzar the master of the whole
province of Finland.
In the autumn of this year, Charles XII., escaped from Turkey, where he had
performed pranks outrivaling Don Quixote, and had finally been held a
prisoner. He traversed Hungary and Germany in disguise, and traveling day
and night, in such haste that but one of his attendants could keep up with
him, arrived, exhausted and haggard, in Sweden. He was received with the
liveliest demonstrations of joy, and immediately placed himself again at the
head of the Swedish armies.
The tzar, however, conscious that he now had not much to fear from
Sweden, left the conduct of the desultory war with his generals, and set out
on another tour of observation to southern Europe. The lovely Catharine,
who, with the fairy form and sylph-like grace of a girl of seventeen, had
won the love of Peter, was now a staid and worthy matron of middle life.
She had, however, secured the abiding affection of the tzar, and he loved to
take her with him on all his journeys. Catharine, though on the eve of again
becoming a mother, accompanied her husband as far as Holland. Through
Stralsund, Mecklenburg and Hamburg, they proceeded to Rostock, where a
fleet of forty-five galleys awaited him. The emperor took the command, and
hoisting his flag, sailed to Copenhagen. Here he was entertained for two
months with profuse hospitality by the King of Denmark, during which
Page 291
time he studied, with sleepless vigilance, the institutions and the artistic
attainments of the country.
About the middle of December he arrived at Amsterdam. The city gave him
a splendid reception, and he was welcomed by the Earl of Albemarle in a
very complimentary speech, pompous and flowery. The uncourteous tzar
bluntly replied,
"I thank you heartily, though I don't understand much of what you say. I
learned my Dutch among ship-builders, but the sort of language you have
spoken I am sure I never learned."
Some of his old companions, who were ship-builders, and had acquired
wealth, invited him to dine. They addressed him as "your majesty." Peter
cut them short, saying,
"Come, brothers, let us converse like plain and honest ship-carpenters."
A servant brought him some wine. "Give me the jug," said he laughing,
"and then I can drink as much as I please, and no one can tell how much I
have taken."
He hastened to Zaandam, where he was received with the utmost joy by his
old friends from whom he had parted nineteen years before. An old woman
pressed forward to greet him.
"My good woman," said the tzar, "how do you know who I am?"
"I am the widow," she said, "of Baas Pool, at whose table your majesty so
often sat nineteen years ago."
The emperor kissed her upon the forehead and invited her to dine with him
that very day. One of his first visits was to the little cottage, or rather hut,
which he had occupied while residing there. The cottage is still carefully
preserved, having been purchased in 1823 by the sister of the Emperor
Alexander, and enclosed in another building with large arched windows.
The room was even then regarded as sacred. In the center stood the oaken
table and the three wooden chairs which constituted the furniture when
Peter occupied it. The loft was ascended by a ladder which still remains.
attainments of the country.
About the middle of December he arrived at Amsterdam. The city gave him
a splendid reception, and he was welcomed by the Earl of Albemarle in a
very complimentary speech, pompous and flowery. The uncourteous tzar
bluntly replied,
"I thank you heartily, though I don't understand much of what you say. I
learned my Dutch among ship-builders, but the sort of language you have
spoken I am sure I never learned."
Some of his old companions, who were ship-builders, and had acquired
wealth, invited him to dine. They addressed him as "your majesty." Peter
cut them short, saying,
"Come, brothers, let us converse like plain and honest ship-carpenters."
A servant brought him some wine. "Give me the jug," said he laughing,
"and then I can drink as much as I please, and no one can tell how much I
have taken."
He hastened to Zaandam, where he was received with the utmost joy by his
old friends from whom he had parted nineteen years before. An old woman
pressed forward to greet him.
"My good woman," said the tzar, "how do you know who I am?"
"I am the widow," she said, "of Baas Pool, at whose table your majesty so
often sat nineteen years ago."
The emperor kissed her upon the forehead and invited her to dine with him
that very day. One of his first visits was to the little cottage, or rather hut,
which he had occupied while residing there. The cottage is still carefully
preserved, having been purchased in 1823 by the sister of the Emperor
Alexander, and enclosed in another building with large arched windows.
The room was even then regarded as sacred. In the center stood the oaken
table and the three wooden chairs which constituted the furniture when
Peter occupied it. The loft was ascended by a ladder which still remains.
Page 292
With all the roughness of Peter's exterior, he had always been a man of deep
religious feelings, and through all his life was in habits of daily prayer. This
loft had been his place of private devotion to which he daily ascended.
Upon entering the cottage and finding every thing just as he had left it, the
tzar was for a moment much affected. He ascended the ladder to his closet
of prayer in the loft, and there remained alone with his God for a full half
hour. Eventful indeed and varied had his life been since there, a young man
of twenty-five, he had daily sought divine guidance.
———
religious feelings, and through all his life was in habits of daily prayer. This
loft had been his place of private devotion to which he daily ascended.
Upon entering the cottage and finding every thing just as he had left it, the
tzar was for a moment much affected. He ascended the ladder to his closet
of prayer in the loft, and there remained alone with his God for a full half
hour. Eventful indeed and varied had his life been since there, a young man
of twenty-five, he had daily sought divine guidance.
———
Page 293
[13] See Empire of Austria, page 382.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION OF ALEXIS AND DEATH OF
THE TZAR.
From 1718 to 1725.
The Tzar's Second Visit to Holland.—Reception in France.—Description
of Catharine.—Domestic Grief.—Conduct of Alexis.—Letters from His
Father.—Flight To Germany.—Thence to Naples.—Envoys Sent to
Bring Him Back.—Alexis Excluded from the Succession.—His Trial for
Treason.—Condemnation and Unexpected Death.—New Efforts of the
Tzar for the Welfare of Russia.—Sickness of Peter.—His Death.—
Succession of the Empress Catharine.—Epitaph to the Emperor.
From Holland the tzar went to Paris. Great preparations were made there for
his reception, and apartments in the Louvre were gorgeously fitted up for
the accommodation of him and his suite. But Peter, annoyed by parade,
declined the sumptuous palace, and, the very evening of his arrival, took
lodgings at the Hotel de Lesdiguieres. To those who urged his acceptance of
the saloons of the Louvre he replied,
"I am a soldier. A little bread and beer satisfy me. I prefer small apartments
to large ones. I have no desire to be attended with pomp and ceremony, nor
to give trouble to so many people."
Every hour of his stay in Paris was employed in studying the institutions of
the realm, and the progress made in the arts and sciences. Standing by the
tomb of Richelieu, which is one of the finest pieces of sculpture in Europe,
he exclaimed,
CHAPTER XXI.
THE TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION OF ALEXIS AND DEATH OF
THE TZAR.
From 1718 to 1725.
The Tzar's Second Visit to Holland.—Reception in France.—Description
of Catharine.—Domestic Grief.—Conduct of Alexis.—Letters from His
Father.—Flight To Germany.—Thence to Naples.—Envoys Sent to
Bring Him Back.—Alexis Excluded from the Succession.—His Trial for
Treason.—Condemnation and Unexpected Death.—New Efforts of the
Tzar for the Welfare of Russia.—Sickness of Peter.—His Death.—
Succession of the Empress Catharine.—Epitaph to the Emperor.
From Holland the tzar went to Paris. Great preparations were made there for
his reception, and apartments in the Louvre were gorgeously fitted up for
the accommodation of him and his suite. But Peter, annoyed by parade,
declined the sumptuous palace, and, the very evening of his arrival, took
lodgings at the Hotel de Lesdiguieres. To those who urged his acceptance of
the saloons of the Louvre he replied,
"I am a soldier. A little bread and beer satisfy me. I prefer small apartments
to large ones. I have no desire to be attended with pomp and ceremony, nor
to give trouble to so many people."
Every hour of his stay in Paris was employed in studying the institutions of
the realm, and the progress made in the arts and sciences. Standing by the
tomb of Richelieu, which is one of the finest pieces of sculpture in Europe,
he exclaimed,
Page 294
"Thou great man! I would have given thee one half of my dominions to
learn of thee how to govern the other half."
All the trades and manufactures of the capital he examined with the greatest
care, and took back with him to St. Petersburg a large number of the most
skillful artists and mechanics. Leaving France he returned to Amsterdam,
where he rejoined Catharine, and proceeded with her to Berlin. A haughty
German lady, piqued, perhaps, that a woman not of noble birth should be an
empress, thus describes the appearance of Catharine at that time:
"The tzarina is short and lusty, remarkably coarse, without grace and
animation. One need only see her to be satisfied of her low birth. At the first
blush one would take her for a German actress. Her clothes looked as if
bought at a doll shop; every thing was so old fashioned and so bedecked
with silver and tinsel. She was decorated with a dozen orders, portraits of
saints, and relics, which occasioned such a clatter that when she walked one
would suppose that an ass with bells was approaching. The tzar, on the
contrary, was tall and well made. His countenance is handsome, but there is
something in it so rude that it inspires one with dread. He was dressed like a
seaman, in a frock, without lace or ornament."[14]
On Peter's return to Russia, he was compelled to meet and grasp a trouble
which for fifteen years had embittered his life. His son, Alexis, had ever
been a thorn in his father's side. He was not only indolent and dissipated,
but he was utterly opposed to all his father's measures for reform, and was
continually engaged in underhand measures to head a party against him.
Upon the death of the unhappy princess of Wolfenbuttle, wife of this
worthless prince, the grieved and indignant father wrote to him as follows:
"I shall wait a little while longer to see if there be any hopes of your reform.
If not, I shall cut you off from the succession as one lops off a dead branch.
Do not think that I wish to intimidate you; and do not place too much
reliance upon the fact that you are my only son.[15] If I am willing to lay
down my own life for Russia, do you think that I shall be willing to
sacrifice my country for you? I would rather transmit the crown to an entire
stranger worthy of the trust, than to my own child unworthy of it."
This letter produced no effect upon the shameless debauchee. He continued
unchecked in his career of infamy. In acknowledging the receipt of his
learn of thee how to govern the other half."
All the trades and manufactures of the capital he examined with the greatest
care, and took back with him to St. Petersburg a large number of the most
skillful artists and mechanics. Leaving France he returned to Amsterdam,
where he rejoined Catharine, and proceeded with her to Berlin. A haughty
German lady, piqued, perhaps, that a woman not of noble birth should be an
empress, thus describes the appearance of Catharine at that time:
"The tzarina is short and lusty, remarkably coarse, without grace and
animation. One need only see her to be satisfied of her low birth. At the first
blush one would take her for a German actress. Her clothes looked as if
bought at a doll shop; every thing was so old fashioned and so bedecked
with silver and tinsel. She was decorated with a dozen orders, portraits of
saints, and relics, which occasioned such a clatter that when she walked one
would suppose that an ass with bells was approaching. The tzar, on the
contrary, was tall and well made. His countenance is handsome, but there is
something in it so rude that it inspires one with dread. He was dressed like a
seaman, in a frock, without lace or ornament."[14]
On Peter's return to Russia, he was compelled to meet and grasp a trouble
which for fifteen years had embittered his life. His son, Alexis, had ever
been a thorn in his father's side. He was not only indolent and dissipated,
but he was utterly opposed to all his father's measures for reform, and was
continually engaged in underhand measures to head a party against him.
Upon the death of the unhappy princess of Wolfenbuttle, wife of this
worthless prince, the grieved and indignant father wrote to him as follows:
"I shall wait a little while longer to see if there be any hopes of your reform.
If not, I shall cut you off from the succession as one lops off a dead branch.
Do not think that I wish to intimidate you; and do not place too much
reliance upon the fact that you are my only son.[15] If I am willing to lay
down my own life for Russia, do you think that I shall be willing to
sacrifice my country for you? I would rather transmit the crown to an entire
stranger worthy of the trust, than to my own child unworthy of it."
This letter produced no effect upon the shameless debauchee. He continued
unchecked in his career of infamy. In acknowledging the receipt of his
Page 295
father's letter, he contemptuously replied that he had no wish for the crown,
and that he was ready at any time to take an oath that he would renounce it
for ever. Matters were in this position when the tzar left for Denmark. He
had hardly arrived in Copenhagen when he received dispatches informing
him that his son was gathering around him all the disaffected, and was
seriously endangering the tranquillity of the State. Once more the anxious
father wrote to him in these words:
"I observe in your letter that you say not a word of the affliction your
conduct has caused me for so many years. A father's admonitions seem to
produce no impression upon you. I have prevailed on myself to write you
once more, and for the last time. Those bushy beards bind you to their
purposes. They are the persons whom you trust, who place their hopes in
you; and you have no gratitude to him who gave you life. Since you were of
age have you ever aided your father in his toils? Have you not opposed
every thing I have done for the good of my people? Have I not reason to
believe that should you survive me you will destroy all that I have
accomplished? Amend your life. Render yourself worthy of the succession,
or turn monk. Reply to this either in person or in writing. If you do not I
shall treat you as a criminal."
The reply of Alexis, was laconic indeed. It consisted of just four lines, and
was as follows:
"Your letter of the 19th I received yesterday. My illness prevents me from
writing at length. I intend to embrace the monastic life, and I request your
gracious consent to that effect."
Seven months passed away, during which the tzar heard nothing directly
from his son, though the father kept himself informed of his conduct. As
Peter was returning from France he wrote to his son reproaching him for his
long silence, and requesting him, if he wished to amend his ways and secure
his father's favor, to meet him at Copenhagen; but that if, on the contrary, he
preferred to enter a convent, which was the only alternative, he should
inform him by the return courier, that measures might be adopted to carry
the plan immediately into effect.
This brought matters to a crisis. The last thing the bloated debauchee
wished was to enter a convent. He was equally averse to a sober life, and
and that he was ready at any time to take an oath that he would renounce it
for ever. Matters were in this position when the tzar left for Denmark. He
had hardly arrived in Copenhagen when he received dispatches informing
him that his son was gathering around him all the disaffected, and was
seriously endangering the tranquillity of the State. Once more the anxious
father wrote to him in these words:
"I observe in your letter that you say not a word of the affliction your
conduct has caused me for so many years. A father's admonitions seem to
produce no impression upon you. I have prevailed on myself to write you
once more, and for the last time. Those bushy beards bind you to their
purposes. They are the persons whom you trust, who place their hopes in
you; and you have no gratitude to him who gave you life. Since you were of
age have you ever aided your father in his toils? Have you not opposed
every thing I have done for the good of my people? Have I not reason to
believe that should you survive me you will destroy all that I have
accomplished? Amend your life. Render yourself worthy of the succession,
or turn monk. Reply to this either in person or in writing. If you do not I
shall treat you as a criminal."
The reply of Alexis, was laconic indeed. It consisted of just four lines, and
was as follows:
"Your letter of the 19th I received yesterday. My illness prevents me from
writing at length. I intend to embrace the monastic life, and I request your
gracious consent to that effect."
Seven months passed away, during which the tzar heard nothing directly
from his son, though the father kept himself informed of his conduct. As
Peter was returning from France he wrote to his son reproaching him for his
long silence, and requesting him, if he wished to amend his ways and secure
his father's favor, to meet him at Copenhagen; but that if, on the contrary, he
preferred to enter a convent, which was the only alternative, he should
inform him by the return courier, that measures might be adopted to carry
the plan immediately into effect.
This brought matters to a crisis. The last thing the bloated debauchee
wished was to enter a convent. He was equally averse to a sober life, and
Page 296
dared not meet his father lest he should be placed under arrest. He
consequently made no reply, but pretending that he was to set out
immediately for Copenhagen, he secured all the treasure he could lay his
hands upon and fled to Germany, to the court of the Emperor Charles VI.,
who, it will be remembered, was his brother-in-law, having married a sister
of his deceased wife. Here he told a deplorable story of the cruelty of his
father, of the persecutions to which he was exposed, and that to save his life
he had been compelled to flee from Russia.
The emperor, knowing full well that the young man was an infamous
profligate, was not at all disposed to incur the displeasure of Peter by
apparently espousing the cause of the son against the father. He
consequently gave the miscreant such a cold reception that he found the
imperial palace any thing but a pleasant place of residence, and again he set
out on his vagabond travels. The next tidings his father heard of him were
that he was in Naples, spending, as ever, his substance in riotous living. A
father's heart still yearned over the miserable young man, and compassion
was blended with disappointment and indignation. He immediately
dispatched two members of his court, M. Romanzoff, captain of the royal
guards, and M. Toltoi, a privy counselor, to Naples, to make a last effort to
reclaim his misguided son. They found the young man in the chateau of
Saint Elme, and presented to him a letter from his father. It was dated Spa,
July 1, 1717, and contained the following words:
"I write to you for the last time. Toltoi and Romanzoff will make known to
you my will. If you obey me, I assure you, and I promise before God, that I
will not punish you, but if you will return to me I will love you better than
ever. But if you will not return to me, I pronounce upon you, as your father,
in virtue of the power I have received from God, my eternal malediction;
and, as your sovereign, I assure you that I shall find means to punish you, in
which I trust God will assist me."
It required the most earnest persuasion, and even the intervention of the
viceroy of Naples, to induce Alexis to return to Russia. The miserable man
had a harem of abandoned women with him, with whom he set out on his
return. They arrived in Moscow the 13th of February, 1718, and on that
very day Peter had an interview with his son. No one knows what passed in
that interview. The rumor of the arrival of Alexis spread rapidly through the
consequently made no reply, but pretending that he was to set out
immediately for Copenhagen, he secured all the treasure he could lay his
hands upon and fled to Germany, to the court of the Emperor Charles VI.,
who, it will be remembered, was his brother-in-law, having married a sister
of his deceased wife. Here he told a deplorable story of the cruelty of his
father, of the persecutions to which he was exposed, and that to save his life
he had been compelled to flee from Russia.
The emperor, knowing full well that the young man was an infamous
profligate, was not at all disposed to incur the displeasure of Peter by
apparently espousing the cause of the son against the father. He
consequently gave the miscreant such a cold reception that he found the
imperial palace any thing but a pleasant place of residence, and again he set
out on his vagabond travels. The next tidings his father heard of him were
that he was in Naples, spending, as ever, his substance in riotous living. A
father's heart still yearned over the miserable young man, and compassion
was blended with disappointment and indignation. He immediately
dispatched two members of his court, M. Romanzoff, captain of the royal
guards, and M. Toltoi, a privy counselor, to Naples, to make a last effort to
reclaim his misguided son. They found the young man in the chateau of
Saint Elme, and presented to him a letter from his father. It was dated Spa,
July 1, 1717, and contained the following words:
"I write to you for the last time. Toltoi and Romanzoff will make known to
you my will. If you obey me, I assure you, and I promise before God, that I
will not punish you, but if you will return to me I will love you better than
ever. But if you will not return to me, I pronounce upon you, as your father,
in virtue of the power I have received from God, my eternal malediction;
and, as your sovereign, I assure you that I shall find means to punish you, in
which I trust God will assist me."
It required the most earnest persuasion, and even the intervention of the
viceroy of Naples, to induce Alexis to return to Russia. The miserable man
had a harem of abandoned women with him, with whom he set out on his
return. They arrived in Moscow the 13th of February, 1718, and on that
very day Peter had an interview with his son. No one knows what passed in
that interview. The rumor of the arrival of Alexis spread rapidly through the
Page 297
city, and it was supposed that a reconciliation had taken place. But the next
morning, at the earliest dawn, the great bell of Moscow rang an alarm, the
royal guards were marshaled and the privy counselors of the emperor were
summoned to the Kremlin.
Alexis was led, without his sword and as a prisoner, into the presence of his
father. At the same time, all the high ecclesiastics of the church were
assembled, in solemn conclave, in the cathedral church. Alexis fell upon his
knees before his father, confessed his faults, renounced all claim to the
succession and entreated only that his life might be spared. The tzar led his
son into an adjoining room, where they for some time remained alone. He
then returned to his privy council and read a long statement, very carefully
drawn up, minutely recapitulating the conduct of Alexis, his indolence, his
shameless libertinism, his low companionship, his treasonable designs, and
exhibiting his utter unfitness, in all respects, to be entrusted with the
government of an empire. This remarkable document was concluded with
the following words:
"Now although our son, by such criminal conduct, merits the punishment of
death, yet our paternal affection induces us to pardon his crimes and to
exempt him from the penalty which is his due. But considering his
unworthiness, as developed in the conduct we have described, we can not,
in conscience, bequeath to him the throne of Russia, foreseeing that, by his
vicious courses, he would degrade the glory of our nation, endanger its
safety and speedily lose those provinces which we have recovered from our
foes with so much toil and at so vast an expense of blood and treasure. To
inflict upon our faithful subjects the rule of such a sovereign, would be to
expose them to a condition worse than Russia has ever yet experienced. We
do therefore, by our paternal authority, in virtue of which, by the laws of
our empire, any of our subjects may disinherit a son and give his succession
to such other of his sons as he pleases, and, in quality of sovereign prince,
in consideration of the safety of our dominions, we do deprive our son,
Alexis, for his crimes and unworthiness, of the succession after us to our
throne of Russia, and we do constitute and declare successor to the said
throne after us our second son, Peter.
"We lay upon our said son, Alexis, our paternal curse if ever, at any time, he
pretends to, or reclaims said succession, and we desire our faithful subjects,
morning, at the earliest dawn, the great bell of Moscow rang an alarm, the
royal guards were marshaled and the privy counselors of the emperor were
summoned to the Kremlin.
Alexis was led, without his sword and as a prisoner, into the presence of his
father. At the same time, all the high ecclesiastics of the church were
assembled, in solemn conclave, in the cathedral church. Alexis fell upon his
knees before his father, confessed his faults, renounced all claim to the
succession and entreated only that his life might be spared. The tzar led his
son into an adjoining room, where they for some time remained alone. He
then returned to his privy council and read a long statement, very carefully
drawn up, minutely recapitulating the conduct of Alexis, his indolence, his
shameless libertinism, his low companionship, his treasonable designs, and
exhibiting his utter unfitness, in all respects, to be entrusted with the
government of an empire. This remarkable document was concluded with
the following words:
"Now although our son, by such criminal conduct, merits the punishment of
death, yet our paternal affection induces us to pardon his crimes and to
exempt him from the penalty which is his due. But considering his
unworthiness, as developed in the conduct we have described, we can not,
in conscience, bequeath to him the throne of Russia, foreseeing that, by his
vicious courses, he would degrade the glory of our nation, endanger its
safety and speedily lose those provinces which we have recovered from our
foes with so much toil and at so vast an expense of blood and treasure. To
inflict upon our faithful subjects the rule of such a sovereign, would be to
expose them to a condition worse than Russia has ever yet experienced. We
do therefore, by our paternal authority, in virtue of which, by the laws of
our empire, any of our subjects may disinherit a son and give his succession
to such other of his sons as he pleases, and, in quality of sovereign prince,
in consideration of the safety of our dominions, we do deprive our son,
Alexis, for his crimes and unworthiness, of the succession after us to our
throne of Russia, and we do constitute and declare successor to the said
throne after us our second son, Peter.
"We lay upon our said son, Alexis, our paternal curse if ever, at any time, he
pretends to, or reclaims said succession, and we desire our faithful subjects,
Page 298
whether ecclesiastics or seculars, of all ranks and conditions, and the whole
Russian nation, in conformity to this, our will, to acknowledge our son
Peter as lawful successor, and to confirm the whole by oath before the holy
altar upon the holy gospel, kissing the cross. And all those who shall ever
oppose this, our will, and shall dare to consider our son, Alexis, as
successor, we declare traitors to us and to their country. We have ordered
these presents to be everywhere promulgated, that no person may pretend
ignorance. Given at Moscow, February 3d, 1718."
This document was then taken to the cathedral, where all the higher
ecclesiastics had been assembled, and was read to them. Nothing was
omitted which could invest the act with solemnity, There is every evidence
that the heart of the father was rent with acutest anguish in all these
proceedings. Nothing could have been more desirable to him than to
transmit the empire his energies had rendered so illustrious, to his own son
to carry on the enterprises his father had commenced. But to place eighteen
millions of people in the hands of one who had proved himself so totally
unworthy, would have been the greatest cruelty. The exclusion of Alexis
from the succession was the noblest act of Peter's life.
But new facts were soon developed which rendered it impossible for the
unhappy father to stop even here. Evidence came to light that Alexis had
been plotting a conspiracy for the dethronement of his father, and for the
seizure of the crown by violence. His mother, whom the tzar had
repudiated, and his energetic aunt, Mary, both of whom were in a convent,
were involved in the plot. He had applied to his brother-in-law, the Emperor
of Germany, for foreign troops to aid him. There were many restless spirits
in the empire, turbulent and depraved, the boon companions of Alexis, who
were ready for any deeds of desperation which might place Alexis on the
throne. The second son of the emperor, the child of Catharine, was an infant
of but a few months old. The health of Peter was infirm and his life
doubtful. It was manifest that immediately upon the death of the tzar, Alexis
would rally his accomplices around him, raise the banner of revolt against
the infant king, and that thus the empire would be plunged into all the
horrors of a long and bloody civil war.
Peter having commenced the work of self-sacrifice for the salvation of
Russia, was not disposed to leave that work half accomplished. All knew
Russian nation, in conformity to this, our will, to acknowledge our son
Peter as lawful successor, and to confirm the whole by oath before the holy
altar upon the holy gospel, kissing the cross. And all those who shall ever
oppose this, our will, and shall dare to consider our son, Alexis, as
successor, we declare traitors to us and to their country. We have ordered
these presents to be everywhere promulgated, that no person may pretend
ignorance. Given at Moscow, February 3d, 1718."
This document was then taken to the cathedral, where all the higher
ecclesiastics had been assembled, and was read to them. Nothing was
omitted which could invest the act with solemnity, There is every evidence
that the heart of the father was rent with acutest anguish in all these
proceedings. Nothing could have been more desirable to him than to
transmit the empire his energies had rendered so illustrious, to his own son
to carry on the enterprises his father had commenced. But to place eighteen
millions of people in the hands of one who had proved himself so totally
unworthy, would have been the greatest cruelty. The exclusion of Alexis
from the succession was the noblest act of Peter's life.
But new facts were soon developed which rendered it impossible for the
unhappy father to stop even here. Evidence came to light that Alexis had
been plotting a conspiracy for the dethronement of his father, and for the
seizure of the crown by violence. His mother, whom the tzar had
repudiated, and his energetic aunt, Mary, both of whom were in a convent,
were involved in the plot. He had applied to his brother-in-law, the Emperor
of Germany, for foreign troops to aid him. There were many restless spirits
in the empire, turbulent and depraved, the boon companions of Alexis, who
were ready for any deeds of desperation which might place Alexis on the
throne. The second son of the emperor, the child of Catharine, was an infant
of but a few months old. The health of Peter was infirm and his life
doubtful. It was manifest that immediately upon the death of the tzar, Alexis
would rally his accomplices around him, raise the banner of revolt against
the infant king, and that thus the empire would be plunged into all the
horrors of a long and bloody civil war.
Peter having commenced the work of self-sacrifice for the salvation of
Russia, was not disposed to leave that work half accomplished. All knew
Page 299
that the infamous Alexis would shrink from no crime, and there was ample
evidence of his treasonable plots. The father now deliberately resolved to
arraign his son for high treason, a crime which doomed him to death. Aware
of the awful solemnity of such a moment, and of the severity with which his
measures and his motives would be sifted by posterity, he proceeded with
the greatest, circumspection. A high court of justice was organized for the
trial, consisting of two chambers, the one ecclesiastical, the other secular.
On the 13th of June, 1718, the court was assembled, and the tzar presented
to them the documentary evidence, which had been carefully obtained, of
his son's treasonable designs, and thus addressed them:
"Though the flight of Alexis, the son of the tzar, and a part of his crimes be
already known, yet there are now discovered such unexpected and
surprising attempts, as plainly show with what baseness and villainy he
endeavored to impose on us, his sovereign and father, and what perjuries he
hath committed against Almighty God, all which shall now be laid before
you. Though, according to all laws, civil and divine, and especially those of
this empire, which grant fathers absolute jurisdiction over their children, we
have full power to judge our son according to our pleasure, yet, as men are
liable to prejudice in their own affairs, and as the most eminent physicians
rely not on their own judgment concerning themselves, but call in the
advice of others, so we, under the awful fear of displeasing God, make
known our disease, and apply to you for a cure. As I have promised pardon
to my son in case he should declare to me the truth, and though he has
forfeited this promise by concealing his rebellious designs, yet, that we may
not swerve from our obligation, we pray you to consider this affair with
seriousness, and report what punishment he deserves without favor or
partiality either to him or me. Let not the reflection that you are passing
sentence on the son of your prince have any influence on you, but
administer justice without respect of persons. Destroy not your own souls
and mine, by doing any thing which may injure our country or upbraid our
consciences in the great and terrible day of judgment."
The evidence adduced against the young prince, from his own confession,
and the depositions which had been taken, were very carefully considered,
nearly a month being occupied in the solemnities of deliberation. A verdict
was finally rendered in the form of a report to the emperor. It was a long,
evidence of his treasonable plots. The father now deliberately resolved to
arraign his son for high treason, a crime which doomed him to death. Aware
of the awful solemnity of such a moment, and of the severity with which his
measures and his motives would be sifted by posterity, he proceeded with
the greatest, circumspection. A high court of justice was organized for the
trial, consisting of two chambers, the one ecclesiastical, the other secular.
On the 13th of June, 1718, the court was assembled, and the tzar presented
to them the documentary evidence, which had been carefully obtained, of
his son's treasonable designs, and thus addressed them:
"Though the flight of Alexis, the son of the tzar, and a part of his crimes be
already known, yet there are now discovered such unexpected and
surprising attempts, as plainly show with what baseness and villainy he
endeavored to impose on us, his sovereign and father, and what perjuries he
hath committed against Almighty God, all which shall now be laid before
you. Though, according to all laws, civil and divine, and especially those of
this empire, which grant fathers absolute jurisdiction over their children, we
have full power to judge our son according to our pleasure, yet, as men are
liable to prejudice in their own affairs, and as the most eminent physicians
rely not on their own judgment concerning themselves, but call in the
advice of others, so we, under the awful fear of displeasing God, make
known our disease, and apply to you for a cure. As I have promised pardon
to my son in case he should declare to me the truth, and though he has
forfeited this promise by concealing his rebellious designs, yet, that we may
not swerve from our obligation, we pray you to consider this affair with
seriousness, and report what punishment he deserves without favor or
partiality either to him or me. Let not the reflection that you are passing
sentence on the son of your prince have any influence on you, but
administer justice without respect of persons. Destroy not your own souls
and mine, by doing any thing which may injure our country or upbraid our
consciences in the great and terrible day of judgment."
The evidence adduced against the young prince, from his own confession,
and the depositions which had been taken, were very carefully considered,
nearly a month being occupied in the solemnities of deliberation. A verdict
was finally rendered in the form of a report to the emperor. It was a long,
Page 300
carefully-worded document, containing a statement of the facts which the
evidence substantiated against the culprit. The conclusion was as follows:
"It is evident, from the whole conduct of the son of the tzar, that he intended
to take the crown from the head of his father and place it upon his own, not
only by a civil insurrection, but by the assistance of a foreign army which
he had actually requested. He has therefore rendered himself unworthy of
the clemency promised by the emperor; and, since all laws, divine,
ecclesiastical, civil and military, condemn to death, without mercy, not only
those who attempt rebellion against their sovereign, but those who are
plotting such attempts, what shall be our judgment of one who has
conspired for the commission of a crime almost unparalleled in history—
the assassination of his sovereign, who was his own father, a father of great
indulgence, who reared his son from the cradle with more than paternal
tenderness, who, with incredible pains, strove to educate him for
government, and to qualify him for the succession to so great an empire?
How much more imperatively does such a crime merit death.
"It is therefore with hearts full of affliction, and eyes streaming with tears,
that we, as subjects and servants, pronounce this sentence against the son of
our most precious sovereign lord, the tzar. Nevertheless, it being his
pleasure that we should act in this capacity, we, by these presents, declare
our real opinion, and pronounce this sentence of condemnation with a pure
conscience as we hope to answer at the tribunal of Almighty God. We
submit, however, this sentence to the sovereign will and revisal of his
imperial majesty, our most merciful sovereign."
This sentence was signed by all the members of the court, one hundred and
eighty in number; and on the 6th of July it was read to the guilty prince in
the castle where he was kept confined. The miserable young man, enfeebled
in body and mind by debaucheries, was so overwhelmed with terror, as his
death warrant was read, that he was thrown into convulsions. All the night
long fit succeeded fit, as, delirious with woe, he moaned upon his bed. In
the morning a messenger was dispatched to the tzar to inform him that his
son was seriously sick; in an hour another messenger was sent stating that
he was very dangerously sick; and soon a third messenger was dispatched
with the intelligence that Alexis could not survive the day, and was very
anxious to see his father. Peter, scarce less wretched than his miserable son,
evidence substantiated against the culprit. The conclusion was as follows:
"It is evident, from the whole conduct of the son of the tzar, that he intended
to take the crown from the head of his father and place it upon his own, not
only by a civil insurrection, but by the assistance of a foreign army which
he had actually requested. He has therefore rendered himself unworthy of
the clemency promised by the emperor; and, since all laws, divine,
ecclesiastical, civil and military, condemn to death, without mercy, not only
those who attempt rebellion against their sovereign, but those who are
plotting such attempts, what shall be our judgment of one who has
conspired for the commission of a crime almost unparalleled in history—
the assassination of his sovereign, who was his own father, a father of great
indulgence, who reared his son from the cradle with more than paternal
tenderness, who, with incredible pains, strove to educate him for
government, and to qualify him for the succession to so great an empire?
How much more imperatively does such a crime merit death.
"It is therefore with hearts full of affliction, and eyes streaming with tears,
that we, as subjects and servants, pronounce this sentence against the son of
our most precious sovereign lord, the tzar. Nevertheless, it being his
pleasure that we should act in this capacity, we, by these presents, declare
our real opinion, and pronounce this sentence of condemnation with a pure
conscience as we hope to answer at the tribunal of Almighty God. We
submit, however, this sentence to the sovereign will and revisal of his
imperial majesty, our most merciful sovereign."
This sentence was signed by all the members of the court, one hundred and
eighty in number; and on the 6th of July it was read to the guilty prince in
the castle where he was kept confined. The miserable young man, enfeebled
in body and mind by debaucheries, was so overwhelmed with terror, as his
death warrant was read, that he was thrown into convulsions. All the night
long fit succeeded fit, as, delirious with woe, he moaned upon his bed. In
the morning a messenger was dispatched to the tzar to inform him that his
son was seriously sick; in an hour another messenger was sent stating that
he was very dangerously sick; and soon a third messenger was dispatched
with the intelligence that Alexis could not survive the day, and was very
anxious to see his father. Peter, scarce less wretched than his miserable son,
Page 301
hastened to his room. The dying young man, at the sight of his father, burst
into tears, confessed all his crimes, and begged his father's blessing in this
hour of death. Tears coursed down the cheeks of the stern emperor, and he
addressed his dying child in terms so pathetic, and so fervently implored
God's pardon for him, that the stoutest hearts were moved and loud
sobbings filled the room.
It was midday of the 7th of July, 1718. The prince was confined in a large
chamber of a stone castle, which was at the same time a palace and a
fortress. There lay upon the couch the dying Alexis, bloated by the excesses
of a life of utter pollution, yet pale and haggard with terror and woe. The
iron-hearted father, whose soul this sublime tragedy had-melted, sat at his
side weeping like a child. The guards who stood at the door, the nobles and
ecclesiastics who had accompanied the emperor, were all unmanned, many
sobbing aloud, overwhelmed by emotions utterly uncontrollable. This scene
stamps the impress of almost celestial greatness upon the soul of the tzar.
He knew his son's weakness, incompetency and utter depravity, and even in
that hour of agony his spirit did not bend, and he would not sacrifice the
happiness of eighteen millions of people through parental tenderness for his
debauched and ruined child.
About six o'clock in the evening the wretched Alexis breathed his last, and
passed from the tribunals of earth to the judgment-seat of God. The emperor
immediately seemed to banish from his mind every remembrance of his
crimes, and his funeral was attended with all the customary demonstrations
of affection and respect. Peter, fully aware that this most momentous event
of his life would be severely criticised throughout the world, sent a
statement of the facts to all the courts of Europe. In his letter, which
accompanied these statements, he says:
"While we were debating in our mind between the natural emotions of
paternal clemency on one side, and the regard we ought to pay to the
preservation and the future security of our kingdom on the other, and
pondering what resolution to take in an affair of so great difficulty and
importance, it pleased the Almighty God, by his especial will and his just
judgment, and by his mercy to deliver us out of that embarrassment, and to
save our family and kingdom from the shame and the dangers by abridging
into tears, confessed all his crimes, and begged his father's blessing in this
hour of death. Tears coursed down the cheeks of the stern emperor, and he
addressed his dying child in terms so pathetic, and so fervently implored
God's pardon for him, that the stoutest hearts were moved and loud
sobbings filled the room.
It was midday of the 7th of July, 1718. The prince was confined in a large
chamber of a stone castle, which was at the same time a palace and a
fortress. There lay upon the couch the dying Alexis, bloated by the excesses
of a life of utter pollution, yet pale and haggard with terror and woe. The
iron-hearted father, whose soul this sublime tragedy had-melted, sat at his
side weeping like a child. The guards who stood at the door, the nobles and
ecclesiastics who had accompanied the emperor, were all unmanned, many
sobbing aloud, overwhelmed by emotions utterly uncontrollable. This scene
stamps the impress of almost celestial greatness upon the soul of the tzar.
He knew his son's weakness, incompetency and utter depravity, and even in
that hour of agony his spirit did not bend, and he would not sacrifice the
happiness of eighteen millions of people through parental tenderness for his
debauched and ruined child.
About six o'clock in the evening the wretched Alexis breathed his last, and
passed from the tribunals of earth to the judgment-seat of God. The emperor
immediately seemed to banish from his mind every remembrance of his
crimes, and his funeral was attended with all the customary demonstrations
of affection and respect. Peter, fully aware that this most momentous event
of his life would be severely criticised throughout the world, sent a
statement of the facts to all the courts of Europe. In his letter, which
accompanied these statements, he says:
"While we were debating in our mind between the natural emotions of
paternal clemency on one side, and the regard we ought to pay to the
preservation and the future security of our kingdom on the other, and
pondering what resolution to take in an affair of so great difficulty and
importance, it pleased the Almighty God, by his especial will and his just
judgment, and by his mercy to deliver us out of that embarrassment, and to
save our family and kingdom from the shame and the dangers by abridging
Page 302
the life of our said son Alexis, after an illness with which he was seized as
soon as he had heard the sentence of death pronounced against him.
"That illness appeared at first like an apoplexy; but he afterwards recovered
his senses and received the holy sacraments; and having desired to see us,
we went to him immediately, with all our counselors and senators; and then
he acknowledged and sincerely confessed all his said faults and crimes,
committed against us, with tears and all the marks of a true penitent, and
begged our pardon, which, according to Christian and paternal duty, we
granted him; after which on the 7th of July, at six in the evening, he
surrendered his soul to God."
The tzar endeavored to efface from his memory these tragic scenes by
consecrating himself, with new energy, to the promotion of the interests of
Russia. Utterly despising all luxurious indulgence, he lived upon coarse
fare, occupied plainly-furnished rooms, dressed in the extreme of simplicity
and devoted himself to daily toil with diligence, which no mechanic or
peasant in the realm could surpass. The war still continued with Sweden.
On the night of the 29th of November, of this year, 1718, the madman
Charles XII. was instantly killed by a cannon ball which carried away his
head as he was leaning upon a parapet, in the siege of Fredericshall in
Norway. The death of this indomitable warrior quite changed the aspect of
European affairs. New combinations of armies arose and new labyrinths of
intrigue were woven, and for several years wars, with their usual successes
and disasters, continued to impoverish and depopulate the nations of
Europe. At length the tzar effected a peace with Sweden, that kingdom
surrendering to him the large and important provinces of Livonia, Esthonia,
Ingria and Carelia. This was an immense acquisition for Russia.
With the utmost vigilance the tzar watched the administration of all the
internal affairs of his empire, punishing fraud, wherever found, with
unrelenting severity. The enterprise which now, above all others, engaged
his attention, was to open direct communication, by means of canals,
between St. Petersburg and the Caspian Sea. The most skillful European
engineers were employed upon this vast undertaking, by which the waters
of Lake Ladoga were to flow into the Volga, so that the shores of the Baltic
and distant Persia might be united in maritime commerce. The sacred
Scriptures were also, by command of the emperor, translated into the
soon as he had heard the sentence of death pronounced against him.
"That illness appeared at first like an apoplexy; but he afterwards recovered
his senses and received the holy sacraments; and having desired to see us,
we went to him immediately, with all our counselors and senators; and then
he acknowledged and sincerely confessed all his said faults and crimes,
committed against us, with tears and all the marks of a true penitent, and
begged our pardon, which, according to Christian and paternal duty, we
granted him; after which on the 7th of July, at six in the evening, he
surrendered his soul to God."
The tzar endeavored to efface from his memory these tragic scenes by
consecrating himself, with new energy, to the promotion of the interests of
Russia. Utterly despising all luxurious indulgence, he lived upon coarse
fare, occupied plainly-furnished rooms, dressed in the extreme of simplicity
and devoted himself to daily toil with diligence, which no mechanic or
peasant in the realm could surpass. The war still continued with Sweden.
On the night of the 29th of November, of this year, 1718, the madman
Charles XII. was instantly killed by a cannon ball which carried away his
head as he was leaning upon a parapet, in the siege of Fredericshall in
Norway. The death of this indomitable warrior quite changed the aspect of
European affairs. New combinations of armies arose and new labyrinths of
intrigue were woven, and for several years wars, with their usual successes
and disasters, continued to impoverish and depopulate the nations of
Europe. At length the tzar effected a peace with Sweden, that kingdom
surrendering to him the large and important provinces of Livonia, Esthonia,
Ingria and Carelia. This was an immense acquisition for Russia.
With the utmost vigilance the tzar watched the administration of all the
internal affairs of his empire, punishing fraud, wherever found, with
unrelenting severity. The enterprise which now, above all others, engaged
his attention, was to open direct communication, by means of canals,
between St. Petersburg and the Caspian Sea. The most skillful European
engineers were employed upon this vast undertaking, by which the waters
of Lake Ladoga were to flow into the Volga, so that the shores of the Baltic
and distant Persia might be united in maritime commerce. The sacred
Scriptures were also, by command of the emperor, translated into the
Page 303
Russian language and widely disseminated throughout the empire. The
Russian merchants were continually receiving insults, being plundered and
often massacred by the barbaric tribes on the shores of the Caspian. Peter
fitted out a grand expedition from Astrachan for their chastisement, and
went himself to that distant city to superintend the important operations. A
war of twelve months brought those tribes into subjection, and extended the
Russian dominion over vast and indefinite regions there.
Catharine, whom he seemed to love with all the fervor of youth,
accompanied him on this expedition. Returning to St. Petersburg in 1724,
Peter resolved to accomplish a design which he for some time had
meditated, of placing the imperial crown upon the brow of his beloved wife.
Their infant son had died. Their grandson, Peter, the son of Alexis, was still
but a child, and the failing health of the tzar admonished him that he had
not many years to live. Reposing great confidence in the goodness of
Catharine and in the wisdom of those counselors whom, with his advice,
she would select, he resolved to transmit the scepter, at his death, to her. In
preparation for this event, Catharine was crowned Empress on the 18th of
May, 1724, with all possible pomp.
The city of Petersburg had now become one of the most important capitals
of Europe. Peter was not only the founder of this city, but, in a great
measure, the architect. An observatory for astronomical purposes was
reared, on the model of that in Paris. A valuable library was in the rapid
progress of collection, and there were several cabinets formed, filled with
the choicest treasures of nature and art. There were now in Russia a
sufficient number of men of genius and of high literary and scientific
attainment to form an academy of the arts and sciences, the rules and
institutes of which the emperor drew up with his own hand.
While incessantly engaged in these arduous operations, the emperor was
seized with a painful and dangerous sickness—a strangury—which
confined him to his room for four months. Feeling a little better one day, he
ordered his yacht to be brought up to the Neva, opposite his palace, and
embarked to visit some of his works on Lake Ladoga. His physicians,
vainly remonstrating against it, accompanied him. It was the middle of
October. The weather continuing fine, the emperor remained upon the
water, visiting his works upon the shore of the lake and of the Gulf of
Russian merchants were continually receiving insults, being plundered and
often massacred by the barbaric tribes on the shores of the Caspian. Peter
fitted out a grand expedition from Astrachan for their chastisement, and
went himself to that distant city to superintend the important operations. A
war of twelve months brought those tribes into subjection, and extended the
Russian dominion over vast and indefinite regions there.
Catharine, whom he seemed to love with all the fervor of youth,
accompanied him on this expedition. Returning to St. Petersburg in 1724,
Peter resolved to accomplish a design which he for some time had
meditated, of placing the imperial crown upon the brow of his beloved wife.
Their infant son had died. Their grandson, Peter, the son of Alexis, was still
but a child, and the failing health of the tzar admonished him that he had
not many years to live. Reposing great confidence in the goodness of
Catharine and in the wisdom of those counselors whom, with his advice,
she would select, he resolved to transmit the scepter, at his death, to her. In
preparation for this event, Catharine was crowned Empress on the 18th of
May, 1724, with all possible pomp.
The city of Petersburg had now become one of the most important capitals
of Europe. Peter was not only the founder of this city, but, in a great
measure, the architect. An observatory for astronomical purposes was
reared, on the model of that in Paris. A valuable library was in the rapid
progress of collection, and there were several cabinets formed, filled with
the choicest treasures of nature and art. There were now in Russia a
sufficient number of men of genius and of high literary and scientific
attainment to form an academy of the arts and sciences, the rules and
institutes of which the emperor drew up with his own hand.
While incessantly engaged in these arduous operations, the emperor was
seized with a painful and dangerous sickness—a strangury—which
confined him to his room for four months. Feeling a little better one day, he
ordered his yacht to be brought up to the Neva, opposite his palace, and
embarked to visit some of his works on Lake Ladoga. His physicians,
vainly remonstrating against it, accompanied him. It was the middle of
October. The weather continuing fine, the emperor remained upon the
water, visiting his works upon the shore of the lake and of the Gulf of
Page 304
Finland, until the 5th of November. The exposures of the voyage proved too
much for him, and he returned to Petersburg in a state of debility and pain
which excited the greatest apprehensions.
The disease made rapid progress. The mind of the emperor, as he
approached the dying hour, was clouded, and, with the inarticulate
mutterings of delirium, he turned to and fro, restless, upon his bed. His
devoted wife, for three days and three nights, did not leave his side, and, on
the 28th of January, 1725, at four o'clock in the afternoon, he breathed his
last, in her arms.
Before the dethronement of his reason, the tzar had assembled around his
bed the chief dignitaries of the empire, and had requested them, as soon as
he should be dead, to acknowledge the Empress Catharine as their
sovereign. He even took the precaution to exact from them an oath that they
would do this. Peter died in the fifty-third year of his age. None of the
children whom he had by his first wife survived him. Both of the sons
whom he had by the Empress Catharine were also dead. Two daughters still
lived. After the Empress Catharine, the next heir to the throne was his
grandson, Peter, the orphan child of the guilty Alexis.
Immediately upon the death of the emperor, the senate assembled and
unanimously declared Catharine Empress of Russia. In a body, they waited
upon Catharine with this announcement, and were presented to her by
Prince Menzikoff. The mourning for the tzar was universal and heartfelt.
The remains were conveyed to the tomb with all the solemnities becoming
the burial of one of the greatest monarchs earth has ever known. Over his
remains the empress erected a monument sculptured by the most
accomplished artists of Italy, containing the following inscription:
HERE LIETH
ALL THAT COULD DIE OF A MAN IMMORTAL,
PETER ALEXOUITZ;
IT IS ALMOST SUPERFLUOUS TO ADD
GREAT EMPEROR OF RUSSIA;
A TITLE
much for him, and he returned to Petersburg in a state of debility and pain
which excited the greatest apprehensions.
The disease made rapid progress. The mind of the emperor, as he
approached the dying hour, was clouded, and, with the inarticulate
mutterings of delirium, he turned to and fro, restless, upon his bed. His
devoted wife, for three days and three nights, did not leave his side, and, on
the 28th of January, 1725, at four o'clock in the afternoon, he breathed his
last, in her arms.
Before the dethronement of his reason, the tzar had assembled around his
bed the chief dignitaries of the empire, and had requested them, as soon as
he should be dead, to acknowledge the Empress Catharine as their
sovereign. He even took the precaution to exact from them an oath that they
would do this. Peter died in the fifty-third year of his age. None of the
children whom he had by his first wife survived him. Both of the sons
whom he had by the Empress Catharine were also dead. Two daughters still
lived. After the Empress Catharine, the next heir to the throne was his
grandson, Peter, the orphan child of the guilty Alexis.
Immediately upon the death of the emperor, the senate assembled and
unanimously declared Catharine Empress of Russia. In a body, they waited
upon Catharine with this announcement, and were presented to her by
Prince Menzikoff. The mourning for the tzar was universal and heartfelt.
The remains were conveyed to the tomb with all the solemnities becoming
the burial of one of the greatest monarchs earth has ever known. Over his
remains the empress erected a monument sculptured by the most
accomplished artists of Italy, containing the following inscription:
HERE LIETH
ALL THAT COULD DIE OF A MAN IMMORTAL,
PETER ALEXOUITZ;
IT IS ALMOST SUPERFLUOUS TO ADD
GREAT EMPEROR OF RUSSIA;
A TITLE
Page 305
WHICH, INSTEAD OF ADDING TO HIS GLORY,
BECAME GLORIOUS BY HIS WEARING IT.
LET ANTIQUITY BE DUMB,
NOR BOAST HER ALEXANDER OR HER CÆSAR.
HOW EASY WAS VICTORY
TO LEADERS WHO WERE FOLLOWED BY HEROES,
AND WHOSE SOLDIERS FELT A NOBLE DISDAIN
AT BEING THOUGHT LESS VIGILANT THAN THEIR GENERALS!
BUT HE,
WHO IN THIS PLACE FIRST KNEW REST,
FOUND SUBJECTS BASE AND INACTIVE,
UNWARLIKE, UNLEARNED, UNTRACTABLE,
NEITHER COVETOUS OF FAME NOR FEARLESS OF DANGER--
CREATURES WITH THE NAMES OF MEN,
BUT WITH QUALITIES RATHER BRUTAL THAN RATIONAL
YET EVEN THESE
HE POLISHED FROM THEIR NATIVE RUGGEDNESS,
AND, BREAKING OUT LIKE A NEW SUN
TO ILLUMINE THE MINDS OF A PEOPLE,
DISPELLED THEIR NIGHT OF HEREDITARY DARKNESS,
AND, BY FORCE OF HIS INVINCIBLE INFLUENCE,
TAUGHT THEM TO CONQUER
EVEN THE CONQUERORS OF GERMANY.
OTHER PRINCES HAVE COMMANDED VICTORIOUS ARMIES;
THIS COMMANDER CREATED THEM.
EXULT, O NATURE! FOR THINE WAS THIS PRODIGY.
BLUSH, O ART! AT A HERO WHO OWED THEE NOTHING;
———
BECAME GLORIOUS BY HIS WEARING IT.
LET ANTIQUITY BE DUMB,
NOR BOAST HER ALEXANDER OR HER CÆSAR.
HOW EASY WAS VICTORY
TO LEADERS WHO WERE FOLLOWED BY HEROES,
AND WHOSE SOLDIERS FELT A NOBLE DISDAIN
AT BEING THOUGHT LESS VIGILANT THAN THEIR GENERALS!
BUT HE,
WHO IN THIS PLACE FIRST KNEW REST,
FOUND SUBJECTS BASE AND INACTIVE,
UNWARLIKE, UNLEARNED, UNTRACTABLE,
NEITHER COVETOUS OF FAME NOR FEARLESS OF DANGER--
CREATURES WITH THE NAMES OF MEN,
BUT WITH QUALITIES RATHER BRUTAL THAN RATIONAL
YET EVEN THESE
HE POLISHED FROM THEIR NATIVE RUGGEDNESS,
AND, BREAKING OUT LIKE A NEW SUN
TO ILLUMINE THE MINDS OF A PEOPLE,
DISPELLED THEIR NIGHT OF HEREDITARY DARKNESS,
AND, BY FORCE OF HIS INVINCIBLE INFLUENCE,
TAUGHT THEM TO CONQUER
EVEN THE CONQUERORS OF GERMANY.
OTHER PRINCES HAVE COMMANDED VICTORIOUS ARMIES;
THIS COMMANDER CREATED THEM.
EXULT, O NATURE! FOR THINE WAS THIS PRODIGY.
BLUSH, O ART! AT A HERO WHO OWED THEE NOTHING;
———
Page 306
[14] Memoires de la Margrave de Bareith.
[15] The empress gave birth to a son shortly after this letter was written.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE REIGNS OF CATHARINE I. ANNE, THE INFANT IVAN AND
ELIZABETH.
From 1725 to 1162.
Energetic Reign of Catharine.—Her Sudden Death.—Brief Reign of
Peter II.—Difficulties of Hereditary Succession.—A Republic
Contemplated.—Anne, Daughter of Ivan.—The Infant Ivan Proclaimed
King—His Terrible Doom.—Elizabeth, Daughter of Peter the Great
Enthroned.—Character of Elizabeth.—Alliance with Maria Theresa.—
Wars with Prussia.—Great Reverses of Frederic of Prussia.—Desperate
Condition of Frederic.—Death of Elizabeth.—Succession of Peter III.
The new empress, Catharine I., was already exceedingly popular, and she
rose rapidly in public esteem by the wisdom and vigor of her
administration. Early in June her eldest daughter, Anne, was married with
much pomp to the Duke of Holstein. It was a great novelty to the Russians
to see a woman upon the throne; and the neighboring States seemed
inspired with courage to commence encroachments, thinking that they had
but little to apprehend from the feeble arm of a queen. Poland, Sweden and
Denmark were all animated with the hope that the time had now come in
which they could recover those portions of territory which, during past
wars, had been wrested from them by Russia.
Catharine was fully aware of the dangers thus impending, and adopted such
vigorous measures for augmenting the army and the fleet as speedily to
dispel the illusion. Catharine vigorously prosecuted the measures her
husband had introduced for the promotion of the civilization and
[15] The empress gave birth to a son shortly after this letter was written.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE REIGNS OF CATHARINE I. ANNE, THE INFANT IVAN AND
ELIZABETH.
From 1725 to 1162.
Energetic Reign of Catharine.—Her Sudden Death.—Brief Reign of
Peter II.—Difficulties of Hereditary Succession.—A Republic
Contemplated.—Anne, Daughter of Ivan.—The Infant Ivan Proclaimed
King—His Terrible Doom.—Elizabeth, Daughter of Peter the Great
Enthroned.—Character of Elizabeth.—Alliance with Maria Theresa.—
Wars with Prussia.—Great Reverses of Frederic of Prussia.—Desperate
Condition of Frederic.—Death of Elizabeth.—Succession of Peter III.
The new empress, Catharine I., was already exceedingly popular, and she
rose rapidly in public esteem by the wisdom and vigor of her
administration. Early in June her eldest daughter, Anne, was married with
much pomp to the Duke of Holstein. It was a great novelty to the Russians
to see a woman upon the throne; and the neighboring States seemed
inspired with courage to commence encroachments, thinking that they had
but little to apprehend from the feeble arm of a queen. Poland, Sweden and
Denmark were all animated with the hope that the time had now come in
which they could recover those portions of territory which, during past
wars, had been wrested from them by Russia.
Catharine was fully aware of the dangers thus impending, and adopted such
vigorous measures for augmenting the army and the fleet as speedily to
dispel the illusion. Catharine vigorously prosecuted the measures her
husband had introduced for the promotion of the civilization and
Page 307
enlightenment of her subjects. She took great care of the young prince
Peter, son of the deceased Alexis, and endeavored in all ways to educate
him so that he might be worthy to succeed her upon the throne. This young
man, the grandson of Peter the Great, was the only prince in whose veins
flowed the blood of the tzars.
The academy of sciences at St. Petersburg, which Peter had founded, was
sedulously fostered by Catharine. The health of the empress was feeble
when she ascended the throne, and it rapidly declined. She, however,
continued to apply herself with great assiduity to public affairs until the
middle of April, when she was obliged to take her bed. There is no "royal
road" to death. After four weeks of suffering and all the humbling
concomitants of disease and approaching dissolution, the empress breathed
her last at nine o'clock in the evening of the 16th of May, 1727, after a reign
of but little more than two years, and in the forty-second year of her age.
Upon her death-bed Catharine declared Peter II., the son of Alexis, her
successor; and as he was but twelve years of age, a regency was established
during his minority. Menzikoff, however, the illustrious favorite of Peter the
Great, who had been appointed by Catharine generalissimo of all the armies
both by land and sea, attained such supremacy that he was in reality
sovereign of the empire. During the reign, of Catharine Russia presented the
extraordinary spectacle of one of the most powerful and aristocratic
kingdoms on the globe governed by an empress whose origin was that of a
nameless girl found weeping in the streets of a sacked town—while there
rode, at the head of the armies of the empire, towering above grand dukes
and princes of the blood, the son of a peasant, who had passed his
childhood the apprentice of a pastry cook, selling cakes in the streets of
Moscow. Such changes would have been extraordinary at any period of
time and in any quarter of the world; but that they should have occurred in
Russia, where for ages so haughty an aristocracy had dominated, seems
almost miraculous. Menzikoff; elated by the power which the minority of
the king gave him, assumed such airs as to excite the most bitter spirit of
hostility among the nobles. They succeeded in working his ruin; and the
boy emperor banished him to Siberia and confiscated his immense estates.
The blow was fatal. Sinking into the most profound melancholy, Menzikoff
lingered for a few months in the dreary region of his exile, and died in
1729. Peter the Second did not long survive him. But little more than two
Peter, son of the deceased Alexis, and endeavored in all ways to educate
him so that he might be worthy to succeed her upon the throne. This young
man, the grandson of Peter the Great, was the only prince in whose veins
flowed the blood of the tzars.
The academy of sciences at St. Petersburg, which Peter had founded, was
sedulously fostered by Catharine. The health of the empress was feeble
when she ascended the throne, and it rapidly declined. She, however,
continued to apply herself with great assiduity to public affairs until the
middle of April, when she was obliged to take her bed. There is no "royal
road" to death. After four weeks of suffering and all the humbling
concomitants of disease and approaching dissolution, the empress breathed
her last at nine o'clock in the evening of the 16th of May, 1727, after a reign
of but little more than two years, and in the forty-second year of her age.
Upon her death-bed Catharine declared Peter II., the son of Alexis, her
successor; and as he was but twelve years of age, a regency was established
during his minority. Menzikoff, however, the illustrious favorite of Peter the
Great, who had been appointed by Catharine generalissimo of all the armies
both by land and sea, attained such supremacy that he was in reality
sovereign of the empire. During the reign, of Catharine Russia presented the
extraordinary spectacle of one of the most powerful and aristocratic
kingdoms on the globe governed by an empress whose origin was that of a
nameless girl found weeping in the streets of a sacked town—while there
rode, at the head of the armies of the empire, towering above grand dukes
and princes of the blood, the son of a peasant, who had passed his
childhood the apprentice of a pastry cook, selling cakes in the streets of
Moscow. Such changes would have been extraordinary at any period of
time and in any quarter of the world; but that they should have occurred in
Russia, where for ages so haughty an aristocracy had dominated, seems
almost miraculous. Menzikoff; elated by the power which the minority of
the king gave him, assumed such airs as to excite the most bitter spirit of
hostility among the nobles. They succeeded in working his ruin; and the
boy emperor banished him to Siberia and confiscated his immense estates.
The blow was fatal. Sinking into the most profound melancholy, Menzikoff
lingered for a few months in the dreary region of his exile, and died in
1729. Peter the Second did not long survive him. But little more than two
Page 308
years elapsed after the death of Catharine, when he, being then a lad of but
fourteen years of age, was seized with the small-pox and died the 19th of
January, 1730. One daughter of Peter the Great and of Catharine still
survived.
Some of the principal of the nobility, seeing how many difficulties attended
hereditary succession, which at one time placed the crown upon the brow of
a babe in the cradle, again upon a semi-idiot, and again upon a bloated and
infamous debauchee, conferred upon the subject of changing the
government into a republic. But Russia was not prepared for a reform so
sudden and so vast. After much debate it was decided to offer the crown to
Anne, Duchess of Courland, who was second daughter of the imbecile Ivan,
who, for a short time, had nominally occupied the throne, associated with
his brother Peter the Great. She had an elder sister, Catharine, who was
married to the Duke of Mecklenburg. So far as the right of birth was
concerned, Catharine was first entitled to the succession. But as the Duke of
Mecklenburg, whose grand duchy bordered upon the Baltic, and which was
equal to about one half the State of Massachusetts, was engaged in a kind of
civil war with his nobles, it was therefore thought best to pass her by, lest
the empire should become involved in the strife in which her husband was
engaged. As Ivan was the elder brother, it was thought that his daughters
should have the precedence over those of Peter.
Another consideration also influenced the nobles who took the lead in
selecting Anne. They thought that she was a woman whom they could more
easily control than Catharine. These nobles accordingly framed a new
constitution for the empire, limiting the authority of the queen to suit their
purposes. But Anne was no sooner seated upon the throne, than she grasped
the scepter with vigor which astounded all. She banished the nobles who
had interfered with the royal prerogatives, and canceled all the limitations
they had made. She selected a very able ministry, and gave the command of
her armies to the most experienced generals. While sagacity and efficiency
marked her short administration, and Russia continued to expand and
prosper, no events of special importance occurred. She united her armies
with those of the Emperor of Germany in resisting the encroachments of
France. She waged successful war against the Turks, who had attempted to
recover Azof. In this war, the Crimean Tartars were crushed, and Russian
fourteen years of age, was seized with the small-pox and died the 19th of
January, 1730. One daughter of Peter the Great and of Catharine still
survived.
Some of the principal of the nobility, seeing how many difficulties attended
hereditary succession, which at one time placed the crown upon the brow of
a babe in the cradle, again upon a semi-idiot, and again upon a bloated and
infamous debauchee, conferred upon the subject of changing the
government into a republic. But Russia was not prepared for a reform so
sudden and so vast. After much debate it was decided to offer the crown to
Anne, Duchess of Courland, who was second daughter of the imbecile Ivan,
who, for a short time, had nominally occupied the throne, associated with
his brother Peter the Great. She had an elder sister, Catharine, who was
married to the Duke of Mecklenburg. So far as the right of birth was
concerned, Catharine was first entitled to the succession. But as the Duke of
Mecklenburg, whose grand duchy bordered upon the Baltic, and which was
equal to about one half the State of Massachusetts, was engaged in a kind of
civil war with his nobles, it was therefore thought best to pass her by, lest
the empire should become involved in the strife in which her husband was
engaged. As Ivan was the elder brother, it was thought that his daughters
should have the precedence over those of Peter.
Another consideration also influenced the nobles who took the lead in
selecting Anne. They thought that she was a woman whom they could more
easily control than Catharine. These nobles accordingly framed a new
constitution for the empire, limiting the authority of the queen to suit their
purposes. But Anne was no sooner seated upon the throne, than she grasped
the scepter with vigor which astounded all. She banished the nobles who
had interfered with the royal prerogatives, and canceled all the limitations
they had made. She selected a very able ministry, and gave the command of
her armies to the most experienced generals. While sagacity and efficiency
marked her short administration, and Russia continued to expand and
prosper, no events of special importance occurred. She united her armies
with those of the Emperor of Germany in resisting the encroachments of
France. She waged successful war against the Turks, who had attempted to
recover Azof. In this war, the Crimean Tartars were crushed, and Russian
Page 309
influence crowded its way into the immense Crimean peninsula. The
energies of Anne caused Russia to be respected throughout Europe.
As the empress had no children, she sent for her niece and namesake, Anne,
daughter of her elder sister, Catharine, Duchess of Mecklenburg, and
married her to one of the most distinguished nobles of her court, resolved to
call the issue of this marriage to the succession. On the 12th of August,
1740, this princess was delivered of a son, who was named Ivan. The
empress immediately pronounced him her successor, placing him under the
guardianship of his parents. The health of the empress was at this time
rapidly failing, and it was evident to all that her death was not far distant. In
anticipation of death, she appointed one of her favorites, John Ernestus
Biron, regent, during the minority of the prince. Baron Osterman, high
chancellor of Russia, had the rank of prime minister, and Count Munich, a
soldier of distinguished reputation, was placed in the command of the
armies, with the title of field marshal. These were the last administrative
acts of Anne. The king of terrors came with his inevitable summons. After a
few weeks of languor and suffering, the queen expired in October, 1740.
A babe, two months old, was now Emperor of Russia. The senate
immediately met and acknowledged the legitimacy of his claims. The
foreign embassadors presented to him their credentials, and the Marquis of
Chetardie, the French minister, reverentially approaching the cradle, made
the imperially majestic baby a congratulatory speech, addressing him as
Ivan V., Emperor of all the Russias, and assuring him of the friendship of
Louis XV., sovereign of France.
The regent, as was usually the case, arrogating authority and splendor, soon
became excessively unpopular, and a conspiracy of the nobles was formed
for his overthrow. On the night of the 17th of November the conspirators
met in the palace of the grand duchess, Anne, mother of the infant emperor,
unanimously named her regent of the empire, arrested Biron, and
condemned him to death, which sentence was subsequently commuted to
Siberian exile.
Elizabeth, the daughter of Peter, was now thirty-eight years of age. Though
very beautiful, she was unmarried, and resided in the palace in a state of
splendid captivity. A party now arose who secretly conspired to overthrow
energies of Anne caused Russia to be respected throughout Europe.
As the empress had no children, she sent for her niece and namesake, Anne,
daughter of her elder sister, Catharine, Duchess of Mecklenburg, and
married her to one of the most distinguished nobles of her court, resolved to
call the issue of this marriage to the succession. On the 12th of August,
1740, this princess was delivered of a son, who was named Ivan. The
empress immediately pronounced him her successor, placing him under the
guardianship of his parents. The health of the empress was at this time
rapidly failing, and it was evident to all that her death was not far distant. In
anticipation of death, she appointed one of her favorites, John Ernestus
Biron, regent, during the minority of the prince. Baron Osterman, high
chancellor of Russia, had the rank of prime minister, and Count Munich, a
soldier of distinguished reputation, was placed in the command of the
armies, with the title of field marshal. These were the last administrative
acts of Anne. The king of terrors came with his inevitable summons. After a
few weeks of languor and suffering, the queen expired in October, 1740.
A babe, two months old, was now Emperor of Russia. The senate
immediately met and acknowledged the legitimacy of his claims. The
foreign embassadors presented to him their credentials, and the Marquis of
Chetardie, the French minister, reverentially approaching the cradle, made
the imperially majestic baby a congratulatory speech, addressing him as
Ivan V., Emperor of all the Russias, and assuring him of the friendship of
Louis XV., sovereign of France.
The regent, as was usually the case, arrogating authority and splendor, soon
became excessively unpopular, and a conspiracy of the nobles was formed
for his overthrow. On the night of the 17th of November the conspirators
met in the palace of the grand duchess, Anne, mother of the infant emperor,
unanimously named her regent of the empire, arrested Biron, and
condemned him to death, which sentence was subsequently commuted to
Siberian exile.
Elizabeth, the daughter of Peter, was now thirty-eight years of age. Though
very beautiful, she was unmarried, and resided in the palace in a state of
splendid captivity. A party now arose who secretly conspired to overthrow
Page 310
the regency of Anne, and to depose the infant Ivan and place Elizabeth upon
the throne. The plot being fully matured, on the night of the 5th of
December a body of armed men repaired to the palace, where they met
Elizabeth, who was ready to receive them, and marched, with her at their
head, to the barracks, where she was enthusiastically received by the
soldiers. The spirit of her father seemed at once to inspire her soul. With a
voice of authority, as if born to command, she ordered the regiments to
march to different quarters of the city and to seize all the prominent officers
of the government. Then leading, herself, a regiment to the palace, she took
possession of the infant emperor and of his mother, the regent. They were
held in captivity, though, at first, treated with all the consideration which
became their birth.
This revolution was accepted by the people with the loudest demonstrations
of joy. The memory of Peter the Great was enshrined in every heart, and all
exulted in placing the crown upon his daughter's brow. The next morning, at
the head of the royal guards and all the other troops of the metropolis,
Elizabeth was proclaimed Empress of Russia. In one week from this time,
the deposed infant emperor, Ivan, who was then thirteen months old, was
sent, with his parents, from Petersburg to Riga, where they were for a long
time detained in a castle as prisoners. Two efforts which they made for
escape were frustrated.
This conspiracy, which was carried to so successful a result, was mainly
founded in the hostility with which the Russians regarded the foreigners
who had been so freely introduced to the empire by Peter the Great, and
who occupied so many of the most important posts in the State. Thus the
succession of Elizabeth was, in fact, a counter revolution, arresting the
progress of reform and moving Russia back again toward the ancient
barbarism. But Elizabeth soon expended her paroxysm of energy, and
surrendered herself to luxury and to sensual indulgence unsurpassed by any
debauchee who ever occupied a throne. Jealous of sharing her power, she
refused to take a husband, though many guilty favorites were received to
her utmost intimacy.
The doom of the deposed Ivan and his parents was sad, indeed. They were
removed for safe keeping to an island in the White Sea, fifty miles beyond
Archangel, a region as desolate as the imagination can well conceive. Here,
the throne. The plot being fully matured, on the night of the 5th of
December a body of armed men repaired to the palace, where they met
Elizabeth, who was ready to receive them, and marched, with her at their
head, to the barracks, where she was enthusiastically received by the
soldiers. The spirit of her father seemed at once to inspire her soul. With a
voice of authority, as if born to command, she ordered the regiments to
march to different quarters of the city and to seize all the prominent officers
of the government. Then leading, herself, a regiment to the palace, she took
possession of the infant emperor and of his mother, the regent. They were
held in captivity, though, at first, treated with all the consideration which
became their birth.
This revolution was accepted by the people with the loudest demonstrations
of joy. The memory of Peter the Great was enshrined in every heart, and all
exulted in placing the crown upon his daughter's brow. The next morning, at
the head of the royal guards and all the other troops of the metropolis,
Elizabeth was proclaimed Empress of Russia. In one week from this time,
the deposed infant emperor, Ivan, who was then thirteen months old, was
sent, with his parents, from Petersburg to Riga, where they were for a long
time detained in a castle as prisoners. Two efforts which they made for
escape were frustrated.
This conspiracy, which was carried to so successful a result, was mainly
founded in the hostility with which the Russians regarded the foreigners
who had been so freely introduced to the empire by Peter the Great, and
who occupied so many of the most important posts in the State. Thus the
succession of Elizabeth was, in fact, a counter revolution, arresting the
progress of reform and moving Russia back again toward the ancient
barbarism. But Elizabeth soon expended her paroxysm of energy, and
surrendered herself to luxury and to sensual indulgence unsurpassed by any
debauchee who ever occupied a throne. Jealous of sharing her power, she
refused to take a husband, though many guilty favorites were received to
her utmost intimacy.
The doom of the deposed Ivan and his parents was sad, indeed. They were
removed for safe keeping to an island in the White Sea, fifty miles beyond
Archangel, a region as desolate as the imagination can well conceive. Here,
Page 311
after a year of captivity, the infant Ivan was torn from his mother and
removed to the monastery of Oranienburg, where he was brought up in the
utmost seclusion, not being allowed to learn either to read or write. The
bereaved mother, Anne, lingered a couple of years until she wept away her
life, and found the repose of the grave in 1746. Her husband survived thirty
years longer, and died in prison in 1775. It was an awful doom for one who
had committed no crime. The whole course of history proves that in this life
we see but the commencement of a divine government, and that "after death
cometh the judgment."
A humane monk, taking pity upon the unfortunate little Ivan, attempted to
escape with him. He had reached Smolensk, when he was arrested. The
unhappy prince was then conveyed to the castle of Schlusselburg, where he
was immersed in a dungeon which no ray of the sun could ever penetrate. A
single lamp burning in his cell only revealed its horrors. The prince could
not distinguish day from night, and had no means of computing the passage
of the hours. Food was left in his cell, and the attendants, who occasionally
entered, were prohibited from holding any conversation with the child. This
treatment, absolutely infernal, soon reduced the innocent prince to a state
almost of idiocy.
Twice Elizabeth ordered him to be brought to Petersburg, where she
conversed with him without letting him know who she was; but she did
nothing to alleviate his horrible doom. After the death of Elizabeth, her
successor, Peter III., made Ivan a visit, without making himself known.
Touched with such an aspect of misery, he ordered an apartment to be built
in an angle of the fortress, for Ivan, who had now attained the age of
manhood, where he could enjoy air and light. The sudden death of Peter
defeated this purpose, and Ivan was left in his misery. Still weary years
passed away while the prince, dead to himself as well as to the world,
remained breathing in his tomb. Catharine II., after her accession to the
throne, called to see Ivan. She thus describes her visit:
"After we had ascended the throne, and offered up to Heaven our just
thanksgivings, the first object that employed our thoughts, in consequence
of that humanity which is natural to us, was the unhappy situation of that
prince, who was dethroned by divine Providence, and had been unfortunate
removed to the monastery of Oranienburg, where he was brought up in the
utmost seclusion, not being allowed to learn either to read or write. The
bereaved mother, Anne, lingered a couple of years until she wept away her
life, and found the repose of the grave in 1746. Her husband survived thirty
years longer, and died in prison in 1775. It was an awful doom for one who
had committed no crime. The whole course of history proves that in this life
we see but the commencement of a divine government, and that "after death
cometh the judgment."
A humane monk, taking pity upon the unfortunate little Ivan, attempted to
escape with him. He had reached Smolensk, when he was arrested. The
unhappy prince was then conveyed to the castle of Schlusselburg, where he
was immersed in a dungeon which no ray of the sun could ever penetrate. A
single lamp burning in his cell only revealed its horrors. The prince could
not distinguish day from night, and had no means of computing the passage
of the hours. Food was left in his cell, and the attendants, who occasionally
entered, were prohibited from holding any conversation with the child. This
treatment, absolutely infernal, soon reduced the innocent prince to a state
almost of idiocy.
Twice Elizabeth ordered him to be brought to Petersburg, where she
conversed with him without letting him know who she was; but she did
nothing to alleviate his horrible doom. After the death of Elizabeth, her
successor, Peter III., made Ivan a visit, without making himself known.
Touched with such an aspect of misery, he ordered an apartment to be built
in an angle of the fortress, for Ivan, who had now attained the age of
manhood, where he could enjoy air and light. The sudden death of Peter
defeated this purpose, and Ivan was left in his misery. Still weary years
passed away while the prince, dead to himself as well as to the world,
remained breathing in his tomb. Catharine II., after her accession to the
throne, called to see Ivan. She thus describes her visit:
"After we had ascended the throne, and offered up to Heaven our just
thanksgivings, the first object that employed our thoughts, in consequence
of that humanity which is natural to us, was the unhappy situation of that
prince, who was dethroned by divine Providence, and had been unfortunate
Page 312
ever since his birth; and we formed the resolution of alleviating his
misfortunes as far as possible.
"We immediately made a visit to him in order to judge of his understanding
and talents, and to procure him a situation suitable to his character and
education. But how great was our surprise to find, that in addition to a
defect in his utterance, which rendered it difficult for him to speak, and still
more difficult to be understood, we observed an almost total deprivation of
sense and reason. Those who accompanied us, during this interview, saw
how much our heart suffered at the contemplation of an object so fitted to
excite compassion; they were also convinced that the only measure we
could take to succor the unfortunate prince was to leave him where we
found him, and to procure him all the comforts and conveniences his
situation would admit of. We accordingly gave our orders for this purpose,
though the state he was in prevented his perceiving the marks of our
humanity or being sensible of our attention and care; for he knew nobody,
could not distinguish between good and evil, nor did he know the use that
might be made of reading, to pass the time with less weariness and disgust.
On the contrary, he sought pleasure in objects that discovered with
sufficient evidence the disorder of his imagination."
Soon after this poor Ivan was cruelly assassinated. An officer in the Russian
army, named Mirovitch, conceived an absurd plan of liberating Ivan from
his captivity, restoring him to the throne, and consigning Catharine II. to the
dungeon the prince had so long inhabited. Mirovitch had command of the
garrison at Schlusselburg, where Ivan was imprisoned. Taking advantage of
the absence of the empress, on a journey to Livonia, he proceeded to the
castle, with a few soldiers whose coöperation he had secured through the
influence of brandy and promises, knocked down the commandant of the
fortress with the butt end of a musket, and ordered the officers who had
command of the prisoner to bring him to them. These officers had received
the secret injunction that should the rescue of the prince ever be attempted,
they were to put him to death rather than permit him to be carried off. They
accordingly entered his cell, and though the helpless captive made the most
desperate resistance, they speedily cut him down with their swords.
History has few narratives so extraordinary as the fate of Ivan. A forced
marriage was arranged that a child might be generated to inherit the Russian
misfortunes as far as possible.
"We immediately made a visit to him in order to judge of his understanding
and talents, and to procure him a situation suitable to his character and
education. But how great was our surprise to find, that in addition to a
defect in his utterance, which rendered it difficult for him to speak, and still
more difficult to be understood, we observed an almost total deprivation of
sense and reason. Those who accompanied us, during this interview, saw
how much our heart suffered at the contemplation of an object so fitted to
excite compassion; they were also convinced that the only measure we
could take to succor the unfortunate prince was to leave him where we
found him, and to procure him all the comforts and conveniences his
situation would admit of. We accordingly gave our orders for this purpose,
though the state he was in prevented his perceiving the marks of our
humanity or being sensible of our attention and care; for he knew nobody,
could not distinguish between good and evil, nor did he know the use that
might be made of reading, to pass the time with less weariness and disgust.
On the contrary, he sought pleasure in objects that discovered with
sufficient evidence the disorder of his imagination."
Soon after this poor Ivan was cruelly assassinated. An officer in the Russian
army, named Mirovitch, conceived an absurd plan of liberating Ivan from
his captivity, restoring him to the throne, and consigning Catharine II. to the
dungeon the prince had so long inhabited. Mirovitch had command of the
garrison at Schlusselburg, where Ivan was imprisoned. Taking advantage of
the absence of the empress, on a journey to Livonia, he proceeded to the
castle, with a few soldiers whose coöperation he had secured through the
influence of brandy and promises, knocked down the commandant of the
fortress with the butt end of a musket, and ordered the officers who had
command of the prisoner to bring him to them. These officers had received
the secret injunction that should the rescue of the prince ever be attempted,
they were to put him to death rather than permit him to be carried off. They
accordingly entered his cell, and though the helpless captive made the most
desperate resistance, they speedily cut him down with their swords.
History has few narratives so extraordinary as the fate of Ivan. A forced
marriage was arranged that a child might be generated to inherit the Russian
Page 313
throne. When this child was but a few days old he was declared emperor of
all the Russias, and received the congratulations of the foreign
embassadors. When thirteen months of age he was deposed, and for the
crime of being a king, was thrown into captivity. To prevent others from
using him as the instrument of their purposes, he was thrown into a
dungeon, and excluded from all human intercourse, so that like a deaf child
he could not even acquire the power of speech. For him there was neither
clouds nor sunshine, day nor night, summer nor winter. He had no
employment, no amusement, no food for thought, absolutely nothing to
mark the passage of the weary hours. The mind became paralyzed and
almost idiotic by such enormous woe. Such was his doom for twenty-four
years. He was born in 1740, and assassinated under the reign of Catharine
II., in 1764. The father of Ivan remained in prison eleven years longer until
he died.
From this tragedy let us turn back to the reign of Elizabeth. It was the great
object of this princess to undo all that her illustrious father had done, to roll
back all the reforms he had commenced, and to restore to the empire its
ancient usages and prejudices. The hostility to foreigners became so bitter,
that the queen's guard formed a conspiracy for a general massacre, which
should sweep them all from the empire. Elizabeth, conscious of the horror
such an act would inspire throughout Europe, was greatly alarmed, and was
compelled to issue a proclamation, in defense of their lives.
"The empress," she said in this proclamation, "can never forget how much
foreigners have contributed to the prosperity of Russia. And though her
subjects will at all times enjoy her favors in preference to foreigners, yet the
foreigners in her service are as dear to her as her own subjects, and may
rely on her protection."
In the mean time, Elizabeth was prosecuting with great vigor the hereditary
war with Sweden. Russia was constantly gaining in this conflict, and at
length the Swedes purchased peace by surrendering to the Russians
extensive territories in Finland. The favor of Russia was still more
effectually purchased by the Swedes choosing for their king, Adolphus
Frederic, Duke of the Russian province of Holstein, and kinsman of
Elizabeth. The boundaries of Russia were thus enlarged, and Sweden
became almost a tributary province of the gigantic empire.
all the Russias, and received the congratulations of the foreign
embassadors. When thirteen months of age he was deposed, and for the
crime of being a king, was thrown into captivity. To prevent others from
using him as the instrument of their purposes, he was thrown into a
dungeon, and excluded from all human intercourse, so that like a deaf child
he could not even acquire the power of speech. For him there was neither
clouds nor sunshine, day nor night, summer nor winter. He had no
employment, no amusement, no food for thought, absolutely nothing to
mark the passage of the weary hours. The mind became paralyzed and
almost idiotic by such enormous woe. Such was his doom for twenty-four
years. He was born in 1740, and assassinated under the reign of Catharine
II., in 1764. The father of Ivan remained in prison eleven years longer until
he died.
From this tragedy let us turn back to the reign of Elizabeth. It was the great
object of this princess to undo all that her illustrious father had done, to roll
back all the reforms he had commenced, and to restore to the empire its
ancient usages and prejudices. The hostility to foreigners became so bitter,
that the queen's guard formed a conspiracy for a general massacre, which
should sweep them all from the empire. Elizabeth, conscious of the horror
such an act would inspire throughout Europe, was greatly alarmed, and was
compelled to issue a proclamation, in defense of their lives.
"The empress," she said in this proclamation, "can never forget how much
foreigners have contributed to the prosperity of Russia. And though her
subjects will at all times enjoy her favors in preference to foreigners, yet the
foreigners in her service are as dear to her as her own subjects, and may
rely on her protection."
In the mean time, Elizabeth was prosecuting with great vigor the hereditary
war with Sweden. Russia was constantly gaining in this conflict, and at
length the Swedes purchased peace by surrendering to the Russians
extensive territories in Finland. The favor of Russia was still more
effectually purchased by the Swedes choosing for their king, Adolphus
Frederic, Duke of the Russian province of Holstein, and kinsman of
Elizabeth. The boundaries of Russia were thus enlarged, and Sweden
became almost a tributary province of the gigantic empire.
Page 314
Maria Theresa was now Empress of Austria, and she succeeded in enlisting
the coöperation of Elizabeth in her unrelenting warfare with Frederic of
Prussia. Personal hostility also exasperated Elizabeth against the Prussian
monarch, for in some of his writings he had spoken disparagingly of the
humble birth of Elizabeth's mother, Catharine, the wife of Peter the First;
and a still more unpardonable offense he had committed, when, flushed
with wine, at a table where the Russian embassador was present, he had
indulged in witticisms in reference to the notorious gallantries of the
empress. A woman who could plunge, into the wildest excesses of
licentiousness, still had sensibility enough to resent the taunts of the royal
philosopher. In 1753, Elizabeth and Maria Theresa entered into an
agreement to resist all further augmentation of the Prussian power. In the
bloody Seven Years' War between Frederic and Maria Theresa, the heart of
Elizabeth was always with the Austrian queen, and for five of those years
their armies fought side by side. In the year 1759, Elizabeth sent an army of
one hundred thousand men into Prussia. They committed every outrage
which fiends could perpetrate; and though victorious over the armies of
Frederic, they rendered the country so utterly desolate, that through famine
they were compelled to retreat. Burning villages and mangled corpses
marked their path.
The next year, 1758, another Russian army invaded Prussia, overran nearly
the whole kingdom, and captured Konigsburg. The victorious Russians
thinking that all of Prussia was to be annexed to their dominions, began to
treat the Prussians tenderly and as countrymen. An order was read from the
churches, that if any Prussian had cause of complaint against any Russian,
he should present it at the military chancery at Konigsburg, where he would
infallibly have redress. The inhabitants of the conquered realm were all
obliged to swear fealty to the Empress of Russia. The Prussian army was at
this time in Silesia, struggling against the troops of Maria Theresa. The
warlike Frederic soon returned at the head of his indomitable hosts, and
attacking the Russians about six miles from Kustrin, defeated them in one
of the most bloody battles on record, and drove the shattered battalions,
humiliated and bleeding, out of the territory.
The summer of 1759 again found the Russian troops spread over the
Prussian territory. In great force the two hostile armies soon met on the
banks of the Oder. The Russians, posted upon a line of commanding
the coöperation of Elizabeth in her unrelenting warfare with Frederic of
Prussia. Personal hostility also exasperated Elizabeth against the Prussian
monarch, for in some of his writings he had spoken disparagingly of the
humble birth of Elizabeth's mother, Catharine, the wife of Peter the First;
and a still more unpardonable offense he had committed, when, flushed
with wine, at a table where the Russian embassador was present, he had
indulged in witticisms in reference to the notorious gallantries of the
empress. A woman who could plunge, into the wildest excesses of
licentiousness, still had sensibility enough to resent the taunts of the royal
philosopher. In 1753, Elizabeth and Maria Theresa entered into an
agreement to resist all further augmentation of the Prussian power. In the
bloody Seven Years' War between Frederic and Maria Theresa, the heart of
Elizabeth was always with the Austrian queen, and for five of those years
their armies fought side by side. In the year 1759, Elizabeth sent an army of
one hundred thousand men into Prussia. They committed every outrage
which fiends could perpetrate; and though victorious over the armies of
Frederic, they rendered the country so utterly desolate, that through famine
they were compelled to retreat. Burning villages and mangled corpses
marked their path.
The next year, 1758, another Russian army invaded Prussia, overran nearly
the whole kingdom, and captured Konigsburg. The victorious Russians
thinking that all of Prussia was to be annexed to their dominions, began to
treat the Prussians tenderly and as countrymen. An order was read from the
churches, that if any Prussian had cause of complaint against any Russian,
he should present it at the military chancery at Konigsburg, where he would
infallibly have redress. The inhabitants of the conquered realm were all
obliged to swear fealty to the Empress of Russia. The Prussian army was at
this time in Silesia, struggling against the troops of Maria Theresa. The
warlike Frederic soon returned at the head of his indomitable hosts, and
attacking the Russians about six miles from Kustrin, defeated them in one
of the most bloody battles on record, and drove the shattered battalions,
humiliated and bleeding, out of the territory.
The summer of 1759 again found the Russian troops spread over the
Prussian territory. In great force the two hostile armies soon met on the
banks of the Oder. The Russians, posted upon a line of commanding
Page 315
heights, numbered seventy thousand. Frederic fiercely assailed them
through the most formidable disadvantages, with but thirty thousand men.
The slaughter of the Prussians was fearful, and Frederic, after losing nearly
eight thousand of his best troops in killed and wounded and prisoners,
sullenly retired. The Russian troops were now strengthened by a
reinforcement of twelve thousand of the choicest of the Austrian cavalry,
and still presenting, notwithstanding their losses, a solid front of ninety
thousand men. Frederic, bringing every nerve into action, succeeded in
collecting and bringing again into the field fifty thousand troops.[16]
Notwithstanding the disparity in numbers, it seemed absolutely necessary
that the King of Prussia should fight, for the richest part of his dominions
was in the hands of the allied Prussians and Austrians, and Berlin was
menaced. The field of battle was on the banks of the Oder, near Frankfort.
On the 12th of June, 1759, at two o'clock in the morning, the King of
Prussia formed his troops in battle array, behind a forest which concealed
his movements from the enemy. The battle was commenced with a fierce
cannonade; and in the midst of the thunderings and carnage of this tempest
of war, solid columns emerged from the ranks of the Prussians and pierced
the Russian lines. The attack was too impetuous to be resisted. From post to
post the Prussians advanced, driving the foe before them, and covering the
ground with the slain. For six hours of almost unparalleled slaughter the
victory was with the Prussians. Seventy-two pieces of cannon fell into the
hands of the victors, and at every point the Russians were retreating.
Frederic, in his exultation, scribbled a note to the empress, upon the field of
battle, with the pommel of his saddle for a tablet, and dispatched it to her by
a courier. It was as follows:
"Madam: we have beat the Russians from their entrenchments.
In two hours expect to hear of a glorious victory."
But in less than two hours the tide of victory turned. The day was one of
excessive heat. An unclouded sun poured its burning rays upon the field,
and at midday the troops and the horses, having been engaged for six hours
in one of the severest actions which was ever known, were utterly beat out
and fainting with exhaustion. Just then the whole body of the Russian and
Austrian cavalry, some fourteen thousand strong, which thus far had
remained inactive, came rushing upon the plain as with the roar and the
through the most formidable disadvantages, with but thirty thousand men.
The slaughter of the Prussians was fearful, and Frederic, after losing nearly
eight thousand of his best troops in killed and wounded and prisoners,
sullenly retired. The Russian troops were now strengthened by a
reinforcement of twelve thousand of the choicest of the Austrian cavalry,
and still presenting, notwithstanding their losses, a solid front of ninety
thousand men. Frederic, bringing every nerve into action, succeeded in
collecting and bringing again into the field fifty thousand troops.[16]
Notwithstanding the disparity in numbers, it seemed absolutely necessary
that the King of Prussia should fight, for the richest part of his dominions
was in the hands of the allied Prussians and Austrians, and Berlin was
menaced. The field of battle was on the banks of the Oder, near Frankfort.
On the 12th of June, 1759, at two o'clock in the morning, the King of
Prussia formed his troops in battle array, behind a forest which concealed
his movements from the enemy. The battle was commenced with a fierce
cannonade; and in the midst of the thunderings and carnage of this tempest
of war, solid columns emerged from the ranks of the Prussians and pierced
the Russian lines. The attack was too impetuous to be resisted. From post to
post the Prussians advanced, driving the foe before them, and covering the
ground with the slain. For six hours of almost unparalleled slaughter the
victory was with the Prussians. Seventy-two pieces of cannon fell into the
hands of the victors, and at every point the Russians were retreating.
Frederic, in his exultation, scribbled a note to the empress, upon the field of
battle, with the pommel of his saddle for a tablet, and dispatched it to her by
a courier. It was as follows:
"Madam: we have beat the Russians from their entrenchments.
In two hours expect to hear of a glorious victory."
But in less than two hours the tide of victory turned. The day was one of
excessive heat. An unclouded sun poured its burning rays upon the field,
and at midday the troops and the horses, having been engaged for six hours
in one of the severest actions which was ever known, were utterly beat out
and fainting with exhaustion. Just then the whole body of the Russian and
Austrian cavalry, some fourteen thousand strong, which thus far had
remained inactive, came rushing upon the plain as with the roar and the
Page 316
sweep of the whirlwind. The foe fell before them as the withered grass
before the prairie fire. Frederic was astounded by this sudden reverse, and
in the anguish of his spirit plunged into the thickest of the conflict. Two
horses were shot beneath him. His clothes were riddled with balls. Another
courier was dispatched to the empress from the sanguinary field, in the
hottest speed. The note he bore was as follows:
"Remove from Berlin with the royal family. Let the archives be
carried to Potsdam, and the capital make conditions with the
enemy."
As night approached, Frederic assembled the fragments of his army,
exhausted and bleeding, upon some heights, and threw up redoubts for their
protection. Twenty thousand of his troops were left upon the field or in the
hands of the enemy. Every cannon he had was taken. Scarcely a general or
an inferior officer escaped unwounded, and a large number of his most
valuable officers were slain. It was an awful defeat and an awful slaughter.
Fortunately for Frederic the losses of the Russians had also been so terrible
that they did not venture to pursue the foe. Early the next morning the
Prussian king crossed the Oder; and the Russians, encumbered with the
thousands of their own mutilated and dying troops, thought it not prudent to
march upon Berlin. The war still raged furiously, the allies being inspirited
by hope and Frederic by despair. At length the affairs of Prussia became
quite hopeless, and the Prussian monarch was in a position from which no
earthly energy or sagacity could extricate him. The Russians and Austrians,
in resistless numbers, were spread over all his provinces excepting Saxony,
where the great Frederic was entirely hemmed up.
The Prussian king was fully conscious of the desperation of his affairs, and,
though one of the most stoical and stern of men, he experienced the acutest
anguish. For hours he paced the floor of his tent, absorbed in thought,
seldom exchanging a word with his generals, who stood silently by, having
no word to utter of counsel or encouragement. Just then God mysteriously
interposed and saved Prussia from dismemberment, and the name of her
monarch from ignominy. The Empress of Russia had been for some time in
failing health, and the year 1762 had but just dawned, when the enrapturing
tidings were conveyed to the camp of the despairing Prussians that
before the prairie fire. Frederic was astounded by this sudden reverse, and
in the anguish of his spirit plunged into the thickest of the conflict. Two
horses were shot beneath him. His clothes were riddled with balls. Another
courier was dispatched to the empress from the sanguinary field, in the
hottest speed. The note he bore was as follows:
"Remove from Berlin with the royal family. Let the archives be
carried to Potsdam, and the capital make conditions with the
enemy."
As night approached, Frederic assembled the fragments of his army,
exhausted and bleeding, upon some heights, and threw up redoubts for their
protection. Twenty thousand of his troops were left upon the field or in the
hands of the enemy. Every cannon he had was taken. Scarcely a general or
an inferior officer escaped unwounded, and a large number of his most
valuable officers were slain. It was an awful defeat and an awful slaughter.
Fortunately for Frederic the losses of the Russians had also been so terrible
that they did not venture to pursue the foe. Early the next morning the
Prussian king crossed the Oder; and the Russians, encumbered with the
thousands of their own mutilated and dying troops, thought it not prudent to
march upon Berlin. The war still raged furiously, the allies being inspirited
by hope and Frederic by despair. At length the affairs of Prussia became
quite hopeless, and the Prussian monarch was in a position from which no
earthly energy or sagacity could extricate him. The Russians and Austrians,
in resistless numbers, were spread over all his provinces excepting Saxony,
where the great Frederic was entirely hemmed up.
The Prussian king was fully conscious of the desperation of his affairs, and,
though one of the most stoical and stern of men, he experienced the acutest
anguish. For hours he paced the floor of his tent, absorbed in thought,
seldom exchanging a word with his generals, who stood silently by, having
no word to utter of counsel or encouragement. Just then God mysteriously
interposed and saved Prussia from dismemberment, and the name of her
monarch from ignominy. The Empress of Russia had been for some time in
failing health, and the year 1762 had but just dawned, when the enrapturing
tidings were conveyed to the camp of the despairing Prussians that
Page 317
Elizabeth was dead. This event dispelled midnight gloom and caused the
sun to shine brightly upon the Prussian fortunes.
The nephew of the empress, Peter III., who succeeded her on her throne,
had long expressed his warm admiration of Frederic of Prussia, had visited
his court at Berlin, where he was received with the most flattering
attentions, and had enthroned the warlike Frederic in his heart as the model
of a hero. He had even, during the war, secretly written letters to Frederic
expressive of his admiration, and had communicated to him secrets of the
Russian cabinet and their plans of operation. The elevation of Peter III. to
the throne was the signal, not only for the withdrawal of the Russian troops
from the Austrian alliance, but for the direct marching of those troops as
allies into the camp of the Prussians. Thus sudden are the mutations of war;
thus inexplicable are the combinations of destiny.
Elizabeth died in the fifty-second year of her age, after a reign of twenty
years. She was during her whole reign mainly devoted to sensual pleasure,
drinking intoxicating liquors immoderately, and surrendering herself to the
most extraordinary licentiousness. Though ever refusing to recognize the
claims of marriage, she was the mother of several children, and her
favorites can not easily be enumerated. Her ministers managed the affairs of
State for her, in obedience to her caprices. She seemed to have some
chronic disease of the humane feelings which induced her to declare that
not one of her subjects should during her reign be doomed to death, while at
the same time, with the most gentle self complacency, she could order the
tongues of thousands to be torn out by the roots, could cut off the nostrils
with red hot pincers, could lop off ears, lips and noses, and could twist the
arms of her victims behind them, by dislocating them at the shoulders.
There were tens of thousands of prisoners thus horridly mutilated.
The empress was fond of music, and introduced to Russia the opera and the
theater. She was as intolerent to the Jews as her father had been, banishing
them all from the country. She lived in constant fear of conspiracies and
revolutions, and, as a desperate safeguard, established a secret inquisitorial
court to punish all who should express any displeasure with the measures of
government. Spies and informers of the most worthless character filled the
land, and multitudes of the most virtuous inhabitants of the empire, falsely
accused, or denounced for a look, a shrug, or a harmless word, were
sun to shine brightly upon the Prussian fortunes.
The nephew of the empress, Peter III., who succeeded her on her throne,
had long expressed his warm admiration of Frederic of Prussia, had visited
his court at Berlin, where he was received with the most flattering
attentions, and had enthroned the warlike Frederic in his heart as the model
of a hero. He had even, during the war, secretly written letters to Frederic
expressive of his admiration, and had communicated to him secrets of the
Russian cabinet and their plans of operation. The elevation of Peter III. to
the throne was the signal, not only for the withdrawal of the Russian troops
from the Austrian alliance, but for the direct marching of those troops as
allies into the camp of the Prussians. Thus sudden are the mutations of war;
thus inexplicable are the combinations of destiny.
Elizabeth died in the fifty-second year of her age, after a reign of twenty
years. She was during her whole reign mainly devoted to sensual pleasure,
drinking intoxicating liquors immoderately, and surrendering herself to the
most extraordinary licentiousness. Though ever refusing to recognize the
claims of marriage, she was the mother of several children, and her
favorites can not easily be enumerated. Her ministers managed the affairs of
State for her, in obedience to her caprices. She seemed to have some
chronic disease of the humane feelings which induced her to declare that
not one of her subjects should during her reign be doomed to death, while at
the same time, with the most gentle self complacency, she could order the
tongues of thousands to be torn out by the roots, could cut off the nostrils
with red hot pincers, could lop off ears, lips and noses, and could twist the
arms of her victims behind them, by dislocating them at the shoulders.
There were tens of thousands of prisoners thus horridly mutilated.
The empress was fond of music, and introduced to Russia the opera and the
theater. She was as intolerent to the Jews as her father had been, banishing
them all from the country. She lived in constant fear of conspiracies and
revolutions, and, as a desperate safeguard, established a secret inquisitorial
court to punish all who should express any displeasure with the measures of
government. Spies and informers of the most worthless character filled the
land, and multitudes of the most virtuous inhabitants of the empire, falsely
accused, or denounced for a look, a shrug, or a harmless word, were
Page 318
consigned to mutilation more dreadful and to exile more gloomy than the
grave.
———
[16] Some authorities give the Russians eighty thousand and the Prussians forty thousand.
CHAPTER XXIII.
PETER III. AND HIS BRIDE.
From 1728 to 1762.
Lineage of Peter III.—Chosen by Elizabeth as Her Successor.—The
Bride Chosen for Peter.—Her Lineage.—The Courtship.—The Marriage.
—Autobiography of Catharine.—Anecdotes of Peter.—His Neglect of
Catharine and His Debaucheries.—Amusements of the Russian Court.—
Military Execution of a Rat.—Accession of Peter III. to the Throne.—
Supremacy of Catharine.—Her Repudiation Threatened.—The
Conspiracy.—Its Successful Accomplishment.
Peter the Third was grandson of Peter the Great. His mother, Anne, the
eldest daughter of Peter and Catharine, married the Duke of Holstein, who
inherited a duchy on the eastern shores of the Baltic containing some four
thousand square miles of territory and about three hundred thousand
inhabitants. Their son and only child, Peter, was born in the ducal castle at
Kiel, the capital of the duchy, in the year 1728. The blood of Peter the Great
of Russia, and of Charles the Twelfth of Sweden mingled in the veins of the
young duke, of which fact he was exceedingly proud. Soon after the birth of
Peter, his mother, Anne, died. The father of Peter was son of the eldest sister
of Charles XII., and, as such, being the nearest heir, would probably have
succeeded to the throne of Sweden had not the king's sudden death, by a
cannon ball, prevented him from designating his successor. The widowed
father of Peter, thus disappointed in his hopes of obtaining the crown of
grave.
———
[16] Some authorities give the Russians eighty thousand and the Prussians forty thousand.
CHAPTER XXIII.
PETER III. AND HIS BRIDE.
From 1728 to 1762.
Lineage of Peter III.—Chosen by Elizabeth as Her Successor.—The
Bride Chosen for Peter.—Her Lineage.—The Courtship.—The Marriage.
—Autobiography of Catharine.—Anecdotes of Peter.—His Neglect of
Catharine and His Debaucheries.—Amusements of the Russian Court.—
Military Execution of a Rat.—Accession of Peter III. to the Throne.—
Supremacy of Catharine.—Her Repudiation Threatened.—The
Conspiracy.—Its Successful Accomplishment.
Peter the Third was grandson of Peter the Great. His mother, Anne, the
eldest daughter of Peter and Catharine, married the Duke of Holstein, who
inherited a duchy on the eastern shores of the Baltic containing some four
thousand square miles of territory and about three hundred thousand
inhabitants. Their son and only child, Peter, was born in the ducal castle at
Kiel, the capital of the duchy, in the year 1728. The blood of Peter the Great
of Russia, and of Charles the Twelfth of Sweden mingled in the veins of the
young duke, of which fact he was exceedingly proud. Soon after the birth of
Peter, his mother, Anne, died. The father of Peter was son of the eldest sister
of Charles XII., and, as such, being the nearest heir, would probably have
succeeded to the throne of Sweden had not the king's sudden death, by a
cannon ball, prevented him from designating his successor. The widowed
father of Peter, thus disappointed in his hopes of obtaining the crown of
Page 319
Sweden, which his aunt Ulrica, his mother's sister, successfully grasped,
lived in great retirement. The idea had not occurred to him that the crown of
imperial Russia could, by any chance, descend to his son, and the education
of Peter was conducted to qualify him to preside over his little patrimonial
duchy.
When young Peter was fourteen years of age, the Empress Elizabeth, his
maternal aunt, to the surprise and delight of the family, summoned the
young prince to St. Petersburg, intimating her intention to transmit to him
her crown. But Peter was a thoroughly worthless boy. All ignoble qualities
seemed to be combined in his nature without any redeeming virtues.
Elizabeth having thus provided twenty millions of people with a sovereign,
looked about to find for that sovereign a suitable wife. Upon the banks of
the Oder there was a small principality, as it was called, containing some
thirteen hundred square miles, about the size of the State of Rhode Island.
Christian Augustus, the prince of this little domain, had a daughter, Sophia,
a child rather remarkable both for beauty and vivacity. She was one year
younger than Peter, and Elizabeth fixed her choice upon Sophia as the
future spouse of her nephew. Peter was, at this time, with the empress in
Moscow, and Sophia was sent for to spend some time in the Russian capital
before the marriage, that she might become acquainted with the Russian
language and customs.
Both of these children had been educated Protestants, but they were
required to renounce the Lutheran faith and accept that of the Greek church.
Children as they were, they did this, of course, as readily as they would
have changed their dresses. With this change of religion Sophia received a
new name, that of Catharine, and by this name she was ever afterward
called. When these children, to whom the government of the Russian
empire was to be intrusted, first met, Peter was fifteen years of age and
Catharine fourteen. Catharine subsequently commenced a minute journal,
an autobiography of these her youthful days, which opens vividly to our
view the corruptions of the Russian court. Nothing can be more wearisome
than the life there developed. No thought whatever seemed to be directed by
the court to the interests of the Russian people. They were no more thought
of than the jaded horses who dragged the chariots of the nobles. It is
amazing that the indignation of the millions can have slumbered so long.
lived in great retirement. The idea had not occurred to him that the crown of
imperial Russia could, by any chance, descend to his son, and the education
of Peter was conducted to qualify him to preside over his little patrimonial
duchy.
When young Peter was fourteen years of age, the Empress Elizabeth, his
maternal aunt, to the surprise and delight of the family, summoned the
young prince to St. Petersburg, intimating her intention to transmit to him
her crown. But Peter was a thoroughly worthless boy. All ignoble qualities
seemed to be combined in his nature without any redeeming virtues.
Elizabeth having thus provided twenty millions of people with a sovereign,
looked about to find for that sovereign a suitable wife. Upon the banks of
the Oder there was a small principality, as it was called, containing some
thirteen hundred square miles, about the size of the State of Rhode Island.
Christian Augustus, the prince of this little domain, had a daughter, Sophia,
a child rather remarkable both for beauty and vivacity. She was one year
younger than Peter, and Elizabeth fixed her choice upon Sophia as the
future spouse of her nephew. Peter was, at this time, with the empress in
Moscow, and Sophia was sent for to spend some time in the Russian capital
before the marriage, that she might become acquainted with the Russian
language and customs.
Both of these children had been educated Protestants, but they were
required to renounce the Lutheran faith and accept that of the Greek church.
Children as they were, they did this, of course, as readily as they would
have changed their dresses. With this change of religion Sophia received a
new name, that of Catharine, and by this name she was ever afterward
called. When these children, to whom the government of the Russian
empire was to be intrusted, first met, Peter was fifteen years of age and
Catharine fourteen. Catharine subsequently commenced a minute journal,
an autobiography of these her youthful days, which opens vividly to our
view the corruptions of the Russian court. Nothing can be more wearisome
than the life there developed. No thought whatever seemed to be directed by
the court to the interests of the Russian people. They were no more thought
of than the jaded horses who dragged the chariots of the nobles. It is
amazing that the indignation of the millions can have slumbered so long.
Page 320
Catharine, in her memoirs, naively describes young Peter, when she first
saw him, as "weak, ugly, little and sickly." From the age of ten he had been
addicted to intoxicating drinks. It was the 9th of February, 1744, when
Catharine was taken to Moscow. Peter, or, as he was then called, the grand
duke, was quite delighted to see the pretty girl who was his destined wife,
and began immediately to entertain Catharine, as she says, "by informing
me that he was in love with one of the maids of honor to the empress, and
that he would have been very glad to have married her, but that he was
resigned to marry me instead, as his aunt wished it."
The grand duke had the faculty of making himself excessively disagreeable
to every one around him, and the affianced haters were in a constant
quarrel. Peter could develop nothing but stupid malignity. Catharine could
wield the weapons of keen and cutting sarcasm, which Peter felt as the mule
feels the lash. Catharine's mother had accompanied her to Moscow, but the
bridal wardrobe, for a princess, was extremely limited.
"I had arrived," she writes, "in Russia very badly provided for. If I had three
or four dresses in the world, it was the very outside, and this at a court
where people changed their dress three times a day. A dozen chemises
constituted the whole of my linen, and I had to use my mother's sheets."
Soon after Catharine's arrival, the grand duke was taken with the small-pox,
and his natural ugliness was rendered still more revolting by the
disfigurement it caused. On the 10th of February, 1745, when Catharine had
been one year at Moscow, the grand duke celebrated his seventeenth
birthday. In her journal Catharine writes that Peter seldom saw her, and was
always glad of any excuse by which he could avoid paying her any
attention. Though Catharine cared as little for him, still, with girlish
ambition, she was eager to marry him, as she very frankly records, in
consideration of the crown which he would place upon her brow, and her
womanly nature was stung by his neglect.
"I fully perceived," she writes, "his want of interest, and how little I was
cared for. My self-esteem and vanity grieved in silence; but I was too proud
to complain. I should have thought myself degraded had any one shown me
a friendship which I could have taken for pity. Nevertheless I shed tears
when alone, then quietly dried them up, and went to romp with my maids.
saw him, as "weak, ugly, little and sickly." From the age of ten he had been
addicted to intoxicating drinks. It was the 9th of February, 1744, when
Catharine was taken to Moscow. Peter, or, as he was then called, the grand
duke, was quite delighted to see the pretty girl who was his destined wife,
and began immediately to entertain Catharine, as she says, "by informing
me that he was in love with one of the maids of honor to the empress, and
that he would have been very glad to have married her, but that he was
resigned to marry me instead, as his aunt wished it."
The grand duke had the faculty of making himself excessively disagreeable
to every one around him, and the affianced haters were in a constant
quarrel. Peter could develop nothing but stupid malignity. Catharine could
wield the weapons of keen and cutting sarcasm, which Peter felt as the mule
feels the lash. Catharine's mother had accompanied her to Moscow, but the
bridal wardrobe, for a princess, was extremely limited.
"I had arrived," she writes, "in Russia very badly provided for. If I had three
or four dresses in the world, it was the very outside, and this at a court
where people changed their dress three times a day. A dozen chemises
constituted the whole of my linen, and I had to use my mother's sheets."
Soon after Catharine's arrival, the grand duke was taken with the small-pox,
and his natural ugliness was rendered still more revolting by the
disfigurement it caused. On the 10th of February, 1745, when Catharine had
been one year at Moscow, the grand duke celebrated his seventeenth
birthday. In her journal Catharine writes that Peter seldom saw her, and was
always glad of any excuse by which he could avoid paying her any
attention. Though Catharine cared as little for him, still, with girlish
ambition, she was eager to marry him, as she very frankly records, in
consideration of the crown which he would place upon her brow, and her
womanly nature was stung by his neglect.
"I fully perceived," she writes, "his want of interest, and how little I was
cared for. My self-esteem and vanity grieved in silence; but I was too proud
to complain. I should have thought myself degraded had any one shown me
a friendship which I could have taken for pity. Nevertheless I shed tears
when alone, then quietly dried them up, and went to romp with my maids.
Page 321
"I labored, however," writes Catharine, "to gain the affection of every one.
Great or small I neglected no one, but laid it down to myself as a rule to
believe that I stood in need of every one, and so to act, in consequence, as
to obtain the good will of all, and I succeeded in doing so."
The 21st of August of this year was fixed for the nuptial day. Catharine
looked forward to it with extreme repugnance. Peter was revolting in his
aspect, disgusting in manners, a drunkard, and licentious to such a degree
that he took no pains to conceal his amours. But the crown of Russia was in
the eyes of Catharine so glittering a prize, though then she had not entered
her sixteenth year, that she was willing to purchase it even at the price of
marrying Peter, the only price at which it could be obtained. She was fully
persuaded that Peter, with a feeble constitution and wallowing in
debauchery, could not live long, and that, at his death, she would be
undisputed empress.
"As the day of our nuptials approached," she writes, "I became more and
more melancholy. My heart predicted but little happiness; ambition alone
sustained me. In my inmost soul there was something which led me never
to doubt, for a single moment, that sooner or later I should become
sovereign empress of Russia in my own right."
The marriage was celebrated with much pomp; but a more cold and
heartless union was perhaps never solemnized. Catharine very distinctly
intimates that her husband, who was as low in his tastes and companionship
as he was degraded in his vices, left her at the altar, to return to his more
congenial harem.
"My beloved spouse," she writes, "did not trouble himself in the slightest
degree about me; but was constantly with his valets, playing at soldiers,
exercising them in his room, or changing his uniform twenty times a day. I
yawned and grew weary, having no one to speak to."
Again she writes, "A fortnight after our marriage he confessed to me that he
was in love with Mademoiselle Carr, maid of honor to her imperial majesty.
He said that there was no comparison between that lady and me. Surely,
said I to myself, it would be impossible for me not to be wretched with such
a man as this were I to give way to sentiments of tenderness thus requited. I
might die of jealousy without benefit to any one. I endeavored to master my
Great or small I neglected no one, but laid it down to myself as a rule to
believe that I stood in need of every one, and so to act, in consequence, as
to obtain the good will of all, and I succeeded in doing so."
The 21st of August of this year was fixed for the nuptial day. Catharine
looked forward to it with extreme repugnance. Peter was revolting in his
aspect, disgusting in manners, a drunkard, and licentious to such a degree
that he took no pains to conceal his amours. But the crown of Russia was in
the eyes of Catharine so glittering a prize, though then she had not entered
her sixteenth year, that she was willing to purchase it even at the price of
marrying Peter, the only price at which it could be obtained. She was fully
persuaded that Peter, with a feeble constitution and wallowing in
debauchery, could not live long, and that, at his death, she would be
undisputed empress.
"As the day of our nuptials approached," she writes, "I became more and
more melancholy. My heart predicted but little happiness; ambition alone
sustained me. In my inmost soul there was something which led me never
to doubt, for a single moment, that sooner or later I should become
sovereign empress of Russia in my own right."
The marriage was celebrated with much pomp; but a more cold and
heartless union was perhaps never solemnized. Catharine very distinctly
intimates that her husband, who was as low in his tastes and companionship
as he was degraded in his vices, left her at the altar, to return to his more
congenial harem.
"My beloved spouse," she writes, "did not trouble himself in the slightest
degree about me; but was constantly with his valets, playing at soldiers,
exercising them in his room, or changing his uniform twenty times a day. I
yawned and grew weary, having no one to speak to."
Again she writes, "A fortnight after our marriage he confessed to me that he
was in love with Mademoiselle Carr, maid of honor to her imperial majesty.
He said that there was no comparison between that lady and me. Surely,
said I to myself, it would be impossible for me not to be wretched with such
a man as this were I to give way to sentiments of tenderness thus requited. I
might die of jealousy without benefit to any one. I endeavored to master my
Page 322
feelings so as not to be jealous of the man who did not love me. I was
naturally well-disposed, but I should have required a husband who had
common sense, which this one had not."
For amusement, the grand duke played cruelly with dogs in his room,
pretending to train them, whipping them from corner to corner. When tired
of this he would scrape execrably on a violin. He had many little puppet
soldiers, whom, hour after hour, he would marshal on the floor in mimic
war. He would dress his own servants and the maids of Catharine in masks,
and set them dancing, while he would dance with them, playing at the same
time on the fiddle.
"With rare perseverance," writes Catharine, "the grand duke trained a pack
of dogs, and with heavy blows of his whip, and cries like those of the
huntsmen, made them fly from one end to the other of his two rooms, which
were all he had. Such of the dogs as became tired, or got out of rank, were
severely punished, which made them howl still more. On one occasion,
hearing one of these animals howl piteously and for a long time, I opened
the door of my bed-room, where I was seated, and which adjoined the
apartment in which this scene was enacted, and saw him holding this dog
by the collar, suspended in the air, while a boy, who was in his service, a
Kalmuck by birth, held the animal by the tail. It was a poor little King
Charles spaniel, and the duke was beating him with all his might with the
heavy handle of a whip. I interceded for the poor beast; but this only made
him redouble his blows. Unable to bear so cruel a scene, I returned to my
room with tears in my eyes. In general, tears and cries, instead of moving
the duke to pity, put him in a passion. Pity was a feeling that was painful
and even insupportable in his mind."
At one time there was a little hunchback girl in the court, upon whom the
duke fixed his vagrant desires, and she became his unconcealed favorite.
The duke was ever in the habit of talking freely with Catharine about his
paramours and praising their excellent qualities.
"Madame Vladisma said to me," writes Catharine, "that every one was
disgusted to see this little hunchback preferred to me. 'It can not be helped,'
I said, as the tears started to my eyes. I went to bed; scarcely was I asleep,
when the grand duke also came to bed. As he was tipsy and knew not what
naturally well-disposed, but I should have required a husband who had
common sense, which this one had not."
For amusement, the grand duke played cruelly with dogs in his room,
pretending to train them, whipping them from corner to corner. When tired
of this he would scrape execrably on a violin. He had many little puppet
soldiers, whom, hour after hour, he would marshal on the floor in mimic
war. He would dress his own servants and the maids of Catharine in masks,
and set them dancing, while he would dance with them, playing at the same
time on the fiddle.
"With rare perseverance," writes Catharine, "the grand duke trained a pack
of dogs, and with heavy blows of his whip, and cries like those of the
huntsmen, made them fly from one end to the other of his two rooms, which
were all he had. Such of the dogs as became tired, or got out of rank, were
severely punished, which made them howl still more. On one occasion,
hearing one of these animals howl piteously and for a long time, I opened
the door of my bed-room, where I was seated, and which adjoined the
apartment in which this scene was enacted, and saw him holding this dog
by the collar, suspended in the air, while a boy, who was in his service, a
Kalmuck by birth, held the animal by the tail. It was a poor little King
Charles spaniel, and the duke was beating him with all his might with the
heavy handle of a whip. I interceded for the poor beast; but this only made
him redouble his blows. Unable to bear so cruel a scene, I returned to my
room with tears in my eyes. In general, tears and cries, instead of moving
the duke to pity, put him in a passion. Pity was a feeling that was painful
and even insupportable in his mind."
At one time there was a little hunchback girl in the court, upon whom the
duke fixed his vagrant desires, and she became his unconcealed favorite.
The duke was ever in the habit of talking freely with Catharine about his
paramours and praising their excellent qualities.
"Madame Vladisma said to me," writes Catharine, "that every one was
disgusted to see this little hunchback preferred to me. 'It can not be helped,'
I said, as the tears started to my eyes. I went to bed; scarcely was I asleep,
when the grand duke also came to bed. As he was tipsy and knew not what
Page 323
he was doing, he spoke to me for the purpose of expatiating on the eminent
qualities of his favorite. To check his garrulity I pretended to be fast asleep.
He spoke still louder in order to wake me; but finding that I slept, he gave
me two or three rather hard blows in the side with his fist, and dropped
asleep himself. I wept long and bitterly that night, as well on account of the
matter itself and the blows he had given me, as on that of my general
situation, which was, in all respects, as disagreeable as it was wearisome."
One of the ridiculous and disgraceful amusements of the vulgar men and
women collected in the court of Elizabeth, was what was called masquerade
balls, in which all the men were required to dress as women, and all the
women as men, and yet no masks were worn.
"The men," Catharine writes, "wore large whaleboned petticoats, with
women's gowns, and the head-dresses worn on court days, while the women
appeared in the court costume of men. The men did not like these reversals
of their sex, and the greater part of them were in the worst possible humor
on these occasions, because they felt themselves to be hideous in such
disguises. The women looked like scrubby little boys, while the more aged
among them had thick short legs which were any thing but ornamental. The
only woman who looked really well, and completely a man, was the
empress herself. As she was very tall and somewhat powerful, male attire
suited her wonderfully well. She had the handsomest leg I have ever seen
with any man, and her foot was admirably proportioned. She danced to
perfection, and every thing she did had a special grace, equally so whether
she dressed as a man or a woman."
Enervating and degrading pleasure and ambitious or revengeful wars,
engrossed the whole attention of the Russian court during the reign of
Elizabeth. The welfare of the people was not even thought of. The
following anecdote, illustrative of the character of Peter III., is worthy of
record in the words of Catharine:
"One day, when I went into the apartments of his imperial highness, I
beheld a great rat which he had hung, with all the paraphernalia of an
execution. I asked what all this meant. He told me that this rat had
committed a great crime, which, according to the laws of war, deserved
capital punishment. It had climbed the ramparts of a fortress of card-board,
qualities of his favorite. To check his garrulity I pretended to be fast asleep.
He spoke still louder in order to wake me; but finding that I slept, he gave
me two or three rather hard blows in the side with his fist, and dropped
asleep himself. I wept long and bitterly that night, as well on account of the
matter itself and the blows he had given me, as on that of my general
situation, which was, in all respects, as disagreeable as it was wearisome."
One of the ridiculous and disgraceful amusements of the vulgar men and
women collected in the court of Elizabeth, was what was called masquerade
balls, in which all the men were required to dress as women, and all the
women as men, and yet no masks were worn.
"The men," Catharine writes, "wore large whaleboned petticoats, with
women's gowns, and the head-dresses worn on court days, while the women
appeared in the court costume of men. The men did not like these reversals
of their sex, and the greater part of them were in the worst possible humor
on these occasions, because they felt themselves to be hideous in such
disguises. The women looked like scrubby little boys, while the more aged
among them had thick short legs which were any thing but ornamental. The
only woman who looked really well, and completely a man, was the
empress herself. As she was very tall and somewhat powerful, male attire
suited her wonderfully well. She had the handsomest leg I have ever seen
with any man, and her foot was admirably proportioned. She danced to
perfection, and every thing she did had a special grace, equally so whether
she dressed as a man or a woman."
Enervating and degrading pleasure and ambitious or revengeful wars,
engrossed the whole attention of the Russian court during the reign of
Elizabeth. The welfare of the people was not even thought of. The
following anecdote, illustrative of the character of Peter III., is worthy of
record in the words of Catharine:
"One day, when I went into the apartments of his imperial highness, I
beheld a great rat which he had hung, with all the paraphernalia of an
execution. I asked what all this meant. He told me that this rat had
committed a great crime, which, according to the laws of war, deserved
capital punishment. It had climbed the ramparts of a fortress of card-board,
Page 324
which he had on a table in his cabinet, and had eaten two sentinels, made of
pith, who were on duty in the bastions. His setter had caught the criminal,
he had been tried by martial law and immediately hung; and, as I saw, was
to remain three days exposed as a public example. In justification of the
rat," continues Catharine, "it may at least be said, that he was hung without
having been questioned or heard in his own defense."
It is not surprising that a woman, young, beautiful and vivacious, living in a
court where corruption was all around her, where an unmarried empress
was rendering herself notorious by her gallantries, stung to the quick by the
utter neglect of her husband, insulted by the presence of his mistresses, and
disgusted by his unmitigated boobyism, should have sought solace in the
friendship of others. And it is not strange that such friendships should have
ripened into love, and that one thus tempted should have fallen. Catharine
in her memoirs does not deny her fall, though she can not refrain from
allowing an occasional word to drop from her pen, evidently intended in
extenuation. Much which is called virtue consists in the absence of
temptation.
Catharine's first son, Paul, was born on the 20th of September, 1753. He
was unquestionably the son of Count Sottikoff, a nobleman alike
distinguished for the graces of his person and of his mind. Through a
thousand perils and cunning intrigues, Catharine and the count prosecuted
their amour. Woe was, as usual, to both of them the result. The empress
gives a very touching account of her sufferings, in both body and mind, on
the occasion of the birth of her child.
"As for me," she writes, "I did nothing but weep and moan in my bed. I
neither could or would see anybody, I felt so miserable. I buried myself in
my bed, where I did nothing but grieve. When the forty days of my
confinement were over, the empress came a second time into my chamber.
My child was brought into my room; it was the first time I had seen him
since his birth."
One day Peter brought into his wife's room, for her amusement, a letter
which he had just received from one of his mistresses, Madame Teploff.
Showing the letter to Catharine, he said,
pith, who were on duty in the bastions. His setter had caught the criminal,
he had been tried by martial law and immediately hung; and, as I saw, was
to remain three days exposed as a public example. In justification of the
rat," continues Catharine, "it may at least be said, that he was hung without
having been questioned or heard in his own defense."
It is not surprising that a woman, young, beautiful and vivacious, living in a
court where corruption was all around her, where an unmarried empress
was rendering herself notorious by her gallantries, stung to the quick by the
utter neglect of her husband, insulted by the presence of his mistresses, and
disgusted by his unmitigated boobyism, should have sought solace in the
friendship of others. And it is not strange that such friendships should have
ripened into love, and that one thus tempted should have fallen. Catharine
in her memoirs does not deny her fall, though she can not refrain from
allowing an occasional word to drop from her pen, evidently intended in
extenuation. Much which is called virtue consists in the absence of
temptation.
Catharine's first son, Paul, was born on the 20th of September, 1753. He
was unquestionably the son of Count Sottikoff, a nobleman alike
distinguished for the graces of his person and of his mind. Through a
thousand perils and cunning intrigues, Catharine and the count prosecuted
their amour. Woe was, as usual, to both of them the result. The empress
gives a very touching account of her sufferings, in both body and mind, on
the occasion of the birth of her child.
"As for me," she writes, "I did nothing but weep and moan in my bed. I
neither could or would see anybody, I felt so miserable. I buried myself in
my bed, where I did nothing but grieve. When the forty days of my
confinement were over, the empress came a second time into my chamber.
My child was brought into my room; it was the first time I had seen him
since his birth."
One day Peter brought into his wife's room, for her amusement, a letter
which he had just received from one of his mistresses, Madame Teploff.
Showing the letter to Catharine, he said,
Page 325
"Only think! she writes me a letter of four whole pages, and expects that I
should read it, and, what is more, answer it also; I, who have to go to
parade, then dine, then attend the rehearsal of an opera, and the ballet which
the cadets will dance at. I will tell her plainly that I have not time, and, if
she is vexed, I will quarrel with her till next winter."
"That will certainly be the shortest way," Catharine coolly replied. "These
traits," she very truly adds in her narrative, "are characteristic, and they will
not therefore be out of place."
Such was the man and such the woman who succeeded to the throne of
Russia upon the death of the Empress Elizabeth. She had hardly emitted her
last breath, ere the courtiers, impatiently awaiting the event, rushed to the
apartments of the grand duke to congratulate him upon his accession to the
crown. He immediately mounted on horseback and traversed the streets of
St. Petersburg, scattering money among the crowd. The soldiers gathered
around him exclaiming, "Take care of us and we will take care of you,"
Though the grand duke had been very unpopular there was no outburst of
opposition. The only claim Peter III. had to the confidence of the nation was
the fact that he was grandson of Peter the Great. Conspiracies were,
however, immediately set on foot to eject him from the throne and give
Catharine his seat. Catharine had a high reputation for talent, and being
very affectionate in her disposition and cordial in her manners, had troops
of friends. Indeed, it is not strange that public sentiment should not only
have extenuated her faults, but should almost have applauded them.
Forgetting the commandments of God, and only remembering that her
brutal husband richly merited retaliation, the public almost applauded the
spirit with which she conducted her intrigues. The same sentiment pervaded
England when the miserable George IV. goaded his wife to frenzy, and led
her, in uncontrollable exasperation, to pay him back in his own coin.
Fortunately for the imbecile Peter, he had enough sense to appreciate the
abilities of Catharine; and a sort of maudlin idea of justice, if it were not,
perhaps, utter stupidity, dissuaded him from resenting her freedom in the
choice of favorites. Upon commencing his reign, he yielded himself to the
guidance of her imperial mind, hoping to obtain some dignity by the
renown which her measures might reflect upon him. Catharine advised him
very wisely. She caused seventeen thousand exiles to be recalled from
should read it, and, what is more, answer it also; I, who have to go to
parade, then dine, then attend the rehearsal of an opera, and the ballet which
the cadets will dance at. I will tell her plainly that I have not time, and, if
she is vexed, I will quarrel with her till next winter."
"That will certainly be the shortest way," Catharine coolly replied. "These
traits," she very truly adds in her narrative, "are characteristic, and they will
not therefore be out of place."
Such was the man and such the woman who succeeded to the throne of
Russia upon the death of the Empress Elizabeth. She had hardly emitted her
last breath, ere the courtiers, impatiently awaiting the event, rushed to the
apartments of the grand duke to congratulate him upon his accession to the
crown. He immediately mounted on horseback and traversed the streets of
St. Petersburg, scattering money among the crowd. The soldiers gathered
around him exclaiming, "Take care of us and we will take care of you,"
Though the grand duke had been very unpopular there was no outburst of
opposition. The only claim Peter III. had to the confidence of the nation was
the fact that he was grandson of Peter the Great. Conspiracies were,
however, immediately set on foot to eject him from the throne and give
Catharine his seat. Catharine had a high reputation for talent, and being
very affectionate in her disposition and cordial in her manners, had troops
of friends. Indeed, it is not strange that public sentiment should not only
have extenuated her faults, but should almost have applauded them.
Forgetting the commandments of God, and only remembering that her
brutal husband richly merited retaliation, the public almost applauded the
spirit with which she conducted her intrigues. The same sentiment pervaded
England when the miserable George IV. goaded his wife to frenzy, and led
her, in uncontrollable exasperation, to pay him back in his own coin.
Fortunately for the imbecile Peter, he had enough sense to appreciate the
abilities of Catharine; and a sort of maudlin idea of justice, if it were not,
perhaps, utter stupidity, dissuaded him from resenting her freedom in the
choice of favorites. Upon commencing his reign, he yielded himself to the
guidance of her imperial mind, hoping to obtain some dignity by the
renown which her measures might reflect upon him. Catharine advised him
very wisely. She caused seventeen thousand exiles to be recalled from
Page 326
Siberia, and abolished the odious secret court of chancery—that court of
political inquisition which, for years, had kept all Russia trembling.
For a time, Russia resounded with the praises of the new sovereign, and
when Peter III. entered the senate and read an act permitting the nobility to
bear arms, or not, at their own discretion, and to visit foreign countries
whenever they pleased, a privilege which they had not enjoyed before, the
gratitude of the nobles was unbounded. It should, however, be recorded that
this edict proved to be but a dead letter. It was expected that the nobles, as a
matter of courtesy, should always ask permission to leave, and this request
was frequently not granted. The secret tribunal, to which we have referred,
exposed persons of all ranks and both sexes to be arrested upon the slightest
suspicion. The accused was exposed to the most horrible tortures to compel
a confession. When every bone was broken and every joint dislocated, and
his body was mangled by the crushing wheel, if he still had endurance to
persist in his denial, the accuser was, in his turn, placed upon the wheel, and
every nerve of agony was tortured to force a recantation of the charge.
Though Peter III. promulgated the wise edicts which were placed in his
hands, he had become so thoroughly imbruted by his dissolute life that he
made no attempt to tear himself away from his mistresses and his drunken
orgies.
Peter III. was quite infatuated in his admiration of Frederic of Prussia. One
of his first acts upon attaining the reins of government was to dispatch an
order forbidding the Russian armies any longer to coöperate with Austria
against Prussia. This command was speedily followed by another, directing
the Russian generals to hold themselves and their troops obedient to the
instructions of Frederic, and to coöperate in every way with him to repel
their former allies, the Austrians. It was the caprice of a drunken semi-idiot
which thus rescued Frederic the Great from disgrace and utter ruin. The
Emperor of Prussia had sufficient sagacity to foresee that Peter III. would
not long maintain his seat upon the throne. He accordingly directed his
minister at St. Petersburg, while continuing to live in great intimacy with
the tzar, to pay the most deferential attention to the empress.
There was no end to the caprices of Peter the drunkard. At one time he
would leave the whole administration of affairs in the hands of Catharine,
political inquisition which, for years, had kept all Russia trembling.
For a time, Russia resounded with the praises of the new sovereign, and
when Peter III. entered the senate and read an act permitting the nobility to
bear arms, or not, at their own discretion, and to visit foreign countries
whenever they pleased, a privilege which they had not enjoyed before, the
gratitude of the nobles was unbounded. It should, however, be recorded that
this edict proved to be but a dead letter. It was expected that the nobles, as a
matter of courtesy, should always ask permission to leave, and this request
was frequently not granted. The secret tribunal, to which we have referred,
exposed persons of all ranks and both sexes to be arrested upon the slightest
suspicion. The accused was exposed to the most horrible tortures to compel
a confession. When every bone was broken and every joint dislocated, and
his body was mangled by the crushing wheel, if he still had endurance to
persist in his denial, the accuser was, in his turn, placed upon the wheel, and
every nerve of agony was tortured to force a recantation of the charge.
Though Peter III. promulgated the wise edicts which were placed in his
hands, he had become so thoroughly imbruted by his dissolute life that he
made no attempt to tear himself away from his mistresses and his drunken
orgies.
Peter III. was quite infatuated in his admiration of Frederic of Prussia. One
of his first acts upon attaining the reins of government was to dispatch an
order forbidding the Russian armies any longer to coöperate with Austria
against Prussia. This command was speedily followed by another, directing
the Russian generals to hold themselves and their troops obedient to the
instructions of Frederic, and to coöperate in every way with him to repel
their former allies, the Austrians. It was the caprice of a drunken semi-idiot
which thus rescued Frederic the Great from disgrace and utter ruin. The
Emperor of Prussia had sufficient sagacity to foresee that Peter III. would
not long maintain his seat upon the throne. He accordingly directed his
minister at St. Petersburg, while continuing to live in great intimacy with
the tzar, to pay the most deferential attention to the empress.
There was no end to the caprices of Peter the drunkard. At one time he
would leave the whole administration of affairs in the hands of Catharine,
Page 327
and again he would treat her in the most contemptuous and insulting
manner. In one of the pompous ceremonials of the court, when the empress,
adorned with all the marks of imperial dignity, shared the throne with Peter,
the tzar called one of his mistresses to the conspicuous seat he occupied
with the empress, and made her sit down by his side. Catharine immediately
rose and retired. At a public festival that same evening, Peter, half drunk,
publicly and loudly launched at her an epithet the grossest which could be
addressed to a woman. Catharine was so shocked that she burst into tears.
The sympathy of the spectators was deeply excited in her behalf, and their
indignation roused against the tzar.
While Peter III. was developing his true character of brute and buffoon,
gathering around him the lowest profligates, and reveling in the most
debasing and vulgar vices, Catharine, though guilty and unhappy, was
holding her court with dignity and affability, which charmed all who
approached her. She paid profound respect to the external observances of
religion, daily performing her devotions in the churches, accosting the poor
with benignity, treating the clergy with marked respect, and winning all
hearts by her kindness and sympathy.
One of the mistresses of Peter III., the Countess Vorontzof, had gained such
a boundless influence over her paramour, that she had extorted from him the
promise that he would repudiate Catharine, marry her, and crown her as
empress. Elated by this promise, she had the imprudence to boast of it. Her
father and several of the courtiers whose fortunes her favor would secure,
were busy in paving her way to the throne. The numerous friends of
Catharine were excited, and were equally active in thwarting the plans of
the tzar. Peter took no pains to conceal his intentions, and gloried in
proclaiming the illegitimacy of Paul, the son of the empress. Loathsome as
his own life was, he seemed to think that his denunciations of Catharine,
whose purity he had insulted and whose heart he had crushed, would secure
for him the moral support of his subjects and of Europe. But he was
mistaken. The sinning Catharine was an angel of purity compared with the
beastly Peter.
It was necessary for Peter to move with caution, for Catharine had ability,
energy, innumerable friends, and was one of the last women in the world
quietly to submit to be plunged into a dungeon, and then to be led to the
manner. In one of the pompous ceremonials of the court, when the empress,
adorned with all the marks of imperial dignity, shared the throne with Peter,
the tzar called one of his mistresses to the conspicuous seat he occupied
with the empress, and made her sit down by his side. Catharine immediately
rose and retired. At a public festival that same evening, Peter, half drunk,
publicly and loudly launched at her an epithet the grossest which could be
addressed to a woman. Catharine was so shocked that she burst into tears.
The sympathy of the spectators was deeply excited in her behalf, and their
indignation roused against the tzar.
While Peter III. was developing his true character of brute and buffoon,
gathering around him the lowest profligates, and reveling in the most
debasing and vulgar vices, Catharine, though guilty and unhappy, was
holding her court with dignity and affability, which charmed all who
approached her. She paid profound respect to the external observances of
religion, daily performing her devotions in the churches, accosting the poor
with benignity, treating the clergy with marked respect, and winning all
hearts by her kindness and sympathy.
One of the mistresses of Peter III., the Countess Vorontzof, had gained such
a boundless influence over her paramour, that she had extorted from him the
promise that he would repudiate Catharine, marry her, and crown her as
empress. Elated by this promise, she had the imprudence to boast of it. Her
father and several of the courtiers whose fortunes her favor would secure,
were busy in paving her way to the throne. The numerous friends of
Catharine were excited, and were equally active in thwarting the plans of
the tzar. Peter took no pains to conceal his intentions, and gloried in
proclaiming the illegitimacy of Paul, the son of the empress. Loathsome as
his own life was, he seemed to think that his denunciations of Catharine,
whose purity he had insulted and whose heart he had crushed, would secure
for him the moral support of his subjects and of Europe. But he was
mistaken. The sinning Catharine was an angel of purity compared with the
beastly Peter.
It was necessary for Peter to move with caution, for Catharine had ability,
energy, innumerable friends, and was one of the last women in the world
quietly to submit to be plunged into a dungeon, and then to be led to the
Page 328
scaffold, and by such a man as her despicable spouse. Peter III. was by no
means a match for Catharine. About twelve miles from St. Petersburg, on
the southern shore of the Bay of Cronstadt, and nearly opposite the
renowned fortresses of Cronstadt which command the approaches to St.
Petersburg, was the imperial summer palace of Peterhof, which for some
time had been the favorite residence of Catharine. A few miles further down
the bay, which runs east and west, was the palace of Oranienbaum, in the
decoration of which many succeeding monarchs had lavished large sums.
This was Peter's favorite resort, and its halls ever echoed with the
carousings of the prince and his boon companions. Every year, on the 8th of
July, there is a grand festival at Peterhof in honor of Peter and Paul, the
patron saints of the imperial house. This was the time fixed upon by
Catharine and her friends for the accomplishment of their plans. The tzar,
on the evening of the 8th of July, was at Oranienbaum, surrounded by a
bevy of the most beautiful females of his court. Catharine was at Peterhof.
It was a warm summer's night, and the queen lodged in a small cottage orné
called Montplaisir, which was situated in the garden. They had not intended
to carry their plot into execution that night, but an alarm precipitated their
action. At two o'clock in the morning Catharine was awoke from a sound
sleep, by some one of her friends entering her room, exclaiming,
"Your majesty has not a moment to lose. Rise and follow me!"
Catharine, alarmed, called her confidential attendant, dressed hurriedly in
disguise, and entered a carriage which was waiting for her at the garden
gate. The horses were goaded to their utmost speed on the road to St.
Petersburg, and so inconsiderately that soon one of them fell in utter
exhaustion. They were still at some distance from the city, and the energetic
empress alighted and pressed forward on foot. Soon they chanced to meet a
peasant, driving a light cart. Count Orloff, who was a reputed lover of
Catharine, and was guiding in this movement, seized the horse, placed the
empress in the cart, and drove on. These delays had occupied so much time
that it was seven o'clock in the morning before they reached St. Petersburg.
The empress, with her companions, immediately proceeded to the barracks,
where most of the soldiers were quartered, and whose officers had been
gained over, and threw herself upon their protection.
means a match for Catharine. About twelve miles from St. Petersburg, on
the southern shore of the Bay of Cronstadt, and nearly opposite the
renowned fortresses of Cronstadt which command the approaches to St.
Petersburg, was the imperial summer palace of Peterhof, which for some
time had been the favorite residence of Catharine. A few miles further down
the bay, which runs east and west, was the palace of Oranienbaum, in the
decoration of which many succeeding monarchs had lavished large sums.
This was Peter's favorite resort, and its halls ever echoed with the
carousings of the prince and his boon companions. Every year, on the 8th of
July, there is a grand festival at Peterhof in honor of Peter and Paul, the
patron saints of the imperial house. This was the time fixed upon by
Catharine and her friends for the accomplishment of their plans. The tzar,
on the evening of the 8th of July, was at Oranienbaum, surrounded by a
bevy of the most beautiful females of his court. Catharine was at Peterhof.
It was a warm summer's night, and the queen lodged in a small cottage orné
called Montplaisir, which was situated in the garden. They had not intended
to carry their plot into execution that night, but an alarm precipitated their
action. At two o'clock in the morning Catharine was awoke from a sound
sleep, by some one of her friends entering her room, exclaiming,
"Your majesty has not a moment to lose. Rise and follow me!"
Catharine, alarmed, called her confidential attendant, dressed hurriedly in
disguise, and entered a carriage which was waiting for her at the garden
gate. The horses were goaded to their utmost speed on the road to St.
Petersburg, and so inconsiderately that soon one of them fell in utter
exhaustion. They were still at some distance from the city, and the energetic
empress alighted and pressed forward on foot. Soon they chanced to meet a
peasant, driving a light cart. Count Orloff, who was a reputed lover of
Catharine, and was guiding in this movement, seized the horse, placed the
empress in the cart, and drove on. These delays had occupied so much time
that it was seven o'clock in the morning before they reached St. Petersburg.
The empress, with her companions, immediately proceeded to the barracks,
where most of the soldiers were quartered, and whose officers had been
gained over, and threw herself upon their protection.
Page 329
"Danger," she said to the soldiers, "has compelled me to fly to you for help.
The tzar had intended to put me to death, together with my son. I had no
other means of escaping death than by flight. I throw myself into your
arms!"
Such an appeal from a woman, beautiful, beloved and imploring protection
from the murderous hands of one who was hated and despised, inspired
every bosom with indignation and with enthusiasm in her behalf. With one
impulse they took an oath to die, if necessary, in her defense; and cries of
"Long live the empress" filled the air. In two hours Catharine found herself
at the head of several thousand veteran soldiers. She was also in possession
of the arsenals; and the great mass of the population of St. Petersburg were
clamorously advocating her cause.
Accompanied by a numerous and brilliant suite, the empress then repaired
to the metropolitan church, where the archbishop and a great number of
ecclesiastics, whose coöperation had been secured, received her, and the
venerable archbishop, a man of imposing character and appearance, dressed
in his sacerdotal robes, led her to the altar, and placing the imperial crown
upon her head, proclaimed her sovereign of all the Russias, with the title of
Catharine the Second. A Te Deum was then chanted, and the shouts of the
multitude proclaimed the cordiality with which the populace accepted the
revolution. The empress then repaired to the imperial palace, which was
thrown open to all the people, and which, for hours, was thronged with the
masses, who fell upon their knees before her, taking their oath of allegiance.
The friends of Catharine were, in the meantime, everywhere busy in putting
the city in a state of defense, and in posting cannon to sweep the streets
should Peter attempt resistance. The tzar seemed to be left without a friend.
No one even took the trouble to inform him of what was transpiring. Troops
in the vicinity were marched into the city, and before the end of the day,
Catharine found herself at the head of fifteen thousand men; the most
formidable defenses were arranged, strict order prevailed, and not a drop of
blood had been shed. The manifesto of the empress, which had been
secretly printed, was distributed throughout the city, and a day appointed
when the foreign embassadors would be received by Catharine. The
revolution seemed already accomplished without a struggle and almost
without an effort.
The tzar had intended to put me to death, together with my son. I had no
other means of escaping death than by flight. I throw myself into your
arms!"
Such an appeal from a woman, beautiful, beloved and imploring protection
from the murderous hands of one who was hated and despised, inspired
every bosom with indignation and with enthusiasm in her behalf. With one
impulse they took an oath to die, if necessary, in her defense; and cries of
"Long live the empress" filled the air. In two hours Catharine found herself
at the head of several thousand veteran soldiers. She was also in possession
of the arsenals; and the great mass of the population of St. Petersburg were
clamorously advocating her cause.
Accompanied by a numerous and brilliant suite, the empress then repaired
to the metropolitan church, where the archbishop and a great number of
ecclesiastics, whose coöperation had been secured, received her, and the
venerable archbishop, a man of imposing character and appearance, dressed
in his sacerdotal robes, led her to the altar, and placing the imperial crown
upon her head, proclaimed her sovereign of all the Russias, with the title of
Catharine the Second. A Te Deum was then chanted, and the shouts of the
multitude proclaimed the cordiality with which the populace accepted the
revolution. The empress then repaired to the imperial palace, which was
thrown open to all the people, and which, for hours, was thronged with the
masses, who fell upon their knees before her, taking their oath of allegiance.
The friends of Catharine were, in the meantime, everywhere busy in putting
the city in a state of defense, and in posting cannon to sweep the streets
should Peter attempt resistance. The tzar seemed to be left without a friend.
No one even took the trouble to inform him of what was transpiring. Troops
in the vicinity were marched into the city, and before the end of the day,
Catharine found herself at the head of fifteen thousand men; the most
formidable defenses were arranged, strict order prevailed, and not a drop of
blood had been shed. The manifesto of the empress, which had been
secretly printed, was distributed throughout the city, and a day appointed
when the foreign embassadors would be received by Catharine. The
revolution seemed already accomplished without a struggle and almost
without an effort.
Page 330
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE CONSPIRACY; AND ACCESSION OF CATHARINE II.
From 1762 to 1765.
Peter III. at Oranienbaum.—Catharine at Peterhof.—The Successful
Accomplishment of the Conspiracy.—Terror of Peter.—His Vacillating
and Feeble Character.—Flight to Cronstadt.—Repulse.—Heroic
Counsel of Munich.—Peter's Return to Oranienbaum.—His Suppliant
Letters to Catharine.—His Arrest.—Imprisonment.—Assasination.—
Proclamation of the Empress. Her Complicity in the Crime.—Energy of
Catharine's Administration.—Her Expansive Views and Sagacious Policy.
—Contemplated Marriage with Count Orlof.
It was the morning of the 19th of July, 1762. Peter, at Oranienbaum, had
passed most of the night, with his boon companions and his concubines, in
intemperate carousings. He awoke at a late hour in the morning, and after
breakfast set out in a carriage, with several of his women, accompanied by a
troop of courtiers in other carriages, for Peterhof. The gay party were riding
at a rapid rate over the beautiful shore road, looking out upon the Bay of
Cronstadt, when they were met by a messenger from Peterhof, sent to
inform them that the empress had suddenly disappeared during the night.
Peter, upon receiving this surprising intelligence, turned pale as ashes, and
alighting, conversed for some time anxiously with the messenger. Entering
his carriage again, he drove with the utmost speed to Peterhof, and with
characteristic silliness began to search the cupboards, closets, and under the
bed for the empress. Those of greater penetration foresaw what had
happened, but were silent, that they might not add to his alarm.
In the meantime some peasants, who had come from St. Petersburg, related
to a group of servants rumors they had heard of the insurrection in that city.
A fearful gloom oppressed all, and Peter was in such a state of terror that he
THE CONSPIRACY; AND ACCESSION OF CATHARINE II.
From 1762 to 1765.
Peter III. at Oranienbaum.—Catharine at Peterhof.—The Successful
Accomplishment of the Conspiracy.—Terror of Peter.—His Vacillating
and Feeble Character.—Flight to Cronstadt.—Repulse.—Heroic
Counsel of Munich.—Peter's Return to Oranienbaum.—His Suppliant
Letters to Catharine.—His Arrest.—Imprisonment.—Assasination.—
Proclamation of the Empress. Her Complicity in the Crime.—Energy of
Catharine's Administration.—Her Expansive Views and Sagacious Policy.
—Contemplated Marriage with Count Orlof.
It was the morning of the 19th of July, 1762. Peter, at Oranienbaum, had
passed most of the night, with his boon companions and his concubines, in
intemperate carousings. He awoke at a late hour in the morning, and after
breakfast set out in a carriage, with several of his women, accompanied by a
troop of courtiers in other carriages, for Peterhof. The gay party were riding
at a rapid rate over the beautiful shore road, looking out upon the Bay of
Cronstadt, when they were met by a messenger from Peterhof, sent to
inform them that the empress had suddenly disappeared during the night.
Peter, upon receiving this surprising intelligence, turned pale as ashes, and
alighting, conversed for some time anxiously with the messenger. Entering
his carriage again, he drove with the utmost speed to Peterhof, and with
characteristic silliness began to search the cupboards, closets, and under the
bed for the empress. Those of greater penetration foresaw what had
happened, but were silent, that they might not add to his alarm.
In the meantime some peasants, who had come from St. Petersburg, related
to a group of servants rumors they had heard of the insurrection in that city.
A fearful gloom oppressed all, and Peter was in such a state of terror that he
Page 331
feared to ask any questions. As they were standing thus mute with
confusion and dismay, a countryman rode up, and making a profound bow
to the tzar, presented him with a note. Peter ran his eyes hastily over it, and
then read it aloud. It communicated the appalling intelligence which we
have just recorded.
The consternation into which the whole imperial party was thrown no
language can describe. The women were in tears. The courtiers could offer
not a word of encouragement or counsel. One, the king's chancellor, with
the tzar's consent, set off for St. Petersburg to attempt to rouse the partisans
of the tzar; but he could find none there. The wretched Peter was now
continually receiving corroborative intelligence of the insurrection, and he
strode up and down the walks of the garden, forming innumerable plans and
adhering to none.
The tzar had a guard of three thousand troops at his palace of Oranienbaum.
At noon these approached Peterhof led by their veteran commander,
Munich. This energetic officer urged an immediate march upon St.
Petersburg.
"Believe me," said Munich, "you have many friends in the city. The royal
guard will rally around your standard when they see it approaching; and if
we are forced to fight, the rebels will make but a short resistance."
While he was urging this energetic measure, and the women and the
courtiers were trying to dissuade him from the step, and were entreating
him to go back to Oranienbaum, news arrived that the troops of the
empress, twenty thousand in number, were on the march to arrest him.
"Well," said Munich to the tzar, "if you wish to decline a battle, it is not
wise at any rate to remain here, where you have no means of defense.
Neither Oranienbaum nor Peterhof can withstand a siege. But Cronstadt
offers you a safe retreat. Cronstadt is still under your command. You have
there a formidable fleet and a numerous garrison. From Cronstadt you will
find it easy to bring Petersburg back to duty."
The fortresses of Cronstadt are situated on an island of the same name, at
the mouth of a bay which presents the only approach to St. Petersburg. This
fortress, distant about thirty miles west of St. Petersburg, may be said to be
confusion and dismay, a countryman rode up, and making a profound bow
to the tzar, presented him with a note. Peter ran his eyes hastily over it, and
then read it aloud. It communicated the appalling intelligence which we
have just recorded.
The consternation into which the whole imperial party was thrown no
language can describe. The women were in tears. The courtiers could offer
not a word of encouragement or counsel. One, the king's chancellor, with
the tzar's consent, set off for St. Petersburg to attempt to rouse the partisans
of the tzar; but he could find none there. The wretched Peter was now
continually receiving corroborative intelligence of the insurrection, and he
strode up and down the walks of the garden, forming innumerable plans and
adhering to none.
The tzar had a guard of three thousand troops at his palace of Oranienbaum.
At noon these approached Peterhof led by their veteran commander,
Munich. This energetic officer urged an immediate march upon St.
Petersburg.
"Believe me," said Munich, "you have many friends in the city. The royal
guard will rally around your standard when they see it approaching; and if
we are forced to fight, the rebels will make but a short resistance."
While he was urging this energetic measure, and the women and the
courtiers were trying to dissuade him from the step, and were entreating
him to go back to Oranienbaum, news arrived that the troops of the
empress, twenty thousand in number, were on the march to arrest him.
"Well," said Munich to the tzar, "if you wish to decline a battle, it is not
wise at any rate to remain here, where you have no means of defense.
Neither Oranienbaum nor Peterhof can withstand a siege. But Cronstadt
offers you a safe retreat. Cronstadt is still under your command. You have
there a formidable fleet and a numerous garrison. From Cronstadt you will
find it easy to bring Petersburg back to duty."
The fortresses of Cronstadt are situated on an island of the same name, at
the mouth of a bay which presents the only approach to St. Petersburg. This
fortress, distant about thirty miles west of St. Petersburg, may be said to be
Page 332
impregnable. In the late war with Russia it bade defiance to the combined
fleets of France and England. As we have before mentioned, Peterhof and
Oranienbaum were pleasure-palaces, situated on the eastern shore of the
Bay of Cronstadt, but a few miles from the fortress and but a few miles
from each other. The gardens of these palaces extend to the waters of the
bay, where there are ever riding at anchor a fleet of pleasure-boats and royal
yachts.
The advice of Munich was instantly adopted. A boat was sent off conveying
an officer to take command of the fortress, while, in the meantime, two
yachts were got ready for the departure of the tzar and his party. Peter and
his affrighted court hastened on board, continually looking over their
shoulders fearing to catch a sight of the troops of the queen, whose
appearance they every moment apprehended. But the energetic Catharine
had anticipated this movement, and her emissaries had already gained the
soldiers of the garrison, and were in possession of Cronstadt.
As the two yachts, which conveyed Peter and his party, entered the harbor,
they found the garrison, under arms, lining the coast. The cannons were
leveled, the matches lighted, and the moment the foremost yacht, which
contained the emperor, cast anchor, a sentinel cried out,
"Who comes there?"
"The emperor," was the answer from the yacht.
"There is no emperor," the sentinel replied.
Peter III. started forward upon the deck, and, throwing back his cloak,
exhibited the badges of his order, exclaiming,
"What! do you not know me?"
"No!" cried a thousand voices; "we know of no emperor. Long live the
Empress Catharine II."
They then threatened immediately to sink the yacht unless the tzar retired.
The heroic Munich urged the tzar to an act of courage of which he was
totally incapable.
fleets of France and England. As we have before mentioned, Peterhof and
Oranienbaum were pleasure-palaces, situated on the eastern shore of the
Bay of Cronstadt, but a few miles from the fortress and but a few miles
from each other. The gardens of these palaces extend to the waters of the
bay, where there are ever riding at anchor a fleet of pleasure-boats and royal
yachts.
The advice of Munich was instantly adopted. A boat was sent off conveying
an officer to take command of the fortress, while, in the meantime, two
yachts were got ready for the departure of the tzar and his party. Peter and
his affrighted court hastened on board, continually looking over their
shoulders fearing to catch a sight of the troops of the queen, whose
appearance they every moment apprehended. But the energetic Catharine
had anticipated this movement, and her emissaries had already gained the
soldiers of the garrison, and were in possession of Cronstadt.
As the two yachts, which conveyed Peter and his party, entered the harbor,
they found the garrison, under arms, lining the coast. The cannons were
leveled, the matches lighted, and the moment the foremost yacht, which
contained the emperor, cast anchor, a sentinel cried out,
"Who comes there?"
"The emperor," was the answer from the yacht.
"There is no emperor," the sentinel replied.
Peter III. started forward upon the deck, and, throwing back his cloak,
exhibited the badges of his order, exclaiming,
"What! do you not know me?"
"No!" cried a thousand voices; "we know of no emperor. Long live the
Empress Catharine II."
They then threatened immediately to sink the yacht unless the tzar retired.
The heroic Munich urged the tzar to an act of courage of which he was
totally incapable.
Page 333
"Let us leap on shore," said he; "none will dare to fire on you, and
Cronstadt will still be your majesty's."
But Peter, in dismay, fled into the cabin, hid himself among his women, and
ordered the cable instantly to be cut, and the yacht to be pulled out to sea by
the oars. They were soon beyond the reach of the guns. It was now night,
serene and beautiful; the sea was smooth as glass, and the stars shone with
unusual splendor in the clear sky. The poltroon monarch of all the Russias
had not yet ventured upon deck, but was trembling in his cabin, surrounded
by his dismayed mistresses, when the helmsman entered the cabin and said
to the tzar,
"Sire, to what port is it your majesty's pleasure that I should take the
vessel?"
Peter gazed, for a moment, in consternation and bewilderment, and then
sent for Munich.
"Field marshal," said he, "I perceive that I was too late in following your
advice. You see to what extremities I am reduced. Tell me, I beseech you,
what I ought to do."
About two hundred miles from where they were, directly down the Gulf of
Finland, was the city of Revel, one of the naval depots of Russia. A large
squadron of ships of war was riding at anchor there. Munich, as prompt in
council as he was energetic in action, replied,
"Proceed immediately to join the squadron at Revel. There take a ship, and
go on to Pomerania.[17] Put yourself at the head of your army, return to
Russia, and I promise you that in six weeks Petersburg and all the rest of the
empire will be in subjection to you."
The women and the courtiers, with characteristic timidity, remonstrated
against a measure so decisive, and, believing that the empress would not be
very implacable, entreated the tzar to negotiate rather than fight. Peter
yielded to their senseless solicitations, and ordered them to make
immediately for Oranienbaum. They reached the dock at four o'clock in the
morning. Peter hastened to his apartment, and wrote a letter to the empress,
which he dispatched by a courier. In this letter he made a humble
Cronstadt will still be your majesty's."
But Peter, in dismay, fled into the cabin, hid himself among his women, and
ordered the cable instantly to be cut, and the yacht to be pulled out to sea by
the oars. They were soon beyond the reach of the guns. It was now night,
serene and beautiful; the sea was smooth as glass, and the stars shone with
unusual splendor in the clear sky. The poltroon monarch of all the Russias
had not yet ventured upon deck, but was trembling in his cabin, surrounded
by his dismayed mistresses, when the helmsman entered the cabin and said
to the tzar,
"Sire, to what port is it your majesty's pleasure that I should take the
vessel?"
Peter gazed, for a moment, in consternation and bewilderment, and then
sent for Munich.
"Field marshal," said he, "I perceive that I was too late in following your
advice. You see to what extremities I am reduced. Tell me, I beseech you,
what I ought to do."
About two hundred miles from where they were, directly down the Gulf of
Finland, was the city of Revel, one of the naval depots of Russia. A large
squadron of ships of war was riding at anchor there. Munich, as prompt in
council as he was energetic in action, replied,
"Proceed immediately to join the squadron at Revel. There take a ship, and
go on to Pomerania.[17] Put yourself at the head of your army, return to
Russia, and I promise you that in six weeks Petersburg and all the rest of the
empire will be in subjection to you."
The women and the courtiers, with characteristic timidity, remonstrated
against a measure so decisive, and, believing that the empress would not be
very implacable, entreated the tzar to negotiate rather than fight. Peter
yielded to their senseless solicitations, and ordered them to make
immediately for Oranienbaum. They reached the dock at four o'clock in the
morning. Peter hastened to his apartment, and wrote a letter to the empress,
which he dispatched by a courier. In this letter he made a humble
Page 334
confession of his faults, and promised to share the sovereign authority with
Catharine if she would consent to reconciliation. The empress was, at this
time, at the head of her army within about twenty miles of Oranienbaum.
During the night, she had slept for a few hours upon some cloaks which the
officers of her suite had spread for her bed. Catharine, knowing well that
perjury was one of the most trivial of the faults of the tzar, made no reply,
but pressed forward with her troops.
Peter, soon receiving information of the advance of the army, ordered one
of his fleetest horses to be saddled, and dressed himself in disguise,
intending thus to effect his escape to the frontiers of Poland. But, with his
constitutional irresolution, he soon abandoned this plan, and, ordering the
fortress of Oranienbaum to be dismantled, to convince Catharine that he
intended to make no resistance, he wrote to the empress another letter still
more humble and sycophantic than the first. He implored her forgiveness in
terms of the most abject humiliation. He assured her that he was ready to
resign to her unconditionally the crown of Russia, and that he only asked
permission to retire to his native duchy of Holstein, and that the empress
would graciously grant him a pension for his support.
Catharine read the letter, but deigning no reply, sent back the chamberlain
who brought it, with a verbal message to her husband that she could enter
into no negotiations with him, and could only accept his unconditional
submission. The chamberlain, Ismailof, returned to Oranienbaum. The tzar
had with him there only his Holstein guard consisting of six hundred men.
Ismailof urged the tzar, as the only measure of safety which now remained,
to abandon his troops, who could render him no defense, and repair to the
empress, throwing himself upon her mercy. For a short time the impotent
mind of the degraded prince was in great turmoil. But as was to be
expected, he surrendered himself to the humiliation. Entering his carriage,
he rode towards Peterhof to meet the empress. Soon he encountered the
battalions on the march for his capture. Silently they opened their ranks and
allowed him to enter, and then, closing around him, they stunned him with
shouts of, "Long live Catharine."
The miserable man had the effrontery to take with him, in his carriage, one
of his mistresses. As she alighted at the palace of Peterhof, some of the
soldiers tore the ribbons from her dress. The tzar was led up the grand stair-
Catharine if she would consent to reconciliation. The empress was, at this
time, at the head of her army within about twenty miles of Oranienbaum.
During the night, she had slept for a few hours upon some cloaks which the
officers of her suite had spread for her bed. Catharine, knowing well that
perjury was one of the most trivial of the faults of the tzar, made no reply,
but pressed forward with her troops.
Peter, soon receiving information of the advance of the army, ordered one
of his fleetest horses to be saddled, and dressed himself in disguise,
intending thus to effect his escape to the frontiers of Poland. But, with his
constitutional irresolution, he soon abandoned this plan, and, ordering the
fortress of Oranienbaum to be dismantled, to convince Catharine that he
intended to make no resistance, he wrote to the empress another letter still
more humble and sycophantic than the first. He implored her forgiveness in
terms of the most abject humiliation. He assured her that he was ready to
resign to her unconditionally the crown of Russia, and that he only asked
permission to retire to his native duchy of Holstein, and that the empress
would graciously grant him a pension for his support.
Catharine read the letter, but deigning no reply, sent back the chamberlain
who brought it, with a verbal message to her husband that she could enter
into no negotiations with him, and could only accept his unconditional
submission. The chamberlain, Ismailof, returned to Oranienbaum. The tzar
had with him there only his Holstein guard consisting of six hundred men.
Ismailof urged the tzar, as the only measure of safety which now remained,
to abandon his troops, who could render him no defense, and repair to the
empress, throwing himself upon her mercy. For a short time the impotent
mind of the degraded prince was in great turmoil. But as was to be
expected, he surrendered himself to the humiliation. Entering his carriage,
he rode towards Peterhof to meet the empress. Soon he encountered the
battalions on the march for his capture. Silently they opened their ranks and
allowed him to enter, and then, closing around him, they stunned him with
shouts of, "Long live Catharine."
The miserable man had the effrontery to take with him, in his carriage, one
of his mistresses. As she alighted at the palace of Peterhof, some of the
soldiers tore the ribbons from her dress. The tzar was led up the grand stair-
Page 335
case, stripped of the insignia of imperial power, and was shut up, and
carefully guarded in one of the chambers of the palace. Count Panin then
visited him, by order of the empress, and demanded of him the abdication
of the crown, informing him that having thus abdicated, he would be sent
back to his native duchy and would enjoy the dignity of Duke of Holstein
for the remainder of his days. Peter was now as pliant as wax. Aided by the
count, he wrote and signed the following declaration:
"During the short space of my absolute reign over the empire of Russia, I
became sensible that I was not able to support so great a burden, and that
my abilities were not equal to the task of governing so great an empire,
either as a sovereign or in any other capacity whatever. I also foresaw the
great troubles which must thence have arisen, and have been followed with
the total ruin of the empire, and my own eternal disgrace. After having
therefore seriously reflected thereon, I declare, without constraint, and in
the most solemn manner, to the Russian empire and to the whole universe,
that I for ever renounce the government of the said empire, never desiring
hereafter to reign therein, either as an absolute sovereign, or under any
other form of government; never wishing to aspire thereto, or to use any
means, of any sort, for that purpose. As a pledge of which I swear sincerely
before God and all the world to this present renunciation, written and signed
this 29th day of June, O.S. 1762."[18]
Peter III., having placed this abdication in the hands of Count Panin,
seemed quite serene, fancying himself safe, at least from bodily harm. In
the evening, however, an officer, with a strong escort, came and conveyed
him a prisoner to Ropscha, a small imperial palace about fifteen miles from
Peterhof. Peter, after his disgraceful reign of six months, was now
imprisoned in a palace; and his wife, whom he had intended to repudiate
and probably to behead, was now sovereign Empress of Russia. In the
evening, the thunderings of the cannon upon the ramparts of St. Petersburg
announced the victory of Catharine. She however slept that night at
Peterhof, and in the morning received the homage of the nobility, who from
all quarters flocked around her to give in their adhesion to her reign.
Field Marshal Munich, who with true fealty had stood by Peter III. to the
last, urging him to unfurl the banner of the tzar and fight heroically for his
crown, appeared with the rest. The noble old man with an unblushing brow
carefully guarded in one of the chambers of the palace. Count Panin then
visited him, by order of the empress, and demanded of him the abdication
of the crown, informing him that having thus abdicated, he would be sent
back to his native duchy and would enjoy the dignity of Duke of Holstein
for the remainder of his days. Peter was now as pliant as wax. Aided by the
count, he wrote and signed the following declaration:
"During the short space of my absolute reign over the empire of Russia, I
became sensible that I was not able to support so great a burden, and that
my abilities were not equal to the task of governing so great an empire,
either as a sovereign or in any other capacity whatever. I also foresaw the
great troubles which must thence have arisen, and have been followed with
the total ruin of the empire, and my own eternal disgrace. After having
therefore seriously reflected thereon, I declare, without constraint, and in
the most solemn manner, to the Russian empire and to the whole universe,
that I for ever renounce the government of the said empire, never desiring
hereafter to reign therein, either as an absolute sovereign, or under any
other form of government; never wishing to aspire thereto, or to use any
means, of any sort, for that purpose. As a pledge of which I swear sincerely
before God and all the world to this present renunciation, written and signed
this 29th day of June, O.S. 1762."[18]
Peter III., having placed this abdication in the hands of Count Panin,
seemed quite serene, fancying himself safe, at least from bodily harm. In
the evening, however, an officer, with a strong escort, came and conveyed
him a prisoner to Ropscha, a small imperial palace about fifteen miles from
Peterhof. Peter, after his disgraceful reign of six months, was now
imprisoned in a palace; and his wife, whom he had intended to repudiate
and probably to behead, was now sovereign Empress of Russia. In the
evening, the thunderings of the cannon upon the ramparts of St. Petersburg
announced the victory of Catharine. She however slept that night at
Peterhof, and in the morning received the homage of the nobility, who from
all quarters flocked around her to give in their adhesion to her reign.
Field Marshal Munich, who with true fealty had stood by Peter III. to the
last, urging him to unfurl the banner of the tzar and fight heroically for his
crown, appeared with the rest. The noble old man with an unblushing brow
Page 336
entered the presence of Catharine. As soon as she perceived him she called
aloud,
"Field marshal, it was you, then, who wanted to fight me?"
"Yes, madam," Munich answered, in a manly tone; "could I do less for the
prince who delivered me from captivity? But it is henceforth my duty to
fight for you, and you will find in me a fidelity equal to that with which I
had devoted my services to him."[19]
In the afternoon, the empress returned to St. Petersburg. She entered the city
on horseback, accompanied by a brilliant retinue of nobles, and followed by
her large army of fifteen thousand troops. All the soldiers wore garlands of
oak leaves. The immense crowds in the city formed lines for the passage of
the empress, scattered flowers in her path, and greeted her with constant
bursts of acclaim. All the streets through which she passed were garlanded
and spanned with triumphal arches, the bells rang their merriest peals, and
military salutes bellowed from all the ramparts. As the high ecclesiastics
crowded to meet her, they kissed her hand, while she, in accordance with
Russian courtesy, kissed their cheeks.
Catharine summoned the senate, and presided over its deliberations with
wonderful dignity and grace. The foreign ministers, confident in the
stability of her reign, hastened to present their congratulations. Peter found
even a few hours in the solitude of the palace of Ropscha exceedingly
oppressive; he accordingly sent to the empress, soliciting the presence of a
negro servant to whom he was much attached, and asking also for his dog,
his violin, a Bible and a few novels.
"I am disgusted," he wrote, "with the wickedness of mankind, and am
resolved henceforth to devote myself to a philosophical life."
After Peter had been six days at Ropscha, one morning two nobles, who had
been most active in the revolution which had dethroned the tzar, entered his
apartment, and, after conversing for a time, brandy was brought in. The cup
of which the tzar drank was poisoned! He was soon seized with violent
colic pains. The assassins then threw him upon the floor, tied a napkin
around his neck, and strangled him. Count Orlof, the most intimate friend of
the empress, and who was reputed to be her paramour, was one of these
aloud,
"Field marshal, it was you, then, who wanted to fight me?"
"Yes, madam," Munich answered, in a manly tone; "could I do less for the
prince who delivered me from captivity? But it is henceforth my duty to
fight for you, and you will find in me a fidelity equal to that with which I
had devoted my services to him."[19]
In the afternoon, the empress returned to St. Petersburg. She entered the city
on horseback, accompanied by a brilliant retinue of nobles, and followed by
her large army of fifteen thousand troops. All the soldiers wore garlands of
oak leaves. The immense crowds in the city formed lines for the passage of
the empress, scattered flowers in her path, and greeted her with constant
bursts of acclaim. All the streets through which she passed were garlanded
and spanned with triumphal arches, the bells rang their merriest peals, and
military salutes bellowed from all the ramparts. As the high ecclesiastics
crowded to meet her, they kissed her hand, while she, in accordance with
Russian courtesy, kissed their cheeks.
Catharine summoned the senate, and presided over its deliberations with
wonderful dignity and grace. The foreign ministers, confident in the
stability of her reign, hastened to present their congratulations. Peter found
even a few hours in the solitude of the palace of Ropscha exceedingly
oppressive; he accordingly sent to the empress, soliciting the presence of a
negro servant to whom he was much attached, and asking also for his dog,
his violin, a Bible and a few novels.
"I am disgusted," he wrote, "with the wickedness of mankind, and am
resolved henceforth to devote myself to a philosophical life."
After Peter had been six days at Ropscha, one morning two nobles, who had
been most active in the revolution which had dethroned the tzar, entered his
apartment, and, after conversing for a time, brandy was brought in. The cup
of which the tzar drank was poisoned! He was soon seized with violent
colic pains. The assassins then threw him upon the floor, tied a napkin
around his neck, and strangled him. Count Orlof, the most intimate friend of
the empress, and who was reputed to be her paramour, was one of these
Page 337
murderers. He immediately mounted his horse, and rode to St. Petersburg to
inform the empress that Peter was dead. Whether Catharine was a party to
this assassination, or whether it was perpetrated entirely without her
knowledge, is a question which now can probably never be decided. It is
very certain that the grief she manifested was all feigned, and that the
assassins were rewarded for their devotion to her interests. She shut herself
up for a few days, assuming the aspect of a mourner, and issued to her
subjects a declaration announcing the death of the late tzar. When one
enters upon the declivity of crime, the descent is ever rapid. The innocent
girl, who, but a few years before, had entered the Russian court from her
secluded ancestral castle a spotless child of fifteen, was now most deeply
involved in intrigues and sins. It is probable, indeed, that she had not
intended the death of her husband, but had designed sending him to
Holstein and providing for him abundantly, for the rest of his days, with
dogs and wine, and leaving him to his own indulgences. It is certain,
however, that the empress did not punish, or even dismiss from her favor,
the murderers of Peter. She announced to the nation his death in the
following terms:
"By the Grace of God, Catharine II., Empress of all the Russias, to our
loving Subjects, Greeting:
"The seventh day after our accession to the throne of all the Russias, we
received information that the late emperor, Peter III., was attacked with a
most violent colic. That we might not be wanting in Christian duty, or
disobedient to the divine command by which we are enjoined to preserve
the life of our neighbor, we immediately ordered that the said Peter should
be furnished with every thing that might be judged necessary to restore his
health by the aids of medicine. But, to our great regret and affliction, we
were yesterday evening apprised that, by the permission of the Almighty,
the late emperor departed this life. We have therefore ordered his body to be
conveyed to the monastery of Nefsky, in order to its interment in that place.
At the same time, with our imperial and maternal voice, we exhort our
faithful subjects to forgive and forget what is past, to pay the last duties to
his body, and to pray to God sincerely for the repose of his soul, wishing
them, however, to consider this unexpected and sudden death as an especial
effect of the providence of God, whose impenetrable decrees are working
inform the empress that Peter was dead. Whether Catharine was a party to
this assassination, or whether it was perpetrated entirely without her
knowledge, is a question which now can probably never be decided. It is
very certain that the grief she manifested was all feigned, and that the
assassins were rewarded for their devotion to her interests. She shut herself
up for a few days, assuming the aspect of a mourner, and issued to her
subjects a declaration announcing the death of the late tzar. When one
enters upon the declivity of crime, the descent is ever rapid. The innocent
girl, who, but a few years before, had entered the Russian court from her
secluded ancestral castle a spotless child of fifteen, was now most deeply
involved in intrigues and sins. It is probable, indeed, that she had not
intended the death of her husband, but had designed sending him to
Holstein and providing for him abundantly, for the rest of his days, with
dogs and wine, and leaving him to his own indulgences. It is certain,
however, that the empress did not punish, or even dismiss from her favor,
the murderers of Peter. She announced to the nation his death in the
following terms:
"By the Grace of God, Catharine II., Empress of all the Russias, to our
loving Subjects, Greeting:
"The seventh day after our accession to the throne of all the Russias, we
received information that the late emperor, Peter III., was attacked with a
most violent colic. That we might not be wanting in Christian duty, or
disobedient to the divine command by which we are enjoined to preserve
the life of our neighbor, we immediately ordered that the said Peter should
be furnished with every thing that might be judged necessary to restore his
health by the aids of medicine. But, to our great regret and affliction, we
were yesterday evening apprised that, by the permission of the Almighty,
the late emperor departed this life. We have therefore ordered his body to be
conveyed to the monastery of Nefsky, in order to its interment in that place.
At the same time, with our imperial and maternal voice, we exhort our
faithful subjects to forgive and forget what is past, to pay the last duties to
his body, and to pray to God sincerely for the repose of his soul, wishing
them, however, to consider this unexpected and sudden death as an especial
effect of the providence of God, whose impenetrable decrees are working
Page 338
for us, for our throne, and for our country things known only to his holy
will.
"Done at St. Petersburg, July 7th (N.S., July 18th), 1762."
The news of the revolution soon spread throughout Russia, and the nobles
generally acquiesced in it without a murmur. The masses of the people no
more thought of expressing or having an opinion than did the sheep. One of
the first acts of the empress was to send an embassy to Frederic of Prussia,
announcing,
"That she was resolved to observe inviolably the peace recently concluded
with Prussia; but that nevertheless she had decided to bring back to Russia
all her troops in Silesia, Prussia and Pomerania."
All the sovereigns of Europe acknowledged the title of Catharine II., and
some sent especial congratulations on her accession to the throne. Maria
Theresa, of Austria, was at first quite delighted, hoping that Catharine
would again unite the Russian troops with hers in hostility to her great rival,
Frederic. But in this expectation she was doomed to bitter disappointment.
The King of Prussia, in a confidential note to Count Finkenstein, wrote of
Catharine and the new reign as follows:
"The Emperor of Russia has been dethroned by his consort. It was to be
expected. That princess has much good sense, and the same friendly
relations towards us as the deceased. She has no religion, but acts the
devotee. The chancellor Bestuchef is her greatest favorite, and, as he has a
strong propensity to guinées I flatter myself that I shall be able to retain the
friendship of the court. The poor emperor wanted to imitate Peter I., but he
had not the capacity for it."
The empress, taking with her her son Paul, and a very brilliant and
numerous suite of nobles, repaired to Moscow, where she was crowned with
unusual splendor. By marked attention to the soldiers, providing most
liberally for their comfort, she soon secured the enthusiastic attachment of
the army. By the most scrupulous observance of all the external rites of
religion, she won the confidence of the clergy. In every movement
Catharine exhibited wonderful sagacity and energy. It was not to be
supposed that the partisans of Peter III. would be ejected from their places
will.
"Done at St. Petersburg, July 7th (N.S., July 18th), 1762."
The news of the revolution soon spread throughout Russia, and the nobles
generally acquiesced in it without a murmur. The masses of the people no
more thought of expressing or having an opinion than did the sheep. One of
the first acts of the empress was to send an embassy to Frederic of Prussia,
announcing,
"That she was resolved to observe inviolably the peace recently concluded
with Prussia; but that nevertheless she had decided to bring back to Russia
all her troops in Silesia, Prussia and Pomerania."
All the sovereigns of Europe acknowledged the title of Catharine II., and
some sent especial congratulations on her accession to the throne. Maria
Theresa, of Austria, was at first quite delighted, hoping that Catharine
would again unite the Russian troops with hers in hostility to her great rival,
Frederic. But in this expectation she was doomed to bitter disappointment.
The King of Prussia, in a confidential note to Count Finkenstein, wrote of
Catharine and the new reign as follows:
"The Emperor of Russia has been dethroned by his consort. It was to be
expected. That princess has much good sense, and the same friendly
relations towards us as the deceased. She has no religion, but acts the
devotee. The chancellor Bestuchef is her greatest favorite, and, as he has a
strong propensity to guinées I flatter myself that I shall be able to retain the
friendship of the court. The poor emperor wanted to imitate Peter I., but he
had not the capacity for it."
The empress, taking with her her son Paul, and a very brilliant and
numerous suite of nobles, repaired to Moscow, where she was crowned with
unusual splendor. By marked attention to the soldiers, providing most
liberally for their comfort, she soon secured the enthusiastic attachment of
the army. By the most scrupulous observance of all the external rites of
religion, she won the confidence of the clergy. In every movement
Catharine exhibited wonderful sagacity and energy. It was not to be
supposed that the partisans of Peter III. would be ejected from their places
Page 339
to give room for others, without making desperate efforts to regain what
they had lost. A very formidable conspiracy was soon organized, and the
friends of Catharine were thrown into the greatest state of alarm. But her
courage did not, for one moment, forsake her.
"Why are you alarmed?" said she. "Think you that I fear to face this danger;
or rather do you apprehend that I know not how to overcome it? Recollect
that you have seen me, in moments far more terrible than these, in full
possession of all the vigor of my mind; and that I can support the most cruel
reverses of fortune with as much serenity as I have supported her favors.
Think you that a few mutinous soldiers are to deprive me of a crown that I
accepted with reluctance, and only as the means of delivering the Russian
nation from their miseries? They cause me no alarm. That Providence
which has called me to reign, will preserve me for the glory and the
happiness of the empire. That almighty arm which has hitherto been my
defense will now confound my foes!"
The revolt was speedily quelled. The celebrity of her administration soon
resounded from one end of Europe to the other. She presided over the
senate; assisted at all the deliberations of the council; read the dispatches of
the embassadors; wrote, with her own hand, or dictated the answers, and
watched carefully to see that all her orders were faithfully executed. She
studied the lives of the most distinguished men, and was emulous of the
renown of those who had been friends and benefactors of the human race.
There has seldom been a sovereign on any throne more assiduously devoted
to the cares of empire than was Catharine II. In one of her first manifestoes,
issued the 10th of August of this year, she uttered the words, which her
conduct proved to be essentially true,
"Not only all that we have or may have, but also our life itself, we have
devoted to our dear country. We value nothing on our own account. We
serve not ourself. But we labor with all pains, with all diligence and care for
the glory and happiness of our people."
Catharine found corruption and bribery everywhere, and she engaged in the
work of reform with the energies of Hercules in cleansing the Augean
stables. She abolished, indignantly the custom, which had existed for ages,
of attempting to extort confession of crime by torture. It is one of the
they had lost. A very formidable conspiracy was soon organized, and the
friends of Catharine were thrown into the greatest state of alarm. But her
courage did not, for one moment, forsake her.
"Why are you alarmed?" said she. "Think you that I fear to face this danger;
or rather do you apprehend that I know not how to overcome it? Recollect
that you have seen me, in moments far more terrible than these, in full
possession of all the vigor of my mind; and that I can support the most cruel
reverses of fortune with as much serenity as I have supported her favors.
Think you that a few mutinous soldiers are to deprive me of a crown that I
accepted with reluctance, and only as the means of delivering the Russian
nation from their miseries? They cause me no alarm. That Providence
which has called me to reign, will preserve me for the glory and the
happiness of the empire. That almighty arm which has hitherto been my
defense will now confound my foes!"
The revolt was speedily quelled. The celebrity of her administration soon
resounded from one end of Europe to the other. She presided over the
senate; assisted at all the deliberations of the council; read the dispatches of
the embassadors; wrote, with her own hand, or dictated the answers, and
watched carefully to see that all her orders were faithfully executed. She
studied the lives of the most distinguished men, and was emulous of the
renown of those who had been friends and benefactors of the human race.
There has seldom been a sovereign on any throne more assiduously devoted
to the cares of empire than was Catharine II. In one of her first manifestoes,
issued the 10th of August of this year, she uttered the words, which her
conduct proved to be essentially true,
"Not only all that we have or may have, but also our life itself, we have
devoted to our dear country. We value nothing on our own account. We
serve not ourself. But we labor with all pains, with all diligence and care for
the glory and happiness of our people."
Catharine found corruption and bribery everywhere, and she engaged in the
work of reform with the energies of Hercules in cleansing the Augean
stables. She abolished, indignantly the custom, which had existed for ages,
of attempting to extort confession of crime by torture. It is one of the
Page 340
marvels of human depravity that intelligent minds could have been so
imbruted as to tolerate, for a day, so fiend-like a wrong. The whole system
of inquisitorial investigations, in both Church and State, was utterly
abrogated. Foreigners were invited to settle in the empire. The lands were
carefully explored, that the best districts might be pointed out for tillage, for
forest and for pasture. The following proclamation, inviting foreigners to
settle in Russia, shows the liberality and the comprehensive views which
animated the empress:
"Any one who is destitute shall receive money for the expenses
of his journey, and shall be forwarded to these free lands at the
expense of the crown. On his arrival he shall receive a
competent assistance, and even an advance of capital, free of
interest, for ten years. The stranger is exempted from all service,
either military or civil, and from all taxes for a certain time. In
these new tracts of land the colonists may live according to their
own good-will, under their own jurisdiction for thirty years. All
religions are tolerated."
Thus encouraged, thousands flocked from Germany to the fresh and fertile
acres on the banks of the Volga and the Samara. The emigration became so
great that several of the petty German princes issued prohibitions. In the
rush of adventurers, of the indolent, the improvident and the vicious, great
suffering ensued. Desert wilds were, however, peopled, and the children of
the emigrants succeeded to homes of comparative comfort. Settlers
crowded to these lands even from France, Poland and Sweden. Ten
thousand families emigrated to the district of Saratof alone.
"The world," said Catharine one day to the French minister, "will not be
able properly to judge of my administration till after five years. It will
require at least so much time to reduce the empire to order. In the mean
time I shall behave, with all the princes of Europe, like a finished coquette.
I have the finest army in the world. I have a greater taste for war than for
peace; but, I am restrained from war by humanity, justice and reason. I shall
not allow myself, like Elizabeth, to be pressed into a war. I shall enter upon
it when it will prove advantageous to me, but never from complaisance to
others."
imbruted as to tolerate, for a day, so fiend-like a wrong. The whole system
of inquisitorial investigations, in both Church and State, was utterly
abrogated. Foreigners were invited to settle in the empire. The lands were
carefully explored, that the best districts might be pointed out for tillage, for
forest and for pasture. The following proclamation, inviting foreigners to
settle in Russia, shows the liberality and the comprehensive views which
animated the empress:
"Any one who is destitute shall receive money for the expenses
of his journey, and shall be forwarded to these free lands at the
expense of the crown. On his arrival he shall receive a
competent assistance, and even an advance of capital, free of
interest, for ten years. The stranger is exempted from all service,
either military or civil, and from all taxes for a certain time. In
these new tracts of land the colonists may live according to their
own good-will, under their own jurisdiction for thirty years. All
religions are tolerated."
Thus encouraged, thousands flocked from Germany to the fresh and fertile
acres on the banks of the Volga and the Samara. The emigration became so
great that several of the petty German princes issued prohibitions. In the
rush of adventurers, of the indolent, the improvident and the vicious, great
suffering ensued. Desert wilds were, however, peopled, and the children of
the emigrants succeeded to homes of comparative comfort. Settlers
crowded to these lands even from France, Poland and Sweden. Ten
thousand families emigrated to the district of Saratof alone.
"The world," said Catharine one day to the French minister, "will not be
able properly to judge of my administration till after five years. It will
require at least so much time to reduce the empire to order. In the mean
time I shall behave, with all the princes of Europe, like a finished coquette.
I have the finest army in the world. I have a greater taste for war than for
peace; but, I am restrained from war by humanity, justice and reason. I shall
not allow myself, like Elizabeth, to be pressed into a war. I shall enter upon
it when it will prove advantageous to me, but never from complaisance to
others."
Page 341
A large number of the nobles, led by the chancellor of the empire, now
presented a petition to Catharine, urging her again to marry. After a glowing
eulogium on all the empress had done for the renown and prosperity of
Russia, they reminded her of the feeble constitution of her son Paul, of the
terrible calamity a disputed succession might impose upon Russia, and
entreated her to give an additional proof of her devotion to the good of her
subjects, by sacrificing her own liberty to their welfare, in taking a spouse.
This advice was quite in harmony with the inclinations of the empress.
Count Orlof, one of the most conspicuous nobles of the court, and the prime
actor in the conspiracy which had overthrown and assassinated Peter III.,
was the recognized favorite of Catharine. But Count Orlof had assumed
such haughty airs, regarding Catharine as indebted to him for her crown,
that he had rendered himself extremely unpopular; and so much discontent
was manifested in view of his elevation to the throne, that Catharine did not
dare to proceed with the measure. It is generally supposed, however, that
there was a sort of private marriage instituted, of no real validity, between
Catharine and Orlof, by which the count became virtually the husband of
the empress.
Catharine was now firmly established on the throne. The beneficial effects
of her administration were daily becoming more apparent in all parts of
Russia. Nothing which could be promotive of the prosperity of the empire
escaped her observation. With questions of commerce, finance and politics
she seemed equally familiar. On the 11th of August, 1673, she issued an
imperial edict written by her own hand, in which it is said,
"On the whole surface of the earth there is no country better
adapted for commerce than our empire. Russia has spacious
harbors in Europe, and, overland, the way is open through
Poland to every region. Siberia extends, on one side, over all
Asia, and India is not very remote from Orenburg. On the other
side, Russia seems to touch on America. Across the Euxine is a
passage, though as yet unexplored, to Egypt and Africa, and
bountiful Providence has blessed the extensive provinces of our
empire with such gifts of nature as can rarely be found in all the
four quarters of the world."
———
presented a petition to Catharine, urging her again to marry. After a glowing
eulogium on all the empress had done for the renown and prosperity of
Russia, they reminded her of the feeble constitution of her son Paul, of the
terrible calamity a disputed succession might impose upon Russia, and
entreated her to give an additional proof of her devotion to the good of her
subjects, by sacrificing her own liberty to their welfare, in taking a spouse.
This advice was quite in harmony with the inclinations of the empress.
Count Orlof, one of the most conspicuous nobles of the court, and the prime
actor in the conspiracy which had overthrown and assassinated Peter III.,
was the recognized favorite of Catharine. But Count Orlof had assumed
such haughty airs, regarding Catharine as indebted to him for her crown,
that he had rendered himself extremely unpopular; and so much discontent
was manifested in view of his elevation to the throne, that Catharine did not
dare to proceed with the measure. It is generally supposed, however, that
there was a sort of private marriage instituted, of no real validity, between
Catharine and Orlof, by which the count became virtually the husband of
the empress.
Catharine was now firmly established on the throne. The beneficial effects
of her administration were daily becoming more apparent in all parts of
Russia. Nothing which could be promotive of the prosperity of the empire
escaped her observation. With questions of commerce, finance and politics
she seemed equally familiar. On the 11th of August, 1673, she issued an
imperial edict written by her own hand, in which it is said,
"On the whole surface of the earth there is no country better
adapted for commerce than our empire. Russia has spacious
harbors in Europe, and, overland, the way is open through
Poland to every region. Siberia extends, on one side, over all
Asia, and India is not very remote from Orenburg. On the other
side, Russia seems to touch on America. Across the Euxine is a
passage, though as yet unexplored, to Egypt and Africa, and
bountiful Providence has blessed the extensive provinces of our
empire with such gifts of nature as can rarely be found in all the
four quarters of the world."
———
Page 342
[17] Pomerania was one of the duchies of Prussia, where the Russian army, in coöperation with the
King of Prussia, was assembled. Frederic might, perhaps, have sent his troops to aid Peter in the
recovery of his crown.
[18] By the Gregorian Calendar or New Style, adopted by Pope Gregory XIII. in 1582, ten days were
dropped after the 4th of October, and the 5th was reckoned as the 15th. Thus the 29th of June, O.S.
would be July 8, N.S.
[19] Marshal Munich was eighty-two years of age. Elizabeth had sent him to Siberian exile. Peter
liberated him. Upon his return to Moscow, after twenty years of exile, he found one son living, and
twenty-two grandchildren and great grandchildren whom he had never seen. When the heroic old
man presented himself before the tzar dressed in the sheep-skin coat he had worn in Siberia, Peter
said,
"I hope, notwithstanding your age, you may still serve me."
Munich replied, "Since your majesty has brought me from darkness to light, and called me from the
depths of a cavern, to admit me to the foot of the throne, you will find me ever ready to expose my
life in your service. Neither a tedious exile nor the severity of a Siberian climate have been able to
extinguish, or even to damp, the ardor I have formerly shown for the interests of Russia and the glory
of its monarch."
CHAPTER XXV.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1765 to 1774.
Energy of Catharine's Administration.—Titles of Honor Decreed to Her.
—Code of Laws Instituted.—The Assassination of the Empress
Attempted.—Encouragement of Learned Men.—Catharine Inoculated
for the Small-Pox.—New War with Turkey.—Capture of Crimea.—
Sailing of the Russian Fleet.—Great Naval Victory.—Visit of the
Prussian Prince Henry.—The Sleigh Ride.—Plans for the Partition of
Poland.—The Hermitage.—Marriage of the Grand Duke Paul.—
Correspondence with Voltaire and Diderot.
The friends and the foes of Catharine are alike lavish in their encomiums
upon her attempts to elevate Russia in prosperity and in national greatness.
King of Prussia, was assembled. Frederic might, perhaps, have sent his troops to aid Peter in the
recovery of his crown.
[18] By the Gregorian Calendar or New Style, adopted by Pope Gregory XIII. in 1582, ten days were
dropped after the 4th of October, and the 5th was reckoned as the 15th. Thus the 29th of June, O.S.
would be July 8, N.S.
[19] Marshal Munich was eighty-two years of age. Elizabeth had sent him to Siberian exile. Peter
liberated him. Upon his return to Moscow, after twenty years of exile, he found one son living, and
twenty-two grandchildren and great grandchildren whom he had never seen. When the heroic old
man presented himself before the tzar dressed in the sheep-skin coat he had worn in Siberia, Peter
said,
"I hope, notwithstanding your age, you may still serve me."
Munich replied, "Since your majesty has brought me from darkness to light, and called me from the
depths of a cavern, to admit me to the foot of the throne, you will find me ever ready to expose my
life in your service. Neither a tedious exile nor the severity of a Siberian climate have been able to
extinguish, or even to damp, the ardor I have formerly shown for the interests of Russia and the glory
of its monarch."
CHAPTER XXV.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1765 to 1774.
Energy of Catharine's Administration.—Titles of Honor Decreed to Her.
—Code of Laws Instituted.—The Assassination of the Empress
Attempted.—Encouragement of Learned Men.—Catharine Inoculated
for the Small-Pox.—New War with Turkey.—Capture of Crimea.—
Sailing of the Russian Fleet.—Great Naval Victory.—Visit of the
Prussian Prince Henry.—The Sleigh Ride.—Plans for the Partition of
Poland.—The Hermitage.—Marriage of the Grand Duke Paul.—
Correspondence with Voltaire and Diderot.
The friends and the foes of Catharine are alike lavish in their encomiums
upon her attempts to elevate Russia in prosperity and in national greatness.
Page 343
Under her guidance an assembly was convened to frame a code of laws,
based on justice, and which should be supreme throughout all Russia. The
assembly prosecuted its work with great energy, and, ere its dissolution,
passed a resolution decreeing to the empress the titles of "Great, Wise,
Prudent, and Mother of the Country."
To this decree Catharine modestly replied, "If I have rendered myself
worthy of the first title, it belongs to posterity to confer it upon me. Wisdom
and prudence are the gifts of Heaven, for which I daily give thanks, without
presuming to derive any merit from them myself. The title of Mother of the
Country is, in my eyes, the most dear of all,—the only one I can accept, and
which I regard as the most benign and glorious recompense for my labors
and solicitudes in behalf of a people whom I love."
The code of laws thus framed is a noble monument to the genius and
humanity of Catharine II. The principles of enlightened philanthropy
pervades the code, which recognizes the immutable principles of right, and
which seems designed to undermine the very foundations of despotism. In
the instructions which Catharine drew up for the guidance of the assembly,
she wrote,
"Laws should be framed with the sole object of conducting mankind to the
greatest happiness. It is our duty to mitigate the lot of those who live in a
state of dependence. The liberty and security of the citizens ought to be the
grand and precious object of all laws; they should all tend to render life,
honor and property as stable and secure as the constitution of the
government itself. It is incomparably better to prevent crimes than to punish
them. The use of torture is contrary to sound reason. Humanity cries out
against this practice, and insists on its being abolished."
The condition of the peasantry, heavily taxed by the nobles, excited her
deepest commiseration. She wished their entire enfranchisement, but was
fully conscious that she was not strong enough to undertake so sweeping a
measure of reform. She insisted, however, "that laws should be prescribed
to the nobility, obliging them to act more circumspectly in the manner of
levying their dues, and to protect the peasant, so that his condition might be
improved and that he might be enabled to acquire property."
based on justice, and which should be supreme throughout all Russia. The
assembly prosecuted its work with great energy, and, ere its dissolution,
passed a resolution decreeing to the empress the titles of "Great, Wise,
Prudent, and Mother of the Country."
To this decree Catharine modestly replied, "If I have rendered myself
worthy of the first title, it belongs to posterity to confer it upon me. Wisdom
and prudence are the gifts of Heaven, for which I daily give thanks, without
presuming to derive any merit from them myself. The title of Mother of the
Country is, in my eyes, the most dear of all,—the only one I can accept, and
which I regard as the most benign and glorious recompense for my labors
and solicitudes in behalf of a people whom I love."
The code of laws thus framed is a noble monument to the genius and
humanity of Catharine II. The principles of enlightened philanthropy
pervades the code, which recognizes the immutable principles of right, and
which seems designed to undermine the very foundations of despotism. In
the instructions which Catharine drew up for the guidance of the assembly,
she wrote,
"Laws should be framed with the sole object of conducting mankind to the
greatest happiness. It is our duty to mitigate the lot of those who live in a
state of dependence. The liberty and security of the citizens ought to be the
grand and precious object of all laws; they should all tend to render life,
honor and property as stable and secure as the constitution of the
government itself. It is incomparably better to prevent crimes than to punish
them. The use of torture is contrary to sound reason. Humanity cries out
against this practice, and insists on its being abolished."
The condition of the peasantry, heavily taxed by the nobles, excited her
deepest commiseration. She wished their entire enfranchisement, but was
fully conscious that she was not strong enough to undertake so sweeping a
measure of reform. She insisted, however, "that laws should be prescribed
to the nobility, obliging them to act more circumspectly in the manner of
levying their dues, and to protect the peasant, so that his condition might be
improved and that he might be enabled to acquire property."
Page 344
A ruffian attempted to assassinate Catharine. He was arrested in the palace,
with a long dagger concealed in his dress, and without hesitation confessed
his design. Catharine had the assassin brought into her presence, conversed
mildly with him, and seeing that there was no hope of disarming his
fanaticism, banished him to Siberia. But the innocent daughter of the guilty
man she took under her protection, and subsequently appointed her one of
her maids of honor. In the year 1767, she sent a delegation of scientific men
on a geological survey into the interior of the empire, with directions to
determine the geographical position of the principal places, to mark their
temperature, their productions, their wealth, and the manners and characters
of the several people by whom they were inhabited. Russia was then, as
now, a world by itself, peopled by innumerable tribes or nations, with a
great diversity of climates, and with an infinite variety of manners and
customs. A large portion of the country was immersed in the profoundest
barbarism, almost inaccessible to the traveler. In other portions vagrant
hordes wandered without any fixed habitations. Here was seen the castle of
the noble with all its imposing architecture, and its enginery of offense and
defense. The mud hovels of the peasants were clustered around the massive
pile; and they passed their lives in the most degrading bondage.
From all parts of Europe the most learned men were invited to the court of
Catharine. The renowned mathematician, Euler, was lured from Berlin to
St. Petersburg. The empress settled upon him a large annual stipend, and
made him a present of a house. Catharine was fully conscious that the glory
of a country consists, not in its military achievements, but in advancement
in science and in the useful and elegant arts. The annual sum of five
thousand dollars was assigned to encourage the translation of foreign
literary works into the Russian language. The small-pox was making fearful
ravages in Russia. The empress had heard of inoculation. She sent to
England for a physician, Dr. Thomas Dimsdale, who had practiced
inoculation for the small-pox with great success in London. Immediately
upon his arrival the empress sent for him, and with skill which astonished
the physician, questioned him respecting his mode of practice. He was
invited to dine with the empress; and the doctor thus describes the dinner
party:
"The empress sat singly at the upper end of a long table, at which about
twelve of the nobility were guests. The entertainment consisted of a variety
with a long dagger concealed in his dress, and without hesitation confessed
his design. Catharine had the assassin brought into her presence, conversed
mildly with him, and seeing that there was no hope of disarming his
fanaticism, banished him to Siberia. But the innocent daughter of the guilty
man she took under her protection, and subsequently appointed her one of
her maids of honor. In the year 1767, she sent a delegation of scientific men
on a geological survey into the interior of the empire, with directions to
determine the geographical position of the principal places, to mark their
temperature, their productions, their wealth, and the manners and characters
of the several people by whom they were inhabited. Russia was then, as
now, a world by itself, peopled by innumerable tribes or nations, with a
great diversity of climates, and with an infinite variety of manners and
customs. A large portion of the country was immersed in the profoundest
barbarism, almost inaccessible to the traveler. In other portions vagrant
hordes wandered without any fixed habitations. Here was seen the castle of
the noble with all its imposing architecture, and its enginery of offense and
defense. The mud hovels of the peasants were clustered around the massive
pile; and they passed their lives in the most degrading bondage.
From all parts of Europe the most learned men were invited to the court of
Catharine. The renowned mathematician, Euler, was lured from Berlin to
St. Petersburg. The empress settled upon him a large annual stipend, and
made him a present of a house. Catharine was fully conscious that the glory
of a country consists, not in its military achievements, but in advancement
in science and in the useful and elegant arts. The annual sum of five
thousand dollars was assigned to encourage the translation of foreign
literary works into the Russian language. The small-pox was making fearful
ravages in Russia. The empress had heard of inoculation. She sent to
England for a physician, Dr. Thomas Dimsdale, who had practiced
inoculation for the small-pox with great success in London. Immediately
upon his arrival the empress sent for him, and with skill which astonished
the physician, questioned him respecting his mode of practice. He was
invited to dine with the empress; and the doctor thus describes the dinner
party:
"The empress sat singly at the upper end of a long table, at which about
twelve of the nobility were guests. The entertainment consisted of a variety
Page 345
of excellent dishes, served up after the French manner, and was concluded
by a dessert of the finest fruits and sweetmeats, such as I little expected to
find in that northern climate. Most of these luxuries were, however, the
produce of the empress's own dominions. Pineapples, indeed, are chiefly
imported from England, though those of the growth of Russia, of which we
had one that day, are of good flavor but generally small. Water-melons and
grapes are brought from Astrachan; great plenty of melons from Moscow;
and apples and pears from the Ukraine.
"But what most enlivened the whole entertainment, was the unaffected ease
and affability of the empress herself. Each of her guests had a share of her
attention and politeness. The conversation was kept up with freedom and
cheerfulness to be expected rather from persons of the same rank, than from
subjects admitted to the honor of their sovereign's company."
The empress after conversing with Dr. Dimsdale, decided to introduce the
practice of small-pox inoculation[20] into Russia, and heroically resolved
that the experiment should first be tried upon herself. Dr. Dimsdale,
oppressed by the immense responsibility thus thrown upon him, for though
the disease, thus introduced, was generally mild, in not a few cases it
proved fatal, requested the assistance of the court physicians.
"It is not necessary," the empress replied; "you come well recommended.
The conversation I have had increases my confidence in you. It is
impossible that my physicians should have much skill in this operation. My
life is my own, and with the utmost cheerfulness I entrust myself to your
care. I wish to be inoculated as soon as you judge it convenient, and desire
to have it kept a secret."
The anxious physician begged that the experiment might first be tried by
inoculating some of her own sex and age, and, as near as possible, of her
own constitutional habits. The empress replied,
"The practice is not novel, and no doubt remains of its general success. It is,
therefore, not necessary that there should be any delay on that account."
Catharine was inoculated on the 12th of October, 1768, and went
immediately to a secluded private palace at some distance from the city,
under the pretense that she wished to superintend some repairs. She took
by a dessert of the finest fruits and sweetmeats, such as I little expected to
find in that northern climate. Most of these luxuries were, however, the
produce of the empress's own dominions. Pineapples, indeed, are chiefly
imported from England, though those of the growth of Russia, of which we
had one that day, are of good flavor but generally small. Water-melons and
grapes are brought from Astrachan; great plenty of melons from Moscow;
and apples and pears from the Ukraine.
"But what most enlivened the whole entertainment, was the unaffected ease
and affability of the empress herself. Each of her guests had a share of her
attention and politeness. The conversation was kept up with freedom and
cheerfulness to be expected rather from persons of the same rank, than from
subjects admitted to the honor of their sovereign's company."
The empress after conversing with Dr. Dimsdale, decided to introduce the
practice of small-pox inoculation[20] into Russia, and heroically resolved
that the experiment should first be tried upon herself. Dr. Dimsdale,
oppressed by the immense responsibility thus thrown upon him, for though
the disease, thus introduced, was generally mild, in not a few cases it
proved fatal, requested the assistance of the court physicians.
"It is not necessary," the empress replied; "you come well recommended.
The conversation I have had increases my confidence in you. It is
impossible that my physicians should have much skill in this operation. My
life is my own, and with the utmost cheerfulness I entrust myself to your
care. I wish to be inoculated as soon as you judge it convenient, and desire
to have it kept a secret."
The anxious physician begged that the experiment might first be tried by
inoculating some of her own sex and age, and, as near as possible, of her
own constitutional habits. The empress replied,
"The practice is not novel, and no doubt remains of its general success. It is,
therefore, not necessary that there should be any delay on that account."
Catharine was inoculated on the 12th of October, 1768, and went
immediately to a secluded private palace at some distance from the city,
under the pretense that she wished to superintend some repairs. She took
Page 346
with her only the necessary attendants. Soon, however, several of the
nobility, some of whom she suspected had not had the small-pox, followed.
As a week was to elapse after the operation before the disease would begin
to manifest itself, the empress said to Dr. Dimsdale,
"I must rely on you to give me notice when it is possible for me to
communicate the disease. Though I could wish to keep my inoculation a
secret, yet far be it from me to conceal it a moment when it may become
hazardous to others."
In the mean time she took part in every amusement with her wonted
affability and without the slightest indication of alarm. She dined with the
rest of the company, and enlivened the whole court with those
conversational charms for which she was distinguished. The disease proved
light, and she was carried through it very successfully. Soon after, she wrote
to Voltaire,
"I have not kept my bed a single instant, and I have received company
every day. I am about to have my only son inoculated. Count Orlof, that
hero who resembles the ancient Romans in the best times of the republic,
both in courage and generosity, doubting whether he had ever had the
small-pox, has put himself under the hands of our Englishman, and, the next
day after the operation, went to the hunt in a very deep fall of snow. A great
number of courtiers have followed his example, and many others are
preparing to do so. Besides this, inoculation is now carried on at Petersburg
in three seminaries of education, and in an hospital established under the
protection of Dr. Dimsdale."
The empress testified her gratitude for the benefits Dr. Dimsdale had
conferred upon Russia by making him a present of fifty thousand dollars,
and settling upon him a pension of one thousand dollars a year. On the 3d of
December, 1768, a thanksgiving service was performed in the chapel of the
palace, in gratitude for the recovery of her majesty and her son Paul from
the small-pox.
The Turks began now to manifest great apprehensions in view of the rapid
growth of the Russian empire. Poland was so entirely overshadowed that its
monarchs were elected and its government administered under the influence
of a Russian army. In truth, Poland had become but little more than one of
nobility, some of whom she suspected had not had the small-pox, followed.
As a week was to elapse after the operation before the disease would begin
to manifest itself, the empress said to Dr. Dimsdale,
"I must rely on you to give me notice when it is possible for me to
communicate the disease. Though I could wish to keep my inoculation a
secret, yet far be it from me to conceal it a moment when it may become
hazardous to others."
In the mean time she took part in every amusement with her wonted
affability and without the slightest indication of alarm. She dined with the
rest of the company, and enlivened the whole court with those
conversational charms for which she was distinguished. The disease proved
light, and she was carried through it very successfully. Soon after, she wrote
to Voltaire,
"I have not kept my bed a single instant, and I have received company
every day. I am about to have my only son inoculated. Count Orlof, that
hero who resembles the ancient Romans in the best times of the republic,
both in courage and generosity, doubting whether he had ever had the
small-pox, has put himself under the hands of our Englishman, and, the next
day after the operation, went to the hunt in a very deep fall of snow. A great
number of courtiers have followed his example, and many others are
preparing to do so. Besides this, inoculation is now carried on at Petersburg
in three seminaries of education, and in an hospital established under the
protection of Dr. Dimsdale."
The empress testified her gratitude for the benefits Dr. Dimsdale had
conferred upon Russia by making him a present of fifty thousand dollars,
and settling upon him a pension of one thousand dollars a year. On the 3d of
December, 1768, a thanksgiving service was performed in the chapel of the
palace, in gratitude for the recovery of her majesty and her son Paul from
the small-pox.
The Turks began now to manifest great apprehensions in view of the rapid
growth of the Russian empire. Poland was so entirely overshadowed that its
monarchs were elected and its government administered under the influence
of a Russian army. In truth, Poland had become but little more than one of
Page 347
the provinces of Catharine's empire. The Grand Seignior formed an alliance
with the disaffected Poles, arrested the Russian embassador at
Constantinople, and mustered his hosts for war. Catharine II. was prepared
for the emergency. Early in 1769 the Russian army commenced its march
towards the banks of the Cuban, in the wilds of Circassia. The Tartars of the
Crimea were the first foes whom the armies of Catharine encountered. The
Sea of Azof, with its surrounding shores, soon fell into the possession of
Russia. One of the generals of Catharine, General Drevitch, a man whose
name deserves to be held up to eternal infamy, took nine Polish gentlemen
as captives, and, cutting off their hands at the wrist, sent them home, thus
mutilated, to strike terror into the Poles. Already Frederic of Prussia and
Catharine were secretly conferring upon a united attack upon Poland and
the division of the territory between them.
Frederic sent his brother Henry to St. Petersburg to confer with Catharine
upon this contemplated robbery, sufficiently gigantic in character to be
worthy of the energies of the royal bandits. Catharine received Henry with
splendor which the world has seldom seen equaled. One of the
entertainments with which she honored him was a moonlight sleigh ride
arranged upon a scale of imperial grandeur. The sleigh which conveyed
Catharine and the Prussian prince was an immense parlor drawn by sixteen
horses, covered and inclosed by double glasses, which, with numberless
mirrors, reflected all objects within and without. This sledge was followed
by a retinue of two thousand others. Every person, in all the sledges, was
dressed in fancy costume, and masked. When two miles from the city, the
train passed beneath a triumphal arch illuminated with all conceivable
splendor. At the distance of every mile, some grand structure appeared in a
blaze of light, a pyramid, or a temple, or colonnades, or the most brilliant
displays of fireworks. Opposite each of these structures ball rooms had been
reared, which were crowded with the rustic peasantry, amusing themselves
with music, dancing and all the games of the country. Each of the spacious
houses of entertainment personated some particular Russian nation, where
the dress, music and amusements of that nation were represented. All sorts
of gymnastic feats were also exhibited, such as vaulting, tumbling and feats
upon the slack and tight rope.
Through such scenes the imperial pleasure party rode, until a high mountain
appeared through an avenue cut in the forest, representing Mount Vesuvius
with the disaffected Poles, arrested the Russian embassador at
Constantinople, and mustered his hosts for war. Catharine II. was prepared
for the emergency. Early in 1769 the Russian army commenced its march
towards the banks of the Cuban, in the wilds of Circassia. The Tartars of the
Crimea were the first foes whom the armies of Catharine encountered. The
Sea of Azof, with its surrounding shores, soon fell into the possession of
Russia. One of the generals of Catharine, General Drevitch, a man whose
name deserves to be held up to eternal infamy, took nine Polish gentlemen
as captives, and, cutting off their hands at the wrist, sent them home, thus
mutilated, to strike terror into the Poles. Already Frederic of Prussia and
Catharine were secretly conferring upon a united attack upon Poland and
the division of the territory between them.
Frederic sent his brother Henry to St. Petersburg to confer with Catharine
upon this contemplated robbery, sufficiently gigantic in character to be
worthy of the energies of the royal bandits. Catharine received Henry with
splendor which the world has seldom seen equaled. One of the
entertainments with which she honored him was a moonlight sleigh ride
arranged upon a scale of imperial grandeur. The sleigh which conveyed
Catharine and the Prussian prince was an immense parlor drawn by sixteen
horses, covered and inclosed by double glasses, which, with numberless
mirrors, reflected all objects within and without. This sledge was followed
by a retinue of two thousand others. Every person, in all the sledges, was
dressed in fancy costume, and masked. When two miles from the city, the
train passed beneath a triumphal arch illuminated with all conceivable
splendor. At the distance of every mile, some grand structure appeared in a
blaze of light, a pyramid, or a temple, or colonnades, or the most brilliant
displays of fireworks. Opposite each of these structures ball rooms had been
reared, which were crowded with the rustic peasantry, amusing themselves
with music, dancing and all the games of the country. Each of the spacious
houses of entertainment personated some particular Russian nation, where
the dress, music and amusements of that nation were represented. All sorts
of gymnastic feats were also exhibited, such as vaulting, tumbling and feats
upon the slack and tight rope.
Through such scenes the imperial pleasure party rode, until a high mountain
appeared through an avenue cut in the forest, representing Mount Vesuvius
Page 348
during an eruption. Vast billows of flame were rolling to the skies, and the
whole region was illumined with a blaze of light. The spectators had hardly
recovered from the astonishment which this display caused, when the train
suddenly entered a Chinese village, which proved to be but the portal to the
imperial palace of Tzarkoselo. The palace was lighted with an infinite
number of wax candles. For two hours the guests amused themselves with
dancing. Suddenly there was a grand discharge of cannon. The candles were
immediately extinguished, and a magnificent display of fireworks,
extending along the whole breadth of the palace, converted night into day.
Again there was a thundering discharge of artillery, when, as by
enchantment, the candles blazed anew, and a sumptuous supper was served
up. After the entertainment, dancing was renewed, and was continued until
morning.
The empress had a private palace at St. Petersburg which she called her
Hermitage, where she received none but her choicest friends. This
sumptuous edifice merits some minuteness of description. It consisted of a
suite of apartments containing every thing which the most voluptuous and
exquisite taste could combine. The spacious building was connected with
the imperial palace by a covered arch. It would require a volume to describe
the treasures of art and industry with which it abounded. Here the empress
had her private library and her private picture gallery. Raphael's celebrated
gallery in the Vatican at Rome was exactly repeated here with the most
accurate copies of all the paintings, corner pieces and other ornaments of
the same size and in the same situations. Medals, engravings, curious pieces
of art, models of mechanical inventions and collections of specimens of
minerals and of objects of natural history crowded the cabinets. Chambers
were arranged for all species of amusements. A pleasure garden was
constructed upon arches, with furnaces beneath them in winter, that the
plants might ever enjoy genial heat. This garden was covered with fine
brass wire, that the birds from all countries, singing among the trees and
shrubs, or hopping along the grass plots and gravel walks, and which the
empress was accustomed to feed with her own hand, might not escape.
While the storms of a Russian winter were howling without, the empress
here could tread upon verdant lawns and gravel walks beneath luxuriant
vegetation, listening to bird songs and partaking of fruits and flowers of
every kind.
whole region was illumined with a blaze of light. The spectators had hardly
recovered from the astonishment which this display caused, when the train
suddenly entered a Chinese village, which proved to be but the portal to the
imperial palace of Tzarkoselo. The palace was lighted with an infinite
number of wax candles. For two hours the guests amused themselves with
dancing. Suddenly there was a grand discharge of cannon. The candles were
immediately extinguished, and a magnificent display of fireworks,
extending along the whole breadth of the palace, converted night into day.
Again there was a thundering discharge of artillery, when, as by
enchantment, the candles blazed anew, and a sumptuous supper was served
up. After the entertainment, dancing was renewed, and was continued until
morning.
The empress had a private palace at St. Petersburg which she called her
Hermitage, where she received none but her choicest friends. This
sumptuous edifice merits some minuteness of description. It consisted of a
suite of apartments containing every thing which the most voluptuous and
exquisite taste could combine. The spacious building was connected with
the imperial palace by a covered arch. It would require a volume to describe
the treasures of art and industry with which it abounded. Here the empress
had her private library and her private picture gallery. Raphael's celebrated
gallery in the Vatican at Rome was exactly repeated here with the most
accurate copies of all the paintings, corner pieces and other ornaments of
the same size and in the same situations. Medals, engravings, curious pieces
of art, models of mechanical inventions and collections of specimens of
minerals and of objects of natural history crowded the cabinets. Chambers
were arranged for all species of amusements. A pleasure garden was
constructed upon arches, with furnaces beneath them in winter, that the
plants might ever enjoy genial heat. This garden was covered with fine
brass wire, that the birds from all countries, singing among the trees and
shrubs, or hopping along the grass plots and gravel walks, and which the
empress was accustomed to feed with her own hand, might not escape.
While the storms of a Russian winter were howling without, the empress
here could tread upon verdant lawns and gravel walks beneath luxuriant
vegetation, listening to bird songs and partaking of fruits and flowers of
every kind.
Page 349
In this artificial Eden the empress often received Henry, the Prussian prince,
and matured her plan for the partition of Poland. The festivities which
dazzled the eyes of the frivolous courtiers were hardly thought of by
Catharine and Henry. Mr. Richardson, an English gentleman who was in the
family of Lord Cathcart, then the British embassador at the Russian court,
had sufficient sagacity to detect that, beneath this display of amusements,
political intrigues of great moment were being woven. He wrote from St.
Petersburg, on the 1st of January, 1771, as follows:
"This city, since the beginning of winter, has exhibited a
continued scene of festivities; feasts, balls, concerts, plays, and
masquerades in continued succession; and all in honor of, and to
divert his royal highness, Prince Henry of Prussia, the famous
brother of the present king. Yet his royal highness does not seem
to be much diverted. He looks at them as an old cat looks at the
gambols of a young kitten; or as one who has higher sport going
on in his mind than the pastime of fiddling and dancing. He
came here on pretense of a friendly visit to the empress; to have
the happiness of waiting on so magnanimous a princess, and to
see, with his own eyes, the progress of those immense
improvements, so highly celebrated by Voltaire and those
French writers who receive gifts from her majesty.
"But do you seriously imagine that this creature of skin and
bone should travel through Sweden, Finland and Poland, all for
the pleasure of seeing the metropolis and the empress of Russia?
Other princes may pursue such pastime; but the princes of the
house of Brandenburg fly at a nobler quarry. Or is the King of
Prussia, as a tame spectator, to reap no advantage from the
troubles in Poland and the Turkish war? What is the meaning of
his late conferences with the Emperor of Germany? Depend
upon it these planetary conjunctions are the forerunners of great
events. A few months may unfold the secret. You will recollect
the signs when, after this, you shall hear of changes, usurpations
and revolutions."
In one of these interviews, in which the dismemberment of Poland was
resolved on, Catharine said,
and matured her plan for the partition of Poland. The festivities which
dazzled the eyes of the frivolous courtiers were hardly thought of by
Catharine and Henry. Mr. Richardson, an English gentleman who was in the
family of Lord Cathcart, then the British embassador at the Russian court,
had sufficient sagacity to detect that, beneath this display of amusements,
political intrigues of great moment were being woven. He wrote from St.
Petersburg, on the 1st of January, 1771, as follows:
"This city, since the beginning of winter, has exhibited a
continued scene of festivities; feasts, balls, concerts, plays, and
masquerades in continued succession; and all in honor of, and to
divert his royal highness, Prince Henry of Prussia, the famous
brother of the present king. Yet his royal highness does not seem
to be much diverted. He looks at them as an old cat looks at the
gambols of a young kitten; or as one who has higher sport going
on in his mind than the pastime of fiddling and dancing. He
came here on pretense of a friendly visit to the empress; to have
the happiness of waiting on so magnanimous a princess, and to
see, with his own eyes, the progress of those immense
improvements, so highly celebrated by Voltaire and those
French writers who receive gifts from her majesty.
"But do you seriously imagine that this creature of skin and
bone should travel through Sweden, Finland and Poland, all for
the pleasure of seeing the metropolis and the empress of Russia?
Other princes may pursue such pastime; but the princes of the
house of Brandenburg fly at a nobler quarry. Or is the King of
Prussia, as a tame spectator, to reap no advantage from the
troubles in Poland and the Turkish war? What is the meaning of
his late conferences with the Emperor of Germany? Depend
upon it these planetary conjunctions are the forerunners of great
events. A few months may unfold the secret. You will recollect
the signs when, after this, you shall hear of changes, usurpations
and revolutions."
In one of these interviews, in which the dismemberment of Poland was
resolved on, Catharine said,
Page 350
"I will frighten Turkey and flatter England. Do you take it upon
yourself to buy over Austria, and amuse France."
Though the arrangements for the partition were at this time all made, the
portion which was to be assigned to Austria agreed upon, and the extent of
territory which each was to appropriate to itself settled, the formal treaty
was not signed till two years afterwards.
The war still continued to rage on the frontiers of Turkey. After ten months
of almost incessant slaughter, the Turkish army was nearly destroyed. The
empress collected two squadrons of Russian men-of-war at Archangel on
the White Sea, and at Revel on the Baltic, and sent them through the straits
of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean. All Europe was astonished at this
wonderful apparition suddenly presenting itself amidst the islands of the
Archipelago. The inhabitants of the Greek islands were encouraged to rise,
and they drove out their Mussulman oppressors with great slaughter.
Catharine was alike victorious on the land and on the sea; and she began
very seriously to contemplate driving the Turks out of Europe and taking
possession of Constantinople. Her land troops speedily overran the
immense provinces of Bessarabia, Moldavia and Wallachia, and annexed
them to the Russian empire.
The Turkish fleet encountered the Russians in the narrow channel which
separates the island of Scio from Natolia. In one of the fiercest naval battles
on record, and which raged for five hours, the Turkish fleet was entirely
destroyed. A courier was instantly dispatched to St. Petersburg with the
exultant tidings. The rejoicings in St. Petersburg, over this naval victory,
were unbounded. The empress was so elated that she resolved to liberate
both Greece and Egypt from the sway of the Turks. The Turks were in a
terrible panic, and resorted to the most desperate measures to defend the
Dardanelles, that the Russian fleet might not ascend to Constantinople. At
the same time the plague broke out in Constantinople with horrible
violence, a thousand dying daily, for several weeks.
The immense Crimean peninsula contains fifteen thousand square miles,
being twice as large as the State of Massachusetts. The isthmus of Perikop,
which connects it with the mainland, is but five miles in width. The Turks
had fortified this passage by a ditch seventy-two feet wide, and forty-two
yourself to buy over Austria, and amuse France."
Though the arrangements for the partition were at this time all made, the
portion which was to be assigned to Austria agreed upon, and the extent of
territory which each was to appropriate to itself settled, the formal treaty
was not signed till two years afterwards.
The war still continued to rage on the frontiers of Turkey. After ten months
of almost incessant slaughter, the Turkish army was nearly destroyed. The
empress collected two squadrons of Russian men-of-war at Archangel on
the White Sea, and at Revel on the Baltic, and sent them through the straits
of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean. All Europe was astonished at this
wonderful apparition suddenly presenting itself amidst the islands of the
Archipelago. The inhabitants of the Greek islands were encouraged to rise,
and they drove out their Mussulman oppressors with great slaughter.
Catharine was alike victorious on the land and on the sea; and she began
very seriously to contemplate driving the Turks out of Europe and taking
possession of Constantinople. Her land troops speedily overran the
immense provinces of Bessarabia, Moldavia and Wallachia, and annexed
them to the Russian empire.
The Turkish fleet encountered the Russians in the narrow channel which
separates the island of Scio from Natolia. In one of the fiercest naval battles
on record, and which raged for five hours, the Turkish fleet was entirely
destroyed. A courier was instantly dispatched to St. Petersburg with the
exultant tidings. The rejoicings in St. Petersburg, over this naval victory,
were unbounded. The empress was so elated that she resolved to liberate
both Greece and Egypt from the sway of the Turks. The Turks were in a
terrible panic, and resorted to the most desperate measures to defend the
Dardanelles, that the Russian fleet might not ascend to Constantinople. At
the same time the plague broke out in Constantinople with horrible
violence, a thousand dying daily, for several weeks.
The immense Crimean peninsula contains fifteen thousand square miles,
being twice as large as the State of Massachusetts. The isthmus of Perikop,
which connects it with the mainland, is but five miles in width. The Turks
had fortified this passage by a ditch seventy-two feet wide, and forty-two
Page 351
feet deep, and had stationed along this line an army of fifty thousand
Tartars. But the Russians forced the barrier, and the Crimea became a
Russian province. The victorious army, however, soon encountered a foe
whom no courage could vanquish. The plague broke out in their camp, and
spread through all Russia, with desolation which seems incredible, although
well authenticated. In Moscow, not more than one fourth of the inhabitants
were left alive. More than sixty thousand died in that city in less than a year.
For days the dead lay in the streets where they had fallen, there not being
carts or people enough to carry them away. The pestilence gradually
subsided before the intensity of wintry frosts.
The devastations of war and of the plague rendered both the Russians and
Turks desirous of peace. On the 2d of August, 1772, the Russian and
Turkish plenipotentiaries met under tents, on a plain about nineteen miles
north of Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia. The Russian ministers
approached in four grand coaches, preceded by hussars, and attended by
one hundred and sixty servants in livery. The Turkish ministers came on
horseback, with about sixty servants, all dressed in great simplicity. The two
parties, however, could not agree, and the conference was broken up. The
negotiations were soon resumed at Bucharest, but this attempt was also
equally unsuccessful with the first.
The plot for the partition of Poland was now ripe. Russia, Prussia and
Austria had agreed to march their armies into the kingdom and divide a
very large portion of the territory between them. It was as high-handed a
robbery as the world ever witnessed. There is some consolation, however,
in the reflection, that the masses of the people in Poland were quite
unaffected by the change. They were no more oppressed by their new
despots than they had been for ages by their old ones. By this act, Russia
annexed to her territory the enormous addition of three thousand four
hundred and forty square leagues, sparsely inhabited, indeed, yet containing
a population of one million five hundred thousand. Austria obtained less
territory, but nearly twice as many inhabitants. Prussia obtained the
contiguous provinces she coveted, with about nine hundred thousand
inhabitants. They still left to the King of Poland, in this first partition, a
small fragment of his kingdom. The King of Prussia removed from his
portion the first year twelve thousand families, who were sent to populate
the uninhabited wilds of his hereditary dominions. All the young men were
Tartars. But the Russians forced the barrier, and the Crimea became a
Russian province. The victorious army, however, soon encountered a foe
whom no courage could vanquish. The plague broke out in their camp, and
spread through all Russia, with desolation which seems incredible, although
well authenticated. In Moscow, not more than one fourth of the inhabitants
were left alive. More than sixty thousand died in that city in less than a year.
For days the dead lay in the streets where they had fallen, there not being
carts or people enough to carry them away. The pestilence gradually
subsided before the intensity of wintry frosts.
The devastations of war and of the plague rendered both the Russians and
Turks desirous of peace. On the 2d of August, 1772, the Russian and
Turkish plenipotentiaries met under tents, on a plain about nineteen miles
north of Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia. The Russian ministers
approached in four grand coaches, preceded by hussars, and attended by
one hundred and sixty servants in livery. The Turkish ministers came on
horseback, with about sixty servants, all dressed in great simplicity. The two
parties, however, could not agree, and the conference was broken up. The
negotiations were soon resumed at Bucharest, but this attempt was also
equally unsuccessful with the first.
The plot for the partition of Poland was now ripe. Russia, Prussia and
Austria had agreed to march their armies into the kingdom and divide a
very large portion of the territory between them. It was as high-handed a
robbery as the world ever witnessed. There is some consolation, however,
in the reflection, that the masses of the people in Poland were quite
unaffected by the change. They were no more oppressed by their new
despots than they had been for ages by their old ones. By this act, Russia
annexed to her territory the enormous addition of three thousand four
hundred and forty square leagues, sparsely inhabited, indeed, yet containing
a population of one million five hundred thousand. Austria obtained less
territory, but nearly twice as many inhabitants. Prussia obtained the
contiguous provinces she coveted, with about nine hundred thousand
inhabitants. They still left to the King of Poland, in this first partition, a
small fragment of his kingdom. The King of Prussia removed from his
portion the first year twelve thousand families, who were sent to populate
the uninhabited wilds of his hereditary dominions. All the young men were
Page 352
seized and sent to the Prussian army. The same general course was pursued
by Russia. That the Polish population might be incorporated with that of
Russia, and all national individuality lost, the Poles were removed into
ancient Russia, while whole provinces of Russians were sent to populate
Poland.
The vast wealth which at this time the Russian court was able to extort from
labor, may be inferred from the fact, that while the empress was carrying on
the most expensive wars, her disbursements to favorites, generals and
literary men—in encouraging the arts, purchasing libraries, pictures,
statues, antiques and jewels, vastly exceeded that of any European prince
excepting Louis XIV. A diamond of very large size and purity, weighing
seven hundred and seventy-nine carats, was brought from Ispahan by a
Greek. Catharine purchased it for five hundred thousand dollars, settling at
the same time a pension of five thousand dollars for life, upon the fortunate
Greek of whom she bought it.
The war still raged fiercely in Turkey with the usual vicissitudes of battles.
The Danube at length became the boundary between the hostile armies, its
wide expanse of water, its islands and its wooded shores affording endless
opportunity for surprises, ambuscades, flight and pursuit. Under these
circumstances war was prosecuted with an enormous loss of life; but as the
wasting armies were continually being replenished, it seemed as though
there could be no end to the strife.
Catharine had for some time been meditating a marriage for her son, the
Grand Duke Paul. There was a grand duchy in Germany, on the Rhine,
almost equally divided by that stream, called Darmstadt. It contained three
thousand nine hundred square miles, being about half the size of the State
of Massachusetts, and embraced a population of nearly a million. The Duke
of Darmstadt had three very attractive daughters, either one of whom,
Catharine thought, would make a very suitable match for her son. She
accordingly invited the three young ladies, with their mother, to visit her
court, that her son might, after a careful scrutiny, take his pick. The
brilliance of the prospective match with the tzar of all the Russias
outweighed every scruple, and the invitation was eagerly accepted. Paul
was cold as an iceberg, stubborn as a mule and crack-brained, but he could
place on the brow of his spouse the crown of an empress. Catharine
by Russia. That the Polish population might be incorporated with that of
Russia, and all national individuality lost, the Poles were removed into
ancient Russia, while whole provinces of Russians were sent to populate
Poland.
The vast wealth which at this time the Russian court was able to extort from
labor, may be inferred from the fact, that while the empress was carrying on
the most expensive wars, her disbursements to favorites, generals and
literary men—in encouraging the arts, purchasing libraries, pictures,
statues, antiques and jewels, vastly exceeded that of any European prince
excepting Louis XIV. A diamond of very large size and purity, weighing
seven hundred and seventy-nine carats, was brought from Ispahan by a
Greek. Catharine purchased it for five hundred thousand dollars, settling at
the same time a pension of five thousand dollars for life, upon the fortunate
Greek of whom she bought it.
The war still raged fiercely in Turkey with the usual vicissitudes of battles.
The Danube at length became the boundary between the hostile armies, its
wide expanse of water, its islands and its wooded shores affording endless
opportunity for surprises, ambuscades, flight and pursuit. Under these
circumstances war was prosecuted with an enormous loss of life; but as the
wasting armies were continually being replenished, it seemed as though
there could be no end to the strife.
Catharine had for some time been meditating a marriage for her son, the
Grand Duke Paul. There was a grand duchy in Germany, on the Rhine,
almost equally divided by that stream, called Darmstadt. It contained three
thousand nine hundred square miles, being about half the size of the State
of Massachusetts, and embraced a population of nearly a million. The Duke
of Darmstadt had three very attractive daughters, either one of whom,
Catharine thought, would make a very suitable match for her son. She
accordingly invited the three young ladies, with their mother, to visit her
court, that her son might, after a careful scrutiny, take his pick. The
brilliance of the prospective match with the tzar of all the Russias
outweighed every scruple, and the invitation was eagerly accepted. Paul
was cold as an iceberg, stubborn as a mule and crack-brained, but he could
place on the brow of his spouse the crown of an empress. Catharine
Page 353
received her guests with the greatest magnificence, loaded them with
presents, and finally chose one of them, Wilhelmina, for the bride of Paul.
The marriage was solemnized on the 10th of November, 1773, with all the
splendor with which the Russian court could invest the occasion, the
festivities being continued from the 10th to the 21st of the month.
Catharine, with her own hand, kept up a regular correspondence with many
literary and scientific men in other parts of Europe, particularly with
Voltaire and Diderot, the illustrious philosophers of France. Several times
she sent them earnest invitations to visit her court. Diderot accepted her
invitation, and was received with confiding and friendly attentions which no
merely crowned head could have secured. Diderot sat at the table of the
empress, and daily held long social interviews with her, conversing upon
politics, philosophy, legislation, freedom of conscience and the rights of
nations. Catharine was charmed with the enthusiasm and eloquence of her
guest, but she perfectly appreciated the genius and the puerility combined in
his character.
"Diderot," said she, "is a hundred years old in many respects, but in others
he is no more than ten."
The following letter from Catharine to Diderot, written with all the freedom
of the most confidential correspondence, gives a clearer view of the
character of Catharine's mind, and of her energy, than any description could
give.
"Now we are speaking of haughtiness, I have a mind to make a general
confession to you on that head. I have had great successes during this war;
that I am glad of it, you will very naturally conclude. I find that Russia will
be well known by this war. It will be seen how indefatigable a nation it is;
that she possesses men of eminent merit, and who have all the qualities
which go to the forming of heroes. It will be seen that she is deficient in no
resources, but that she can defend herself and prosecute a war with vigor
whenever she is unjustly attacked.
"Brimful of these ideas, I have never once thought of Catharine, who, at the
age of forty-two, can increase neither in body nor in mind, but, in the
natural order of things, ought to remain, and will remain, as she is. Do her
presents, and finally chose one of them, Wilhelmina, for the bride of Paul.
The marriage was solemnized on the 10th of November, 1773, with all the
splendor with which the Russian court could invest the occasion, the
festivities being continued from the 10th to the 21st of the month.
Catharine, with her own hand, kept up a regular correspondence with many
literary and scientific men in other parts of Europe, particularly with
Voltaire and Diderot, the illustrious philosophers of France. Several times
she sent them earnest invitations to visit her court. Diderot accepted her
invitation, and was received with confiding and friendly attentions which no
merely crowned head could have secured. Diderot sat at the table of the
empress, and daily held long social interviews with her, conversing upon
politics, philosophy, legislation, freedom of conscience and the rights of
nations. Catharine was charmed with the enthusiasm and eloquence of her
guest, but she perfectly appreciated the genius and the puerility combined in
his character.
"Diderot," said she, "is a hundred years old in many respects, but in others
he is no more than ten."
The following letter from Catharine to Diderot, written with all the freedom
of the most confidential correspondence, gives a clearer view of the
character of Catharine's mind, and of her energy, than any description could
give.
"Now we are speaking of haughtiness, I have a mind to make a general
confession to you on that head. I have had great successes during this war;
that I am glad of it, you will very naturally conclude. I find that Russia will
be well known by this war. It will be seen how indefatigable a nation it is;
that she possesses men of eminent merit, and who have all the qualities
which go to the forming of heroes. It will be seen that she is deficient in no
resources, but that she can defend herself and prosecute a war with vigor
whenever she is unjustly attacked.
"Brimful of these ideas, I have never once thought of Catharine, who, at the
age of forty-two, can increase neither in body nor in mind, but, in the
natural order of things, ought to remain, and will remain, as she is. Do her
Page 354
affairs go on well? she says, so much the better. If they prosper less, she
would employ all her faculties to put them in a better train.
"This is my ambition, and I have none other. What I tell you, is the truth. I
will go further, and say that, for the sparing of human blood, I sincerely
wish for peace. But this peace is still a long way off, though the Turks, from
different motives, are ardently desirous of it. Those people know not how to
go about it.
"I wish as much for the pacification of the unreasonable contentions of
Poland. I have to do there with brainless heads, each of which, instead of
contributing to the common peace, on the contrary, throws impediments in
the way of it by caprice and levity. My embassador has published a
declaration adapted to open their eyes. But it is to be presumed that they
will rather expose themselves to the last extremity than adopt, without
delay, a wise and consistent rule of conduct. The vortices of Descartes never
existed anywhere but in Poland. There every head is a vortex turning
continually around itself. It is stopped by chance alone, and never by reason
or judgment.
"I have not yet received your Questions,[21] or your watches from Ferney. I
have no doubt that the work of your artificers is perfect, since they work
under your eyes. Do not scold your rustics for having sent me a surplus of
watches. The expense of them will not ruin me. It would be very
unfortunate for me if I were so far reduced as not to have, for sudden
emergencies, such small sums whenever I want them. Judge not, I beseech
you, of our finances by those of the other ruined potentates of Europe.
Though we have been engaged in war for three years, we proceed in our
buildings, and every thing else goes on as in a time of profound peace. It is
two years since any new impost was levied. The war, at present, has its
fixed establishment; that once regulated, it never disturbs the course of
other affairs. If we capture another Kesa or two, the war is paid for.
"I shall be satisfied with myself whenever I meet with your approbation,
monsieur. I likewise, a few weeks ago, read over again my instructions for
the code, because I then thought peace to be nearer at hand than it is, and I
found that I was right in composing them. I confess that this code will give
would employ all her faculties to put them in a better train.
"This is my ambition, and I have none other. What I tell you, is the truth. I
will go further, and say that, for the sparing of human blood, I sincerely
wish for peace. But this peace is still a long way off, though the Turks, from
different motives, are ardently desirous of it. Those people know not how to
go about it.
"I wish as much for the pacification of the unreasonable contentions of
Poland. I have to do there with brainless heads, each of which, instead of
contributing to the common peace, on the contrary, throws impediments in
the way of it by caprice and levity. My embassador has published a
declaration adapted to open their eyes. But it is to be presumed that they
will rather expose themselves to the last extremity than adopt, without
delay, a wise and consistent rule of conduct. The vortices of Descartes never
existed anywhere but in Poland. There every head is a vortex turning
continually around itself. It is stopped by chance alone, and never by reason
or judgment.
"I have not yet received your Questions,[21] or your watches from Ferney. I
have no doubt that the work of your artificers is perfect, since they work
under your eyes. Do not scold your rustics for having sent me a surplus of
watches. The expense of them will not ruin me. It would be very
unfortunate for me if I were so far reduced as not to have, for sudden
emergencies, such small sums whenever I want them. Judge not, I beseech
you, of our finances by those of the other ruined potentates of Europe.
Though we have been engaged in war for three years, we proceed in our
buildings, and every thing else goes on as in a time of profound peace. It is
two years since any new impost was levied. The war, at present, has its
fixed establishment; that once regulated, it never disturbs the course of
other affairs. If we capture another Kesa or two, the war is paid for.
"I shall be satisfied with myself whenever I meet with your approbation,
monsieur. I likewise, a few weeks ago, read over again my instructions for
the code, because I then thought peace to be nearer at hand than it is, and I
found that I was right in composing them. I confess that this code will give
Page 355
me a considerable deal of trouble before it is brought to that degree of
perfection at which I wish to see it. But no matter, it must be completed.
"Perhaps, in a little time, the khan of the Crimea will be brought to me in
person. I learn, this moment, that he did not cross the sea with the Turks,
but that he remained in the mountains with a very small number of
followers, nearly as was the case with the Pretender, in Scotland, after the
defeat at Culloden. If he comes to me, we will try to polish him this winter,
and, to take my revenge of him, I will make him dance, and he shall go to
the French comedy.
"Just as I was about to fold up this letter, I received yours of the 10th of
July, in which you inform me of the adventure that happened to my
'Instruction'[22] in France. I knew that anecdote, and even the appendix to it,
in consequence of the order of the Duke of Choiseul. I own that I laughed
on reading it in the newspapers, and I found that I was amply revenged."
———
perfection at which I wish to see it. But no matter, it must be completed.
"Perhaps, in a little time, the khan of the Crimea will be brought to me in
person. I learn, this moment, that he did not cross the sea with the Turks,
but that he remained in the mountains with a very small number of
followers, nearly as was the case with the Pretender, in Scotland, after the
defeat at Culloden. If he comes to me, we will try to polish him this winter,
and, to take my revenge of him, I will make him dance, and he shall go to
the French comedy.
"Just as I was about to fold up this letter, I received yours of the 10th of
July, in which you inform me of the adventure that happened to my
'Instruction'[22] in France. I knew that anecdote, and even the appendix to it,
in consequence of the order of the Duke of Choiseul. I own that I laughed
on reading it in the newspapers, and I found that I was amply revenged."
———
Page 356
[20] Vaccination, or inoculation with the cow-pox, was not introduced to Europe until many years
after this. The celebrated treatise of Jenner, entitled An inquiry into the causes and effects of Variolæ
Vaccinæ, was published in 1798.
[21] Questions sur l'Encyclopedie.
[22] Her majesty's instruction for a code of laws.
CHAPTER XXVI.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1774 to 1781.
Peace with Turkey.—Court of Catharine II.—Her Personal Appearance
and Habits.—Conspiracy and Rebellion.—Defeat of the Rebels.—
Magnanimity of Catharine II.—Ambition of the Empress.—Court
Favorite.—Division of Russia into Provinces.—Internal Improvements.—
New Partition of Poland.—Death of the Wife of Paul.—Second
Marriage of the Grand Duke.—Splendor of the Russian Court.—Russia
and Austria Secretly Combine to Drive the Turks out of Europe.—The
Emperor Joseph II.
In 1774 peace was concluded with Turkey, on terms which added greatly to
the renown and grandeur of Russia. By this treaty the Crimea was severed
from the Ottoman Porte, and declared to be independent. Russia obtained
the free navigation of the Black Sea, the Bosporus and the Dardanelles.
Immense tracts of land, lying on the Euxine, were ceded to Russia, and the
Grand Seignior also paid Catharine a large sum of money to defray the
expenses of the war. No language can describe the exultation which this
treaty created in St. Petersburg. Eight days were devoted, by order of the
empress, to feasts and rejoicings. The doors of the prisons were thrown
open, and even the Siberian exiles were permitted to return.
after this. The celebrated treatise of Jenner, entitled An inquiry into the causes and effects of Variolæ
Vaccinæ, was published in 1798.
[21] Questions sur l'Encyclopedie.
[22] Her majesty's instruction for a code of laws.
CHAPTER XXVI.
REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1774 to 1781.
Peace with Turkey.—Court of Catharine II.—Her Personal Appearance
and Habits.—Conspiracy and Rebellion.—Defeat of the Rebels.—
Magnanimity of Catharine II.—Ambition of the Empress.—Court
Favorite.—Division of Russia into Provinces.—Internal Improvements.—
New Partition of Poland.—Death of the Wife of Paul.—Second
Marriage of the Grand Duke.—Splendor of the Russian Court.—Russia
and Austria Secretly Combine to Drive the Turks out of Europe.—The
Emperor Joseph II.
In 1774 peace was concluded with Turkey, on terms which added greatly to
the renown and grandeur of Russia. By this treaty the Crimea was severed
from the Ottoman Porte, and declared to be independent. Russia obtained
the free navigation of the Black Sea, the Bosporus and the Dardanelles.
Immense tracts of land, lying on the Euxine, were ceded to Russia, and the
Grand Seignior also paid Catharine a large sum of money to defray the
expenses of the war. No language can describe the exultation which this
treaty created in St. Petersburg. Eight days were devoted, by order of the
empress, to feasts and rejoicings. The doors of the prisons were thrown
open, and even the Siberian exiles were permitted to return.
Page 357
The court of Catharine II. at this period was the most brilliant in Europe. In
no other court was more attention paid to the most polished and agreeable
manners. The expenditure on her court establishment amounted to nearly
four millions of dollars a year. In personal appearance the empress was
endowed with the attractions both of beauty and of queenly dignity. A
cotemporary writer thus describes her:
"She is of that stature which is necessarily requisite to perfect elegance of
form in a lady. She has fine large blue eyes, with eyebrows and hair of a
brownish color. Her mouth is well-proportioned, chin round, with a
forehead regular and open. Her hands and arms are round and white, and
her figure plump. Her bosom is full, her neck high, and she carries her head
with peculiar grace.
"The empress never wears rich clothes except on solemn festivals, when her
head and corset are entirely set with brilliants, and she wears a crown of
diamonds and precious stones. Her gait is majestic; and, in the whole of her
form and manner there is something so dignified and noble, that if she were
to be seen without ornament or any outward marks of distinction, among a
great number of ladies of rank, she would be immediately esteemed the
chief. She seems born to command, though in her character there is more of
liveliness than of gravity. She is courteous, gentle, benevolent and
outwardly devout."
Like almost every one who has attained distinction, Catharine was very
systematic in the employment of her time. She usually rose at about five
o'clock both in summer and winter; and what seems most remarkable,
prepared her own simple breakfast, as she was not fond of being waited
upon. But a short time was devoted to her toilet. From eight to eleven in the
forenoon she was busy in her cabinet, signing commissions and issuing
orders of various purport. The hour, from eleven to twelve, was daily
devoted to divine worship in her chapel. Then, until one o'clock, she gave
audience to the ministers of the various departments. From half past one till
two she dined. She then returned to her cabinet, where she was busily
employed in cares of state until four o'clock, when she took an airing in a
coach or sledge. At six she usually exhibited herself for a short time to her
subjects at the theater, and at ten o'clock she retired. Court balls were not
unfrequently given, but the empress never condescended to dance, though
no other court was more attention paid to the most polished and agreeable
manners. The expenditure on her court establishment amounted to nearly
four millions of dollars a year. In personal appearance the empress was
endowed with the attractions both of beauty and of queenly dignity. A
cotemporary writer thus describes her:
"She is of that stature which is necessarily requisite to perfect elegance of
form in a lady. She has fine large blue eyes, with eyebrows and hair of a
brownish color. Her mouth is well-proportioned, chin round, with a
forehead regular and open. Her hands and arms are round and white, and
her figure plump. Her bosom is full, her neck high, and she carries her head
with peculiar grace.
"The empress never wears rich clothes except on solemn festivals, when her
head and corset are entirely set with brilliants, and she wears a crown of
diamonds and precious stones. Her gait is majestic; and, in the whole of her
form and manner there is something so dignified and noble, that if she were
to be seen without ornament or any outward marks of distinction, among a
great number of ladies of rank, she would be immediately esteemed the
chief. She seems born to command, though in her character there is more of
liveliness than of gravity. She is courteous, gentle, benevolent and
outwardly devout."
Like almost every one who has attained distinction, Catharine was very
systematic in the employment of her time. She usually rose at about five
o'clock both in summer and winter; and what seems most remarkable,
prepared her own simple breakfast, as she was not fond of being waited
upon. But a short time was devoted to her toilet. From eight to eleven in the
forenoon she was busy in her cabinet, signing commissions and issuing
orders of various purport. The hour, from eleven to twelve, was daily
devoted to divine worship in her chapel. Then, until one o'clock, she gave
audience to the ministers of the various departments. From half past one till
two she dined. She then returned to her cabinet, where she was busily
employed in cares of state until four o'clock, when she took an airing in a
coach or sledge. At six she usually exhibited herself for a short time to her
subjects at the theater, and at ten o'clock she retired. Court balls were not
unfrequently given, but the empress never condescended to dance, though
Page 358
occasionally she would make one at a game of cards. She, however, took
but little interest in the game, being much more fond of talking with the
ladies, generals and ministers who surrounded her. Even from these court
balls the very sensible empress usually retired, by a side door, at ten o'clock.
The empress informed herself minutely of every thing which concerned the
administration of government. Her ministers were merely instruments in her
hands executing her imperial will. All matters relating to the army, the navy,
the finances, the punishment of crime and to foreign affairs, were reported
to her by her ministers, and were guided by her decisions.
There must always be, in every government, an opposition party—that is, a
party who wish to eject from office those in power, that they themselves
may enjoy the loaves and fishes of governmental favor. This is peculiarly
the case in an empire where a large class of haughty nobles are struggling
for the preëminence. Many of the bigoted clergy were exasperated by the
toleration which the empress enjoined, and they united with the disaffected
lords in a conspiracy for a revolution. The clergy in the provinces had great
influence over the unlettered boors, and the conspiracy soon assumed a very
threatening aspect. The first rising of rebellion was by the wild population
scattered along the banks of the Don. The rebellion was headed by an
impostor, who declared that he was Peter III., and that, having escaped from
those who had attempted his assassination, he had concealed himself for a
long time, waiting for vengeance. This barbaric chieftain, who was called
Pugatshef, very soon found himself at the head of fourteen thousand fierce
warriors, and commenced ravaging oriental Russia. For a season his march
was a constant victory. Many thousand Siberian exiles escaped from their
gloomy realms and joined his standards. So astonishing was his success,
that even Catharine trembled. Pugatshef waged a war of extermination
against the nobles who were the supporters of Catharine, in cold blood
beheading their wives and children, and conferring their titles and estates
upon his followers. The empress found it necessary to rouse all her energies
to meet this peril. She issued a manifesto, which was circulated through all
the towns of the empire, and raised a large army, which was dispatched to
crush the rebellion. Battle after battle ensued, until, at last, in a decisive
conflict, the hosts of Pugatshef were utterly cut up.
but little interest in the game, being much more fond of talking with the
ladies, generals and ministers who surrounded her. Even from these court
balls the very sensible empress usually retired, by a side door, at ten o'clock.
The empress informed herself minutely of every thing which concerned the
administration of government. Her ministers were merely instruments in her
hands executing her imperial will. All matters relating to the army, the navy,
the finances, the punishment of crime and to foreign affairs, were reported
to her by her ministers, and were guided by her decisions.
There must always be, in every government, an opposition party—that is, a
party who wish to eject from office those in power, that they themselves
may enjoy the loaves and fishes of governmental favor. This is peculiarly
the case in an empire where a large class of haughty nobles are struggling
for the preëminence. Many of the bigoted clergy were exasperated by the
toleration which the empress enjoined, and they united with the disaffected
lords in a conspiracy for a revolution. The clergy in the provinces had great
influence over the unlettered boors, and the conspiracy soon assumed a very
threatening aspect. The first rising of rebellion was by the wild population
scattered along the banks of the Don. The rebellion was headed by an
impostor, who declared that he was Peter III., and that, having escaped from
those who had attempted his assassination, he had concealed himself for a
long time, waiting for vengeance. This barbaric chieftain, who was called
Pugatshef, very soon found himself at the head of fourteen thousand fierce
warriors, and commenced ravaging oriental Russia. For a season his march
was a constant victory. Many thousand Siberian exiles escaped from their
gloomy realms and joined his standards. So astonishing was his success,
that even Catharine trembled. Pugatshef waged a war of extermination
against the nobles who were the supporters of Catharine, in cold blood
beheading their wives and children, and conferring their titles and estates
upon his followers. The empress found it necessary to rouse all her energies
to meet this peril. She issued a manifesto, which was circulated through all
the towns of the empire, and raised a large army, which was dispatched to
crush the rebellion. Battle after battle ensued, until, at last, in a decisive
conflict, the hosts of Pugatshef were utterly cut up.
Page 359
Still, this indefatigable warrior soon raised another army from the untamed
barbarians of the Don, and, rapidly descending the Volga, attacked, by
surprise, some Russian regiments encamped upon its banks, and routed
them with fearful slaughter. The astronomer, Lovitch, a member of the
imperial academy of sciences at St. Petersburg, was, at that time, under the
protection of these regiments, surveying the route for a canal between the
Don and the Volga. Pugatshef ordered his dragoons to thrust their pikes into
the unfortunate man, and raise him upon them into the air, "in order," said
he, "that he may be nearer the stars." They did this, and then cut him to
pieces with their sabers.
The troops of Catharine pursued the rebels, encountered them in some
intricate passes of the mountains, whence escape was impossible, and
overwhelmed them with destruction. Their vigorous leader, leaping from
crag to crag, escaped, swam the Volga, crossed, in solitude, vast deserts, and
made new attempts to rally partisans around him. But his last hour was
sounded. Deserted by all, he was wandering from place to place, pursued
like a wild beast, when some of his own confederates, basely betraying him,
seized him, after a violent struggle, put him in irons, and delivered him to
one of the officers of the Russian army. The wretched man, preserving
impenetrable silence, was conveyed to Moscow in an iron cage. Refusing to
eat, food was forced down his stomach. The empress immediately
appointed a commission for the trial of the rebel. She instructed the court to
be satisfied with whatever voluntary confession of his crime he might
make, forbidding them to apply the torture, or to require him to name his
accomplices. The culprit was sentenced to have his hands and feet cut off,
and then to be quartered. By order of the empress, however, he was first
beheaded. Eight of his accomplices were also executed, eighteen underwent
the knout, and were then exiled to Siberia. Thus terminated a rebellion
which cost the lives of more than a hundred thousand men.
Over those wide regions, whose exact boundaries are even now scarcely
known, numerous nations are scattered, quite distinct in language, religion
and customs, and so separated by almost impassable deserts, that they know
but little of each other. These wilds, peopled by war-loving races, afford the
most attractive field for military adventures. The energy and sagacity with
which Catharine crushed this formidable rebellion added greatly to her
renown. Tranquillity being restored, the empress, in order to crown a
barbarians of the Don, and, rapidly descending the Volga, attacked, by
surprise, some Russian regiments encamped upon its banks, and routed
them with fearful slaughter. The astronomer, Lovitch, a member of the
imperial academy of sciences at St. Petersburg, was, at that time, under the
protection of these regiments, surveying the route for a canal between the
Don and the Volga. Pugatshef ordered his dragoons to thrust their pikes into
the unfortunate man, and raise him upon them into the air, "in order," said
he, "that he may be nearer the stars." They did this, and then cut him to
pieces with their sabers.
The troops of Catharine pursued the rebels, encountered them in some
intricate passes of the mountains, whence escape was impossible, and
overwhelmed them with destruction. Their vigorous leader, leaping from
crag to crag, escaped, swam the Volga, crossed, in solitude, vast deserts, and
made new attempts to rally partisans around him. But his last hour was
sounded. Deserted by all, he was wandering from place to place, pursued
like a wild beast, when some of his own confederates, basely betraying him,
seized him, after a violent struggle, put him in irons, and delivered him to
one of the officers of the Russian army. The wretched man, preserving
impenetrable silence, was conveyed to Moscow in an iron cage. Refusing to
eat, food was forced down his stomach. The empress immediately
appointed a commission for the trial of the rebel. She instructed the court to
be satisfied with whatever voluntary confession of his crime he might
make, forbidding them to apply the torture, or to require him to name his
accomplices. The culprit was sentenced to have his hands and feet cut off,
and then to be quartered. By order of the empress, however, he was first
beheaded. Eight of his accomplices were also executed, eighteen underwent
the knout, and were then exiled to Siberia. Thus terminated a rebellion
which cost the lives of more than a hundred thousand men.
Over those wide regions, whose exact boundaries are even now scarcely
known, numerous nations are scattered, quite distinct in language, religion
and customs, and so separated by almost impassable deserts, that they know
but little of each other. These wilds, peopled by war-loving races, afford the
most attractive field for military adventures. The energy and sagacity with
which Catharine crushed this formidable rebellion added greatly to her
renown. Tranquillity being restored, the empress, in order to crown a
Page 360
general pardon, forbade any further allusion whatever to be made to the
rebellion, consigning all its painful events to utter oblivion. She even
forbade the publication of the details of the trial, saying,
"I shall keep the depositions of Pugatshef secret, that they may not
aggravate the disgrace of those who spurred him on."
The empress was ambitious to make her influence felt in every European
movement, and she was conscious that, in order to command the respect of
other courts, she must ever have a formidable army at her disposal. In all
the great movements of kings and courts this wonderful woman performed
her part with dignity which no monarch, male or female, has ever
surpassed. It is strange that it has taken so many centuries for the nations to
learn that peace, not war, enriches realms. Had Russia abstained from those
wars in which she has unnecessarily engaged, she might now have been the
most wealthy and powerful nation on the globe. Admitting that there have
been many wars which, involving her national existence, she could not have
avoided, still she has squandered countless millions of money and of lives
in battles which were quite unnecessary. Russia, like the United States, is
safe from all attacks from without. Had Russia employed the yearly
earnings of the empire in cultivating the fields, rearing towns, and in
extending the arts of industry and refinement, infinitely more would have
been accomplished for her happiness and renown than by the most brilliant
conquests. But Catharine, in her high ambition, seemed to be afraid that
Europe might forget her, and she was eager to have her voice heard in the
deliberations of every cabinet, and to have her banners unfurled in the
march of every army.
There was an office, in the court of the empress, sanctioned by time in
Russia, which has not existed in any other court in Europe. It perhaps
originated from the fact that for about three fourths of a century Russia was
almost exclusively governed by women. The court favorite was not merely
the prime minister, but the confidential friend and companion of the
empress. On the day of his installation he received a purse containing one
hundred thousand dollars, and a salary of twelve thousand dollars a month.
A marshal was also commissioned to provide him a table of twenty-four
covers, and to defray all the expenses of his household. The twelve
thousand dollars a month were for what the ladies call pin money. The
rebellion, consigning all its painful events to utter oblivion. She even
forbade the publication of the details of the trial, saying,
"I shall keep the depositions of Pugatshef secret, that they may not
aggravate the disgrace of those who spurred him on."
The empress was ambitious to make her influence felt in every European
movement, and she was conscious that, in order to command the respect of
other courts, she must ever have a formidable army at her disposal. In all
the great movements of kings and courts this wonderful woman performed
her part with dignity which no monarch, male or female, has ever
surpassed. It is strange that it has taken so many centuries for the nations to
learn that peace, not war, enriches realms. Had Russia abstained from those
wars in which she has unnecessarily engaged, she might now have been the
most wealthy and powerful nation on the globe. Admitting that there have
been many wars which, involving her national existence, she could not have
avoided, still she has squandered countless millions of money and of lives
in battles which were quite unnecessary. Russia, like the United States, is
safe from all attacks from without. Had Russia employed the yearly
earnings of the empire in cultivating the fields, rearing towns, and in
extending the arts of industry and refinement, infinitely more would have
been accomplished for her happiness and renown than by the most brilliant
conquests. But Catharine, in her high ambition, seemed to be afraid that
Europe might forget her, and she was eager to have her voice heard in the
deliberations of every cabinet, and to have her banners unfurled in the
march of every army.
There was an office, in the court of the empress, sanctioned by time in
Russia, which has not existed in any other court in Europe. It perhaps
originated from the fact that for about three fourths of a century Russia was
almost exclusively governed by women. The court favorite was not merely
the prime minister, but the confidential friend and companion of the
empress. On the day of his installation he received a purse containing one
hundred thousand dollars, and a salary of twelve thousand dollars a month.
A marshal was also commissioned to provide him a table of twenty-four
covers, and to defray all the expenses of his household. The twelve
thousand dollars a month were for what the ladies call pin money. The
Page 361
favorite occupied in the palace an apartment beneath that of the empress, to
which it communicated by a private stair-case. He attended the empress on
all parties of amusement, at the opera, the theater, balls, promenades and
excursions of pleasure, and he was not allowed to leave the palace without
express permission. It was also understood that he should pay no attention
to any lady but the empress.
The year 1775 dawned upon Russia with peace at home and abroad.
Catharine devoted herself anew to the improvement of her subjects in
education and all physical comforts. Prince Gregory Orlof had been for
many years the favorite of the empress, but he was now laid aside, and
Count Potemkin took his place.
Catharine now divided her extensive realms into forty-three great
provinces, over each of which a governor was appointed. These provinces
embraced from six to eight hundred thousand inhabitants. There was then a
subdivision into districts or circles, as they were called. There were some
ten of these districts in each province, and they contained from forty to
sixty thousand inhabitants. An entire system of government was established
for each province, with its laws and tribunals, that provision might be made
for every thing essential to the improvement and embellishment of the
country. The governors of these provinces were invested with great dignity
and splendor. The gubernatorial courts, if they may so be called, established
centers of elegance and refinement, which it was hoped would exert a
powerful influence in polishing a people exceedingly rude and uncultivated.
There were also immense advantages derived from the uniform
administration of justice thus established. This new division of the empire
was the most comprehensive reform Russia had yet experienced. Thus the
most extensive empire on the globe, with its geographical divisions so vast
and dissimilar, was cemented into one homogeneous body politic.
Until this great reform the inhabitants of the most distant provinces had
been compelled to travel to Petersburg and Moscow in their appeals to the
tribunals of justice. Now there were superior courts in all the provinces, and
inferior courts in all the districts. In all important cases there was an appeal
to the council of the empress. Russian ships, laden with the luxuries of the
Mediterranean, passed through the Dardanelles and the Bosporus, and
landed their precious freights upon the shores of Azof, from whence they
which it communicated by a private stair-case. He attended the empress on
all parties of amusement, at the opera, the theater, balls, promenades and
excursions of pleasure, and he was not allowed to leave the palace without
express permission. It was also understood that he should pay no attention
to any lady but the empress.
The year 1775 dawned upon Russia with peace at home and abroad.
Catharine devoted herself anew to the improvement of her subjects in
education and all physical comforts. Prince Gregory Orlof had been for
many years the favorite of the empress, but he was now laid aside, and
Count Potemkin took his place.
Catharine now divided her extensive realms into forty-three great
provinces, over each of which a governor was appointed. These provinces
embraced from six to eight hundred thousand inhabitants. There was then a
subdivision into districts or circles, as they were called. There were some
ten of these districts in each province, and they contained from forty to
sixty thousand inhabitants. An entire system of government was established
for each province, with its laws and tribunals, that provision might be made
for every thing essential to the improvement and embellishment of the
country. The governors of these provinces were invested with great dignity
and splendor. The gubernatorial courts, if they may so be called, established
centers of elegance and refinement, which it was hoped would exert a
powerful influence in polishing a people exceedingly rude and uncultivated.
There were also immense advantages derived from the uniform
administration of justice thus established. This new division of the empire
was the most comprehensive reform Russia had yet experienced. Thus the
most extensive empire on the globe, with its geographical divisions so vast
and dissimilar, was cemented into one homogeneous body politic.
Until this great reform the inhabitants of the most distant provinces had
been compelled to travel to Petersburg and Moscow in their appeals to the
tribunals of justice. Now there were superior courts in all the provinces, and
inferior courts in all the districts. In all important cases there was an appeal
to the council of the empress. Russian ships, laden with the luxuries of the
Mediterranean, passed through the Dardanelles and the Bosporus, and
landed their precious freights upon the shores of Azof, from whence they
Page 362
were transported into the heart of Russia, thus opening a very lucrative
commerce.
The Polish nobles, a very turbulent and intractable race of men, were
overawed by the power of Catharine, and the masses of the Polish people
were doubtless benefited by their transference to new masters. Russia was
far more benignant in its treatment of the conquered provinces, than were
her banditti accomplices, Prussia and Austria.
The road to China, traversed by caravans, was long and perilous, through
pathless and inhospitable wilds, where, for leagues, no inhabitant could be
seen, and yet where a fertile soil and a genial clime promised, to the hand of
industry, all the comforts and luxuries of life. All along this road she planted
villages, and, by the most alluring offers, induced settlers to establish
themselves on all portions of the route. Large sums of money were
expended in rendering the rivers navigable.
In the year 1776, the grand duchess, consort of Paul, who was heir to the
throne, died in childbirth, and was buried in the same grave with her babe.
About the same time Prince Henry of Prussia visited the Russian court to
confer with Catharine upon some difficulties which had arisen in the
demarcations of Poland. It will be remembered that in the division which
had now taken place, the whole kingdom had not been seized, but a remnant
had been left as the humble patrimony of Poniatowski, the king. In this
interview with the empress, Prince Henry said,
"Madam, I see one sure method of obviating all difficulty. It may perhaps
be displeasing to you on account of Poniatowski.[23] But you will
nevertheless do well to give it your approbation, since compensations may
be offered to that monarch of greater value to him than the throne which is
continually tottering under him. The remainder of Poland must be
partitioned."
The empress cordially embraced the plan, and the annihilation of Poland
was decreed. It was necessary to move slowly and with caution in the
execution of the plan. In the meantime, as the grand duchess had died,
leaving no heir to the empire, the empress deemed it a matter of the utmost
moment to secure another wife for the Grand Duke Paul, lest Russia should
be exposed to the perils of a disputed succession. Natalia was hardly cold in
commerce.
The Polish nobles, a very turbulent and intractable race of men, were
overawed by the power of Catharine, and the masses of the Polish people
were doubtless benefited by their transference to new masters. Russia was
far more benignant in its treatment of the conquered provinces, than were
her banditti accomplices, Prussia and Austria.
The road to China, traversed by caravans, was long and perilous, through
pathless and inhospitable wilds, where, for leagues, no inhabitant could be
seen, and yet where a fertile soil and a genial clime promised, to the hand of
industry, all the comforts and luxuries of life. All along this road she planted
villages, and, by the most alluring offers, induced settlers to establish
themselves on all portions of the route. Large sums of money were
expended in rendering the rivers navigable.
In the year 1776, the grand duchess, consort of Paul, who was heir to the
throne, died in childbirth, and was buried in the same grave with her babe.
About the same time Prince Henry of Prussia visited the Russian court to
confer with Catharine upon some difficulties which had arisen in the
demarcations of Poland. It will be remembered that in the division which
had now taken place, the whole kingdom had not been seized, but a remnant
had been left as the humble patrimony of Poniatowski, the king. In this
interview with the empress, Prince Henry said,
"Madam, I see one sure method of obviating all difficulty. It may perhaps
be displeasing to you on account of Poniatowski.[23] But you will
nevertheless do well to give it your approbation, since compensations may
be offered to that monarch of greater value to him than the throne which is
continually tottering under him. The remainder of Poland must be
partitioned."
The empress cordially embraced the plan, and the annihilation of Poland
was decreed. It was necessary to move slowly and with caution in the
execution of the plan. In the meantime, as the grand duchess had died,
leaving no heir to the empire, the empress deemed it a matter of the utmost
moment to secure another wife for the Grand Duke Paul, lest Russia should
be exposed to the perils of a disputed succession. Natalia was hardly cold in
Page 363
her grave ere the empress proposed to Prince Henry, that his niece, the
princess of Wirtemberg, should become the spouse of the grand duke. The
princess was already betrothed to the hereditary prince of Hesse Darmstadt,
but both Henry and his imperial brother, Frederic of Prussia, deemed the
marriage of their niece with the prospective Emperor of Russia a match far
too brilliant to be thwarted by so slight an obstacle. Frederic himself
informed the prince of the exalted offer which had been made to his
betrothed, and without much difficulty secured his relinquishment of his
contemplated bride. Frederic deemed it a matter of infinite moment that the
ties subsisting between Russia and Prussia should be more closely drawn.
He wrote to his brother Henry of his success, and by the same courier
invited the Grand Duke Paul to visit Berlin that he might see the new
spouse designed for him. He also expressed his own ardent desire to
become acquainted with the grand duke.
Catharine, highly gratified with this success, placed a purse of fifty
thousand dollars in the hands of her son to defray the expenses of his
journey. It was at the close of the summer of 1776 when the grand duke left
the palaces of St. Petersburg to visit those of Berlin. His mother, who made
all the arrangements, dispatched her son on this visit in a style of regal
splendor. When the party reached Riga, a courier overtook them with the
following characteristic letter, written by the empress's own hand to Prince
Henry:
"June 11, 1776.
"I take the liberty of transmitting to your royal highness the four letters of
which I spoke to you, and which you promised to take care of. The first is
for the king, your brother, and the others for the prince and princesses of
Wirtemberg. I venture to pray you, that if my son should bestow his heart
on the Princess Sophia, as I have no doubt but what he will, to deliver the
three letters according to their directions, and to support the contents of
them with that persuasive eloquence with which God has endowed you.
"The convincing and reiterated proofs which you have given me of your
friendship, the high esteem which I have conceived for your virtues, and the
extent of the confidence which you have taught me to repose in you, leave
princess of Wirtemberg, should become the spouse of the grand duke. The
princess was already betrothed to the hereditary prince of Hesse Darmstadt,
but both Henry and his imperial brother, Frederic of Prussia, deemed the
marriage of their niece with the prospective Emperor of Russia a match far
too brilliant to be thwarted by so slight an obstacle. Frederic himself
informed the prince of the exalted offer which had been made to his
betrothed, and without much difficulty secured his relinquishment of his
contemplated bride. Frederic deemed it a matter of infinite moment that the
ties subsisting between Russia and Prussia should be more closely drawn.
He wrote to his brother Henry of his success, and by the same courier
invited the Grand Duke Paul to visit Berlin that he might see the new
spouse designed for him. He also expressed his own ardent desire to
become acquainted with the grand duke.
Catharine, highly gratified with this success, placed a purse of fifty
thousand dollars in the hands of her son to defray the expenses of his
journey. It was at the close of the summer of 1776 when the grand duke left
the palaces of St. Petersburg to visit those of Berlin. His mother, who made
all the arrangements, dispatched her son on this visit in a style of regal
splendor. When the party reached Riga, a courier overtook them with the
following characteristic letter, written by the empress's own hand to Prince
Henry:
"June 11, 1776.
"I take the liberty of transmitting to your royal highness the four letters of
which I spoke to you, and which you promised to take care of. The first is
for the king, your brother, and the others for the prince and princesses of
Wirtemberg. I venture to pray you, that if my son should bestow his heart
on the Princess Sophia, as I have no doubt but what he will, to deliver the
three letters according to their directions, and to support the contents of
them with that persuasive eloquence with which God has endowed you.
"The convincing and reiterated proofs which you have given me of your
friendship, the high esteem which I have conceived for your virtues, and the
extent of the confidence which you have taught me to repose in you, leave
Page 364
me no doubt on the success of a business which I have so much at heart.
Was it possible for me to place it in better hands?
"Your royal highness is surely an unique in the art of negotiation. Pardon
me that expression of my friendship. But I think that there has never been
an affair of this nature transacted as this is; which is the production of the
most intimate friendship and confidence.
"That princess will be the pledge of it. I shall not be able to see her without
recollecting in what manner this business was begun, continued and
terminated, between the royal house of Prussia and that of Russia. May it
perpetuate the connections which unite us!
"I conclude by very tenderly thanking your royal highness for all the cares
and all the troubles you have given yourself; and I beseech you to be
assured that my gratitude, my friendship, my esteem, and the high
consideration which I have for you, will terminate only with my life.
"Catharine."
The Grand Duke Paul was received in Berlin with all the honors due his
rank as heir to the imperial throne of Russia. The great Frederic even came
to the door of his apartment to greet his guest. The grand duke was escorted
into the city with much pomp. Thirty-four trumpeters, winding their bugles,
preceded him, all in rich uniform. Then came a strong array of soldiers.
These were followed by a civic procession, in brilliant decorations. Three
superb state coaches, containing the dignitaries of Berlin, came next in the
train, followed by a detachment of the life-guards, who preceded the
magnificent chariot of the duke, which chariot was regarded as the most
superb which had then ever been seen, and which was drawn by eight of the
finest horses Prussia could produce. This carriage conveyed Paul and Prince
Henry. A hundred dragoons, as a guard of honor, closed the procession. At
the gates of the city the magistracy received Paul beneath a triumphal arch,
where seventy beautiful girls, dressed like nymphs and shepherdesses,
presented the grand duke with complimentary verses, and crowned him
with a garland of flowers. The ringing of bells, the pealing of cannon,
strains of martial music, and the acclamations of the multitude, greeted Paul
from the time he entered the gates until he reached the royal palace.
Was it possible for me to place it in better hands?
"Your royal highness is surely an unique in the art of negotiation. Pardon
me that expression of my friendship. But I think that there has never been
an affair of this nature transacted as this is; which is the production of the
most intimate friendship and confidence.
"That princess will be the pledge of it. I shall not be able to see her without
recollecting in what manner this business was begun, continued and
terminated, between the royal house of Prussia and that of Russia. May it
perpetuate the connections which unite us!
"I conclude by very tenderly thanking your royal highness for all the cares
and all the troubles you have given yourself; and I beseech you to be
assured that my gratitude, my friendship, my esteem, and the high
consideration which I have for you, will terminate only with my life.
"Catharine."
The Grand Duke Paul was received in Berlin with all the honors due his
rank as heir to the imperial throne of Russia. The great Frederic even came
to the door of his apartment to greet his guest. The grand duke was escorted
into the city with much pomp. Thirty-four trumpeters, winding their bugles,
preceded him, all in rich uniform. Then came a strong array of soldiers.
These were followed by a civic procession, in brilliant decorations. Three
superb state coaches, containing the dignitaries of Berlin, came next in the
train, followed by a detachment of the life-guards, who preceded the
magnificent chariot of the duke, which chariot was regarded as the most
superb which had then ever been seen, and which was drawn by eight of the
finest horses Prussia could produce. This carriage conveyed Paul and Prince
Henry. A hundred dragoons, as a guard of honor, closed the procession. At
the gates of the city the magistracy received Paul beneath a triumphal arch,
where seventy beautiful girls, dressed like nymphs and shepherdesses,
presented the grand duke with complimentary verses, and crowned him
with a garland of flowers. The ringing of bells, the pealing of cannon,
strains of martial music, and the acclamations of the multitude, greeted Paul
from the time he entered the gates until he reached the royal palace.
Page 365
"Sire," exclaimed Paul, as he took the hand of the King of Prussia, "the
motives which bring me from the extremities of the North to these happy
dominions, are the desire of assuring your majesty of the friendship and
alliance to subsist henceforth and for ever between Russia and Prussia, and
the eagerness to see a princess destined to ascend the throne of the Russian
empire. By my receiving her at your hands, I assure you that she will be
more dear to myself and to the nation over which she is to reign. It has also
been one of the most ardent aspirations of my soul to contemplate the
greatest of heroes, the admiration of our age and the astonishment of
posterity."
Here the king interrupted him, replying,
"Instead of which, you behold a hoary-headed valitudinarian, who could
never have wished for a superior happiness than that of welcoming within
these walls the hopeful heir of a mighty empire, the only son of my best
friend, Catharine."
After half an hour's conversation, the grand duke was led into the apartment
of the queen, where the court was assembled. Here he was introduced to his
contemplated bride, Sophia, Princess of Wirtemberg, and immediately, in
the name of the Empress of Russia, demanded her in marriage of the grand
duke. The marriage contract was signed the same day. The whole company
then supped with the queen in great magnificence. Feasts and
entertainments succeeded for many days without interruption.
On the 3d of August, Paul returned to St. Petersburg, where his affianced
bride soon joined him. As he took leave, the King of Prussia presented him
with dessert service and a coffee service, with ten porcelain vases of Berlin
manufacture, a ring, containing the king's portrait, surmounted with a
diamond valued at thirty thousand crowns, and also a stud of Prussian
horses and four pieces of rich tapestry. Upon the arrival of the princess, she
was received into the Greek church, assuming the name of Maria, by which
she was ever after called. The marriage soon took place, and from this
marriage arose the two distinguished emperors, Alexander and Nicholas.
The empress was exceedingly gratified by the successful accomplishment
of this plan. With energy which seemed never to tire, she urged forward her
plans for national improvements, establishing schools all over the empire,
motives which bring me from the extremities of the North to these happy
dominions, are the desire of assuring your majesty of the friendship and
alliance to subsist henceforth and for ever between Russia and Prussia, and
the eagerness to see a princess destined to ascend the throne of the Russian
empire. By my receiving her at your hands, I assure you that she will be
more dear to myself and to the nation over which she is to reign. It has also
been one of the most ardent aspirations of my soul to contemplate the
greatest of heroes, the admiration of our age and the astonishment of
posterity."
Here the king interrupted him, replying,
"Instead of which, you behold a hoary-headed valitudinarian, who could
never have wished for a superior happiness than that of welcoming within
these walls the hopeful heir of a mighty empire, the only son of my best
friend, Catharine."
After half an hour's conversation, the grand duke was led into the apartment
of the queen, where the court was assembled. Here he was introduced to his
contemplated bride, Sophia, Princess of Wirtemberg, and immediately, in
the name of the Empress of Russia, demanded her in marriage of the grand
duke. The marriage contract was signed the same day. The whole company
then supped with the queen in great magnificence. Feasts and
entertainments succeeded for many days without interruption.
On the 3d of August, Paul returned to St. Petersburg, where his affianced
bride soon joined him. As he took leave, the King of Prussia presented him
with dessert service and a coffee service, with ten porcelain vases of Berlin
manufacture, a ring, containing the king's portrait, surmounted with a
diamond valued at thirty thousand crowns, and also a stud of Prussian
horses and four pieces of rich tapestry. Upon the arrival of the princess, she
was received into the Greek church, assuming the name of Maria, by which
she was ever after called. The marriage soon took place, and from this
marriage arose the two distinguished emperors, Alexander and Nicholas.
The empress was exceedingly gratified by the successful accomplishment
of this plan. With energy which seemed never to tire, she urged forward her
plans for national improvements, establishing schools all over the empire,
Page 366
which were munificently supported at the imperial expense. The splendor of
the Russian court, during the reign of Catharine, surpassed all ordinary
powers of description. Almost boundless wealth was lavished upon
gorgeous dresses—lords and ladies glittering alike in most costly jewelry.
Many courtiers appeared almost literally covered with diamonds. They
sparkled, in most lavish profusion, upon their buttons, their buckles, the
scabbards of their swords, their epaulets, and many even wore a triple row
as a band around the hat. Frequently eight thousand tickets were given out
for a ball at the palace, and yet there was no crowd, for twenty saloons, of
magnificent dimensions, brilliantly lighted, afforded room for all. Her
majesty usually entered the saloons about seven o'clock, and retired about
ten.
The empress never ceased to look with a wistful eye upon the regions which
the Turks had wrested from the Christians. The commercial greatness of
Russia, in her view, imperiously required that Constantinople and its
adjacent shores should be in her possession. In May, 1780, Catharine had an
interview with Joseph II., Emperor of Germany, at Mohilef. Both
sovereigns traveled with great pomp to meet at this place. After several
confidential interviews, they agreed to unite their forces to drive the Turks
out of Europe, and to share the spoil between them. It was also agreed to
reëstablish the ancient republics of Greece. The emperor, Joseph II.,
received an earnest invitation to visit Moscow, which he accepted, but, with
characteristic eccentricity, refused to travel with the queen, as he was
excessively annoyed by the trammels of etiquette and ceremonial pomp.
The empress, consequently, returned to St. Petersburg, and Joseph II. set out
for Moscow in the following fashion:
Leaving his carriages with his suite to follow, he proceeded alone,
incognito, on horse-back, as the avant courier. At each station he would
announce that his master the emperor, with the imperial carriages, was
coming on, and that dinner, supper or lodgings must be provided for so
many persons. Calling for a slice of ham and a cup of beer, he would throw
himself upon a bench for a few hours' repose, constantly refusing to take a
bed, as the expedition he must make would not allow this indulgence.
At Mohilef, the empress had provided magnificent apartments, in the
palace, for the emperor; but he insisted upon taking lodgings at an ordinary
the Russian court, during the reign of Catharine, surpassed all ordinary
powers of description. Almost boundless wealth was lavished upon
gorgeous dresses—lords and ladies glittering alike in most costly jewelry.
Many courtiers appeared almost literally covered with diamonds. They
sparkled, in most lavish profusion, upon their buttons, their buckles, the
scabbards of their swords, their epaulets, and many even wore a triple row
as a band around the hat. Frequently eight thousand tickets were given out
for a ball at the palace, and yet there was no crowd, for twenty saloons, of
magnificent dimensions, brilliantly lighted, afforded room for all. Her
majesty usually entered the saloons about seven o'clock, and retired about
ten.
The empress never ceased to look with a wistful eye upon the regions which
the Turks had wrested from the Christians. The commercial greatness of
Russia, in her view, imperiously required that Constantinople and its
adjacent shores should be in her possession. In May, 1780, Catharine had an
interview with Joseph II., Emperor of Germany, at Mohilef. Both
sovereigns traveled with great pomp to meet at this place. After several
confidential interviews, they agreed to unite their forces to drive the Turks
out of Europe, and to share the spoil between them. It was also agreed to
reëstablish the ancient republics of Greece. The emperor, Joseph II.,
received an earnest invitation to visit Moscow, which he accepted, but, with
characteristic eccentricity, refused to travel with the queen, as he was
excessively annoyed by the trammels of etiquette and ceremonial pomp.
The empress, consequently, returned to St. Petersburg, and Joseph II. set out
for Moscow in the following fashion:
Leaving his carriages with his suite to follow, he proceeded alone,
incognito, on horse-back, as the avant courier. At each station he would
announce that his master the emperor, with the imperial carriages, was
coming on, and that dinner, supper or lodgings must be provided for so
many persons. Calling for a slice of ham and a cup of beer, he would throw
himself upon a bench for a few hours' repose, constantly refusing to take a
bed, as the expedition he must make would not allow this indulgence.
At Mohilef, the empress had provided magnificent apartments, in the
palace, for the emperor; but he insisted upon taking lodgings at an ordinary
Page 367
inn. At St. Petersburg, notwithstanding the emperor's repugnance to pomp,
Catharine received him with entertainments of the greatest magnificence.
Joseph, however, took but little interest in such displays, devoting his
attention almost exclusively to useful establishments and monuments of art.
He was surprised to find at Tula, manufactories of hardware unsurpassed by
those of Sheffield and Birmingham. He expressed his surprise, on his return
home, at the mixture of refinement and barbarism Russia had presented to
his view.
The empress, seeing that so many princes visited foreign countries, decided
to send her son Paul, with Maria, to make the tour of Europe. Obedient to
the maternal commands, they commenced their travels through Poland and
Austria to Italy, and returned to St. Petersburg, through France and Holland,
after an absence of fourteen months. The empress had a confidential agent
in their company, who kept her informed, minutely, of every event which
transpired. A courier was dispatched every day to inform her where they
were and how they were employed.
The relations between Turkey and Russia were continually growing more
threatening. Turkey had been compelled to yield the Crimea, and also to
surrender the navigation of the Euxine, with the Bosporus and the
Dardanelles, to her powerful rival. Galled by these concessions, which had
been forced upon her by bullet and bayonet, the Ottoman Porte was ever
watching to regain her lost power. Russia, instead of being satisfied with
her acquisitions, was eagerly grasping at more. The Greek Christians also,
throughout the Turkish empire, hating their Mussulman oppressors, were
ever watching for opportunities when they could shake off the burden and
the insult of slavery. Thus peace between Russia and Turkey was never
more than an armistice. The two powers constantly faced each other in a
hostile attitude, ever ready to appeal to arms.
———
[23] Poniatowski had been formerly a favorite of the empress.
Catharine received him with entertainments of the greatest magnificence.
Joseph, however, took but little interest in such displays, devoting his
attention almost exclusively to useful establishments and monuments of art.
He was surprised to find at Tula, manufactories of hardware unsurpassed by
those of Sheffield and Birmingham. He expressed his surprise, on his return
home, at the mixture of refinement and barbarism Russia had presented to
his view.
The empress, seeing that so many princes visited foreign countries, decided
to send her son Paul, with Maria, to make the tour of Europe. Obedient to
the maternal commands, they commenced their travels through Poland and
Austria to Italy, and returned to St. Petersburg, through France and Holland,
after an absence of fourteen months. The empress had a confidential agent
in their company, who kept her informed, minutely, of every event which
transpired. A courier was dispatched every day to inform her where they
were and how they were employed.
The relations between Turkey and Russia were continually growing more
threatening. Turkey had been compelled to yield the Crimea, and also to
surrender the navigation of the Euxine, with the Bosporus and the
Dardanelles, to her powerful rival. Galled by these concessions, which had
been forced upon her by bullet and bayonet, the Ottoman Porte was ever
watching to regain her lost power. Russia, instead of being satisfied with
her acquisitions, was eagerly grasping at more. The Greek Christians also,
throughout the Turkish empire, hating their Mussulman oppressors, were
ever watching for opportunities when they could shake off the burden and
the insult of slavery. Thus peace between Russia and Turkey was never
more than an armistice. The two powers constantly faced each other in a
hostile attitude, ever ready to appeal to arms.
———
[23] Poniatowski had been formerly a favorite of the empress.
Page 368
CHAPTER XXVII.
TERMINATION OF THE REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1781 to 1786.
Statue of Peter the Great.—Alliance between Austria and Russia.—
Independence of the Crimea.—The Khan of the Crimea.—Vast
Preparations for War.—National Jealousies.—Tolerant Spirit of
Catharine.—Magnificent Excursion to the Crimea.—Commencement of
Hostilities.—Anecdote of Paul.—Peace.—New Partition of Poland.—
Treaty with Austria and France.—Hostility to Liberty in France.—
Death of Catharine.—Her Character.
Catharine found time, amidst all the cares of empire, to devote special
attention to the education of her grandchildren Alexander and Constantine,
who had been born during the five years which had now elapsed since the
marriage of Paul and Maria. For their instruction as they advanced in years,
she wrote several historical and moral essays of no small merit. The "Tales
of Chlor, Son of the Tzar," and "The Little Samoyede," are beautiful
compositions from her pen, alike attractive to the mature and the youthful
mind. The histories and essays she wrote for these children have since been
collected and printed in French, under the title of "Bibliotheque des grands-
ducs Alexandre et Constantin."
The empress, about this time, resolved to erect, in St. Petersburg, a statue of
Peter the Great, which should be worthy of his renown. A French artist, M.
Falconet, was engaged to execute this important work. He conceived the
design of having, for a pedestal, a rugged rock, to indicate the rude and
unpolished character of the people to whom the emperor had introduced so
many of the arts of civilization. Immediate search was made to find a
suitable rock. About eight miles from the city a huge boulder was
discovered, forty-two feet long, thirty-four feet broad, and twenty-one feet
high. It was found, by geometric calculation, that this enormous mass
weighed three millions two hundred thousand pounds. It was necessary to
transport it over heights and across morasses to the Neva, and there to float
it down to the place of its destination. The boulder lay imbedded a few feet
TERMINATION OF THE REIGN OF CATHARINE II.
From 1781 to 1786.
Statue of Peter the Great.—Alliance between Austria and Russia.—
Independence of the Crimea.—The Khan of the Crimea.—Vast
Preparations for War.—National Jealousies.—Tolerant Spirit of
Catharine.—Magnificent Excursion to the Crimea.—Commencement of
Hostilities.—Anecdote of Paul.—Peace.—New Partition of Poland.—
Treaty with Austria and France.—Hostility to Liberty in France.—
Death of Catharine.—Her Character.
Catharine found time, amidst all the cares of empire, to devote special
attention to the education of her grandchildren Alexander and Constantine,
who had been born during the five years which had now elapsed since the
marriage of Paul and Maria. For their instruction as they advanced in years,
she wrote several historical and moral essays of no small merit. The "Tales
of Chlor, Son of the Tzar," and "The Little Samoyede," are beautiful
compositions from her pen, alike attractive to the mature and the youthful
mind. The histories and essays she wrote for these children have since been
collected and printed in French, under the title of "Bibliotheque des grands-
ducs Alexandre et Constantin."
The empress, about this time, resolved to erect, in St. Petersburg, a statue of
Peter the Great, which should be worthy of his renown. A French artist, M.
Falconet, was engaged to execute this important work. He conceived the
design of having, for a pedestal, a rugged rock, to indicate the rude and
unpolished character of the people to whom the emperor had introduced so
many of the arts of civilization. Immediate search was made to find a
suitable rock. About eight miles from the city a huge boulder was
discovered, forty-two feet long, thirty-four feet broad, and twenty-one feet
high. It was found, by geometric calculation, that this enormous mass
weighed three millions two hundred thousand pounds. It was necessary to
transport it over heights and across morasses to the Neva, and there to float
it down to the place of its destination. The boulder lay imbedded a few feet
Page 369
in the ground, absolutely detached from all other rock, and with no similar
substance anywhere in the vicinity.
It would seem impossible that a mass so stupendous could be moved. But
difficulties only roused the energies of Catharine. In the first place, a solid
road was made for its passage. After four months' labor, with very ingenious
machinery, the rock was so far raised as to enable them to slip under it
heavy plates of brass, which rested upon cannon balls five inches in
diameter, and which balls ran in grooves of solid metal. Then, by
windlasses, worked by four hundred men, it was slowly forced along its
way. Having arrived at the Neva, it was floated down the river by what are
called camels, that is immense floating fabrics constructed with air
chambers so as to render them very buoyant.
This statue as completed is regarded as one of the grandest ever executed.
The tzar is represented as on horseback, ascending a steep rock, the summit
of which he is resolved to attain. In an Asiatic dress and crowned with
laurel, he is pointing forward with his right hand, while with his left he
holds the bridle of the magnificent charger on which he is mounted. The
horse stands on his hind feet bounding forward, trampling beneath a brazen
serpent, emblematic of the opposition the monarch encountered and
overcame. It bears the simple inscription, "To Peter the First, by Catharine
the Second, 1782." The whole expense of the statue amounted to over four
hundred thousand dollars, an immense sum for that day, when a dollar was
worth more than many dollars now.
At the close of the year 1782, the Emperor of Germany and Catharine II.
entered into an alliance for the more energetic prosecution of the war
against the Turks. They issued very spirited proclamations enumerating
their grievances, and immediately appeared on the Turkish frontiers with
vast armies. The attention of Catharine was constantly directed towards
Constantinople, the acquisition of which city, with the Bosporus and the
Dardanelles, was the object which, of all others, was the nearest to her
heart. On the banks of the Dnieper, eighteen hundred miles from St.
Petersburg, she laid the foundations of Kherson as a maritime port, and in
an almost incredibly short time a city rose there containing forty thousand
inhabitants. From its ship-yards vessels of war were launched which struck
terror into the Ottoman empire.
substance anywhere in the vicinity.
It would seem impossible that a mass so stupendous could be moved. But
difficulties only roused the energies of Catharine. In the first place, a solid
road was made for its passage. After four months' labor, with very ingenious
machinery, the rock was so far raised as to enable them to slip under it
heavy plates of brass, which rested upon cannon balls five inches in
diameter, and which balls ran in grooves of solid metal. Then, by
windlasses, worked by four hundred men, it was slowly forced along its
way. Having arrived at the Neva, it was floated down the river by what are
called camels, that is immense floating fabrics constructed with air
chambers so as to render them very buoyant.
This statue as completed is regarded as one of the grandest ever executed.
The tzar is represented as on horseback, ascending a steep rock, the summit
of which he is resolved to attain. In an Asiatic dress and crowned with
laurel, he is pointing forward with his right hand, while with his left he
holds the bridle of the magnificent charger on which he is mounted. The
horse stands on his hind feet bounding forward, trampling beneath a brazen
serpent, emblematic of the opposition the monarch encountered and
overcame. It bears the simple inscription, "To Peter the First, by Catharine
the Second, 1782." The whole expense of the statue amounted to over four
hundred thousand dollars, an immense sum for that day, when a dollar was
worth more than many dollars now.
At the close of the year 1782, the Emperor of Germany and Catharine II.
entered into an alliance for the more energetic prosecution of the war
against the Turks. They issued very spirited proclamations enumerating
their grievances, and immediately appeared on the Turkish frontiers with
vast armies. The attention of Catharine was constantly directed towards
Constantinople, the acquisition of which city, with the Bosporus and the
Dardanelles, was the object which, of all others, was the nearest to her
heart. On the banks of the Dnieper, eighteen hundred miles from St.
Petersburg, she laid the foundations of Kherson as a maritime port, and in
an almost incredibly short time a city rose there containing forty thousand
inhabitants. From its ship-yards vessels of war were launched which struck
terror into the Ottoman empire.
Page 370
By previous wars, it will be remembered, the Crimea had been wrested
from the Turks and declared to be independent, remaining nominally in the
hands of the Tartars. Catharine II. immediately took the Tartar khan of the
Crimea under her special protection, loaded him with favors, and thus
assumed the guidance of his movements. He became enervated by luxury,
learned to despise the rude manners of his countrymen, engaged a Russian
cook, and was served from silver plate. Instead of riding on horseback he
traveled in a splendid chariot, and even solicited a commission in the
Russian army. Catharine contrived to foment a revolt against her protegé
the khan, and then, very kindly, marched an army into the Crimea for his
relief. She then, without any apology, took possession of the whole of the
Crimea, and received the oath of allegiance from all the officers of the
government. Indeed, there appears to have been no opposition to this
measure. The Tartar khan yielded with so much docility that he soon issued
a manifesto in which he abdicated his throne, and transferred the whole
dominion of his country to Catharine. Turkey, exasperated, prepared herself
furiously for war. Russia formed an alliance with the Emperor of Germany,
and armies were soon in movement upon a scale such as even those war-
scathed regions had never witnessed before. The Danube, throughout its
whole course, was burdened with the barges of the Emperor of Germany,
heavily laden with artillery, military stores and troops. More than a hundred
thousand men were marched down to the theater of conflict from Hungary.
Fifteen hundred pieces of artillery were in the train of these vast armies of
the German emperor. The Russian force was equally efficient, as it directed
its march through the plains of Poland, and floated down upon the waters of
the Don and the Dnieper. The Turkish sultan was not wanting in energy.
From all his wide-spread domains in Europe and Asia, he marshaled his
hosts, and engaged from other nations of Europe, and particularly from
France, the most skillful officers and engineers, to introduce into his armies
European discipline and improvements in weapons of war.
The Ottoman Porte issued a manifesto, which was a very remarkable
document both in vigor of style and nobility of sentiment. After severely
denouncing the enormous encroachments of Russia, extending her
dominions unscrupulously in every direction, the sultan asked indignantly,
"What right can Russia have to territories annexed for ages to the
dominions of the Porte? Should the Porte make such claims on any portion
from the Turks and declared to be independent, remaining nominally in the
hands of the Tartars. Catharine II. immediately took the Tartar khan of the
Crimea under her special protection, loaded him with favors, and thus
assumed the guidance of his movements. He became enervated by luxury,
learned to despise the rude manners of his countrymen, engaged a Russian
cook, and was served from silver plate. Instead of riding on horseback he
traveled in a splendid chariot, and even solicited a commission in the
Russian army. Catharine contrived to foment a revolt against her protegé
the khan, and then, very kindly, marched an army into the Crimea for his
relief. She then, without any apology, took possession of the whole of the
Crimea, and received the oath of allegiance from all the officers of the
government. Indeed, there appears to have been no opposition to this
measure. The Tartar khan yielded with so much docility that he soon issued
a manifesto in which he abdicated his throne, and transferred the whole
dominion of his country to Catharine. Turkey, exasperated, prepared herself
furiously for war. Russia formed an alliance with the Emperor of Germany,
and armies were soon in movement upon a scale such as even those war-
scathed regions had never witnessed before. The Danube, throughout its
whole course, was burdened with the barges of the Emperor of Germany,
heavily laden with artillery, military stores and troops. More than a hundred
thousand men were marched down to the theater of conflict from Hungary.
Fifteen hundred pieces of artillery were in the train of these vast armies of
the German emperor. The Russian force was equally efficient, as it directed
its march through the plains of Poland, and floated down upon the waters of
the Don and the Dnieper. The Turkish sultan was not wanting in energy.
From all his wide-spread domains in Europe and Asia, he marshaled his
hosts, and engaged from other nations of Europe, and particularly from
France, the most skillful officers and engineers, to introduce into his armies
European discipline and improvements in weapons of war.
The Ottoman Porte issued a manifesto, which was a very remarkable
document both in vigor of style and nobility of sentiment. After severely
denouncing the enormous encroachments of Russia, extending her
dominions unscrupulously in every direction, the sultan asked indignantly,
"What right can Russia have to territories annexed for ages to the
dominions of the Porte? Should the Porte make such claims on any portion
Page 371
of the Russian dominions, would they not be repulsed? And can it be
presumed that the Sublime Porte, however desirous of peace, will acquiesce
in wrong which, however it may be disguised, reason and equity must deem
absolute usurpation? What northern power has the Porte offended? Whose
territories have the Ottoman troops invaded? In the country of what prince
is the Turkish standard displayed? Content with the boundaries of empire
assigned by God and the Prophet, the wishes of the Porte are for peace; but
if the court of Russia be determined in her claim, and will not recede
without the acquisition of territories which do not belong to her, the
Sublime Porte, appealing to the world for the justice of its proceedings,
must prepare for war, relying on the decrees of Heaven, and confident in the
interposition of the Prophet of prophets, that he will protect his faithful
followers in the hour of every difficulty."
No Mohammedan pen could have produced so vigorous a document. It was
written by the English minister at Constantinople, Sir Robert Ainslie.
Catharine II., apprehensive that, while all her armies were engaged on the
banks of the Euxine, Sweden might attack her on the shores of the Baltic,
decided to form a new treaty of peace with Gustavus III. An interview was
arranged to take place at Frederiksham, a small but strongly fortified town
upon the Gulf of Finland, the last town occupied by the Russians towards
the frontiers of Sweden. The empress repaired thither in a yacht the 29th of
June, 1783. Gustavus III., with his suite, met her at the appointed hour. Two
contiguous houses were prepared, furnished with the utmost splendor, and
connected by a gallery, so that, during the four days these sovereigns
remained at Frederiksham, they could meet and converse at any time. There
is still a picture existing, painted by order of Catharine, representing the
empress and the Swedish monarch in one of their most confidential
interviews. Catharine II. promised Gustavus that if he would faithfully
remain neutral during her war with Turkey she would, at its close, aid
Sweden in gaining possession of Norway. The two sovereigns, having
exchanged rich presents, separated, mutually delighted with each other.
The empress had now seventy thousand men on the frontiers of the Crimea,
and a reserve of forty thousand on the march to strengthen them. A third
army of great power was rendezvoused at Kief. A large squadron of ships of
war was ready for battle in the Sea of Azof, and another squadron was
prepared to sail from the Baltic for the Mediterranean. England, alarmed by
presumed that the Sublime Porte, however desirous of peace, will acquiesce
in wrong which, however it may be disguised, reason and equity must deem
absolute usurpation? What northern power has the Porte offended? Whose
territories have the Ottoman troops invaded? In the country of what prince
is the Turkish standard displayed? Content with the boundaries of empire
assigned by God and the Prophet, the wishes of the Porte are for peace; but
if the court of Russia be determined in her claim, and will not recede
without the acquisition of territories which do not belong to her, the
Sublime Porte, appealing to the world for the justice of its proceedings,
must prepare for war, relying on the decrees of Heaven, and confident in the
interposition of the Prophet of prophets, that he will protect his faithful
followers in the hour of every difficulty."
No Mohammedan pen could have produced so vigorous a document. It was
written by the English minister at Constantinople, Sir Robert Ainslie.
Catharine II., apprehensive that, while all her armies were engaged on the
banks of the Euxine, Sweden might attack her on the shores of the Baltic,
decided to form a new treaty of peace with Gustavus III. An interview was
arranged to take place at Frederiksham, a small but strongly fortified town
upon the Gulf of Finland, the last town occupied by the Russians towards
the frontiers of Sweden. The empress repaired thither in a yacht the 29th of
June, 1783. Gustavus III., with his suite, met her at the appointed hour. Two
contiguous houses were prepared, furnished with the utmost splendor, and
connected by a gallery, so that, during the four days these sovereigns
remained at Frederiksham, they could meet and converse at any time. There
is still a picture existing, painted by order of Catharine, representing the
empress and the Swedish monarch in one of their most confidential
interviews. Catharine II. promised Gustavus that if he would faithfully
remain neutral during her war with Turkey she would, at its close, aid
Sweden in gaining possession of Norway. The two sovereigns, having
exchanged rich presents, separated, mutually delighted with each other.
The empress had now seventy thousand men on the frontiers of the Crimea,
and a reserve of forty thousand on the march to strengthen them. A third
army of great power was rendezvoused at Kief. A large squadron of ships of
war was ready for battle in the Sea of Azof, and another squadron was
prepared to sail from the Baltic for the Mediterranean. England, alarmed by
Page 372
the growth of Russia, did every thing in her power to stimulate the Turks to
action. But the Porte, overawed by the force brought against her,
notwithstanding the brave manifesto it had been induced to issue, sued for
peace. Yielding to all the demands of Russia a treaty was soon signed.
Catharine gained undisputed possession of the Crimea, large portions of
Circassia, the whole of the Black Sea, and also the free passage of the
Dardanelles. Thus, without firing a gun, Russia gained several thousand
square miles of territory, and an addition of more than a million and a half
of inhabitants, with commercial privileges which added greatly to the
wealth of the empire.
Catharine's fleet now rode triumphantly upon the Caspian, and she resolved
to extend her dominions along the western shores of that inland sea. These
vast regions were peopled by warlike tribes, ever engaged in hostilities
against each other. Slowly but surely she advanced her conquests and reared
her fortresses through those barbaric wilds. At the same time she was
pushing her acquisitions with equal sagacity and success along the shores of
Kamtschatka. With great vigor she encouraged her commercial caravans to
penetrate China, and even opened relations with Japan, obtaining from that
jealous people permission to send a trading ship to their coast every year.
No persons are so jealous of the encroachments of others as those who are
least scrupulous in regard to the encroachments which they themselves
make. The English government, whose boast it is that the sun, in its circuit
of the globe, never ceases to shine on their domains, watches with an eagle
eye lest any other government on the globe should venture upon the most
humble act of annexation. So it was with Catharine. Though adding to her
vast dominions in every quarter; though appropriating, alike in peace and in
war, all the territory she could lay her hands upon, she could inveigh against
the inordinate ambition of other nations with the most surprising volubility.
The increasing fame and power of Frederic II. had for some time disturbed
her equanimity, and she manifested great anxiety lest he should be guilty of
the impropriety of annexing some petty duchy to his domains. Since he had
united with Catharine and Austria in the banditti partition of Poland, he had
continually been making all the encroachments in his power; adding acres
to his domains as Catharine added square leagues to hers. In precisely the
same spirit, England, who was grasping at all the world, protested, with the
action. But the Porte, overawed by the force brought against her,
notwithstanding the brave manifesto it had been induced to issue, sued for
peace. Yielding to all the demands of Russia a treaty was soon signed.
Catharine gained undisputed possession of the Crimea, large portions of
Circassia, the whole of the Black Sea, and also the free passage of the
Dardanelles. Thus, without firing a gun, Russia gained several thousand
square miles of territory, and an addition of more than a million and a half
of inhabitants, with commercial privileges which added greatly to the
wealth of the empire.
Catharine's fleet now rode triumphantly upon the Caspian, and she resolved
to extend her dominions along the western shores of that inland sea. These
vast regions were peopled by warlike tribes, ever engaged in hostilities
against each other. Slowly but surely she advanced her conquests and reared
her fortresses through those barbaric wilds. At the same time she was
pushing her acquisitions with equal sagacity and success along the shores of
Kamtschatka. With great vigor she encouraged her commercial caravans to
penetrate China, and even opened relations with Japan, obtaining from that
jealous people permission to send a trading ship to their coast every year.
No persons are so jealous of the encroachments of others as those who are
least scrupulous in regard to the encroachments which they themselves
make. The English government, whose boast it is that the sun, in its circuit
of the globe, never ceases to shine on their domains, watches with an eagle
eye lest any other government on the globe should venture upon the most
humble act of annexation. So it was with Catharine. Though adding to her
vast dominions in every quarter; though appropriating, alike in peace and in
war, all the territory she could lay her hands upon, she could inveigh against
the inordinate ambition of other nations with the most surprising volubility.
The increasing fame and power of Frederic II. had for some time disturbed
her equanimity, and she manifested great anxiety lest he should be guilty of
the impropriety of annexing some petty duchy to his domains. Since he had
united with Catharine and Austria in the banditti partition of Poland, he had
continually been making all the encroachments in his power; adding acres
to his domains as Catharine added square leagues to hers. In precisely the
same spirit, England, who was grasping at all the world, protested, with the
Page 373
most edifying devotion to the claims of justice and humanity, against the
ambitious spirit of Russia. The "beam" did not exclude the vision of the
"mote." Catharine, offended by the opposition of England, retaliated by
entering into a treaty of commerce with France, which deprived England of
an important part of the Russian trade.
The spirit of toleration manifested by Catharine is worthy of all praise.
During the whole of her reign she would not allow any one to be
persecuted, in the slightest degree, on account of religious opinions. All the
conquered provinces were protected in the free exercise of their religion.
Lutherans, Calvinists, Moravians, Papists, Mohammedans, and Pagans of
all kinds, not only enjoyed freedom of opinion and of worship, but could
alike aspire to any post, civil or military, of which they could prove
themselves worthy. At one time, when urged by the hateful spirit of
religious bigotry to frown upon some heresy, she replied smiling,
"Poor wretches! since we know that they are to suffer so much and so long
in the world to come, it is but reasonable that we should endeavor, by all
means, to make their situation here as comfortable as we can."
Though Catharine II. had many great defects of character, she had many
virtues which those who have denounced her most severely might do well
to imitate. Her crowning vice, and the one which, notwithstanding her
virtues, has consigned her name to shame, was that she had a constant
succession of lovers who by secret and very informal nuptial rites were
bound to her for a season, each one of whom was exchanged for another as
caprice incited. The spirit of national aggrandizement which influenced
Catharine, was a spirit possessed, to an equal extent, at that time, by every
cabinet in Christendom. It was the great motive power of the age.
Dismembered Poland excites our sympathy; but Poland was as eager to
share in the partition of other States as she was reluctant to submit to that
operation herself. In personal character Catharine was humane, tolerant,
self-denying, and earnestly devoted to the welfare of her empire. Religious
teachers, of all denominations, freely met at her table. This Christian
liberality, thus encouraged in the palace, spread through the realm,
producing the most beneficial results. On the occasion of a celebrated
festival, Catharine gave a grand dinner party to ecclesiastics of all
communions at the palace. This entertainment she called the "Dinner of
ambitious spirit of Russia. The "beam" did not exclude the vision of the
"mote." Catharine, offended by the opposition of England, retaliated by
entering into a treaty of commerce with France, which deprived England of
an important part of the Russian trade.
The spirit of toleration manifested by Catharine is worthy of all praise.
During the whole of her reign she would not allow any one to be
persecuted, in the slightest degree, on account of religious opinions. All the
conquered provinces were protected in the free exercise of their religion.
Lutherans, Calvinists, Moravians, Papists, Mohammedans, and Pagans of
all kinds, not only enjoyed freedom of opinion and of worship, but could
alike aspire to any post, civil or military, of which they could prove
themselves worthy. At one time, when urged by the hateful spirit of
religious bigotry to frown upon some heresy, she replied smiling,
"Poor wretches! since we know that they are to suffer so much and so long
in the world to come, it is but reasonable that we should endeavor, by all
means, to make their situation here as comfortable as we can."
Though Catharine II. had many great defects of character, she had many
virtues which those who have denounced her most severely might do well
to imitate. Her crowning vice, and the one which, notwithstanding her
virtues, has consigned her name to shame, was that she had a constant
succession of lovers who by secret and very informal nuptial rites were
bound to her for a season, each one of whom was exchanged for another as
caprice incited. The spirit of national aggrandizement which influenced
Catharine, was a spirit possessed, to an equal extent, at that time, by every
cabinet in Christendom. It was the great motive power of the age.
Dismembered Poland excites our sympathy; but Poland was as eager to
share in the partition of other States as she was reluctant to submit to that
operation herself. In personal character Catharine was humane, tolerant,
self-denying, and earnestly devoted to the welfare of her empire. Religious
teachers, of all denominations, freely met at her table. This Christian
liberality, thus encouraged in the palace, spread through the realm,
producing the most beneficial results. On the occasion of a celebrated
festival, Catharine gave a grand dinner party to ecclesiastics of all
communions at the palace. This entertainment she called the "Dinner of
Page 374
Toleration." The representatives of eight different forms of worship met
around this hospitable board.
The instruction of the masses of the people occupied much of the attention
of this extraordinary woman. She commenced with founding schools in the
large towns; and then proceeded to the establishment of them in various
parts of the country. Many normal schools were established for the
education of teachers. The empress herself attended the examinations and
questioned the scholars. On one of these occasions, when a learned German
professor of history was giving a lecture to some pupils, gathered from the
tribes of Siberia, the empress proposed an objection to some views he
advanced. The courtiers were shocked at the learned man's presumption in
replying to the objection in the most conclusive manner. The empress, ever
eager in the acquisition of knowledge, admitted her mistake, and thanked
the professor for having rectified it with so much ability.
She purchased, at a high price, the libraries of D'Alembert, and of Voltaire,
immediately after the death of those illustrious men. She also purchased the
valuable cabinet of natural curiosities collected by Professor Pallas. The
most accomplished engineers she could obtain were sent to explore the
mountains of Caucasus, and even to the frontiers of China. When we
consider the trackless deserts to be explored, the inhospitable climes and
barbarous nations to be encountered, these were enterprises far more
perilous than the circumnavigation of the globe. The scientific expedition to
China was escorted by a corps of eight hundred and ten chosen men, led by
one hundred and seven distinguished officers. The savans were provided
with every thing which could be thought of to promote their comfort and to
aid them in their explorations, and three years were alloted as the probable
term of service required by the mission. At the same time a naval expedition
was fitted out to explore the northern seas, and ascertain the limits of the
Russian empire. But the greatest work of Catharine's reign was the
completion of the canal which united the waters of the Volga and the Neva,
and thus established an inland navigation through all the countries which lie
between the Caspian Sea and the Baltic.
In the year 1786 the empress announced her intention of making a
magnificent journey to the Crimea, in order to be crowned sovereign of her
new conquests. This design was to be executed in the highest style of
around this hospitable board.
The instruction of the masses of the people occupied much of the attention
of this extraordinary woman. She commenced with founding schools in the
large towns; and then proceeded to the establishment of them in various
parts of the country. Many normal schools were established for the
education of teachers. The empress herself attended the examinations and
questioned the scholars. On one of these occasions, when a learned German
professor of history was giving a lecture to some pupils, gathered from the
tribes of Siberia, the empress proposed an objection to some views he
advanced. The courtiers were shocked at the learned man's presumption in
replying to the objection in the most conclusive manner. The empress, ever
eager in the acquisition of knowledge, admitted her mistake, and thanked
the professor for having rectified it with so much ability.
She purchased, at a high price, the libraries of D'Alembert, and of Voltaire,
immediately after the death of those illustrious men. She also purchased the
valuable cabinet of natural curiosities collected by Professor Pallas. The
most accomplished engineers she could obtain were sent to explore the
mountains of Caucasus, and even to the frontiers of China. When we
consider the trackless deserts to be explored, the inhospitable climes and
barbarous nations to be encountered, these were enterprises far more
perilous than the circumnavigation of the globe. The scientific expedition to
China was escorted by a corps of eight hundred and ten chosen men, led by
one hundred and seven distinguished officers. The savans were provided
with every thing which could be thought of to promote their comfort and to
aid them in their explorations, and three years were alloted as the probable
term of service required by the mission. At the same time a naval expedition
was fitted out to explore the northern seas, and ascertain the limits of the
Russian empire. But the greatest work of Catharine's reign was the
completion of the canal which united the waters of the Volga and the Neva,
and thus established an inland navigation through all the countries which lie
between the Caspian Sea and the Baltic.
In the year 1786 the empress announced her intention of making a
magnificent journey to the Crimea, in order to be crowned sovereign of her
new conquests. This design was to be executed in the highest style of
Page 375
oriental pomp, as the empress was resolved to extend her sway over all the
nations of the Tartars. But the Tartars of those unmeasured realms, informed
of the contemplated movement, were alarmed, and immediately combined
their energies for a determined resistance. The Grand Seignior was also
goaded to the most desperate exertions, for the empress had formed the
design, and the report was universally promulgated, of placing her second
grandchild, Constantine, on the throne of Constantinople.
The empress set out on her triumphal journey to the Crimea, on the 18th of
January, 1787, accompanied by a magnificent suite. The sledges, large,
commodious and so lined with furs as to furnish luxurious couches for
repose, traveled night and day. Relays of horses were collected at all the
stations and immense bonfires blazed at night all along the road. Twenty-
one days were occupied in the journey to Kief, where the empress was met
by all the nobles of that portion of the empire. Here fifty magnificent
galleys, upon the ice of the Dnieper, awaited the arrival of the empress and
the opening of the river. On the 6th of May the ice was gone, the barges
were afloat, and the empress with her suite embarked. The King of Poland,
who had now assumed his old name of Count Poniatowski, here met, in the
barge of the empress, his rival, Stanislaus Augustus.
The passage down the river, in this lovely month of spring, was like a fairy
scene. The banks of the Dnieper were lined with villages constructed for the
occasion. Peasants, in the most picturesque costumes, tended their flocks, or
attended to various industrial arts as the flotilla drifted by. The Emperor of
Germany, Joseph II., met the empress at Kaidak, from whence they
proceeded together, by land, to Kherson. Here Catharine lodged in a palace
where a throne had been erected for the occasion which cost fourteen
thousand dollars. The whole expense of this one journey exceeded seven
millions of dollars. From Kherson the empress proceeded to the inland part
of the Crimean peninsula. Her body guard consisted of an army of one
hundred and fifty thousand men, stationed at but a short distance from her.
The entertainments in the Crimea were of the most gorgeous character, and
were arranged without any regard to expense. On the return of the empress
she reached St. Petersburg the end of July, having been absent six months
and four days. All Europe was surprised at the supineness which the sultan
had manifested in allowing Catharine to prosecute her journey
nations of the Tartars. But the Tartars of those unmeasured realms, informed
of the contemplated movement, were alarmed, and immediately combined
their energies for a determined resistance. The Grand Seignior was also
goaded to the most desperate exertions, for the empress had formed the
design, and the report was universally promulgated, of placing her second
grandchild, Constantine, on the throne of Constantinople.
The empress set out on her triumphal journey to the Crimea, on the 18th of
January, 1787, accompanied by a magnificent suite. The sledges, large,
commodious and so lined with furs as to furnish luxurious couches for
repose, traveled night and day. Relays of horses were collected at all the
stations and immense bonfires blazed at night all along the road. Twenty-
one days were occupied in the journey to Kief, where the empress was met
by all the nobles of that portion of the empire. Here fifty magnificent
galleys, upon the ice of the Dnieper, awaited the arrival of the empress and
the opening of the river. On the 6th of May the ice was gone, the barges
were afloat, and the empress with her suite embarked. The King of Poland,
who had now assumed his old name of Count Poniatowski, here met, in the
barge of the empress, his rival, Stanislaus Augustus.
The passage down the river, in this lovely month of spring, was like a fairy
scene. The banks of the Dnieper were lined with villages constructed for the
occasion. Peasants, in the most picturesque costumes, tended their flocks, or
attended to various industrial arts as the flotilla drifted by. The Emperor of
Germany, Joseph II., met the empress at Kaidak, from whence they
proceeded together, by land, to Kherson. Here Catharine lodged in a palace
where a throne had been erected for the occasion which cost fourteen
thousand dollars. The whole expense of this one journey exceeded seven
millions of dollars. From Kherson the empress proceeded to the inland part
of the Crimean peninsula. Her body guard consisted of an army of one
hundred and fifty thousand men, stationed at but a short distance from her.
The entertainments in the Crimea were of the most gorgeous character, and
were arranged without any regard to expense. On the return of the empress
she reached St. Petersburg the end of July, having been absent six months
and four days. All Europe was surprised at the supineness which the sultan
had manifested in allowing Catharine to prosecute her journey
Page 376
unobstructed; but Turkey was not then prepared for the commencement of
hostilities.
A squadron of thirty ships of war soon sailed from Constantinople and
entered the Euxine. The Turks were apprehensive that the Greeks might rise
and disarmed them all before commencing the campaign. The empress had
equipped, at Azof and Kherson, eight ships of the line, twelve frigates, and
two hundred gun-boats. She had, in addition, a large squadron at Cronstadt,
ready to sail for the Mediterranean. Eighty thousand soldiers were also on
the march from Germany to Moldavia. Every thing indicated that the entire
overthrow of the Ottoman empire was at hand.
The thunders of battle soon commenced on the sea and on the land. Both
parties fought with desperation. Russia and Austria endeavored to unite
France with them, in the attempt to dismember the Turkish empire as
Poland had been partitioned, but France now stood in dread of the gigantic
growth both of Russia and of Austria, and was by no means disposed to
strengthen those powers. England was also secretly aiding the Turks and
sending them supplies. Influenced by the same jealousy against Russia,
Sweden ventured to enter into an alliance with the Turks, while Prussia,
from the same motive, secretly lent Gustavus III. money, and England sent
him a fleet. Thus, all of a sudden, new and appalling dangers blazed upon
Russia. So many troops had been sent to the Crimea that Catharine was
quite unprepared for an attack from the Swedish frontier.
The Grand Duke Paul begged permission of his mother that he might join
the army against the Turks. The empress refused her consent.
"My intention," wrote again the grand duke, "of going to fight against the
Ottomans is publicly known. What will Europe say, in seeing that I do not
carry it into effect?"
"Europe will say," Catharine replied, "that the grand duke of Russia is a
dutiful son."
The appearance of the powerful Swedish fleet in the Baltic rendered it
necessary for Catharine to recall the order for the squadron at Cronstadt to
sail for the Mediterranean. The roar of artillery now reverberated alike
along the shores of the Baltic and over the waves of the Euxine. Denmark
hostilities.
A squadron of thirty ships of war soon sailed from Constantinople and
entered the Euxine. The Turks were apprehensive that the Greeks might rise
and disarmed them all before commencing the campaign. The empress had
equipped, at Azof and Kherson, eight ships of the line, twelve frigates, and
two hundred gun-boats. She had, in addition, a large squadron at Cronstadt,
ready to sail for the Mediterranean. Eighty thousand soldiers were also on
the march from Germany to Moldavia. Every thing indicated that the entire
overthrow of the Ottoman empire was at hand.
The thunders of battle soon commenced on the sea and on the land. Both
parties fought with desperation. Russia and Austria endeavored to unite
France with them, in the attempt to dismember the Turkish empire as
Poland had been partitioned, but France now stood in dread of the gigantic
growth both of Russia and of Austria, and was by no means disposed to
strengthen those powers. England was also secretly aiding the Turks and
sending them supplies. Influenced by the same jealousy against Russia,
Sweden ventured to enter into an alliance with the Turks, while Prussia,
from the same motive, secretly lent Gustavus III. money, and England sent
him a fleet. Thus, all of a sudden, new and appalling dangers blazed upon
Russia. So many troops had been sent to the Crimea that Catharine was
quite unprepared for an attack from the Swedish frontier.
The Grand Duke Paul begged permission of his mother that he might join
the army against the Turks. The empress refused her consent.
"My intention," wrote again the grand duke, "of going to fight against the
Ottomans is publicly known. What will Europe say, in seeing that I do not
carry it into effect?"
"Europe will say," Catharine replied, "that the grand duke of Russia is a
dutiful son."
The appearance of the powerful Swedish fleet in the Baltic rendered it
necessary for Catharine to recall the order for the squadron at Cronstadt to
sail for the Mediterranean. The roar of artillery now reverberated alike
along the shores of the Baltic and over the waves of the Euxine. Denmark
Page 377
and Norway were brought into the conflict, and all Europe was again the
theater of intrigues and battles. It would be a weary story to relate the
numerous conflicts, defeats and victories which ensued. Famine and
pestilence desolated the regions where the Turkish and Russian armies were
struggling. Army after army was destroyed until men began to grow scarce
in the Russian empire. Even the wilds of Siberia were ransacked for exiles,
and many of them were brought back to replenish the armies of the
empress. At length, after a warfare of two years, with about equal success
on both sides, Catharine and Gustavus came to terms, both equally glad to
escape the blows which each gave the other. This peace enabled Russia to
concentrate her energies upon Turkey.
The Turks now fell like grass before the scythe. But the Russian generals
and soldiers were often as brutal as demons. Nominal Christianity was no
more merciful than was paganism. Count Potemkin, the leader of the
Russian army, was one of the worst specimens of the old aristocracy, which
now, in many parts of Europe, have gone down into a grave whence, it is to
be hoped, there can be no resurrection. The Turkish town of Ismael was
taken in September, 1790, after enormous slaughter. The French Revolution
was at this time in rapid progress, and several Frenchmen were in the
Russian army. To one of these, Colonel Langeron, Potemkin said,
"Colonel, your countrymen are a pack of madmen. I would require only my
grooms to stand by me, and we should soon bring them to their senses."
Langeron replied, "Prince, I do not think you would be able to do it with all
your army!"
These words so exasperated the Russian general that he rose in a rage, and
threatened to send Langeron to Siberia. Conscious of his peril the French
colonel fled, and entered into the service of the Austrians.
Emissaries of Catharine were sent through all the Greek isles, to urge the
Greeks to rise against the enemies of the cross and restore their country to
independence. Many of the Greeks rose, and Constantinople was in
consternation. A Grecian embassage waited upon Catharine, imploring her
aid for the enfranchisement of their country, and that she would give them
her grandson Constantine for a sovereign. On the 20th of February, 1790,
Joseph II., Emperor of Austria, died, and was succeeded by Leopold II.,
theater of intrigues and battles. It would be a weary story to relate the
numerous conflicts, defeats and victories which ensued. Famine and
pestilence desolated the regions where the Turkish and Russian armies were
struggling. Army after army was destroyed until men began to grow scarce
in the Russian empire. Even the wilds of Siberia were ransacked for exiles,
and many of them were brought back to replenish the armies of the
empress. At length, after a warfare of two years, with about equal success
on both sides, Catharine and Gustavus came to terms, both equally glad to
escape the blows which each gave the other. This peace enabled Russia to
concentrate her energies upon Turkey.
The Turks now fell like grass before the scythe. But the Russian generals
and soldiers were often as brutal as demons. Nominal Christianity was no
more merciful than was paganism. Count Potemkin, the leader of the
Russian army, was one of the worst specimens of the old aristocracy, which
now, in many parts of Europe, have gone down into a grave whence, it is to
be hoped, there can be no resurrection. The Turkish town of Ismael was
taken in September, 1790, after enormous slaughter. The French Revolution
was at this time in rapid progress, and several Frenchmen were in the
Russian army. To one of these, Colonel Langeron, Potemkin said,
"Colonel, your countrymen are a pack of madmen. I would require only my
grooms to stand by me, and we should soon bring them to their senses."
Langeron replied, "Prince, I do not think you would be able to do it with all
your army!"
These words so exasperated the Russian general that he rose in a rage, and
threatened to send Langeron to Siberia. Conscious of his peril the French
colonel fled, and entered into the service of the Austrians.
Emissaries of Catharine were sent through all the Greek isles, to urge the
Greeks to rise against the enemies of the cross and restore their country to
independence. Many of the Greeks rose, and Constantinople was in
consternation. A Grecian embassage waited upon Catharine, imploring her
aid for the enfranchisement of their country, and that she would give them
her grandson Constantine for a sovereign. On the 20th of February, 1790,
Joseph II., Emperor of Austria, died, and was succeeded by Leopold II.,
Page 378
who, yielding to the influence of Prussia, concluded a separate peace with
the Porte, and left Catharine to contend alone with the Ottomans. The
empress now saw that, notwithstanding her victories, Russia was exhausted,
and that she could not hope for the immediate accomplishment of her
ambitious projects, and she became desirous of peace. Through the
mediation of England terms of peace were proposed, and acceded to in
January, 1792. In this war it is estimated that Russia lost two hundred
thousand men, Austria one hundred and thirty thousand, and Turkey three
hundred and thirty thousand. Russia expended in this war, beneficial to
none and ruinous alike to all, two hundred millions of dollars.
The empress, thwarted in her designs upon Turkey, now turned to Poland.
War was soon declared, and her armies were soon sweeping over that ill-
fated territory. Kosciusko fought like a hero for his country, but his troops
were mercilessly butchered by Russian and Prussian armies. In triumph the
allies entered the gory streets of Warsaw, sent the king, Stanislaus Augustus,
to exile on a small pension, and divided the remainder of Poland between
them. Catharine now entered into the coalition of the European powers
against republican France. She consented to a treaty with England and
Austria, by which she engaged to furnish an army of eighty thousand men
to crush the spirit of French liberty, on condition that those two powers
should consent to her driving Turks out of Europe. Catharine was highly
elated with this treaty. It was drawn up and was to be signed on the 6th of
November, 1796.
On the morning of that day the empress, in her usual health and spirits, rose
from the breakfast table, and retired to her closet. Not returning as soon as
usual, some of her attendants entered and found her on the floor senseless.
She had fallen in a fit of apoplexy, and died at ten o'clock in the evening of
the next day without regaining consciousness or uttering a word, in the
sixty-seventh year of her age, and after a reign of thirty-five years.
Paul, who was at his country palace, being informed of his mother's death,
and of his accession to the throne, hastened to St. Petersburg. He ordered
the tomb of Peter III. to be opened and placed the coffin by the side of that
of the empress, with a true love knot reaching from one to the other,
containing the inscription, under the circumstances supremely ridiculous,
the Porte, and left Catharine to contend alone with the Ottomans. The
empress now saw that, notwithstanding her victories, Russia was exhausted,
and that she could not hope for the immediate accomplishment of her
ambitious projects, and she became desirous of peace. Through the
mediation of England terms of peace were proposed, and acceded to in
January, 1792. In this war it is estimated that Russia lost two hundred
thousand men, Austria one hundred and thirty thousand, and Turkey three
hundred and thirty thousand. Russia expended in this war, beneficial to
none and ruinous alike to all, two hundred millions of dollars.
The empress, thwarted in her designs upon Turkey, now turned to Poland.
War was soon declared, and her armies were soon sweeping over that ill-
fated territory. Kosciusko fought like a hero for his country, but his troops
were mercilessly butchered by Russian and Prussian armies. In triumph the
allies entered the gory streets of Warsaw, sent the king, Stanislaus Augustus,
to exile on a small pension, and divided the remainder of Poland between
them. Catharine now entered into the coalition of the European powers
against republican France. She consented to a treaty with England and
Austria, by which she engaged to furnish an army of eighty thousand men
to crush the spirit of French liberty, on condition that those two powers
should consent to her driving Turks out of Europe. Catharine was highly
elated with this treaty. It was drawn up and was to be signed on the 6th of
November, 1796.
On the morning of that day the empress, in her usual health and spirits, rose
from the breakfast table, and retired to her closet. Not returning as soon as
usual, some of her attendants entered and found her on the floor senseless.
She had fallen in a fit of apoplexy, and died at ten o'clock in the evening of
the next day without regaining consciousness or uttering a word, in the
sixty-seventh year of her age, and after a reign of thirty-five years.
Paul, who was at his country palace, being informed of his mother's death,
and of his accession to the throne, hastened to St. Petersburg. He ordered
the tomb of Peter III. to be opened and placed the coffin by the side of that
of the empress, with a true love knot reaching from one to the other,
containing the inscription, under the circumstances supremely ridiculous,
Page 379
"divided in life—united in death." They were both buried together with the
most sumptuous funeral honors.
The character of Catharine II. is sufficiently portrayed in her marvelous
history. The annals of past ages may be searched in vain for her parallel.
Two passions were ever predominant with her, love and ambition. Her mind
seemed incapable of exhaustion, and notwithstanding the number of her
successive favorites, with whom she entered into the most guilty
connections, no monarch ever reigned with more dignity or with a more
undisputed sway. Under her reign, notwithstanding the desolating wars,
Russia made rapid advances in power and civilization. She protected
commerce, excited industry, cultivated the arts, encouraged learning,
promoted manufactures, founded cities, dug canals, and developed in a
thousand ways the wealth and resources of the country. She had so many
vices that some have consigned her name to infamy, and so many virtues,
that others have advocated her canonization.
By the most careful calculation it is estimated that during the thirty five
years of the reign of Catharine, she added over four hundred thousand
square miles to the territory of Russia, and six millions of inhabitants. It
would be difficult to estimate the multitude of lives and the amount of
treasure expended in her ambitious wars. We know of no more affecting
comment to be made upon the history of our world, than that it presents
such a bloody tragedy, that even the career of Catharine does not stand out
in any peculiar prominence of atrocity. God made man but little lower than
the angels. He is indeed fallen.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE REIGN OF PAUL I.
From 1796 to 1801.
most sumptuous funeral honors.
The character of Catharine II. is sufficiently portrayed in her marvelous
history. The annals of past ages may be searched in vain for her parallel.
Two passions were ever predominant with her, love and ambition. Her mind
seemed incapable of exhaustion, and notwithstanding the number of her
successive favorites, with whom she entered into the most guilty
connections, no monarch ever reigned with more dignity or with a more
undisputed sway. Under her reign, notwithstanding the desolating wars,
Russia made rapid advances in power and civilization. She protected
commerce, excited industry, cultivated the arts, encouraged learning,
promoted manufactures, founded cities, dug canals, and developed in a
thousand ways the wealth and resources of the country. She had so many
vices that some have consigned her name to infamy, and so many virtues,
that others have advocated her canonization.
By the most careful calculation it is estimated that during the thirty five
years of the reign of Catharine, she added over four hundred thousand
square miles to the territory of Russia, and six millions of inhabitants. It
would be difficult to estimate the multitude of lives and the amount of
treasure expended in her ambitious wars. We know of no more affecting
comment to be made upon the history of our world, than that it presents
such a bloody tragedy, that even the career of Catharine does not stand out
in any peculiar prominence of atrocity. God made man but little lower than
the angels. He is indeed fallen.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE REIGN OF PAUL I.
From 1796 to 1801.
Page 380
Accession of Paul I. to the Throne.—Influence of the Hereditary
Transmission of Power.—Extravagance of Paul.—His Despotism.—The
Horse Court Martialed.—Progress of the French Revolution.—Fears
and Violence of Paul I.—Hostility to Foreigners.—Russia Joins the
Coalition against France.—March of Suwarrow.—Character of
Suwarrow.—Battle on the Adda.—Battle of Novi.—Suwarrow Marches
to the Rhine.—His Defeat and Death.—Paul Abandons the Coalition and
Joins France.—Conspiracies at St. Petersburg.
Few sovereigns have ever ascended the throne more ignorant of affairs of
state than was Paul I. Catharine had endeavored to protract his childhood,
entrusting him with no responsibilities, and regulating herself minutely all
his domestic and private concerns. He was carefully excluded from any
participation in national affairs and was not permitted to superintend even
his own household. Catharine took his children under her own protection as
soon as they were born, and the parents were seldom allowed to see them.
Paul I. had experienced, in his own person, all the burden of despotism ere
he ascended Russia's despotic throne. Naturally desirous to secure
popularity, he commenced his reign with acts which were much applauded.
He introduced economy into the expenditures of the court, forbade the
depreciation of the currency and the further issue of paper money, and
withdrew the army which Catharine had sent to Persia on a career of
conquest.
Paul I. did not love his mother. He did not believe that he was her legitimate
child. Still, as his only title to the throne was founded on his being the
reputed child of Peter III., he did what he could to rescue the memory of
that prince from the infamy to which it had been very properly consigned.
He had felt so humiliated by the domineering spirit of Catharine, that he
resolved that Russia should not again fall under the reign of a woman, and
issued a decree that henceforth the crown should descend in the male line
only, and from father to son. The new emperor manifested his hostility to
his mother, by endeavoring in various ways to undo what she had done.
The history of Europe is but a continued comment upon the folly of the law
of the hereditary descent of power, a law which is more likely to place the
crown upon the brow of a knave, a fool or a madman, than upon that of one
Transmission of Power.—Extravagance of Paul.—His Despotism.—The
Horse Court Martialed.—Progress of the French Revolution.—Fears
and Violence of Paul I.—Hostility to Foreigners.—Russia Joins the
Coalition against France.—March of Suwarrow.—Character of
Suwarrow.—Battle on the Adda.—Battle of Novi.—Suwarrow Marches
to the Rhine.—His Defeat and Death.—Paul Abandons the Coalition and
Joins France.—Conspiracies at St. Petersburg.
Few sovereigns have ever ascended the throne more ignorant of affairs of
state than was Paul I. Catharine had endeavored to protract his childhood,
entrusting him with no responsibilities, and regulating herself minutely all
his domestic and private concerns. He was carefully excluded from any
participation in national affairs and was not permitted to superintend even
his own household. Catharine took his children under her own protection as
soon as they were born, and the parents were seldom allowed to see them.
Paul I. had experienced, in his own person, all the burden of despotism ere
he ascended Russia's despotic throne. Naturally desirous to secure
popularity, he commenced his reign with acts which were much applauded.
He introduced economy into the expenditures of the court, forbade the
depreciation of the currency and the further issue of paper money, and
withdrew the army which Catharine had sent to Persia on a career of
conquest.
Paul I. did not love his mother. He did not believe that he was her legitimate
child. Still, as his only title to the throne was founded on his being the
reputed child of Peter III., he did what he could to rescue the memory of
that prince from the infamy to which it had been very properly consigned.
He had felt so humiliated by the domineering spirit of Catharine, that he
resolved that Russia should not again fall under the reign of a woman, and
issued a decree that henceforth the crown should descend in the male line
only, and from father to son. The new emperor manifested his hostility to
his mother, by endeavoring in various ways to undo what she had done.
The history of Europe is but a continued comment upon the folly of the law
of the hereditary descent of power, a law which is more likely to place the
crown upon the brow of a knave, a fool or a madman, than upon that of one
Page 381
qualified to govern. Russia soon awoke to the consciousness that the
destinies of thirty millions of people were in the hands of a maniac, whose
conduct seemed to prove that his only proper place was in one of the wards
of Bedlam. The grossest contradictions followed each other in constant
succession. Today he would caress his wife, to-morrow place her under
military arrest. At one hour he would load his children with favors, and the
next endeavor to expose them publicly to shame.
Though Paul severely blamed his mother for the vast sums she lavished
upon her court, these complaints did not prevent him from surpassing her in
extravagance. The innumerable palaces she had reared and embellished
with more than oriental splendor, were not sufficient for him. Neither the
Winter palace, nor the Summer palace, nor the palace of Anitschkoff, nor
the Marble palace, nor the Hermitage, whose fairy-like gorgeousness
amazed all beholders, nor a crowd of other royal residences, too numerous
to mention, and nearly all world-renowned, were deemed worthy of the
residence of the new monarch. Pretending that he had received a celestial
injunction to construct a new palace, he built, reckless of expense, the
chateau of St. Michael.
The crown of Catharine was the wonder of Europe, but it was not rich
enough for the brow of Paul. A new one was constructed, and his coronation
at Moscow was attended with freaks of expenditure which impoverished
provinces. Boundless gifts were lavished upon his favorites. But that he
might enrich a single noble, ten thousand peasants were robbed. The crown
peasants were vassals, enjoying very considerable freedom and many
privileges. The peasantry of the nobles were slaves, nearly as much so as
those on a Cuban plantation, with the single exception that custom
prevented their being sold except with the land. Like the buildings, the oaks
and the elms, they were inseparably attached to the soil. The emperor, at his
coronation, gave away eighty thousand families to his favorites. Their labor
henceforth, for life, was all to go to enrich their masters. These courtiers,
reveling in boundless luxury, surrendered their slaves to overseers, whose
reputation depended upon extorting as much as possible from the miserable
boors.
The extravagance of Catharine II. had rendered it necessary for her to triple
the capitation, or, as we should call it, the poll-tax, imposed upon the
destinies of thirty millions of people were in the hands of a maniac, whose
conduct seemed to prove that his only proper place was in one of the wards
of Bedlam. The grossest contradictions followed each other in constant
succession. Today he would caress his wife, to-morrow place her under
military arrest. At one hour he would load his children with favors, and the
next endeavor to expose them publicly to shame.
Though Paul severely blamed his mother for the vast sums she lavished
upon her court, these complaints did not prevent him from surpassing her in
extravagance. The innumerable palaces she had reared and embellished
with more than oriental splendor, were not sufficient for him. Neither the
Winter palace, nor the Summer palace, nor the palace of Anitschkoff, nor
the Marble palace, nor the Hermitage, whose fairy-like gorgeousness
amazed all beholders, nor a crowd of other royal residences, too numerous
to mention, and nearly all world-renowned, were deemed worthy of the
residence of the new monarch. Pretending that he had received a celestial
injunction to construct a new palace, he built, reckless of expense, the
chateau of St. Michael.
The crown of Catharine was the wonder of Europe, but it was not rich
enough for the brow of Paul. A new one was constructed, and his coronation
at Moscow was attended with freaks of expenditure which impoverished
provinces. Boundless gifts were lavished upon his favorites. But that he
might enrich a single noble, ten thousand peasants were robbed. The crown
peasants were vassals, enjoying very considerable freedom and many
privileges. The peasantry of the nobles were slaves, nearly as much so as
those on a Cuban plantation, with the single exception that custom
prevented their being sold except with the land. Like the buildings, the oaks
and the elms, they were inseparably attached to the soil. The emperor, at his
coronation, gave away eighty thousand families to his favorites. Their labor
henceforth, for life, was all to go to enrich their masters. These courtiers,
reveling in boundless luxury, surrendered their slaves to overseers, whose
reputation depended upon extorting as much as possible from the miserable
boors.
The extravagance of Catharine II. had rendered it necessary for her to triple
the capitation, or, as we should call it, the poll-tax, imposed upon the
Page 382
peasants. Paul now doubled this tax, which his mother had already tripled.
The King of Prussia had issued a decree that no subject should fall upon his
knees before him, but that every man should maintain in his presence and in
that of the law the dignity of humanity. Paul, on the contrary, reëstablished,
in all its rigor, the oriental etiquette, which Peter I. and Catharine had
allowed to pass into disuse, which required every individual, whether a
citizen or a stranger, to fall instantly upon his knees whenever the tzar made
his appearance. Thus, when Paul passed along the streets on horseback or in
his carriage, every man, woman and child, within sight of the royal cortege,
was compelled to kneel, whether in mud or snow, until the cortege had
passed. No one was exempted from the rule. Strangers and citizens, nobles
and peasants, were compelled to the degrading homage. Those on
horseback or in carriages were required instantly to dismount and prostrate
themselves before the despot.
A noble lady who came to St. Petersburg in her carriage, in great haste, to
seek medical aid for her husband, who had been suddenly taken sick, in her
trouble not having recognized the imperial livery, was dragged from her
carriage and thrust into prison. Her four servants, who accompanied her,
were seized and sent to the army, although they plead earnestly that, coming
from a distance, they were ignorant of the law, the infraction of which was
attributed to them as a crime. The unhappy lady, thus separated from her
sick husband, and plunged into a dungeon, was so overwhelmed with
anguish that she was thrown into a fever. Reason was dethroned, and she
became a hopeless maniac. The husband died, being deprived of the succor
his wife had attempted to obtain.
The son of a rich merchant, passing rapidly in his sleigh, muffled in furs,
did not perceive the carriage of the emperor which he met, until it had
passed. The police seized him; his sleigh and horses were confiscated. He
was placed in close confinement for a month, and then, after receiving fifty
blows from the terrible knout, was delivered to his friends a mangled form,
barely alive.
A young lady, by some accident, had not thrown herself upon her knees
quick enough at the appearance of the imperial carriage in the streets of
Moscow. She was an orphan and resided with an aunt. They were both
imprisoned for a month and fed upon bread and water; the young lady for
The King of Prussia had issued a decree that no subject should fall upon his
knees before him, but that every man should maintain in his presence and in
that of the law the dignity of humanity. Paul, on the contrary, reëstablished,
in all its rigor, the oriental etiquette, which Peter I. and Catharine had
allowed to pass into disuse, which required every individual, whether a
citizen or a stranger, to fall instantly upon his knees whenever the tzar made
his appearance. Thus, when Paul passed along the streets on horseback or in
his carriage, every man, woman and child, within sight of the royal cortege,
was compelled to kneel, whether in mud or snow, until the cortege had
passed. No one was exempted from the rule. Strangers and citizens, nobles
and peasants, were compelled to the degrading homage. Those on
horseback or in carriages were required instantly to dismount and prostrate
themselves before the despot.
A noble lady who came to St. Petersburg in her carriage, in great haste, to
seek medical aid for her husband, who had been suddenly taken sick, in her
trouble not having recognized the imperial livery, was dragged from her
carriage and thrust into prison. Her four servants, who accompanied her,
were seized and sent to the army, although they plead earnestly that, coming
from a distance, they were ignorant of the law, the infraction of which was
attributed to them as a crime. The unhappy lady, thus separated from her
sick husband, and plunged into a dungeon, was so overwhelmed with
anguish that she was thrown into a fever. Reason was dethroned, and she
became a hopeless maniac. The husband died, being deprived of the succor
his wife had attempted to obtain.
The son of a rich merchant, passing rapidly in his sleigh, muffled in furs,
did not perceive the carriage of the emperor which he met, until it had
passed. The police seized him; his sleigh and horses were confiscated. He
was placed in close confinement for a month, and then, after receiving fifty
blows from the terrible knout, was delivered to his friends a mangled form,
barely alive.
A young lady, by some accident, had not thrown herself upon her knees
quick enough at the appearance of the imperial carriage in the streets of
Moscow. She was an orphan and resided with an aunt. They were both
imprisoned for a month and fed upon bread and water; the young lady for
Page 383
failing in respect to the emperor, and the aunt for not having better
instructed her niece. How strange is this power of despotism, by which one
madman compels forty millions of people to tremble before him!
One of the freaks of this crazy prince was to court-martial his horse. The
noble steed had tripped beneath his rider. A council was convened,
composed of the equerries of the palace. The horse was proved guilty of
failing in respect to his majesty, and was condemned to receive fifty blows
from a heavy whip. Paul stood by, as the sentence was executed, counting
off the blows.[24]
Twelve Polish gentlemen were condemned, for being "wanting in respect to
his majesty," to have their noses and ears cut off, and were then sent to
perpetual Siberian exile. When any one was admitted to an audience with
the tzar, it was necessary for him to fall upon his knees so suddenly and
heavily that his bones would ring upon the floor like the butt of a musket.
No gentle genuflexion satisfied the tzar. A prince Gallatin was imprisoned
for "kneeling and kissing the emperor's hand too negligently." This
contempt for humanity soon rendered Paul very unpopular. He well knew
that his legitimacy was doubted, and that if an illegitimate child he had no
right whatever to the throne. He seemed to wish to prove that he was the
son of Peter III. by imitating all the silly and cruel caprices of that most
contemptible prince.
The French Revolution was now in progress, the crushed people of that
kingdom endeavoring to throw off the yoke of intolerable oppression. All
the despots in Europe were alarmed lest popular liberty in France should
undermine their thrones. None were more alarmed than Paul. He was so
fearful that democratic ideas might enter his kingdom that he forbade the
introduction into his realms of any French journal or pamphlet. All
Frenchmen in his kingdom were also ordered immediately to depart. All
ships arriving were searched and if any French subjects were on board, men
or women, they were not permitted to land, but were immediately sent out
of the kingdom. Merchants, who had left their families and their business
for a temporary absence, were not permitted again to set foot in the
kingdom. The suffering which this cruel edict occasioned was very great.
instructed her niece. How strange is this power of despotism, by which one
madman compels forty millions of people to tremble before him!
One of the freaks of this crazy prince was to court-martial his horse. The
noble steed had tripped beneath his rider. A council was convened,
composed of the equerries of the palace. The horse was proved guilty of
failing in respect to his majesty, and was condemned to receive fifty blows
from a heavy whip. Paul stood by, as the sentence was executed, counting
off the blows.[24]
Twelve Polish gentlemen were condemned, for being "wanting in respect to
his majesty," to have their noses and ears cut off, and were then sent to
perpetual Siberian exile. When any one was admitted to an audience with
the tzar, it was necessary for him to fall upon his knees so suddenly and
heavily that his bones would ring upon the floor like the butt of a musket.
No gentle genuflexion satisfied the tzar. A prince Gallatin was imprisoned
for "kneeling and kissing the emperor's hand too negligently." This
contempt for humanity soon rendered Paul very unpopular. He well knew
that his legitimacy was doubted, and that if an illegitimate child he had no
right whatever to the throne. He seemed to wish to prove that he was the
son of Peter III. by imitating all the silly and cruel caprices of that most
contemptible prince.
The French Revolution was now in progress, the crushed people of that
kingdom endeavoring to throw off the yoke of intolerable oppression. All
the despots in Europe were alarmed lest popular liberty in France should
undermine their thrones. None were more alarmed than Paul. He was so
fearful that democratic ideas might enter his kingdom that he forbade the
introduction into his realms of any French journal or pamphlet. All
Frenchmen in his kingdom were also ordered immediately to depart. All
ships arriving were searched and if any French subjects were on board, men
or women, they were not permitted to land, but were immediately sent out
of the kingdom. Merchants, who had left their families and their business
for a temporary absence, were not permitted again to set foot in the
kingdom. The suffering which this cruel edict occasioned was very great.
Page 384
Day after day new decrees were issued, of ever increasing violence. The
tzar became suspicious of all strangers of whatever nation, and endeavored
to rear a wall of separation around his whole kingdom which should
exclude it from all intercourse with other parts of Europe. The German
universities were all declared to be tainted with superstition, and all
Russians were prohibited, under penalty of the confiscation of their estates,
from sending their sons to those institutions. No foreigner, of whatever
nation, was allowed to take part in any civil or ecclesiastical service. The
young Russians who were already in the German universities, were
commanded immediately to return to their homes.
Apprehensive that knowledge itself, by whomsoever communicated, might
make the people restless under their enormous wrongs, Paul suppressed
nearly all the schools which had been founded by Catharine II., reserving
only a few to communicate instruction in the military art. All books, but
those issued under the surveillance of the government, were interdicted. The
greatest efforts were made to draw a broad line of distinction between the
people and the nobles, and to place a barrier there which no plebeian could
pass. Some one informed Paul that in France the revolutionists wore the
chapeau, or three-cornered hat, with one of the corners in front. The tzar
immediately issued a decree that in Russia the hat should be worn with the
corner behind.
We have said that Paul was bitterly hostile to all foreigners. The emigrants,
however, who fled from France, with arms in their hands, imploring the
courts of Europe to crush republican liberty in France, he welcomed with
the greatest cordiality and loaded with favors. The princes and nobles of the
French court received from Paul large pensions, while, at the same time, he
ignobly made them feel that he was their master and they were his slaves.
His dread of French liberty was so great, that with all his soul he entered
into the wide-spread European coalition which the genius of Pitt had
organized against France, and which embraced even Turkey. And now for
the first time the spectacle was seen of the Russian and Turkish squadrons
combining against a common foe. Paul sent an army of one hundred
thousand men to coöperate with the allies. Republican France gathered up
her energies to resist Europe in arms. The young Napoleon, heading a
heroic band of half-famished soldiers, turned the Alps and fell like a
thunderbolt into the Austrian camp upon the plains of Italy. In a series of
tzar became suspicious of all strangers of whatever nation, and endeavored
to rear a wall of separation around his whole kingdom which should
exclude it from all intercourse with other parts of Europe. The German
universities were all declared to be tainted with superstition, and all
Russians were prohibited, under penalty of the confiscation of their estates,
from sending their sons to those institutions. No foreigner, of whatever
nation, was allowed to take part in any civil or ecclesiastical service. The
young Russians who were already in the German universities, were
commanded immediately to return to their homes.
Apprehensive that knowledge itself, by whomsoever communicated, might
make the people restless under their enormous wrongs, Paul suppressed
nearly all the schools which had been founded by Catharine II., reserving
only a few to communicate instruction in the military art. All books, but
those issued under the surveillance of the government, were interdicted. The
greatest efforts were made to draw a broad line of distinction between the
people and the nobles, and to place a barrier there which no plebeian could
pass. Some one informed Paul that in France the revolutionists wore the
chapeau, or three-cornered hat, with one of the corners in front. The tzar
immediately issued a decree that in Russia the hat should be worn with the
corner behind.
We have said that Paul was bitterly hostile to all foreigners. The emigrants,
however, who fled from France, with arms in their hands, imploring the
courts of Europe to crush republican liberty in France, he welcomed with
the greatest cordiality and loaded with favors. The princes and nobles of the
French court received from Paul large pensions, while, at the same time, he
ignobly made them feel that he was their master and they were his slaves.
His dread of French liberty was so great, that with all his soul he entered
into the wide-spread European coalition which the genius of Pitt had
organized against France, and which embraced even Turkey. And now for
the first time the spectacle was seen of the Russian and Turkish squadrons
combining against a common foe. Paul sent an army of one hundred
thousand men to coöperate with the allies. Republican France gathered up
her energies to resist Europe in arms. The young Napoleon, heading a
heroic band of half-famished soldiers, turned the Alps and fell like a
thunderbolt into the Austrian camp upon the plains of Italy. In a series of
Page 385
victories which astounded the world he swept the foe before him, and
compelled the Austrians to sue for peace. The embassadors of France and
Germany met at Rastadt, in congress, and after spending many months in
negotiations, the congress was dissolved by the Emperor of Germany, in
April, 1799. The French embassadors set out to return, and were less than a
quarter of a mile from the city, when a troop of Austrian hussars fell upon
them, and two of their number, Roberjeot and Bonnier, were treacherously
assassinated. The third, Delry, though left for dead, revived so far as to be
able, covered with wounds and blood, to crawl back to Rastadt.[25]
Napoleon was at this time in Egypt, endeavoring to assail England, the most
formidable foe of France, in India, the only vulnerable point which could be
reached. Fifty thousand Russians, in a single band, were marching through
Germany to coöperate with the Austrians on the French frontiers. The more
polished Germans were astonished at the barbaric character of their allies. A
Russian officer, in a freak of passion, shot an Austrian postilion, and then
took out his purse and enquired of the employer of the postilion what
damage was to be paid, as coolly as if he had merely killed a horse or a
cow. Even German law was compelled to wink at such outrages, for an ally
so essential as Russia it was needful to conciliate at all hazards. Paul
deemed himself the most illustrious monarch of Europe, and resolved that
none but a Russian general should lead the allied armies. The Germans, on
the contrary, regarded the Russians as barbarians of wolfish courage and
gigantic strength, but far too ignorant of military science to be entrusted
with the plan of a campaign. After much contention the Emperor of Austria
was compelled to yield, and an old Russian general, Suwarrow, was placed
in command of the armies of the two most powerful empires then on the
globe.
And who was Suwarrow? Behold his portrait. Born in a village of the
Ukraine, the boy was sent by his father, an army officer, to the military
academy at St. Petersburg, whence he entered the army as a common
soldier, and ever after, for more than sixty years, he lived in incessant
battles in Sweden, Turkey, Poland. In the storm of Ismael, forty thousand
men, women and, children fell in indiscriminate massacre at his command.
In the campaign which resulted in the partition of Poland, twenty thousand
Poles were cut down by his dragoons. A stranger to fear, grossly illiterate,
and with no human sympathies, he appears on the arena but as a thunderbolt
compelled the Austrians to sue for peace. The embassadors of France and
Germany met at Rastadt, in congress, and after spending many months in
negotiations, the congress was dissolved by the Emperor of Germany, in
April, 1799. The French embassadors set out to return, and were less than a
quarter of a mile from the city, when a troop of Austrian hussars fell upon
them, and two of their number, Roberjeot and Bonnier, were treacherously
assassinated. The third, Delry, though left for dead, revived so far as to be
able, covered with wounds and blood, to crawl back to Rastadt.[25]
Napoleon was at this time in Egypt, endeavoring to assail England, the most
formidable foe of France, in India, the only vulnerable point which could be
reached. Fifty thousand Russians, in a single band, were marching through
Germany to coöperate with the Austrians on the French frontiers. The more
polished Germans were astonished at the barbaric character of their allies. A
Russian officer, in a freak of passion, shot an Austrian postilion, and then
took out his purse and enquired of the employer of the postilion what
damage was to be paid, as coolly as if he had merely killed a horse or a
cow. Even German law was compelled to wink at such outrages, for an ally
so essential as Russia it was needful to conciliate at all hazards. Paul
deemed himself the most illustrious monarch of Europe, and resolved that
none but a Russian general should lead the allied armies. The Germans, on
the contrary, regarded the Russians as barbarians of wolfish courage and
gigantic strength, but far too ignorant of military science to be entrusted
with the plan of a campaign. After much contention the Emperor of Austria
was compelled to yield, and an old Russian general, Suwarrow, was placed
in command of the armies of the two most powerful empires then on the
globe.
And who was Suwarrow? Behold his portrait. Born in a village of the
Ukraine, the boy was sent by his father, an army officer, to the military
academy at St. Petersburg, whence he entered the army as a common
soldier, and ever after, for more than sixty years, he lived in incessant
battles in Sweden, Turkey, Poland. In the storm of Ismael, forty thousand
men, women and, children fell in indiscriminate massacre at his command.
In the campaign which resulted in the partition of Poland, twenty thousand
Poles were cut down by his dragoons. A stranger to fear, grossly illiterate,
and with no human sympathies, he appears on the arena but as a thunderbolt
Page 386
of war. Next to the emperor Paul, he was perhaps the most fantastic man on
the continent. In a war with the Turks he killed a large number with his own
hands, and brought, on his shoulders, a sackful of heads, which he rolled
out at the feet of his general. This was the commencement of his reputation.
[26]
His whole military career was in accordance with this act. He had but
one passion, love of war. He would often, even in mid-winter, have one or
two pailsful of cold water poured upon him, as he rose from his bed, and
then, in his shirt, leap upon an unsaddled horse and scour the camp with the
speed of the wind. Sometimes he would appear, in the early morning, at the
door of his tent, stark naked, and crow like a cock. This was a signal for the
tented host to spring to arms. Occasionally he would visit the hospital,
pretending that he was a physician, and would prescribe medicine for those
whom he thought sick, and scourgings for those whom he imagined to be
feigning sickness. Sometimes he would turn all the patients out of the
doors, sick and well, saying that it was not permitted for the soldiers of
Suwarrow to be sick. He was as merciless to himself as he was to his
soldiers. Hunger, cold, fatigue, seemed to him to be pleasures. Hardships
which to many would render life a scene of insupportable torture, were to
him joys. He usually traveled in a coarse cart, which he made his home,
sleeping in it at night, with but the slightest protection from the weather.
Whenever he lodged in a house, his aides took the precaution to remove the
windows from his room, as he would otherwise inevitably smash every
glass.
Notwithstanding this ostentatious display of his hatred of all luxury, he was
excessively fond of diamonds and other precious stones. He was also
exceedingly superstitious, ever falling upon his knees before whatever
priest he might meet, and imploring his benediction. Such men generally
feel that the observance of ceremonial rites absolves them from the guilt of
social crimes. With these democratic manners Suwarrow utterly detested
liberty. The French, as the most liberty-loving people of Europe, he
abhorred above all others. He foamed with rage when he spoke of them. In
the sham fights with which he frequently exercised the army, when he gave
the order to "charge the miserable French," every soldier was to make two
thrusts of the bayonet in advance, as if twice to pierce the heart of the foe,
and a third thrust into the ground, that the man, twice bayoneted, might be
pinned in death to the earth. Such was the general whom Paul sent "to
the continent. In a war with the Turks he killed a large number with his own
hands, and brought, on his shoulders, a sackful of heads, which he rolled
out at the feet of his general. This was the commencement of his reputation.
[26]
His whole military career was in accordance with this act. He had but
one passion, love of war. He would often, even in mid-winter, have one or
two pailsful of cold water poured upon him, as he rose from his bed, and
then, in his shirt, leap upon an unsaddled horse and scour the camp with the
speed of the wind. Sometimes he would appear, in the early morning, at the
door of his tent, stark naked, and crow like a cock. This was a signal for the
tented host to spring to arms. Occasionally he would visit the hospital,
pretending that he was a physician, and would prescribe medicine for those
whom he thought sick, and scourgings for those whom he imagined to be
feigning sickness. Sometimes he would turn all the patients out of the
doors, sick and well, saying that it was not permitted for the soldiers of
Suwarrow to be sick. He was as merciless to himself as he was to his
soldiers. Hunger, cold, fatigue, seemed to him to be pleasures. Hardships
which to many would render life a scene of insupportable torture, were to
him joys. He usually traveled in a coarse cart, which he made his home,
sleeping in it at night, with but the slightest protection from the weather.
Whenever he lodged in a house, his aides took the precaution to remove the
windows from his room, as he would otherwise inevitably smash every
glass.
Notwithstanding this ostentatious display of his hatred of all luxury, he was
excessively fond of diamonds and other precious stones. He was also
exceedingly superstitious, ever falling upon his knees before whatever
priest he might meet, and imploring his benediction. Such men generally
feel that the observance of ceremonial rites absolves them from the guilt of
social crimes. With these democratic manners Suwarrow utterly detested
liberty. The French, as the most liberty-loving people of Europe, he
abhorred above all others. He foamed with rage when he spoke of them. In
the sham fights with which he frequently exercised the army, when he gave
the order to "charge the miserable French," every soldier was to make two
thrusts of the bayonet in advance, as if twice to pierce the heart of the foe,
and a third thrust into the ground, that the man, twice bayoneted, might be
pinned in death to the earth. Such was the general whom Paul sent "to
Page 387
destroy the impious government," as he expressed it, "which dominated
over France."
With blind confidence Suwarrow marched down upon the plains of
Lombardy, dreaming that in those fertile realms nothing awaited him but an
easy triumph over those who had been guilty of the crime of abolishing
despotism. The French had heard appalling rumors of the prowess and
ferocity of these warriors of the North, and awaited the shock with no little
solicitude.[27] The two armies met on the banks of the Adda, which flows
into the northern part of the Lake of Como. Suwarrow led sixty thousand
Russians and Austrians. The French general, Moreau, to oppose them, had
the wreck of an army, consisting of twenty-five thousand men, disheartened
by defeat. On the 17th of April, 1799, the first Russian regiment appeared in
sight of the bridge of Lecco. The French, indignant at the interference of the
Russians in a quarrel with which they had no concern, dashed upon them
with their bayonets, and repulsed them with great carnage. But the hosts of
Russia and Austria came pouring on in such overwhelming numbers, that
Moreau, with his forces reduced to twenty thousand men, was compelled to
retreat before an army which could concentrate ninety thousand troops in
line of battle. Pressed by the enemy, he retreated through Milan to Turin.
Suwarrow tarried in Milan to enjoy a triumph accorded to him by the priests
and the nobles, the creatures of Austria.
Moreau entrenched himself at Alexandria, awaiting the arrival of General
Macdonald with reinforcements. Suwarrow approached with an army now
exceeding one hundred thousand men. Again Moreau was compelled to
retreat, pursued by Suwarrow, and took refuge on the crest of the
Apennines, in the vicinity of Genoa. By immense exertions he had
assembled forty thousand men. Suwarrow came thundering upon him with
sixty thousand. The French army was formed in a semicircle on the slopes
of the Monte Rotundo, about twenty miles north of Genoa. The Austro-
Russian army spread over the whole plain below. At five o'clock in the
morning of the 15th of August, 1799, the fierce battle of Novi commenced.
Suwarrow, a fierce fighter, but totally unacquainted with the science of
strategy, in characteristic words gave the order of battle. "Kray," said he,
"will attack the left—the Russians the center—Melas the right." To the
soldiers he said, "God wills, the emperor orders, Suwarrow commands, that
to-morrow the enemy be conquered." Dressed in his usual costume, in his
over France."
With blind confidence Suwarrow marched down upon the plains of
Lombardy, dreaming that in those fertile realms nothing awaited him but an
easy triumph over those who had been guilty of the crime of abolishing
despotism. The French had heard appalling rumors of the prowess and
ferocity of these warriors of the North, and awaited the shock with no little
solicitude.[27] The two armies met on the banks of the Adda, which flows
into the northern part of the Lake of Como. Suwarrow led sixty thousand
Russians and Austrians. The French general, Moreau, to oppose them, had
the wreck of an army, consisting of twenty-five thousand men, disheartened
by defeat. On the 17th of April, 1799, the first Russian regiment appeared in
sight of the bridge of Lecco. The French, indignant at the interference of the
Russians in a quarrel with which they had no concern, dashed upon them
with their bayonets, and repulsed them with great carnage. But the hosts of
Russia and Austria came pouring on in such overwhelming numbers, that
Moreau, with his forces reduced to twenty thousand men, was compelled to
retreat before an army which could concentrate ninety thousand troops in
line of battle. Pressed by the enemy, he retreated through Milan to Turin.
Suwarrow tarried in Milan to enjoy a triumph accorded to him by the priests
and the nobles, the creatures of Austria.
Moreau entrenched himself at Alexandria, awaiting the arrival of General
Macdonald with reinforcements. Suwarrow approached with an army now
exceeding one hundred thousand men. Again Moreau was compelled to
retreat, pursued by Suwarrow, and took refuge on the crest of the
Apennines, in the vicinity of Genoa. By immense exertions he had
assembled forty thousand men. Suwarrow came thundering upon him with
sixty thousand. The French army was formed in a semicircle on the slopes
of the Monte Rotundo, about twenty miles north of Genoa. The Austro-
Russian army spread over the whole plain below. At five o'clock in the
morning of the 15th of August, 1799, the fierce battle of Novi commenced.
Suwarrow, a fierce fighter, but totally unacquainted with the science of
strategy, in characteristic words gave the order of battle. "Kray," said he,
"will attack the left—the Russians the center—Melas the right." To the
soldiers he said, "God wills, the emperor orders, Suwarrow commands, that
to-morrow the enemy be conquered." Dressed in his usual costume, in his
Page 388
shirt down to the waist, he led his troops into battle. Enormous slaughter
ensued; numbers prevailing against science, and the French, driven out of
Italy, took refuge along the ridges of the Apennines.
Suwarrow, satisfied with his dearly-bought victory, for he had lost ten
thousand men in the conflict, did not venture to pursue the retiring foe, but
with his bleeding and exhausted army fell back to Coni; and thence
established garrisons throughout Piedmont and Lombardy. Paul was almost
delirious with joy at this great victory. He issued a decree declaring
Suwarrow to be the greatest general "of all times, of all peoples and of all
quarters of the globe." In his pride he declared that republican France, for
the crime of rebelling against legitimate authority, should receive
punishment which should warn all nations against following her example.
The Russian squadron combined with that of the Turks, formed a junction
with the victorious fleet of Nelson, and sailing from the bay of Aboukir,
swept the French fleet from the Mediterranean.
The Austrians and Russians, thus victorious, now marched to assail
Massena at Zurich on the Rhine, intending there to cross the stream and
invade France. For a month, in September and October, 1799, there was a
series of incessant battles. But the republican armies were triumphant. The
banners of France struggled proudly through many scenes of blood and
woe, and the shores of Lake Zurich and the fastnesses of the Alps, were
strewed with the dead bodies of the Russians. In fourteen days twenty
thousand Russians and six thousand Austrians were slain. Suwarrow, the
intrepid barbarian, with but ten thousand men saved from his proud army,
retreated overwhelmed with confusion and rage. Republican France was
saved. The rage which Suwarrow displayed is represented as truly maniacal.
He foamed at the mouth and roared like a bull. As a wounded lion turns
upon his pursuers, from time to time he stopped in his retreat, and rushed
back upon the foe. He was crushed in body and mind by this defeat. Having
wearied himself in denouncing, in unmeasured terms, all his generals and
soldiers, he became taciturn and moody. Secluding himself from his fellow-
men he courted solitude, and surrendered himself to a fantastic and
superstitious devotion. Enveloped in a cloak, and with his eyes fixed upon
the ground, he would occasionally pass through the camp, condescending to
notice no one.
ensued; numbers prevailing against science, and the French, driven out of
Italy, took refuge along the ridges of the Apennines.
Suwarrow, satisfied with his dearly-bought victory, for he had lost ten
thousand men in the conflict, did not venture to pursue the retiring foe, but
with his bleeding and exhausted army fell back to Coni; and thence
established garrisons throughout Piedmont and Lombardy. Paul was almost
delirious with joy at this great victory. He issued a decree declaring
Suwarrow to be the greatest general "of all times, of all peoples and of all
quarters of the globe." In his pride he declared that republican France, for
the crime of rebelling against legitimate authority, should receive
punishment which should warn all nations against following her example.
The Russian squadron combined with that of the Turks, formed a junction
with the victorious fleet of Nelson, and sailing from the bay of Aboukir,
swept the French fleet from the Mediterranean.
The Austrians and Russians, thus victorious, now marched to assail
Massena at Zurich on the Rhine, intending there to cross the stream and
invade France. For a month, in September and October, 1799, there was a
series of incessant battles. But the republican armies were triumphant. The
banners of France struggled proudly through many scenes of blood and
woe, and the shores of Lake Zurich and the fastnesses of the Alps, were
strewed with the dead bodies of the Russians. In fourteen days twenty
thousand Russians and six thousand Austrians were slain. Suwarrow, the
intrepid barbarian, with but ten thousand men saved from his proud army,
retreated overwhelmed with confusion and rage. Republican France was
saved. The rage which Suwarrow displayed is represented as truly maniacal.
He foamed at the mouth and roared like a bull. As a wounded lion turns
upon his pursuers, from time to time he stopped in his retreat, and rushed
back upon the foe. He was crushed in body and mind by this defeat. Having
wearied himself in denouncing, in unmeasured terms, all his generals and
soldiers, he became taciturn and moody. Secluding himself from his fellow-
men he courted solitude, and surrendered himself to a fantastic and
superstitious devotion. Enveloped in a cloak, and with his eyes fixed upon
the ground, he would occasionally pass through the camp, condescending to
notice no one.
Page 389
Paul had also sent an army into Holland, against France, which had been
utterly repulsed by General Brune, with the loss of many slain and taken
prisoners. The tidings of these disasters roused, in the bosom of Paul, fury
equal to that which Suwarrow had displayed. He bitterly cursed his allies,
England and Austria, declaring that they, in the pursuit of their own selfish
interests, had abandoned his armies to destruction. Suwarrow, deprived of
further command, and overwhelmed with disgrace, retired to one of his
rural retreats where he soon died of chagrin.
The Austrian and English embassadors at the court of St. Petersburg, Paul
loaded with reproaches and even with insults. His conduct became so
whimsical as to lead many to suppose that he was actually insane. He had
long hated the French republicans, but now, with a new and a fresher fury,
he hated the allies. The wrecks of his armies were ordered to return to
Russia, and he ceased to take an active part in the prosecution of the war,
without however professing, in any way, to withdraw from the coalition.
Neither the Austrian nor the English embassador could obtain an audience
with the emperor. He treated them with utter neglect, and, the court
following the example of the sovereign, these embassadors were left in
perfect solitude. They could not even secure an audience with any of the
ministry.
Paul had been very justly called the Don Quixote of the coalition, and the
other powers were now not a little apprehensive of the course he might
adopt, for madman as he was, he was the powerful monarch of some forty
millions of people. Soon he ordered the Russian fleet, which in coöperation
with the squadrons of the allies was blockading Malta, to withdraw from the
conflict. Then he recalled his ministers from London and Vienna, declaring
that neither England nor Austria was contending for any principle, but that
they were fighting merely for their own selfish interests. England had
already openly declared her intention of appropriating Malta to herself.
Napoleon had now returned from Egypt and had been invested with the
supreme power in France as First Consul. There were many French
prisoners in the hands of the allies. France had also ten thousand Russian
prisoners. Napoleon proposed an exchange. Both England and Austria
refused to exchange French prisoners for Russians.
utterly repulsed by General Brune, with the loss of many slain and taken
prisoners. The tidings of these disasters roused, in the bosom of Paul, fury
equal to that which Suwarrow had displayed. He bitterly cursed his allies,
England and Austria, declaring that they, in the pursuit of their own selfish
interests, had abandoned his armies to destruction. Suwarrow, deprived of
further command, and overwhelmed with disgrace, retired to one of his
rural retreats where he soon died of chagrin.
The Austrian and English embassadors at the court of St. Petersburg, Paul
loaded with reproaches and even with insults. His conduct became so
whimsical as to lead many to suppose that he was actually insane. He had
long hated the French republicans, but now, with a new and a fresher fury,
he hated the allies. The wrecks of his armies were ordered to return to
Russia, and he ceased to take an active part in the prosecution of the war,
without however professing, in any way, to withdraw from the coalition.
Neither the Austrian nor the English embassador could obtain an audience
with the emperor. He treated them with utter neglect, and, the court
following the example of the sovereign, these embassadors were left in
perfect solitude. They could not even secure an audience with any of the
ministry.
Paul had been very justly called the Don Quixote of the coalition, and the
other powers were now not a little apprehensive of the course he might
adopt, for madman as he was, he was the powerful monarch of some forty
millions of people. Soon he ordered the Russian fleet, which in coöperation
with the squadrons of the allies was blockading Malta, to withdraw from the
conflict. Then he recalled his ministers from London and Vienna, declaring
that neither England nor Austria was contending for any principle, but that
they were fighting merely for their own selfish interests. England had
already openly declared her intention of appropriating Malta to herself.
Napoleon had now returned from Egypt and had been invested with the
supreme power in France as First Consul. There were many French
prisoners in the hands of the allies. France had also ten thousand Russian
prisoners. Napoleon proposed an exchange. Both England and Austria
refused to exchange French prisoners for Russians.
Page 390
"What," exclaimed Napoleon, "do you refuse to liberate the Russians, who
were your allies, who were fighting in your ranks and under your
commanders? Do you refuse to restore to their country those men to whom
you are indebted for your victories and conquests in Italy, and who have left
in your hands a multitude of French prisoners whom they have taken? Such
injustice excites my indignation."
With characteristic magnanimity he added, "I will restore them to the tzar
without exchange. He shall see how I esteem brave men."
These Russian prisoners were assembled at Aix la Chapelle. They were all
furnished with a complete suit of new clothing, in the uniform of their own
regiments, and were thoroughly supplied with weapons of the best French
manufacture. And thus they were returned to their homes. Paul was exactly
in that mood of mind which best enabled him to appreciate such a deed. He
at once abandoned the alliance, and with his own hand wrote to Napoleon
as follows:
"Citizen First Consul,—I do not write to you to discuss the rights of men or
of citizens. Every country governs itself as it pleases. Whenever I see, at the
head of a nation, a man who knows how to rule and how to fight, my heart
is attracted towards him. I write to acquaint you with my dissatisfaction
with England, who violates every article of the law of nations and has no
guide but her egotism and her interest. I wish to unite with you to put an
end to the unjust proceedings of that government."
Friendly relations were immediately established between France and
Russia, and they exchanged embassadors. Paul had conferred an annual
pension of two hundred thousand rubles (about $150,000) upon the Count
of Provence, subsequently Louis XVIII., and had given him an asylum at
Mittau. He now withdrew that pension and protection. He induced the King
of Denmark to forbid the English fleet from passing the Sound, which led
into the Baltic Sea, engaging, should the English attempt to force the
passage, to send a fleet of twenty-one ships to assist the Danes. The battle
of Hohenlinden and the peace of Luneville detached Austria from the
coalition, and England was left to struggle alone against the new opinions in
France.
were your allies, who were fighting in your ranks and under your
commanders? Do you refuse to restore to their country those men to whom
you are indebted for your victories and conquests in Italy, and who have left
in your hands a multitude of French prisoners whom they have taken? Such
injustice excites my indignation."
With characteristic magnanimity he added, "I will restore them to the tzar
without exchange. He shall see how I esteem brave men."
These Russian prisoners were assembled at Aix la Chapelle. They were all
furnished with a complete suit of new clothing, in the uniform of their own
regiments, and were thoroughly supplied with weapons of the best French
manufacture. And thus they were returned to their homes. Paul was exactly
in that mood of mind which best enabled him to appreciate such a deed. He
at once abandoned the alliance, and with his own hand wrote to Napoleon
as follows:
"Citizen First Consul,—I do not write to you to discuss the rights of men or
of citizens. Every country governs itself as it pleases. Whenever I see, at the
head of a nation, a man who knows how to rule and how to fight, my heart
is attracted towards him. I write to acquaint you with my dissatisfaction
with England, who violates every article of the law of nations and has no
guide but her egotism and her interest. I wish to unite with you to put an
end to the unjust proceedings of that government."
Friendly relations were immediately established between France and
Russia, and they exchanged embassadors. Paul had conferred an annual
pension of two hundred thousand rubles (about $150,000) upon the Count
of Provence, subsequently Louis XVIII., and had given him an asylum at
Mittau. He now withdrew that pension and protection. He induced the King
of Denmark to forbid the English fleet from passing the Sound, which led
into the Baltic Sea, engaging, should the English attempt to force the
passage, to send a fleet of twenty-one ships to assist the Danes. The battle
of Hohenlinden and the peace of Luneville detached Austria from the
coalition, and England was left to struggle alone against the new opinions in
France.
Page 391
The nobles of Russia, harmonizing with the aristocracy of Europe, were
quite dissatisfied with this alliance between Russia and France. Though the
form of the republic was changed to that of the consulate, they saw that the
principles of popular liberty remained unchanged in France. The wife of
Paul and her children, victims of the inexplicable caprice of the tzar, lived
in constant constraint and fear. The empress had three sons—Alexander,
Constantine and Nicholas. The heir apparent, Alexander, was watched with
the most rigorous scrutiny, and was exposed to a thousand mortifications.
The suspicious father became the jailer of his son, examining all his
correspondence, and superintending his mode of life in its minutest details.
The most whimsical and annoying orders were issued, which rendered life,
in the vicinity of the court, almost a burden. The army officers were
forbidden to attend evening parties lest they should be too weary for
morning parade. Every one who passed the imperial palace, even in the
most inclement weather, was compelled to go with head uncovered. The
enforcement of his arbitrary measures rendered the intervention of the
troops often necessary. The palace was so fortified and guarded as to
resemble a prison. St. Petersburg, filled with the machinery of war,
presented the aspect of a city besieged. Every one was exposed to arrest. No
one was sure of passing the night in tranquillity, there were so many
domiciliary visits; and many persons, silently arrested, disappeared without
it ever being known what became of them. Spies moved about everywhere,
and their number was infinite. Paul thus enlisted against himself the
animosity of all classes of his subjects—his own family, foreigners, the
court, the nobles and the bourgeois. Such were the influences which
originated the conspiracy which resulted in the assassination of the tzar.
———
[24] Memoires Secret, tome i., page 334.
[25] "Our plenipotentiaries were massacred at Rastadt, and notwithstanding the indignation
expressed by all France at that atrocity, vengeance was still very tardy in overtaking the assassins.
The two Councils were the first to render a melancholy tribute of honor to the victims. Who that saw
that ceremony ever forgot its solemnity? Who can recollect without emotion the religious silence
which reigned throughout the hall and galleries when the vote was put? The president then turned
towards the curule chairs of the victims, on which lay the official costume of the assassinated
representatives, covered with black crape, bent over them, pronounced the names of Roberjeot and
Bonnier, and added, in a voice, the tone of which was always thrilling, Assassinated at the Congress
of Rastadt. Immediately all the representatives responded, May their blood be upon the heads of their
murderers."—Duchess of Abrantes, p. 206.
quite dissatisfied with this alliance between Russia and France. Though the
form of the republic was changed to that of the consulate, they saw that the
principles of popular liberty remained unchanged in France. The wife of
Paul and her children, victims of the inexplicable caprice of the tzar, lived
in constant constraint and fear. The empress had three sons—Alexander,
Constantine and Nicholas. The heir apparent, Alexander, was watched with
the most rigorous scrutiny, and was exposed to a thousand mortifications.
The suspicious father became the jailer of his son, examining all his
correspondence, and superintending his mode of life in its minutest details.
The most whimsical and annoying orders were issued, which rendered life,
in the vicinity of the court, almost a burden. The army officers were
forbidden to attend evening parties lest they should be too weary for
morning parade. Every one who passed the imperial palace, even in the
most inclement weather, was compelled to go with head uncovered. The
enforcement of his arbitrary measures rendered the intervention of the
troops often necessary. The palace was so fortified and guarded as to
resemble a prison. St. Petersburg, filled with the machinery of war,
presented the aspect of a city besieged. Every one was exposed to arrest. No
one was sure of passing the night in tranquillity, there were so many
domiciliary visits; and many persons, silently arrested, disappeared without
it ever being known what became of them. Spies moved about everywhere,
and their number was infinite. Paul thus enlisted against himself the
animosity of all classes of his subjects—his own family, foreigners, the
court, the nobles and the bourgeois. Such were the influences which
originated the conspiracy which resulted in the assassination of the tzar.
———
[24] Memoires Secret, tome i., page 334.
[25] "Our plenipotentiaries were massacred at Rastadt, and notwithstanding the indignation
expressed by all France at that atrocity, vengeance was still very tardy in overtaking the assassins.
The two Councils were the first to render a melancholy tribute of honor to the victims. Who that saw
that ceremony ever forgot its solemnity? Who can recollect without emotion the religious silence
which reigned throughout the hall and galleries when the vote was put? The president then turned
towards the curule chairs of the victims, on which lay the official costume of the assassinated
representatives, covered with black crape, bent over them, pronounced the names of Roberjeot and
Bonnier, and added, in a voice, the tone of which was always thrilling, Assassinated at the Congress
of Rastadt. Immediately all the representatives responded, May their blood be upon the heads of their
murderers."—Duchess of Abrantes, p. 206.
Page 392
[26] Histoire Philosophique et Politique de Russie. Tome cinquième, p. 233.
[27] "Suwarrow was a genuine barbarian, fortunately incapable of calculating the employment of his
forces, otherwise the republic might perhaps have succumbed. His army was like himself. It had a
bravery that was extraordinary and bordered on fanaticism, but no instruction. It was expert only at
the use of the bayonet. Suwarrow, extremely insolent to the allies, gave Russian officers to the
Austrians to teach them the use of the bayonet. Fortunately his brutal energy, after doing a great deal
of mischief, had to encounter the energy of skill and calculation, and was foiled by the latter."—
Thiers' History French Revolution, vol. iv., p. 346.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ASSASSINATION OF PAUL AND ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
From 1801 to 1807.
Assassination of Paul I.—Implication of Alexander in the Conspiracy.—
Anecdotes.—Accession of Alexander.—The French Revolution.—
Alexander Joins Allies Against France.—State of Russia.—Useful
Measures of Alexander.—Peace of Amiens.—Renewal of Hostilities.—
Battle of Austerlitz.—Magnanimity of Napoleon.—New Coalition.—
Ambition of Alexander.—Battles of Jena and Eylau.—Defeat of the
Russians.
We have before mentioned that Paul I. had three sons—Alexander,
Constantine and Nicholas. The eldest of these, Alexander, was a very
promising young man, of popular character, twenty-three years of age. His
father feared his popularity and treated him with the greatest severity, and
was now threatening him and his mother with imprisonment. General
Pahlen, governor of St. Petersburg, obtained the confidence of the young
prince, and urged upon him, as a necessary measure of self-defense, that he
should place himself at the head of a conspiracy for the dethronement of his
insane father. The sufferings of the young prince were so severe and his
perils so great, and the desire for a change so universal throughout the
empire, that it was not found difficult to enlist him in the enterprise.
[27] "Suwarrow was a genuine barbarian, fortunately incapable of calculating the employment of his
forces, otherwise the republic might perhaps have succumbed. His army was like himself. It had a
bravery that was extraordinary and bordered on fanaticism, but no instruction. It was expert only at
the use of the bayonet. Suwarrow, extremely insolent to the allies, gave Russian officers to the
Austrians to teach them the use of the bayonet. Fortunately his brutal energy, after doing a great deal
of mischief, had to encounter the energy of skill and calculation, and was foiled by the latter."—
Thiers' History French Revolution, vol. iv., p. 346.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ASSASSINATION OF PAUL AND ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER.
From 1801 to 1807.
Assassination of Paul I.—Implication of Alexander in the Conspiracy.—
Anecdotes.—Accession of Alexander.—The French Revolution.—
Alexander Joins Allies Against France.—State of Russia.—Useful
Measures of Alexander.—Peace of Amiens.—Renewal of Hostilities.—
Battle of Austerlitz.—Magnanimity of Napoleon.—New Coalition.—
Ambition of Alexander.—Battles of Jena and Eylau.—Defeat of the
Russians.
We have before mentioned that Paul I. had three sons—Alexander,
Constantine and Nicholas. The eldest of these, Alexander, was a very
promising young man, of popular character, twenty-three years of age. His
father feared his popularity and treated him with the greatest severity, and
was now threatening him and his mother with imprisonment. General
Pahlen, governor of St. Petersburg, obtained the confidence of the young
prince, and urged upon him, as a necessary measure of self-defense, that he
should place himself at the head of a conspiracy for the dethronement of his
insane father. The sufferings of the young prince were so severe and his
perils so great, and the desire for a change so universal throughout the
empire, that it was not found difficult to enlist him in the enterprise.
Page 393
Alexander consented to the dethronement of his father, but with the express
condition that his life should be spared. He might perhaps have flattered
himself with the belief that this could be done; but the conspirators knew
full well that the dagger of the assassin was the only instrument which
could remove Paul from the throne. The conspiracy was very extensive,
embracing nearly all the functionaries of the government at St. Petersburg,
the entire senate, and the diplomatic corps. All the principal officers of the
royal guard, with their colonel at their head, were included in the plot. The
hour for the execution of the conspiracy was fixed for the night of the 23d
of March, 1801.
A regiment devoted to the conspirators was that night on guard at the
palace. The confederates who were to execute the plot, composed of the
most distinguished men in the court and the army, met at the house of
Prince Talitzin ostensibly for a supper. With wine and wassail they nerved
themselves for the desperate deed. Just at midnight a select number entered
the garden of the palace, by a private gate, and stealing silently along,
beneath the trees, approached a portal which was left unbarred and
undefended. One of the guardians of the palace led their steps and
conducted them to an apartment adjoining that in which the tzar slept. A
single hussar guarded the door. He was instantly struck down, and the
conspirators in a body rushed into the royal chamber.
Paul sprang from his bed, and seizing his sword, endeavored to escape by
another door than that through which the conspirators entered. Foiled in this
attempt, in the darkness, for all lights had been extinguished, he hid himself
behind a movable screen. He was however soon seized, lights were brought
in, and an act of abdication was read to him which he was required to sign.
The intrepid tzar sprang at Zoubow, who was reading the act, and cuffed his
ears. A struggle immediately ensued, and an officer's sash was passed
around the neck of the monarch, and after a desperate resistance he was
strangled. The dress of one of the conspirators caused him to be mistaken,
by the emperor, for his son Constantine, and the last words which the
wretched sovereign uttered were, "And you too, Constantine."
The two grand dukes, Alexander and Constantine, were in the room below,
and heard all the noise of the struggle in which their father was
assassinated. It was with much difficulty that these young princes were
condition that his life should be spared. He might perhaps have flattered
himself with the belief that this could be done; but the conspirators knew
full well that the dagger of the assassin was the only instrument which
could remove Paul from the throne. The conspiracy was very extensive,
embracing nearly all the functionaries of the government at St. Petersburg,
the entire senate, and the diplomatic corps. All the principal officers of the
royal guard, with their colonel at their head, were included in the plot. The
hour for the execution of the conspiracy was fixed for the night of the 23d
of March, 1801.
A regiment devoted to the conspirators was that night on guard at the
palace. The confederates who were to execute the plot, composed of the
most distinguished men in the court and the army, met at the house of
Prince Talitzin ostensibly for a supper. With wine and wassail they nerved
themselves for the desperate deed. Just at midnight a select number entered
the garden of the palace, by a private gate, and stealing silently along,
beneath the trees, approached a portal which was left unbarred and
undefended. One of the guardians of the palace led their steps and
conducted them to an apartment adjoining that in which the tzar slept. A
single hussar guarded the door. He was instantly struck down, and the
conspirators in a body rushed into the royal chamber.
Paul sprang from his bed, and seizing his sword, endeavored to escape by
another door than that through which the conspirators entered. Foiled in this
attempt, in the darkness, for all lights had been extinguished, he hid himself
behind a movable screen. He was however soon seized, lights were brought
in, and an act of abdication was read to him which he was required to sign.
The intrepid tzar sprang at Zoubow, who was reading the act, and cuffed his
ears. A struggle immediately ensued, and an officer's sash was passed
around the neck of the monarch, and after a desperate resistance he was
strangled. The dress of one of the conspirators caused him to be mistaken,
by the emperor, for his son Constantine, and the last words which the
wretched sovereign uttered were, "And you too, Constantine."
The two grand dukes, Alexander and Constantine, were in the room below,
and heard all the noise of the struggle in which their father was
assassinated. It was with much difficulty that these young princes were
Page 394
induced to give their consent to the conspiracy, and they yielded only on
condition that their father's life should be spared. But self-defense required
some vigorous action on their part, for Paul had threatened to send
Alexander to Siberia, to immure Constantine in a convent, and the empress
mother in a cloister.
The conspirators having accomplished the deed, descended into the
apartment, where the grand dukes were awaiting their return. Alexander
enquired eagerly if they had saved his father's life. The silence of the
conspirators told the melancholy tale. The grief manifested by both
Alexander and Constantine was apparently sincere and intense. In
passionate exclamations they gave vent to sorrow and remorse. But Pahlen,
the governor, who had led the conspiracy, calm and collected, represented
that the interests of the empire demanded a change of policy, that the death
of Paul was a fatality, and that nothing now remained but for Alexander to
assume the reins of government.
"I shall be accused," exclaimed Alexander bitterly, "of being the assassin of
my father. You promised me not to attempt his life. I am the most unhappy
man in the world."
The dead body of the emperor was placed upon a table, and an English
physician, named Wylie, was called in to arrange the features so that it
should appear that he had died of apoplexy. The judgment of the world has
ever been and probably ever will be divided respecting the nature of
Alexander's complicity in this murder. Many suppose that he could not have
been ignorant that the death of his father was the inevitable end of the
conspiracy, and that he accepted that result as a sad necessity. Certain it is
that the conspirators were all rewarded richly, by being entrusted with the
chief offices of the state; and the new monarch surrounded his throne with
counselors whose hands were imbrued in his father's blood. A lady at St.
Petersburg wrote to Fouché on the occasion of some ceremony which soon
ensued,
"The young emperor walked preceded by the assassins of his grandfather,
followed by those of his father, and surrounded by his own."
"Behold," said Fouché, "a woman who speaks Tacitus."
condition that their father's life should be spared. But self-defense required
some vigorous action on their part, for Paul had threatened to send
Alexander to Siberia, to immure Constantine in a convent, and the empress
mother in a cloister.
The conspirators having accomplished the deed, descended into the
apartment, where the grand dukes were awaiting their return. Alexander
enquired eagerly if they had saved his father's life. The silence of the
conspirators told the melancholy tale. The grief manifested by both
Alexander and Constantine was apparently sincere and intense. In
passionate exclamations they gave vent to sorrow and remorse. But Pahlen,
the governor, who had led the conspiracy, calm and collected, represented
that the interests of the empire demanded a change of policy, that the death
of Paul was a fatality, and that nothing now remained but for Alexander to
assume the reins of government.
"I shall be accused," exclaimed Alexander bitterly, "of being the assassin of
my father. You promised me not to attempt his life. I am the most unhappy
man in the world."
The dead body of the emperor was placed upon a table, and an English
physician, named Wylie, was called in to arrange the features so that it
should appear that he had died of apoplexy. The judgment of the world has
ever been and probably ever will be divided respecting the nature of
Alexander's complicity in this murder. Many suppose that he could not have
been ignorant that the death of his father was the inevitable end of the
conspiracy, and that he accepted that result as a sad necessity. Certain it is
that the conspirators were all rewarded richly, by being entrusted with the
chief offices of the state; and the new monarch surrounded his throne with
counselors whose hands were imbrued in his father's blood. A lady at St.
Petersburg wrote to Fouché on the occasion of some ceremony which soon
ensued,
"The young emperor walked preceded by the assassins of his grandfather,
followed by those of his father, and surrounded by his own."
"Behold," said Fouché, "a woman who speaks Tacitus."
Page 395
At St. Helena, O'Meara enquired of Napoleon if he thought that Paul had
been insane. "Latterly," Napoleon replied, "I believe that he was. At first he
was strongly prejudiced against the Revolution, and every person concerned
in it; but afterwards I had rendered him reasonable, and had changed his
opinions altogether. If Paul had lived the English would have lost India
before now. An agreement was made between Paul and myself to invade it.
I furnished the plan. I was to have sent thirty thousand good troops. He was
to send a similar number of the best Russian soldiers, and forty thousand
Cossacks. I was to subscribe ten millions for the purchase of camels and
other requisites for crossing the desert. The King of Prussia was to have
been applied to by both of us to grant a passage for my troops through his
dominions, which would have been immediately granted. I had, at the same
time, made a demand to the King of Persia for a passage through his
country, which would also have been granted, although the negotiations
were not entirely concluded, but would have succeeded, as the Persians
were desirous of profiting by it themselves." [28]
On another occasion, speaking upon this same subject, Napoleon said to
Las Casas, "Paul had been promised Malta the moment it was taken
possession of by the English. Malta reduced, the English ministers denied
that they had promised it to him. It is confidently stated that, on the reading
of this shameful falsehood, Paul felt so indignant that, seizing the dispatch
in full council, he ran his sword through it, and ordered it to be sent back, in
that condition, by way of answer. If this be a folly, it must be allowed that it
is the folly of a noble soul. It is the indignation of virtue, which was
incapable until then of suspecting such baseness.
"At the same time the English ministers, treating with us for the exchange
of prisoners, refused to include the Russian prisoners taken in Holland, who
were in the actual service and fought for the sole cause of the English. I had
hit upon the bent of Paul's character. I seized time by the forelock. I
collected these Russians. I clothed them and sent them back without any
expense. From that instant that generous heart was altogether devoted to
me, and, as I had no interest in opposition to Russia, and should never have
spoken or acted but with justice, there is no doubt that I should have been
enabled, for the future, to dispose of the cabinet of St. Petersburg. Our
enemies were sensible of the danger, and it has been thought that this good-
been insane. "Latterly," Napoleon replied, "I believe that he was. At first he
was strongly prejudiced against the Revolution, and every person concerned
in it; but afterwards I had rendered him reasonable, and had changed his
opinions altogether. If Paul had lived the English would have lost India
before now. An agreement was made between Paul and myself to invade it.
I furnished the plan. I was to have sent thirty thousand good troops. He was
to send a similar number of the best Russian soldiers, and forty thousand
Cossacks. I was to subscribe ten millions for the purchase of camels and
other requisites for crossing the desert. The King of Prussia was to have
been applied to by both of us to grant a passage for my troops through his
dominions, which would have been immediately granted. I had, at the same
time, made a demand to the King of Persia for a passage through his
country, which would also have been granted, although the negotiations
were not entirely concluded, but would have succeeded, as the Persians
were desirous of profiting by it themselves." [28]
On another occasion, speaking upon this same subject, Napoleon said to
Las Casas, "Paul had been promised Malta the moment it was taken
possession of by the English. Malta reduced, the English ministers denied
that they had promised it to him. It is confidently stated that, on the reading
of this shameful falsehood, Paul felt so indignant that, seizing the dispatch
in full council, he ran his sword through it, and ordered it to be sent back, in
that condition, by way of answer. If this be a folly, it must be allowed that it
is the folly of a noble soul. It is the indignation of virtue, which was
incapable until then of suspecting such baseness.
"At the same time the English ministers, treating with us for the exchange
of prisoners, refused to include the Russian prisoners taken in Holland, who
were in the actual service and fought for the sole cause of the English. I had
hit upon the bent of Paul's character. I seized time by the forelock. I
collected these Russians. I clothed them and sent them back without any
expense. From that instant that generous heart was altogether devoted to
me, and, as I had no interest in opposition to Russia, and should never have
spoken or acted but with justice, there is no doubt that I should have been
enabled, for the future, to dispose of the cabinet of St. Petersburg. Our
enemies were sensible of the danger, and it has been thought that this good-
Page 396
will of Paul proved fatal to him, It might well have been the case, for there
are cabinets with whom nothing is sacred."
The death of Paul brought the enemies of France and the friends of England
into power at St. Petersburg. The new emperor, the first day after his
accession to the throne, issued a proclamation declaring his intention to
follow in the footsteps of his grandmother, Catharine. He liberated all the
English sailors whom Paul had taken from the ships laid under
sequestration. All the decrees against the free importation of English
merchandise were abolished; and the young emperor soon wrote, with his
own hand, a letter to the King of England, expressing his earnest desire
again to establish friendly relations between the courts of Russia and
England. This declaration was received in London with shouts of joy.
Alexander was twenty-three years of age when he ascended the throne. A
Swiss, by the name of Laharpe, a man of great intelligence and lofty spirit,
and a republican in principle, had been for many years the prominent tutor
of the young prince, and had obtained a great control over his mind. The
instructions of Laharpe, who wished to make a Washington of his pupil,
were much counteracted by the despotic lessons he had received from
Catharine, and by the luxury, servility and corruption which crowded the
Russian court. Naturally amiable, and possessed of by no means a strong
character, the young monarch was easily moulded by the influences which
surrounded him. He evidently commenced his reign with the best
intentions, resolved, in every way, to promote the prosperity of his subjects.
It is painful to observe the almost inevitable tendency of power to deprave
the soul. History is filled with the records of those sovereigns who have
fallen from virtue to vice.
The commencement of the reign of Alexander was hailed with general joy.
All his first proclamations breathe the spirit of benevolence, of generosity,
of the desire to ameliorate the condition of the oppressed millions. The
ridiculous ordinances which Paul had issued were promptly abrogated. By a
special edict all Russians were permitted to dress as they pleased, to wear
twilled waistcoats and pantaloons, instead of short clothes, if they preferred
them. They were permitted to wear round hats, to lead dogs with a leash,
and to fasten their shoes with strings instead of buckles. A large number of
are cabinets with whom nothing is sacred."
The death of Paul brought the enemies of France and the friends of England
into power at St. Petersburg. The new emperor, the first day after his
accession to the throne, issued a proclamation declaring his intention to
follow in the footsteps of his grandmother, Catharine. He liberated all the
English sailors whom Paul had taken from the ships laid under
sequestration. All the decrees against the free importation of English
merchandise were abolished; and the young emperor soon wrote, with his
own hand, a letter to the King of England, expressing his earnest desire
again to establish friendly relations between the courts of Russia and
England. This declaration was received in London with shouts of joy.
Alexander was twenty-three years of age when he ascended the throne. A
Swiss, by the name of Laharpe, a man of great intelligence and lofty spirit,
and a republican in principle, had been for many years the prominent tutor
of the young prince, and had obtained a great control over his mind. The
instructions of Laharpe, who wished to make a Washington of his pupil,
were much counteracted by the despotic lessons he had received from
Catharine, and by the luxury, servility and corruption which crowded the
Russian court. Naturally amiable, and possessed of by no means a strong
character, the young monarch was easily moulded by the influences which
surrounded him. He evidently commenced his reign with the best
intentions, resolved, in every way, to promote the prosperity of his subjects.
It is painful to observe the almost inevitable tendency of power to deprave
the soul. History is filled with the records of those sovereigns who have
fallen from virtue to vice.
The commencement of the reign of Alexander was hailed with general joy.
All his first proclamations breathe the spirit of benevolence, of generosity,
of the desire to ameliorate the condition of the oppressed millions. The
ridiculous ordinances which Paul had issued were promptly abrogated. By a
special edict all Russians were permitted to dress as they pleased, to wear
twilled waistcoats and pantaloons, instead of short clothes, if they preferred
them. They were permitted to wear round hats, to lead dogs with a leash,
and to fasten their shoes with strings instead of buckles. A large number of
Page 397
exiles, whom Paul had sent to Siberia, were recalled, and many of the most
burdensome requirements of etiquette, in the court, were annulled.
Though Alexander was an absolute monarch, who could issue any decree,
subject to no restraint, he conferred upon the senate the power to revise
these decrees, and to suggest any amendment; and he also created a
legislature who were permitted to advise respecting any regulations which
they might think promotive of the interests of the empire. The will of the
emperor was, however, absolute and unchecked. Still the appointment of
these deliberative and advising bodies was considered an immense stride
towards constitutional freedom. The censorship of the press was greatly
mitigated, and foreign books and journals were more freely introduced to
the empire.
Two new ministries were established by Alexander, with extensive
responsibilities—the Ministry of the Interior, and that of Public Instruction.
All the officers of government were rendered accountable to the senate, and
responsible to the sovereign. These elements of accountability and of
responsibility had hitherto been almost unknown in Russia. Charitable
institutions were established, and schools of different grades, for the
instruction of all classes of the people. Ambitious of rendering the Russian
court as brilliant in all the appliances of luxury and art as any court in
Europe, the emperor was indefatigable in the collection of paintings,
statuary, medals and all artistic curiosities. The contrast thus became very
marked between the semi-barbarism of the provinces and the enlightenment
and voluptuousness of the capital.
It is worthy of remark that when Alexander ascended the throne there did
not exist in all Russia, not even in St. Petersburg, a single book-store. [29]
The Russian sovereigns had wished to take from civilization only that
which would add to their despotic power. Desiring to perpetuate the
monopoly of authority, they sought to retain in their own hands the
privileges of instruction. The impulse which Alexander had given to the
cause of education spread throughout the empire, and the nobles, in the
distant provinces, interested themselves in establishing schools. These
schools were, however, very exclusive in their character, admitting none but
the children of the nobles. The military schools which Catharine had
burdensome requirements of etiquette, in the court, were annulled.
Though Alexander was an absolute monarch, who could issue any decree,
subject to no restraint, he conferred upon the senate the power to revise
these decrees, and to suggest any amendment; and he also created a
legislature who were permitted to advise respecting any regulations which
they might think promotive of the interests of the empire. The will of the
emperor was, however, absolute and unchecked. Still the appointment of
these deliberative and advising bodies was considered an immense stride
towards constitutional freedom. The censorship of the press was greatly
mitigated, and foreign books and journals were more freely introduced to
the empire.
Two new ministries were established by Alexander, with extensive
responsibilities—the Ministry of the Interior, and that of Public Instruction.
All the officers of government were rendered accountable to the senate, and
responsible to the sovereign. These elements of accountability and of
responsibility had hitherto been almost unknown in Russia. Charitable
institutions were established, and schools of different grades, for the
instruction of all classes of the people. Ambitious of rendering the Russian
court as brilliant in all the appliances of luxury and art as any court in
Europe, the emperor was indefatigable in the collection of paintings,
statuary, medals and all artistic curiosities. The contrast thus became very
marked between the semi-barbarism of the provinces and the enlightenment
and voluptuousness of the capital.
It is worthy of remark that when Alexander ascended the throne there did
not exist in all Russia, not even in St. Petersburg, a single book-store. [29]
The Russian sovereigns had wished to take from civilization only that
which would add to their despotic power. Desiring to perpetuate the
monopoly of authority, they sought to retain in their own hands the
privileges of instruction. The impulse which Alexander had given to the
cause of education spread throughout the empire, and the nobles, in the
distant provinces, interested themselves in establishing schools. These
schools were, however, very exclusive in their character, admitting none but
the children of the nobles. The military schools which Catharine had
Page 398
established, with so much care, Alexander encouraged and supported with
the utmost assiduity.
As Catharine II. had endeavored to obliterate every trace of the government
of her murdered husband, Peter III., so Alexander strove to efface all
vestiges of his assassinated father, Paul. He entered into the closest alliance
with England, and manifested much eagerness in his desire to gratify all the
wishes of the cabinet of St. James. He even went so far as to consent to pay
a sum of eight hundred thousand rubles ($600,000), as an indemnity to
England for the loss the English merchants had incurred by the embargo
placed by Paul upon their ships. Every day the partiality of the young
emperor for England became more manifest. In the meantime Napoleon
was unwearied in his endeavors to secure the good-will of a monarch whose
sword would have so important an influence in settling the quarrel between
aristocracy and democracy which then agitated Europe. Napoleon was so
far successful that, on the 8th of October, 1801, a treaty of friendly alliance
was signed at Paris between France and Russia. The battle of Marengo had
compelled Austria to withdraw from the coalition against France; and the
peace of Luneville, which Napoleon signed with Austria in February, 1801,
followed by peace with Spain and Naples in March, with the pope in July,
with Bavaria in August and with Portugal in September, left England to
struggle alone against those republican principles which in the eyes of
aristocratic Europe seemed equally obnoxious whether moulded under the
form of the republic, the consulate or the empire.
The English cabinet, thus left to struggle alone, was compelled, though very
reluctantly, by the murmurs of the British people, to consent to peace with
France; and the treaty of Amiens, which restored peace to entire Europe,
was signed in March, 1802. A few days after this event, peace was signed
with Turkey, and thus through the sagacity and energy of Napoleon, every
hostile sword was sheathed in Europe and on the confines of Asia. But the
treaty of Amiens was a sore humiliation to the cabinet of St. James, and
hardly a year had elapsed ere the British government, in May, 1803, again
drew the sword, and all Europe was again involved in war. It was a war,
said William Pitt truly, "of armed opinions."
The Russian embassador at Paris, M. Marcow, who under Catharine II. had
shown himself bitterly hostile to the French republic, was declared to be
the utmost assiduity.
As Catharine II. had endeavored to obliterate every trace of the government
of her murdered husband, Peter III., so Alexander strove to efface all
vestiges of his assassinated father, Paul. He entered into the closest alliance
with England, and manifested much eagerness in his desire to gratify all the
wishes of the cabinet of St. James. He even went so far as to consent to pay
a sum of eight hundred thousand rubles ($600,000), as an indemnity to
England for the loss the English merchants had incurred by the embargo
placed by Paul upon their ships. Every day the partiality of the young
emperor for England became more manifest. In the meantime Napoleon
was unwearied in his endeavors to secure the good-will of a monarch whose
sword would have so important an influence in settling the quarrel between
aristocracy and democracy which then agitated Europe. Napoleon was so
far successful that, on the 8th of October, 1801, a treaty of friendly alliance
was signed at Paris between France and Russia. The battle of Marengo had
compelled Austria to withdraw from the coalition against France; and the
peace of Luneville, which Napoleon signed with Austria in February, 1801,
followed by peace with Spain and Naples in March, with the pope in July,
with Bavaria in August and with Portugal in September, left England to
struggle alone against those republican principles which in the eyes of
aristocratic Europe seemed equally obnoxious whether moulded under the
form of the republic, the consulate or the empire.
The English cabinet, thus left to struggle alone, was compelled, though very
reluctantly, by the murmurs of the British people, to consent to peace with
France; and the treaty of Amiens, which restored peace to entire Europe,
was signed in March, 1802. A few days after this event, peace was signed
with Turkey, and thus through the sagacity and energy of Napoleon, every
hostile sword was sheathed in Europe and on the confines of Asia. But the
treaty of Amiens was a sore humiliation to the cabinet of St. James, and
hardly a year had elapsed ere the British government, in May, 1803, again
drew the sword, and all Europe was again involved in war. It was a war,
said William Pitt truly, "of armed opinions."
The Russian embassador at Paris, M. Marcow, who under Catharine II. had
shown himself bitterly hostile to the French republic, was declared to be
Page 399
guilty of entering into intrigues to assist the English, now making war upon
France, and he was ordered immediately to leave the kingdom. Alexander
did not resent this act, so obviously proper, but rewarded the dismissed
minister with an annual pension of twelve thousand rubles ($9,000).
During this short interval of peace Alexander was raising an army of five
hundred thousand men, to extend and consolidate his dominions on the side
of Turkey. His frontiers there were dimly defined, and his authority but
feebly exerted. He pushed his armies into Georgia and took firm possession
of that vast province extending between the Black Sea and the Caspian, and
embracing some eighteen thousand square miles. At the same time the
blasts of his bugles were heard reverberating through the defiles of the
Balkan, and his fortresses were reared and his banners planted there. The
monarchs of Russia, for many generations, had fixed a wistful eye upon
Constantinople, but no one had coveted the possession of that important
city so intensely as now did Alexander. "Constantinople," said he often, "is
the key of my house."
The arrest of the Duke d'Enghien, in the territory of the Duke of Baden, and
his execution as a traitor for being in arms against his own country, excited
the indignation of Alexander. Napoleon, immediately after the arrest, had
made an apology to the Duke of Baden for the violation of a neutral
territory, and this apology was accepted by the duke as satisfactory.
Nevertheless, Alexander through his embassador, sent the following
message to the court of the First Consul:
"The Emperor Alexander, as mediator and guarantee of the continental
peace, has notified the States of the German empire that he considers the
action of the First Consul as endangering their safety and independence,
and that he does not doubt that the First Consul will take prompt measures
to reassure those governments by giving satisfactory explanations."
Napoleon regarded this interference of Alexander as impertinent, and
caused his minister to reply,
"What would Alexander have said if the First Consul had imperiously
demanded explanations respecting the murder of Paul I., and had pretended
to constitute himself an avenger? How is it, that when the sovereign of the
territory, which it is said has been violated, makes no complaint; when all
France, and he was ordered immediately to leave the kingdom. Alexander
did not resent this act, so obviously proper, but rewarded the dismissed
minister with an annual pension of twelve thousand rubles ($9,000).
During this short interval of peace Alexander was raising an army of five
hundred thousand men, to extend and consolidate his dominions on the side
of Turkey. His frontiers there were dimly defined, and his authority but
feebly exerted. He pushed his armies into Georgia and took firm possession
of that vast province extending between the Black Sea and the Caspian, and
embracing some eighteen thousand square miles. At the same time the
blasts of his bugles were heard reverberating through the defiles of the
Balkan, and his fortresses were reared and his banners planted there. The
monarchs of Russia, for many generations, had fixed a wistful eye upon
Constantinople, but no one had coveted the possession of that important
city so intensely as now did Alexander. "Constantinople," said he often, "is
the key of my house."
The arrest of the Duke d'Enghien, in the territory of the Duke of Baden, and
his execution as a traitor for being in arms against his own country, excited
the indignation of Alexander. Napoleon, immediately after the arrest, had
made an apology to the Duke of Baden for the violation of a neutral
territory, and this apology was accepted by the duke as satisfactory.
Nevertheless, Alexander through his embassador, sent the following
message to the court of the First Consul:
"The Emperor Alexander, as mediator and guarantee of the continental
peace, has notified the States of the German empire that he considers the
action of the First Consul as endangering their safety and independence,
and that he does not doubt that the First Consul will take prompt measures
to reassure those governments by giving satisfactory explanations."
Napoleon regarded this interference of Alexander as impertinent, and
caused his minister to reply,
"What would Alexander have said if the First Consul had imperiously
demanded explanations respecting the murder of Paul I., and had pretended
to constitute himself an avenger? How is it, that when the sovereign of the
territory, which it is said has been violated, makes no complaint; when all
Page 400
the princes, his neighbors and his allies, are silent—how is it that the
Emperor of Russia, least of all interested in the affair, raises his voice
alone? Does it not arise from complicity with England, that machinator of
conspiracies against the power and the life of the First Consul? Is not
Russia engaged in similar conspiracies at Rome, at Dresden and at Paris? If
Russia desires war, why does she not frankly say so, instead of endeavoring
to secure that end indirectly?"
In May of 1804, Napoleon assumed the imperial title. Alexander, denying
the right of the people to elect their own sovereign, refused to recognize the
empire. Hence increasing irritation arose. England, trembling in view of the
camp at Boulogne, roused all her energies to rally Europe to strike France in
the rear. In this effort she was signally successful. Russia, Sweden, Austria,
Turkey and Rome, were engaged in vigorous coöperation with England
against France. Holland, Switzerland and Bavaria ranged themselves on the
side of Napoleon.
On the 8th of September, 1805, the armies of Austria and Russia were on
the march for France, and the Austrian troops, in overwhelming numbers,
invaded Bavaria. Napoleon was prepared for the blow. The camp at
Boulogne was broken up, and his troops were instantly on the march
towards the Rhine. In the marvelous campaign of Ulm the Austrian army
was crushed, almost annihilated, and the victorious battalions of Napoleon
marched resistlessly to Vienna. Alexander, with a vast army, was hurrying
forward, by forced marches, to assist his Austrian ally. At Olmutz he met
the Emperor of Austria on the retreat with thirty thousand men, the wreck of
that magnificent army with which he had commenced his march upon
France. Here the two armies formed a junction—seventy thousand Russians
receiving into their ranks thirty thousand Austrians. The two emperors,
Alexander and Francis, rode at the head of this formidable force.
On the 1st of December, Napoleon, leading an army of seventy thousand
men, encountered these, his combined foes, on the plains of Austerlitz. "To-
morrow," said he, "before nightfall, that army shall be mine!" A day of
carnage, such as war has seldom seen, ensued. From an eminence the
Emperors of Russia and Austria witnessed the destruction of their hosts. No
language can describe the tumult which pervaded the ranks of the retreating
foe. The Russians, wild with dismay, rent the skies with their barbaric
Emperor of Russia, least of all interested in the affair, raises his voice
alone? Does it not arise from complicity with England, that machinator of
conspiracies against the power and the life of the First Consul? Is not
Russia engaged in similar conspiracies at Rome, at Dresden and at Paris? If
Russia desires war, why does she not frankly say so, instead of endeavoring
to secure that end indirectly?"
In May of 1804, Napoleon assumed the imperial title. Alexander, denying
the right of the people to elect their own sovereign, refused to recognize the
empire. Hence increasing irritation arose. England, trembling in view of the
camp at Boulogne, roused all her energies to rally Europe to strike France in
the rear. In this effort she was signally successful. Russia, Sweden, Austria,
Turkey and Rome, were engaged in vigorous coöperation with England
against France. Holland, Switzerland and Bavaria ranged themselves on the
side of Napoleon.
On the 8th of September, 1805, the armies of Austria and Russia were on
the march for France, and the Austrian troops, in overwhelming numbers,
invaded Bavaria. Napoleon was prepared for the blow. The camp at
Boulogne was broken up, and his troops were instantly on the march
towards the Rhine. In the marvelous campaign of Ulm the Austrian army
was crushed, almost annihilated, and the victorious battalions of Napoleon
marched resistlessly to Vienna. Alexander, with a vast army, was hurrying
forward, by forced marches, to assist his Austrian ally. At Olmutz he met
the Emperor of Austria on the retreat with thirty thousand men, the wreck of
that magnificent army with which he had commenced his march upon
France. Here the two armies formed a junction—seventy thousand Russians
receiving into their ranks thirty thousand Austrians. The two emperors,
Alexander and Francis, rode at the head of this formidable force.
On the 1st of December, Napoleon, leading an army of seventy thousand
men, encountered these, his combined foes, on the plains of Austerlitz. "To-
morrow," said he, "before nightfall, that army shall be mine!" A day of
carnage, such as war has seldom seen, ensued. From an eminence the
Emperors of Russia and Austria witnessed the destruction of their hosts. No
language can describe the tumult which pervaded the ranks of the retreating
foe. The Russians, wild with dismay, rent the skies with their barbaric
Page 401
shouts, and wreaked their vengeance upon all the helpless villages they
encountered in their path.
Francis, the Emperor of Austria, utterly ruined, sought an interview with his
conqueror, and implored peace. Napoleon, as ever, was magnanimous, and
was eager to sheathe the sword which he had only drawn in self-defense.
Francis endeavored to throw the blame of the war upon England.
"The English," said he, "are a nation of merchants. To secure for themselves
the commerce of the world they are willing to set the continent in flames!"
The Austrian monarch, having obtained very favorable terms for himself,
interceded for Alexander. "The Russian army," Napoleon replied, "is
surrounded. Not a man can escape me. If, however, your majesty will
promise me that Alexander shall immediately return to Russia, I will stop
the advance of my columns."
The pledge was given, and Napoleon then sent General Savary to the head-
quarters of Alexander, to inquire if he would ratify the armistice.
"I am happy to see you," said the emperor to the envoy. "The occasion has
been very glorious for your arms. That day will take nothing from the
reputation your master has earned in so many battles. It was my first
engagement. I confess that the rapidity of his maneuvers gave me no time to
succor the menaced points. Everywhere you were at least double the
number of our forces."
"Sire," Savary replied, "our force was twenty-five thousand less than yours.
And even of that the whole was not very warmly engaged. But we
maneuvered much, and the same division combated at several different
points. Therein lies the art of war. The emperor, who has seen forty pitched
battles, is never wanting in that particular. He is still ready to march against
the Archduke Charles, if your majesty does not accept the armistice."
"What guarantee does your master require," continued Alexander, "and
what security can I have that your troops will not prosecute their
movements against me?"
"He asks only your word of honor," Savary replied. "He has instructed me
the moment it is given to suspend the pursuit."
encountered in their path.
Francis, the Emperor of Austria, utterly ruined, sought an interview with his
conqueror, and implored peace. Napoleon, as ever, was magnanimous, and
was eager to sheathe the sword which he had only drawn in self-defense.
Francis endeavored to throw the blame of the war upon England.
"The English," said he, "are a nation of merchants. To secure for themselves
the commerce of the world they are willing to set the continent in flames!"
The Austrian monarch, having obtained very favorable terms for himself,
interceded for Alexander. "The Russian army," Napoleon replied, "is
surrounded. Not a man can escape me. If, however, your majesty will
promise me that Alexander shall immediately return to Russia, I will stop
the advance of my columns."
The pledge was given, and Napoleon then sent General Savary to the head-
quarters of Alexander, to inquire if he would ratify the armistice.
"I am happy to see you," said the emperor to the envoy. "The occasion has
been very glorious for your arms. That day will take nothing from the
reputation your master has earned in so many battles. It was my first
engagement. I confess that the rapidity of his maneuvers gave me no time to
succor the menaced points. Everywhere you were at least double the
number of our forces."
"Sire," Savary replied, "our force was twenty-five thousand less than yours.
And even of that the whole was not very warmly engaged. But we
maneuvered much, and the same division combated at several different
points. Therein lies the art of war. The emperor, who has seen forty pitched
battles, is never wanting in that particular. He is still ready to march against
the Archduke Charles, if your majesty does not accept the armistice."
"What guarantee does your master require," continued Alexander, "and
what security can I have that your troops will not prosecute their
movements against me?"
"He asks only your word of honor," Savary replied. "He has instructed me
the moment it is given to suspend the pursuit."
Page 402
"I give it with pleasure," rejoined the emperor, "and should it ever be your
fortune to visit St. Petersburg, I hope that I may be able to render my capital
agreeable to you."
Hostilities immediately ceased, and the broken columns of the Russian
troops returned to their homes. The Austro-Russian army, in the disastrous
day of Austerlitz, lost in killed, wounded and prisoners, over forty thousand
men. It is stated that Alexander, when flying from the bloody field with his
discomfited troops, his path being strewed with the wounded and the dead,
posted placards along the route, with the inscription,
"I commend my unfortunate soldiers to the generosity of the Emperor
Napoleon!"
Alexander, young and ambitions, was very much chagrined by this utter
discomfiture. Austerlitz was his first battle; and instead of covering him
with renown it had overwhelmed him with disgrace. He was anxious for an
opportunity to wipe away the stain. A new coalition was soon formed
against France, consisting of England, Russia, Prussia and Sweden.
Alexander eagerly entered into this coalition, hoping for an opportunity to
acquire that military fame which, in this lost world, has been ever deemed
so essential to the reputation of a sovereign. The remonstrance of Napoleon,
with Russia, was noble and unanswerable.
"Why," said he, "should hostilities arise between France and Russia?
Perfectly independent of each other, they are impotent to inflict evil, but all-
powerful to communicate benefits. If the Emperor of France exercises a
great influence in Italy, the tzar exerts a still greater influence over Turkey
and Persia. If the cabinet of Russia pretends to have a right to affix limits to
the power of France, without doubt it is equally disposed to allow the
Emperor of the French to prescribe the bounds beyond which Russia is not
to pass. Russia has partitioned Poland. Can she then complain that France
possesses Belgium and the left banks of the Rhine? Russia has seized upon
the Crimea, the Caucasus, and the northern provinces of Persia. Can she
deny that the right of self-preservation gives France a right to demand an
equivalent in Europe?
"Let every power begin by restoring the conquests which it has made during
the last fifty years. Let them reëstablish Poland, restore Venice to its senate,
fortune to visit St. Petersburg, I hope that I may be able to render my capital
agreeable to you."
Hostilities immediately ceased, and the broken columns of the Russian
troops returned to their homes. The Austro-Russian army, in the disastrous
day of Austerlitz, lost in killed, wounded and prisoners, over forty thousand
men. It is stated that Alexander, when flying from the bloody field with his
discomfited troops, his path being strewed with the wounded and the dead,
posted placards along the route, with the inscription,
"I commend my unfortunate soldiers to the generosity of the Emperor
Napoleon!"
Alexander, young and ambitions, was very much chagrined by this utter
discomfiture. Austerlitz was his first battle; and instead of covering him
with renown it had overwhelmed him with disgrace. He was anxious for an
opportunity to wipe away the stain. A new coalition was soon formed
against France, consisting of England, Russia, Prussia and Sweden.
Alexander eagerly entered into this coalition, hoping for an opportunity to
acquire that military fame which, in this lost world, has been ever deemed
so essential to the reputation of a sovereign. The remonstrance of Napoleon,
with Russia, was noble and unanswerable.
"Why," said he, "should hostilities arise between France and Russia?
Perfectly independent of each other, they are impotent to inflict evil, but all-
powerful to communicate benefits. If the Emperor of France exercises a
great influence in Italy, the tzar exerts a still greater influence over Turkey
and Persia. If the cabinet of Russia pretends to have a right to affix limits to
the power of France, without doubt it is equally disposed to allow the
Emperor of the French to prescribe the bounds beyond which Russia is not
to pass. Russia has partitioned Poland. Can she then complain that France
possesses Belgium and the left banks of the Rhine? Russia has seized upon
the Crimea, the Caucasus, and the northern provinces of Persia. Can she
deny that the right of self-preservation gives France a right to demand an
equivalent in Europe?
"Let every power begin by restoring the conquests which it has made during
the last fifty years. Let them reëstablish Poland, restore Venice to its senate,
Page 403
Trinidad to Spain, Ceylon to Holland, the Crimea to the Porte, the Caucasus
and Georgia to Persia, the kingdom of Mysore to the sons of Tippoo Saib,
and the Mahratta States to their lawful owners; and then the other powers
may have some title to insist that France shall retire within her ancient
limits. It is the fashion to speak of the ambition of France. Had she chosen
to preserve her conquests, the half of Austria, the Venetian States, the States
of Holland and Switzerland and the kingdom of Naples would have been in
her possession. The limits of France are, in reality, the Adige and the Rhine.
Has it passed either of these limits? Had it fixed on the Solza and the Drave,
it would not have exceeded the bounds of its conquests."
In September, 1806, the Prussian army, two hundred thousand strong,
commenced their march for the invasion of France. Alexander had also
marshaled his barbarian legions and was eagerly following, with two
hundred thousand of the most highly disciplined Russian troops in his train.
Napoleon contemplated with sorrow the rising of this new storm of war and
woe; but with characteristic vigor he prepared to meet it. As he left Paris for
the campaign, in a parting message to the senate he said,
"In so just a war, which we have not provoked by any act, by any pretense,
the true cause of which it would be impossible to assign, and where we only
take arms to defend ourselves, we depend entirely upon the support of the
laws, and upon that of the people whom circumstances call upon to give
fresh proofs of their devotion and courage."
In the battle of Jena, which took place on the 14th of October, the Prussian
army was nearly annihilated, leaving in a few hours more than forty
thousand men in killed, wounded and prisoners. In less than a month the
conquest of entire Prussia was achieved, and Napoleon was pursuing
Frederic William, who, with the wreck of the Prussian army was hastening
to take refuge in the bosom of the Russian hosts which were approaching.
December had now come with its icy blasts, and Napoleon, leading his
victorious troops to the banks of the Vistula, more than a thousand miles
from France, established them in winter quarters, waiting until spring for
the renewal of the campaign.
Alexander, terrified by the destruction of his Prussian allies, halted his
troops upon the other side of the Vistula, and from his vast realms collected
and Georgia to Persia, the kingdom of Mysore to the sons of Tippoo Saib,
and the Mahratta States to their lawful owners; and then the other powers
may have some title to insist that France shall retire within her ancient
limits. It is the fashion to speak of the ambition of France. Had she chosen
to preserve her conquests, the half of Austria, the Venetian States, the States
of Holland and Switzerland and the kingdom of Naples would have been in
her possession. The limits of France are, in reality, the Adige and the Rhine.
Has it passed either of these limits? Had it fixed on the Solza and the Drave,
it would not have exceeded the bounds of its conquests."
In September, 1806, the Prussian army, two hundred thousand strong,
commenced their march for the invasion of France. Alexander had also
marshaled his barbarian legions and was eagerly following, with two
hundred thousand of the most highly disciplined Russian troops in his train.
Napoleon contemplated with sorrow the rising of this new storm of war and
woe; but with characteristic vigor he prepared to meet it. As he left Paris for
the campaign, in a parting message to the senate he said,
"In so just a war, which we have not provoked by any act, by any pretense,
the true cause of which it would be impossible to assign, and where we only
take arms to defend ourselves, we depend entirely upon the support of the
laws, and upon that of the people whom circumstances call upon to give
fresh proofs of their devotion and courage."
In the battle of Jena, which took place on the 14th of October, the Prussian
army was nearly annihilated, leaving in a few hours more than forty
thousand men in killed, wounded and prisoners. In less than a month the
conquest of entire Prussia was achieved, and Napoleon was pursuing
Frederic William, who, with the wreck of the Prussian army was hastening
to take refuge in the bosom of the Russian hosts which were approaching.
December had now come with its icy blasts, and Napoleon, leading his
victorious troops to the banks of the Vistula, more than a thousand miles
from France, established them in winter quarters, waiting until spring for
the renewal of the campaign.
Alexander, terrified by the destruction of his Prussian allies, halted his
troops upon the other side of the Vistula, and from his vast realms collected
Page 404
recruits. For a few weeks the storms of winter secured a tacit armistice.
In February, 1807, Alexander assumed the offensive and endeavored to
surprise Napoleon in his encampment. But Napoleon was on the alert. A
series of terrific battles ensued, in which the French were invariably the
victors. The retreating Russians, hotly pursued, at last rallied on the field of
Eylau. Napoleon had already driven them two hundred and forty miles from
his encampment on the Vistula.
"It was the 7th of February, 1807. The night was dark and intensely cold as
the Russians, exhausted by the retreat of the day, took their positions for the
desperate battle of the morrow. There was a gentle swell of land extending
two or three miles, which skirted a vast, bleak, unsheltered plain, over
which the wintry gale drifted the snow. Upon this ridge the Russians in
double lines formed themselves in battle array. Five hundred pieces of
cannon were ranged in battery, to hurl destruction into the bosoms of their
foes. They then threw themselves upon the icy ground for their frigid
bivouac. A fierce storm had already risen, which spread over the sleeping
host its mantle of snow."
Napoleon came also upon the field, in the darkness of the night and of the
storm, and placed his army in position for the battle which the dawn would
usher in. Two hundred pieces of artillery were planted to reply to the
Russian batteries. There were eighty thousand Russians on the ridge, sixty
thousand Frenchmen on the plain, and separated by a distance of less than
half a cannon shot. The sentinels of either army could almost touch each
other with their muskets.
The morning had not yet dawned when the cannonade commenced. The
earth shook beneath its roar. A storm of snow at the same time swept over
the plain blinding and smothering assailants and assailed. The smoke of the
battle blended with the storm had spread over the contending hosts a
sulphurous canopy black as midnight. Even the flash of the guns could
hardly be discerned through the gloom. All the day long, and until ten
o'clock at night, the battle raged with undiminished fury. One half of the
Russian army was now destroyed, and the remainder, unable longer to
endure the conflict, sullenly retreated. Napoleon remained master of the
field, which exhibited such a scene of misery as had never before met even
In February, 1807, Alexander assumed the offensive and endeavored to
surprise Napoleon in his encampment. But Napoleon was on the alert. A
series of terrific battles ensued, in which the French were invariably the
victors. The retreating Russians, hotly pursued, at last rallied on the field of
Eylau. Napoleon had already driven them two hundred and forty miles from
his encampment on the Vistula.
"It was the 7th of February, 1807. The night was dark and intensely cold as
the Russians, exhausted by the retreat of the day, took their positions for the
desperate battle of the morrow. There was a gentle swell of land extending
two or three miles, which skirted a vast, bleak, unsheltered plain, over
which the wintry gale drifted the snow. Upon this ridge the Russians in
double lines formed themselves in battle array. Five hundred pieces of
cannon were ranged in battery, to hurl destruction into the bosoms of their
foes. They then threw themselves upon the icy ground for their frigid
bivouac. A fierce storm had already risen, which spread over the sleeping
host its mantle of snow."
Napoleon came also upon the field, in the darkness of the night and of the
storm, and placed his army in position for the battle which the dawn would
usher in. Two hundred pieces of artillery were planted to reply to the
Russian batteries. There were eighty thousand Russians on the ridge, sixty
thousand Frenchmen on the plain, and separated by a distance of less than
half a cannon shot. The sentinels of either army could almost touch each
other with their muskets.
The morning had not yet dawned when the cannonade commenced. The
earth shook beneath its roar. A storm of snow at the same time swept over
the plain blinding and smothering assailants and assailed. The smoke of the
battle blended with the storm had spread over the contending hosts a
sulphurous canopy black as midnight. Even the flash of the guns could
hardly be discerned through the gloom. All the day long, and until ten
o'clock at night, the battle raged with undiminished fury. One half of the
Russian army was now destroyed, and the remainder, unable longer to
endure the conflict, sullenly retreated. Napoleon remained master of the
field, which exhibited such a scene of misery as had never before met even
Page 405
his eye. When congratulated upon his victory by one of his officers he
replied sadly,
"To a father who loses his children, victory has no charms. When the heart
speaks, glory itself is an illusion."
———
[28] "Napoleon at St. Helena," p. 534.
[29] Histoire Philosophique et Politique de Russie, Depuis les Temps les Plus Reculés jusqu'au nos
Jours. Par J. Esneaux et Chenechot. Tome cinquième, p. 293.
CHAPTER XXX.
REIGN OF ALEXANDER I.
From 1807 to 1825.
The Field of Eylau.—Letter to the King of Prussia.—Renewal of the
War—Discomfiture of the Allies.—Battle of Friedland.—The Raft at
Tilsit.—Intimacy of the Emperors.—Alexander's Designs upon Turkey.—
Alliance between France and Russia.—Object of the Continental
System.—Perplexities of Alexander.—Driven by the Nobles to War.—
Results of the Russian Campaign.—Napoleon Vanquished.—Last Days of
Alexander.—His Sickness and Death.
From the field of Eylau, the Russians and Prussians retreated to the
Niemen. Napoleon remained some days upon the field to nurse the
wounded, and, anxious for peace, wrote to the King of Prussia in the
following terms:
"I desire to put a period to the misfortunes of your family, and to organize,
as speedily as possible, the Prussian monarchy. I desire peace with Russia,
and, provided that the cabinet of St. Petersburg has no designs upon the
Turkish empire, I see no difficulty in obtaining it. I have no hesitation in
replied sadly,
"To a father who loses his children, victory has no charms. When the heart
speaks, glory itself is an illusion."
———
[28] "Napoleon at St. Helena," p. 534.
[29] Histoire Philosophique et Politique de Russie, Depuis les Temps les Plus Reculés jusqu'au nos
Jours. Par J. Esneaux et Chenechot. Tome cinquième, p. 293.
CHAPTER XXX.
REIGN OF ALEXANDER I.
From 1807 to 1825.
The Field of Eylau.—Letter to the King of Prussia.—Renewal of the
War—Discomfiture of the Allies.—Battle of Friedland.—The Raft at
Tilsit.—Intimacy of the Emperors.—Alexander's Designs upon Turkey.—
Alliance between France and Russia.—Object of the Continental
System.—Perplexities of Alexander.—Driven by the Nobles to War.—
Results of the Russian Campaign.—Napoleon Vanquished.—Last Days of
Alexander.—His Sickness and Death.
From the field of Eylau, the Russians and Prussians retreated to the
Niemen. Napoleon remained some days upon the field to nurse the
wounded, and, anxious for peace, wrote to the King of Prussia in the
following terms:
"I desire to put a period to the misfortunes of your family, and to organize,
as speedily as possible, the Prussian monarchy. I desire peace with Russia,
and, provided that the cabinet of St. Petersburg has no designs upon the
Turkish empire, I see no difficulty in obtaining it. I have no hesitation in
Page 406
sending a minister to Memil to take part in a congress of France, England,
Sweden, Russia, Prussia and Turkey. But as such a congress may last many
years, which would not suit the present condition of Prussia, your majesty
will, I am persuaded, be of the opinion that I have taken the simplest
method, and one which is most likely to secure the prosperity of your
subjects. At all events I entreat your majesty to believe in my sincere desire
to reëstablish amicable relations with so friendly a power as Prussia, and
that I wish to do the same with Russia and England."
These advances were haughtily rejected by both Prussia and Russia; and
Napoleon returned to the Vistula to wait until the opening of spring, when
the question was again to be referred to the arbitrament of battle. Both
parties made vigorous preparations for the strife. Alexander succeeded in
gathering around him one hundred and forty thousand soldiers. But
Napoleon had assembled one hundred and sixty thousand whom he could
rapidly concentrate upon any point between the Vistula and the Niemen.
In June the storm of war commenced with an assault by the allies. Field
after field was red with blood as the hosts of France drove their vanquished
foes before them. On the 10th of June, Alexander, with Frederic William
riding by his side, had concentrated ninety thousand men upon the plains of
Friedland, on the banks of the Aller. Here the Russians were compelled to
make a final stand and await a decisive conflict. As Napoleon rode upon a
height and surveyed his foes, caught in an elbow of the river, he said
energetically, "We have not a moment to lose. One does not twice catch an
enemy in such a trap." He immediately communicated to his aides his plan
of attack. Grasping the arm of Ney, he pointed to the dense masses of the
Russians clustered before the town of Friedland, and said,
"Yonder is the goal. March to it without looking about you. Break into that
thick mass whatever it costs. Enter Friedland; take the bridges and give
yourself no concern about what may happen on your right, your left or your
rear. The army and I shall be there to attend to that."
The whole French line now simultaneously advanced. It was one of the
most sublime and awful of the spectacles of war. For a few hours there was
the gleam and the roar of war's most terrific tempest and the Russian army
was destroyed. A frightful spectacle of ruin was exhibited. The shattered
Sweden, Russia, Prussia and Turkey. But as such a congress may last many
years, which would not suit the present condition of Prussia, your majesty
will, I am persuaded, be of the opinion that I have taken the simplest
method, and one which is most likely to secure the prosperity of your
subjects. At all events I entreat your majesty to believe in my sincere desire
to reëstablish amicable relations with so friendly a power as Prussia, and
that I wish to do the same with Russia and England."
These advances were haughtily rejected by both Prussia and Russia; and
Napoleon returned to the Vistula to wait until the opening of spring, when
the question was again to be referred to the arbitrament of battle. Both
parties made vigorous preparations for the strife. Alexander succeeded in
gathering around him one hundred and forty thousand soldiers. But
Napoleon had assembled one hundred and sixty thousand whom he could
rapidly concentrate upon any point between the Vistula and the Niemen.
In June the storm of war commenced with an assault by the allies. Field
after field was red with blood as the hosts of France drove their vanquished
foes before them. On the 10th of June, Alexander, with Frederic William
riding by his side, had concentrated ninety thousand men upon the plains of
Friedland, on the banks of the Aller. Here the Russians were compelled to
make a final stand and await a decisive conflict. As Napoleon rode upon a
height and surveyed his foes, caught in an elbow of the river, he said
energetically, "We have not a moment to lose. One does not twice catch an
enemy in such a trap." He immediately communicated to his aides his plan
of attack. Grasping the arm of Ney, he pointed to the dense masses of the
Russians clustered before the town of Friedland, and said,
"Yonder is the goal. March to it without looking about you. Break into that
thick mass whatever it costs. Enter Friedland; take the bridges and give
yourself no concern about what may happen on your right, your left or your
rear. The army and I shall be there to attend to that."
The whole French line now simultaneously advanced. It was one of the
most sublime and awful of the spectacles of war. For a few hours there was
the gleam and the roar of war's most terrific tempest and the Russian army
was destroyed. A frightful spectacle of ruin was exhibited. The shattered
Page 407
bands rushed in dismay into the stream, where thousands were swept away
by the current, while a storm of bullets from the French batteries swept the
river, and the water ran red with blood. It was in vain for Alexander to make
any further assaults. In ten days Napoleon had taken one hundred and
twenty pieces of cannon, and had killed, wounded or taken prisoners, sixty
thousand Russians.
Alexander now implored peace. It was all that Napoleon desired. The
Niemen alone now separated the victorious French and the routed Russians.
A raft was moored in the middle of the stream upon which a tent was
erected with magnificent decorations, and here the two young emperors met
to arrange the terms of peace. Alexander, like Francis of Austria,
endeavored to throw the blame of the war upon England. Almost his first
words to Napoleon were,
"I hate the English as much as you do. I am ready to second you in all your
enterprises against them."
"In that case," Napoleon replied, "every thing will be easily arranged and
peace is already made."
The interview lasted two hours, and Alexander was fascinated by the genius
of Napoleon. "Never," he afterwards said, "did I love any man as I loved
that man." Alexander was then but thirty years of age, and apparently he
became inspired with an enthusiastic admiration of Napoleon which had
never been surpassed. At the close of the interview, he crossed to the French
side of the river, and took up his residence with Napoleon at Tilsit. Every
day they rode side by side, dined together, and passed almost every hour in
confiding conversation. It was Napoleon's great object to withdraw
Alexander from the English alliance. In these long interviews the fate of
Turkey was a continual topic of conversation. Alexander was ready to make
almost any concession if Napoleon would consent that Russia should take
Constantinople. But Napoleon was irreconcilably opposed to this. It was
investing Russia with too formidable power. He was willing that the
emperor should take the provinces on the Danube, but could not consent
that he should pass the Balkan and annex the proud city of Constantine to
his realms.
by the current, while a storm of bullets from the French batteries swept the
river, and the water ran red with blood. It was in vain for Alexander to make
any further assaults. In ten days Napoleon had taken one hundred and
twenty pieces of cannon, and had killed, wounded or taken prisoners, sixty
thousand Russians.
Alexander now implored peace. It was all that Napoleon desired. The
Niemen alone now separated the victorious French and the routed Russians.
A raft was moored in the middle of the stream upon which a tent was
erected with magnificent decorations, and here the two young emperors met
to arrange the terms of peace. Alexander, like Francis of Austria,
endeavored to throw the blame of the war upon England. Almost his first
words to Napoleon were,
"I hate the English as much as you do. I am ready to second you in all your
enterprises against them."
"In that case," Napoleon replied, "every thing will be easily arranged and
peace is already made."
The interview lasted two hours, and Alexander was fascinated by the genius
of Napoleon. "Never," he afterwards said, "did I love any man as I loved
that man." Alexander was then but thirty years of age, and apparently he
became inspired with an enthusiastic admiration of Napoleon which had
never been surpassed. At the close of the interview, he crossed to the French
side of the river, and took up his residence with Napoleon at Tilsit. Every
day they rode side by side, dined together, and passed almost every hour in
confiding conversation. It was Napoleon's great object to withdraw
Alexander from the English alliance. In these long interviews the fate of
Turkey was a continual topic of conversation. Alexander was ready to make
almost any concession if Napoleon would consent that Russia should take
Constantinople. But Napoleon was irreconcilably opposed to this. It was
investing Russia with too formidable power. He was willing that the
emperor should take the provinces on the Danube, but could not consent
that he should pass the Balkan and annex the proud city of Constantine to
his realms.
Page 408
One day when the two emperors were closeted together with the map of
Europe spread out before them, Napoleon placed his finger upon
Constantinople, and was overheard by Meneval to say, with great
earnestness, "Constantinople! never! It is the empire of the world."
"All the Emperor Alexander's thoughts," said Napoleon at St. Helena, "are
directed to the conquest of Turkey. We have had many discussions about it.
At first I was pleased with his proposals, because I thought it would
enlighten the world to drive these brutes out of Egypt. But when I reflected
upon its consequences and saw what a tremendous weight of power it
would give to Russia, on account of the number of Greeks in the Turkish
dominions who would naturally join the Russians, I refused to consent to it,
especially as Alexander wanted to get Constantinople, which I would not
allow, as it would destroy the equilibrium of power in Europe."
For three weeks the emperors remained together at Tilsit, and then they
separated devoted friends. Turkey had for some time been disposed to
regard France as its protector against the encroachments of Russia, and was
disposed to enter into friendly alliance. By the treaty of Tilsit, Russia
consented to make peace with Turkey, and also to exert all her influence to
promote peace between France and England. The efforts of Alexander not
being successful in this respect, he broke off his connection with Great
Britain, and became still more intimately allied with France. The British
ambassador, Lord Gower, was informed that his presence was no longer
desired at St. Petersburg. The second bombardment of Copenhagen, and the
seizure of the Danish fleet gave occasion for Alexander to declare war
against England. The war, however, which ensued between the two
countries, amounted chiefly to a cessation of trade. England, protected by
her fleet, was invulnerable; and Napoleon and Alexander both agreed that
the only possible way of compelling England to assent to peace, was to shut
her out from commerce with the rest of Europe. This was the origin of the
famous continental system, by which it was endeavored to force the
belligerent islanders to peace by cutting off their trade.
Alexander called upon Sweden to unite in this confederacy against England.
The Swedes declined. Alexander overran the whole of Finland with his
troops, and in 1809 it was permanently annexed to the Russian empire. Just
before this event, in September, 1808, Napoleon and Alexander held
Europe spread out before them, Napoleon placed his finger upon
Constantinople, and was overheard by Meneval to say, with great
earnestness, "Constantinople! never! It is the empire of the world."
"All the Emperor Alexander's thoughts," said Napoleon at St. Helena, "are
directed to the conquest of Turkey. We have had many discussions about it.
At first I was pleased with his proposals, because I thought it would
enlighten the world to drive these brutes out of Egypt. But when I reflected
upon its consequences and saw what a tremendous weight of power it
would give to Russia, on account of the number of Greeks in the Turkish
dominions who would naturally join the Russians, I refused to consent to it,
especially as Alexander wanted to get Constantinople, which I would not
allow, as it would destroy the equilibrium of power in Europe."
For three weeks the emperors remained together at Tilsit, and then they
separated devoted friends. Turkey had for some time been disposed to
regard France as its protector against the encroachments of Russia, and was
disposed to enter into friendly alliance. By the treaty of Tilsit, Russia
consented to make peace with Turkey, and also to exert all her influence to
promote peace between France and England. The efforts of Alexander not
being successful in this respect, he broke off his connection with Great
Britain, and became still more intimately allied with France. The British
ambassador, Lord Gower, was informed that his presence was no longer
desired at St. Petersburg. The second bombardment of Copenhagen, and the
seizure of the Danish fleet gave occasion for Alexander to declare war
against England. The war, however, which ensued between the two
countries, amounted chiefly to a cessation of trade. England, protected by
her fleet, was invulnerable; and Napoleon and Alexander both agreed that
the only possible way of compelling England to assent to peace, was to shut
her out from commerce with the rest of Europe. This was the origin of the
famous continental system, by which it was endeavored to force the
belligerent islanders to peace by cutting off their trade.
Alexander called upon Sweden to unite in this confederacy against England.
The Swedes declined. Alexander overran the whole of Finland with his
troops, and in 1809 it was permanently annexed to the Russian empire. Just
before this event, in September, 1808, Napoleon and Alexander held
Page 409
another interview at Erfurth. The loss of British commerce was almost as
great a calamity to Russia as to England, and the Russian people murmured
loudly. England wished to arrest the progress of democratic ideas in France
by restoring the rejected Bourbons to the throne. In these views the nobles
of Russia sympathized cordially, and they were exasperated that Alexander
should allow personal friendship for Napoleon to interfere with the
commerce of their country, and with the maintenance of aristocratic
privilege in Europe. The Russian nobles had nothing to gain by the
establishment of free institutions in France, and the discontent with the
measures of Alexander became so general and so loudly expressed that he
began to waver.
The only hope of Napoleon was in combining Europe in a league which
should starve England into peace. He watched the vacillating spirit of
Alexander with alarm, and arranged the interview at Erfurth that he might
strengthen him in his friendly purposes. Alexander was by the most solemn
pledges bound to be faithful to this alliance. He had attacked Napoleon and
had been conquered; and the southern provinces of Russia were at the
mercy of the conqueror. Under these circumstances the treaty of Tilsit was
made, in which Alexander, in consideration of benefits received, agreed to
coöperate with Napoleon in that continental system which seemed vital to
the safety of France. Napoleon was well aware of the immense pressure
which was brought to bear upon the mind of the Russian tzar to induce him
to swerve from his agreement. Hence the conference at Erfurth. During the
deliberations at Erfurth it appears that Alexander consented that Napoleon
should place the crown of Spain upon the brow of his brother Joseph, in
consideration of Napoleon consenting that Russia should take possession of
the two Turkish provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia. And again the most
strenuous efforts were made by the united emperors to induce inflexible
England to sheathe the sword. All the nations on the continent were at
peace. England alone was prosecuting the war. But the English aristocracy
felt that they could not remain firm in their possessions while principles of
democratic freedom were dominant in France. The fundamental principle of
the government of the empire was honor to merit, not to birth. The two
emperors wrote as follows to the King of England, imploring peace:
"Sire—The present situation of Europe has brought us together at Erfurth.
Our first wish is to fulfill the desire of all nations, and, by a speedy
great a calamity to Russia as to England, and the Russian people murmured
loudly. England wished to arrest the progress of democratic ideas in France
by restoring the rejected Bourbons to the throne. In these views the nobles
of Russia sympathized cordially, and they were exasperated that Alexander
should allow personal friendship for Napoleon to interfere with the
commerce of their country, and with the maintenance of aristocratic
privilege in Europe. The Russian nobles had nothing to gain by the
establishment of free institutions in France, and the discontent with the
measures of Alexander became so general and so loudly expressed that he
began to waver.
The only hope of Napoleon was in combining Europe in a league which
should starve England into peace. He watched the vacillating spirit of
Alexander with alarm, and arranged the interview at Erfurth that he might
strengthen him in his friendly purposes. Alexander was by the most solemn
pledges bound to be faithful to this alliance. He had attacked Napoleon and
had been conquered; and the southern provinces of Russia were at the
mercy of the conqueror. Under these circumstances the treaty of Tilsit was
made, in which Alexander, in consideration of benefits received, agreed to
coöperate with Napoleon in that continental system which seemed vital to
the safety of France. Napoleon was well aware of the immense pressure
which was brought to bear upon the mind of the Russian tzar to induce him
to swerve from his agreement. Hence the conference at Erfurth. During the
deliberations at Erfurth it appears that Alexander consented that Napoleon
should place the crown of Spain upon the brow of his brother Joseph, in
consideration of Napoleon consenting that Russia should take possession of
the two Turkish provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia. And again the most
strenuous efforts were made by the united emperors to induce inflexible
England to sheathe the sword. All the nations on the continent were at
peace. England alone was prosecuting the war. But the English aristocracy
felt that they could not remain firm in their possessions while principles of
democratic freedom were dominant in France. The fundamental principle of
the government of the empire was honor to merit, not to birth. The two
emperors wrote as follows to the King of England, imploring peace:
"Sire—The present situation of Europe has brought us together at Erfurth.
Our first wish is to fulfill the desire of all nations, and, by a speedy
Page 410
pacification with your majesty to take the most effectual means of relieving
the sufferings of Europe. The long and bloody war which has convulsed the
continent is at an end, and can not be renewed. Many changes have taken
place in Europe; many governments have been destroyed. The cause is to be
found in the uneasiness and the sufferings occasioned by the stagnation of
maritime commerce. Greater changes still may take place, and all will be
unfavorable to the politics of England. Peace, therefore, is at the same time
the common cause of the nations of the continent and of Great Britain. We
unite in requesting your majesty to lend an ear to the voice of humanity, to
suppress that of the passions, to reconcile contending interests, and to
secure the welfare of Europe and of the generations over which Providence
has placed us."
The only notice taken of this letter was in a communication to the ministers
of France and Russia, in which it was stated that the "English ministers
could not reply to the two sovereigns, since one of them was not recognized
by England." A new coalition was soon formed, and Austria commenced
another march upon France, which led to the campaign of Wagram, in
which Austria was humbled as never before. Austria was now compelled, in
conjunction with France and Russia, and most of the other European
powers, to take part in the continental blockade. Alexander, shackled by his
nobles, had not been able to render Napoleon the assistance he had
promised in this war. Loud murmurs and threats of assassination were rising
around him, and instead of rigorously enforcing the exclusion of English
goods, he allowed them to be smuggled into the country. This was ruinous
to Napoleon's system. Remonstrances and recriminations ensued. At length
English goods were freely introduced, provided they entered under
American colors. Napoleon, to put a stop to this smuggling, which the local
authorities pretended they could not prevent, seized several of the principal
ports of northern Germany, and incorporated the possessions of the Duke of
Oldenburg, a near relative of Alexander, with France.[30]
These measures increased the alienation between France and Austria. In the
mean time Alexander was waging war with Turkey, and was pushing his
conquests rapidly on towards the city of Constantine. These encroachments
France contemplated with alarm. By the peace of Bucharest, signed May
28th, 1812, the whole of Bessarabia was annexed to Russia, and the limits
of the empire were extended from the Dnieper to the Pruth. The Russian
the sufferings of Europe. The long and bloody war which has convulsed the
continent is at an end, and can not be renewed. Many changes have taken
place in Europe; many governments have been destroyed. The cause is to be
found in the uneasiness and the sufferings occasioned by the stagnation of
maritime commerce. Greater changes still may take place, and all will be
unfavorable to the politics of England. Peace, therefore, is at the same time
the common cause of the nations of the continent and of Great Britain. We
unite in requesting your majesty to lend an ear to the voice of humanity, to
suppress that of the passions, to reconcile contending interests, and to
secure the welfare of Europe and of the generations over which Providence
has placed us."
The only notice taken of this letter was in a communication to the ministers
of France and Russia, in which it was stated that the "English ministers
could not reply to the two sovereigns, since one of them was not recognized
by England." A new coalition was soon formed, and Austria commenced
another march upon France, which led to the campaign of Wagram, in
which Austria was humbled as never before. Austria was now compelled, in
conjunction with France and Russia, and most of the other European
powers, to take part in the continental blockade. Alexander, shackled by his
nobles, had not been able to render Napoleon the assistance he had
promised in this war. Loud murmurs and threats of assassination were rising
around him, and instead of rigorously enforcing the exclusion of English
goods, he allowed them to be smuggled into the country. This was ruinous
to Napoleon's system. Remonstrances and recriminations ensued. At length
English goods were freely introduced, provided they entered under
American colors. Napoleon, to put a stop to this smuggling, which the local
authorities pretended they could not prevent, seized several of the principal
ports of northern Germany, and incorporated the possessions of the Duke of
Oldenburg, a near relative of Alexander, with France.[30]
These measures increased the alienation between France and Austria. In the
mean time Alexander was waging war with Turkey, and was pushing his
conquests rapidly on towards the city of Constantine. These encroachments
France contemplated with alarm. By the peace of Bucharest, signed May
28th, 1812, the whole of Bessarabia was annexed to Russia, and the limits
of the empire were extended from the Dnieper to the Pruth. The Russian
Page 411
nobles were all eager to join the European aristocracy in a war against
democratic France, and it was now evident that soon a collision must take
place between the cabinet of the Tuileries and that of St. Petersburg. It was
almost impossible for Alexander to resist the pressure which urged him to
open his ports to the English. The closing of those ports was Napoleon's
only hope of compelling England to sheathe the sword. Hence war became
a fatality.
Russia, in anticipation of a rupture, began to arm, and ordered a levy of four
men out of every hundred. In preparation for war she made peace with
Persia and Turkey, and entered into an alliance with Sweden. England was
highly gratified by this change, and was soon on most friendly terms with
the Russian cabinet. A treaty was speedily formed by England, with both
Russia and Sweden, by which these latter powers agreed to open their ports
for free commercial relations with England, and they entered into an
alliance offensive and defensive with that power. As England was still in
arms against France, this was virtually a declaration of war. This violation
also of the treaty of Tilsit was the utter ruin of Napoleon's plans. To compel
Russia to return to the continental system, Napoleon prepared for that
Russian campaign which is one of the most awful tragedies of history. The
world is so full of the narratives of that sublime drama, that the story need
not be repeated here. It is just to say that Napoleon exhausted all the arts of
diplomacy to accomplish his purpose before he put his armies in motion.
The Emperor Alexander followed the French in their retreat from Moscow,
and with all the powers of Europe allied, crossed the Rhine, and on the 31st
of March, 1814, at the head of an allied army of half a million of men
entered Paris a conqueror. His sympathies were warmly enlisted in behalf of
his fallen friend Napoleon. In the negotiations which ensued he exerted
himself strongly in his favor. It was only by assuming the most energetic
attitude against England, Austria and Prussia, that he succeeded in obtaining
for Napoleon the sovereignty of Elba. Alexander was very magnanimous,
but his voice was lost in the clamor of the sovereigns who surrounded him.
Napoleon retired to Elba. The Bourbons reascended the throne of France.
Alexander, with the King of Prussia, visited England, where he was
received with great distinction. Returning to Russia he devoted himself to
the welfare of his kingdom in the vain attempt to reconcile popular progress
democratic France, and it was now evident that soon a collision must take
place between the cabinet of the Tuileries and that of St. Petersburg. It was
almost impossible for Alexander to resist the pressure which urged him to
open his ports to the English. The closing of those ports was Napoleon's
only hope of compelling England to sheathe the sword. Hence war became
a fatality.
Russia, in anticipation of a rupture, began to arm, and ordered a levy of four
men out of every hundred. In preparation for war she made peace with
Persia and Turkey, and entered into an alliance with Sweden. England was
highly gratified by this change, and was soon on most friendly terms with
the Russian cabinet. A treaty was speedily formed by England, with both
Russia and Sweden, by which these latter powers agreed to open their ports
for free commercial relations with England, and they entered into an
alliance offensive and defensive with that power. As England was still in
arms against France, this was virtually a declaration of war. This violation
also of the treaty of Tilsit was the utter ruin of Napoleon's plans. To compel
Russia to return to the continental system, Napoleon prepared for that
Russian campaign which is one of the most awful tragedies of history. The
world is so full of the narratives of that sublime drama, that the story need
not be repeated here. It is just to say that Napoleon exhausted all the arts of
diplomacy to accomplish his purpose before he put his armies in motion.
The Emperor Alexander followed the French in their retreat from Moscow,
and with all the powers of Europe allied, crossed the Rhine, and on the 31st
of March, 1814, at the head of an allied army of half a million of men
entered Paris a conqueror. His sympathies were warmly enlisted in behalf of
his fallen friend Napoleon. In the negotiations which ensued he exerted
himself strongly in his favor. It was only by assuming the most energetic
attitude against England, Austria and Prussia, that he succeeded in obtaining
for Napoleon the sovereignty of Elba. Alexander was very magnanimous,
but his voice was lost in the clamor of the sovereigns who surrounded him.
Napoleon retired to Elba. The Bourbons reascended the throne of France.
Alexander, with the King of Prussia, visited England, where he was
received with great distinction. Returning to Russia he devoted himself to
the welfare of his kingdom in the vain attempt to reconcile popular progress
Page 412
with political despotism. Alexander was evidently saddened by the fate of
Napoleon, and on his return to St. Petersburg persistently refused to accept
the public rejoicings which were proffered him.
Napoleon escaped from Elba, where the influence of Alexander had placed
him, and again was on the throne of France. Alexander hesitated whether
again to march against him. He yielded, however, to the solicitations of his
associated sovereigns, and at the head of an army of one hundred and sixty
thousand men, was again on the march for Paris. He was apprehensive that
the dismemberment of the French empire, which was contemplated, might
render Austria and Prussia too powerful for the repose of Europe. Upon the
second capitulation of Paris, after the battle of Waterloo, Alexander insisted
that France should at least retain the limits she had in 1790. Upon this basis
the new treaty was concluded.
It is an interesting fact that the celebrated Juliana, Baroness of Krudoner,
was mainly instrumental in the organization of the Holy Alliance, which
was at this time formed. She had wealth, wit and beauty, and had been
supremely devoted to pleasure, shining among the most brilliant ornaments
of St. Petersburg, Paris and Vienna. Weary of a life of gayety, she seems to
have turned to religion and to have become a devout and earnest Christian.
Her enthusiasm was roused with the idea of putting a stop to war, and of
truly Christianizing Europe. She hastened to Paris, when the allied
sovereigns were there, and obtained an interview with the Russian tzar.
Alexander was by nature of a devotional turn of mind, and the terrific
scenes through which he had passed had given him a meditative and
pensive spirit. He listened eagerly to the suggestions of Madame Krudoner,
and, aided by her, sketched as follows the plan of the Holy Alliance:
"In the name of the sacred and invisible Trinity, their majesties, the
Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia,
considering the momentous events which have occured in Europe during
the last three years, and especially the blessing which it has pleased
Providence to confer on those States which trust in him, and being fully
convinced of the necessity of taking, as the rule of life, in all their affairs,
the sublime truths which the holy religion of our Saviour teaches us,
Napoleon, and on his return to St. Petersburg persistently refused to accept
the public rejoicings which were proffered him.
Napoleon escaped from Elba, where the influence of Alexander had placed
him, and again was on the throne of France. Alexander hesitated whether
again to march against him. He yielded, however, to the solicitations of his
associated sovereigns, and at the head of an army of one hundred and sixty
thousand men, was again on the march for Paris. He was apprehensive that
the dismemberment of the French empire, which was contemplated, might
render Austria and Prussia too powerful for the repose of Europe. Upon the
second capitulation of Paris, after the battle of Waterloo, Alexander insisted
that France should at least retain the limits she had in 1790. Upon this basis
the new treaty was concluded.
It is an interesting fact that the celebrated Juliana, Baroness of Krudoner,
was mainly instrumental in the organization of the Holy Alliance, which
was at this time formed. She had wealth, wit and beauty, and had been
supremely devoted to pleasure, shining among the most brilliant ornaments
of St. Petersburg, Paris and Vienna. Weary of a life of gayety, she seems to
have turned to religion and to have become a devout and earnest Christian.
Her enthusiasm was roused with the idea of putting a stop to war, and of
truly Christianizing Europe. She hastened to Paris, when the allied
sovereigns were there, and obtained an interview with the Russian tzar.
Alexander was by nature of a devotional turn of mind, and the terrific
scenes through which he had passed had given him a meditative and
pensive spirit. He listened eagerly to the suggestions of Madame Krudoner,
and, aided by her, sketched as follows the plan of the Holy Alliance:
"In the name of the sacred and invisible Trinity, their majesties, the
Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia,
considering the momentous events which have occured in Europe during
the last three years, and especially the blessing which it has pleased
Providence to confer on those States which trust in him, and being fully
convinced of the necessity of taking, as the rule of life, in all their affairs,
the sublime truths which the holy religion of our Saviour teaches us,
Page 413
"Declare solemnly that the present act has no other object than to proclaim
to the whole world their unalterable resolution to take, as their only guide,
both in the internal administration of their respective States, and in their
political relations with other governments, those principles of justice,
Christian charity and peace, which, far from being exclusively applicable to
private individuals, should have an immediate influence upon the counsels
of princes, and should regulate all their measures, as being the only means
of consolidating human institutions and remedying their imperfections.
Consequently their majesties have agreed upon the following resolutions:
"Article I. In conformity with the declaration of the holy Scriptures, which
command all men to regard each other as brothers, the three contracting
monarchs will remain united to each other by the ties of sincere and
indissoluble fraternity. Regarding themselves as private individuals, they
will render each other, at all times, and in all places, aid and assistance; and
considering themselves, in respect to their people and armies, as fathers of
families, they will rule in the same spirit of fraternity, that religion, peace
and justice may be protected.
"Article II. Also the only obligation of rigor, whether it be between these
governments or their subjects, shall consist in rendering each other all sorts
of service, and of testifying towards each other that unalterable benevolence
and that mutual affection which shall lead them to guard one another as
members of one and the same Christian family. The three allied princes,
regarding themselves as delegated by Providence to govern three branches
of this family, Austria, Prussia and Russia, recognize that the Christian
world, of which they and their people compose a part, can have, in reality,
no other sovereign than him to whom belongs all power, because in him
alone are the treasures of love, of science and of infinite wisdom—that is to
say, God, our divine Saviour, the word of the Most High, the word of life.
Consequently their majesties recommend to their people, with the greatest
solicitude, and as the only means of enjoying that peace which springs from
a good conscience, and which alone is durable, to strengthen themselves
daily more and more in the exercise of those duties taught to the human
family by the divine Saviour.
"Article III. All the powers who believe that they ought solemnly to profess
the principles which have dictated this act, and who recognize how
to the whole world their unalterable resolution to take, as their only guide,
both in the internal administration of their respective States, and in their
political relations with other governments, those principles of justice,
Christian charity and peace, which, far from being exclusively applicable to
private individuals, should have an immediate influence upon the counsels
of princes, and should regulate all their measures, as being the only means
of consolidating human institutions and remedying their imperfections.
Consequently their majesties have agreed upon the following resolutions:
"Article I. In conformity with the declaration of the holy Scriptures, which
command all men to regard each other as brothers, the three contracting
monarchs will remain united to each other by the ties of sincere and
indissoluble fraternity. Regarding themselves as private individuals, they
will render each other, at all times, and in all places, aid and assistance; and
considering themselves, in respect to their people and armies, as fathers of
families, they will rule in the same spirit of fraternity, that religion, peace
and justice may be protected.
"Article II. Also the only obligation of rigor, whether it be between these
governments or their subjects, shall consist in rendering each other all sorts
of service, and of testifying towards each other that unalterable benevolence
and that mutual affection which shall lead them to guard one another as
members of one and the same Christian family. The three allied princes,
regarding themselves as delegated by Providence to govern three branches
of this family, Austria, Prussia and Russia, recognize that the Christian
world, of which they and their people compose a part, can have, in reality,
no other sovereign than him to whom belongs all power, because in him
alone are the treasures of love, of science and of infinite wisdom—that is to
say, God, our divine Saviour, the word of the Most High, the word of life.
Consequently their majesties recommend to their people, with the greatest
solicitude, and as the only means of enjoying that peace which springs from
a good conscience, and which alone is durable, to strengthen themselves
daily more and more in the exercise of those duties taught to the human
family by the divine Saviour.
"Article III. All the powers who believe that they ought solemnly to profess
the principles which have dictated this act, and who recognize how
Page 414
important it is for the welfare of nations, too long agitated, that these truths
should hereafter exercise over the destinies of the human family that
influence which they ought to exert, shall be received, with the same ardor
and affection, into this Holy Alliance. Done at Paris, in the year of our Lord,
1814, September 25, and signed, Francis, Frederic William and Alexander."
Such was the bond of the Holy Alliance. It was drawn up in the hand-
writing of Alexander. Subsequently it was signed by the Kings of England
and France, and by nearly all the sovereigns of Europe. The pope declined
signing, as it was not consistent with his dignity to be a member of a
confederacy of which he was not the head. These principles, apparently so
true and salutary, became vitiated by the underlying of principles which
gave them all their force. The alliance became in reality a conspiracy of the
crowned heads of Europe against the liberties of their subjects; and thus
despotism sat enthroned. The liberal spirit, which was then breaking out all
over the continent of Europe, was thus, for a time, effectually crushed. It
can hardly be supposed that Alexander intended the Holy Alliance to
accomplish the work which it subsequently performed.
Alexander, on his return to Russia, devoted himself energetically to the
government of his vast realms, taking long and fatiguing journeys, and
manifesting much interest in the elevation of the serfs to freedom. The latter
years of Alexander were clouded with sorrow. He was not on good terms
with his wife, and the death of all his children rendered his home desolate.
His health failed and some deep grief seemed ever to prey upon his spirits.
It is supposed that the melancholy fate of Napoleon, dying in a hut at St.
Helena, and of whom he had said, "Never did I love a man as I have loved
that man!" weighed heavily upon him. He was constantly haunted by fears
of a rising of the oppressed people, and to repel that danger was becoming
continually more despotic.
In the year 1825, Alexander, sick, anxious and melancholy, took a long
journey, with his wife, to Tanganroy, a small town upon the Sea of Azof,
fifteen hundred miles from St. Petersburg. He had for some time looked
forward with dread to his appearance before the bar of God. A sense of sin
oppressed him, and he had long sought relief with prayers and tears. His
despondency led him to many forebodings that he should not live to return
from this journey.
should hereafter exercise over the destinies of the human family that
influence which they ought to exert, shall be received, with the same ardor
and affection, into this Holy Alliance. Done at Paris, in the year of our Lord,
1814, September 25, and signed, Francis, Frederic William and Alexander."
Such was the bond of the Holy Alliance. It was drawn up in the hand-
writing of Alexander. Subsequently it was signed by the Kings of England
and France, and by nearly all the sovereigns of Europe. The pope declined
signing, as it was not consistent with his dignity to be a member of a
confederacy of which he was not the head. These principles, apparently so
true and salutary, became vitiated by the underlying of principles which
gave them all their force. The alliance became in reality a conspiracy of the
crowned heads of Europe against the liberties of their subjects; and thus
despotism sat enthroned. The liberal spirit, which was then breaking out all
over the continent of Europe, was thus, for a time, effectually crushed. It
can hardly be supposed that Alexander intended the Holy Alliance to
accomplish the work which it subsequently performed.
Alexander, on his return to Russia, devoted himself energetically to the
government of his vast realms, taking long and fatiguing journeys, and
manifesting much interest in the elevation of the serfs to freedom. The latter
years of Alexander were clouded with sorrow. He was not on good terms
with his wife, and the death of all his children rendered his home desolate.
His health failed and some deep grief seemed ever to prey upon his spirits.
It is supposed that the melancholy fate of Napoleon, dying in a hut at St.
Helena, and of whom he had said, "Never did I love a man as I have loved
that man!" weighed heavily upon him. He was constantly haunted by fears
of a rising of the oppressed people, and to repel that danger was becoming
continually more despotic.
In the year 1825, Alexander, sick, anxious and melancholy, took a long
journey, with his wife, to Tanganroy, a small town upon the Sea of Azof,
fifteen hundred miles from St. Petersburg. He had for some time looked
forward with dread to his appearance before the bar of God. A sense of sin
oppressed him, and he had long sought relief with prayers and tears. His
despondency led him to many forebodings that he should not live to return
from this journey.
Page 415
The morning before he left St. Petersburg, at the early hour of four o'clock,
he visited the monastery where the remains of his children were entombed,
and at their grave spent some time in prayer. Wrapped in his cloak, in
unbroken silence he listened to the "chant for the dead," and then
commenced his journey. No peasant whom he met on the way had a heavier
heart than throbbed in the bosom of the sovereign. For hours he sat in the
carriage with the empress, with whom in grief he had become reconciled,
and hardly a word was uttered. At length they arrived upon the shores of
Azof. The emperor took a rapid tour through these provinces, visiting
among other places Sevastopol, which he had long been fortifying. He was
so much struck with the magnificence of this place that he remarked,
"Should I ever resign the reins of government, I should wish to retire to this
city, that I might here terminate my career!"
Returning to his wife at Tanganroy, he was seized with a fever, probably
caused by care and toil. The disease was so rapid in its progress as to lead
many to suppose that he was falling a victim to poison. On the approach of
death, perceiving that he was dying, he requested that he might be raised
upon his pillow, that he might once more behold the light of the sun. He
simply remarked, "How beautiful is the day!" and fell back upon his pillow
to die. The empress was weeping by his side. He took her hand, pressed it
tenderly as if bidding her an eternal adieu, and died. It was the 1st of
December, 1825.
The empress Elizabeth in this sad hour forgot all her wrongs; for the
emperor had by no means been to her a faithful husband. She wrote to her
friends, "Our angel is in heaven; and, as for me, I still linger on earth: but I
hope soon to be reunited with him in the skies!"
The cry immediately resounded through Europe that Alexander had fallen
by poison. As the emperor had no children living, the crown, by hereditary
descent, passed to his next brother, Constantine. Alexander had long been
conscious that Constantine did not possess suitable qualifications to govern,
and Constantine himself, frivolous and pleasure-loving, was not at all
emulous of imperial power. When a mere boy he had been married to a
German princess, but fifteen years of age. They endured each other through
the angry strifes of four years and then separated. Constantine became
enamored of the daughter of a Polish count, and sought a divorce.
he visited the monastery where the remains of his children were entombed,
and at their grave spent some time in prayer. Wrapped in his cloak, in
unbroken silence he listened to the "chant for the dead," and then
commenced his journey. No peasant whom he met on the way had a heavier
heart than throbbed in the bosom of the sovereign. For hours he sat in the
carriage with the empress, with whom in grief he had become reconciled,
and hardly a word was uttered. At length they arrived upon the shores of
Azof. The emperor took a rapid tour through these provinces, visiting
among other places Sevastopol, which he had long been fortifying. He was
so much struck with the magnificence of this place that he remarked,
"Should I ever resign the reins of government, I should wish to retire to this
city, that I might here terminate my career!"
Returning to his wife at Tanganroy, he was seized with a fever, probably
caused by care and toil. The disease was so rapid in its progress as to lead
many to suppose that he was falling a victim to poison. On the approach of
death, perceiving that he was dying, he requested that he might be raised
upon his pillow, that he might once more behold the light of the sun. He
simply remarked, "How beautiful is the day!" and fell back upon his pillow
to die. The empress was weeping by his side. He took her hand, pressed it
tenderly as if bidding her an eternal adieu, and died. It was the 1st of
December, 1825.
The empress Elizabeth in this sad hour forgot all her wrongs; for the
emperor had by no means been to her a faithful husband. She wrote to her
friends, "Our angel is in heaven; and, as for me, I still linger on earth: but I
hope soon to be reunited with him in the skies!"
The cry immediately resounded through Europe that Alexander had fallen
by poison. As the emperor had no children living, the crown, by hereditary
descent, passed to his next brother, Constantine. Alexander had long been
conscious that Constantine did not possess suitable qualifications to govern,
and Constantine himself, frivolous and pleasure-loving, was not at all
emulous of imperial power. When a mere boy he had been married to a
German princess, but fifteen years of age. They endured each other through
the angry strifes of four years and then separated. Constantine became
enamored of the daughter of a Polish count, and sought a divorce.
Page 416
Alexander consented to this arrangement on condition that Constantine
would resign all right to the throne. The terms were gladly accepted, and
Constantine signed the following renunciation, which was kept secret until
the occasion should arise for it to be promulgated.
"Conscious that I do not possess the genius, the talents or the strength
necessary to fit me for the dignity of a sovereign, to which my birth would
give me a right, I entreat your imperial majesty to transfer that right to him
to whom it belongs after me, and thus assure for ever the stability of the
empire. As to myself, I shall add, by this renunciation, a new guarantee and
a new force to the engagements which I spontaneously and solemnly
contracted on the occasion of my divorce from my first wife. All the
circumstances in which I find myself strengthen my determination to adhere
to this resolution, which will prove to the empire and to the whole world the
sincerity of my sentiments."
Another document had also been prepared which declared Alexander's
second brother, Nicholas, heir to the empire. Napoleon, at St. Helena,
speaking of the King of Prussia and of Alexander, said,
"Frederic William, as a private character, is an honorable, good and worthy
man, but in his political capacity he is naturally disposed to yield to
necessity. He is always commanded by whoever has power on his side, and
is about to strike.
"As to the Emperor of Russia, he is a man infinitely superior to Frederic
William or Francis. He possesses wit, grace, information, and is fascinating,
but he is not to be trusted. He is devoid of candor, a true Greek of the Lower
Empire. At the same time he is not without ideology, real or assumed; after
all it may only be a smattering, derived from his education and his
preceptor. Would you believe what I had to discuss with him? He
maintained that inheritance was an abuse in monarchy, and I had to spend
more than an hour, and employ all my eloquence and logic in proving to
him that this right constituted the peace and happiness of the people. It may
be too that he was mystifying, for he is cunning, false, adroit and
hypocritical. I repeat it, he is a Greek of the Lower Empire.
"If I die here he will be my real heir in Europe. I alone was able to stop him
with his deluge of Tartars. The crisis is great, and will have lasting effects
would resign all right to the throne. The terms were gladly accepted, and
Constantine signed the following renunciation, which was kept secret until
the occasion should arise for it to be promulgated.
"Conscious that I do not possess the genius, the talents or the strength
necessary to fit me for the dignity of a sovereign, to which my birth would
give me a right, I entreat your imperial majesty to transfer that right to him
to whom it belongs after me, and thus assure for ever the stability of the
empire. As to myself, I shall add, by this renunciation, a new guarantee and
a new force to the engagements which I spontaneously and solemnly
contracted on the occasion of my divorce from my first wife. All the
circumstances in which I find myself strengthen my determination to adhere
to this resolution, which will prove to the empire and to the whole world the
sincerity of my sentiments."
Another document had also been prepared which declared Alexander's
second brother, Nicholas, heir to the empire. Napoleon, at St. Helena,
speaking of the King of Prussia and of Alexander, said,
"Frederic William, as a private character, is an honorable, good and worthy
man, but in his political capacity he is naturally disposed to yield to
necessity. He is always commanded by whoever has power on his side, and
is about to strike.
"As to the Emperor of Russia, he is a man infinitely superior to Frederic
William or Francis. He possesses wit, grace, information, and is fascinating,
but he is not to be trusted. He is devoid of candor, a true Greek of the Lower
Empire. At the same time he is not without ideology, real or assumed; after
all it may only be a smattering, derived from his education and his
preceptor. Would you believe what I had to discuss with him? He
maintained that inheritance was an abuse in monarchy, and I had to spend
more than an hour, and employ all my eloquence and logic in proving to
him that this right constituted the peace and happiness of the people. It may
be too that he was mystifying, for he is cunning, false, adroit and
hypocritical. I repeat it, he is a Greek of the Lower Empire.
"If I die here he will be my real heir in Europe. I alone was able to stop him
with his deluge of Tartars. The crisis is great, and will have lasting effects
Page 417
upon the continent of Europe, especially upon Constantinople. He was
solicitous with me for the possession of it. I have had much coaxing upon
this subject, but I constantly turned a deaf ear to it. The Turkish empire,
shattered as it appeared, would constantly have remained a point of
separation between us. It was the marsh which prevented my right from
being turned.
"As to Greece it is another matter. Greece awaits a liberator. There will be a
brilliant crown of glory. He will inscribe his name for ever with those of
Homer, Plato and Epaminondas. I perhaps was not far from it. When,
during my campaign in Italy, I arrived on the shores of the Adriatic, I wrote
to the Directory, that I had before my eyes the kingdom of Alexander. Still
later I entered into engagements with Ali Pacha; and when Corfu was taken,
they must have found there ammunition, and a complete equipment for an
army of forty or fifty thousand men. I had caused maps to be made of
Macedonia, Servia, Albania. Greece, the Peloponnesus at least, must be the
lot of the European power which shall possess Egypt. It should be ours; and
then an independent kingdom in the north, Constantinople, with its
provinces, to serve as a barrier to the power of Russia, as they have
pretended to do with respect to France, by creating the kingdom of
Belgium."
———
solicitous with me for the possession of it. I have had much coaxing upon
this subject, but I constantly turned a deaf ear to it. The Turkish empire,
shattered as it appeared, would constantly have remained a point of
separation between us. It was the marsh which prevented my right from
being turned.
"As to Greece it is another matter. Greece awaits a liberator. There will be a
brilliant crown of glory. He will inscribe his name for ever with those of
Homer, Plato and Epaminondas. I perhaps was not far from it. When,
during my campaign in Italy, I arrived on the shores of the Adriatic, I wrote
to the Directory, that I had before my eyes the kingdom of Alexander. Still
later I entered into engagements with Ali Pacha; and when Corfu was taken,
they must have found there ammunition, and a complete equipment for an
army of forty or fifty thousand men. I had caused maps to be made of
Macedonia, Servia, Albania. Greece, the Peloponnesus at least, must be the
lot of the European power which shall possess Egypt. It should be ours; and
then an independent kingdom in the north, Constantinople, with its
provinces, to serve as a barrier to the power of Russia, as they have
pretended to do with respect to France, by creating the kingdom of
Belgium."
———
Page 418
[30] Colonel Napier, in his "Peninsular War," very justly observes, "The real principle of Napoleon's
government, and secret of his popularity, made him the people's monarch, not the sovereign of the
aristocracy. Hence Mr. Pitt called him 'the child and the champion of democracy,' a truth as evident as
that Mr. Pitt and his successors 'were the children and the champions of aristocracy.' Hence also the
privileged classes of Europe consistently turned their natural and implacable hatred of the French
Revolution to his person; for they saw that in him innovation had found a protector; that he alone,
having given preëminence to a system so hateful to them, was really what he called himself, The
State. The treaty of Tilsit, therefore, although it placed Napoleon in a commanding situation with
regard to the potentates of Europe, unmasked the real nature of the war, and brought him and
England, the respective champions of Equality and Privilege, into more direct contact. Peace could
not be between them while they were both strong, and all that the French emperor had hitherto gained
only enabled him to choose his field of battle."
CHAPTER XXXI.
NICHOLAS.
From 1825 to 1855.
Abdication of Constantine.—Accession of Nicholas.—Insurrection
Quelled.—Nicholas and the Conspirator.—Anecdote.—The Palace of
Peterhoff.—The Winter Palace.—Presentation at Court.—Magnitude
of Russia.—Description of the Hellespont and the Dardanelles.—The
Turkish Invasion.—Aims of Russia.—Views of England and France.—
Wars of Nicholas.—The Polish Insurrection.—War of the Crimea.—
Jealousies of the Leading Nations.—Encroachments.—Death of
Nicholas.—Accession of Alexander II.
Constantine was at Warsaw when the news arrived of the death of his
brother. The mother of Alexander was still living. Even Nicholas either
affected not to know, or did not know, that his wild, eccentric brother
Constantine had renounced the throne in his favor, for he immediately, upon
the news of the death of Alexander, summoned the imperial guard into the
palace chapel, and, with them, took the oath of allegiance to his older
brother, the Grand Duke Constantine. On his return, his mother, who is
represented as being quite frantic in her inconsolable grief, exclaimed,
government, and secret of his popularity, made him the people's monarch, not the sovereign of the
aristocracy. Hence Mr. Pitt called him 'the child and the champion of democracy,' a truth as evident as
that Mr. Pitt and his successors 'were the children and the champions of aristocracy.' Hence also the
privileged classes of Europe consistently turned their natural and implacable hatred of the French
Revolution to his person; for they saw that in him innovation had found a protector; that he alone,
having given preëminence to a system so hateful to them, was really what he called himself, The
State. The treaty of Tilsit, therefore, although it placed Napoleon in a commanding situation with
regard to the potentates of Europe, unmasked the real nature of the war, and brought him and
England, the respective champions of Equality and Privilege, into more direct contact. Peace could
not be between them while they were both strong, and all that the French emperor had hitherto gained
only enabled him to choose his field of battle."
CHAPTER XXXI.
NICHOLAS.
From 1825 to 1855.
Abdication of Constantine.—Accession of Nicholas.—Insurrection
Quelled.—Nicholas and the Conspirator.—Anecdote.—The Palace of
Peterhoff.—The Winter Palace.—Presentation at Court.—Magnitude
of Russia.—Description of the Hellespont and the Dardanelles.—The
Turkish Invasion.—Aims of Russia.—Views of England and France.—
Wars of Nicholas.—The Polish Insurrection.—War of the Crimea.—
Jealousies of the Leading Nations.—Encroachments.—Death of
Nicholas.—Accession of Alexander II.
Constantine was at Warsaw when the news arrived of the death of his
brother. The mother of Alexander was still living. Even Nicholas either
affected not to know, or did not know, that his wild, eccentric brother
Constantine had renounced the throne in his favor, for he immediately, upon
the news of the death of Alexander, summoned the imperial guard into the
palace chapel, and, with them, took the oath of allegiance to his older
brother, the Grand Duke Constantine. On his return, his mother, who is
represented as being quite frantic in her inconsolable grief, exclaimed,
Page 419
"Nicholas, what have you done? Do you not know that there is a document
which names you presumptive heir?"
"If there be one," Nicholas replied, "I do not know it, neither does any one
else. But this we all know, that our legitimate sovereign, after Alexander, is
my brother Constantine. We have therefore done our duty, come what may."
Nicholas was persistent in his resolution not to take the crown until he
received from his brother a confirmation of his renunciation of the throne.
Three weeks elapsed before this intelligence arrived. It then came full and
decisive, and Nicholas no longer hesitated, though the interval had revealed
to him that fearful dangers were impending. He was informed by several of
his generals that a wide-spread conspiracy extended throughout the army in
favor of a constitutional government. Many of the officers and soldiers, in
their wars against Napoleon and in their invasion of France, had become
acquainted with those principles of popular liberty which were diffused
throughout France, and which it was the object of the allies to crush. Upon
their return to Russia, the utter despotism of the tzar seemed more than ever
hateful to them. Several conspiracies had been organized for his
assassination, and now the plan was formed to assassinate the whole
imperial family, and introduce a republic.
Nicholas was seriously alarmed by the danger which threatened, though he
was fully conscious that his only safety was to be found in courage and
energy. He accordingly made preparation for the administration of the oath
of allegiance to the army. "I shall soon," said he, "be an emperor or a
corpse." On the morning when the oath was to be administered, and when it
was evident that the insurrection would break out, he said, "If I am emperor
only for an hour, I will show that I am worthy of it."
The morning of the 25th of December dawned upon St. Petersburg in
tumult. Bands of soldiers were parading the streets shouting, "Constantine
for ever." The insurrection had assumed the most formidable aspect, for
many who were not republicans, were led to believe that Nicholas was
attempting to usurp the crown which, of right, belonged to Constantine.
Two generals, who had attempted to quell the movement, had already been
massacred, and vast mobs, led by the well-armed regiments, were, from all
quarters of the city, pressing toward the imperial palace. Nicholas, who was
which names you presumptive heir?"
"If there be one," Nicholas replied, "I do not know it, neither does any one
else. But this we all know, that our legitimate sovereign, after Alexander, is
my brother Constantine. We have therefore done our duty, come what may."
Nicholas was persistent in his resolution not to take the crown until he
received from his brother a confirmation of his renunciation of the throne.
Three weeks elapsed before this intelligence arrived. It then came full and
decisive, and Nicholas no longer hesitated, though the interval had revealed
to him that fearful dangers were impending. He was informed by several of
his generals that a wide-spread conspiracy extended throughout the army in
favor of a constitutional government. Many of the officers and soldiers, in
their wars against Napoleon and in their invasion of France, had become
acquainted with those principles of popular liberty which were diffused
throughout France, and which it was the object of the allies to crush. Upon
their return to Russia, the utter despotism of the tzar seemed more than ever
hateful to them. Several conspiracies had been organized for his
assassination, and now the plan was formed to assassinate the whole
imperial family, and introduce a republic.
Nicholas was seriously alarmed by the danger which threatened, though he
was fully conscious that his only safety was to be found in courage and
energy. He accordingly made preparation for the administration of the oath
of allegiance to the army. "I shall soon," said he, "be an emperor or a
corpse." On the morning when the oath was to be administered, and when it
was evident that the insurrection would break out, he said, "If I am emperor
only for an hour, I will show that I am worthy of it."
The morning of the 25th of December dawned upon St. Petersburg in
tumult. Bands of soldiers were parading the streets shouting, "Constantine
for ever." The insurrection had assumed the most formidable aspect, for
many who were not republicans, were led to believe that Nicholas was
attempting to usurp the crown which, of right, belonged to Constantine.
Two generals, who had attempted to quell the movement, had already been
massacred, and vast mobs, led by the well-armed regiments, were, from all
quarters of the city, pressing toward the imperial palace. Nicholas, who was
Page 420
then twenty-nine years of age, met the crisis with the energy of Napoleon.
Placing himself at the head of a small body of faithful guards, he rode to
encounter his rebellious subjects in the stern strife of war. Instead of
meeting a mob of unarmed men, he found marshaled against him the best
disciplined troops in his army.
A terrible conflict ensued, in which blood flowed in torrents. The emperor,
heading his own troops, exposed himself, equally with them, to all perils.
As soon as it was evident that he would be compelled to fire upon his
subjects, he sent word to his wife of the cruel necessity. She was in the
palace, surrounded by the most distinguished ladies of the court,
tremblingly awaiting the issue. When the thunder of the artillery
commenced in the streets, she threw herself upon her knees, and, weeping
bitterly, continued in prayer until she was informed that the revolt was
crushed, and that her husband was safe. The number slain is not known.
That it might be concealed, the bodies were immediately thrust through
holes cut in the ice of the Neva.
Though the friends of liberty can not but regret that free principles have
obtained so slender a foothold in Russia, it is manifest that this attempt
could lead only to anarchy. The masses of the nobles were thoroughly
corrupt, and the masses of the people ignorant and debased. The Russian
word for constitution, constitutsya, has a feminine termination. Many of the
people, it is reported, who were shouting, "Constantine and the constitution
for ever," thought that the constitution was the wife of Constantine. It must
be admitted that such ignorance presents but a poor qualification for
republican institutions.
At the close of this bloody day, one of the leading conspirators, a general of
high position in the army was led a captive into the presence of Nicholas.
The heroic republican met, without quailing, the proud eye of his sovereign.
"Your father," said Nicholas sternly, "was a faithful servant, but he has left
behind him a degenerate son. For such an enterprise as yours large
resources were requisite. On what did you rely?"
"Sire," replied the prisoner, "matters of this kind can not be spoken of
before witnesses."
Placing himself at the head of a small body of faithful guards, he rode to
encounter his rebellious subjects in the stern strife of war. Instead of
meeting a mob of unarmed men, he found marshaled against him the best
disciplined troops in his army.
A terrible conflict ensued, in which blood flowed in torrents. The emperor,
heading his own troops, exposed himself, equally with them, to all perils.
As soon as it was evident that he would be compelled to fire upon his
subjects, he sent word to his wife of the cruel necessity. She was in the
palace, surrounded by the most distinguished ladies of the court,
tremblingly awaiting the issue. When the thunder of the artillery
commenced in the streets, she threw herself upon her knees, and, weeping
bitterly, continued in prayer until she was informed that the revolt was
crushed, and that her husband was safe. The number slain is not known.
That it might be concealed, the bodies were immediately thrust through
holes cut in the ice of the Neva.
Though the friends of liberty can not but regret that free principles have
obtained so slender a foothold in Russia, it is manifest that this attempt
could lead only to anarchy. The masses of the nobles were thoroughly
corrupt, and the masses of the people ignorant and debased. The Russian
word for constitution, constitutsya, has a feminine termination. Many of the
people, it is reported, who were shouting, "Constantine and the constitution
for ever," thought that the constitution was the wife of Constantine. It must
be admitted that such ignorance presents but a poor qualification for
republican institutions.
At the close of this bloody day, one of the leading conspirators, a general of
high position in the army was led a captive into the presence of Nicholas.
The heroic republican met, without quailing, the proud eye of his sovereign.
"Your father," said Nicholas sternly, "was a faithful servant, but he has left
behind him a degenerate son. For such an enterprise as yours large
resources were requisite. On what did you rely?"
"Sire," replied the prisoner, "matters of this kind can not be spoken of
before witnesses."
Page 421
Nicholas led the conspirator into a private apartment, and for a long time
conversed with him alone. Here the tzar had opened before him, in the
clearest manner, the intolerable burdens of the people, the oppression of the
nobles, the impotency of the laws, the venality of the judges, the corruption
which pervaded all departments of the government, legislative, executive
and judiciary. The noble conspirator, whose mind was illumined with those
views of human rights which, from the French Revolution, were radiating
throughout Europe, revealed all the corruptions of the State in the earnest
and honest language of a man who was making a dying declaration.
Nicholas listened to truths such as seldom reach the ears of a monarch; and
these truths probably produced a powerful impression upon him in his
subsequent career.
Many of the conspirators, in accordance with the barbaric code of Russia,
were punished with awful severity. Some were whipped to death. Some
were mutilated and exiled to Siberia, and many perished on the scaffold.
Fifteen officers of high rank were placed together beneath the gibbet, with
ropes around their necks. As the drop fell, the rope of one broke, and he fell
to the ground. Bruised and half stunned he rose upon his knees, and looking
sadly around exclaimed,
"Truly nothing ever succeeds with me, not even death."
Another rope was procured, and this unhappy man, whose words indicated
an entire life of disappointment and woe, was launched into the world of
spirits.
We have before spoken of the palace of Peterhoff, a few miles from St.
Petersburg, on the southern shores of the bay of Cronstadt. It is now the St.
Cloud of Russia, the favorite rural retreat of the Russian tzars. This palace,
which has been the slow growth of ages, consists of a pile of buildings of
every conceivable order of architecture. It is furnished with all the
appliances of luxury which Europe or Asia can produce. The pleasure
grounds, in their artistic embellishments, are perhaps unsurpassed by any
others in the world. Fountains, groves, lawns, lakes, cascades and statues,
bewilder and delight the spectator.
There is an annual fête on this ground in July, which assembles all the elite
of Russian society. The spacious gardens are by night illuminated with
conversed with him alone. Here the tzar had opened before him, in the
clearest manner, the intolerable burdens of the people, the oppression of the
nobles, the impotency of the laws, the venality of the judges, the corruption
which pervaded all departments of the government, legislative, executive
and judiciary. The noble conspirator, whose mind was illumined with those
views of human rights which, from the French Revolution, were radiating
throughout Europe, revealed all the corruptions of the State in the earnest
and honest language of a man who was making a dying declaration.
Nicholas listened to truths such as seldom reach the ears of a monarch; and
these truths probably produced a powerful impression upon him in his
subsequent career.
Many of the conspirators, in accordance with the barbaric code of Russia,
were punished with awful severity. Some were whipped to death. Some
were mutilated and exiled to Siberia, and many perished on the scaffold.
Fifteen officers of high rank were placed together beneath the gibbet, with
ropes around their necks. As the drop fell, the rope of one broke, and he fell
to the ground. Bruised and half stunned he rose upon his knees, and looking
sadly around exclaimed,
"Truly nothing ever succeeds with me, not even death."
Another rope was procured, and this unhappy man, whose words indicated
an entire life of disappointment and woe, was launched into the world of
spirits.
We have before spoken of the palace of Peterhoff, a few miles from St.
Petersburg, on the southern shores of the bay of Cronstadt. It is now the St.
Cloud of Russia, the favorite rural retreat of the Russian tzars. This palace,
which has been the slow growth of ages, consists of a pile of buildings of
every conceivable order of architecture. It is furnished with all the
appliances of luxury which Europe or Asia can produce. The pleasure
grounds, in their artistic embellishments, are perhaps unsurpassed by any
others in the world. Fountains, groves, lawns, lakes, cascades and statues,
bewilder and delight the spectator.
There is an annual fête on this ground in July, which assembles all the elite
of Russian society. The spacious gardens are by night illuminated with
Page 422
almost inconceivable splendor. The whole forest blazes with innumerable
torches, and every leaf, twig and drop of spray twinkles with colored lights.
Here is that famous artificial tree which has so often been described. It is so
constructed with root, trunk and branch, leaf and bud as to deceive the most
practiced eye. Its shade, with an inviting seat placed beneath it, lures the
loiterer, through these Eden groves, to approach and rest. The moment he
takes his seat he presses a spring which converts the tree into a shower bath,
and from every twig jets of water in a cloud of spray, envelops the
astonished stranger.
The Winter Palace at St. Petersburg is also a palace of unsurpassed
splendor. More than a thousand persons habitually dwell beneath the
imperial roof. No saloons more sumptuous in architecture and adornment
are probably to be found in the world; neither are the exactions of court
etiquette anywhere more punctiliously observed. In entering this palace a
massive gateway ushers one into a hall of magnificent dimensions, so
embellished with shrubs and flowers, multiplied by mirrors, that the guest is
deceived into the belief that he is sauntering through the walks of a spacious
flower garden. A flight of marble stairs conducts to an apartment of princely
splendor, called the hall of the Marshals. Passing through this hall, one
enters a suite of rooms, apparently interminable, all of extraordinary
grandeur and sumptuousness, which are merely antechambers to the grand
audience saloon.
In this grand saloon the emperor holds his court. Presentation day exhibits
one of the most brilliant spectacles of earthly splendor and luxury. When
the hour of presentation arrives some massive folding doors are thrown
open, revealing the imperial chapel thronged with those who are to take part
in the ceremony. First, there enters from the chapel a crowd of army
officers, often a thousand in number, in their most brilliant uniform, the
vanguard of the escort of the tzar. They quietly pass through the vast
apartment and disappear amidst the recesses of the palace. Still the almost
interminable throng, glittering in gala dresses, press on. At length the grand
master of ceremonies makes his appearance announcing the approach of the
emperor and empress.
The royal pair immediately enter, and bow to the representatives of other
courts who may be present, and receive those who are honored with a
torches, and every leaf, twig and drop of spray twinkles with colored lights.
Here is that famous artificial tree which has so often been described. It is so
constructed with root, trunk and branch, leaf and bud as to deceive the most
practiced eye. Its shade, with an inviting seat placed beneath it, lures the
loiterer, through these Eden groves, to approach and rest. The moment he
takes his seat he presses a spring which converts the tree into a shower bath,
and from every twig jets of water in a cloud of spray, envelops the
astonished stranger.
The Winter Palace at St. Petersburg is also a palace of unsurpassed
splendor. More than a thousand persons habitually dwell beneath the
imperial roof. No saloons more sumptuous in architecture and adornment
are probably to be found in the world; neither are the exactions of court
etiquette anywhere more punctiliously observed. In entering this palace a
massive gateway ushers one into a hall of magnificent dimensions, so
embellished with shrubs and flowers, multiplied by mirrors, that the guest is
deceived into the belief that he is sauntering through the walks of a spacious
flower garden. A flight of marble stairs conducts to an apartment of princely
splendor, called the hall of the Marshals. Passing through this hall, one
enters a suite of rooms, apparently interminable, all of extraordinary
grandeur and sumptuousness, which are merely antechambers to the grand
audience saloon.
In this grand saloon the emperor holds his court. Presentation day exhibits
one of the most brilliant spectacles of earthly splendor and luxury. When
the hour of presentation arrives some massive folding doors are thrown
open, revealing the imperial chapel thronged with those who are to take part
in the ceremony. First, there enters from the chapel a crowd of army
officers, often a thousand in number, in their most brilliant uniform, the
vanguard of the escort of the tzar. They quietly pass through the vast
apartment and disappear amidst the recesses of the palace. Still the almost
interminable throng, glittering in gala dresses, press on. At length the grand
master of ceremonies makes his appearance announcing the approach of the
emperor and empress.
The royal pair immediately enter, and bow to the representatives of other
courts who may be present, and receive those who are honored with a
Page 423
presentation. No one is permitted to speak to their majesties but in reply to
questions which they may ask. The Emperor Nicholas was very stately and
reserved in his manners, and said but little. The empress, more affable,
would present her ungloved hand to her guest, who would receive it and
press it with fervor to his lips.
The Emperor Nicholas, during his reign, was supposed to have some ninety
millions of the human family subject to his sway. With a standing army of a
million of men, two hundred thousand of whom were cavalry, he possessed
power unequaled by that of any other single kingdom on the globe. In the
recent struggle at Sevastopol all the energies of England, France and Turkey
were expended against Russia alone, and yet it was long doubtful whose
banners would be victorious.
It is estimated that the territory of Russia now comprises one seventh of the
habitable globe, extending from the Baltic Sea across the whole breadth of
Europe and of Asia to Behring's Straits, and from the eternal ices of the
north pole, almost down to the sunny shores of the Mediterranean. As the
previous narrative has shown, for many ages this gigantic power has been
steadily advancing towards Constantinople. The Russian flag now girdles
the Euxine Sea, and notwithstanding the recent check at Sevastopol, Russia
is pressing on with resistless strides towards the possession of the
Hellespont. A brief sketch of the geography of those realms will give one a
more vivid idea of the nature of that conflict, which now, under the title of
the eastern or Turkish question, engrosses the attention of Europe.
The strait which connects the Mediterranean Sea with the Sea of Marmora
was originally called the Hellespont, from the fabulous legend of a young
lady, named Helle, falling into it in attempting to escape from a cruel
mother-in-law. At the mouth of the Hellespont there are four strong Turkish
forts, two on the European and two on the Asiatic side. These forts are
called the Dardanelles, and hence, from them, the straits frequently receive
the name of the Dardanelles. This strait is thirty-three miles long,
occasionally expanding in width to five miles, and again being crowded by
the approaching hills into a narrow channel less than half a mile in breadth.
Through the serpentine navigation of these straits, with fortresses frowning
upon every headland, one ascends to the Sea of Marmora, a vast inland
body of water one hundred and eighty miles in length and sixty miles in
questions which they may ask. The Emperor Nicholas was very stately and
reserved in his manners, and said but little. The empress, more affable,
would present her ungloved hand to her guest, who would receive it and
press it with fervor to his lips.
The Emperor Nicholas, during his reign, was supposed to have some ninety
millions of the human family subject to his sway. With a standing army of a
million of men, two hundred thousand of whom were cavalry, he possessed
power unequaled by that of any other single kingdom on the globe. In the
recent struggle at Sevastopol all the energies of England, France and Turkey
were expended against Russia alone, and yet it was long doubtful whose
banners would be victorious.
It is estimated that the territory of Russia now comprises one seventh of the
habitable globe, extending from the Baltic Sea across the whole breadth of
Europe and of Asia to Behring's Straits, and from the eternal ices of the
north pole, almost down to the sunny shores of the Mediterranean. As the
previous narrative has shown, for many ages this gigantic power has been
steadily advancing towards Constantinople. The Russian flag now girdles
the Euxine Sea, and notwithstanding the recent check at Sevastopol, Russia
is pressing on with resistless strides towards the possession of the
Hellespont. A brief sketch of the geography of those realms will give one a
more vivid idea of the nature of that conflict, which now, under the title of
the eastern or Turkish question, engrosses the attention of Europe.
The strait which connects the Mediterranean Sea with the Sea of Marmora
was originally called the Hellespont, from the fabulous legend of a young
lady, named Helle, falling into it in attempting to escape from a cruel
mother-in-law. At the mouth of the Hellespont there are four strong Turkish
forts, two on the European and two on the Asiatic side. These forts are
called the Dardanelles, and hence, from them, the straits frequently receive
the name of the Dardanelles. This strait is thirty-three miles long,
occasionally expanding in width to five miles, and again being crowded by
the approaching hills into a narrow channel less than half a mile in breadth.
Through the serpentine navigation of these straits, with fortresses frowning
upon every headland, one ascends to the Sea of Marmora, a vast inland
body of water one hundred and eighty miles in length and sixty miles in
Page 424
breadth. Crossing this sea to the northern shore, you enter the beautiful
straits of the Bosporus. Just at the point where the Bosporus enters the Sea
of Marmora, upon the western shore of the straits, sits enthroned upon the
hills, in peerless beauty, the imperial city of Constantine with its majestic
domes, arrowy minarets and palaces of snow-white marble glittering like a
fairy vision beneath the light of an oriental sun.
The straits of the Bosporus, which connect the Sea of Marmora with the
Black Sea, are but fifteen miles long and of an average width of but about
one fourth of a mile. In natural scenery and artistic embellishments this is
probably the most beautiful reach of water upon the globe. It is the
uncontradicted testimony of all tourists that the scenery of the Bosporus, in
its highly-cultivated shores, its graceful sweep of hills and mountain ranges,
in its gorgeous architecture, its atmospheric brilliance and in its vast
accumulations of the costumes and customs of all Europe and Asia, presents
a scene which can nowhere else be paralleled.
On the Asiatic shore, opposite Constantinople, lies Scutari, a beautiful city
embowered in the foliage of the cyprus. An arm of the strait reaches around
the northern portion of Constantinople, and furnishes for the city one of the
finest harbors in the world. This bay, deep and broad, is called the Golden
Horn. Until within a few years, no embassador of Christian powers was
allowed to contaminate the Moslem city by taking up his residence in it.
The little suburb of Pera, on the opposite side of the Golden Horn, was
assigned to these embassadors, and the Turk, on this account, denominated
it The swine's quarter.
Passing through the Bosporus fifteen miles, there expands before you the
Euxine, or Black Sea. This inland ocean, with but one narrow outlet,
receives into its bosom the Danube, the Dniester, the Dnieper, the Don and
the Cuban. These streams, rolling through unmeasured leagues of Russian
territory, open them to the commerce of the world. This brief sketch reveals
the infinite importance of the Dardanelles and the Bosporus to Russia. This
great empire, "leaning against the north pole," touches the Baltic Sea only
far away amidst the ices of the North. St. Petersburg, during a large portion
of the year, is blockaded by ice. Ninety millions of people are thus excluded
from all the benefits of foreign commerce for a large portion of the year
straits of the Bosporus. Just at the point where the Bosporus enters the Sea
of Marmora, upon the western shore of the straits, sits enthroned upon the
hills, in peerless beauty, the imperial city of Constantine with its majestic
domes, arrowy minarets and palaces of snow-white marble glittering like a
fairy vision beneath the light of an oriental sun.
The straits of the Bosporus, which connect the Sea of Marmora with the
Black Sea, are but fifteen miles long and of an average width of but about
one fourth of a mile. In natural scenery and artistic embellishments this is
probably the most beautiful reach of water upon the globe. It is the
uncontradicted testimony of all tourists that the scenery of the Bosporus, in
its highly-cultivated shores, its graceful sweep of hills and mountain ranges,
in its gorgeous architecture, its atmospheric brilliance and in its vast
accumulations of the costumes and customs of all Europe and Asia, presents
a scene which can nowhere else be paralleled.
On the Asiatic shore, opposite Constantinople, lies Scutari, a beautiful city
embowered in the foliage of the cyprus. An arm of the strait reaches around
the northern portion of Constantinople, and furnishes for the city one of the
finest harbors in the world. This bay, deep and broad, is called the Golden
Horn. Until within a few years, no embassador of Christian powers was
allowed to contaminate the Moslem city by taking up his residence in it.
The little suburb of Pera, on the opposite side of the Golden Horn, was
assigned to these embassadors, and the Turk, on this account, denominated
it The swine's quarter.
Passing through the Bosporus fifteen miles, there expands before you the
Euxine, or Black Sea. This inland ocean, with but one narrow outlet,
receives into its bosom the Danube, the Dniester, the Dnieper, the Don and
the Cuban. These streams, rolling through unmeasured leagues of Russian
territory, open them to the commerce of the world. This brief sketch reveals
the infinite importance of the Dardanelles and the Bosporus to Russia. This
great empire, "leaning against the north pole," touches the Baltic Sea only
far away amidst the ices of the North. St. Petersburg, during a large portion
of the year, is blockaded by ice. Ninety millions of people are thus excluded
from all the benefits of foreign commerce for a large portion of the year
Page 425
unless they can open a gateway to distant shores through the Bosporus and
the Dardanelles.
America, with thousands of miles of Atlantic coast, manifests the greatest
uneasiness in having the island of Cuba in the hands of a foreign power,
lest, in case of war, her commerce in the Gulf should be embarrassed. But
the Dardanelles are, in reality, the only gateway for the commerce of nearly
all Russia. All her great navigable rivers, without exception, flow into the
Black Sea, and thence through the Bosporus, the Marmora and the
Hellespont, into the Mediterranean. And yet Russia, with her ninety
millions of population—three times that of the United States—can not send
a boat load of corn into the Mediterranean without bowing her flag to all the
Turkish forts which frown along her pathway. And in case of war with
Turkey her commerce is entirely cut off. Russia is evidently unembarrassed
with any very troublesome scruples of conscience in reference to reclaiming
those beautiful realms, once the home of the Christian, which the Turk has
so ruthlessly and bloodily invaded. In assailing the Turk, the Russian feels
that he is fighting for his religion.
The tzar indignantly inquires, "What title deed can the Turk show to the city
of Constantine?" None but the dripping cimeter. The annals of war can tell
no sadder tale of woe than the rush of the barbaric Turk into Christian
Greece. He came, a merciless robber with gory hands, plundering and
burning. Fathers and mothers were butchered. Christian maidens, shrieking
with terror, were dragged to the Moslem harems. Christian boys were
compelled to adopt the Mohammedan faith, and then, crowded into the
army, were compelled to fight the Mohammedan battles. For centuries the
Christians, thus trampled beneath the heel of oppression, have suffered
every conceivable indignity from their cruel oppressors. Earnestly have
they appealed to their Christian brethren of Russia for protection.
It is so essential to the advancing civilization of Russia that she should
possess a maritime port which may give her access to commerce, that it is
not easy for us to withhold our sympathies from her in her endeavor to open
a gateway to and from her vast territories through the Dardanelles. When
France, England and Turkey combined to batter down Sevastopol and burn
the Russian fleet, that Russia might still be barred up in her northern wilds
by Turkish forts, there was an instinct in the American heart which caused
the Dardanelles.
America, with thousands of miles of Atlantic coast, manifests the greatest
uneasiness in having the island of Cuba in the hands of a foreign power,
lest, in case of war, her commerce in the Gulf should be embarrassed. But
the Dardanelles are, in reality, the only gateway for the commerce of nearly
all Russia. All her great navigable rivers, without exception, flow into the
Black Sea, and thence through the Bosporus, the Marmora and the
Hellespont, into the Mediterranean. And yet Russia, with her ninety
millions of population—three times that of the United States—can not send
a boat load of corn into the Mediterranean without bowing her flag to all the
Turkish forts which frown along her pathway. And in case of war with
Turkey her commerce is entirely cut off. Russia is evidently unembarrassed
with any very troublesome scruples of conscience in reference to reclaiming
those beautiful realms, once the home of the Christian, which the Turk has
so ruthlessly and bloodily invaded. In assailing the Turk, the Russian feels
that he is fighting for his religion.
The tzar indignantly inquires, "What title deed can the Turk show to the city
of Constantine?" None but the dripping cimeter. The annals of war can tell
no sadder tale of woe than the rush of the barbaric Turk into Christian
Greece. He came, a merciless robber with gory hands, plundering and
burning. Fathers and mothers were butchered. Christian maidens, shrieking
with terror, were dragged to the Moslem harems. Christian boys were
compelled to adopt the Mohammedan faith, and then, crowded into the
army, were compelled to fight the Mohammedan battles. For centuries the
Christians, thus trampled beneath the heel of oppression, have suffered
every conceivable indignity from their cruel oppressors. Earnestly have
they appealed to their Christian brethren of Russia for protection.
It is so essential to the advancing civilization of Russia that she should
possess a maritime port which may give her access to commerce, that it is
not easy for us to withhold our sympathies from her in her endeavor to open
a gateway to and from her vast territories through the Dardanelles. When
France, England and Turkey combined to batter down Sevastopol and burn
the Russian fleet, that Russia might still be barred up in her northern wilds
by Turkish forts, there was an instinct in the American heart which caused
Page 426
the sympathies of this country to flow in favor of Russia, notwithstanding
all the eloquent pleadings of the French and English press.
The cabinet of St. James regards these encroachments of Russia with great
apprehension. The view England takes of the subject may be seen in the
following extracts from the Quarterly Review:
"The possession of the Dardanelles would give to Russia the means of
creating and organizing an almost unlimited marine. It would enable her to
prepare in the Black Sea an armament of any extent, without its being
possible for any power in Europe to interrupt her proceedings, or even to
watch or discover her designs. Our naval officers, of the highest authority,
have declared that an effective blockade of the Dardanelles can not be
maintained throughout the year. Even supposing we could maintain
permanently in those seas a fleet capable of encountering that of Russia, it
is obvious that, in the event of a war, it would be in the power of Russia to
throw the whole weight of her disposable forces on any point in the
Mediterranean, without any probability of our being able to prevent it, and
that the power of thus issuing forth with an overwhelming force, at any
moment, would enable her to command the Mediterranean Sea for a limited
time whenever it might please her so to do. Her whole southern empire
would be defended by a single impregnable fortress. The road to India
would then be open to her, with all Asia at her back. The finest materials in
the world for an army destined to serve in the East would be at her disposal.
Our power to overawe her in Europe would be gone, and by even a
demonstration against India she could augment our national expenditure by
many millions annually, and render the government of that country difficult
beyond all calculation."
Such is the view which England takes of this subject. The statesmen of
England and France contemplate with alarm the rapid growth of Russia, and
yet know not how to arrest its progress. They see the Russian tzars, year
after year, annexing new nations to their territory, and about all they can do
is to remonstrate. All agree that the only effectual measure to check the
growth of Russia is to prevent her from taking possession of the
Dardanelles. To accomplish this, England and France are endeavoring to
bind together the crumbling and discordant elements of Ottoman power, to
infuse the vigor of youth into the veins of an old man dying of debauchery
all the eloquent pleadings of the French and English press.
The cabinet of St. James regards these encroachments of Russia with great
apprehension. The view England takes of the subject may be seen in the
following extracts from the Quarterly Review:
"The possession of the Dardanelles would give to Russia the means of
creating and organizing an almost unlimited marine. It would enable her to
prepare in the Black Sea an armament of any extent, without its being
possible for any power in Europe to interrupt her proceedings, or even to
watch or discover her designs. Our naval officers, of the highest authority,
have declared that an effective blockade of the Dardanelles can not be
maintained throughout the year. Even supposing we could maintain
permanently in those seas a fleet capable of encountering that of Russia, it
is obvious that, in the event of a war, it would be in the power of Russia to
throw the whole weight of her disposable forces on any point in the
Mediterranean, without any probability of our being able to prevent it, and
that the power of thus issuing forth with an overwhelming force, at any
moment, would enable her to command the Mediterranean Sea for a limited
time whenever it might please her so to do. Her whole southern empire
would be defended by a single impregnable fortress. The road to India
would then be open to her, with all Asia at her back. The finest materials in
the world for an army destined to serve in the East would be at her disposal.
Our power to overawe her in Europe would be gone, and by even a
demonstration against India she could augment our national expenditure by
many millions annually, and render the government of that country difficult
beyond all calculation."
Such is the view which England takes of this subject. The statesmen of
England and France contemplate with alarm the rapid growth of Russia, and
yet know not how to arrest its progress. They see the Russian tzars, year
after year, annexing new nations to their territory, and about all they can do
is to remonstrate. All agree that the only effectual measure to check the
growth of Russia is to prevent her from taking possession of the
Dardanelles. To accomplish this, England and France are endeavoring to
bind together the crumbling and discordant elements of Ottoman power, to
infuse the vigor of youth into the veins of an old man dying of debauchery
Page 427
and age. But the crescent is inevitably on the wane. The doom of the
Moslem is sealed.
There are four great nations now advancing with marvelous strides in the
appropriation of this globe to themselves. Russia has already taken
possession of one seventh of the world's territory, and she needs now but to
annex Turkey in Europe and Turkey in Asia to complete her share. France is
spreading her influence throughout southern Europe, and, with a firm grasp,
is seizing the provinces of northern Africa. England claims half of the
islands of the ocean, boasts that the sun never sets upon her dominions, and
has professed that the ocean is her private property. Her armies, invincible,
sweep the remotest plains of Asia, removing and setting down landmarks at
her pleasure. Her advances are so gigantic that the annexation of a few
thousand leagues, at any time, hardly attracts attention. America is looking
with a wistful eye upon the whole of North and South America, the islands
of the Caribbean Sea and the groups of the Pacific.[31]
Immediately after the accession of Nicholas to the throne, war broke out
with Persia. It was of short duration. The Persian monarch, utterly
discomfited, was compelled to cede to Russia large provinces in the
Caucasus, and extensive territory on the south-western shore of the
Caspian, and to pay all the expenses of the war. Immediately after this, on
the 7th of May, 1828, war was declared against Turkey. The Russian army,
one hundred and sixty thousand strong, flushed with victory, crossed the
Pruth and took possession of the entire left bank of the Danube, for some
hundreds of miles from its mouth, with all its fertile fields and populous
cities. They then crossed the river, and overran the whole region of
Bulgaria. The storms of winter, however, compelled a retreat, which the
Russians effected after most terrific conflicts, and, recrossing the Danube,
they established themselves in winter quarters on its left banks, having lost
in the campaign one half of their number. The Turks took possession of the
right bank, and remained, during the winter, in face of their foes. In the
spring of 1829 the Russians, having obtained a reinforcement of seventy
thousand men, opened the campaign anew upon the land, while a fleet of
forty-two vessels, carrying fifteen hundred guns, coöperated on the Black
Sea.
Moslem is sealed.
There are four great nations now advancing with marvelous strides in the
appropriation of this globe to themselves. Russia has already taken
possession of one seventh of the world's territory, and she needs now but to
annex Turkey in Europe and Turkey in Asia to complete her share. France is
spreading her influence throughout southern Europe, and, with a firm grasp,
is seizing the provinces of northern Africa. England claims half of the
islands of the ocean, boasts that the sun never sets upon her dominions, and
has professed that the ocean is her private property. Her armies, invincible,
sweep the remotest plains of Asia, removing and setting down landmarks at
her pleasure. Her advances are so gigantic that the annexation of a few
thousand leagues, at any time, hardly attracts attention. America is looking
with a wistful eye upon the whole of North and South America, the islands
of the Caribbean Sea and the groups of the Pacific.[31]
Immediately after the accession of Nicholas to the throne, war broke out
with Persia. It was of short duration. The Persian monarch, utterly
discomfited, was compelled to cede to Russia large provinces in the
Caucasus, and extensive territory on the south-western shore of the
Caspian, and to pay all the expenses of the war. Immediately after this, on
the 7th of May, 1828, war was declared against Turkey. The Russian army,
one hundred and sixty thousand strong, flushed with victory, crossed the
Pruth and took possession of the entire left bank of the Danube, for some
hundreds of miles from its mouth, with all its fertile fields and populous
cities. They then crossed the river, and overran the whole region of
Bulgaria. The storms of winter, however, compelled a retreat, which the
Russians effected after most terrific conflicts, and, recrossing the Danube,
they established themselves in winter quarters on its left banks, having lost
in the campaign one half of their number. The Turks took possession of the
right bank, and remained, during the winter, in face of their foes. In the
spring of 1829 the Russians, having obtained a reinforcement of seventy
thousand men, opened the campaign anew upon the land, while a fleet of
forty-two vessels, carrying fifteen hundred guns, coöperated on the Black
Sea.
Page 428
Through fields of blood, where the Turks, with the energies of despair,
contested every step, the victorious Russians advanced nearly three hundred
miles. They entered the defiles of the Balkan mountains, and forced the
passage. Concentrating their strength at the base of the southern declivities,
the path was open before them to Constantinople. Pushing rapidly forward,
they entered Adrianople in triumph. They were now within one hundred and
fifty miles of Constantinople. The consternation in the Turkish capital was
indescribable, and all Europe was looking for the issue with wonder. The
advance guard of the Russian army was already within eighty miles of the
imperial city when the sultan, Mahmoud IV., implored peace, and assented
to the terms his victor extorted.
By this treaty, called the treaty of Adrianople, Turkey paid Russia twenty-
nine millions of dollars to defray the expenses of the war, opened the
Dardanelles to the free navigation of all Russian merchant ships, and
engaged not to maintain any fortified posts on the north of the Danube.
In July, 1830, the Poles rose in a general insurrection, endeavoring to shake
off the Russian yoke. With hurricane fury the armies of Nicholas swept the
ill-fated territory, and Poland fell to rise no more. The vengeance of the tzar
was awful. For some time the roads to Siberia were thronged with noble
men driven into exile.
In the year 1833, Constantinople was imperiled by the armies of
Mohammed Ali, the energetic pacha of Egypt. The sultan implored aid of
Russia. Nicholas sent an army and a fleet, and drove Mohammed Ali back
to Egypt. As compensation for this essential aid, the sultan entered into a
treaty, by which both powers were bound to afford succor in case either was
attacked, and Turkey also agreed to close the Dardanelles against any power
with whom Russia might be at war.
The revolution in Paris of 1848, which expelled Louis Philippe from the
throne, excited the hopes of the republican party all over Europe. The
Hungarians rose, under Kossuth, in the endeavor to shake off the Austrian
yoke. Francis Joseph appealed to Russia for aid. Nicholas dispatched two
hundred thousand men to crush the Hungarians, and they were crushed.
Nicholas asked no remuneration for these services. He felt amply repaid in
having arrested the progress of constitutional liberty in Europe.
contested every step, the victorious Russians advanced nearly three hundred
miles. They entered the defiles of the Balkan mountains, and forced the
passage. Concentrating their strength at the base of the southern declivities,
the path was open before them to Constantinople. Pushing rapidly forward,
they entered Adrianople in triumph. They were now within one hundred and
fifty miles of Constantinople. The consternation in the Turkish capital was
indescribable, and all Europe was looking for the issue with wonder. The
advance guard of the Russian army was already within eighty miles of the
imperial city when the sultan, Mahmoud IV., implored peace, and assented
to the terms his victor extorted.
By this treaty, called the treaty of Adrianople, Turkey paid Russia twenty-
nine millions of dollars to defray the expenses of the war, opened the
Dardanelles to the free navigation of all Russian merchant ships, and
engaged not to maintain any fortified posts on the north of the Danube.
In July, 1830, the Poles rose in a general insurrection, endeavoring to shake
off the Russian yoke. With hurricane fury the armies of Nicholas swept the
ill-fated territory, and Poland fell to rise no more. The vengeance of the tzar
was awful. For some time the roads to Siberia were thronged with noble
men driven into exile.
In the year 1833, Constantinople was imperiled by the armies of
Mohammed Ali, the energetic pacha of Egypt. The sultan implored aid of
Russia. Nicholas sent an army and a fleet, and drove Mohammed Ali back
to Egypt. As compensation for this essential aid, the sultan entered into a
treaty, by which both powers were bound to afford succor in case either was
attacked, and Turkey also agreed to close the Dardanelles against any power
with whom Russia might be at war.
The revolution in Paris of 1848, which expelled Louis Philippe from the
throne, excited the hopes of the republican party all over Europe. The
Hungarians rose, under Kossuth, in the endeavor to shake off the Austrian
yoke. Francis Joseph appealed to Russia for aid. Nicholas dispatched two
hundred thousand men to crush the Hungarians, and they were crushed.
Nicholas asked no remuneration for these services. He felt amply repaid in
having arrested the progress of constitutional liberty in Europe.
Page 429
Various circumstances, each one trivial in itself, conspired to lead Nicholas
in 1853 to make a new and menacing demonstration of power in the
direction of Constantinople. An army was marshaled on the frontiers, and a
large fleet assembled at Odessa and Sevastopol. England and France were
alarmed, and a French fleet of observation entered the waters of Greece,
while the English fleet at Malta strengthened itself for any emergence. The
prominent question professedly at issue between Russia and Turkey was the
protection which should be extended to members of the Greek church
residing within the Turkish domains. The sultan, strengthened by the secret
support of France and England, refused to accede to the terms which Russia
demanded, and the armies of Nicholas were put on the march for
Constantinople. England and France dispatched their fleets for the
protection of Turkey. In the campaign of Sevastopol, with which our readers
are all familiar, Russia received a check which will, for a few years, retard
her advances.
During the progress of the campaign of Sevastopol, the emperor Nicholas,
in February, 1855, was suddenly seized with the influenza. The disease
made rapid progress. He could not sleep at night, and an incessant cough
racked his frame. On the 22d, notwithstanding the intense severity of the
weather, he insisted upon reviewing some troops who were about to set out
for the seat of war.
"Sire," said one of his physicians, "there is not a surgeon in the army who
would permit a common soldier to leave the hospital in the state in which
you are, for he would be sure that his patient would reenter it still worse."
"'Tis well, gentlemen," said the emperor, "you have done your duty, and I
shall do mine."
Then wrapping his cloak about him, he entered his sledge. It was a bleak
winter's day. Pale, languid and coughing incessantly, he rode along the lines
of his troops. He returned in a profuse perspiration, and was soon seized
with a relapse, which was aggravated by the disastrous tidings he was
receiving from Sevastopol. He rapidly failed, and the empress, anxious as to
the result, suggested that he should receive the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper.
in 1853 to make a new and menacing demonstration of power in the
direction of Constantinople. An army was marshaled on the frontiers, and a
large fleet assembled at Odessa and Sevastopol. England and France were
alarmed, and a French fleet of observation entered the waters of Greece,
while the English fleet at Malta strengthened itself for any emergence. The
prominent question professedly at issue between Russia and Turkey was the
protection which should be extended to members of the Greek church
residing within the Turkish domains. The sultan, strengthened by the secret
support of France and England, refused to accede to the terms which Russia
demanded, and the armies of Nicholas were put on the march for
Constantinople. England and France dispatched their fleets for the
protection of Turkey. In the campaign of Sevastopol, with which our readers
are all familiar, Russia received a check which will, for a few years, retard
her advances.
During the progress of the campaign of Sevastopol, the emperor Nicholas,
in February, 1855, was suddenly seized with the influenza. The disease
made rapid progress. He could not sleep at night, and an incessant cough
racked his frame. On the 22d, notwithstanding the intense severity of the
weather, he insisted upon reviewing some troops who were about to set out
for the seat of war.
"Sire," said one of his physicians, "there is not a surgeon in the army who
would permit a common soldier to leave the hospital in the state in which
you are, for he would be sure that his patient would reenter it still worse."
"'Tis well, gentlemen," said the emperor, "you have done your duty, and I
shall do mine."
Then wrapping his cloak about him, he entered his sledge. It was a bleak
winter's day. Pale, languid and coughing incessantly, he rode along the lines
of his troops. He returned in a profuse perspiration, and was soon seized
with a relapse, which was aggravated by the disastrous tidings he was
receiving from Sevastopol. He rapidly failed, and the empress, anxious as to
the result, suggested that he should receive the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper.
Page 430
"No!" the emperor replied. "I can not approach so solemn a mystery
undressed and in bed. It will be better when I can do it in a suitable
manner,"
The empress, endeavoring to conceal her tears, commenced the repetition of
the Lord's prayer, in a low tone of voice. As she uttered the words "Thy will
be done on earth as it is in heaven," he fervently added, "For ever, for ever,
for ever." Observing that his wife was in tears he inquired, "Why do you
weep? Am I in danger?" She, afraid to utter the truth, said, "No." He added,
"You are greatly agitated and fatigued. You must retire and take some rest."
A few hours after three o'clock in the morning, Dr. Mandt entered. "Tell me
candidly," said the emperor, "what my disease is. You know I have always
forewarned you to inform me in time if I fell seriously ill, in order that I
might not neglect the duties of a Christian."
"I can not conceal from your majesty," the physician replied, "that the
disease is becoming serious. The right lung is attacked."
"Do you mean to say that it is threatened with paralysis?" enquired the
emperor. The doctor replied, "If the disease do not yield to our efforts, such
may indeed be the result; but we do not yet observe it, and we still have
some hope of seeing you restored."
"Ah," said the emperor, "I now comprehend my state and know what I have
to do." Dismissing his physician he summoned his eldest son, Alexander,
who was to succeed him upon the throne; calmly informed him that he
deemed his condition hopeless and that the hour of death was approaching.
"Say nothing," he continued, "to your mother which may alarm her fears;
but send immediately for my confessor."
The archpriest Bajanof soon entered, and commenced the prayers which
precede confession. The prayers being finished, the emperor crossed
himself and said, "Lord Jesus, receive me into thy bosom." He then partook
of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper with the empress and his son
Alexander. The remaining members of the imperial family were then
summoned into the chamber. He announced with firmness his approaching
end, and gave to each his particular blessing. The empress, overwhelmed
with anguish, cried out, "Oh, God! can I not die with him?"
undressed and in bed. It will be better when I can do it in a suitable
manner,"
The empress, endeavoring to conceal her tears, commenced the repetition of
the Lord's prayer, in a low tone of voice. As she uttered the words "Thy will
be done on earth as it is in heaven," he fervently added, "For ever, for ever,
for ever." Observing that his wife was in tears he inquired, "Why do you
weep? Am I in danger?" She, afraid to utter the truth, said, "No." He added,
"You are greatly agitated and fatigued. You must retire and take some rest."
A few hours after three o'clock in the morning, Dr. Mandt entered. "Tell me
candidly," said the emperor, "what my disease is. You know I have always
forewarned you to inform me in time if I fell seriously ill, in order that I
might not neglect the duties of a Christian."
"I can not conceal from your majesty," the physician replied, "that the
disease is becoming serious. The right lung is attacked."
"Do you mean to say that it is threatened with paralysis?" enquired the
emperor. The doctor replied, "If the disease do not yield to our efforts, such
may indeed be the result; but we do not yet observe it, and we still have
some hope of seeing you restored."
"Ah," said the emperor, "I now comprehend my state and know what I have
to do." Dismissing his physician he summoned his eldest son, Alexander,
who was to succeed him upon the throne; calmly informed him that he
deemed his condition hopeless and that the hour of death was approaching.
"Say nothing," he continued, "to your mother which may alarm her fears;
but send immediately for my confessor."
The archpriest Bajanof soon entered, and commenced the prayers which
precede confession. The prayers being finished, the emperor crossed
himself and said, "Lord Jesus, receive me into thy bosom." He then partook
of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper with the empress and his son
Alexander. The remaining members of the imperial family were then
summoned into the chamber. He announced with firmness his approaching
end, and gave to each his particular blessing. The empress, overwhelmed
with anguish, cried out, "Oh, God! can I not die with him?"
Page 431
"You must live for our children," said the emperor; and then turning to his
son Alexander, he added, "You know that all my anxiety, all my efforts had
for their object the good of Russia. My desire was to labor until I could
leave you the empire thoroughly organized, protected from all danger from
without, and completely tranquil and happy. But you see at what a time and
under what circumstances I die. Such, however, seems to be the will of
God. Your burden will be heavy."
Alexander, weeping, replied, "If I am destined to lose you, I have the
certainty that in heaven you will pray to God for Russia and for us all. And
you will ask His aid that I may be able to sustain the burden which He will
have imposed upon me."
"Yes," the emperor replied, "I have always prayed for Russia and for you
all. There also will I pray for you." Then speaking to the whole assembled
group, he added, "Remain always, as hitherto, closely united in family
love."
Several of the important officers of the State were then introduced. The
emperor thanked them for their faithful services and tried devotion, and
recommended them to his son as worthy of all trust, gave them his
benediction and bade them farewell. At his request his domestic servants
were then brought into the room. To one, who was especially devoted to the
empress, he said,
"I fear that I have not sufficiently thanked you for the care which you took
of the empress when she was last ill. Be to her for the future what you have
been in my life-time, and salute my beautiful Peterhoff, the first time you
go there with her."
These interviews being closed, he addressed his son and Count d'Adelberg
respecting his obsequies. He selected the room in which his remains were to
be laid out, and the spot for his tomb in the cathedral of the Apostles Peter
and Paul. "Let my funeral," said he, "be conducted with the least possible
expense or display, as all the resources of the empire are now needed for the
prosecution of the war." While conversing, news came that dispatches had
arrived from Sevastopol. The emperor deeming that he had already
abdicated, declined perusing them, saying, "I have nothing more to do with
son Alexander, he added, "You know that all my anxiety, all my efforts had
for their object the good of Russia. My desire was to labor until I could
leave you the empire thoroughly organized, protected from all danger from
without, and completely tranquil and happy. But you see at what a time and
under what circumstances I die. Such, however, seems to be the will of
God. Your burden will be heavy."
Alexander, weeping, replied, "If I am destined to lose you, I have the
certainty that in heaven you will pray to God for Russia and for us all. And
you will ask His aid that I may be able to sustain the burden which He will
have imposed upon me."
"Yes," the emperor replied, "I have always prayed for Russia and for you
all. There also will I pray for you." Then speaking to the whole assembled
group, he added, "Remain always, as hitherto, closely united in family
love."
Several of the important officers of the State were then introduced. The
emperor thanked them for their faithful services and tried devotion, and
recommended them to his son as worthy of all trust, gave them his
benediction and bade them farewell. At his request his domestic servants
were then brought into the room. To one, who was especially devoted to the
empress, he said,
"I fear that I have not sufficiently thanked you for the care which you took
of the empress when she was last ill. Be to her for the future what you have
been in my life-time, and salute my beautiful Peterhoff, the first time you
go there with her."
These interviews being closed, he addressed his son and Count d'Adelberg
respecting his obsequies. He selected the room in which his remains were to
be laid out, and the spot for his tomb in the cathedral of the Apostles Peter
and Paul. "Let my funeral," said he, "be conducted with the least possible
expense or display, as all the resources of the empire are now needed for the
prosecution of the war." While conversing, news came that dispatches had
arrived from Sevastopol. The emperor deeming that he had already
abdicated, declined perusing them, saying, "I have nothing more to do with
Page 432
earth." Alexander sat for several hours at the bed side, receiving the last
directions of his father.
On the 2d of March the emperor remained upon his bed, unable to articulate
a word, and with difficulty drawing each breath. At noon he revived a little
and requested his son, in his name, to thank the garrison at Sevastopol for
their heroism. He then sent a message to the King of Prussia, whose sister
he had married. "Say to Frederic that I trust he will remain the same friend
of Russia he has ever been, and that he will never forget the dying words of
our father."
The agony of death was now upon him, and he was speechless. His
confessor repeated the prayers for the dying. At twenty minutes past twelve
he expired, holding, till the last moment, the hand of the empress and of his
son Alexander.
Alexander II., who now occupies the throne, was born the 29th of April,
1818. He is a young man of noble character and very thoroughly educated.
At the age of sixteen, according to the laws of the empire, he was declared
to be of age and took the oath of allegiance to the throne. From that time he
lived by his father's side in the cabinet and in the court. His fare was frugal,
his bed hard, and his duties arduous in the extreme. In April, 1841, he
married the princess Maria, daughter of the Grand Duke of Darmstadt. She
is reported to be a lady of many accomplishments and of the most sincere
and unaffected piety. He is himself a man of deep religious feeling, and
many who know him, esteem him to be a sincere and spiritual Christian.
What character the temptations of the throne may develop, time only can
determine. He is now struggling, against the opposition of the nobles, to
emancipate the boors from the slavery of serfdom, being ambitious of
elevating all his subjects to the highest manhood. The temporal welfare of
perhaps ninety millions of men is placed in the hands of this one monarch.
An indiscreet act may plunge all Russia into the horrors of a civil war, or
kindle flames of strife through Europe which no power but that of God can
quench. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon him, and the friends of the
Redeemer, the world over, watch his movements with solicitude and with
prayer.
———
directions of his father.
On the 2d of March the emperor remained upon his bed, unable to articulate
a word, and with difficulty drawing each breath. At noon he revived a little
and requested his son, in his name, to thank the garrison at Sevastopol for
their heroism. He then sent a message to the King of Prussia, whose sister
he had married. "Say to Frederic that I trust he will remain the same friend
of Russia he has ever been, and that he will never forget the dying words of
our father."
The agony of death was now upon him, and he was speechless. His
confessor repeated the prayers for the dying. At twenty minutes past twelve
he expired, holding, till the last moment, the hand of the empress and of his
son Alexander.
Alexander II., who now occupies the throne, was born the 29th of April,
1818. He is a young man of noble character and very thoroughly educated.
At the age of sixteen, according to the laws of the empire, he was declared
to be of age and took the oath of allegiance to the throne. From that time he
lived by his father's side in the cabinet and in the court. His fare was frugal,
his bed hard, and his duties arduous in the extreme. In April, 1841, he
married the princess Maria, daughter of the Grand Duke of Darmstadt. She
is reported to be a lady of many accomplishments and of the most sincere
and unaffected piety. He is himself a man of deep religious feeling, and
many who know him, esteem him to be a sincere and spiritual Christian.
What character the temptations of the throne may develop, time only can
determine. He is now struggling, against the opposition of the nobles, to
emancipate the boors from the slavery of serfdom, being ambitious of
elevating all his subjects to the highest manhood. The temporal welfare of
perhaps ninety millions of men is placed in the hands of this one monarch.
An indiscreet act may plunge all Russia into the horrors of a civil war, or
kindle flames of strife through Europe which no power but that of God can
quench. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon him, and the friends of the
Redeemer, the world over, watch his movements with solicitude and with
prayer.
———
Page 433
[31] The jealousy of the leading nations in regard to their mutual encroachments is amusingly
illustrated in an interview between Senator Douglas and Sir Henry Bulwer in reference to the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty. An article was inserted in this treaty by the English government, binding both
England and America not to colonize, annex or exercise any dominion over any portion of Central
America. Sir Henry argued that the pledge was fair and just since it was reciprocal, England asking
no more than she was ready herself to grant.
"To test your principle," said Senator Douglas, "I would propose an amendment of simply two words.
Let the article read, 'Neither England nor the United States will ever colonize any part of Central
America or Asia.'"
The British minister exclaimed, in surprise, "But you have no colonies in Asia."
"True," replied the United States Senator, "neither have you any colonies in Central America."
"But," rejoined Sir Henry, "you can never establish your government there, in Asia."
"No," Mr. Douglas replied, "neither do we intend that you shall plant your government here, in
Central America."
illustrated in an interview between Senator Douglas and Sir Henry Bulwer in reference to the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty. An article was inserted in this treaty by the English government, binding both
England and America not to colonize, annex or exercise any dominion over any portion of Central
America. Sir Henry argued that the pledge was fair and just since it was reciprocal, England asking
no more than she was ready herself to grant.
"To test your principle," said Senator Douglas, "I would propose an amendment of simply two words.
Let the article read, 'Neither England nor the United States will ever colonize any part of Central
America or Asia.'"
The British minister exclaimed, in surprise, "But you have no colonies in Asia."
"True," replied the United States Senator, "neither have you any colonies in Central America."
"But," rejoined Sir Henry, "you can never establish your government there, in Asia."
"No," Mr. Douglas replied, "neither do we intend that you shall plant your government here, in
Central America."
Page 434
INDEX.
A.
Adachef, (Alexis) appointed minister of justice, 22.
Adrianople, Treaty of, 513.
Akhmet, Defiant reply of, to Ivan, 178.
Alains, character and life of the, 19.
Alexander succeeds Yaroslaf over Novgorod, 127.
ordered to attend Bati, 127.
appointed King of Southern Russia, 128.
his reply to the Pope, 128.
conciliates Berki, 128.
Alexander (Nevsky) puts down a rebellion headed by his son, 129.
death of, 129.
Yaroslaf of Tiver succeeds, 130.
Alexander (son of Michel) ascends the throne, 141.
outlawed by Usbeck, 142.
flight and death of, 142.
Alexander I., grief of, on the assassination of Paul, 471.
re-establishes friendly relations with England, 473.
regulations of, 474.
message of, to Napoleon, 477.
defeat of, at Austerlitz, 479.
his interview with the embassador of Napoleon, 480.
defeat at Eylau, 484.
implores peace, 487.
A.
Adachef, (Alexis) appointed minister of justice, 22.
Adrianople, Treaty of, 513.
Akhmet, Defiant reply of, to Ivan, 178.
Alains, character and life of the, 19.
Alexander succeeds Yaroslaf over Novgorod, 127.
ordered to attend Bati, 127.
appointed King of Southern Russia, 128.
his reply to the Pope, 128.
conciliates Berki, 128.
Alexander (Nevsky) puts down a rebellion headed by his son, 129.
death of, 129.
Yaroslaf of Tiver succeeds, 130.
Alexander (son of Michel) ascends the throne, 141.
outlawed by Usbeck, 142.
flight and death of, 142.
Alexander I., grief of, on the assassination of Paul, 471.
re-establishes friendly relations with England, 473.
regulations of, 474.
message of, to Napoleon, 477.
defeat of, at Austerlitz, 479.
his interview with the embassador of Napoleon, 480.
defeat at Eylau, 484.
implores peace, 487.
Page 435
his admiration for Napoleon, 487.
forced to turn against Napoleon, 492.
magnanimity towards Napoleon, 493.
death of, 497.
Alexander II. succeeds Nicholas on the throne, 517.
character of, 518.
Alexis succeeds Romanow, 291.
marriage of, 292.
his concessions to the mob, 294.
his conquests in Poland, 295.
good works of, 296.
death of, 299.
Alexis (son of Peter the Great) bad character of, 343.
marriage of, 344.
letters from, to his father, 351.
flight of, 352.
disinherited by his father, 354.
plots against the crown, 355.
condemned to death, 358.
death of, 359.
America, discovery of, by the Normans, 23.
Amiens, treaty of, 476.
Anastasia, death of, 255.
André (of Souzdal) usurps the Russian throne, 88.
moderation of, 92.
submission of, 95.
homage of Russia to, 95.
assassination of, 96.
sword of, 96.
abolishes appanages, 111.
forced to turn against Napoleon, 492.
magnanimity towards Napoleon, 493.
death of, 497.
Alexander II. succeeds Nicholas on the throne, 517.
character of, 518.
Alexis succeeds Romanow, 291.
marriage of, 292.
his concessions to the mob, 294.
his conquests in Poland, 295.
good works of, 296.
death of, 299.
Alexis (son of Peter the Great) bad character of, 343.
marriage of, 344.
letters from, to his father, 351.
flight of, 352.
disinherited by his father, 354.
plots against the crown, 355.
condemned to death, 358.
death of, 359.
America, discovery of, by the Normans, 23.
Amiens, treaty of, 476.
Anastasia, death of, 255.
André (of Souzdal) usurps the Russian throne, 88.
moderation of, 92.
submission of, 95.
homage of Russia to, 95.
assassination of, 96.
sword of, 96.
abolishes appanages, 111.
Page 436
André (of Gorodetz) dethrones his brother Dmitri, 133.
succeeds Dmitri as sovereign, 134.
death of, 135.
Anne (of Constantinople) forced to marry Vladimir, 55.
Christian influence of, over her husband, 57.
death of, 58.
Anne (of England) letter of, to Peter the Great. 342.
Anne (Duchess of Courland) offered the throne, 366.
energy of, 367.
death of, 368.
Anecdote of the preservation of the Greek libraries, 19.
of the love of Igor, 32.
of the Tartar's theology, 127.
of Vassili and the Greek physician, 201.
of Peter the Great, 311.
of Peter the Great, 320.
of Peter III., 385.
Appanages abolished by André, 111.
Ascolod and Dir, enterprise and conquests of, 29.
conversion of, 29.
assassination of, 31.
Astrachan added to Russia, 244.
Athens taken by the Goths, 19.
Attila the king of the Huns, conquests of, 21.
Avars, conquests of the, 22.
Aristocracy, gradual rise of an, 25.
B.
Bajazet II., letter of Ivan to, 186.
succeeds Dmitri as sovereign, 134.
death of, 135.
Anne (of Constantinople) forced to marry Vladimir, 55.
Christian influence of, over her husband, 57.
death of, 58.
Anne (of England) letter of, to Peter the Great. 342.
Anne (Duchess of Courland) offered the throne, 366.
energy of, 367.
death of, 368.
Anecdote of the preservation of the Greek libraries, 19.
of the love of Igor, 32.
of the Tartar's theology, 127.
of Vassili and the Greek physician, 201.
of Peter the Great, 311.
of Peter the Great, 320.
of Peter III., 385.
Appanages abolished by André, 111.
Ascolod and Dir, enterprise and conquests of, 29.
conversion of, 29.
assassination of, 31.
Astrachan added to Russia, 244.
Athens taken by the Goths, 19.
Attila the king of the Huns, conquests of, 21.
Avars, conquests of the, 22.
Aristocracy, gradual rise of an, 25.
B.
Bajazet II., letter of Ivan to, 186.
Page 437
reply of, 188.
Baptism of the Russian nation in a day, 56.
in Lithuania, 155.
Barbarians, punishment of the, 87.
Bathori (Stephen) elected King of Poland, 262.
Bati given the command of the Tartar horde, 119.
depopulates Rezdan, 119.
captures Moscow, 120.
takes and burns Vladimir, 122.
disastrous course of, 123.
plunders Kief, 124.
possessions of, 125.
orders Yaroslaf to appear before him, 125.
summons Alexander, 127.
death of, 128.
Berki succeeds, 128.
Bayadour, chief of the Mogols, 113.
Beards ordered to be removed, 327.
Belsky (Ivan) elected regent of Russia, 209.
reforms of, 209.
assassination of, 212.
Bielo (Ozero Sineous) establishes his court at, 27.
Bielski (Bogdan) his attempt to grasp the throne, 270.
his exile, 271.
"Black Death," ravages of the, 144.
Bohemia, aid from, to Ysiaslaf, 80.
Bokhara burned by the Tartars, 116.
Boleslas, (King of Poland) assists Sviatopolk to defeat Yaroslaf, 59.
seizes the sister of Yaroslaf as his concubine, 59.
attempt to poison, 59.
Baptism of the Russian nation in a day, 56.
in Lithuania, 155.
Barbarians, punishment of the, 87.
Bathori (Stephen) elected King of Poland, 262.
Bati given the command of the Tartar horde, 119.
depopulates Rezdan, 119.
captures Moscow, 120.
takes and burns Vladimir, 122.
disastrous course of, 123.
plunders Kief, 124.
possessions of, 125.
orders Yaroslaf to appear before him, 125.
summons Alexander, 127.
death of, 128.
Berki succeeds, 128.
Bayadour, chief of the Mogols, 113.
Beards ordered to be removed, 327.
Belsky (Ivan) elected regent of Russia, 209.
reforms of, 209.
assassination of, 212.
Bielo (Ozero Sineous) establishes his court at, 27.
Bielski (Bogdan) his attempt to grasp the throne, 270.
his exile, 271.
"Black Death," ravages of the, 144.
Bohemia, aid from, to Ysiaslaf, 80.
Bokhara burned by the Tartars, 116.
Boleslas, (King of Poland) assists Sviatopolk to defeat Yaroslaf, 59.
seizes the sister of Yaroslaf as his concubine, 59.
attempt to poison, 59.
Page 438
forced to fly from Kief, 59.
Boleslas II. (of Poland) reception of Ysiaslaf by, 63.
robs Ysiaslaf and expels him, 63.
refunds the treasure, 65.
Bosporus, the Greeks plant their colonies along the shore of the, 17.
Bulgaria conquered by Sviatoslaf, 46.
the capital conveyed from Kief to, 48.
conquered by Georges, 72.
condition of, 100.
expedition against, 101.
C.
Caucasus, the eagles of the Russians planted on the, 18.
Catharine I., first appearance of, 333.
public marriage of, with Peter, 345.
crowned empress, 361.
assumes the government, 364.
death of, 365.
Catharine II., early life of, 380.
autobiography of, 381.
seizes the throne, 392.
manifesto of, on the death of Peter III., 403.
her labors and reforms, 404.
administration of, 405.
urged by her ministers to marry, 407.
numerous titles of, 409.
Catharine II., attempt to assassinate, 410.
inoculation of, 413.
entertainments of, 415.
Boleslas II. (of Poland) reception of Ysiaslaf by, 63.
robs Ysiaslaf and expels him, 63.
refunds the treasure, 65.
Bosporus, the Greeks plant their colonies along the shore of the, 17.
Bulgaria conquered by Sviatoslaf, 46.
the capital conveyed from Kief to, 48.
conquered by Georges, 72.
condition of, 100.
expedition against, 101.
C.
Caucasus, the eagles of the Russians planted on the, 18.
Catharine I., first appearance of, 333.
public marriage of, with Peter, 345.
crowned empress, 361.
assumes the government, 364.
death of, 365.
Catharine II., early life of, 380.
autobiography of, 381.
seizes the throne, 392.
manifesto of, on the death of Peter III., 403.
her labors and reforms, 404.
administration of, 405.
urged by her ministers to marry, 407.
numerous titles of, 409.
Catharine II., attempt to assassinate, 410.
inoculation of, 413.
entertainments of, 415.
Page 439
her schemes with Henry, Prince of Prussia, 417.
conquers the Turks, 418.
correspondence of, 422.
peace with Turkey effected by, 425.
personal appearance of, 426.
conspiracy against, 427.
interview of, with Joseph II., 437.
her education of her children, 439.
erection of the statue to Peter the Great by, 439.
seizes the Crimea, 441.
secures peace with Turkey, 444.
toleration of, 445.
her journey to the Crimea, 448.
makes war on Poland. 451.
death of, 452.
character of, 453.
Chanceller (Captain) voyage of, 245.
Charles XII. (of Sweden) ascends the throne, 328.
conquers the Russians, 329.
drives Augustus from Poland, 335.
wounded, 338.
utter defeat of, 339.
escape of, from Turkey, 346.
death of, 360.
Chemyaka, see Dmitri
Cherson, church built at, in commemoration of the baptism of
Vladimir, 55.
Children, the female allowed to be killed, 24.
China, irruption of the Tartars into, 115.
Christians, persecution of the, by the Tartars, 136.
conquers the Turks, 418.
correspondence of, 422.
peace with Turkey effected by, 425.
personal appearance of, 426.
conspiracy against, 427.
interview of, with Joseph II., 437.
her education of her children, 439.
erection of the statue to Peter the Great by, 439.
seizes the Crimea, 441.
secures peace with Turkey, 444.
toleration of, 445.
her journey to the Crimea, 448.
makes war on Poland. 451.
death of, 452.
character of, 453.
Chanceller (Captain) voyage of, 245.
Charles XII. (of Sweden) ascends the throne, 328.
conquers the Russians, 329.
drives Augustus from Poland, 335.
wounded, 338.
utter defeat of, 339.
escape of, from Turkey, 346.
death of, 360.
Chemyaka, see Dmitri
Cherson, church built at, in commemoration of the baptism of
Vladimir, 55.
Children, the female allowed to be killed, 24.
China, irruption of the Tartars into, 115.
Christians, persecution of the, by the Tartars, 136.
Page 440
Christianity, its entrance into Russia, 29.
diffusion of, into Souzdal, 83.
attempts of André to extend, 96.
Chronology of Russia: Rurik, Sineous and Truvor jointly rule over
Russia, 27.
Rurik succeeds Sineous and Truvor, 28.
Ascolod and Dir reign over a portion of Russia, 29.
Oleg succeeds Ascolod and Dir, 31.
Igor succeeds Oleg, 38.
Olga succeeds Oleg, 42.
Sviatoslaf succeeds Olga, 45.
Yaropolk succeeds Olga, 50.
Vladimir succeeds Yaropolk, 52.
Sviatopolk succeeds Vladimir, 59.
Yaroslaf succeeds Sviatopolk, 60.
Vseslaf succeeds Yaroslaf, 62.
Ysiaslaf succeeds Vseslaf, 63.
Vsevolod succeeds Ysiaslaf, 66.
Sviatopolk succeeds Vsevolod, 69.
Monomaque succeeds Sviatopolk, 71.
Mstislaf succeeds Monomaque, 75.
Vladimirovitch succeeds Mstislaf, 77.
Vsevolod succeeds Vladimirovitch, 77.
Igor succeeds Vsevolod, 78.
Ysiaslaf succeeds Igor, 78.
Rostislaf succeeds Ysiaslaf, 81.
Georges succeeds Rostislaf, 81.
Davidovitch succeeds Georges, 82.
Rostislaf succeeds Davidovitch, 83.
Georgievitch succeeds Rostislaf, 84.
diffusion of, into Souzdal, 83.
attempts of André to extend, 96.
Chronology of Russia: Rurik, Sineous and Truvor jointly rule over
Russia, 27.
Rurik succeeds Sineous and Truvor, 28.
Ascolod and Dir reign over a portion of Russia, 29.
Oleg succeeds Ascolod and Dir, 31.
Igor succeeds Oleg, 38.
Olga succeeds Oleg, 42.
Sviatoslaf succeeds Olga, 45.
Yaropolk succeeds Olga, 50.
Vladimir succeeds Yaropolk, 52.
Sviatopolk succeeds Vladimir, 59.
Yaroslaf succeeds Sviatopolk, 60.
Vseslaf succeeds Yaroslaf, 62.
Ysiaslaf succeeds Vseslaf, 63.
Vsevolod succeeds Ysiaslaf, 66.
Sviatopolk succeeds Vsevolod, 69.
Monomaque succeeds Sviatopolk, 71.
Mstislaf succeeds Monomaque, 75.
Vladimirovitch succeeds Mstislaf, 77.
Vsevolod succeeds Vladimirovitch, 77.
Igor succeeds Vsevolod, 78.
Ysiaslaf succeeds Igor, 78.
Rostislaf succeeds Ysiaslaf, 81.
Georges succeeds Rostislaf, 81.
Davidovitch succeeds Georges, 82.
Rostislaf succeeds Davidovitch, 83.
Georgievitch succeeds Rostislaf, 84.
Page 441
Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch succeeds Georgievitch, 86.
André succeeds Mstislaf, 89.
Michel succeeds André, 97.
Vsevolod succeeds Michel, 100.
Georges succeeds Vsevolod, 104.
Octai succeeds Georges, 125.
Bati succeeds Octai, 127.
Dmitri of Moscow secures the throne, 146.
Tamerlane succeeds Dmitri, 155.
Ivan III. throws off the Mogol power, 172.
Vassili succeeds Ivan III., 191.
Hélène (as regent) succeeds Vassili, 205.
Schouisky (as regent) succeeds Hélène, 208.
Ivan Belsky (as regent) succeeds Schouisky, 209.
Ivan IV. seizes his throne, 214.
Feodor succeeds Ivan IV., 270.
Boris succeeds Feodor, 275.
Feodor II. succeeds Boris, 279.
Dmitri succeeds Feodor II., 280.
Zuski succeeds Dmitri, 283.
Michel Feodor Romanow elected king, 287.
Alexis succeeds Romanow, 291.
Feodor succeeds Alexis, 299.
Sophia (as regent) succeeds Feodor, 303.
Peter I. succeeds Sophia, 310.
Catharine succeeds Peter I., 364.
Peter II. succeeds Catharine, 365.
Anne succeeds Peter II., 367.
Ivan V. succeeds Anne, 368.
Elizabeth succeeds Ivan V., 369.
André succeeds Mstislaf, 89.
Michel succeeds André, 97.
Vsevolod succeeds Michel, 100.
Georges succeeds Vsevolod, 104.
Octai succeeds Georges, 125.
Bati succeeds Octai, 127.
Dmitri of Moscow secures the throne, 146.
Tamerlane succeeds Dmitri, 155.
Ivan III. throws off the Mogol power, 172.
Vassili succeeds Ivan III., 191.
Hélène (as regent) succeeds Vassili, 205.
Schouisky (as regent) succeeds Hélène, 208.
Ivan Belsky (as regent) succeeds Schouisky, 209.
Ivan IV. seizes his throne, 214.
Feodor succeeds Ivan IV., 270.
Boris succeeds Feodor, 275.
Feodor II. succeeds Boris, 279.
Dmitri succeeds Feodor II., 280.
Zuski succeeds Dmitri, 283.
Michel Feodor Romanow elected king, 287.
Alexis succeeds Romanow, 291.
Feodor succeeds Alexis, 299.
Sophia (as regent) succeeds Feodor, 303.
Peter I. succeeds Sophia, 310.
Catharine succeeds Peter I., 364.
Peter II. succeeds Catharine, 365.
Anne succeeds Peter II., 367.
Ivan V. succeeds Anne, 368.
Elizabeth succeeds Ivan V., 369.
Page 442
Peter III. succeeds Elizabeth, 387.
Catharine II. succeeds Peter III, 403.
Paul I. succeeds Catharine II., 454.
Alexander succeeds Paul I., 471.
Nicholas succeeds Alexander I., 502.
Alexander II. succeeds Nicholas, 517.
During the Tartar reign, only the Tartar conqueror is usually given
Church built at Cherson, 55.
built on the site of the idol of Peroune, 56.
Civilization, the Russians indebted to the Greeks for their, 168.
Commerce of Russia, 113.
between England and Russia, 247.
increase of, 249.
Constantine (prince of Yaroslavle) claims the throne, 104.
turns Kostroma, 104.
ascends the imperial throne, 108.
effeminacy of, 108.
death of, 109.
Constantine resigns his right to the throne, 498.
Constantinople, the city of, 168.
"Court Favorite" office of the, 430.
Crimea, taken possession of by Vladimir, 54.
Crusaders driven from the imperial city, 103.
Cyrille (bishop of Novgorod) effects a treaty between Novgorod and
the Tartars, 131.
D.
Dacia, the countries forming the province of, 19.
conquered and divided by Trajan, 19.
Catharine II. succeeds Peter III, 403.
Paul I. succeeds Catharine II., 454.
Alexander succeeds Paul I., 471.
Nicholas succeeds Alexander I., 502.
Alexander II. succeeds Nicholas, 517.
During the Tartar reign, only the Tartar conqueror is usually given
Church built at Cherson, 55.
built on the site of the idol of Peroune, 56.
Civilization, the Russians indebted to the Greeks for their, 168.
Commerce of Russia, 113.
between England and Russia, 247.
increase of, 249.
Constantine (prince of Yaroslavle) claims the throne, 104.
turns Kostroma, 104.
ascends the imperial throne, 108.
effeminacy of, 108.
death of, 109.
Constantine resigns his right to the throne, 498.
Constantinople, the city of, 168.
"Court Favorite" office of the, 430.
Crimea, taken possession of by Vladimir, 54.
Crusaders driven from the imperial city, 103.
Cyrille (bishop of Novgorod) effects a treaty between Novgorod and
the Tartars, 131.
D.
Dacia, the countries forming the province of, 19.
conquered and divided by Trajan, 19.
Page 443
Daniel (of Gallicia) attempts of, to emancipate Russia, 126.
crowned emperor, 126.
Daniel (prince of Moscow) declares independence, 134.
Davidovitch (of Tchernigof) invited to seize the throne of Russia, 82.
driven from the throne by Rostislaf, 83.
flight of, to Moscow, 83.
Danielovitch (Jean) appointed Grand Prince by the Tartars, 142.
reign and death of, 143.
Diana, temple of, burned at Ephesus, 19.
Diderot, Visit of, to Catharine, and her correspondence with him, 423.
Dimsdale (Dr. Thomas) introduces inoculation, 411.
Discoveries during the reign of Ivan, 190.
Dnieper, baptism of the nation in the, 56.
plunder of the commerce on the, 86.
Dimitri ascends the throne, 133.
drives André from Novgorod, 133.
disasters and death of, 134.
Dimitri (son of Michel) assassinates Georges, 140.
execution of, 141.
Dmitri (of Souzdal) accession of, to the throne, 146.
deposed, 146.
Dmitri (of Moscow) crowned sovereign, 146.
conquers the Tartars, 147.
wounded, 152.
death of, 156.
Dmitri Chemyaka assumes the government, 166.
death of, 166.
Dmitri (prince, son of Ivan IV.) assassination of, 274.
Griska claims to be, 278.
see Griska
crowned emperor, 126.
Daniel (prince of Moscow) declares independence, 134.
Davidovitch (of Tchernigof) invited to seize the throne of Russia, 82.
driven from the throne by Rostislaf, 83.
flight of, to Moscow, 83.
Danielovitch (Jean) appointed Grand Prince by the Tartars, 142.
reign and death of, 143.
Diana, temple of, burned at Ephesus, 19.
Diderot, Visit of, to Catharine, and her correspondence with him, 423.
Dimsdale (Dr. Thomas) introduces inoculation, 411.
Discoveries during the reign of Ivan, 190.
Dnieper, baptism of the nation in the, 56.
plunder of the commerce on the, 86.
Dimitri ascends the throne, 133.
drives André from Novgorod, 133.
disasters and death of, 134.
Dimitri (son of Michel) assassinates Georges, 140.
execution of, 141.
Dmitri (of Souzdal) accession of, to the throne, 146.
deposed, 146.
Dmitri (of Moscow) crowned sovereign, 146.
conquers the Tartars, 147.
wounded, 152.
death of, 156.
Dmitri Chemyaka assumes the government, 166.
death of, 166.
Dmitri (prince, son of Ivan IV.) assassination of, 274.
Griska claims to be, 278.
see Griska
Page 444
Dmitry declines the throne, 131.
Drevliens, debasement of the tribe of, 25.
revolt of the, against Igor, 38.
their punishment and enthusiasm of, for Olga, 42.
Droutsk burned by Yaropolk, 73.
E.
Eastern Question, the cause of the present war of the, 507.
Ecclesiastical Council called to rectify evils in the church, 132.
Elizabeth (daughter of Peter the Great) conspiracy of, 368.
seizes the throne, 369.
victories of, over Frederic of Prussia, 375.
death of, 377.
character of, 378.
Embassador of André insulted, 92.
the first from Russia, 248.
Emigration of Russians to the mouth of the Volga, 97.
Emperors, see Russia and Chronology
England, influence of, in Europe, 244.
amicable arrangement of Russia with, 249.
friendship between Russia and, 248.
Entertainment, description of a royal, 415.
Etiquette, laws of, as to young ladies, 203.
Eylau, battle of, 483.
F.
Famine in Russia, 105.
Feodor (son of Ivan IV.) ascends the throne, 270.
Drevliens, debasement of the tribe of, 25.
revolt of the, against Igor, 38.
their punishment and enthusiasm of, for Olga, 42.
Droutsk burned by Yaropolk, 73.
E.
Eastern Question, the cause of the present war of the, 507.
Ecclesiastical Council called to rectify evils in the church, 132.
Elizabeth (daughter of Peter the Great) conspiracy of, 368.
seizes the throne, 369.
victories of, over Frederic of Prussia, 375.
death of, 377.
character of, 378.
Embassador of André insulted, 92.
the first from Russia, 248.
Emigration of Russians to the mouth of the Volga, 97.
Emperors, see Russia and Chronology
England, influence of, in Europe, 244.
amicable arrangement of Russia with, 249.
friendship between Russia and, 248.
Entertainment, description of a royal, 415.
Etiquette, laws of, as to young ladies, 203.
Eylau, battle of, 483.
F.
Famine in Russia, 105.
Feodor (son of Ivan IV.) ascends the throne, 270.
Page 445
his incapacity, 273.
death of, 274.
Feodor (son of Alexis) ascends throne, 299.
makes peace with Poland, 300.
marriage of, 301.
death of, 302.
Feudal System, implanting of the, 28.
G.
Genghis Khan, pretended divine authority of, 115.
irruption into China, 115.
burns Bokhara, 116.
recalls his troops from Russia, 118.
death of, 118.
nominates Octai as his successor, 118.
See Temoutchin
George (son of André) sent embassador to Novgorod, 92.
returns to Moscow, 94.
Georges (son of Monomaque) expedition of, to Bulgaria, 72.
Georges (of Moscow) assists Sviatoslaf, 79.
enters Kief in triumph, 80.
drives Rostislaf from the throne, 81.
death of, 81.
Georges I. (brother of Vsevolod) ascends the Russian throne, 104.
burns Rostof, 104.
defeated by Mstislaf, 106.
surrenders himself to Mstislaf, and exiled, 108.
disappears from history, 108.
Georges II. ascends throne of Russia, 109.
death of, 274.
Feodor (son of Alexis) ascends throne, 299.
makes peace with Poland, 300.
marriage of, 301.
death of, 302.
Feudal System, implanting of the, 28.
G.
Genghis Khan, pretended divine authority of, 115.
irruption into China, 115.
burns Bokhara, 116.
recalls his troops from Russia, 118.
death of, 118.
nominates Octai as his successor, 118.
See Temoutchin
George (son of André) sent embassador to Novgorod, 92.
returns to Moscow, 94.
Georges (son of Monomaque) expedition of, to Bulgaria, 72.
Georges (of Moscow) assists Sviatoslaf, 79.
enters Kief in triumph, 80.
drives Rostislaf from the throne, 81.
death of, 81.
Georges I. (brother of Vsevolod) ascends the Russian throne, 104.
burns Rostof, 104.
defeated by Mstislaf, 106.
surrenders himself to Mstislaf, and exiled, 108.
disappears from history, 108.
Georges II. ascends throne of Russia, 109.
Page 446
attacks Ochel, 109.
founds Nijni Novgorod, 110.
death of, 122.
Georges III (of Moscow) obtains assistance from the Tartars, 136.
defeated by Michel, 137.
secures the throne, 140.
assassination of, 140.
Georgievitch (of Souzdal) Davidovitch seeks aid from, 83.
his system of government, 84.
Ghirei (Devlet) character of, 251.
Gleb (prince of Minsk) takes Sloutsk, 73.
capture and death of, 73.
Gleb left in possession of Kief; flight of, 89.
Gordon (General) entrusted with the royal troops, 317.
Gostomysle raises an embassy to visit the Normans, 27.
Goths, devastation of the, 19.
empire of the, 20.
suicide of Hermanric, king of the, 20.
Greece, overrun by the Avars, 22.
invaded by Monomaque, 72.
Greek Church, declared to be the best, 53.
Greeks, colonies of the, on the Bosporus, 17.
coalesce with the Bulgarians and expel Sviatoslaf, 48.
Gregory VII., see Pope
Griska assumes to be prince Dmitri, and invades Russia, 278.
crowned emperor, 280.
perplexities of, 281.
marriage of, by proxy, 281.
death of, 283.
Polish adventurer claims to be, 284.
founds Nijni Novgorod, 110.
death of, 122.
Georges III (of Moscow) obtains assistance from the Tartars, 136.
defeated by Michel, 137.
secures the throne, 140.
assassination of, 140.
Georgievitch (of Souzdal) Davidovitch seeks aid from, 83.
his system of government, 84.
Ghirei (Devlet) character of, 251.
Gleb (prince of Minsk) takes Sloutsk, 73.
capture and death of, 73.
Gleb left in possession of Kief; flight of, 89.
Gordon (General) entrusted with the royal troops, 317.
Gostomysle raises an embassy to visit the Normans, 27.
Goths, devastation of the, 19.
empire of the, 20.
suicide of Hermanric, king of the, 20.
Greece, overrun by the Avars, 22.
invaded by Monomaque, 72.
Greek Church, declared to be the best, 53.
Greeks, colonies of the, on the Bosporus, 17.
coalesce with the Bulgarians and expel Sviatoslaf, 48.
Gregory VII., see Pope
Griska assumes to be prince Dmitri, and invades Russia, 278.
crowned emperor, 280.
perplexities of, 281.
marriage of, by proxy, 281.
death of, 283.
Polish adventurer claims to be, 284.
Page 447
hung at Moscow, 286.
Gudenow (Boris) his supremacy over Feodor, 271.
assassinates Dmitri, 274.
his subterfuge to obtain the throne, 275.
crowned emperor, 276.
Gustavus III., interview of Catharine with, 443.
Gyda, wife of Monomaque, 75.
H.
Hélène appointed regent of Ivan IV., 204.
despotic atrocities of, 204.
death of, 207.
Hellespont, origin of the name, 507.
Henry IV. (of Germany) solicited to aid Ysiaslaf, 63.
Henry (prince of Prussia) visits Catharine, 414.
schemes of, with Catharine, 417.
Hereditary Descent the cause of war, 112.
Hermanric, suicide of king, 20.
Hermitage, description of the, 416.
Herodotus, his account of the interior of Russia, 17.
Holy Alliance, formation of the, 493.
Hungary, aid from, sent to Ysiaslaf, 80.
alliance of, with Russia, 183.
revolt of, against Austria, 513.
Huns, Russia devastated by the, 20.
revolting appearance of the, 20.
Huns, Attila, king of the, 21.
disappearance of the, 21.
Gudenow (Boris) his supremacy over Feodor, 271.
assassinates Dmitri, 274.
his subterfuge to obtain the throne, 275.
crowned emperor, 276.
Gustavus III., interview of Catharine with, 443.
Gyda, wife of Monomaque, 75.
H.
Hélène appointed regent of Ivan IV., 204.
despotic atrocities of, 204.
death of, 207.
Hellespont, origin of the name, 507.
Henry IV. (of Germany) solicited to aid Ysiaslaf, 63.
Henry (prince of Prussia) visits Catharine, 414.
schemes of, with Catharine, 417.
Hereditary Descent the cause of war, 112.
Hermanric, suicide of king, 20.
Hermitage, description of the, 416.
Herodotus, his account of the interior of Russia, 17.
Holy Alliance, formation of the, 493.
Hungary, aid from, sent to Ysiaslaf, 80.
alliance of, with Russia, 183.
revolt of, against Austria, 513.
Huns, Russia devastated by the, 20.
revolting appearance of the, 20.
Huns, Attila, king of the, 21.
disappearance of the, 21.
Page 448
I.
Idols, the Greek and Sclavonian, 26.
destruction of the, in Russia, 55.
Igor, assumes the government of Russia under the guardianship of
Oleg, 30.
fears to claim his crown, 32.
his love and marriage, 33.
assumes the government of Russia, 38.
attack on Constantinople, 39.
his defeat by the Greeks, 39.
second attack on Constantinople, 40.
concludes treaty with the Greeks, 40.
death of, 41.
Igor II. receives throne of Russia, 78.
made prisoner, 78.
enters a convent, 78.
assassination of, 79.
Ilmen, army on the shores of the lake of, 80.
Impostor, see Griska
Inventions during the reign of Ivan III., 190.
Ivan III. ascends the throne, 168.
early marriage of, 168.
captures Kezan, 170.
affianced to Sophia of Greece, 174.
marriage of, 175.
his reforms, 176.
letter of Vassian to, 179.
proposals for the marriage of his daughter, 185.
letter of, to Sultan Bajazet II., 186.
Idols, the Greek and Sclavonian, 26.
destruction of the, in Russia, 55.
Igor, assumes the government of Russia under the guardianship of
Oleg, 30.
fears to claim his crown, 32.
his love and marriage, 33.
assumes the government of Russia, 38.
attack on Constantinople, 39.
his defeat by the Greeks, 39.
second attack on Constantinople, 40.
concludes treaty with the Greeks, 40.
death of, 41.
Igor II. receives throne of Russia, 78.
made prisoner, 78.
enters a convent, 78.
assassination of, 79.
Ilmen, army on the shores of the lake of, 80.
Impostor, see Griska
Inventions during the reign of Ivan III., 190.
Ivan III. ascends the throne, 168.
early marriage of, 168.
captures Kezan, 170.
affianced to Sophia of Greece, 174.
marriage of, 175.
his reforms, 176.
letter of Vassian to, 179.
proposals for the marriage of his daughter, 185.
letter of, to Sultan Bajazet II., 186.
Page 449
letter of the Sultan to, 188.
death of the wife of, 189.
marriage of the son of, 189.
death of, 189.
discoveries and inventions during the reign of, 190.
Ivan IV. acknowledged as tzar, 204.
asserts claim to the throne, 213.
coronation of, 214.
marriage of, 216.
change in the character of, 221.
his address to the people, 223.
defeat of, by the Tartars, 226.
capture of Kezan by, 235.
enthusiastic reception of, 237.
serious illness of, 240.
rebuke of, to Sweden, 252.
attaches Livonia, to Russia, 253.
death of the wife of, 255.
matrimonial projects with Poland, 255.
abdication of, 256.
petitioned to resume the throne, 257.
good will of England to, 259.
flight of, 261.
strives to be umpire in Poland, 263.
defiant demands of Poland on, 264.
unpopularity of, 266.
death of his son, depression at, 267.
death of, 268.
his sons, 270.
Ivan V. succeeds to the throne, 368.
death of the wife of, 189.
marriage of the son of, 189.
death of, 189.
discoveries and inventions during the reign of, 190.
Ivan IV. acknowledged as tzar, 204.
asserts claim to the throne, 213.
coronation of, 214.
marriage of, 216.
change in the character of, 221.
his address to the people, 223.
defeat of, by the Tartars, 226.
capture of Kezan by, 235.
enthusiastic reception of, 237.
serious illness of, 240.
rebuke of, to Sweden, 252.
attaches Livonia, to Russia, 253.
death of the wife of, 255.
matrimonial projects with Poland, 255.
abdication of, 256.
petitioned to resume the throne, 257.
good will of England to, 259.
flight of, 261.
strives to be umpire in Poland, 263.
defiant demands of Poland on, 264.
unpopularity of, 266.
death of his son, depression at, 267.
death of, 268.
his sons, 270.
Ivan V. succeeds to the throne, 368.
Page 450
deposed by Elizabeth. 368.
imprisonment and sufferings of, 370.
assassination of, 371.
Ivan (brother of Peter I.) seclusion and death of, 310.
Ivanovitch (Jean, of Moscow) reign and death of, 146.
J.
Jacob (General) deserts the Russians and defends Azov, 315.
captured and hung, 315.
Jean, base flattery of, to Machmet, 162.
Jean Danielovitch, see Danielovitch
Jena, battle of, 482.
Jews, attempt of André to convert the, 96.
Joseph II. (of Germany) eccentricity of, 437.
visit to St. Petersburg, 438.
K.
Kavgadi, taken possession of by Michel, 137.
Kezan, captured by Ivan III., 170.
siege of, 229.
capture of, 235.
insurrection in, 240.
Khan see Genghis
Khozars, the, conquered by Sviatoslaf, 46.
Kief, beauty of the city of, 28.
the Norman adventurers Ascolod and Dir remain there, 29.
taken by Oleg, 31.
the capital of Russia transferred from, to Bulgaria, 48.
imprisonment and sufferings of, 370.
assassination of, 371.
Ivan (brother of Peter I.) seclusion and death of, 310.
Ivanovitch (Jean, of Moscow) reign and death of, 146.
J.
Jacob (General) deserts the Russians and defends Azov, 315.
captured and hung, 315.
Jean, base flattery of, to Machmet, 162.
Jean Danielovitch, see Danielovitch
Jena, battle of, 482.
Jews, attempt of André to convert the, 96.
Joseph II. (of Germany) eccentricity of, 437.
visit to St. Petersburg, 438.
K.
Kavgadi, taken possession of by Michel, 137.
Kezan, captured by Ivan III., 170.
siege of, 229.
capture of, 235.
insurrection in, 240.
Khan see Genghis
Khozars, the, conquered by Sviatoslaf, 46.
Kief, beauty of the city of, 28.
the Norman adventurers Ascolod and Dir remain there, 29.
taken by Oleg, 31.
the capital of Russia transferred from, to Bulgaria, 48.
Page 451
captured by Vladimir, 52.
decoration of, by Yaroslaf, 61.
punishment of, by Ysiaslaf, 63.
destruction of the citizens of, 66.
government offered to Monomaque, 70.
festival in honor of the new reign, 71.
the inhabitants of, invite Vladimirovitch to ascend the throne of,
76.
triumphal entrance of Georges into, 80.
Roman appointed prince of, 92.
plundered by the Tartars, 124.
Kolomna, emigration from Moscow to, 163.
Kostroma, burned by Constantine, 104.
Kothian (prince of Polovtsi) retreats to Hungary, 123.
Koulikof, battle of, 149.
Kouria (chief of the Petchénègues) defeats Sviatoslaf and makes a
drinking cup of his skull, 49.
L.
Ladislaus elected emperor, 286.
his election declared void, 287.
Laharpe, efforts of, for the education of Alexander, 473.
Leczinsky (Stanislaus) placed on the Polish throne, 335.
Leon (of Constantine) imbecility of, 35.
Library, foundation of the royal, of St. Petersburg, 345.
Lippenow (Zachary) puts the Polish garrison to death, 287.
London, Peter the Great's visit to, 322.
London Postman, extract from the, 322.
decoration of, by Yaroslaf, 61.
punishment of, by Ysiaslaf, 63.
destruction of the citizens of, 66.
government offered to Monomaque, 70.
festival in honor of the new reign, 71.
the inhabitants of, invite Vladimirovitch to ascend the throne of,
76.
triumphal entrance of Georges into, 80.
Roman appointed prince of, 92.
plundered by the Tartars, 124.
Kolomna, emigration from Moscow to, 163.
Kostroma, burned by Constantine, 104.
Kothian (prince of Polovtsi) retreats to Hungary, 123.
Koulikof, battle of, 149.
Kouria (chief of the Petchénègues) defeats Sviatoslaf and makes a
drinking cup of his skull, 49.
L.
Ladislaus elected emperor, 286.
his election declared void, 287.
Laharpe, efforts of, for the education of Alexander, 473.
Leczinsky (Stanislaus) placed on the Polish throne, 335.
Leon (of Constantine) imbecility of, 35.
Library, foundation of the royal, of St. Petersburg, 345.
Lippenow (Zachary) puts the Polish garrison to death, 287.
London, Peter the Great's visit to, 322.
London Postman, extract from the, 322.
Page 452
M.
Macedon, see Philip of
Machmet, flattery of Jean to, 162.
Mahomet II., wars with Genghis Khan, 116.
death of, 116.
Marcow (Russian embassador) ordered to leave France, 476.
Maria (wife of Vsevolod III.) character of, 102.
Marriage, singular customs in, 289.
Martyrs, Ivan and Theodore, the first Christians, 53.
Menzikoff, sketch of the life of, 336.
banished by Frederic II., 366.
death of, 366.
Michael III. (of Constantinople), 29.
Michel (of Tchernigof, son of Monomaque) offered the throne of
Russia, 97.
his reign and death, 98.
Michel (of Tver) succeeds André on the throne of Russia, 136.
presents himself before the Tartar horde, 138.
execution of, 140.
Missionaries sent through Russia to teach Christianity, 56.
Mogols, character of the, 113.
civilization of the, 143.
Moldavia, the inhabitants of, 83.
Monarchy, recapitulation of the Russian, 110.
see Chronology
Monomaque offered the Russian crown, 70.
he declines it, 71.
goes to the rescue of Kief, 71.
his expeditions to extend the empire, 72.
Macedon, see Philip of
Machmet, flattery of Jean to, 162.
Mahomet II., wars with Genghis Khan, 116.
death of, 116.
Marcow (Russian embassador) ordered to leave France, 476.
Maria (wife of Vsevolod III.) character of, 102.
Marriage, singular customs in, 289.
Martyrs, Ivan and Theodore, the first Christians, 53.
Menzikoff, sketch of the life of, 336.
banished by Frederic II., 366.
death of, 366.
Michael III. (of Constantinople), 29.
Michel (of Tchernigof, son of Monomaque) offered the throne of
Russia, 97.
his reign and death, 98.
Michel (of Tver) succeeds André on the throne of Russia, 136.
presents himself before the Tartar horde, 138.
execution of, 140.
Missionaries sent through Russia to teach Christianity, 56.
Mogols, character of the, 113.
civilization of the, 143.
Moldavia, the inhabitants of, 83.
Monarchy, recapitulation of the Russian, 110.
see Chronology
Monomaque offered the Russian crown, 70.
he declines it, 71.
goes to the rescue of Kief, 71.
his expeditions to extend the empire, 72.
Page 453
sons of, 72.
conquers the invaders from the Caspian Sea, 72.
expedition against Greece, 72.
"golden bonnet" of, 73.
death of, 73.
parting letter of, to his children, 74.
wife of, 75.
Moroson, ambitious schemes of, 291.
marriage of, 292.
Moscow, first historical mention of, 79.
supremacy of, 83.
capture of, 89.
burned, 98.
captured by Bati, 120.
flight of Georges II. from, 121.
becomes the capital, 142.
burned by the Tartars, 154.
appearance of, in 1520, 202.
destroyed by fire, 218.
grand fête at, 239.
destroyed by the Tartars, 261.
burned by the Poles, 287.
Mstislaf (son of Monomaque) his expeditions and victories, 72.
succeeds his father, 75.
death of, 76.
Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch, succeeds Rostislaf over Russia, 86.
proclamation of, 87.
flight of, from Kief, 89.
return to Kief, 89.
death of, 90.
conquers the invaders from the Caspian Sea, 72.
expedition against Greece, 72.
"golden bonnet" of, 73.
death of, 73.
parting letter of, to his children, 74.
wife of, 75.
Moroson, ambitious schemes of, 291.
marriage of, 292.
Moscow, first historical mention of, 79.
supremacy of, 83.
capture of, 89.
burned, 98.
captured by Bati, 120.
flight of Georges II. from, 121.
becomes the capital, 142.
burned by the Tartars, 154.
appearance of, in 1520, 202.
destroyed by fire, 218.
grand fête at, 239.
destroyed by the Tartars, 261.
burned by the Poles, 287.
Mstislaf (son of Monomaque) his expeditions and victories, 72.
succeeds his father, 75.
death of, 76.
Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch, succeeds Rostislaf over Russia, 86.
proclamation of, 87.
flight of, from Kief, 89.
return to Kief, 89.
death of, 90.
Page 454
Mstislaf (son of André) ambition of, 90.
summoned Novgorod to surrender, 91.
defeat of, 91.
Mstislaf (prince of Galitch) appears in public, 105.
aids Constantine, 105.
defeats Georges, 106.
beaten by the Tartars, 117.
Munich (General) advice of, to Peter, 395.
appearance of, before Catharine, 401.
N.
Napoleon, victories of, 465.
returns Russian prisoners, 467.
Napoleon, remarks of, on Paul I., 472.
reply of, to Alexander, 478.
victorious at Austerlitz, 479.
letter of, to king of Prussia, 485.
exiled to Elba, 493.
signs the "Holy Alliance," 496.
Nepeia, the first Russian embassador, 248.
his reception in London, 248.
Nestor, record of, of the Christians in Constantinople, 41.
Nicholas, takes oath of allegiance to Constantine, 501.
ascends the throne, 502.
puts down the rebellion, 503.
power of, 506.
assists Turks against Egypt, 513.
crushes Hungarian revolt, 513.
defeated at Sevastopol, 514.
summoned Novgorod to surrender, 91.
defeat of, 91.
Mstislaf (prince of Galitch) appears in public, 105.
aids Constantine, 105.
defeats Georges, 106.
beaten by the Tartars, 117.
Munich (General) advice of, to Peter, 395.
appearance of, before Catharine, 401.
N.
Napoleon, victories of, 465.
returns Russian prisoners, 467.
Napoleon, remarks of, on Paul I., 472.
reply of, to Alexander, 478.
victorious at Austerlitz, 479.
letter of, to king of Prussia, 485.
exiled to Elba, 493.
signs the "Holy Alliance," 496.
Nepeia, the first Russian embassador, 248.
his reception in London, 248.
Nestor, record of, of the Christians in Constantinople, 41.
Nicholas, takes oath of allegiance to Constantine, 501.
ascends the throne, 502.
puts down the rebellion, 503.
power of, 506.
assists Turks against Egypt, 513.
crushes Hungarian revolt, 513.
defeated at Sevastopol, 514.
Page 455
death of, 517.
Nijni Novgorod, Georges II. founds the city of, 110.
Noble, requisite for becoming a, 25.
Normans, at first called Scandinavians, 23.
early power and discoveries of, 23.
superior civilization of the, 26.
Notre Dame, burial of Ysiaslaf in, 66.
Novgorod, Rurik establishes his court at, 27.
annexed by Georgievitch, 84.
successful defense of, 91.
Rurik appointed prince of, 92.
George sent to, to adjust the difficulties in, 92.
O.
Octai succeeds Genghis Khan, 118.
letter of, to the king of France, 127.
Oleg, the guardian of Igor, 30.
assassinates Ascolod and Dir, 31.
dominion of, 31.
attempts a march upon Constantinople, 33.
the expedition, 35.
his treaty with the Greeks, 36.
death of, 37.
his popularity and labors for Russia, 38.
(son of Sviatoslaf) receives the government of the Drevliens, 48.
defeated by Yaropolk, 49.
death of, 50.
bones of, disinterred and baptised, 61.
Olga (wife of Igor) assumes the regency, 42.
Nijni Novgorod, Georges II. founds the city of, 110.
Noble, requisite for becoming a, 25.
Normans, at first called Scandinavians, 23.
early power and discoveries of, 23.
superior civilization of the, 26.
Notre Dame, burial of Ysiaslaf in, 66.
Novgorod, Rurik establishes his court at, 27.
annexed by Georgievitch, 84.
successful defense of, 91.
Rurik appointed prince of, 92.
George sent to, to adjust the difficulties in, 92.
O.
Octai succeeds Genghis Khan, 118.
letter of, to the king of France, 127.
Oleg, the guardian of Igor, 30.
assassinates Ascolod and Dir, 31.
dominion of, 31.
attempts a march upon Constantinople, 33.
the expedition, 35.
his treaty with the Greeks, 36.
death of, 37.
his popularity and labors for Russia, 38.
(son of Sviatoslaf) receives the government of the Drevliens, 48.
defeated by Yaropolk, 49.
death of, 50.
bones of, disinterred and baptised, 61.
Olga (wife of Igor) assumes the regency, 42.
Page 456
she punishes the Drevliens, 42.
conversion of, to Christianity, 43.
baptised by the name of Helen, 44.
death of, 46.
Orlof (count) haughty behavior of, 407.
Ottoman Porte, manifesto of the, 442.
P.
Paganism in Russia demolished at a blow, 56.
Paul I. (son of Catharine) marriage of, 421.
death of his wife, 432.
visit of, to Frederick, 433.
marriage of, 436.
travels of, 438.
ignorance of, 454.
extravagance of, 455.
reëstablishment of ancient etiquette, 456.
a horse court-martialed by, 457.
reason for his caprices, 458.
fury of, on learning his defeat, 465.
letter of, to Napoleon, 467.
surrounding influences of, 468.
conspiracy against, 469.
assassination of, 470.
Pekin burned by the Tartars, 115.
Pereaslavle, the territory of, given to Vsevolod, 61.
Peregeslavetz, reconquered, and made the capital by Sviatoslaf, 48.
Periaslavle, battle of the city of, 80.
Peroune, one of the gods of the Russians, 41.
conversion of, to Christianity, 43.
baptised by the name of Helen, 44.
death of, 46.
Orlof (count) haughty behavior of, 407.
Ottoman Porte, manifesto of the, 442.
P.
Paganism in Russia demolished at a blow, 56.
Paul I. (son of Catharine) marriage of, 421.
death of his wife, 432.
visit of, to Frederick, 433.
marriage of, 436.
travels of, 438.
ignorance of, 454.
extravagance of, 455.
reëstablishment of ancient etiquette, 456.
a horse court-martialed by, 457.
reason for his caprices, 458.
fury of, on learning his defeat, 465.
letter of, to Napoleon, 467.
surrounding influences of, 468.
conspiracy against, 469.
assassination of, 470.
Pekin burned by the Tartars, 115.
Pereaslavle, the territory of, given to Vsevolod, 61.
Peregeslavetz, reconquered, and made the capital by Sviatoslaf, 48.
Periaslavle, battle of the city of, 80.
Peroune, one of the gods of the Russians, 41.
Page 457
the idol of, destroyed, 55.
Petchénègues, Igor purchases peace with the, 39.
Sviatoslaf defeated by the, 49.
Peter I. (the Great) marriage of, 309.
attempted assassination of, 309.
his return to Moscow, 310.
indications of greatness, 311.
his passion for the ocean, 312.
settles Chinese difficulties, 314.
captures Azof, 315.
resolves to travel incognito, 316.
his attack on La Fort, 317.
his residence at Zaandam, 318.
his recognition, 319.
anecdotes of, 320.
his thirst for knowledge, 321.
visit to London, 322.
return to Moscow, 325.
his reforms in the church, 326.
change of the calendar, 327.
troubles of, with Sweden, 328.
coolness on hearing of the defeat of his army, 329.
founds St. Petersburg, 332.
captures Marienburg, 333.
meets Catharine and privately marries her, 333.
defeats Charles XII., 339.
demands of, on Queen Anne, 341.
reply of Anne to, 342.
captures Livonia, 342.
desperate condition of, 343.
Petchénègues, Igor purchases peace with the, 39.
Sviatoslaf defeated by the, 49.
Peter I. (the Great) marriage of, 309.
attempted assassination of, 309.
his return to Moscow, 310.
indications of greatness, 311.
his passion for the ocean, 312.
settles Chinese difficulties, 314.
captures Azof, 315.
resolves to travel incognito, 316.
his attack on La Fort, 317.
his residence at Zaandam, 318.
his recognition, 319.
anecdotes of, 320.
his thirst for knowledge, 321.
visit to London, 322.
return to Moscow, 325.
his reforms in the church, 326.
change of the calendar, 327.
troubles of, with Sweden, 328.
coolness on hearing of the defeat of his army, 329.
founds St. Petersburg, 332.
captures Marienburg, 333.
meets Catharine and privately marries her, 333.
defeats Charles XII., 339.
demands of, on Queen Anne, 341.
reply of Anne to, 342.
captures Livonia, 342.
desperate condition of, 343.
Page 458
public marriage of, 345.
journeys of, 346.
residence in Paris, 349.
letters of, to Alexis, 351.
arraigns his son for high treason, 356.
effects a peace with Sweden, 360.
causes coronation of Catharine, 361.
death of, 362.
inscription on the tomb of, 368.
statue erected to, 440.
Peter II., regency of, 365.
death of, 366.
Peter III., succeeds Elizabeth, 377.
early life of, and acquaintance with Catharine, 380.
determines to repudiate Catharine, 390.
alarm of, on the escape of Catharine, 395.
abject humiliation of, 398.
abdication of, 399.
assassination of, 402.
Peterhoff, the palace of, 504.
Philip (of Macedon) conquers the Scythians, 18.
Plague, devastations of the, 419.
Poland, aid from, to Ysiaslaf, 80.
Stephen Bathori elected king, 261.
demands of, on Russia, 264.
conquests of, 255.
conquests of Alexis in, 295.
death of the king of, 298.
John Sobieski chosen king of, 298.
Stanislaus Leczinsky placed on the throne of, 335.
journeys of, 346.
residence in Paris, 349.
letters of, to Alexis, 351.
arraigns his son for high treason, 356.
effects a peace with Sweden, 360.
causes coronation of Catharine, 361.
death of, 362.
inscription on the tomb of, 368.
statue erected to, 440.
Peter II., regency of, 365.
death of, 366.
Peter III., succeeds Elizabeth, 377.
early life of, and acquaintance with Catharine, 380.
determines to repudiate Catharine, 390.
alarm of, on the escape of Catharine, 395.
abject humiliation of, 398.
abdication of, 399.
assassination of, 402.
Peterhoff, the palace of, 504.
Philip (of Macedon) conquers the Scythians, 18.
Plague, devastations of the, 419.
Poland, aid from, to Ysiaslaf, 80.
Stephen Bathori elected king, 261.
demands of, on Russia, 264.
conquests of, 255.
conquests of Alexis in, 295.
death of the king of, 298.
John Sobieski chosen king of, 298.
Stanislaus Leczinsky placed on the throne of, 335.
Page 459
degeneration of, 414.
sliced by Russia, Austria and Prussia, 420.
rebellion in, 513.
Poles, rise of the, 513.
Polotsk, captured by Vlademer, 52.
Polovtsi, the nation of, 123.
Pope (Gregory VII.) promises to assist Ysiaslaf, 64.
letter of, to Ysiaslaf, 64.
letter of, to the king of Poland, 65.
Pope (Innocent III.) his letter to the Russian clergy, 102.
Poppel (Nicholas) visit of, to Russia, 184.
solicits the daughter of Ivan for Albert of Baden, 184.
Porphyrogenete, the emperor of Constantinople, 43.
Pugatshef, conspiracy of, 427.
execution of, 429.
Pultowa, battle of, 339.
festival, 346.
R.
Religion of the Sclavonians, 26.
Republicanism, first indication of, 131.
Rogneda, refusal of, to marry Vlademer, 51.
forced to marry Vlademer, 52.
Roman (prince of Smolensk) appointed prince of Novgorod, 92.
Romanow (Michael Feodor) elected emperor, 287.
marriage of, 290.
prosperous reign, and death, 291.
Rome purchases peace of the Sarmatians, 18.
Romish Church, its dominion over the Greek church, 10.
sliced by Russia, Austria and Prussia, 420.
rebellion in, 513.
Poles, rise of the, 513.
Polotsk, captured by Vlademer, 52.
Polovtsi, the nation of, 123.
Pope (Gregory VII.) promises to assist Ysiaslaf, 64.
letter of, to Ysiaslaf, 64.
letter of, to the king of Poland, 65.
Pope (Innocent III.) his letter to the Russian clergy, 102.
Poppel (Nicholas) visit of, to Russia, 184.
solicits the daughter of Ivan for Albert of Baden, 184.
Porphyrogenete, the emperor of Constantinople, 43.
Pugatshef, conspiracy of, 427.
execution of, 429.
Pultowa, battle of, 339.
festival, 346.
R.
Religion of the Sclavonians, 26.
Republicanism, first indication of, 131.
Rogneda, refusal of, to marry Vlademer, 51.
forced to marry Vlademer, 52.
Roman (prince of Smolensk) appointed prince of Novgorod, 92.
Romanow (Michael Feodor) elected emperor, 287.
marriage of, 290.
prosperous reign, and death, 291.
Rome purchases peace of the Sarmatians, 18.
Romish Church, its dominion over the Greek church, 10.
Page 460
Rostislaf succeeds to the throne of Russia, 18.
driven from the throne by Georges, 82.
expels Davidovitch from the throne, 83.
death of, 86.
Rostof burned by Georges, 104.
Rovgolod (governor of Polotsk) his daughter demanded by Vlademer,
51.
death of, 52.
Rurik, Sineous, and Truvor, consent to govern Scandinavia, 27.
unites the territories of his brothers to his own, 28.
death of, 30.
his crown descends to Igor, his son, 30.
Rurik (brother of André) appointed prince of Novgorod, 92.
Russia, history of, 17.
after disappearance of the Huns, 21.
earliest reliable information of, 23.
sudden rise of, from the Sclavonians, 26.
derivation of the name of, 27.
confusion of, in consequence of the death of Sviatoslaf, 49.
united under Yaropolk, 50.
years of pence under Vlademer, 57.
division of the empire of, 57.
calamity to, by the death of Yaroslaf, 62.
death penalty abolished in, 66.
misery and suffering in, 66.
Vsevolod succeeds Ysiaslaf in the government of, 66.
Sviatopolk assumes crown of, 59.
abandoned to destruction, 69.
Monomaque offered crown of, 70.
invaded by the Caspian hordes, 72.
driven from the throne by Georges, 82.
expels Davidovitch from the throne, 83.
death of, 86.
Rostof burned by Georges, 104.
Rovgolod (governor of Polotsk) his daughter demanded by Vlademer,
51.
death of, 52.
Rurik, Sineous, and Truvor, consent to govern Scandinavia, 27.
unites the territories of his brothers to his own, 28.
death of, 30.
his crown descends to Igor, his son, 30.
Rurik (brother of André) appointed prince of Novgorod, 92.
Russia, history of, 17.
after disappearance of the Huns, 21.
earliest reliable information of, 23.
sudden rise of, from the Sclavonians, 26.
derivation of the name of, 27.
confusion of, in consequence of the death of Sviatoslaf, 49.
united under Yaropolk, 50.
years of pence under Vlademer, 57.
division of the empire of, 57.
calamity to, by the death of Yaroslaf, 62.
death penalty abolished in, 66.
misery and suffering in, 66.
Vsevolod succeeds Ysiaslaf in the government of, 66.
Sviatopolk assumes crown of, 59.
abandoned to destruction, 69.
Monomaque offered crown of, 70.
invaded by the Caspian hordes, 72.
Page 461
Mstislaf becomes emperor of, 75.
famine and pestilence in, 76.
throne of, seized by Viatcheslaf, 77.
throne of, seized by Vsevolod, 77.
throne of, demised to Igor, 78.
varied fortunes of, 81.
Rostislaf succeeds Ysiaslaf in the government of, 81.
Georges secures the throne of, 82.
Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch succeeds Rostislaf as emperor of, 86.
union of the princes of, 87.
old feuds in, revived, 88.
fall of the capital of, 89.
André succeeds Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch as emperor of, 89.
André becomes monarch of, 95.
Michel offered the throne of, 97.
Michel's reign over, 98.
accession of Vsevelod III., 98.
Georges ascends the throne of, 104.
famine in, 105.
Constantine ascends throne of, 108.
Georges II. ascends throne of, 109.
recapitulation of the establishment of the monarchy of, 110.
subdivision of, 111.
Yaroslaf, prince of Kief, ascends the throne of, 123.
in the power of Bati, 125.
annihilated as a kingdom, 126.
Dmitri ascends the throne of, 133.
André ascends the throne of, 133.
ceases to be a monarchy, 135.
evils to, resulting from the death of André, 136.
famine and pestilence in, 76.
throne of, seized by Viatcheslaf, 77.
throne of, seized by Vsevolod, 77.
throne of, demised to Igor, 78.
varied fortunes of, 81.
Rostislaf succeeds Ysiaslaf in the government of, 81.
Georges secures the throne of, 82.
Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch succeeds Rostislaf as emperor of, 86.
union of the princes of, 87.
old feuds in, revived, 88.
fall of the capital of, 89.
André succeeds Mstislaf Ysiaslavitch as emperor of, 89.
André becomes monarch of, 95.
Michel offered the throne of, 97.
Michel's reign over, 98.
accession of Vsevelod III., 98.
Georges ascends the throne of, 104.
famine in, 105.
Constantine ascends throne of, 108.
Georges II. ascends throne of, 109.
recapitulation of the establishment of the monarchy of, 110.
subdivision of, 111.
Yaroslaf, prince of Kief, ascends the throne of, 123.
in the power of Bati, 125.
annihilated as a kingdom, 126.
Dmitri ascends the throne of, 133.
André ascends the throne of, 133.
ceases to be a monarchy, 135.
evils to, resulting from the death of André, 136.
Page 462
Michel succeeds André, 136.
Georges of Moscow succeeds Michel, 140.
Alexander succeeds Georges, 141.
Jean Danielovitch succeeds Alexander, 142.
Simeon succeeds Danielovitch, 143.
accession of Ivanovitch, 146.
accession of Dmitri of Souzdal, 146.
accession of Dmitri of Moscow, 146.
again brought under Tartar rule, 155.
Vassali ascends the throne of, 156.
Vassali Vassalievitch ascends the throne of, 162.
Ivan III. ascends the throne of, 168.
rise of, in estimation of Europe, 172.
invaded by the Mogols, 177.
alliance of, with Hungary, 183.
Vassili ascends the throne of, 191.
splendor of the court of, 199.
invaded by Sigismond, 205.
Hélène assumes the regency of, 204.
Vassali Schouisky succeeds Hélène in, 208.
Ivan Schouisky succeeds Vassali, 208.
Ivan Belsky chosen regent of, 209.
Ivan IV. ascends the throne of, 214.
news of the discovery of, arrives in England, 246.
commerce with England, 247.
the first embassador from, 248.
Livonia attached to, 253.
peril of, 265.
Feodor ascends the throne of, 270.
Boris Gudenow crowned, 276.
Georges of Moscow succeeds Michel, 140.
Alexander succeeds Georges, 141.
Jean Danielovitch succeeds Alexander, 142.
Simeon succeeds Danielovitch, 143.
accession of Ivanovitch, 146.
accession of Dmitri of Souzdal, 146.
accession of Dmitri of Moscow, 146.
again brought under Tartar rule, 155.
Vassali ascends the throne of, 156.
Vassali Vassalievitch ascends the throne of, 162.
Ivan III. ascends the throne of, 168.
rise of, in estimation of Europe, 172.
invaded by the Mogols, 177.
alliance of, with Hungary, 183.
Vassili ascends the throne of, 191.
splendor of the court of, 199.
invaded by Sigismond, 205.
Hélène assumes the regency of, 204.
Vassali Schouisky succeeds Hélène in, 208.
Ivan Schouisky succeeds Vassali, 208.
Ivan Belsky chosen regent of, 209.
Ivan IV. ascends the throne of, 214.
news of the discovery of, arrives in England, 246.
commerce with England, 247.
the first embassador from, 248.
Livonia attached to, 253.
peril of, 265.
Feodor ascends the throne of, 270.
Boris Gudenow crowned, 276.
Page 463
Griska crowned king of, 280.
Zuski elected emperor of, 283.
Ladislaus elected king of, 285.
Romanow elected emperor of, 287.
Alexis succeeds Romanow, 291.
Feodor succeeds Alexis, 299.
Sophia, as regent for Ivan, succeeds Feodor, 303.
Peter succeeds Sophia, 310.
Catharine I. succeeds Peter I., 364.
Peter II. succeeds Catharine I., 365.
Anne succeeds Peter II., 367.
Ivan V. succeeds Anne, 368.
Elizabeth succeeds Ivan V., 369.
Peter III. succeeds Elizabeth, 377.
Catharine II., accession of, 403.
desolation of, by the Plague, 419.
vast wealth of the court of, 420.
judicial divisions of, 431.
difficulties between Turkey and, 438.
Paul I. succeeds Catharine II., 454.
Alexander succeeds Paul I., 471.
absence of bookstores in, 475.
treaty between France and, 476.
Nicholas succeeds Alexander I., 502.
extent of the territory of, 506.
Alexander II. succeeds Nicholas, 517.
Russians, description of the early, 23.
their mode of warfare, 23.
retreat of the, before Akhmet, 181.
"Russian Justice," the code called, drawn by Yaroslaf, 62.
Zuski elected emperor of, 283.
Ladislaus elected king of, 285.
Romanow elected emperor of, 287.
Alexis succeeds Romanow, 291.
Feodor succeeds Alexis, 299.
Sophia, as regent for Ivan, succeeds Feodor, 303.
Peter succeeds Sophia, 310.
Catharine I. succeeds Peter I., 364.
Peter II. succeeds Catharine I., 365.
Anne succeeds Peter II., 367.
Ivan V. succeeds Anne, 368.
Elizabeth succeeds Ivan V., 369.
Peter III. succeeds Elizabeth, 377.
Catharine II., accession of, 403.
desolation of, by the Plague, 419.
vast wealth of the court of, 420.
judicial divisions of, 431.
difficulties between Turkey and, 438.
Paul I. succeeds Catharine II., 454.
Alexander succeeds Paul I., 471.
absence of bookstores in, 475.
treaty between France and, 476.
Nicholas succeeds Alexander I., 502.
extent of the territory of, 506.
Alexander II. succeeds Nicholas, 517.
Russians, description of the early, 23.
their mode of warfare, 23.
retreat of the, before Akhmet, 181.
"Russian Justice," the code called, drawn by Yaroslaf, 62.
Page 464
S.
Samarcande destroyed by the Tartars, 116.
Sarmatia, Scythian name changed to, 18.
Scandinavians, called also Normans, 23.
See also Normans
Schevkal conquered by the Tverians, 141.
Schlippenbuch (Col.), heroism of, 331.
Schlit sent to induce emigration of illustrious men, 224.
arrested by Charles V., 225.
Schouisky (Vassali) declares himself Tzar;
death of, 208.
Schouisky (Ivan) succeeds his brother Vassali, 208.
dismissal of, 209.
assassinates Belsky and secures the regency, 212.
Sclavonians, conquests of the, 22.
early religion of the, 26.
send to the Normans to demand a king, 26.
Schools introduction of, 57.
character of the, 475.
Scythians, irruption of the, into Russia, 17.
character of the, 18.
name changed to "Sarmatians," 18.
Sevastopol, siege of, 514.
Siberia, position and character of, 273.
Sigismond (of Poland) invades Russia, 205.
Simeon (son of Danielovitch) ascends the throne, 14.
(son of Jean) acquires the title of the Superb, 144.
death of, 145.
Samarcande destroyed by the Tartars, 116.
Sarmatia, Scythian name changed to, 18.
Scandinavians, called also Normans, 23.
See also Normans
Schevkal conquered by the Tverians, 141.
Schlippenbuch (Col.), heroism of, 331.
Schlit sent to induce emigration of illustrious men, 224.
arrested by Charles V., 225.
Schouisky (Vassali) declares himself Tzar;
death of, 208.
Schouisky (Ivan) succeeds his brother Vassali, 208.
dismissal of, 209.
assassinates Belsky and secures the regency, 212.
Sclavonians, conquests of the, 22.
early religion of the, 26.
send to the Normans to demand a king, 26.
Schools introduction of, 57.
character of the, 475.
Scythians, irruption of the, into Russia, 17.
character of the, 18.
name changed to "Sarmatians," 18.
Sevastopol, siege of, 514.
Siberia, position and character of, 273.
Sigismond (of Poland) invades Russia, 205.
Simeon (son of Danielovitch) ascends the throne, 14.
(son of Jean) acquires the title of the Superb, 144.
death of, 145.
Page 465
Sineous, Rurik, and Truvor, consent to govern Scandinavia, 27.
death of, 28.
Slave, the use of the word abolished, 32.
Slavery in Russia, 202.
Slave Trade, argument used for the, 100.
Sloutsk, burned by Gleb, 73.
Smolensk, Truvor establishes his court near, 27.
gains territory of Viatcheslaf, 61.
flight of, Ysiaslaf to, 80.
Sophia instigates a massacre, 304.
appointed as regent, 306.
quells an insurrection, 307.
returns to Moscow, 308.
sends first embassador to France, 308.
attempts to assassinate Peter, 309.
termination of the regency of, 310.
insurrection headed by, 325.
Souzdal increasing civilization of, 83.
sympathy of the people of, for Sviatoslaf, 79.
the country of, desolated, 80.
Staradoub, siege of, 206.
St. Petersburg, founding of, 334.
arrival of first ship at, 335.
Swedes driven from, 336.
the winter palace of, 505.
St. Sophia, burial of Vsevolod in the church of, 68.
Succession, the Russian right of, 112.
Suwarrow (Gen.), character and origin of, 461.
his hatred of the French, 462.
vanquishes Moreau, 464.
death of, 28.
Slave, the use of the word abolished, 32.
Slavery in Russia, 202.
Slave Trade, argument used for the, 100.
Sloutsk, burned by Gleb, 73.
Smolensk, Truvor establishes his court near, 27.
gains territory of Viatcheslaf, 61.
flight of, Ysiaslaf to, 80.
Sophia instigates a massacre, 304.
appointed as regent, 306.
quells an insurrection, 307.
returns to Moscow, 308.
sends first embassador to France, 308.
attempts to assassinate Peter, 309.
termination of the regency of, 310.
insurrection headed by, 325.
Souzdal increasing civilization of, 83.
sympathy of the people of, for Sviatoslaf, 79.
the country of, desolated, 80.
Staradoub, siege of, 206.
St. Petersburg, founding of, 334.
arrival of first ship at, 335.
Swedes driven from, 336.
the winter palace of, 505.
St. Sophia, burial of Vsevolod in the church of, 68.
Succession, the Russian right of, 112.
Suwarrow (Gen.), character and origin of, 461.
his hatred of the French, 462.
vanquishes Moreau, 464.
Page 466
utter defeat of, 465.
Sviatopolk (the Miserable) seizes Russia and kills his brothers, 58.
defeated by Yaroslaf, 59.
drives Yaroslaf from Kief, 59.
poisons the Polish army, 59.
driven from Kief, 59.
raises an army of Petchénègues, 59.
flight and death of, 60.
Sviatopolk assumes the government of Russia, 69.
defeat and flight of, 69.
character and death of, 70.
Sviatoslaf, son of Igor, 42.
his opposition to embracing Christianity, 44.
assumes the crown, 45.
his character and ambition, 45.
conquers the Khozars, 46.
annexes Bulgaria, 46.
indulgencies of, 47.
transfers his capital from Kief to Bulgaria, 48.
the sons of, 48.
reconquers Peregeslavetz, 48.
driven from Bulgaria, 48.
personal appearance of, 49.
defeat of, by the Petchénègues, and death of, 49.
Tchernigof given to, 61.
death of, 65.
Sviatoslaf, (grandson of Oleg) given the command of the troops of
André, 93.
defeated at Vouoychegorod, 94.
Sviatoslaf (prince of Tchernigof) marches against Vsevelod, 99.
Sviatopolk (the Miserable) seizes Russia and kills his brothers, 58.
defeated by Yaroslaf, 59.
drives Yaroslaf from Kief, 59.
poisons the Polish army, 59.
driven from Kief, 59.
raises an army of Petchénègues, 59.
flight and death of, 60.
Sviatopolk assumes the government of Russia, 69.
defeat and flight of, 69.
character and death of, 70.
Sviatoslaf, son of Igor, 42.
his opposition to embracing Christianity, 44.
assumes the crown, 45.
his character and ambition, 45.
conquers the Khozars, 46.
annexes Bulgaria, 46.
indulgencies of, 47.
transfers his capital from Kief to Bulgaria, 48.
the sons of, 48.
reconquers Peregeslavetz, 48.
driven from Bulgaria, 48.
personal appearance of, 49.
defeat of, by the Petchénègues, and death of, 49.
Tchernigof given to, 61.
death of, 65.
Sviatoslaf, (grandson of Oleg) given the command of the troops of
André, 93.
defeated at Vouoychegorod, 94.
Sviatoslaf (prince of Tchernigof) marches against Vsevelod, 99.
Page 467
establishes his court at Novgorod, 99.
treaty of, with Vsevelod, 100.
marriage of, 100.
Sviatosolaf (brother of Igor) attempts to recover the throne for Igor,
78.
conquered by Ysiaslaf, 79.
Sylvestre, bold address of, to Ivan IV., 22.
T.
Tamerlane invades Russia, 153.
history of, 157.
Tartars, reign of the, 113.
plunder Kief, 124.
embrace Mahommedanism, 131.
defeat of the, by Dmitri, 151.
panic and retreat of the, 181.
Tchanibek assassinates his brother and assumes the Tartar rule, 144.
Tchernigof, the territory of, given to Sviatoslaf, 61.
Tchoudes, the, conquered by Mstislaf, 76.
Temoutchin rise of, 114.
assumes the name of Genghis Khan, 115.
See Genghis Khan
Theology, the Tartars, 127.
Tilsit, peace of, 487.
Toleration in religion granted by Oleg, 33.
of Vladimir, 56.
Trajan, province of Dacia conquered by, 19.
Treaty of Oleg with the Greeks, 86.
Tribute exacted by the Tartars, 129.
treaty of, with Vsevelod, 100.
marriage of, 100.
Sviatosolaf (brother of Igor) attempts to recover the throne for Igor,
78.
conquered by Ysiaslaf, 79.
Sylvestre, bold address of, to Ivan IV., 22.
T.
Tamerlane invades Russia, 153.
history of, 157.
Tartars, reign of the, 113.
plunder Kief, 124.
embrace Mahommedanism, 131.
defeat of the, by Dmitri, 151.
panic and retreat of the, 181.
Tchanibek assassinates his brother and assumes the Tartar rule, 144.
Tchernigof, the territory of, given to Sviatoslaf, 61.
Tchoudes, the, conquered by Mstislaf, 76.
Temoutchin rise of, 114.
assumes the name of Genghis Khan, 115.
See Genghis Khan
Theology, the Tartars, 127.
Tilsit, peace of, 487.
Toleration in religion granted by Oleg, 33.
of Vladimir, 56.
Trajan, province of Dacia conquered by, 19.
Treaty of Oleg with the Greeks, 86.
Tribute exacted by the Tartars, 129.
Page 468
Truvor, Rurik, and Sineous, consent to govern Scandinavia, 27.
death of, 28.
Turkey overrun by the Russians, 419.
peace with, 425.
treaty between, and Russia, 513.
Turkish Question, see Eastern Question
Tzars, see Chronology and Russia
U.
Usbeck (king of the Tartars) great hunting expedition of, 138.
appoints Alexander, son of Michel, to the throne of Russia, 141.
death of, 144.
V.
Vassali, succeeds Yaroslaf, 132.
death of, 132.
Dmitri succeeds, 133.
ascends the throne, 155.
death of, 161.
Vassalievitch ascends the throne, 162.
deposed by Youri, 163.
returns to Moscow, 164.
capture of, 165.
his eyes torn out, 165.
re-captures Moscow, 166.
change in character of, 166.
death of, 167.
Vassian (archbishop of Moscow) letter of, to Ivan III., 179.
death of, 28.
Turkey overrun by the Russians, 419.
peace with, 425.
treaty between, and Russia, 513.
Turkish Question, see Eastern Question
Tzars, see Chronology and Russia
U.
Usbeck (king of the Tartars) great hunting expedition of, 138.
appoints Alexander, son of Michel, to the throne of Russia, 141.
death of, 144.
V.
Vassali, succeeds Yaroslaf, 132.
death of, 132.
Dmitri succeeds, 133.
ascends the throne, 155.
death of, 161.
Vassalievitch ascends the throne, 162.
deposed by Youri, 163.
returns to Moscow, 164.
capture of, 165.
his eyes torn out, 165.
re-captures Moscow, 166.
change in character of, 166.
death of, 167.
Vassian (archbishop of Moscow) letter of, to Ivan III., 179.
Page 469
honor and death of, 183.
(of Kolumna) advice of, to Ivan IV., 242.
Vassili (son of Ivan III.) marriage of, 189.
ascends the throne, 191.
treaty of, with the Tartars, 192.
embassage from, to the Turks, 193.
embassage from the Turks to, 194.
embassage from Germany to, 194.
unites with Poland against the Turks, 197.
death of, 198.
Viatcheslaf, the territory of, given to Smolensk, 61.
Viatcheslaf seizes the throne of Kief, 77.
surrender of, to Vsevolod, 77.
Vlademer (illegitimate son of Sviatoslaf) receives command of
Novgorod, 48.
flight of, 50.
he demands the daughter of Rovgolod, 51.
reply of Rogneda to, 51.
the mother of, 51.
captures Polotsk, kills Rovgolod and marries Rogneda, 52.
captures Kief, 52.
assassinates Yaropolk, 52.
sacrifices children to idols, 53.
conversion of, to Christianity, 53.
demands Anne of Constantinople as his bride, 54.
marriage of, 55.
his efforts to expel paganism, 55.
toleration of, 56.
excessive benevolence of, 57.
death of, 57.
(of Kolumna) advice of, to Ivan IV., 242.
Vassili (son of Ivan III.) marriage of, 189.
ascends the throne, 191.
treaty of, with the Tartars, 192.
embassage from, to the Turks, 193.
embassage from the Turks to, 194.
embassage from Germany to, 194.
unites with Poland against the Turks, 197.
death of, 198.
Viatcheslaf, the territory of, given to Smolensk, 61.
Viatcheslaf seizes the throne of Kief, 77.
surrender of, to Vsevolod, 77.
Vlademer (illegitimate son of Sviatoslaf) receives command of
Novgorod, 48.
flight of, 50.
he demands the daughter of Rovgolod, 51.
reply of Rogneda to, 51.
the mother of, 51.
captures Polotsk, kills Rovgolod and marries Rogneda, 52.
captures Kief, 52.
assassinates Yaropolk, 52.
sacrifices children to idols, 53.
conversion of, to Christianity, 53.
demands Anne of Constantinople as his bride, 54.
marriage of, 55.
his efforts to expel paganism, 55.
toleration of, 56.
excessive benevolence of, 57.
death of, 57.
Page 470
Sviatopolk succeeds him, 58.
surrenders his crown to Sviatopolk, 69.
Vladimir captured, 122.
Vladimirovitch invited to take the throne of Russia, 76.
death of, 77.
Voltaire, library of, purchased by Catharine, 446.
Vouoychegorod, heroic defense of the fortress of, 93.
Vseslaf proclaimed king, 62.
Vsevolod, the territory of Pereaslavle given to, 61.
succeeds Ysiaslaf, 66.
character of, 67.
death of, 68.
Vsevolod III., accession of, to the Russian throne, 98.
seizes the embassadors of Sviatoslaf, 99.
seizes Novgorod, 100.
treaty with Sviatoslaf, 100.
expedition against Bulgaria, 101.
death of; wife of, 102.
Vsevolod (son of Monomaque) expedition of, to Finland, 72.
establishes himself on the throne at Kief, 77.
death of 78.
W.
Woman, indignities to which she was subjected, 24.
Y.
Yaropolk (son of Sviatoslaf) receives the government of Kief, 48.
conquers Oleg, 49.
surrenders his crown to Sviatopolk, 69.
Vladimir captured, 122.
Vladimirovitch invited to take the throne of Russia, 76.
death of, 77.
Voltaire, library of, purchased by Catharine, 446.
Vouoychegorod, heroic defense of the fortress of, 93.
Vseslaf proclaimed king, 62.
Vsevolod, the territory of Pereaslavle given to, 61.
succeeds Ysiaslaf, 66.
character of, 67.
death of, 68.
Vsevolod III., accession of, to the Russian throne, 98.
seizes the embassadors of Sviatoslaf, 99.
seizes Novgorod, 100.
treaty with Sviatoslaf, 100.
expedition against Bulgaria, 101.
death of; wife of, 102.
Vsevolod (son of Monomaque) expedition of, to Finland, 72.
establishes himself on the throne at Kief, 77.
death of 78.
W.
Woman, indignities to which she was subjected, 24.
Y.
Yaropolk (son of Sviatoslaf) receives the government of Kief, 48.
conquers Oleg, 49.
Page 471
Russia united under him, 50.
the betrothed of, 51.
assassinated, 52.
the bones of, disinterred and baptized, 61.
(son of Monomaque), expedition to the Don, 72.
conquered by beauty, 72.
marriage of, 72.
captures Gleb, burns Droutsk, 73.
Yaroslaf, march of, against his brother Sviatopolk, 58.
defeats Sviatopolk, 59.
driven from Kief, 59.
drives Sviatopolk from Kief, 59.
conquers him on the banks of the Alta, 59.
secures the government of Russia, 60.
prosperity of Russia under the rule of, 60.
attempts of, to educate the Russians, 60.
letter of, to his children, and bequests of, 61.
death of, 61.
works of, 61.
Yaroslaf (prince of Kief) ascends the Russian throne, 123.
energy and nobility of, 123.
commanded to appear before Bati, 125.
sent to Octai, 125.
death of, 126.
Yaroslaf (of Tiver) succeeds Alexander, 130.
accused by the people, 130.
humiliation of, and exile, 131.
sends embassadors to the Tartars; death of, 131.
Vassali succeeds, 132.
Youri captures Moscow and deposes Vassili, 163.
the betrothed of, 51.
assassinated, 52.
the bones of, disinterred and baptized, 61.
(son of Monomaque), expedition to the Don, 72.
conquered by beauty, 72.
marriage of, 72.
captures Gleb, burns Droutsk, 73.
Yaroslaf, march of, against his brother Sviatopolk, 58.
defeats Sviatopolk, 59.
driven from Kief, 59.
drives Sviatopolk from Kief, 59.
conquers him on the banks of the Alta, 59.
secures the government of Russia, 60.
prosperity of Russia under the rule of, 60.
attempts of, to educate the Russians, 60.
letter of, to his children, and bequests of, 61.
death of, 61.
works of, 61.
Yaroslaf (prince of Kief) ascends the Russian throne, 123.
energy and nobility of, 123.
commanded to appear before Bati, 125.
sent to Octai, 125.
death of, 126.
Yaroslaf (of Tiver) succeeds Alexander, 130.
accused by the people, 130.
humiliation of, and exile, 131.
sends embassadors to the Tartars; death of, 131.
Vassali succeeds, 132.
Youri captures Moscow and deposes Vassili, 163.
Page 472
death of, 164.
Ysiaslaf I. (son of Yaroslaf) nominated emperor of Russia by his
father, 61.
troubles and flight of, 62.
his reception in Poland, 63.
his punishment of Kief, 63.
flight of, to Germany, 63.
implores aid of the Pope, 64.
recovers his kingdom, 65.
death of, 65.
Ysiaslaf II. seizes the throne of Russia, 78.
conquers Sviatoslaf, 77.
his address to the Novgorodians, 79.
conquered by Georges, 80.
flight of, to Smolensk, 80.
varied fortunes of, 81.
death of, 82.
Z.
Zerebrinow, routs the Turks at Azof, 259.
Zuski heads an insurrection, 282.
elected emperor by the people, 283.
death of, 286.
Ysiaslaf I. (son of Yaroslaf) nominated emperor of Russia by his
father, 61.
troubles and flight of, 62.
his reception in Poland, 63.
his punishment of Kief, 63.
flight of, to Germany, 63.
implores aid of the Pope, 64.
recovers his kingdom, 65.
death of, 65.
Ysiaslaf II. seizes the throne of Russia, 78.
conquers Sviatoslaf, 77.
his address to the Novgorodians, 79.
conquered by Georges, 80.
flight of, to Smolensk, 80.
varied fortunes of, 81.
death of, 82.
Z.
Zerebrinow, routs the Turks at Azof, 259.
Zuski heads an insurrection, 282.
elected emperor by the people, 283.
death of, 286.
Page 473
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE EMPIRE OF
RUSSIA: FROM THE REMOTEST PERIODS TO THE PRESENT TIME
***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be
renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law
means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the
Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States
without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying
and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the
PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a
registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook,
except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying
royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge
anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is
very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg
eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do
practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by
U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license,
especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
RUSSIA: FROM THE REMOTEST PERIODS TO THE PRESENT TIME
***
Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be
renamed.
Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law
means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the
Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States
without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying
and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the
PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a
registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook,
except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying
royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge
anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is
very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg
eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do
practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by
U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license,
especially commercial redistribution.
START: FULL LICENSE
Page 474
THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any
other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you
agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License
available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic work,
you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the
terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright)
agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement,
you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg
electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy
of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to
be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on
or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can
do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying
with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a
lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg electronic works if you
follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to
Project Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation”
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual
work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any
other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you
agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg License
available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.
Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works
1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic work,
you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the
terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright)
agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement,
you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg
electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy
of or access to a Project Gutenberg electronic work and you do not agree to
be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on
or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be
bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can
do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works even without complying
with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a
lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg electronic works if you
follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to
Project Gutenberg electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation”
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual
work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are
Page 475
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works
based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are
removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing
Project Gutenberg works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for
keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can
easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you
share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a
constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the
laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before
downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating
derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg work.
The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status
of any work in any country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied
or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License included with
this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in
the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country
where you are located before using this eBook.
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works
based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are
removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg
mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing
Project Gutenberg works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for
keeping the Project Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can
easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you
share it without charge with others.
1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a
constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the
laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before
downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating
derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg work.
The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status
of any work in any country other than the United States.
1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied
or distributed:
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License included with
this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in
the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country
where you are located before using this eBook.
Page 476
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived from
texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice
indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the
work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without
paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a
work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on
the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs
1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted with the
permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply
with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed
by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project
Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of the
copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg License
terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any
other work associated with Project Gutenberg.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently
displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or
immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the
official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no
additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of
exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work
in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format
must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph
1.E.1.
texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice
indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the
work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without
paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a
work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on
the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs
1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted with the
permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply
with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed
by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project
Gutenberg License for all works posted with the permission of the
copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg License
terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any
other work associated with Project Gutenberg.
1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently
displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or
immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg License.
1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format other than “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the
official Project Gutenberg website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no
additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of
exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work
in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format
must include the full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph
1.E.1.
Page 477
1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing,
copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works unless you comply
with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to
or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in
this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project
copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works unless you comply
with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to
or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided that:
• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”
• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.
• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.
• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ works.
1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in
this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project
Page 478
Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3
below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works
not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and
the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as,
but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription
errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that
damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except
for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to
you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE
THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT
EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE
THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE
TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE
NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you
discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you
can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the
defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund.
If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to
below.
1.F.
1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works
not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™
collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and
the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as,
but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription
errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or
damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that
damage or cannot be read by your equipment.
1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except
for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to
you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE
THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT
EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE
THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE
TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL,
PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE
NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.
1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you
discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you
can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the
defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund.
If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to
Page 479
you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work
electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you
may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING
BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR
FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or
the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or
limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable
to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum
disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity
or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that
arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause
to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg
work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg
Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic
works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including
obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the
electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you
may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the
problem.
1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING
BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR
FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or
the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or
limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable
to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum
disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity
or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.
1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that
arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause
to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b)
alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg
work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg
Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic
works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including
obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the
Page 480
efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of
life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance
they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring
that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely available for
generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for
Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn more about the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations
can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)
(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of
Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service.
The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541.
Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax
deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s
laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516,
Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and
official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the
number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed
in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment
life.
Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance
they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals and ensuring
that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely available for
generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for
Project Gutenberg and future generations. To learn more about the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations
can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
www.gutenberg.org.
Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation
The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)
(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of
Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service.
The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541.
Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax
deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s
laws.
The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza #516,
Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and
official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the
number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed
in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment
Page 481
including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are
particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States.
Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort,
much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these
requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not
received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or
determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have
not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against
accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us
with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any
statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the
United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods
and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including
checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit:
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with
anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg
eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed editions,
all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a
particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.
The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States.
Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort,
much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these
requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not
received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or
determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have
not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against
accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us
with offers to donate.
International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any
statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the
United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods
and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including
checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit:
www.gutenberg.org/donate.
Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works
Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with
anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg
eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed editions,
all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a
Page 482
copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in
compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including how
to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation,
how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email
newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
compliance with any particular paper edition.
Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org.
This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including how
to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation,
how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email
newsletter to hear about new eBooks.