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Title: The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: or, Memoirs of Jahangir (Volume 2 of 2)

Author: Emperor of Hindustan Jahangir

Editor: Henry Beveridge

Translator: Alexander Rogers

Release date: December 11, 2016 [eBook #53716]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

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The
Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī
Or

Memoirs of Jahāngīr

Translated by
Alexander Rogers
I.C.S. (Retired)
Edited by

Henry Beveridge
I.C.S. (Retired)

Preface
After an interval of about five years, the second volume of Mr. Alexander
Rogers’ translation of Jahāngīr’s Memoirs has been published by the Royal
Asiatic Society. It is a smaller work than the first volume, for it only
extends over six years of the reign, as against the twelve years of its
predecessor. Even then it does not include the whole of the reign, for that
lasted twenty-two years. The two volumes, however, contain all that
Jahāngīr wrote or supervised. It will be found, I think, that the present
volume is fully as interesting as its predecessor. The accounts of the
Zodiacal coinage (pp. 6 and 7), and of the comet, or new star (p. 48), the
notice of the Plague in Agra (pp. 65–67), and the elaborate description of
Kashmīr, under the chronicle of the 15th year, are valuable, and a word
should be said for the pretty story of the King and the Gardener’s daughter
(p. 50), and for the allusions to painters and pictures.

If Bābur, who was the founder of the Moghul Empire in India, was the
Cæsar of the East, and if the many-sided Akbar was an epitome of all the
great Emperors, including Augustus, Trajan, Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius,
Julian, and Justinian. Jahāngīr was certainly of the type of the Emperor
Claudius, and so bore a close resemblance to our James I. All three were
weak men, and under the influence of their favourites, and all three were
literary, and at least two of them were fond of dabbling in theology. All
three were in their wrong places as rulers. Had James I. (and VI. of
Scotland) been, as he half wished, the Keeper of the Bodleian, and Jahāngīr
been head of a Natural History Museum, they would have been better and
happier men. Jahāngīr’s best points were his love of nature and powers of
observation, and his desire to do justice. Unfortunately, the last of these
merits was vitiated by a propensity for excessive and recondite
punishments. Like his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, he was
addicted to drugs and alcohol, and he shortened his life in this way. He
made no addition to the imperial territories, but, on the contrary, diminished
them by losing Qandahar to the Persians. But possibly his peaceful temper,

or his laziness, was an advantage, for it saved much bloodshed. His greatest
fault as a king was his subservience to his wife, Nūr-Jahān, and the
consequent quarrel with his son, Shah Jahan, who was the ablest and best of
his male children. The last years of his reign were especially melancholy,
for he suffered from asthma and other diseases; and he had to endure the
ignominy of being for a while a captive to one of his own servants—
Mahābat K͟ hān. He died on the borders of Kashmir, when on his way to
Lahore, in October, 1627, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, and was buried
at Shāhdara, near Lahore, where his widow, Nūr-Jahān, and her brother are
also interred. At the time of his death his son Shah Jahan was at Junair in
the Deccan, and there the news was conveyed in a wonderfully short time
by a Hindu courier. Jahāngīr was succeeded by Shah Jahan, who lost no
time in getting rid of his relatives, for, like the Turk, he bore no kinsman
near the throne. Indeed, he is strongly suspected of having killed his elder
brother, K͟ husrau, several years before.

I am indebted to Mr. Ellis, of the India Office, for revising the proofs.

NOTE.

In the Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin,
p. 416, mention is made of a history of Hindustan during the reign of
Jahāngīr, in two volumes, with paintings (Ouseley MSS.). I have recently
ascertained that the MS. is only a modern copy of the Iqbāl-nāma.

H. Beveridge.

Contents
Page
The Thirteenth New Year’s Feast 1
The Fourteenth New Year’s Feast from the Auspicious Accession 78
The Fifteenth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession 130
The Sixteenth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession 199
The Seventeenth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession 230
The Eighteenth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession 253
The Nineteenth New Year’s Feast after the Auspicious Accession 294
Index 301

The Thirteenth New Year’s Feast
On the eve of Wednesday, the 23rd Rabīʿu-l-awwal, 1027 (March 10, 1618),
after the lapse of fourteen and a half gharīs, the entrance of the Sun—that
is, H.M. the Great Light—the Benefactor of the Universe, into the
constellation of the Ram, took place. Twelve years had now passed from the
august Accession of this suppliant at the throne of God, in prosperity, and
the New Year began in joy and thanksgiving. On Thursday, 2 Farwardīn,
Divine month, the festival of my Lunar weighment took place, and the fifty-
first1 year of the age of this suppliant at God’s throne began with rejoicings.
I trust that my life will be spent in the doing of God’s Will, and that not a
breath of it will pass without remembering Him. After the weighment had
been finished, a fresh feast of joy was arranged, and my domestic servants
celebrated the day with brimming cups.

On this day Āṣaf K. (Nūr-Jahān’s brother), who held the rank of 5,000 with
3,000 horse, was favoured by the grant of 4,000 two-horsed and three-
horsed troopers, and S̤ ābit K. was raised to the office of Examiner of
Petitions. I bestowed the post of the Artillery on Muʿtamid K. A Kachh
(Cutch) horse had been brought as an offering by the son of Dilāwar K. No
horse so good as this had come into my establishment till I encamped in
Gujarat, and as M. Rustam showed a great liking for it, I presented it to
him. On the Jām were conferred four rings—viz., diamond, ruby, emerald,
and sapphire—and two hawks. I also gave four rings—viz., ruby, cat’s-eye,
emerald, and sapphire—to Raja Lachmī Narāyan (of Kūch Bihār).
Muruwwat K. had sent three elephants from Bengal, and two of them were
included in my private stud. On the eve of Friday I ordered lamps to be
placed round the tank, and this had a very good appearance. On Sunday
Ḥājī Rafīq came from ʿIrāq, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold,
and laid before me a letter which my brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās had sent with
him. The aforesaid person is a slave of Mīr Muḥammad Amīn K., the
caravan leader, and the Mīr had brought him up from his childhood. In
truth, he is an excellent servant. He frequently visited ʿIrāq, and became

intimate with my brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās. This time he had brought tipchāq2
horses and fine cloth-stuffs, such that of the horses some were put into the
private stables. As he is a skilful slave, and a servant worthy of favour, I
honoured him with the title of Maliku-t-tujjār (King of Merchants). On
Monday I gave Raja Lachmī Narāyan a special sword, a jewelled rosary,
and four pearls for ear-rings. On Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday) I increased
by 500 horse the manṣab of 5,000 personal and 1,000 horse held by Mīrzā
Rustam; Iʿtiqād K. was promoted to a manṣab of 4,000 and 1,000 horse;
Sarfarāz K. was promoted to a manṣab of 2,500 and 1,400 horse; Muʿtamid
K. to the rank of 1,000 with 350 horse. On Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan and Fidāʾī
K., horses worth 100 muhars were conferred. As the guarding and
administration of the Punjab had been entrusted to Iʿtimādu-d-daula, I, at
his request, promoted to the government (ḥukūmat) of the said Ṣubah, Mīr
Qāsim, the Bak͟ hs͟ hī of the Aḥadīs, who is related to him, and bestowed on
him a manṣab of 1,000 personal with 400 horse and the title of Qāsim K.
Before this I had given Raja Lachmī Narāyan an ʿIrāq horse. On this day I
conferred on him an elephant and a Turkī horse, and gave him leave to go to
Bengal. The Jām was dismissed to his native country with a present of a
jewelled waist-sword, a jewelled rosary, two horses, one from ʿIrāq and the
other a Turkī, and a dress of honour. Ṣāliḥ, brother’s son of the deceased
Āṣaf K͟ hān,3 was promoted to a manṣab of 1,000 with 300 horse, and
allowed to go to Bengal, and a horse was conferred on him. On this date
Mīr Jumla4 came from Persia, and had the good fortune to pay his respects.
The aforesaid is one of the respectable Sayyids of Isfahan and his family
have always been held in honour in Persia, and now his brother’s son, Mīr
Riẓā, is in the service of my brother, S͟ hāh ʿAbbās, and has the rank of Ṣadr,
and the Shah has married him to his own daughter. Mīr Jumla had left
Persia fourteen years before this, and gone to Golconda to Muḥammad Qulī
Qut̤ bu-l-mulk. His name is Muḥammad Amīn. Qut̤ bu-l-mulk gave him the
title of Mīr Jumla. For ten years he had been his Mudār ʿAlaihi (Centre of
Affairs) and his Ṣāḥib Sāmān (factotum). After Qut̤ bu-l-mulk died, and the
rule came to his brother’s son, the latter did not treat the Mīr properly, and
so he took leave and hastened to his native country. The Shah, on account of
his connection with Mīr Riẓā, and the respect which he had for men5 of
merit, showed much consideration for and kindness to him. He (the Mīr)

also presented fitting offerings, and passed three or four years in Persia, and
amassed properties (estates?).6 As he several times represented that he
wished to enter the service of this Court, I sent a farmān and invited him.
Immediately the farmān arrived he severed his connections there, and set
the face of loyalty towards this Court. This day he attained the honour of
kissing the carpet, and produced as offering twelve horses, nine tuqūz7 of
silk cloths, and two rings. As he had come with devotion and sincerity, I
conferred favours and kindness on him, and presented him with 20,000
darbs (Rs. 10,000) for his expenses and a dress of honour. On the same day
I gave the post of Bak͟ hs͟ hī of the Aḥadīs to ʿInāyat K. in place of Qāsim K. I
honoured K͟ hwāja ʿĀqil, who is one of the old servants, with the title of
ʿĀqil K., and presented him with a horse. On Friday, Dilāwar K., coming
from the Deccan, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented
an offering of 100 muhars and Rs. 1,000. Bāqir K., Faujdār of Multan, was
promoted to a manṣab of 800 personal and 300 horse. Tijārat K. and
Bāhūʾī,8 Zamindar of Multan, were honoured with the gift of elephants. On
Saturday, the 11th, marching from Doḥad with the intention of hunting
elephants, I pitched at the village of Kara Bāra (Garbara ?). On Sunday, the
12th, the village of Sajāra (Sajwara ?) became the place of alighting. It is 8
koss from this place to Doḥad, and 1½ koss to the hunting-ground. On the
morning of Monday, the 13th, I went to hunt elephants with a body of my
private servants. As the grazing-place of the elephants is in a hilly country,
with elevations and depressions, a passage is obtained with difficulty by one
on foot. Before this, a large body of horse and foot had surrounded the
jungle after the manner of a qamurg͟ ha, and outside the jungle, on a tree,
they had prepared a wooden platform for me. On all sides of this they had
arranged seats on other trees for the Amirs. They had got ready 200 male
elephants with strong nooses, and many female elephants. On each elephant
there were seated two elephant-drivers of the tribe of Jarga,9 whose special
employment is the hunting of elephants, and it had been arranged that they
should bring the wild elephants from the jungle into my presence, that I
might witness the hunt. It happened that at the time when the men from all
sides entered the jungle, in consequence of the thickness of the forest and
the heights and hollows, the chain was broken, and the order of the
qamurg͟ ha did not remain perfect. The wild elephants in bewilderment

turned in every direction, but twelve male and female came to this side
(where J. was). As the fear was that they might escape, they drove in the
tame elephants and tied them (the wild elephants) up wherever they found
them. Although many elephants were not caught, at least two excellent ones
were captured, very handsome in shape, of good breed, and perfect marks.
As there is a hill in the jungle in which the elephants were, called Rākas
(Rākshas) Pahār,10 or demon hill, I called these two elephants Rāvan Sar
and Pāvan Sar, these being the names of two demons. On Tuesday, the 14th,
and Kam-s͟ hamba (Wednesday), the 15th, I halted.

On the eve of Thursday, the 16th, I marched, and halted at the stage of Kara
Bāra. Ḥakīm Beg,11 who is one of the household of the Court, was
honoured with the title of Ḥakīm K., and a sum of Rs. 3,000 was given to
Sangrām, a Zamindar of the hill country of the Panjab. As the heat was very
great, and marching by day was to be avoided, I marched by night. On
Saturday, the 18th, a halt was made in the parganah of Doḥad. On Sunday,
the 19th, the sun that bestows favour on the world attained the highest point
in the constellation of Aries. On this day a great entertainment was held,
and I sat on the throne. I promoted S͟ hāh-nawāz K., who held a manṣab of
5,000, with the favour of 2,000 horse, of two and three horses. K͟ hwāja
Abū-l-Ḥasan, the Chief Bak͟ hs͟ hī, was given a mansab, original and
increased, of 4,000 with 2,000 horse. As Ahmad Beg K., of Kabul, who had
obtained the governorship of Kashmir, had promised that he would conquer
in the space of two years Tibet and Kis͟ htwār, and the promised time had
elapsed, and he had not fulfilled this service, I removed him, and promoted
Dilāwar K. Kākar to the Government of Kashmir. I gave him a dress of
honour and an elephant, and sent him off. He also made a promise in
writing that in the course of two years he would conquer Tibet and
Kis͟ htwār. Badīʾu-z-Zamān, s. S͟ hāhruk͟ h M. came from the jagir he held in
Sult̤ ānpūr, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Having at this
time honoured Qāsim K. with a jewelled dagger and an elephant, I
dismissed him to the Government of the Punjab.

On the night of Tuesday, the 21st, I marched from the stage mentioned, and
turned the reins of the army of prosperity towards Aḥmadābād. As in
consequence of the great heat and the corruption of the air I would have had

to undergo much hardship, and would have had to traverse a long distance
before reaching Agra, it occurred to me not to proceed at this hot season to
the capital. As I heard much praise of the rainy season in Gujarat, and there
was no report about the evil reputation of Aḥmadābād (see infra for account
of epidemic there), I finally conceived the idea of remaining there.
Inasmuch as the protection and guardianship of God (to Him be praise) was
in all places and at all times extended to this suppliant, just at this crisis
news arrived that signs of the plague (wabā) had shown themselves again at
Agra, and many people were dying, my intention of not going to Agra,
which had thrown its rays on my mind through Divine inspiration, was
confirmed. The entertainment of Thursday, the 23rd, was held at the station
of Jalod.12

Previously to this, the rule of coinage was that on one face of the metal they
stamped my name, and on the reverse the name of the place, and the month
and year of the reign. At this time it entered my mind that in place of the
month they should substitute the figure of the constellation which belonged
to that month; for instance, in the month of Farwardīn the figure of a ram,
and in Urdībihis͟ ht the figure of a bull. Similarly, in each month that a coin
was struck, the figure of the constellation was to be on one face, as if the
sun were emerging from it. This usage is my own, and has never been
practised until now.13

On this day Iʿtiqād K. was promoted to the dignity of a standard, and a
standard was also conferred on Muruwwat K., who was attached to Bengal.
On the night of Monday,14 the 27th, the camp was pitched in the village of
Badrwāla, in the parganah of Sahra.15 At this stage was heard the voice of
the koel (koyal). The koel is a bird of the crow tribe, but smaller. The crow’s
eyes are black, and those of the koel red. The female has white spots, but
the male is all black. The male has a very pleasant voice, quite unlike that
of the female. It is in reality the nightingale of India. Just as the nightingale
is agitated and noisy in the spring, so is the cry of the koel at the approach
of the rainy season, which is the spring of Hindustan. Its cry is exceedingly
pleasant and penetrating, and the bird begins its exhilaration (mastī) when
the mangoes ripen. It frequently sits on the mango-trees, and is delighted
with the colour and scent of the mango. A strange thing about the koel is

that it does not bring up its young from the egg, but, finding the nest of the
crow unguarded at the time of laying, it breaks the crow’s eggs with its
beak, throws them out, and lays its own in the place of them, and flies off.
The crow, thinking the eggs its own, hatches the young and brings them up.
I have myself seen this strange affair at Allahabad.

On the night of Kams͟ hamba (Wednesday), the 29th, the camp was on the
bank of the Māhī, and the entertainment of Mubāraks͟ hamba was held there.
Two springs appeared on the bank of the Māhī, that had very clear water, so
much so that if a poppy-seed fell into them the whole of it was visible. All
that day I passed with the ladies. As it was a pleasant place to walk about in,
I ordered them to build a raised seat round each of the springs. On Friday I
fished in the Māhī, and large fish with scales fell into the net. I first told my
son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, to try his sword on them. After this I ordered the Amīrs to
strike them with the swords they had in their belts. My son’s sword cut
better than all of theirs. These fish were divided among the servants who
were present. On the eve of Saturday, the 1st of Urdībihis͟ ht, marching from
the above-mentioned stage, I ordered16 the mace-bearers (yasāwulān) and
tawāchiyān to collect the widows and poor people from the villages on the
road and near it, and bring them before me, so that I might bestow charity
on them with my own hand, which would be an occupation, and the
helpless ones might also find grace. What better occupation could there be
than this? On Monday, the 3rd, S͟ hajāʿat K. ʿArab, and Himmat K., and
other servants who belonged to the Deccan and Gujarat, had the good
fortune to kiss the threshold. The holy men and the possessors of blessing
(faqīrs, etc.) who lived at Ahmadabad paid their respects to me. On
Tuesday, the 4th, the bank of the river at Maḥmūdābād became the alighting
place. Rustam K., whom my son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, had left in the Government of
Gujarat, was honoured by paying his respects. The entertainment of
Thursday, the 6th, was held on the bank of the Kānkrīya tank. Nāhir K.,
according to order, came from the Deccan and raised the head of honour
with the good fortune of prostrating himself before me.

A diamond ring was presented to my son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, as part of the
offering of Qut̤ bu-l-mulk. It was of the value of 1,000 muhars, and on it
there appeared three letters of equal size and of good form, such that they

made the word Lillahi (for God). This diamond had been sent, as it was
reckoned one of the marvels of the world. In fact, veins and scratches are
flaws in precious stones, but it was generally thought that the marks on this
one were fabricated. Moreover, the diamond did not come from any
celebrated mine. As my son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, wished that it should be sent to
my brother, S͟ hāh ʿAbbās, as a souvenir of the conquest of the Deccan it was
sent to the Shah along with other gifts.17

On this day I presented Brikha Rāy bād-farūs͟ h (panegyrist) with Rs. 1,000.
He is a Gujarātī by origin, and is fully versed in the chronicles and
circumstances of that country. His name was Būnṭā—that is, a sapling
(nihāl). It seemed to me that it was anomalous to call an old man Būnṭā,
especially now that he had become verdant (sar-sabz) and fruit-bearing
through the irrigation (saḥāb, literally, cloud, or mirage) of our kindness. I
therefore ordered that henceforth he should be called Brikha Rāy. Brikha
means “tree” in Hindī. On Friday, the 7th of the aforesaid month,
corresponding with the 1st Jumāda-l-awwal, at a chosen propitious hour, I
entered the city of Ahmadabad with all enjoyment. At the time of mounting,
my son of prosperous fortune, S͟ hāh-Jahān, had brought 20,000 charan, or
Rs. 5,000, for the nis̤ ār (scattering), and I scattered them as I hastened to
the palace. When I alighted there he laid before me by way of an offering a
jewelled ṭurra (aigrette) of the value of Rs. 25,000, and those of his officers
whom he had left in this Subah also presented offerings. They altogether
amounted to nearly Rs. 40,000. As it was represented to me that K͟ hwāja
Beg Mīrzā Ṣafawī had reached the neighbourhood of the forgiveness of
God—i.e., had died—at Aḥmadnagar, I promoted to a mansab of 2,000
personal and horse, original and increased, K͟ hanjar K., whom he had
adopted as his son, and, indeed, held dearer than a son of his loins, and who
was in truth, an intelligent, ambitious youth, and a servant worthy of
patronage, and entrusted him with the charge of the fort of Ahmadnagar.

In these days, in consequence of the great heat and the corruption of the air,
sickness had broken out among the people, and of those in the city and the
camp there were few who for two or three days had not been ill.
Inflammatory fever or pains in the limbs attacked them, and in the course of
two or three days they became exceedingly ill—so much so that even after

recovery they remained for a long time weak and languid. They mostly at
last recovered, so that but few were in danger of their lives. I heard from old
men who resided in this country that thirty years before this the same kind
of fever prevailed, and passed away happily. Anyhow, there appeared some
deterioration in the climate of Gujarat, and I much regretted having come
here. I trust that the great and glorious God, in His mercy and grace, will lift
up this burden, which is a source of uneasiness to my mind, from off the
people. On Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday), the 13th, Badīʿu-z-zamān, s.
Mīrzā S͟ hāhruk͟ h, was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 personal and horse,
and presented with a standard, and appointed faujdār of Sarkār Paṭan.
Sayyid Niẓām, faujdār of Sarkār Lucknow, was raised to the manṣab of
1,000 personal and 700 horse. The manṣab of ʿAlī Qulī Darman, who was
attached to the province of Qandahar, at the request of Bahādur K., the
governor thereof, was ordered to be 1,000 personal and 700 horse. Sayyid
Hizbar K. Bārha was dignified with the manṣab of 1,000 personal and 400
horse. I promoted Zabardast K. to the rank of 800 personal and 350 horse.
On this day Qāsim K͟ hwāja of Dihbīd18 had sent from Mā-warāʾa-n-nahr
(Transoxiana) by the hand of one of his tribesmen by way of supplication
five tūyg͟ hūn (white) falcons. One died on the road, and four arrived at
Ujjain in safety. I ordered them to hand over the sum of Rs. 5,000 to
someone among them, that he might purchase and take with him whatever
things would be agreeable to the K͟ hwāja, and gave a reward of Rs. 1,000 to
himself. At this time K͟ hān ʿĀlam, who had been sent as ambassador to the
ruler of Persia, sent an ās͟ hyānī falcon (bird from the nest), which in the
Persian language they call ukna.19 Outwardly one cannot distinguish
between these and bāz dāmī20 falcons by any particular mark, but after they
have been flown the difference is clear. On Thursday, the 20th, Mīr Abū-ṣ-
Ṣāliḥ, a relation (? son-in-law) of the deceased Mīrzā Yūsuf K., came from
the Deccan by order, and enjoyed the good fortune of kissing the threshold.
He presented as an offering 100 muhars21 and a jewelled plume (kalgī).
Mīrzā Yūsuf K.22 was one of the Riẓawī Sayyids of Mashhad, and his
family was always held in great honour in Khurasan, and just now my
brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās has given his daughter in marriage to the younger
brother of the aforesaid Abū-ṣ-Ṣāliḥ. His father, Mīrzā Atag͟ h,23 was the
head of the attendants of the mausoleum of Riẓā, the 8th Imām. Mīrzā

Yūsuf K͟ hān, by means of the patronage of H.M. (Akbar), had risen to
nobility, and attained to the manṣab of 5,000. Without doubt he was a good
Mīr, and held his many servants in good order. A number of relations
gathered round him. He died24 in the Deccan. Although he left many sons,
who obtained favours in consideration of former services, special attention
was paid to the development of his eldest son. In a short time I advanced
him to the rank of nobility. Certainly there is a great difference between him
and his father.

On Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday), the 27th, I presented Ḥakīm Masīḥu-z-
zamān with 20,000 darbs (8 anna pieces), and to Ḥakīm Rūḥu-llah 100
muhars and Rs. 1,000. As he had thoroughly diagnosed my constitution, he
perceived that the climate of Gujarat was very inimical to it. He said: “As
soon as you moderate your habit of taking wine and opium, all these
troubles of yours will disappear.” Indeed, when I in one day diminished (the
quantity I took of) both of them, there was a great gain on that first day. On
Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday), the 3rd K͟ hūrdād, Qizilbās͟ h K. was promoted
to the manṣab, original and increased, of 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse. A
report was received from Gajpat K., superintendent of the elephant stables,
and Balūch K., chief huntsman (Qarāwul Beg), that up to this time sixty-
nine elephants, male and female, had been caught. Whatever took place
after this would be reported. I ordered them to beware not to take old or
small elephants; but with this exception they should catch all they saw, male
or female. On Monday, the 14th,25 the sum of Rs. 2,000 was presented for
S͟ hāh ʿĀlam’s anniversary, to Sayyid Muḥammad, his representative. A
special Kachh horse, one of the good horses of the Jām which had been
presented to me, was given to Rāja Bīr Singh Deo. I made a present of Rs.
1,000 to Balūch K., the chief huntsman, who is engaged in capturing
elephants. On Tuesday, 15th, I found I had a severe headache, which at last
ended in fever. At night I did not drink my usual number of cups, and after
midnight crop-sickness26 was added to my fever, and till morning I rolled
about on my couch. On Wednesday, the 16th, at the end of the day, the fever
diminished, and, after asking the advice of my doctors, I took my usual
number of cups on the third night. Although they urged me to take some
broth of pulse and rice, I could not make up my mind to do so. Since I

arrived at the age of discretion, I never remember having taken būg͟ hān27
broth, and hope that I may not want it in future. When they brought food for
me this day, I had no inclination for it. In short, for three days and two
nights I remained fasting. Though I had fever for a day and a night, and my
weakness was such that it appeared as if I had been confined to bed for a
long time, I had no appetite left, and had no inclination towards food.

I28 am amazed to think what pleasure or goodness the founder of this city
could have seen in a spot so devoid of the favour (of God) as to build a city
on it. After him, others, too, have passed their lives in precious trouble in
this dustbin. Its air is poisonous, and its soil has little water, and is of sand
and dust, as has already29 been described. Its water is very bad and
unpalatable, and the river, which is by the side of the city, is always dry
except in the rainy season. Its wells are mostly salt and bitter, and the tanks
in the neighbourhood of the city have become like buttermilk from
washermen’s soap. The upper classes who have some property have made
reservoirs in their houses, which they fill with rainwater in the rainy season,
and they drink that water until the next year. The evils of water to which the
air never penetrates, and which has no way for the vapour to come out by,
are evident. Outside the city, in place of green grass and flowers, all is an
open plain full of thorn-brakes (zaqqūm), and as for the breeze that blows
off the thorns, its excellence is known:

“30O thou, compendium of goodness, by which of thy names shall I call
thee?
I had already called Aḥmadābād Gardābād (the abode of dust).”

Now, I do not know whether to call it Samūmistān (the place of the samūm
or simoom) or Bīmāristān (abode of sickness), or Zaqqūm-zār (the thorn-
bed), or Jahannamābād (the house of Hell), for it contains all these varieties.
If the rainy season had not prevented me, I would not have delayed one day
in this abode of trouble, but, like Solomon, would have seated myself on the
throne of the wind, and hastened out, and released the people of God from
this pain and trouble. As the men of this city are exceedingly weak-hearted
and wretched, in order to guard against any of the men from the camp
entering their houses with a view to oppress them, or interfering with the

affairs of the poor and miserable: and lest the Qāẓī and Mīr ʿAdl (judge)
should, from fear of the face of men (rū-dīdagī), temporize and not stop
such oppression, I, from the date on which I entered the city,
notwithstanding the heat of the air, every day, after completing the midday
prayer, went and sat in the Jharoka. It was towards the river, and had no
impediment in the shape of gate, or wall, or watch-men (yasāwul), or
chobdārs (mace-bearers). For the sake of administering justice, I sat there
for two or three sidereal hours and listened to the cries for redress, and
ordered punishments on the oppressors according to their faults and crimes.
Even in the time of weakness I have gone every day to the jharoka, though
in great pain and sorrow, according to my fixed custom, and have looked on
ease of body as something unlawful31 (ḥarām) for me.

“For the care of the people of God
At night I make not mine eyes acquainted with sleep;
For the ease of the bodies of all
I approve of pain for my own body.”

By the grace of Allah, it has become my habit not to surrender the
nychthemeron, for more than two or three sidereal hours of the coin of
Time, to the plundering of sleep. In this there are two advantages—one, the
knowledge of the kingdom; the other, wakefulness of heart in calling God
to mind. God forbid that this life of a few days should pass in carelessness.
As a heavy sleep is in front, I must reckon as a gain this time of my
wakefulness, which I shall not see again in sleep, and must not be careless
of recollecting God for a single wink. “Be wakeful, for a wondrous32 sleep
is ahead.” On the same day that I contracted fever, my son S͟ hāh-Jahān, who
is close to my heart, also contracted it. His attack lasted a long time, and for
ten days he could not come to pay his respects. He came on Thursday, the
24th, and waited on me, and appeared very weak and powerless, so much so
that if anyone had not explained the matter, one might have supposed he
had been ill for a month or more. I am grateful that at last all ended well.
On Thursday, the 31st, Mīr Jumla, who had come from Īrān—a summary of
what had happened to him has been already written—was honoured with
the mansab of 1,500 personal and 200 horse. On this day, in consequence of
the weakness I suffered from, I bestowed as alms on deserving people an

elephant, a horse, and varieties of quadrupeds, with a quantity of gold and
silver and other valuable things. Most of my servants also brought alms
according to their means. I told them that if their object was to parade their
loyalty, their proceeding was not acceptable, and if they were acting from
genuine piety there was no need for bringing their alms into the Presence;
they could secretly and personally distribute them to the poor and needy. On
Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday), the 7th Tīr, Divine month, Ṣādiq K. Bak͟ hs͟ hī
was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and horse, original and
increased; Irādat K., the Mīr Sāmān, to that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, Mīr
Abū Ṣāliḥ Riẓawī to the mansab of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, with the title of
Riẓawī K͟ hān, and, being honoured with a standard and an elephant, he took
leave for the Deccan.

At this time it was represented to me that the Commander-in-Chief, the
Ātālīq K͟ hān-k͟ hānān, as a sequel to the celebrated line, “For every rose one
must bear the pain of a hundred thorns,” had written an ode, and that Mīrzā
Rustam Ṣafawī and Mīrzā Murād, his son, had also tried their skill. An
impromptu opening couplet came into my mind:

“A cup of wine should be poured33 on the cheek of the rosebud.
There are many clouds, much wine should be poured.”

Of those who were present at the entertainment who had the poetic
temperament each composed an ode, and presented it. It became known that
the hemistich was from Maulānā ʿAbdu-r-Raḥmān Jāmī. I looked at the
whole of his ode (or odes). Except this hemistich, which like a proverb has
become famous over the world, he has not written anything epigrammatic.
All is very simple and smooth.34 On this day arrived the news of the death
of Aḥmad Beg K., governor of Kashmir. His sons, who were of the house-
born ones of the Court, and on whose foreheads the signs of intelligence
and zeal were manifest, obtained suitable mansabs, and were sent to do duty
in the Ṣuba of Bangas͟ h and Kabul. His mansab was that of 2,500; his eldest
son obtained that of 3,000 (?),35 and three other sons that of 900 each. On
Thursday, the 14th, K͟ hwāja Bāqī K., who was adorned with the high
qualities of dignity, honour, generosity, and valour, under whose rule was
one of the thānas of the country of Berār, was promoted to the mansab of

1,500 and 1,000 horse, original and increased, and the title of Bāqī K. Rāy
Kahnūr (Kunwar?), who was formerly Dīwān of Gujarat, was chosen for
the dīwānship of Mālwa.

At this time the pairing of the sāras, which I had never seen before, and is
reported never to have been seen by man, was witnessed by me. The sāras
is a creature of the crane genus, but somewhat larger.36 On the top of the
head it has no feathers, and the skin is drawn over the bones of the head.
From the back of the eye to six finger-breadths of the neck it is red. They
mostly live in pairs on the plains, but are occasionally seen in flocks. People
bring a pair in from the fields, and keep them in their houses, and they
become familiar with men. In fact, there was a pair of sāras in my
establishment to which I had given the names of Lailā and Majnūn. One
day a eunuch informed me that (the) two had paired in his presence. I
ordered that if they showed an inclination to pair again they should inform
me. At dawn he came and told me that they were about to pair again. I
immediately hastened to look on. The female having straightened its legs
bent down a little: the male then lifted up one of its feet from the ground
and placed it on her back, and afterwards the second foot, and, immediately
seating himself on her back, paired with her. He then came down, and,
stretching out his neck, put his beak to the ground, and walked once round
the female. It is possible they may have an egg and produce a young one.
Many strange tales of the affection of the sāras for its mate have been
heard. The following case has been recorded because it is very strange.
Qiyām K., who is one of the k͟ hānazāds (houseborn ones) of this Court, and
is well acquainted with the arts of hunting and scouting, informed me that
one day he had gone out to hunt, and found a sāras sitting. When he
approached, it got up and went off. From its manner of walking he
perceived signs of weakness and pain. He went to the place where it had
been sitting, and saw some bones and a handful of feathers on which it had
been sitting. He threw a net round it, and drew himself into a corner, and it
tried to go and sit in the same place. Its foot was caught in the net, and he
went forward and seized it. It appeared extremely light, and when he looked
minutely he saw there were no feathers on its breast and belly: its flesh and
skin had separated, and there were maggots. Moreover, there was no sign of
flesh left on any of its members: a handful of feathers and bone came into

his hand. It was clear that its mate had died, and that it had sate there from
the day it lost its companion.

“My burning heart hath melted my body with separation’s pang;
A soul-consuming sigh burnt me, as ’twere a lamp.
The day of my joy became black like the night of grief,
Separation from thee hath made my day like this.”

Himmat K., who is one of my best servants, and whose word is worthy of
reliance, told me that in the Doḥad37 pargana he had seen a pair of sāras on
the bank of a tank. One of his gunners shot one of them, and in the same
place cut off its head and stripped38 it of its feathers (?). By chance we
halted two or three days at that place, and its mate continually walked round
it, and uttered cries and lamentation. “My heart,” he said, “ached at its
distress, but there was no remedy for it save regret.” By chance, twenty-five
days afterwards, he passed by the same spot, and asked the inhabitants what
had become of that sāras. They said it died on the same day, and there were
still remains of feathers and bones on the spot. He went there himself, and
saw it was as they said. There are many tales of this kind among the people,
which it would take too long to tell.

On Saturday, the 16th, there came the news of the death of Rāwat S͟ hankar,
who was one of those on duty in Bihār. Mān Singh, his eldest son, was
raised to the manṣab of 2,000 personal and 600 horse: his other sons and
connections were also raised in manṣab, and were directed to obey him. On
Thursday, the 21st, the elephant Bāvan,39 the pick of my catch, which had
been left in the pargana of Doḥad to be tamed, was brought to Court. I
ordered him to be kept near the jharoka on the river side, that he might be
constantly under my eye. In the elephant-stables of H.M. Akbar the largest
elephant I saw was Durjan Sāl. It was long the premier elephant. Its height
was 4 yards (daraʿ40), and 3½ quarters of the Ilāhī gaz, which is 8 yards
and 3 fingers of the ordinary gaz. At present, among the elephants of my
establishment, the largest athlete is ʿĀlam-Gajrāj, which H.M. Akbar
himself had caught. It is the chief of my special elephants. Its height is 4⅛
yards, or 7 yards and 7 fingers41 of the ordinary yard. The ordinary gaz has

been fixed at 24 fingers’ breadth of an average-sized man, and the Ilāhī gaz
is 40 fingers’ breadth.

On this day Muz̤ affar K., who had been promoted to the Subadarship of
Thatta (Sind), had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. He presented 100
muhars and Rs. 100 as naẕr, and the equivalent of Rs. 100,000 in jewels and
jewelled things. At this time news came that God Almighty had bestowed
on my son Parwīz a son42 by the daughter of S͟ hāh Murād, deceased. It is to
be hoped that his coming will be of good omen to this State.

On Sunday, the 24th, Rāy Bihārī43 had the good fortune to kiss the
threshold: there is not a greater Zamindar than this in the country of
Gujarat. His country is close to the sea. Bihārī and the Jām are from one
stem. They were united ten generations ago. As far as territory and forces
go, the standing of Bihārī is greater than that of the Jām. They say that he
never came to see any of the Sultans of Gujarat. Sult̤ ān Maḥmūd had sent
an army against him, but in the fight the army of Maḥmūd was defeated. At
the time when K͟ hān Aʿz̤ am went to conquer the fort of Jūnāgaṛh in the
country of Sūrat, Nannū, who was called Sult̤ ān Muz̤ affar, and gave himself
out as heir to the kingdom, was passing his days in a state of misery under
the protection of the zamindars. After this the Jām was defeated in battle
with the victorious (Royal) army, and Nannū took refuge with Rāy Bihārī.
K͟ hān Aʿz̤ am demanded Nannū from Rāy Bihārī, and as he could not oppose
the Royal army, he gave him up, and by this piece of loyalty was saved
from the blows of the victorious army. At the time44 when Ahmadabad was
adorned by the presence of the retinue of fortune for a short time, he did not
come to wait on me. His country was somewhat distant, and time did not
admit of the appointing of a force (against him). When it happened that I
returned there, my son S͟ hāh-Jahān appointed Raja Bikramājīt with an army
(for this purpose), and he, seeing his own safety in coming in hastened to
receive the honour of kissing the threshold, giving 200 muhars and Rs.
2,000 as naẕr, and 100 horses. However, there was not one of his horses that
I approved of. His age appeared to me to be more than eighty45 years, and
he himself said he was ninety. In his senses and powers there was no
appearance of decay. Among his men there was an old man with white
beard, moustaches, and eyebrows. He said that Rāy Bihārī remembered him

when he (the old man) was a child (infant), and that he had grown up from
childhood in his service.

On this day Abū-l-Ḥasan,46 the painter, who has been honoured with the
title of Nādiru-z-zamān, drew the picture of my accession as the
frontispiece to the Jahāngīr-nāma, and brought it to me. As it was worthy of
all praise, he received endless favours. His work was perfect, and his
picture is one of the chefs d’œuvre of the age. At the present time he has no
rival or equal. If at this day the masters ʿAbdu-l-Ḥayy and Bihzād were
alive, they would have done him justice. His father, Āqā Riẓāʾī, of Herat,47
at the time when I was Prince, joined my service. He (Abū-l-Ḥasan) was a
k͟ hānazād of my Court. There is, however, no comparison between his work
and that of his father (i.e., he is far better than his father). One cannot put
them into the same category. My connection was based on my having
reared him. From his earliest years up to the present time I have always
looked after him, till his art has arrived at this rank. Truly he has become
Nādira-i-zamān (“the wonder of the age”). Also, Ustād Manṣūr48 has
become such a master in painting that he has the title of Nādiru-l-ʿAṣr, and
in the art of drawing is unique in his generation. In the time of my father’s
reign and my own these two have had no third. As regards myself, my
liking for painting and my practice in judging it have arrived at such a point
that when any work is brought before me, either of deceased artists or of
those of the present day, without the names being told me, I say on the spur
of the moment that it is the work of such and such a man. And if there be a
picture containing many portraits, and each face be the work of a different
master, I can discover which face is the work of each of them. If any other
person has put in the eye and eyebrow of a face, I can perceive whose work
the original face is, and who has painted the eye and eyebrows.

On the eve of Sunday, the 31st of the month of Tīr, heavy rain fell, and it
went on raining with great violence till Tuesday, the 1st of Amurdād.49 For
sixteen days there were constantly clouds and (? or) rain. As this is a sandy
country, and the buildings in it are weak, many houses fell, and many lives
were lost. I heard from the inhabitants of the city that they remembered no
rain like that of this year. Although the channel of the Sābarmatī50 appears

full of water, it is in most places fordable, and elephants can always cross it.
If for a day there has been no rain, horses and men can ford it. The fountain
head of this river is in the hill-country of the Rānā. It comes out from the
ravine of Kokra(?),51 and, having traversed 1½ koss, passes below
Mīrpūr,52 and in this place they call it the Wākal (?). After passing 3 koss
beyond Mīrpūr, they call it the Sābarmatī.

On Thursday, the 10th, Rāy Bihārī was exalted with the favour of a male
and a female elephant, a jewelled dagger, and four rings, of red ruby and
yellow ruby (topaz), sapphire, and emerald. Before this, the Ātālīq Jān-sipār
(life-jeoparding), K͟ hān-k͟ hānān (ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm), Commander-in-Chief, by
order, had sent a force under the leadership of his son Amru-llah53 towards
Gondwāna, in order to seize the diamond mine of Barākar54 (?) that was in
the possession of Panjū, a Zamindar of Khandesh. On this day a report
came from him that the aforesaid Zamindar, knowing that opposition to the
victorious army was beyond his power, had made an offering of the mine,
and a royal superintendent had been appointed to manage it. The diamonds
of that place are superior in kind and beauty to all other kinds of diamonds,
and much esteemed by jewellers. They are of good shape, and larger, and
superior. Of the second rank is the mine of Kokhra,55 which is on the
borders of Bihar; but the diamonds of that place are not obtained from the
mine, but from a river which in the rainy season comes down in flood from
the hills. Before that they dam it up, and when the flood has passed over the
dam and there is little water, a number of men who are skilled in this art go
into the river bed and bring out the diamonds. It is now three years since
this country came into the possession of the State. The Zamindar of the
place is in confinement. The climate of that land is excessively poisonous,
and strangers cannot live there. The third place is in the province of the
Karnatik (Carnatic), near the frontier of Qut̤ bu-l-mulk. At a distance of 50
koss56 there are four mines. Many very fine57 diamonds are obtained there.

On Thursday, the 10th, Nāhir K. was promoted to the manṣab of 1,500
personal and 1,000 horse, and he was presented with an elephant. Maktūb
K., superintendent of the Kutub-k͟ hāna (library), was given the manṣab of
1,500 personal. As I had ordered that on the S͟ hab-i-Barāt they should place

lamps round the Kānkrīya tank, at the end of the day on Monday, the 14th
Shaʿbān, I went out to look at them. The buildings all round the tank they
had arranged with lanterns of different colours and all kinds of artifices that
are practicable with lamps, and fireworks. Although at this season there
were continually clouds and rain, by God’s favour from the beginning of the
night the air had become clear, and not a trace of cloud remained, and the
lights shone just as one could wish. My domestic servants were regaled
with the cups of joy. I ordered them to light lamps in the same manner on
the eve of Friday, and a strange thing was that at the close of the day of
Thursday, the 17th, it continually rained (muttaṣil bārīdagī), but at the time
of lighting the lamps the rain ceased, and the show was well seen. On this
day Iʿtimādu-d-daula presented an offering of a qut̤ bī (?) sapphire
exceedingly delicate, and an elephant without tusks with silver housings. As
it was handsome-looking and of good shape, it was put among my private
elephants. On the bank of the Kānkrīya tank a sanyāsī, one of the most
austere sects of Hindus, had made a hut after the dervish manner, and lived
as a hermit. As I was always inclined to associate with dervishes, I hastened
without ceremony to interview him, and for a while enjoyed his society. He
was not wanting in information and reasonableness, and was well informed
according to the rules of his own faith in the doctrines of Sufism. He had
conformed to the ways of people of religious poverty and mortification, and
given up all desires and ambitions. One might say that a better than he of
his class was never seen.

On Monday, the 21st (Amurdād), the sāras, the pairing of which has been
related in the preceding pages, collected together some straw and rubbish in
the little garden, and laid first of all one egg. On the third day (afterwards) it
laid a second egg. This pair of sāras were caught when they were a month
old,58 and had been in my establishment for five years. After five and a half
years they paired, and continued doing so for a month; on the 21st of the
month of Amurdād, which the Hindus call Sāwan (Srāvan) the hen laid the
eggs. The female used to sit on the eggs the whole night alone, and the male
stood near her on guard. It was so alert that it was impossible for any living
thing to pass near her. Once a large weasel made its appearance, and he ran
at it with the greatest impetuosity, and did not stop until the weasel got into
a hole. When the sun illuminated the world with his rays, the male went to

the female and pecked her back with his beak. The female then rose, and the
male sate in her place. She returned, and in the same manner made him rise,
and seated herself. In short, the female sits the whole night, and takes care
of the eggs, and by day the male and female sit by turns. When they rise and
sit down they take great precautions that no harm shall come to the eggs.

During this season, as there was still some of the hunting time left, Gajpat
K., the darogha, and Balūch K., the head huntsman, had been left to hunt
elephants, to catch as many as they possibly could. In the same manner the
huntsmen of my son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, had also been employed. On this day they
came and waited on me. Altogether 185 elephants had been caught, male
and female: of these, 73 were males and 112 females. Out of these, 47
males and 75 females, or 122, the imperial huntsmen and faujdārs had
secured, while the huntsmen and elephant-drivers of my son, S͟ hāh-Jahān,
had taken 26 males and 37 females, or 63 altogether.

On Thursday, the 24th, I went to see the Bāg͟ h-i-Fatḥ,59 and spent two days
there in enjoyment and pleasure. At the end of the day on Saturday I
returned to the palace. As Āṣaf K. had represented that his ḥawīlī (house)
garden was exceedingly green and pleasant, and all sorts of flowers and
scented plants had bloomed there, at his request I went to it on Mubārak-
s͟ hamba (Thursday), the 31st. In truth, it was a very nice villa, and I was
much pleased. His offering of jewels and jewelled things, and cloth, of the
value of Rs. 35,000, was accepted. Muz̤ affar K. was favoured with a dress
of honour and an elephant, and, as before, was entrusted with the charge of
the government of Thatta (Sind). My brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās sent a letter with
some trifling presents by ʿAbdu-l-Karīm of Gīlān, who had come with
merchandise from Īrān. On this day I presented him with a dress of honour
and an elephant, and gave him leave to return, and sent an answer to the
Shah’s letter with a memorandum. K͟ hān ʿĀlam was also honoured with a
gracious farman and a special dress of honour. Friday was the 1st of the
month of S͟ hahrīwar. From Sunday, the 3rd, till the eve of Thursday (the
7th) rain fell. It is strange that on other days the pair of sāras sate on the
eggs five or six times in turn, but during this twenty-four hours, when there
was constant rain and the air was somewhat cold, the male, in order to keep
the eggs warm, sate from early in the morning until midday, and from that

time until the next morning the female sat without an interval, for fear that
in rising and sitting again the cold air should affect them, and the eggs
become wet and be spoilt. Briefly, men are led by the guidance of Reason,
and animals according to the Divine wisdom implanted in them by Nature.
Stranger still is it that at first they keep their eggs together underneath the
breast, and after fourteen or fifteen days have passed they leave a little
space between them, for fear the heat should become too great from their
contact with each other. Many become addled in consequence of (too great)
heat.

On Thursday, the 7th, with great joy and congratulation, the advance camp
was started towards Agra. The astrologers and astronomers had already
fixed the auspicious hour for the march. As excessive rain fell, the main
camp could not cross the river of Maḥmūdābād (the Vātrak) and the Māhī at
this hour. Out of necessity, the advanced camp was started at the appointed
hour, and the 21st S͟ hahrīwar60 was fixed for the march of the main camp.

My son S͟ hāh-Jahān took upon himself the responsibility of the conquest of
the fort of Kāngṛa, over which the noose of victory had not been thrown by
any of the Sultans of lofty dignity, and an army under the leadership of Rāja
Sūraj Mal, s. Rāja Bāso, and Taqī, who was one of his attached servants,
had before this been sent for that purpose. It was now clear that the
conquest could not be achieved by the force that had been previously
appointed. Rāja Bikramājīt,61 who was one of his principal officers, with
2,000 horse who were present of his private attendants, and a force of
Jahāngīrī servants, such as S͟ hāh-bāz K. Lodī, Hardī Narāyan Hāḍā, Rāy
Prithī Chand, and the sons of Rām Chand, with 200 mounted musketeers
and 500 foot-musketeers (topchī, perhaps cannoniers), in addition to the
force that had previously been sent, were appointed to the duty. As the hour
for departure was fixed on this day, the aforesaid (Bikramājīt) presented as
an offering a rosary of emeralds of the value of Rs. 10,000. He was
honoured with the gift of a dress of honour and a sword, and took his leave
for this duty. As he had not a jagir in that Subah, my son S͟ hāh-Jahān asked
for him as a jagir the pargana of Barhāna (?),62 the revenue of which was
2,200,000 of dams, which63 he himself (? S͟ hāh-Jahān) held in inʿām.64
K͟ hwāja Taqī, the Dīwān-i-Buyūtāt, who had been appointed to the Dīwānī

of the Deccan, was honoured with the title of Muʿtaqid65 K., a dress of
honour, and an elephant. I appointed Himmat K. to the faujdārship of the
Sarkar of Bharūch (Broach) and that neighbourhood, with the gift of a horse
and a special parm narm (shawl), and despatched him. The pargana of
Bharūch (Broach) was also bestowed on him as jagir. Rāy Prithī Chand,
who had been nominated for service at Kāngṛa, was promoted to the rank of
700 and 450 horse. As the anniversary of S͟ haik͟ h Muḥammad G͟ haus̤ 66 had
arrived, I gave his sons 1,000 darbs (Rs. 500) for its expense. Muz̤ affar, s.
Bahāduru-l-mulk, who was attached to the Deccan, was given the manṣab
of 1,000 personal and 500 horse.

As the events of twelve years of Jahāngīr-nāma have been recorded, I
ordered67 the clerks of my private library to make one volume of these
twelve years, and to prepare a number of copies so that I might give them to
my special servants, and that they might be sent to the various cities, so that
administrators (arbāb-i-daulat) and the auspicious might adopt them as their
code. On Friday, the 8th,68 one of the news-writers had written the whole
and made a volume, which he produced to me. As it was the first copy that
had been prepared, I gave it to my son S͟ hāh-Jahān, whom I consider to be
in all respects the first of my sons. On the back of it I wrote with my own
hand that I had given it him on a certain day and at a certain place. I hope
that the favour of the receipt of those writings which are intended for the
satisfaction of the creature and for supplication to the Creator may be a
cause of good fortune.

On Tuesday, the 12th, Subḥān Qulī, huntsman, was brought to punishment.
The details of this are that he is the son of Ḥājī Jamāl Balūch, who was my
father’s best huntsman, and after his (the King’s) death, he entered the
service of Islām K., and went with him to Bengal. Islām K͟ hān, on account
of his (Subḥān Qulī’s) connection with this Court, showed him proper
consideration, and considering him trustworthy always kept him near him
when travelling or hunting. ʿUs̤ mān, the Afghan, who for many years
passed his days in that Subah in disobedience and stubbornness, and the end
of whose affairs has been recorded in the preceding pages, being much
troubled by Islām K͟ hān, sent someone to this wretch, and made proposals
for his murdering Islām. He undertook the business, and associated two or

three other men with himself. By chance, before the futile idea of this
ungrateful fellow was carried into execution, one of them came and
informed him (Islām K.). Islām K. immediately seized and imprisoned the
scoundrel. After the latter’s death he came to Court. As his brothers and
relatives were included among the huntsmen, he was also ordered to be
enrolled among them. At this time the son (Ikrām K.) of Islām K.
represented in an enigmatical way that he was unworthy of service near my
person. After explanation it appeared what the charge was. Notwithstanding
this, as his brothers strenuously represented that there was only suspicion,
and Balūch K., the head huntsman, became security for him, I forbore to put
him to death, and ordered him to do duty with Balūch K. In spite of this
grace and the gift of his life, without cause or motive he fled from the
Court, and went to Agra and that neighbourhood. Balūch K., having become
his security, was ordered to produce him. He sent people to inquire for him.
In one of the villages of Agra, which was not wanting in sedition, and is
called Jahanda,69 the brother of Balūch K͟ hān, who had gone to make
inquiries, found him, and although he endeavoured to bring him by
persuasion to Court, he would in no way consent, and the people rose to
assist him.

Being without remedy, he (the brother) went to K͟ hwāja Jahān at Agra, and
told him the circumstances. He sent a detachment against that village to
take him by force and bring him. The people of the village, seeing their own
ruin in the mirror of the case, handed him over to him. This day he came to
Court in chains. I gave an order for his execution. The man of wrath (the
executioner) took him to the place of punishment with all haste. After a
while, through the intercession of one of the courtiers, I gave him his life,
and ordered his feet to be cut off, but according to his destiny (what was
written on his head) before the order arrived he had been punished.
Although that doomed man was deserving of punishment, yet I regretted70
the circumstance, and directed that whenever an order was given for
anyone’s execution, notwithstanding that the command were imperative,
they should wait till sunset before putting him to death. If up to that time no
order for release arrived, he should without fail be capitally punished.

On Sunday there was a great commotion in the River Māhī, and very large
waves were visible. Although there formerly had been (great) rains, yet
such violence, or even the half of it, had never been known. From the
beginning of the day the flood began to come, and at the end of the day
began to decrease. Old inhabitants of this city represented that once, during
the government of Murtaẓā K. (Farīd Buk͟ hārī), a similar great flood had
occurred. But with that exception they did not remember another such
flood.

In these days mention was made of an ode by Muʿizzī,71 the panegyrist of
Sult̤ ān Sanjar, and his Poet-laureate. It is a very smooth and equable72
composition. It begins thus:

“O thou whose commands heaven obeys
Ancient Saturn is the slave of thy young Fortune.”

Saʿīdā,73 the chief goldsmith, has a poetical temperament and he imitated
this ode, and presented his paraphrase to me. It was very well composed.
The following are some verses from it:

“O thou, of whose threshold the nine spheres are an examplar
Aged Time hath grown young in thy reign
Thy heart is bounteous as the Sun, and like it needs no cause (for bounty).
All lives are devoted to thy gracious heart
Heaven is but a green74 orange from the garden of Power
Tossed by thy gardener into the atmosphere,
O God, Thy essence has shone from eternity
The souls of all the saints receive light from Thine,
O king, may the world ever be at thy beck,
May thy S͟ hāh-Jahān ever rejoice in thy shade
O Shadow of God, may the world be filled with thy light
May the Light of God ever be thy canopy.”

On Mubārak-s͟ hamba, the 14th, in reward for this ode, I ordered Saʿīdā to
be weighed against money (zar, perhaps gold). At the end of the day I went

to walk about the garden of Rustam-bārī,75 which appeared to me very
green and pleasant. Sitting in a boat in the evening, I returned to the palace.

On Friday, the 15th, a Mullā of the name of Amīrī, an old man, came from
Mā-warāʾa-n-nahr (Transoxiana), and had the good fortune to kiss the
threshold. He represented to me that he was one of the ancient (servants) of
ʿAbdu-llah K͟ hān Uzbeg, and from the days of infancy76 and youth was
brought up by the K͟ hān until his death. He had been included among his old
servants, and had been a confidential friend.77 After the death of the K͟ hān
until now he had passed his days respected in that country. He had left his
native country with a view to visit the blessed house (Mecca), and had
come to pay his respects to me. I made him free to remain or go. He asked
to remain in attendance on me for some days. Rs. 1,000 for expenses and a
dress of honour were given him. He is an old man of very pleasing face, and
full of talk and anecdote. My son S͟ hāh-Jahān also gave him Rs. 500 and a
robe of honour.

In the middle of the garden of K͟ hurram (S͟ hāh-Jahān’s) residence there is a
bench and a reservoir. On one side78 of that bench there is a Mūlsarī-tree
(Mimusops elengi) against which to lean the back. As in one side of its
trunk there was a hollow to the extent of three-fourths of a yard, it had an
ugly look. I ordered them to cut a tablet of marble and fix it firmly in that
place, so that one could lean one’s back on it and sit there. At this time an
impromptu couplet came to my tongue, and I ordered the stone-cutters to
engrave it on that stone, that it might remain as a memento on the page of
time. This is the couplet:

“The seat of the S͟ hāh of the seven worlds (kis͟ hwar),
Jahāngīr, son of Akbar S͟ hāhins͟ hāh.

On the eve of Tuesday,79 the 19th, a bazaar was arranged in the private
palace. Up to this time the custom has been for the people of the bazaar and
the artificers of the city in every place to bring their shops according to
order into the courtyard of the palace (royal abode, whether in camp or
elsewhere), and bring jewels and jewelled things and various kinds of cloth
and other goods such as are sold in the bazaar. It occurred to me that if a

bazaar were prepared in the night-time, and a number of lamps were
arranged in front of the shops, it would look well. Undoubtedly it came off
well and was unusual. Going round all the shops, whatever jewels and
jewelled things pleased me I bought. I gave some present from each shop to
Mullā Amīrī, and he received so many things that he was unable to hold
them.

On Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday) the 21st of the Divine month of
S͟ hahrīwar, in the thirteenth year from my accession, corresponding with the
22nd Ramaẓān (September 2, 1618), in the Hijrī year 1027, when two and a
half hours of day had passed, in prosperity and happiness, the standards of
purpose turned towards the capital of Agra. From the palace as far as the
Kānkrīya tank, the place of alighting, I passed along in the usual manner,
scattering money (nis̤ ār-kunān). On the same day the feast of my solar
weighment took place, and according to solar reckoning the fiftieth year of
the age of his suppliant at the throne of God commenced auspiciously.
According to my usual rule I weighed myself against gold and other
valuables. I scattered pearls and golden roses, and looking at night at the
show of lamps passed my time in the private apartments of the royal abode
in enjoyment. On Friday, the 22nd, I ordered that all the S͟ haik͟ hs and men of
piety who lived in the city should be brought in order that they might break
their fast80 in attendance on me. Three nights were passed after this manner,
and every night at the end of the meeting I stood up and recited with the
tongue of ecstasy:

“Thou art the mighty One, O Lord,
Thou art the cherisher of rich and poor;
I’m not a world-conqueror or law-giver,
I’m one of the beggars at this gate.
Help me in what is good and right,
Else what good comes from me to any one?
I’m a master81 to my servants,
To the Lord I’m a loyal servant.”

All the Faqirs who as yet had not waited on me prayed for allowances.
According to their merits I gave to each of them land or money for

expenses, and gratified them.

On the eve of Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday) the 21st, the sāras hatched one
young one, and on the eve of Monday, the 25th, a second: that is, one young
one was hatched after thirty-four82 days, and the other after thirty-six days.
One might say that they were one-tenth83 larger than the young of a goose,
or equal to the young of the peafowl at the age of a month. Their skin was
of a blue colour. On the first day they ate nothing, and from the second day
the mother, taking small locusts (or grasshoppers) in her mouth, sometimes
fed them like a pigeon, or sometimes like a fowl threw them before them
for them to pick up of themselves. If the locust were small, it went off well,
but if it were large, she sometimes made two or three pieces of it so that the
young ones might eat it with ease. As I had a great liking for seeing them I
ordered them to be brought before me with every precaution that no harm
might happen to them. After I had seen them I ordered them to be taken
back to the same little garden inside the royal enclosure, and to be
preserved with the greatest care, and that they should be brought to me
again whenever they were able to walk.

On this day Ḥakīm Rūḥu-llah was exalted with the gift of Rs. 1,000.
Badīʿu-z-zamān, s. M. S͟ hāhruk͟ h, came from his jagir and waited on me. On
Tuesday, the 26th, marching from the Kānkrīya tank, I halted at the village
of Kaj.84 On Wednesday, the 27th, I pitched my camp on the bank of the
river at Maḥmūdābād called the Īzak85 (now called Meshva). As the water
and air of Aḥmadābād were very bad, Maḥmūd Bīgara, by the advice of his
physicians, founded a city on the bank of the aforesaid river and lived there.
After he conquered Chāmpāner, he made that place his capital, and until the
time of Maḥmūd the martyred86 the rulers of Gujarat chiefly lived there.
This Maḥmūd was the last of the Sultans of Gujarat, and he took up his
residence at Maḥmūdābād. Undoubtedly the water and air of Maḥmūdābād
have no resemblance to those of Aḥmadābād. By way of testing this I
ordered them to hang up a sheep on the bank of the Kānkrīya tank after
taking off its skin, and at the same time one at Maḥmūdābād, that the
difference of the air might be ascertained. It happened that after seven
gharīs of day had passed in that place (Aḥmadābād) they hung up the

sheep. When three gharīs of day remained it became so changed and putrid
that it was difficult to pass near it. They hung up the sheep at Maḥmūdābād
in the morning, and it was altogether unchanged until the evening, and
began to be putrid when one and a half watches of night had passed.
Briefly, in the neighbourhood of Aḥmadābād it became putrid in eight
sidereal hours, and in Maḥmūdābād in fourteen hours.

On Thursday, the 28th, Rustam K., whom my son of prosperous fortune,
S͟ hāh-Jahān, had appointed to the charge and government of Gujarat, was
honoured with the gift of an elephant, a horse, and a special parm narm
(shawl), and given leave to depart, and the Jahāngīrī officers who were
attached to that Subah were presented with horses and dresses of honour
according to the rank and standing of each. On Friday, 29th S͟ hahrīwar,
corresponding with 1st Shawwāl, Rāy Bihārī was honoured with the
bestowal of a dress of honour, a jewelled sword and a special horse, and
took leave to go to his native place. His sons were also honoured with
horses and dresses of honour. On Saturday I ordered Sayyid Muḥammad,
grandson87 (?) of S͟ hāh ʿĀlam, to ask for whatever he desired without
concealment, and I took an oath on the Qoran to this effect. He said that as I
had sworn on the Qoran he would ask for a Qoran that he might always
have it by him, and that the merit of reading it might accrue to His Majesty.
Accordingly, I gave the Mīr a Qoran in Yāqūt’s88 handwriting. It was a
small, elegant89 volume, and was the wonder of the age. On the back of it I
wrote with my own hand that I had made this gift on a certain day and in a
certain place to Sayyid Muḥammad. The real reason for this is that the Mīr
is of an exceedingly good disposition, endowed with personal nobility and
acquired excellencies, of good manners and approved ways, with a very
pleasing face and open forehead. I have never seen a man of this country of
such a pleasing disposition as the Mīr. I told him to translate this Qoran into
plain language without ornament, and that without occupying himself with
explanations or fine language he90 should translate the Qoran in simple
language (lughāt-i-rīk͟ hta) word by word into Persian, and should not add
one letter to its exact purport. After he had completed it he should send it by
his son Jalālu-d-dīn Sayyid to the Court. The Mīr’s son is also a young man
of external and internal intelligence. The signs of piety and blessedness are

distinct on his forehead. The Mīr is proud of his son, and in truth he is
worthy, as he is an excellent youth. As I had repeatedly shown kindness to
the holy men of Gujarat, according to their merits, I again bestowed on each
cash and jewels, and dismissed them to their homes.

As the climate91 of this country was not suited to my temperament, the
physicians thought it right that I should decrease somewhat my usual
number of cups. According to their advice I began to decrease their number,
and in the course of a week reduced them by the weight of one cup. At first
it was six cups every evening, each cup being 7½ tola, or altogether 45
tolas. The wine was usually mixed with water. Now I drank six cups, each
of which was 6 tolas and 3 mās͟ has,92 altogether 37½ tolas.

Sixteen or seventeen years ago I had vowed with my God at Allahabad that
when I reached fifty I would give up shooting with gun and bullet, and
would injure no living thing with my own hand. Muqarrab K., who was one
of my confidants, knew of my determination. At this date I have reached the
commencement of my fiftieth year, and one day, in consequence of
excessive fever (dūd u buk͟ hār) my breath was short and I was very unwell.
While in this condition the compact I had made with my God came, by
Divine inspiration, into my mind, and I resolved that when my fiftieth year
was completed and the period of fulfilling my vow had arrived, I would, on
the day93 on which I visited my father’s tomb—may the light of God be his
testimony—by God’s help, seek the confirmation of my resolve from my
father’s holy elements, and renounce the practice (of shooting). As soon as
this thought occurred to me, my illness and trouble disappeared. I revived,
and opened my mouth to praise God, and tasted the joy of thanksgiving for
His mercies. I hope that I shall be sustained.

“How well said Firdūsī of pure nature
May mercy rest on that (his) pure tomb.

“Ah! spare yon emmet94 rich in hoarded grain,
He lives with pleasure, and he dies with pain.”

On Thursday, the 4th of the Divine month, Sayyid Kabīr and Bak͟ htar K.,
the Wakils of ʿĀdil K., who had brought his offering to the exalted Court,
obtained leave to return. Sayyid Kabīr was honoured with a dress of honour,
a horse, and a jewelled dagger, and Bak͟ htar K. with a horse, a dress of
honour, and a jewelled ūrbasī,95 which the people of that country (the
Deccan?) wear round their necks, and a present of 6,000 darbs was given to
each of them for expenses.

As ʿĀdil K. was constantly asking for a likeness of myself through my
prosperous son S͟ hāh-Jahān, I sent him one with a ruby of great value and a
special elephant. A gracious farman was issued that he should be presented
with whatever territory of Niz̤ āmu-l-mulk or Qut̤ bu-l-mulk he might get
into his possession, and whenever he should require any support and
assistance, S͟ hāh-nawāz K. should prepare an army and appoint it to assist
him. In former days Niz̤ āmu-l-mulk was the largest of the rulers of the
Deccan, a superior whom all acknowledged, and whom they considered as
their eldest brother. At this period ʿĀdil K. did approved service, and was
honoured with the exalted title of “son.” I appointed him the head and
leader of the whole country of the Deccan, and wrote this quatrain on the
portrait with my own hand:

“O thou towards whom is always (turned) the eye of my kindness
Repose at ease under the shadow of my fortune.
I have sent thee my own portrait,
That thou mayest see me spiritually from my picture.”

My son S͟ hāh-Jahān sent Ḥakīm K͟ hūs͟ h-ḥāl, son of Ḥakīm Humām, who
was one of the excellent house-born ones of this Court, and from his early
years had been in my son’s service, in company with the Wakils of ʿĀdil K.
to convey to him the good news of the Jahāngīrī favour towards him. On the
same day Mīr Jumla was honoured with the duty of ʿArẓ-mukarrir. As
Kifāyat K., the Diwan of Gujarat, at the time when he was employed in the
Dīwānī of Bengal, in consequence of certain accidents, had lost property (az
sāmān uftāda), a sum of Rs. 15,000 was presented to him.

At this time two copies of the Jahāngīr-nāma that had been prepared were
laid before me. One of these I had some days previously given to the
Madāru-l-mulk (centre of the kingdom), Iʿtimādu-d-daula, and the other I
on this day bestowed on my (adopted) son (farzandī), Āṣaf K. On Friday,
the 5th, Bahrām, son of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟ hān, came from the province of
Bihar, and had the good fortune to pay his respects. He laid before me some
diamonds he had obtained from the mine of Kokra. Approved service had
not been performed in that province by Jahāngīr Qulī K., and it was also
frequently reported that certain of his brothers and sons-in-law had
stretched out the hand of tyranny in that country, and were oppressing the
servants of God (the people), and that each of them, cutting out a
governorship for himself, did not regard the authority of Jahāngīr Qulī. On
this account a farman written with my own hand was given to Muqarrab K.,
one of my confidential old servants, stating that he was appointed Governor
of Bihar. I ordered that immediately on receipt of the farman he should
hasten to that quarter. Some of the diamonds that Ibrāhīm Fatḥ-jang had
sent to Court after the taking of the mine had been given to the Government
lapidaries to cut. At this time Bahrām suddenly came to Agra, and was
going on to the Court (in Gujarat). K͟ hwāja Jahān (the Governor of Agra)
sent along with him some diamonds that were ready. One of them is of a
violet96 colour, and cannot be outwardly distinguished from a sapphire. Up
to this time I had not seen a diamond of this colour. It weighed several
surk͟ h,97 and jewellers estimated its value at Rs. 3,000, and represented that
if it had been white (safid) and had had perfect marks, it would have been
worth Rs. 20,000.

This year I had mangoes up to the 6th Mihr (middle of September). In this
country there is abundance of lemons (līmūn), and they are large (bālīda?).
A Hindu brought some from a garden called Kākū (or Gangū), which were
very pleasant and large (bālīda, perhaps ripe). I ordered them to weigh the
largest of them, and it came to 7 tolas.

On Saturday, the 6th, the Dasahrā festival took place. First, they decked out
my horses, and paraded them before me. After that they produced the
elephants, decorated in a similar way.

As the Māhī had not become fordable, so that the sublime camp could cross
it, and the climate of Maḥmūdābād was quite different (i.e., it was better)
from that of other stages, I remained here for ten more days. On Monday,
the 8th, I marched and encamped at Mūda.98 I had already sent K͟ hwāja
Abū-l-Ḥasan Bak͟ hs͟ hī with an active body of servants, such as boatmen, and
also oars,99 to make a bridge over the Māhī, with instructions not to wait till
it was fordable, so that the victorious camp might cross at ease. On
Tuesday, the 9th, there was a halt, and on Kams͟ hamba (Wednesday), the
10th, the camp was at the village of Aina.100

At first the male sāras used to hold its young one by its leg upside down in
his beak, and there was a fear that he might be unkind to it and it might be
destroyed. I accordingly ordered them to keep the male separately, and not
allow it near its young ones. I now ordered by way of experiment that it
should be allowed near them, that the real degree of its unkindness and
affection might be ascertained. After allowing it, he displayed much
attachment and kindness, and his affection was found to be no less than that
of the female; I thus knew that this performance was out of real love. On
Thursday, the 11th, there was a halt, and at the end of the day I went to hunt
with cheetahs, and two black buck, four does, and a chikāra were caught.
On Sunday, the 14th, I also went to hunt with cheetahs, and caught fifteen
head of male and female antelopes. I had ordered Rustam and Suhrāb101
K͟ hān, his son, to go out hunting and shoot as many nilgaw as they could.
The father and son together killed seven head, male and female. As it was
represented to me that there was a tiger in this neighbourhood, a man-killer
that had taken to eating men’s flesh, and the people of God were afflicted
by it, I ordered my son S͟ hāh-Jahān to save them from its wickedness. He, as
ordered, shot it with his gun, and brought it to me at night. I ordered them to
skin it in my presence. Although large in appearance, as it was thin, it
turned out less in weight than the large tigers I had myself killed. On
Monday, the 15th, and Tuesday, the 16th, I went to shoot nilgaw, and on
each day shot two blue bulls. On Thursday, the 18th, on the bank of a tank
at which I pitched, a feast of cups was held. Rare lotus (kanwal) flowers
had blossomed on the face of the water. My private servants enjoyed
themselves greatly with cups of wine. Jahāngīr Qulī had sent twenty

elephants from Bihar, and Muruwwat K. eight from Bengal, and these were
brought before me. One of Jahāngīr Qulī’s and two of Muruwwat’s were
placed in my private stud, and the rest were divided amongst my followers.
Mīr K., s. Mīrzā Abū-l-Qāsim Namakīn, who was one of the khanazads of
this Court, was promoted to the mansab, original and increased, of 800
personal and 600 horse. Qiyām K. was appointed to the duty of chief
huntsman, and had given him the rank of 600 personal and 150 horse.
ʿĪzzat102 K., one of the Bārha Sayyids, who was distinguished for bravery
and ambition, is attached to the province of Bangash. At the request of
Mahābat K., the Governor of that Subah, he was promoted to the mansab of
1,500 personal and 800 horse. Kifāyat K., Diwan of Gujarat, had an
elephant given him, and was allowed to depart. I conferred a sword on Ṣafī
K., Bakhshi of that Subah. On Friday, the 19th, I went to hunt, and killed a
blue bull. I do not remember a bullet passing through a large male nilgaw.
Many have passed through females. On this day, at a distance of forty-five
paces (qadam), it went through both skins. In the language of hunters a
qadam means two feet (gām103) placed one in front of the other. On Sunday,
the 21st, I enjoyed myself with hawking, and ordered Mīrzā Rustam, Dārāb
K., Mīr Mīrān, and other servants to go and shoot as many nilgaw as they
could. They killed nineteen head, male and female. Ten head of antelope
were also caught with cheetahs. Ibrāhīm K., Bakhshi of the Deccan, was, at
the request of the Commander-in-Chief, K͟ hān K͟ hānān, promoted to the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 200 horse. On Monday, the 22nd, a march
was made, and on Tuesday, the 23rd, I again marched. The huntsmen
represented that there had been seen in the neighbourhood a tigress with
three cubs. As it was on the road I went myself after them and shot all four,
and then went on to the next stage. I crossed the Māhī by the bridge that had
been made. Though there were no boats on this river of which a bridge
could be made, and the water was very deep and flowing rapidly, K͟ hwāja
Abū-l-Ḥasan, the chief Bakhshi, had built with great exertions a very strong
bridge two or104 three days before. Its length was 140 yards and its breadth
4 yards (daraʿ). By way of testing it I ordered the elephant Gun Sundar
K͟ hāṣṣ which is one of the large and strong elephants, with three females, to
be sent across it. It was so firmly built that its supports did not shake with
the weight of elephants of mountainous form.

From the most honoured lips of my father I heard as follows: “In early
youth I had taken two or three cups (of wine), and had mounted a full-
blooded (mast) elephant. Though I was in my senses, and the elephant in
very good training, and was under my control, I pretended that I was out of
my senses, and that the elephant was refractory and vicious, and that I was
making him charge the people. After that, I sent for another elephant, and
made the two fight. They fought, and in doing so went to the head of the
bridge that had been made over the Jumna. It happened that the other
elephant ran away, and as there was no other escape, he went towards the
bridge. The elephant I was on pursued him, and although I had him under
control, and he would have halted at the slightest signal, I thought that if I
held him back from the bridge the people would regard those drunken ways
(of mine) as a sham, and would believe that neither was I beside myself, nor
was the elephant violent and headstrong. Such pretences on the part of
kings are disapproved of, and so after imploring the aid of God—Glory be
to Him—I did not restrain my elephant. Both of them went upon the bridge,
and as it was made of boats, whenever an elephant put his forefeet on the
edge of a boat, half of it sank, and the other half stood up. At each step there
came the thought that the lashings might give way. People on seeing this
were overwhelmed in the sea of perplexity and alarm. As the care and
guardianship of the Great and Glorious God is ever and in all places the
protection of this suppliant, both elephants crossed the bridge in safety.”105

On Thursday, the 25th, a wine-feast was held on the banks of the Māhī, and
some of my intimate servants who had admittance to such assemblies had
their hearts delighted by brimming cups and ample favours. Certainly it was
an entrancing halting-ground. I stayed here four days for two reasons—first,
because of the beauty of the spot, and secondly in order that the people
might not be confused in crossing the river.

On Sunday, the 28th, I marched from the bank of the Māhī. On Monday I
marched again. On this day a strange sight was witnessed. The pair of sāras
that had had young ones had been brought from Aḥmadābād on Thursday
(the 25th). In the Court of the royal enclosure, which had been placed on
the bank of a tank, they were walking about with their young ones. By
chance both the male and female raised a cry, and a pair of wild sāras

hearing it, and crying out from the other side of the tank, came flying
towards them. The male with the male, and the female with the female,
engaged in a fight, and although some people were standing about, the birds
paid no heed to them. The eunuchs who had been told off to protect them
hastened to seize them. One clung to the male and the other to the female.
He who had caught the male kept hold of it after much struggling, but the
one who seized the female could not hold her, and she escaped from his
hand. I with my own hand put rings in his beak and on his legs, and set him
free. Both went and settled in their own place.106 Whenever the domestic
sāras raised a cry they responded. I saw a sight of this kind in wild
antelopes when I had gone to hunt in the pargana of Karnāl. About thirty of
my huntsmen and servants were in attendance when a black buck with some
does came in sight, and we let loose the decoy-antelope107 to fight him.
They butted two or three times, and then the decoy came back. A second
time I wanted to put a noose on its horns and to let it go, that it might
capture (the wild one). Meanwhile the wild antelope, in the excess of its
rage, not looking at the crowd of men, ran without regard to anything, and
butting the tame buck two or three times fought with it till it fled. The wild
antelope thereupon made its escape.

On this day news came of the death of ʿInāyat K. He was one of my
intimate attendants. As he was addicted to opium, and when he had the
chance, to drinking as well, by degrees he became maddened with wine. As
he was weakly built, he took more than he could digest, and was attacked
by the disease of diarrhœa, and in this weak state he two or three times
fainted. By my order Ḥakīm Ruknā applied remedies, but whatever
methods were resorted to gave no profit. At the same time a strange hunger
came over him, and although the doctor exerted himself in order that he
should not eat more than once in twenty-four hours, he could not restrain
himself. He also would throw108 himself like a madman on water and fire
until he fell into a bad109 state of body. At last he became dropsical, and
exceedingly low and weak. Some days before this he had petitioned that he
might go to Agra. I ordered him to come into my presence and obtain leave.
They put him into a palanquin and brought him. He appeared so low and
weak that I was astonished.

“He was skin drawn over bones.”

Or rather his bones, too, had dissolved. Though painters have striven much
in drawing an emaciated face, yet I have never seen anything like this, nor
even approaching to it. Good God, can a son of man come to such a shape
and fashion? These two couplets of Ustād110 occurred as appropriate:

“If my shadow do not hold my leg
I shall not be able to stand till the Resurrection
Nor, from weakness, does my soul see a refuge
Where it may for a while rest on my lips.”

As it was a very extraordinary case I directed painters to take his portrait. In
fact, I found him wonderfully changed. I said to him: “Beware; in your
present state do not for a moment forget God, nor despair of His mercy! If
Death grant you quarter (amān), regard the reprieve as a time for
apologizing and for amendment. If your life has come to its close, consider
every moment passed in remembrance of God as gain. Trouble not your
head about those you are leaving behind. A slight claim of service is a great
thing with us.” As they had spoken to me about his poverty, I gave him Rs.
2,000 for road-expenses, and let him go. Next day he travelled the road of
non-existence.

On Tuesday, the 30th, the bank of the River Mānab111 became the halting-
place for the sublime camp. The New Year’s112 feast of Thursday was
prepared at this place on the 2nd of the Ilāhī month of Ābān. Amānu-llah, s.
Mahābat K., at his request, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal
and 300113 horse, and Girdhar, s. Rāy Sāl, to that of 1,000 personal and 800
horse. ʿAbdu-llah, son of K͟ hān Aʿz̤ am, obtained the mansab of 1,000
personal and 300 horse. Dilīr K., who was one of the jagirdars of Gujarat, I
presented with a horse and an elephant. Ran-bāz K., s. S͟ hāh-bāz K. Kāmbū,
came by order from the Deccan, and was promoted to the post of Bakhshi
and Recorder of the army of Bangas͟ h, and his mansab was fixed at 800
personal and 400 horse. I marched on Friday, the 3rd. At this stage114 Prince
S͟ hujāʿ, the beloved son (liver-corner) of my son S͟ hāh-Jahān, who was
being brought up in the chaste lap of Nūr-Jahān Begam, and towards whom

I have so much affection that he is dearer to me than life, was attacked by a
specially infantile disease which they call “ummu-ṣ-ṣibyān,”115 and for a
long time his senses left him. Although experienced people devised many
remedies, they were unprofitable, and his insensibility (bī-hūs͟ hī) took away
my senses (hūs͟ h). As visible remedies were hopeless, by way of humility
and submission I rubbed the head of supplication on the Court of the
gracious Ruler who cherishes his slaves, and begged for the child’s
recovery. In this state it occurred to me that as I had made a vow116 to my
God that after I had passed my fiftieth year, this suppliant would give up
hunting with bullet and gun, and would injure no creature with his own
hand, if for the sake of his safety I were to give up shooting from the
present date, it were possible that his life would become the means of
preserving the lives of many animals, and God Almighty might give him to
me. In fine, with true purpose, and sincere belief I vowed117 to God that I
would thenceforward not harm any living thing with my own hand. By the
grace of Allah his illness diminished. At the time when this suppliant was in
his mother’s womb, one day I made no movement after the manner that
other children make. The attendants were amazed, and inquiring into the
cause stated the case to my father (Akbar). At that time my father was
engaged in hunting with cheetahs. As that day was a Friday, for the purpose
of my safety he made a vow that during his life he would not hunt with
cheetahs on a Friday. Till the end of his life he remained firm in this
determination, and I also in obedience to him until now have never hunted
with cheetahs on a Friday. Finally, on account of the weakness of the light
of my eye, S͟ hāh S͟ hujāʿ, for three days I halted at this stage, that God
Almighty might give him his natural118 life.

On Tuesday, the 7th, I marched. One day the son of Ḥakīm119 ʿĀlī was
praising the milk of a camel. It occurred to me that if I could continue that
for some days, it was possible that it might do some good, and it might
prove agreeable to me. Āṣaf K͟ hān had a Persian camel in milk, and I took a
little of it. Contrary to the milk of other camels, which is not devoid of
saltness, it appeared to my taste sweet and delicious, and now for a month
past I have been drinking every day a cup of it, equal in quantity to half a
water-cup, and it is clearly advantageous, for it quenches my thirst. It is

strange that two years ago Āṣaf K. bought this camel, but at that time it had
not a young one, and had no sign of milk. At this time by chance milk
flowed from its dugs. They gave it every day to drink four seers of cow’s
milk with five seers of wheat, one seer of black120 sugar, and one seer of
fennel (bādyān), to make its milk delicious, sweet, and profitable. Certainly
it suited me admirably, and was to my taste. By way of testing it, I sent for
some cow’s and buffalo’s milk, and tasted all three. There was no
comparison in sweetness and flavour with the milk of this camel. I ordered
them to give the same kind of food to some other female camels, that it
might become clear whether the purity was in consequence of eating good
food, or whether it was due to the natural sweetness of this (particular)
camel’s milk.121

On Wednesday, the 8th, I marched, and halted on the 9th. The royal tent was
pitched near a large tank. S͟ hāh-Jahān presented me with a boat made after
the Kashmīr fashion, the sitting-place of which they had made of silver. At
the end of that day I embarked in that boat and went round the tank. On this
day ʿĀbid K., Bakhshi of Bangas͟ h, who had been summoned, came and had
the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and was honoured with the post of
Dīwān-i-buyūtāt. Sar-farāz K͟ hān, who was one of the auxiliaries of Gujarat,
received a standard, a private tipchāq horse, and an elephant, and,
overwhelmed with honour, obtained leave to go. ʿĪzzat122 K͟ hān, who was
one of those attached to the army of Bangas͟ h, was exalted with the gift of a
standard. Marching was ordered on Friday, the 10th. Mīr Mīrān was
promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 600 horse. On Saturday, the
11th, the auspicious equipage alighted in the pargana of Doḥad. On the eve
of Sunday, the 12th of the Ilāhī month of Ābān, in the thirteenth year from
my accession, corresponding with the fifteenth Ẕī-l-Qaʿda of the Hijrī year
1027, in the nineteenth degree of Libra, the Giver of blessings gave my
prosperous son S͟ hāh-Jahān a precious son by the daughter of Āṣaf K. I
hope that his123 advent may be auspicious and blessed to this everlasting
State. Halting for three days at this place, on Wednesday,124 the 15th Ābān,
the camp was pitched at the village of S̤ amarna.125 As it was necessary that
the Mubārak-s͟ hamba entertainment should as far as possible be arranged
for on the bank of a river and a clean place, and there was in this

neighbourhood no spot which met those requirements, there was no help for
it but to order a start when half of the night of Thursday (i.e., Wednesday),
the 16th, had passed, and when the sun rose the camp was pitched on the
bank of the tank of Bākhūr. At the end of the day, the feast of cups was held
and I presented cups to some of my private servants. On Friday, the 17th, I
ordered a march. Kes͟ ho Dās Mārū is a jagirdar in that neighbourhood.
According to orders, he came from the Deccan, and was honoured by doing
homage.

On Saturday, the 18th (Ābān), the camp was at Rāmgaṛh. For some nights
before this there appeared, at three gharīs before sunrise, in the atmosphere,
a (luminous) vapour in the shape of a pillar.126 At each succeeding night it
rose a g͟ haṛī earlier. When it assumed its full form, it took the shape of a
spear (ḥarba), thin at the two ends, and thick in the middle. It was curved
like a sickle, and had its back to the south, and its face to the north. It now
showed itself a watch (pahar) before sunrise. Astronomers took its shape
and size by the astrolabe, and ascertained that with differences of
appearance (?) it extended over twenty-four degrees. It moved in high
heaven, but it had a movement of its own, differing from that of high
heaven, for it was first in Scorpio and afterwards in Libra. Its declination
(ḥarakat-i-ʿarẓ?) was mainly southerly. Astrologers call such a phenomenon
a spear (ḥarba) in their books, and have written that its appearance portends
weakness to the kings of Arabia, and points to their enemies prevailing over
them. God knows! Sixteen nights after this phenomenon, a star showed
itself in the same quarter. Its head was luminous, and its tail was two or
three yards long, but the tail was not luminous. It has now appeared for
eight nights; when it disappears, the fact will be noticed, as well as the
results of it.

I halted on Sunday, the 19th, and on Monday I alighted at the village of
Sītalkhera.127 On Tuesday, the 21st, there was again a halt. I presented
Ras͟ hīd K., the Afghan, with a robe of honour and an elephant, sending them
to him by Ran-bāz K. On Wednesday, the 22nd, the camp rested in pargana
Madanpūr.128 On Thursday, the 23rd, I halted and had a feast of cups, and
Dārāb K. had a nādirī dress of honour given to him. Halting on Friday, on
Saturday the camp was pitched in the pargana of Nawārī.129 On Sunday, the

26th, I pitched on the bank of the River Chambal, and on Monday on the
bank of the River Kahnar130 (?). On Tuesday, the 28th, the royal standards
were raised in the neighbourhood of the city of Ujain. From Aḥmadābād to
Ujain is a distance of ninety-eight kos. It was traversed in twenty-eight
marches and forty-one halts—that is, in two months and nine days. On
Wednesday, the 29th, I had an interview with Jadrūp, who is one of the
austere ones of the Hindu religion, and the particulars of whose
circumstances have been described in the preceding pages, and went with
him to see Kāliyādaha. Certainly association with him is a great privilege.

On this day it was made known to me in the contents of a report from
Bahādur K., the Governor of Qandahar, that in the Hijrī year 1026—that is,
last year—the number of mice in Qandahar and the neighbourhood was so
great that they destroyed all the crops and grain and cultivation and the
fruits of the trees of the province, so that there had been no produce. They
(the mice) cut off the ears of corn and ate them. When the cultivators
gathered their crops, before they were threshed and cleaned, another131 half
was destroyed, so that perhaps one-fourth of the crops only came to hand.
In the same way no vestige was left of the melons (melon-beds) or garden
produce. After some time the mice disappeared.

As my son S͟ hāh-Jahān had not made a birthday entertainment for his son
(Aurangzīb), he petitioned at Ujain, which is the place of his jagir, that the
Thursday entertainment of the 30th should be held at his abode. Of
necessity, having consented to the carrying out of his wish, the day was
passed in enjoyment at his quarters. My private servants who have the
entrée into this kind of parties and assemblies were delighted with
brimming cups. My son S͟ hāh-Jahān brought that auspicious child before
me, and, presenting as offerings a tray of jewels, and jewelled ornaments,
and fifty elephants, thirty male and twenty female, asked me for a name for
him. Please God it will be given him in a favourable hour. Of his elephants
seven were included in my private stud; the rest were distributed among the
faujdārs. The value of the offerings that were accepted will be Rs. 200,000.

On this day ʿAẓudu-d-daula (Jamālu-d-dīn Ḥusain Anjū) came from his
jagir, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. He gave eighty-one

muhars as naẕr, and an elephant as an offering. Qāsim K., whom I had
dismissed from the government of Bengal, had been sent for, and having
had the good fortune to do homage, presented 1,000 muhars as naẕr. On
Friday, the 1st of Āẕar, I amused myself with hawking. As the retinue
passed along, a field of millet (jwār) was met with. Though generally a
stem has only one head, each of them had twelve. I was astonished, and at
this time the tale of “The King and the Gardener” occurred to me.

Tale of “The King and the Gardener.”132

A King came to the gate of a garden in the heat of the day. He saw an old gardener standing
at the gate, and asked him if there were any pomegranates in the garden. He said: “There
are.” He told him to bring a cup of pomegranate juice. The gardener had a daughter
adorned with grace of person, and beauty of disposition. He made a sign to her to bring the
pomegranate juice. The girl went and at once brought a cup full of pomegranate juice, and
placed some leaves upon it. The King took it from her hand and drank it. Then he asked the
girl what was her reason for placing leaves on the top of the juice. She, with an eloquent
tongue and a sweet voice, represented that it was not wise at once to drink off a quantity of
liquid when he was bathed in perspiration, and in such a hot air. On this account she had
placed the leaves on the liquid by way of precaution, so that he might drink it slowly. The
King was greatly pleased with her sweet ways, and it crossed his mind to admit the girl
into his Palace. After this he asked the gardener: “How much profit do you derive from this
garden every year?” He answered: “Three hundred dīnārs.” The King asked: “What do you
pay the Diwan (tax-collector)?” He answered: “The King takes nothing from the trees, but
takes a tenth of the cultivated crops.” It came into the King’s mind that there were in his
dominions many gardens and countless trees. If he were to get a tenth of the garden
produce as well, it would amount to a large sum, and there would be no great loss to the
cultivator. Hereafter he would order a tax to be levied on garden produce. He said then:
“Bring me a little more pomegranate juice.” The girl went, and after a long time brought a
small quantity. The King said: “The first time thou camest quickly, and broughtest more.
This time thou didst stay a long time, and broughtest less.” The girl said: “The first time I
had filled the cup with the juice of one pomegranate, and brought it; this time I pressed out
five or six pomegranates and did not get as much juice.” The astonishment of the King
increased. The gardener represented: “The blessing of produce depends on the goodwill of
the King. It occurs to me that you must be a King. At the time when you inquired of me the
income from the garden, your disposition must have changed. Consequently the blessing
passed away from the fruit.” The Sultan was impressed, and drove that idea out of his
heart. He then said: “Bring me once more a cup of pomegranate juice.” The girl went
again, and quickly bringing a cup full to the brim, gave it, smiling and gladly, into the
Sultan’s hand. He praised the intelligence of the gardener, and explained the actual state of
affairs, and begged the girl of him in marriage, and married her.

This true tale of that truth-preserving King has remained as a memento on
the page of time. In truth, the manifestation of such spiritual (?)133 results is

the mark of good intentions, and the fruit of justice. Whenever all the
energies and purposes of justice-observing Kings are devoted to the comfort
of the people and the contentment of their subjects, the manifestations of
well-being and the productions of fields and gardens are not far off. God be
praised that in this age-enduring State no tax has ever been levied on the
fruit of trees, and is not levied now. In the whole of the dominion not a dām
nor one grain (ḥabba)134 on this account enters the public treasury, or is
collected by the State. Moreover, there is an order that whoever makes a
garden on arable land, its produce is exempted. I trust that God (to whom be
glory!) will always incline this suppliant towards what is good.

“When my purpose is good, do Thou grant me good.”135

On Saturday, for the second time, my desire for the company of Jadrūp
increased. After performing the midday devotions, I embarked in a boat and
hastened to meet him, and at the close of day I ran and enjoyed his society
in the retirement of his cell. I heard many sublime words of religious duties
and knowledge of divine things. Without immoderate praise, he sets forth
clearly the doctrines of wholesome Sufism, and one can find delight in his
society. He is sixty years old. He was twenty-two years of age, when,
forsaking all external attachments, he placed the foot of determination on
the highroad of asceticism, and for thirty-eight years he had lived in the
garment of nakedness. When I took leave he said: “In what language can I
return thanks for this gift of Allah that I am engaged in the reign of such a
just King in the worship of my own Deity in ease and contentment, and that
the dust of discomposure from any accident settles not on the skirt of my
purpose?”

On Sunday, the 3rd, marching from Kāliyādaha, I encamped at the village
of Qāsimkhera. I employed myself on the road in hawking. By chance a
crane rose, and the tūyg͟ hūn falcon, of which I am very fond, was let fly
after it. The crane sought to escape, and the falcon soared and flew so high
as to disappear from sight. Although the huntsmen and the head-beaters ran
after it in all directions, they found no trace of it, and it was impossible for
the falcon to be caught in such a desert. Las͟ hkar Mīr Kas͟ hmīrī, who is the
head of the Kashmir huntsmen, in whose charge the falcon was, ran in a

bewildered state through the desert in all directions without finding a sign
or trace. Suddenly he saw a tree in the distance, and when he went up to it
he found the falcon sitting on the end of a branch. Showing a domestic
fowl, he called to the falcon. Three gharīs more had not passed when he
brought it to me. This gift from the hidden world, that had entered into the
thoughts of no one, increased the joy of my mind. Increasing his mansab as
a reward for this service, I gave him a horse and a dress of honour.

On Monday, the 4th, Tuesday, the 5th, Wednesday, the 6th, I marched
continuously, and, halting on Thursday, the 7th, I arranged a feast of
pleasure on the bank of a tank. Nūr-Jahān Begam had been ill for some
time, and the physicians who had the good fortune to be chosen to attend on
her, Musulmans and Hindus, perceived no gain from all the medicines they
gave her, and confessed their helplessness in treating her. At this time
Ḥakīm Rūḥu-llah began to wait upon her, and undertook (to find) a remedy.
By the aid of God (Glory be to His name!), in a short time she quite
recovered. In reward for this excellent service I increased his mansab and
bestowed on the Ḥakīm three villages in his native country as his private
property, and an order was given that he should be weighed against silver,
which should be given him as a reward. From Friday, the 8th, until
Sunday,136 the 13th, I made successive marches, and every day up to the
end of the stage employed myself in hunting with hawks and falcons (bāz u
jurra). Many durrāj (partridges) were caught. On last Sunday, Kunwar
Karan, s. Rānā Amar Singh, having enjoyed the good fortune of kissing the
ground, presented his congratulations on the conquest of the Deccan,
offering 100 muhars and Rs. 1,000 by way of naẕr, and the value of Rs.
21,000 in jewelled vessels, with some horses and elephants as pīs͟ hkas͟ h. The
horses and elephants I returned to him, and the rest was accepted. The next
day I presented him with a dress of honour. To Mīr S͟ harīf, Vakil of Qut̤ bu-l-
mulk, and to Irādat K., the chief butler, an elephant each was given. Sayyid
Hizabr K. was given the faujdāri of Mewāt, and his mansab, original and
increased, was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse. Having selected
Sayyid Mubārak for the charge of the fort of Rohtās, I conferred on him the
mansab of 500 personal and 200 horse. On Thursday, the 14th, the camp
was pitched on the bank of the tank of the village of Sandhāra, and the feast
of cups was held, and chosen servants were made happy with cups of

pleasure. The birds of chase, “that had been shut up in Agra to moult” (ba-
kurīz basta būdand), were this day brought to me by K͟ hwāja ʿAbdu-l-Lat̤ īf,
the Chief Fowler. Picking out those that were fit for my own use, the rest
were given to the Amīrs and other servants.

On this day the news of the revolt and ingratitude for favours of Rāja Sūraj
Mal, s. Rāja Bāso, came to my ear. Bāso had several137 sons. Although the
above-mentioned was the eldest, his father mostly kept him in confinement
on account of his evil thoughts and mischievous tendencies, and regarded
him with displeasure. After his (Bāso’s) death, as this wretch was the eldest,
and he had no other capable or intelligent son, I, looking to the services
rendered by Rāja Bāso, for the purpose of preserving the family of a
Zamindar, and the protection of his hereditary property and country,
conferred on this wretch the title of Raja, with a mansab of 2,000, and gave
him the position and jagir of his father, which the latter had obtained by his
loyalty and good service. I also gave him the sums of money and goods that
his father had collected during long years. When the deceased Murtaẓā K.
was sent off on the duty of conquering Kāngṛa, as this wretch was the chief
Zamindar of that hill country, he outwardly displayed zeal in the service and
loyalty, and was nominated as an auxiliary. After he reached the spot,
Murtaẓā K. pressed the siege tightly against the garrison. This evil-minded
fellow discovered from the appearance of things that he would soon be
victorious, and began to disagree and be troublesome. He took off the veil
of respect from his face, and proceeded to quarrel and be hostile to Murtaẓā
K.’s men. Murtaẓā K. read the writing of misery and ruin on the page of the
wretch’s forehead, and reported unfavourably of him to the Court, or rather
wrote plainly that the signs of rebellion and want of loyalty were clear in
his conduct. As there was there such an officer as Murtaẓā K. and a large
army in the hill-country, the wretch did not find the time convenient for the
preparation of a disturbance. He sent a report to my son S͟ hāh-Jahān that
Murtaẓā K., at the instigation of interested parties, had turned against him,
and desired to overthrow and ruin him, and was accusing him of wrong-
doing and rebellion. He hoped that he would summon him to Court, and
thus provide a means for his escape and (the prolonging of) his life.
Although I had every confidence in the words of Murtaẓā K., yet as he
(Sūraj Mal) begged to be sent for to Court, a doubt passed into my mind

that possibly Murtaẓā K., at the instigation of seditious people, might cause
a confusion, and might have accused him without due reflection. Briefly, at
the request of my son S͟ hāh-Jahān, passing over his offence, I summoned
him (Sūraj Mal) to Court. Just at this time Murtaẓā K. died, and the
conquest of the fort of Kāngṛa was delayed till the dispatch of another
leader. When this seditious fellow arrived at Court, I, under the pressure of
affairs, rapidly encompassed him with favours and sent him off to do duty
with my son S͟ hāh-Jahān in the conquest of the Deccan. After this, when the
Deccan had come into the possession of the servants of the enduring State,
he, having acquired influence in my son’s service, was appointed to
superintend the taking of the fort of Kāngṛa. Although the sending back of
this ungrateful and untruthful one into that hill-country showed a want of
caution and care, yet as my son had taken on himself the responsibility of
the undertaking, I was obliged to give in to his wish and to leave the matter
to him. My fortunate son appointed him, along with one of his own servants
of the name of Taqī and a suitable army of manṣabdārs, aḥadīs, and royal
musketeers, as has already been related summarily in these pages. When he
arrived at the place, he began to show enmity and trickery toward Taqī also,
and displayed his natural disposition. He continually reported unfavourably
of him (Taqī), until he wrote plainly that he could not get on with him, and
that Taqī could not do the work. If another general were appointed, the fort
would be quickly conquered. In fine, he (S͟ hāh-Jahān) had no choice but to
summon Taqī to Court, and to appoint Rāja Bikramājīt, who was one of his
chief servants, with an army of fresh men on this service. When the wretch
discovered that his stratagems could no longer continue, and his deceit go
no farther, he, before the arrival of Bikramājīt, gave leave to a number of
the servants of the Court, on the pretence that they had been on service a
long time without proper arrangements (commissariat), to hasten to their
jagirs and provide themselves with their equipments before the arrival of
Rāja Bikramājīt. As palpably this came to a dispersion of the forces of the
loyal, and most of them left for their own jagirs, only a few experienced
men remained there. Seeing his opportunity, he showed the signs of revolt
and sedition. Sayyid Ṣafī Bārha, who was distinguished for his bravery,
with some of his brothers and relatives, advanced the feet of courage, and
tasted the wholesome draught of martyrdom, and some who were wounded
with severe wounds, which are the adornment of the lions of battle, that

rascal took captive from the field of strife and carried off to his own house
of calamity.138 Some from love139 of life hastily withdrew themselves to the
corner of safety. That rascal stretched out the hand of oppression and
possession over the parganas on the skirts of the hill-country (daman-i-kūh),
which mostly belonged to the jagir of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, and did not abate a
hair’s breadth from attacking and plundering. It is hoped that with the same
swiftness, he will be caught with the reward of his deeds and the
recompense of his actions, and that the spirit140 of this State will do its
work, please God!

On Sunday, the 17th, I crossed Ghāṭī Chānḍā. On Monday, the 18th, the
Jān-sipār Ātālīq K͟ hān-k͟ hānān, Commander-in-Chief, had the honour of
kissing the threshold. As he had been absent from my presence for a long
time, and the victorious retinue was passing by near the Sarkars of
Khandesh and Burhānpur, he asked to wait upon me, and an order was
given that if his mind were at ease in all respects, he should come
unattended and return quickly. He accordingly came with all speed, and had
the good fortune to pay his respects on this day, and, having been exalted by
the receipt of all kinds of royal favours and kingly benefits, he presented an
offering of 1,000 muhars and Rs. 1,000.

As the camp had undergone great hardship in crossing the Ghāṭī, I ordered a
halt for the refreshment of the people on Tuesday, the 19th. I marched on
Wednesday, the 20th, and on Thursday, the 21st, halted again and held a
feast of cups on the bank of a river that is known as the Sind.141 I gave a
special horse, of the name of Sumer, which was one of the finest horses, to
the K͟ hān-k͟ hānān. In the Hindi language they call a hill of gold Sumer
(Sumeru), and he was called by this name on account of his colour and size.
On Friday, the 22nd, and Saturday, the 23rd, two successive marches were
made. On this day a wonderful waterfall was seen. The water is exceedingly
clear, and pours down with boiling and noise from a lofty place. On all
sides of it there are halting places where one may praise God. Certainly I
have not recently seen such another fine waterfall, and it is a delightful
recreation-place. I was delighted with the spectacle for a while. On Sunday,
the 24th, I halted, and, sitting in a boat on a tank which was in front of the
royal enclosure (daulat-k͟ hāna), were shot142 ducks (murg͟ hābī). On

g͟
Monday, the 25th, Tuesday, the 26th, and Wednesday, the 27th, I marched
one after the other. I bestowed on the K͟ hān-k͟ hānān the pūstīn (sheep-skin
coat) I had on my own person, and seven horses from my stable, on which I
always rode, were also given him. On Sunday, the 2nd of the Ilāhī month of
Dai, the royal standards were raised at the fort of Ranthambūr. This is one
of the great forts of the Indians. In the time of Sult̤ ān ʿAlāʾu-d-dīn K͟ haljī,
Rāy Pitambar Deo was in possession of it. The Sultan besieged it for a long
time, and conquered it with labour and great exertions, and in the
beginning143 of the reign of H.M. (Akbar)—may the light of God be his
witness!—Rāy Surjan Hāḍā had it in his possession. He had always 6,000
or 7,000 horse in attendance on him. That revered one, by the aid of the
glorious God, conquered it in the space of one month and twelve days, and
Rāy Surjan, by the guidance of fortune, having had the good fortune to kiss
the threshold, was enrolled among the number of the loyal, and became one
of his respectable and trusted Amīrs. After him his son Rāy Bhoj also was
included among the great Amīrs. Now his grandson, Sar-buland Rāy, is
among the chief officers. On Monday,144 the 3rd, I went to inspect the fort.
There are two hills close to each other. They call one Ran, and the other
Thanbūr. The fort is built on the top of Thanbūr, and, putting these two
names together, they have called it Ranthambūr. Although the fort is
exceedingly strong, and has plenty of water, the hill of Ran is a specially
strong fortress (in itself), and the capture of the fortress depends upon the
possession of this hill. Accordingly, my revered father ordered that they
should plant cannon on the top of the hill of Ran, and aim at (majrā gīrand)
the buildings inside the fort. The first gun they fired reached the square
building (chaukandī)145 of the palace of Rāy Surjan. From the fall of that
building, a trembling found its way into the foundations of his courage, and
a great perplexity overpowered his heart, and thinking he would best
consult his own safety in delivering up the fort, he rubbed the head of
worship and humility on the throne of the king of kings, who forgave faults
and accepted excuses.

I had intended to pass the night in the fort, and the next day to return to
camp. As the buildings inside the fort had been built after the fashion of the
Hindus, and the rooms were without air and with little space, they did not

please me, nor was I disposed to stay there. I saw a bath house, which one
of the servants of Dastam146 K͟ hān had built near the wall of the fort. A little
garden and a lodging (nis͟ hīman) which overlooks (mus͟ hrif) the open space
is not wanting in space and air, and there is no better place in the whole
fort.147 Dastam K. was one of the Amīrs of the late King (Akbar), and from
his early years had been brought up in his service. His connection with him
was confidential and intimate. H.M. had entrusted this fort to him from his
exceeding confidence in him.

After completing my inspection of the fort and houses, I ordered that they
should bring before me the criminals who were confined in the fort, so that
I might look into the case of each of them and give an order in accordance
with justice. In brief, with the exception of affairs of murder, and of any
person through whose release disturbance or calamity might ensue in the
country, I freed them all, and to each one in accordance with his
circumstances gave his expenses and dresses148 of honour. On the eve of
Tuesday, the 4th, I returned to the royal abode after a watch and three gharis
had passed. On Sunday (properly Wednesday), the 5th, having marched
nearly 5 koss, I halted on Thursday, the 6th. On this day the K͟ hān-k͟ hānān
presented his offering of jewels, ornamented vessels, cloth, and an elephant.
Of these I chose whatever pleased me, and returned the rest. What was
accepted of his offering was of the value of Rs. 150,000. On Friday, the 7th,
I marched 5 koss. I had before this captured a sāras with a falcon, but until
now I had never seen the hunting of a durnā149 (crane). As my son S͟ hāh-
Jahān had great pleasure in durnā hunting with the falcon (s͟ hāhīn), and his
falcons were well grown, at his request I rode out early in the morning, and
caught one durnā myself, whilst the falcon my son had on his wrist caught
another. Certainly, of all good hunting amusements, this is the best. I was
exceedingly pleased with it. Although the sāras is large, it is lazy and heavy
on the wing. The chase of the durnā has no resemblance to it. I praise the
heart and courage of the falcon that can seize such strong-bodied animals,
and with the strength of his talons can subdue them. Ḥasan K., the chief
huntsman of my son, was honoured with an elephant, a horse, and a dress of
honour, as a reward for this exhibition of sport, and his son also received a
horse and a dress of honour. On Saturday, the 8th, having marched 4¼ koss,

I halted on Sunday, the 9th. On this day the K͟ hān-k͟ hānān, the Commander-
in-Chief, having raised the head of dignity through the gift of a special
dress of honour, a jewelled waist-sword, and a private elephant with
trappings, was reappointed to Khandesh and the Deccan. The mansab of
that pillar of the kingdom, original and increase, was fixed at 7,000 personal
and horse. As he did not get on with Las͟ hkar K., at his request I assigned to
ʿĀbid K. the duty of Dīwān-i-buyūtāt,150 and having given him the mansab
of 1,000 personal and 400 horse, as well as a horse, an elephant, and a dress
of honour, sent him to that Subah. On the same day K͟ hān Daurān arrived
from Kabul, and had the good fortune to pay his respects, and presented as
naẕr 1,000 muhars and Rs. 1,000, as well as an offering of a pearl rosary,
fifty horses, ten Persian male and female camels, and some hawks, and
china,151 and porcelain (?), and other things. On Monday, the 10th, I
marched 3¼ koss, and on Tuesday, the 11th, 5¾ koss. On this day the K͟ hān
Daurān arranged his men before me, and passed in review a thousand
Mug͟ hal cavalry, most of whom had Turkī horses, and some ʿIrāq and some
Mujannas152 horses. Though his troopers had been mostly dispersed, some
going into the service of Mahābat K. and remaining in that Subah, whilst a
number left him at Lahore and went into different parts of the dominion, yet
he could show this body of well-mounted men. Certainly the K͟ hān Daurān
for valour and generalship is one of the unique of the ages, but alas! I found
he had become a decrepit old man, and his sight was very weak. He has two
intelligent young sons, who are not wanting in reasonableness, but it will
certainly be a great and difficult thing for them to show themselves his
equals. On this day I gave him and his sons dresses of honour and swords.
On Sunday, the 12th, traversing 3½ koss, I alighted on the bank of the tank
of Māndū.153 In the middle of the tank there is a stone building, and on one
of the pillars the quatrain of someone had been engraved. I saw it, and was
amazed. In truth, it is a fine verse:

“My congenial friends have left me:
One by one they’ve fallen into the hands of death.
They were poor drinkers at the banquet of life.
A moment sooner than us they became drunken.”154

At this time I also heard another quatrain of the same description, which I
have recorded because it was very well said:

“Alas! that people of intelligence and wisdom have passed away.
They have been forgotten in the minds of their contemporaries.
Those who spoke with a hundred tongues
Ah! what heard they that they became silent.”

On Thursday, the 13th, I made a halt. ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K., having come from
Bangas͟ h, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Ikrām K., who was in
charge of the faujdāri of Fatḥpūr and the neighbourhood, was honoured
with waiting on me. K͟ hwāja Ibrāhīm K., Bak͟ hs͟ hī of the Deccan, was
exalted with the title of ʿAqīdat K. Mīr Ḥājj, who is one of the auxiliaries
attached to that Subah, and one of the brave young officers, was promoted
to the title of S͟ harza (tiger-whelp) K., and received a standard. On Friday,
the 14th, I marched 5¼ koss. On Saturday, the 15th, having marched 3 koss,
I halted in the neighbourhood of Bayānā.155 There I hastened with the ladies
to see the spectacle of the top of the fort. Muḥammad, the Bak͟ hs͟ hī of
Humāyūn, who was entrusted with the charge of the fort, had built a fine
house overlooking the plain, of great height and with fine air. The tomb of
S͟ haik͟ h Bahlūl is also in that neighbourhood, and is not wanting in
excellence. The S͟ haik͟ h was the elder brother of S͟ haik͟ h Muḥammad G͟ haus̤ ,
and was much versed in the science of incantations by names (of God).
Humāyūn had great affection for him, and the most perfect reliance on him.
When he conquered the province of Bengal, he took up his abode there for
some time. Mīrzā Hindāl, by his order, had remained156 at Agra. A body of
avaricious servants (qulluq-chiyān), whose character was mischievous and
seditious, taking to the way of faithlessness, came from Bengal to the
Mīrzā, and, working upon his base nature (shaking the chain of his vile
heart), led the Mīrzā on the road of rebellion and ingratitude for favours,
and of irrecognition of duty. The thoughtless Mīrzā had the k͟ hut̤ ba recited
in his own name (proclaimed himself king), and openly raised the standard
of rebellion and strife. When the royal ear heard what had taken place from
the reports of those who were loyal, he sent S͟ haik͟ h Bahlūl to admonish the
Mīrzā, and to turn him back from his vain purpose, and to establish his feet
on the highroad of sincerity and concord. As these wretches had made the

flavour of royalty sweet to the Mīrzā’s palate, he became imbued with futile
ideas, and would not be loyal. At the instigation of these seditious people he
made S͟ haik͟ h Bahlūl a martyr with the sword of recklessness at the
Chārbāg͟ h (garden) which H.M. Bābar had made on the bank of the Jumna.
As Muḥammad Bak͟ hs͟ hī was a disciple of the S͟ haik͟ h, he carried the body
into the fort of Bayānā, and buried it there.

On Sunday, the 16th, marching 4½ koss, I came to the stage of Barah.157 As
the garden and well which had been built by the order of Maryam-zamānī
(Jahāngīr’s mother) in the pargana of Jūsat was on the road, I went to
inspect them. Certainly the bāʾolī (step-well) was a grand building, and had
been built exceedingly well. I ascertained from the officials that a sum of
Rs. 20,000 had been expended on this well. As there was much game in this
neighbourhood, I halted on Monday, the 17th.

On Tuesday, the 18th, marching 3⅛ koss, the host of prosperity halted at the
village of Dāyarmʾaʾū.158 On Wednesday, the 19th, marching 2½ koss, the
victorious standards were raised on the bank of the Lake of Fatḥpūr. As at
the time when the conquest of the Deccan was meditated, the stages and
distances from Ranthambūr to Ujain were recorded, it appears unnecessary
to repeat them. From Ranthambūr159 to Fatḥpūr by the road by which I
came was a distance of 234 koss, in sixty-three marches and fifty-six halts,
traversed in 119 days, or, according to solar reckoning, in one day under
four months, and by lunar four full months. From the date on which the
army of fortune started from the capital for the conquest of the Rānā and the
acquisition of the Deccan until now, when the victorious and prosperous
standards have been planted again in the centre of the empire, it is five
years and four months. The astrologers and astronomers chose the day of
Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday), the 28th of the Divine month of Dai, in my
thirteenth year, corresponding with the last day of the Muḥarram in the Hijrī
year 1028 (January 7, 1619), as the proper time at which to enter the capital
of Agra.

At this time, again, it appeared from the reports of the loyal that the disease
of the plague was prevalent in Agra, so that daily about 100 people, more or
less, were dying of it. Under the armpits, or in the groin, or below the

throat, buboes formed, and they died. This is the third year that it has raged
in the cold weather, and disappeared in the commencement of the hot
season. It is a strange thing that in these three years the infection has spread
to all the towns and villages in the neighbourhood of Agra, while there has
been no trace of it at Fatḥpūr. It has come as far as Amānābād, which is 2½
koss from Fatḥpūr, and the people of that place (Amānābād) have forsaken
their homes and gone to other villages. There being no choice, and
considering the observance of caution necessary, it was decided that at this
propitious160 hour the victorious army should enter the inhabited part of
Fatḥpūr in all joy and auspiciousness, and after the sickness and scarcity
had subsided and another auspicious hour had been chosen, I should enter
the capital, please the Almighty and most holy Allah!

The Thursday entertainment took place on the bank of the Lake of Fatḥpūr.
As the time for entering the town (of Fatḥpūr) was fixed for the 28th, I
halted eight days in this place. I ordered them to measure the circumference
of the lake,161 and it came to 7 koss. At this stage, with the exception of the
revered Maryam-zamānī, who had become very weak, all the Begams and
inhabitants of the enclosure of chastity and all the palace employés came
out to meet me (istiqbāl). The daughter162 of Āṣaf K., deceased, who is in
the house of ʿAbdu-llah K. (i.e., is married to ʿAbdu-llah), s. K͟ hān Āʿz̤ am,
told me a strange and wonderful tale, and strongly insisted upon its truth. I
write it on account of its strangeness. She said: “One day in the courtyard of
the house I saw a mouse rising and falling in a distracted state. It was
running about in every direction after the manner of drunkards, and did not
know where to go. I said to one of my girls: ‘Take it by the tail and throw it
to the cat!’ The cat was delighted, and jumped up from its place and seized
it in its mouth, but immediately dropped it and showed disgust. By degrees
an expression of pain and trouble showed itself in its face. The next day it
was nearly dead, when it entered into my mind to give it a little treacle163
(tiryāq, opium?). When its mouth was opened, the palate and tongue
appeared black. It passed three days in a state of misery, and on the fourth
day came to its senses. After this the grain (dāna) of the plague (buboes)
appeared in the girl, and from excess of temperature and increase of pain
she had no rest. Her colour became changed—it was yellow inclining to

black—and the fever was high (tap muḥriq gardīd). The next day she
vomited164 and had motions, and died. Seven or eight people in that
household died in the same way, and so many were ill that I went to the
garden from that lodging. Those who were ill died in the garden, but in that
place there were no buboes. In brief, in the space of eight or nine days
seventeen people became travellers on the road of annihilation.” She also
said: “Those in whom the buboes appeared, if they called another person for
water to drink or wash in, the latter also caught the infection (sirāyat), and
at last it came to such a pass that through excessive apprehension no one
would come near them.”

On Saturday, the 22nd, K͟ hwāja Jahān, who had had the charge of Agra,
having had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, presented 500 muhars by
way of naẕr, and Rs. 400165 as charity. On Monday, the 24th, a special dress
of honour was conferred on him. On Mubārak-s͟ hamba166 (Thursday), the
28th (? 27th), after four g͟ haṛī167 or nearly two sidereal hours (sāʿat), had
passed,

“In an hour which agreed with two almanacs (?) (or which marked two
events),”

the royal standards auspiciously and happily entered the inhabited part of
Fatḥpūr. At the same hour the entertainment (of weighing) for my
prosperous and noble son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, was held. I ordered him to be
weighed against gold and other things, and his twenty-eighth year according
to the solar168 months began auspiciously. It is hoped that he may reach the
natural169 limit of life. On the same day H.M. the revered Maryam-zamānī
(his mother) came from Agra, and I acquired eternal good fortune from the
blessing of waiting on her. I hope that the shadow of her bringing up and
affection may be perennial on the head of this suppliant. As Ikrām K., s.
Islām K., had performed the duties of faujdār of this neighbourhood in a
proper manner, I bestowed on him the mansab of 1,500 personal and 1,000
horse, original and increased. Suhrāb170 K., s. Mīrzā Rustam Ṣafavī, was
promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 300 horse.

On this day, going over in detail the buildings of the palace of the late King
(Akbar), I showed them to my son, S͟ hāh-Jahān. Inside of them a large and
very clear reservoir of cut stone has been constructed, and is called the
Kapūr-talāo (camphor tank). It is a square of 36 yards by 36,171 with a
depth of 4½ yards. By the order of that revered one, the officials of the
public treasury had filled it with fulūs (copper coins) and rupees. It came to
34 krors, and 48 lakhs, and 46,000 dāms, and 1,679,400 rupees, or a total of
10,300,000 (one kror and three lakhs) according to Hindustani reckoning,
and 343,000 tūmān according to Persian. For a long time the thirsty-lipped
ones of the desert of desire were satisfied from that fountain of benignity.

On Sunday, the 1st Bahman, a reward of 1,000 darb (Rs. 500) was given to
Ḥāfiz̤ Nād ʿAlī,172 the reciter. For a long time past Muḥibb ʿAlī, s.
Budāg͟ h173 K. Chikanī, and Abū-l-Qāsim Gīlānī, whom the Ruler of Īrān
had blinded and driven into the desert of exile, have passed their days in
ease under the refuge of this State. To each of them, according to his
condition, an allowance for living had been granted. On this day they came
from Agra, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and each of them
was presented with Rs. 1,000. The Mubārak-s͟ hamba entertainment was
held in state in the palace, and my private servants were gladdened with
cups of pleasure. Naṣru-llah, whom my son, Sult̤ ān Parwīz, had sent to
Court with the elephant Kūh-damān,174 took his leave and returned. A copy
(jild) of the Jahāngīr-nāma, together with a special tipchāq horse, were
given to him to take to my son. On Sunday, the 8th, Kunwar Karan, son of
Rānā Amar Singh, was presented with a horse, an elephant, a dress of
honour, a jewelled khapwa, and a phūl-kaṭāra. I gave him leave to go to his
jagir, and sent a horse with him for the Rānā. On the same day I went out
sporting to Amānābād. As there was an order that no one should kill the
antelope of that region, in the course of six years many antelope had come
together, and they had grown very tame. On Thursday, the 12th, I returned
to the palace, and on that day, according to custom, a feast of cups was
prepared.

On the eve of Friday, the 13th (Bahman), I went to the mausoleum of the
refuge of pardon, S͟ haik͟ h Salīm Chis͟ htī, a little concerning whose blessed

qualities has been written in the preface175 to this record of prosperity, and
the fātiḥa was recited. Although the manifestation of miracles and wonders
is not approved by the elect of the throne of God, and from humility and a
feeling of their low rank (as saints) they avoid such display, yet
occasionally in the excitement of ecstasy an appearance is manifested
unintentionally and without control,176 or for the sake of teaching someone
the exhibition is made. Among these was this, that he before my birth gave
my father the good news of the advent of this suppliant and of my two
brothers. Again, one day my father incidentally asked him how old he was,
and when would he depart to the abiding regions. He replied: “The glorious
God knows what is secret and hidden.” After much urgency he indicated
this suppliant (Prince Salīm), and said: “When the Prince, by the instruction
of a teacher or in any other way, shall commit something to memory and
shall recite it, this will be a sign of my union with God.” In consequence of
this, His Majesty gave strict orders to all who were in attendance on me that
no one should teach me anything in prose or verse. At length when two
years and seven months had passed away, it happened one day that one of
the privileged177 women was in the palace. She used to burn rue constantly
in order to avert the evil eye, and on this pretext had access to me. She used
to partake of the alms and charities. She found me alone and regardless of
(or ignorant of) what had been said (by Akbar), she taught me this couplet:

“O God, open the rosebud of hope
Display a flower from the everlasting garden.”178

I went to the S͟ haik͟ h and repeated this couplet. He involuntarily rose up and
hastened to wait on the King, and informed him of what had occurred. In
accordance with Fate, the same night the traces of fever appeared, and the
next day he sent someone to the King (with the request) to call Tān Sen
Kalāwant, who was unequalled as a singer. Tān Sen, having gone to wait
upon him, began to sing. After this he sent some one to call the King. When
H.M. came, he said: “The promised time of union has come, and I must
take leave of you.” Taking his turban from his head, he placed it on mine,
and said: “We have made Sult̤ ān Salīm our successor, and have made him
over to God, the protector and preserver.” Gradually his weakness

increased, and the signs of passing179 away became more evident, till he
attained union with the “True Beloved.”

One of the greatest monuments of my father’s reign is this mosque and
cemetery (rauẓa). Certainly they are exceedingly lofty and solid buildings.
There is nothing like this mosque in any other country. It is all built of
beautiful stone, and five lakhs of rupees were expended from the public
treasury upon it. Qut̤ bu-d-dīn K. Kokaltās͟ h made the marble railing
(maḥjar) round180 the cemetery, the flooring (fars͟ h) of the dome and
portico, and these are not included in the five lakhs. The mosque has two
great gateways. The one181 towards the south is extremely lofty, and is very
beautiful. The archway (pīs͟ htāq) is 12 yards broad, 16 long, and 52 high.
One must mount thirty-two steps to get to the top of it. The other gateway is
smaller, and is towards the east. The length of the mosque from east to west,
including the width of the walls, is 212 yards. Out of this, the Maqṣūra (the
chancel) is 25½ yards, the middle is 15 yards by 15, the portico (pīs͟ htāq) is
7 yards broad, 14 yards long, and 25 yards high. On each side of the large
dome are two smaller domes 10 yards by 10. Then there is a veranda
(aiwān) which is pillared. The breadth of the mosque from north to south is
172 yards. Round it are ninety verandas (aiwān) and eighty-four cells. The
breadth of each cell is 4 yards,182 and the length 5 yards. The verandas are
7½ yards broad. The courtyard (ṣaḥn) of the mosque, exclusive of the
maqṣūra, and the verandas, and the gates, is 169 yards long and 143 yards
broad. Above the verandas, the gates, and the mosque, small domes have
been constructed, and on the eves of anniversaries and on holy days lamps
are placed in these, and they are enveloped in coloured183 cloths, so that
they look like lamp-shades (?). Under the courtyard they have made a well,
and they fill this with rainwater. As Fatḥpūr has little water, and what there
is is bad, this well184 yields a sufficient supply for the whole year for the
members of the family (of Salīm Chis͟ htī) and for the dervishes who are the
mujāwirs (caretakers) of the mosque. Opposite the great entrance and
towards the north-north-east is the tomb of the S͟ haik͟ h. The middle dome is
7 yards, and round the dome is a portico of marble, and on the front side of
this is a marble lattice. It is very beautiful. Opposite this tomb on the west,
at a little distance, is another dome, in which are laid to rest the sons-in-law

and sons of the S͟ haik͟ h, such as Qut̤ bu-d-dīn K., Islām K., Muʿaz̤ z̤ am K.,185
and others, who were all connected with this family, and rose to the position
of Amirs and to lofty rank. Accordingly, the circumstances of each have
been recorded in their places. At present the son of Islām K., who is
distinguished by the title of Ikrām K., is the lord of the prayer-carpet. The
signs of auspiciousness are manifest in him; I am much inclined to cherish
him.

On Thursday, the 19th, I promoted ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. to the mansab of 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse, and nominated him to the duty of taking the fort
of Kāngṛa, and the overthrow of the ungrateful Sūraj Mal. I bestowed on
him an elephant, a horse, and a dress of honour. Tursūn Bahādur was also
dispatched on this duty, and his mansab was fixed at 1,200 personal and 450
horse. He was given a horse, and took his leave. As the house of Iʿtimādu-d-
daula was on the bank of a tank, and people praised it greatly as a delightful
place and enchanting residence, at his request on Thursday, the 26th, an
entertainment was held there. That pillar of the kingdom engaged in the
dues of prostration and offerings, and prepared a grand meeting. At night,
after eating food, I returned to the palace. On Thursday, the 3rd of the
Divine month of Isfand-armuz, Sayyid ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb Bārha, who had
done active service in Gujarat, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000
personal and 500 horse, and was honoured with the title of Dilīr K. On
Saturday, the 12th, I went out to Amānābād for sport, and until Sunday, with
the ladies, employed myself in the pleasure of hunting. On the eve of
Thursday, the 27th186 (17th), I returned to the palace.

By chance, on Tuesday, during the hunting, a string of pearls and rubies that
Nūr-Jahān Begam had on her neck was broken, and a ruby of the value of
Rs. 10,000 and a pearl worth Rs. 1,000 were lost. Although the huntsmen
made every search for it on Wednesday, it did not fall into their hands. It
occurred to me that as the name of the day was Kam-s͟ hamba, it was
impossible to find it on that day. On the contrary, as Mubārak-s͟ hamba
(Thursday) was always a lucky day for me, and had been blessed to me, the
huntsmen on that day with but a little search found both in that track-less
place (without head or foundation) and brought them to me. The best of
coincidences was that on the same propitious day the entertainment for my

lunar weighing and the feast of Basant-bārī (Spring festival) also took
place, and the good news of the conquest of the fort of Mau and the defeat
of that evil-fortuned Sūraj Mal arrived.

The particulars of this are that when Rāja Bikramājīt with the victorious
army arrived in that region, the ill-fated Sūraj Mal desired to delay him for
some days by trickery and babblement, but the aforesaid knew the real state
of the case and did not pay attention to his words, but advanced with the
foot of valour. That abandoned one, letting fall from his hand the thread of
plan, neither planted the foot of intrepidity firmly for battle nor had the
courage to defend the fort. After a slight struggle, and when many of his
people had been slaughtered, he took to flight, and the forts of Mau187 and
Mahrī (?), which were the chief reliance of that ill-fated man, were both
taken without difficulty. A country which he had held by hereditary right
from his fathers was trodden under foot by the victorious troops, and he
became a wanderer and a vagabond. He retired to the ravines of the hills,
and cast the dust of ruin and contempt on the head of his Fortune. Rāja
Bikramājīt, leaving his country behind, hastened in pursuit of him with the
victorious army. When the state of affairs reached the royal ears, in reward
for this becoming service I ordered drums for the Raja, and a fateful farman
was issued from the Sovereign of Wrath that they should overthrow from
their foundation the fort and buildings that had been erected by Sūraj Mal’s
father and himself, and leave not a trace of them on the face of the earth. A
strange thing is that the unfortunate Sūraj Mal had a brother called Jagat
Singh. When I promoted Sūraj Mal to the title of Raja, and made him an
Amir, and gave him dominion, etc., without a partner or sharer, I, in order to
please him, gave a small mansab to Jagat Singh, who did not get on well
with him, and sent him to Bengal. This wretched one was passing his days
in a poor condition far from his home, in contempt, and to the delight of his
enemies, and waiting for some hidden aid, until by his good fortune this
affair took place, and that unblessed one struck an axe on his own foot.
Summoning Jagat Singh in all haste to Court, I honoured him with the title
of Raja and the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and bestowed
20,000 darbs188 on him out of the public treasury for his expenses. Giving
him a jewelled khapwa, a robe of honour, a horse, and an elephant, I sent
him to Rāja Bikramājīt, and issued a farman that if the aforesaid, by the

guidance of a good destiny, should perform laudable service, and display
loyalty, that country should be given over into his hand.189

As the praise of the garden of Nūr-manzil and the buildings that had been
newly-erected there continually reached me, I on Monday mounted my
steed, and went to the stage of Bustān-sarāy, and passed Tuesday in
pleasure and at ease in that entrancing rose-garden. On the eve of
Wednesday the garden of Nūr-manzil (the abode of light) was adorned by
the alighting of the hosts of prosperity. This garden contains 330 jarībs
(bīghās), according to the Ilāhī gaz. Around it there has been built a wall,
lofty and broad, of bricks and cement, exceedingly strong. In the garden
there is a lofty building and a residence, highly decorated. Pleasant
reservoirs have been constructed, and outside the gate a large well has been
made, from which thirty-two pairs of bullocks continually draw water. The
canal passes through the garden, and pours water into the reservoirs.
Besides this, there are other wells, the water of which is distributed to the
reservoirs and plots. The beauty is increased by all kinds of fountains and
cascades and there is a tank in the exact middle of the garden which is filled
by rainwater. If by chance its water should fail in the extreme heat, they
supplement it by water from the wells, so that it may always be full to the
brim. Nearly Rs. 150,000 have been spent up to now on this garden, and it
is still unfinished, and large sums will be expended in making avenues and
laying down plants. It has also been settled that the middle garden shall be
newly walled190 round, and the channels for the coming and going of the
water shall be made so strong that it may always remain full of water and
the water shall not leak out in any way, and no damage accrue. It is possible
that before it is complete nearly Rs. 200,000 will have been spent on it.

On Thursday, the 24th, K͟ hwāja Jahān presented an offering of jewels,
jewelled vessels, cloths, an elephant, and a horse, of the value of Rs.
150,000. Having made a selection from them, I gave him the remainder.
Until Saturday I passed my time in that garden of delight in enjoyment. On
the eve of Sunday, the 27th, I inclined the reins of returning towards
Fatḥpūr, and an order was given that the great Amirs, according to annual
custom, should decorate the palace. On Monday, the 28th, I found that
something had gone wrong with my eye. As it arose from too much blood, I

ordered ʿAlī Akbar, the surgeon, to open a vein. On the next day the benefit
of this was apparent. I bestowed Rs. 1,000 on him. On Tuesday, the 29th,
Muqarrab K. came from his native place, and had the good fortune to kiss
the threshold, and I favoured him with many sorts of kindness.

1 Jahāngīr was born on Wednesday, 17 Rabīʿu-l-awwal 977 A.H., or August 31, 1569, and so on
March 11, 1618, or 23 Rabīʿu-l-awwal, 1027, he was in the beginning of his fifty-first lunar year. By
solar computation he was not yet fifty, that is, he was in his fiftieth year. The text wrongly has 1017
instead of 1027. ↑
2 Text wrongly has panchāq. In Turki dictionaries it is spelt topchāq, and means a large or long-
necked horse. See P. de Courteille Dict., etc. ↑

3 Āṣaf K. III. of Blochmann; his name was Jaʿfar Beg. ↑
4 See “Iqbāl-nāma,” p. 111. etc. He is not the famous Mīr Jumla, who was Aurangzeb’s general,
though possibly the latter was his son. According to the “Iqbāl-nāma, he was the nephew, and not the
uncle, of Mīr Riẓā, but Jahāngīr’s statement agrees with the ʿĀlam-ārāʾī (p. 623). Mīr Jumla’s patron,
Muḥammad Qulī Qut̤ b-S͟ hāh, died in 1612. He himself died in 1637, while Aurangzeb’s general died
in 1663. ↑

5 Possibly what is meant is that S͟ hāh ʿAbbās was greedy after Mīr Jumla’s (Sāmān) wealth.
Kāmgār Ḥusainī distinctly says that ʿAbbās wanted to get hold of Mīr Jumla’s goods. ↑
6 The Iqbāl-nāma says that ʿAbbās only gave Mīr Jumla flattering words, and did not give him
any high appointment. See also ʿĀlam-ārāʾī, 623, and Maʾās̤ iru-l-umarā, III. 415. ↑

7 Tuqūz means “nine,” but perhaps it is here only used to express a gift, and the pieces of cloth
were perhaps only nine, and not eighty-one. See Vullers s.v., who refers to Quatremere. ↑
8 The I.O. MSS. have Māmūʾī, and the meaning may be “the maternal uncle of the Zamindar.” ↑

9 Jariya in No. 181. It seems to be the Jareja tribe of Abū-l-Faẓl, Jarrett II. 250. Compare
Blochmann’s translation, p. 285 n., of the corresponding passage in the Iqbāl-nāma. The tribe is there
called Jhariyah. ↑
10 This must be Pāvāgarh, a hill fort in the Pānch ʿMaḥāl district, which is 2,800 feet above the sea.
See I.G. XX. 79, and XIX. 380. ↑

11 Son-in-law of Iʿtmādu-d-daula, being married to a sister of Nūr-Jahān. See Maʾās̤ iru-l-umarā I.
573. ↑
12 Jhālod in the Doḥad taʾlūqa of the Pānch Maḥāl district, Bombay. ↑

13 The text (pp. 227, 228) has drawings of the twelve Zodiacal coins. See also Tavernier’s account
of their institution. ↑

14 Text wrongly has Saturday. ↑
15 Probably the Seyreh of Bayley’s map, in the Lūnāvāda State, E. of Aḥmadābād. ↑

16 Quoted by Blochmann, Calcutta Review, 1869, p. 128. ↑
17 The text has dar zīr-i-ān (“under it”) in mentioning the position of the letters, but the I.O. MS.
No. 181, has dar zabar (“above” or “on it.”). The words khaṭṭ-i-muḥarraf might mean “inverted or
slanting letters,” and Mr. Rogers has taken the passage to mean that two of the letters were on a line
with one another, and that the third was inverted and below the other two. But muḥrif, as the word
may also be read, has the meaning of “handsome,” and I think this is the meaning here. Possibly the
meaning is that there was a letter or mark above—viz., the tas͟ hdīd. Another meaning may be that all
three letters were equal in size, and in a slanting position on the stone. ↑

18 Dihbīd, “the village of the willow,” a well-known place in Transoxiana. It is Dihband in text. ↑
19 Ukna. The word appears to be Arabic, and signifies a nest. It is commonly written wukna. ↑

20 Bāz dāmī apparently means hawks reared in captivity, or it may mean hawks brought by dealers
—dāmī. Information about hawks may be found in Blochmann, 293, etc., and in Col. Phillott’s recent
articles in the J.A.S.B., May, 1907, etc. ↑
21 The I.O. MS. has “rupees.” ↑

22 Blochmann, 346. ↑
23 Ulug͟ h in MSS. ↑

24 Blochmann, 346. Yūsuf died in November, 1601. His eldest son was M. Las͟ hkarī. ↑
25 The MSS. have 24th and 25th for the following day, but 14th and 15th seem right. ↑

26 The passage is translated in Elliot, VI. 357, but the mention of Saturday and of Multan doctors
there is a mistake. Text has afzūdam, “I increased my intoxication,” but this seems wrong. The MSS.
have afzūd. Jahāngīr means that the stoppage of his wine increased crapulousness. See Elliot, VI.
357. ↑
27 Apparently this should be yūg͟ hān, which is a Turki word meaning “thick.” ↑

28 Elliot, VI. 358. ↑
29 See Vol. I., p. 414. ↑

30 The Iqbāl-nāma, 115, has a different reading of this line. ↑

31 It should be recorded to Jahāngīr’s credit that he has a reputation even at the present day for his
love of justice. ↑

32 ʿajabī. The MSS. have ʿajsī, “lasting,” which seems better. ↑
33 Compare Elliot, VI. 359. Ruk͟ h-i-gulzār also means the cheek of the rosebud (i.e., the beloved
one). Apparently the conceit is that the cheek of the fair one is clouded over, so it should be reddened
by pouring wine on it. ↑

34 hamwār. Perhaps it means “mediocre” here, but we have the word a little lower down, p. 240,
used in a laudatory sense. ↑
35 According to the Maʾās̤ ir and Blochmann, 465, it was the second son who attained the highest
rank. ↑

36 dah duwāzdah, “10, 12”—i.e., it is one-fifth larger. The sāras is the Ardea Antigone of
naturalists. ↑
37 Two boundaries. The name signifies that it is on the borders of Mālwa and Gujaru, I. G. XI.
366. ↑

38 pāk sāk͟ ht. Lit. cleaned it, which may mean also that he disembowelled it, or even that he cooked
it. Probably the gunner left the body or part of it there, and it was this that the male
circumambulated. ↑
39 Apparently this should be Pāvan. It was one of those caught in the elephant hunt. It is written
Bāvan in the MSS. ↑

40 For meaning of ḍara, “yard,” see text (15th year), pp. 298 and 303. For 3½ quarters (pāo) the
text wrongly has 3½ feet (pā). ↑
41 MSS. has 17. Text has 7. According to Elliot, Supplement II., 177, the Ilāhī gaz was one of 41
fingers. ↑

42 This was not the son who died in the following year. See text, p. 282. That son was the eldest
son, and probably was the one born in the 9th year. See Tūzuk, p. 137. ↑
43 The Zamindar of Cutch, whose residence was at Bhūj. See Jarrett, II. 250, where it is said that
the Jām left his original country 60 years ago. ↑

44 Jahāngīr is referring to his visit to Gujarat in the 12th year of his reign. ↑
45 MSS. have this 70 or 80. ↑

46 Elliot, VI. 359. ↑
47 Text “of Merv,” but the MSS. have Herat. ↑

48 Manṣūr Naqqās͟ h is one of the illustrators to the Bābar-nāma in the British Museum. Rieu
Supplement, p. 52. There is also a Ḥusain Naqqās͟ h mentioned in the MS. there described. ↑

49 Apparently there were 32 days in this Tīr. ↑
50 The Sābarmatī rises in the hills of Mewār. ↑

51 I cannot find this Kokra or Gogra. The Sābarmatī falls into the Gulf of Cambay. Possibly Kokra
thereby means “mountains.” ↑
52 Apparently the Mairpūr of Bayley’s map. ↑

53 Blochmann, 339. ↑
54 Perhaps this is the Bīrāgam of the Āʾīn A. (Jarrett, II. 230). Panjū Zamīndār may be the Bab-jīū,
Zamindar of the Gond tribe, whom Abū-l-Faẓl mentions. The word Barākar is omitted in text. ↑

55 See Blochmann, 480 n., Elliot, VI. 344, and the Tūzuk, annals of 10th year. ↑
56 Probably the meaning is that the four mines occur within a space of 50 koss. Tavernier, vol. II.,
may be consulted. ↑

57 Puk͟ hta in text, but the MSS. have not this word. Instead, they have a word which seems to be
taḥsina, “beautiful.” The R.A.S. MS. also seems to have taḥsina. ↑
58 māhagī? Probably it means that they were caught when a month old, and Elliot’s translator so
took it. ↑

59 This was the garden which ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm made after his victory over Muz̤ affar Gujarātī. In
Price’s Jahāngīr, pp. 115–16, there is an account of an entertainment given there to Jahāngīr by
ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm’s daughter. ↑
60 Or 22 Ramaẓān, 1027 = September 2, 1618. ↑

61 Cf. Iqbāl-nāma, 117. ↑
62 In MSS. written Marhāna or Sarhāna. Perhaps Harhāna in the Bet Jālandhar Dūʾāb, Jarrett, II.
317. Though the text says 22 lakhs of dams, the MSS. only say 22 lakhs, and possibly rupees are
meant. ↑

63 K͟ hūd bi-inʿām iltimās namūd. “As a favour to himself.” It is not likely that S͟ hāh Jahān would
ask for the pargana for Bikramājīt if it was already his own. I presume the meaning is that S͟ hāh Jahān
asked that this pargana should be given to Bikramājīt as a favour to himself. But perhaps the meaning
is “which he (S͟ hāh Jahān) had asked for, for himself.” ↑
64 In the MSS. the word k͟ hūd follows inʿām instead of preceding it. Perhaps the meaning is,
“which was his own appanage,” “and he requested,” etc. ↑

65 Text wrongly has Muʿtamid. ↑

66 The saint who is buried at Gwalior. He died September 14, 1562. ↑
67 Elliot, VI. 360. ↑

68 The 8th S͟ hahrīwar = August 20, 1618. The departure had been fixed for the 21st, and having
mentioned this, Jahāngīr goes on to describe what occurred between the 7th and the 21st. ↑
69 So in text, but MSS. give Jahanda as the name of the brother of Balūch. ↑

70 Elliot, VI. 361. ↑
71 Text wrongly has Mag͟ hribī, who was a much later poet, for he died in 809 A.H. = 1416. Sult̤ ān
Sanjar belonged to the sixth century of the Hijra, and Muʿizzī, who is the poet meant by Jahāngīr,
died in 542 A.H. (1147–48), having been accidentally killed with an arrow by Sult̤ ān Sanjar. See
Rieu, II. 552b. The ode quoted by Jahāngīr is to be found at p. 138b of British Museum MS. Add.
10588. ↑

72 hamwār used here in a favourable sense, though some pages farther back, 233 of Persian text, it
seems to be used, when speaking of Jāmī, in disparagement. ↑
73 See Beale art. Saʿīdā-i-Gīlānī. He was styled Bī-badal. The date 1116 in Beale is manifestly
wrong. He is the Mullā S͟ haidā of Rieu, III., 1083e. See also Sprenger’s Catalogue, 124; there is a
notice of him in the Maʾās̤ iru-l-Umarā, I. 405. He was the artist of the Peacock-throne. ↑

74 Turunj, rendered by Vullers as “citron.” Probably the reference is to the colour of the sky, which
is often spoken of by Orientals as green. The concluding lines play upon Jahāngīr’s title of Nūru-d-
dīn, on his son’s title of S͟ hāh-Jahān, and his name of K͟ hurram. ↑
75 Bārī is a Hindu word meaning garden. ↑

76 ayyām-i-jawānī. The MSS. have qazzāqī, “raids.” The name of the Mullā there seems to be
Asīrī. ↑
77 dar k͟ halā wa-malā maḥram būda. ↑

78 MS. 305. “On every side there are Būlsarī-trees.” Both I.O. MSS. have Būlsarī, for which see
Blochmann, 70. Apparently there was only one tree. ↑
79 Elliot, VI. 361. ↑

80 This was not the ʿId, for the month was not over. It was the feasting after nightfall usual in the
Ramaẓān. ↑
81 k͟ hudāwandi-gār. For which word see Vullers and the Bahār-i-ʿAjam. Perhaps it means here a
locum-tenens or officiating master. ↑

82 Apparently this should be thirty-two. The egg was laid on 21 Amurdād, see p. 237, and the
interval between the hatching of the two chicks was three or four days. ↑

83 Text dah yāzdah, ten to eleven. But MS. 305 has dah pānzdah, ten to fifteen, which is more
likely. The meaning then would be that the young of the sāras were 50 per cent., or one-half, larger
than goslings. The common expression for one-tenth is dah yak. ↑
84 Ganj in No. 181. Perhaps it should be Gajna, see I.G., 17, p. 11. ↑

85 MSS. Atrak. It is the Wātrak of Bayley’s Gujarat, p. 201, and the Vātrak of I.G., XXI. 344. ↑
86 Sult̤ ān Maḥmūd III., killed by Burhān in February, 1554. Bayley’s Gujarat, pp. 449 and 453.
Jahāngīr calls him the last Sult̤ ān of Gujarat, because Aḥmad II. and Muz̤ affar III. were regarded as
spurious. See Āyīn-i-Akbarī, Jarrett, II. 261. ↑

87 Probably great-grandson, for S͟ hāh ʿĀlam died in 880 (1475–76), as Jahāngīr tells us supra, and
he says that he questioned Sayyid Muḥammad about S͟ hāh ʿĀlam’s raising the dead, and that Sayyid
Muḥammad said he had the story from his father and grandfather. The Maʾās̤ iru-l-Umarā, III. 447,
says Sayyid Muḥammad was five removes from S͟ hāh ʿĀlam. ↑
88 For Yāqūt, see Blochmann, 99–100. He was a famous calligrapher, and lived in the thirteenth
century. It appears, however, that Yāqūtī is also the name of a particular kind of writing. ↑

89 Ba-qit̤ aʿ-i-mat̤ būʿa-i-muk͟ htaṣar. Mat̤ būʿa is used in modern times to mean “printed,” but here, I
think, it means “elegant.” It is so used in the annals of the 12th year, p. 208, line 18, where it is
applied to a building. Qit̤ aʿ probably refers to the shape of the volume, and muk͟ htaṣar to its small
size, or to the minuteness of the writing. ↑
90 Sayyid Muḥammad, the Mīr referred to by Jahāngīr, lived into S͟ hāh-Jahān’s reign, not dying till
1045 (1635–36). See Pāds͟ hāh-nāma, I., Part II., p. 329. But we do not hear anything more of his
translation. Perhaps his ill-health prevented him. It is also the fact that orthodox Muhammadans
object to translations of the Qoran, regarding it as an impossible task. The Mīr’s son became chief
ecclesiastical officer (Ṣadr) under S͟ hāh-Jahān. See Maʾās̤ iru-l-Umarā, III. 447, and Pāds͟ hāh-nāma, I.,
Part II., p. 328. ↑

91 Elliot, V. 361. ↑
92 There were twelve mās͟ has in a tola; the six cups, then, of 6 tolas and a quarter came to 37½
tolas. ↑

93 Jahāngīr visited his father’s tomb in the following year (the 14th). The passage describing the
renunciation of shooting (not of hunting) is translated in Elliot, VI. 362. ↑

94 The version of the last two lines is by Sir William Jones, and is given by him in his Tenth
Anniversary Discourse, delivered on February 28, 1793. As my friend Mr Whinfield has pointed out
to me, the quotation comes from the story of S͟ hiblī and the ant in the second chapter of the Būstān. It
occurs in the sixth story of the second book and p. 161 of Graf’s edition. Sir William Jones’s remark
is: “Nor shall I ever forget the couplet of Firdausi, for which Sadi, who cites it with applause, pours
blessings on his departed spirit.” The quotation from Firdūsī occurs on p. 67 of Vol. I. in Macan’s
edition of the S͟ hāh-nāma. ↑

95 Ūrvasī is the name of a celestial nymph. It is also stated by Forbes to be the name of an
ornament worn on the breast. ↑
96 Text bā naqs͟ h by mistake for banafs͟ ha. ↑

97 I.O. MS. 181 has “thirty surk͟ h.” ↑
98 Perhaps the Moondah of Bayley’s map, east of Maḥmūdābād. ↑

99 The text has ‫ خادا‬k͟ hāda, “an oar,” but the word is perhaps k͟ hārwa, “a sailor.” I.O. MS. 181, has
k͟ hārwa. ↑
100 The I.O. MSS. have Albatta. ↑

101 The youth who was afterwards drowned in the Jhelam. ↑
102 I.O., No. 181, has G͟ hairat K. ↑

103 gām sometimes means a step, but here it seems to mean one foot-length. The distance
mentioned by Jarrett appears to be 90 feet. ↑
104 No. 181 has “in three days.” ↑

105 Compare account in Akbar-nāma, II. 150. Akbar was then twenty years old. There is a picture of
the two elephants crossing the bridge with Akbar on the elephant Hawāʾī in the Clarke MS. in the
Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. ↑
106 Presumably the other side of the tank; it was the wild male sāras that Jahāngīr put rings upon. ↑

107 The hunting of deer with decoys is described in Blochmann’s Āyīn, 291. ↑
108 Apparently a metaphorical expression, “fought with fire and water.” ↑

109 sūʾu-l-qinya, “Bad state of the body, cachexy” (Steingass). ↑
110 I do not know of any poet with the tak͟ halluṣ Ustād. Possibly Jāmī is referred to. The lines are
obscure, and I am not certain of the meaning. The I.O. MSS. omit the negatives in the first two
lines. ↑

111 Not identified. I.O. MS. 305, seems to have Pānib. Can it be the Mānchan or Majham? Possibly
we should read Banās. ↑

112 The I.O. MSS. have not the words Nau Rūz, “New Year,” and I am not sure what New Year’s
day is meant. The time was October. Perhaps it was the first day of Ẕī-l-Qaʿda that was celebrated, or
it may be what is described in Richardson as the New Year’s day of the Balance—viz., the entry of
the Sun into the Sign of the Balance. Jahāngīr may have had special regard to that Sign as he was
born under it. Perhaps all that is meant is that the feast of 1 Ābān was celebrated. Ābān was a sacred
month because Akbar was born in it, and it may be that the feast was celebrated on Thursday the 2nd
because the previous day, Wednesday, was regarded by Jahāngīr as unlucky, and was always spoken
of as Kam-s͟ hamba. But most probably Nau Rūz is simply a mistake of the text. ↑
113 I.O. MS. has 600. ↑

114 The name of the stage is not given. ↑
115 Literally the mother of children, but explained as meaning a female demon (larva) who torments
children. See Lane’s Dictionary, 1650, where it is described as “flatulence.” ↑

116 See above, p. 243 of text. ↑
117 Apparently the vow applied only to shooting. Jahāngīr was not at that time fifty-one years of age
by solar computation. ↑

118 The natural term of life, which some Orientals regarded as being 120 years. ↑
119 The name ʿĀlī is omitted in text. ↑

120 qand-i-siyāh (? treacle). ↑
121 We are not told what was the result of this experiment. ↑

122 MSS., as before, have G͟ hairat instead of ʿĪzzat. ↑
123 This son was Aurangzīb. See K͟ hāfī K., I. 296. K͟ hāfī K. has 11th instead of 15th Ẕī-l-Qaʿda. The
11th Ẕī-l-Qaʿda corresponds to 20th October, 1618. ↑

124 Text has Sunday, but Wednesday must be the correct day, for immediately after Friday is spoken
of as the 17th (Ābān). ↑
125 Perhaps the Samarnī of Jarrett, II. 207. The I.O. MSS. have Tamarna. ↑

126 I have been assisted by the translation in Elliot, VI. 363. See also Iqbāl-nāma, 117. The author
there expatiates on the calamities which followed these celestial appearances. Elliot, loc. cit., p. 364,
has eight years, but the text of the Tūzuk and all the MSS. have “eight nights.” The Iqbāl-nāma has

Dai instead of Ābān, but probably Dai is a mistake for Ẕī-l-(qāʿda). Perhaps the first phenomenon
was the Zodiacal Light. ↑

127 The MSS. have Sambhalkhera. ↑
128 MSS. have Badhnūr. Perhaps it is the Badhnāwar of Jarrett, II. ↑

129 Pargana Nūlāʾī in MSS., and this seems right as Nolāʾī, is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 198, as
having a brick fort and as being on the Chambal. ↑
130 It seems to be Gambhīr in the MSS. ↑

131 There seems to be an omission in the recital. We are not told of the first half, but evidently the
meaning is that the mice (or rats) ate half the crop on the field, and half of what was brought into the
threshing floor. See also Iqbāl-nāma, p. 118. ↑
132 Elliot, VI. 364. ↑

133 The word maʿnī, “spiritual,” does not occur in the I.O. MSS., and does not appear to be
wanted. ↑
134 Also a weight = two barley-grains. Blochmann, 36. ↑

135 The line is wanting in some MSS. In I.O. MS. 181, the conjunction wa is omitted (p. 145b). ↑
136 So in text, but Sunday was either the 10th or the 17th. Apparently Sunday is a mistake for
Wednesday, as, later on, Thursday is mentioned as the 14th. ↑

137 Iqbāl-nāma, 119, “Three sons.” ↑
138 Apparently the meaning is that he carried them off as prisoners. ↑

139 Text jāda-dūstī by mistake for jān-dūstī. ↑
140 Namak, “salt.” See for a similar expression, p. 149, in the account of Chīn Qilīj. Perhaps the
phrase is a reminiscence of the answer given by Muḥammad Ḥusain M. when asked who had
captured him. “The king’s salt,” was his reply. ↑

141 The Sind is mentioned in Tieffenthaler, I. 184. See also I.G., new ed., XXII., p. 432. It is one of
the chief rivers of Central India. ↑
142 The word is s͟ hikār. Either the ducks were caught in nets and not shot, or the shooting was done
by others, for Jahāngīr had vowed to give up shooting from the time of S͟ hujāʿ’s illness. ↑

143 Akbar really took it in the 14th year of his reign (March, 1569). The siege lasted a month,
according to Abū-l-Faẓl. Akbar-nāma, II. 339. ↑
144 Elliot, VI. 366. ↑

145 For notes about the meaning of the word chaukandī, “four-cornered,” see Elliot, V. 347 and
503. ↑

146 Text Rustam, but it is Dastam in MS. 181, and it appears from Blochmann that Dastam or
Dostam is the proper spelling. See pp. 398 and 620. ↑
147 Apparently Jahāngīr spent the night in this summer-house. ↑

148 K͟ hilaʿāt, surely used here on account of the alliteration k͟ harjī u K͟ hilaʿāt. At p. 10 of Price’s
“Jahangir” it is stated that he released 7,000 prisoners from Gwalior Fort! ↑
149 durnā, or turnā, a crane. It is a Turki word. ↑

150 The words dīwān-i-buyūtāt are repeated. It looks as if the word buyūtāt in the second place was
a mistake, or if some word implying that Las͟ hkar K. had been appointed director of buildings
(dīwān-i-buyūtāt) had been omitted. Apparently ʿĀbid K. went to the Deccan as Dīwān, and not as
Dīwān-i-buyūtāt. Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 122. ↑
151 No. 181 has no conjunction, and makes the meaning “porcelain from Tartary.” ↑

152 See Blochmann, 140 and 233. Abū-l-Faẓl says the mujannas horses resemble Persian horses,
and are mostly Turkī or Persian geldings. ↑
153 So in text, but evidently Māndū, or at least Māndū in Malwa cannot be correct. The MSS. seem
to have Hindaun, and possibly this is the place meant. Or it may be the place called Mandawar or
Hindaun Road (see I.G., new ed., XIII. 135). The position of Hindaun agrees fairly well with
Jahāngīr’s itinerary, for Tieffenthaler, I., 172, says that Hindaun is 12 leagues—i.e., koss—S.S.-W.
from Biāna, and Jahāngīr gives the distance from Māndū or Hindaun to the neighbourhood of Bayānā
as 8¼ koss. Bayānā is in the Bhartpur State, and apparently about 21 miles from Hindaun. ↑

154 The quatrain which Jahāngīr describes as that of someone (s͟ hak͟ hsī) is included in ʿUmar
K͟ hayyām’s poems, and is thus translated by Whinfield:

“My comrades all are gone, Death, deadly foe,
Hath caught them one by one, and trampled low;
They shared life’s feast, and drank its wine with me,
But lost their heads and dropped a while ago.”

(Quatrain 219, p. 148.)

FitzGerald has it as Quatrain XXII., and his version is:

“For some we loved, the loveliest and the best
That from his Vintage rolling Time hath prest,

Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before,
And one by one crept silently to rest.”

The quatrain is also quoted by Badayūnī, Lowe’s translation, p. 192. The phrase tang-s͟ harāb in the
third line means “poor drinkers.” Whinfield has ba-yak s͟ harāb. But tang-s͟ harāb is given in
Johnson’s dictionary with the meaning of being easily made drunk, unable to carry much liquor. ↑

155 Bayānā (Biāna) is described in I.G., new ed., VII. 137. It is stated there that it used to have a fort
with a very high tower. Bahlūl’s tomb still exists. It was his brother, M. G͟ haus̤ , who was most known
for his skill in incantations, and who wrote a book on the subject. ↑
156 The story is told in the Akbar-nāma, Vol. I. Jahāngīr is not correct in saying that Humāyūn had
ordered Hindāl to remain in Agra. Hindāl went there without permission, and doubtless in order to
rebel. See also Gul-badan Begam’s “Memoirs,” who, naturally, tries to excuse her brother. ↑

157 This must be the Barmadh Mata mentioned by Beale (see Proceedings A.S.B. for August, 1873,
p. 159). Beale says there is a place of worship of the Hindus about 1½ koss from Biana in the district
of Bhartpur called Barmadh Mata. In the 7th year of Jahāngīr, 1022, 1613, Jahāngīr’s mother
Maryam-zamānī made a garden and a bāʾolī (step-well) here at a cost of Rs. 20,000. The garden has
disappeared, but the building which is over the bāʾolī still exists. Beale gives the inscription. William
Finch (Hakluyt Society) speaks of a place called Menhapur, near Biana, where there was a garden
made by the Queen-Mother. It was a great sarāy. The pargana Jūsat of the text is no doubt the
Chausath of Jarrett, II. 183, and of Elliot’s Supp. Gloss., II., p. 83. Barah may be the Parath or Berath
of Jarrett, II. 181. ↑
158 Apparently this is the Dāʾir or Dābar of Badayūnī, II. 171, and Akbar-nāma, III. 145. It is
described by Badayūnī as being 4 koss from Fatḥpūr. Dāʾir may also be read Dābar in MSS., and it is
Dābar in the map. It is in the Bhartpur State. ↑

159 So in the MSS. and the text, but must be a mistake for Aḥmadābād, which Jahāngīr left on 21
S͟ hahrīwar or 22 Ramaẓān. See also Iqbāl-nāma, 117. He arrived at the environs of Fatḥpūr on 19
Dai, or about 22 Muḥarram, 1028 (end of December, 1618). Apparently he considered that he arrived
at Fatḥpūr on 20 Dai. He remained on the outskirts and did not enter the town till the 28th (apparently
should be 26th or 27th). The Iqbāl-nāma 122 makes Jahāngīr arrive at the outskirts of Fatḥpūr on 20
Dai, and it gives the date of his entering the town as 26 Dai or 1 Ṣafar, 1028 (January 8, 1619). See p.
123. ↑
160 Viz., the propitious hour of the 28th Dai, which had been fixed for the entry into Agra, but was
now made the time for entering Fatḥpūr. ↑

161 The lake was to the north of the city, and is now dried up. It had been made by damming up a
stream. ↑

162 Apparently this lady was relating what had occurred in Agra, for Jahāngīr has just told us that
the plague did not come to Fatḥpūr. Her father was the Āṣaf K., known also as Jaʿfar K. The ladies
seem to have come out from Agra to welcome Jahāngīr. His mother came later from Agra, see
infra. ↑
163 Tiryāq-i-Fārūq. See Lane’s Dict., p. 304, col. 3. ↑

164 I.O. MSS. have az bālā radd u az pāyān it̤ lāq s͟ hud, “there was vomiting from above and
evacuations from below.” The text misses out the words az bālā radd. ↑
165 4,000 in No. 181. ↑

166 Certainly Thursday was the 27th according to Jahāngīr. The 28th must be a copyist’s mistake
here and previously. ↑
167 Jahāngīr says four g͟ haṛī are nearly equal to two sidereal hours. According to Abū-l-Faẓl, a g͟ haṛī
is the sixteenth part of a nychthemeron, or 360 out of the 21,600 breathings which make up a
nychthemeron—i.e., 24 hours. See Jarrett, III. 16 and 17, and II. 16, n. 4. According to the Bahār-i-
ʿajam, 2½ g͟ haṛī = one sidereal hour, so that, correctly speaking, five g͟ haṛī = two sidereal hours.
Each g͟ haṛī is 24 minutes (Jarrett, II. 16, n. 4). Here it should be noted that there is a mistake in the
translation at p. 17, line 2, of Jarrett, vol. III., due to a faulty reading in the Bib. Ind. edition of the
text. Instead of yakī we should read palī, as in two MSS. in my possession. Abū-l-Faẓl’s meaning
then becomes clear. What he says is, a g͟ haṛī is 360 breathings, consequently (pas) every pal (already
defined as the sixtieth part of a g͟ haṛī) is 360 divided by 60, and equal to six breathings (nafas).
Jahāngīr’s line, however, is obscure. In two I.O. MSS. we have ba-t̤ ālaʿī instead of ba-sāʿatī. I think
the meaning probably is that the same day which marked Jahāngīr’s arrival at Fatḥpūr also marked
S͟ hāh-Jahān’s birthday.

Tawallā is defined in the Bahār-i-ʿajam as meaning to have friendship with anyone. It also says that it
is used in the sense of taqarrub—i.e., nearness. It may be therefore that Jahāngīr’s line means “At a
moment which nearly corresponded to two (hours).” Taqwīm would then mean established or fixed,
and not a calendar. Taqwīm kardan is a phrase which means “to adjust, to arrange.” ↑
168 S͟ hāh-Jahān was born on January 5, 1592, so that in January, 1619, he began to be in his 28th
year—i.e., he was 27 complete. ↑

169 That is, 120 according to Muhammadan idea. ↑
170 Afterwards drowned in the Jhelam. ↑

171 Text darʿa, MSS. ẕirāʿ. See text 298, account of fifteenth year, where a darʿa is defined. The
Ilāhī gaz or daraʿ consisted of 40 digits (fingerbreadths), according to Jahāngīr. If the Kapūr tank be
the one described in the Archæological Survey Reports, Vol. XVIII., for 1894, yards seem to be
required here, for the tank is mentioned in the Report as being 95 feet 7 inches square. According to
Jahāngīr, 34 krors odd of dams—i.e., I presume, fulūs, in copper money, and 16 lakhs and 80,000
rupees in silver were poured into the tank, making a total of 1 kror and 3 lakhs of rupees, or 3 lakhs
43,000 tūmāns. Apparently the tūmān, which was a gold coin, was, in Jahāngīr’s time, reckoned as
worth 30 rupees, and Wollaston, in his Dictionary, says it was worth £3 in S͟ hāh ʿAbbās I.’s time.
Jahāngīr’s account of the tank should be compared with that given in the Akbar-nāma, III. 246 and
257, where the tank is called the Anūp-talāo, or the “Unequalled Tank.”

In the text, difficulty has, I think, been made by the introduction of the word kih in p. 260, six lines
from foot, and bās͟ had in the fifth line from the foot. These words make the sense to be that 34 krors
odd of dams were only equal to 16 lakhs odd of rupees. But this cannot be, for the dam was the
fortieth part of a rupee, and so 34 krors of dams would be not far short of one kror—i.e., 100 lakhs of
rupees. The MSS. have not the kih and bās͟ had in question, and have only a conjunction after the
word dām. Thirty-four krors odd of copper and 16 lakhs of silver were poured into the tank, making a
total, in round numbers, of 1 kror, 3 lakhs of rupees. According to Abū-l-Faẓl gold was also thrown
in. ↑
172 Text Yād ʿAlī, but the MSS. have Nād. See also Blochmann, 508. ↑

173 This name is Bairām or Sirām in MSS. Chikanī may be a trade designation, and mean
embroiderer, or worker in gold thread. ↑
174 Kūh-damān, “hill-subduing.” ↑

175 dībācha. Here meaning the early part of the Memoirs. ↑
176 The text has bā by mistake for yā. ↑

177 ʿaurāt-i-mustaḥaqqa. Perhaps “pensioned women.” ↑
178 These are the opening lines of Jāmī’s Yūsuf and Zulaik͟ hā (note by Mr. Rogers). ↑

179 Salīm Chis͟ htī died on 29 Ramaẓān 979, or February 15, 1572. Jahāngīr was born on 17 Rabīʿ
1st, 977; and so he would be about two years and seven months old at the time of Salīm’s death. See
Beale and K͟ hazīnatu-l-asfiyā, I. p. 435. ↑
180 The conjunction wa in text, p. 262, line 16, is a mistake. ↑

181 This is the Buland Darwāza. It was built many years after the mosque. For an account of it, see
Mr. Edmund Smith’s Fatḥpūr Sīkrī. The gateway is there said to be 134 feet high from the pavement

and 176 feet from the roadway. The thirty-two steps mentioned in text must be those from the
roadway to the gate. There are two flights of steps, and the total number, up to the top, is 123. The
quadrangle or court is stated by Keene to be 433 feet by 366. Another statement (in the
Archæological Report) is 438–9 by 359–10 feet. Salīm’s tomb was erected in 1581 (988). It is 47 feet
11 inches each way. ↑

182 4½, Iqbāl-nāma, 124. ↑
183 Text aiwān, but should be alwān, “coloured.” See Iqbāl-nāma, 124. ↑

184 Finch says: “Under the courtyard is a good tank of excellent water.” He also speaks of the lake
and of its being covered with the singāra (Trapa bicornis). ↑
185 That is, Bāyazīd, a grandson of the saint. Ikrām K. is another name for Hūs͟ hang. His mother
was Abū-l-Faẓl’s sister. According to the Maʾās̤ ir, I. 120, he was a tyrant. According to local
tradition, Qut̤ bu-d-dīn is buried in Bardwān near Shīr-afgan. ↑

186 So in text, but ought to be the 17th. ↑
187 Mau was a Himalayan fort. Blochmann, 345. The text has Mau u s͟ hahrī, and so have the MSS.
The Iqbāl-nāma has Maud u Mahrī, p. 124, and so has the Maʾās̤ ir U., II. 178. Evidently from what
follows there were two places, unless one was the fort and the other the city. See also Tūzuk, 304, l.
10, which has pargana Maud Mahrī. In the Āyīn, Jarrett, II. 319, we have Mau and Nabah, and the
next name in the list is Mahror. Gladwin has Mowd, and possibly we should translate “Mowd, a city
on which he relied.” ↑

188 The Iqbāl-nāma, 125, says Rs. 20,000 which would be 40,000 darbs. ↑
189 Jagat Singh afterwards became a rebel, joining S͟ hāh-Jahān, as also did Rāja Bikramājīt, or
Sundar. He rebelled also in S͟ hāh-Jahān’s reign, but was pardoned, and did good service in Kabul and
Badakhshan. He died in Peshawar in 1055 (1645). See Maʾās̤ ir U., II. 238, and Pādis͟ hāh-nāma, II.
481. ↑

190 It is ḥaṣr in text, but surely this is a mistake for ḥafr, and the meaning is that a new pit or well
should be made in the middle of the garden. It appears to be ḥafr in MSS. The Nūr-manzil garden is
the same as the Bāg͟ h Dahra, and was near Agra. Blochmann, 499. ↑

The Fourteenth New Year’s Feast from the
Auspicious Accession
On the morning of Thursday, the 4th of the month of Rabīʿu-l-āk͟ hir, Hijrī
1028 (March 10, 1619), the world-enlightening sun entered his house of
honour in Aries, and the fourteenth year of the reign of this suppliant
commenced in all prosperity and happiness. On Thursday, the 1st of the
New Year, my prosperous son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, who is the star of the forehead
of accomplished desires, and the brilliancy of the brow of prosperity,
prepared a grand entertainment, and presented me as offerings with a
selection of the precious things of the age, and rareties and curiosities of
every country. One of these is a ruby, weighing 22 surk͟ hs, of good colour,
and water, and shape. The jewellers have valued it at Rs. 40,000. Another is
a Qut̤ bī1 (?) ruby, in weight 3 tānks, and very delicate, valued at Rs. 40,000.
Further, six pearls, one of them 1 tānk and 8 surk͟ hs in weight. The Vakils of
my son had bought it in Gujarat for Rs. 25,000, and the five others for Rs.
33,000. Also one diamond, the price of which was Rs. 18,000. Also a
jewelled parda (sash), a sword-hilt made in his own goldsmith’s shop; most
of the jewels he had himself set and cut. He had brought great dexterity to
bear on the design. Its value was fixed as Rs. 50,000. The designs2 were his
own; no one else had up to this day thought of them. Undoubtedly it was a
fine piece of workmanship. There was also a pair of drums made of gold for
playing the mursal (overture?) with a whole orchestra—viz., kuwarga,
naqqāra, karanā, surnā, etc.—whatever was required for the naqqāra-
khāna (music-hall) of great princes, and all made of silver. At the
auspicious hour at which I had seated myself on the throne of success these
were all sounded. The whole of them came to a value of Rs. 65,000.
Another was a seat for riding an elephant, called by moderns a howdah
(hauda), made of gold, worth Rs. 30,000. Beside this there were two large
elephants and five elephant-trappings of the offerings of Qut̤ bu-l-mulk,
ruler of Golconda. The first elephant was named Dād-i-Ilāhī (the gift of
God). As it entered the private elephant-house on New Year’s Day, I gave it

the name of Nūr-i-Naurūz (the Light of New Year’s Day). In truth he is a
grand elephant, and lacks nothing of size, beauty, and dignity. As he looked
well to my eye, I mounted him and rode him into the courtyard of the
palace. His value was fixed at Rs. 80,000, and the value of six3 others at Rs.
20,000. Its golden trappings, consisting of golden chains, etc., my son had
had made for the elephant Nūr-i-Naurūz, were worth Rs. 30,000. The
second elephant, with silver housings, was also presented, with Rs. 10,000
more in various choice jewels. The kurkarāqs4 of my son had also prepared
and sent delicate cloths from Gujarat. If all details were to be written, it
would take too long. Briefly, the whole of his offerings was of the value of
Rs. 450,000. It is hoped that he will eat the fruit of long life and prosperity.

On Friday, the 2nd, S͟ hajāʿat K. ʿArab, and Nūru-d-dīn Qulī, the kotwal, laid
their offerings before me. On Saturday, the 3rd, Dārāb K., son of the K͟ hān-
k͟ hānān, and on Sunday, the 4th, K͟ hān Jahān, prayed to be allowed to
entertain me. Out of the latter’s offerings I accepted one pearl, bought for
Rs. 20,000, with other rareties, altogether of the value of Rs. 130,000, and
presented him with the rest. On Monday, the 5th, Rāja Kis͟ han Dās and
Ḥakīm K., on Tuesday, the 6th, Sardār K., and on Wednesday, the 7th,
Muṣt̤ afā K. and Amānat K., presented their offerings. From each of these I
took a trifle in order to dignify them. On Thursday, the 8th, Iʿtimādu-d-
daula, Madār-ul-mulk (the pivot of the country), having prepared a royal
entertainment, begged to be allowed to receive me. In accepting this request
his standing was raised. In fact, in decorating the assembly and the
largeness of his offering, he had exceeded himself, and made many
decorations, and illuminated all sides of the lake as far as the eye could
reach, and decorated the streets both near and far with all kinds of lights and
coloured lanterns. Among the offerings of that Madār-us-saltana there was
a throne of gold and silver, much ornamented and decorated, the supports of
which were in the form of tigers. It had been completed with great assiduity
in the space of three years, and was made at the cost of Rs. 450,000. This
throne had been made by a skilful European of the name of Hunarmand
(skilful), who had no rival in the arts of a goldsmith and a jeweller, and in
all sorts of skill (hunarmandī). He had made it very well, and I gave him
this name. In addition to the offerings he had brought for me, he offered the
value of Rs. 100,000 in jewelled ornaments and cloths to the Begams and

other ladies of the Palace. Without exaggeration, from the beginning of the
reign of the late king (may the light of Allah be his testimony!) until now,
which is the fourteenth year of the rule of this suppliant, not one of the great
Amirs has presented such offerings. In fact, what comparison is there
between him and others?

On this day Ikrām K., s. Islām K. was honoured with the mansab, original
and increased, of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan
with that of 2,000 personal and 1,600 horse, original and increased. On
Friday, the 9th, Iʿtibār K. presented his offering, and on the same day K͟ hān
Daurān, having been presented with a horse and an elephant, took leave to
go to the government of Patna.5 His mansab, according to a previous rule,
was fixed at 6,000 personal and 5,000 horse. On Saturday, the 10th, Fāẓil
K., on Sunday, the 11th, Mīr Mīrān, on Monday, the 12th, Iʿtiqād K. on
Tuesday, the 13th, Tātār K. and Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan, and on Wednesday, the
14th, Mīrzā Rāja Bhāo Singh, presented their offerings. Selecting from
them what was delicate and new, I gave the remainder to them. On
Thursday, the 15th, Āṣaf K͟ hān prepared a grand assembly and a royal
entertainment in his own house, which is a very fine and pleasant place, and
begged to be allowed to receive me. At his request, giving him the dignity
of acceptance, I went there with the ladies. That pillar of the kingdom
looked on this as a bounty from the secret Giver, and in the increase of his
offering and preparation of the entertainment displayed great magnificence.
Of jewels of great price and delicate gold brocades and all sorts of gifts, that
which was approved was selected, and I presented him with the remainder.
Among the offerings was a ruby weighing 12½ tānks, which was bought for
Rs. 125,000. The value of the offerings that were accepted was Rs. 167,000.
On this day K͟ hwāja Jahān was raised to the mansab of 5,000 personal and
2,500 horse.

Las͟ hkar K., having come, by order, from the Deccan, had the honour of
waiting on me. As I had determined, after the rainy season had passed and
in the beginning of the good weather, to go to the perpetual spring garden of
Kashmīr under the favour of Almighty God, it seemed right to me that the
guardianship and administration of the fort and city of Agra and the
faujdārship of the district, after the manner in which they had been held by

K͟ hān Jahān, should be entrusted to Las͟ hkar K., and I honoured him with
the good news. Amānat K. was entrusted with the duty of superintendent of
branding (of horses) and of parading the troopers.6 On Friday, the 16th,
K͟ hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, Chief Bak͟ hs͟ hī, on Saturday, the 17th, Ṣādiq K.
Bak͟ hs͟ hī, on Sunday, the 18th, Irādat K., Chief Butler, and on Monday, the
19th, which was the day of the sun’s culmination, ʿAẓudu-d-daula K.,
presented offerings, and I accepted from each of them, by way of exalting
their dignity, what I approved. At this New Year the value of the accepted
offerings of the servants of the Court came to Rs. 2,000,000. On the day of
culmination I conferred on my auspicious son Sult̤ ān Parwīz7 the mansab of
20,000 personal and 10,000 horse, original and increased. Iʿtimādu-d-daula
was promoted to that of 7,000 personal and horse. I selected ʿAẓudu-d-
daula for the duty of tutor to the pupil of the eye of the Sultanate, S͟ hāh
S͟ hujāʿ. I hope that he (the latter) may endure for his natural term of life and
may be one of the prosperous ones. Qāsim K. was raised to the mansab of
1,500 personal and 500 horse, and Bāqir K. to that of 1,000 personal and
400 horse. As Mahābat K. had asked for reinforcements, I appointed 500
Aḥadī horse to Bangash, and presented ʿIzzat K., who had done approved
service in that province, with a horse and a jewelled khapwa. At this time
ʿAbdu-s-Sattār8 presented as an offering a compendium in the handwriting
of the late king Humāyūn (may the lights of Allah be his testimony!),
containing some prayers, an introduction to the science of astronomy, and
other marvellous things, most of which he had studied and carried into
practice. After reverently inspecting his auspicious handwriting, I felt a joy
such as I had seldom experienced. I was exceedingly rejoiced, for, by God,
no precious thing I have can be compared with this. In return I increased his
mansab beyond what he had imagined possible, and gave him a present of
Rs. 1,000. Hunarmand, the European who had made the jewelled throne, I
presented with 3,000 darb, a horse and an elephant. I gave Rs. 1,000 to
K͟ hwāja K͟ hāwand Maḥmūd, who is a pilgrim of the Path of the K͟ hwājas,
and is not void of dervishism and spirituality. Las͟ hkar K. was promoted to
the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, Maʿmūr K. to that of 900
personal and 450 horse, Khwājagī T̤ āhir to that of 800 personal and 300
horse, and Sayyid Aḥmad Qādirī to that of 800 and 60 horse. On Rāja
Sārang Deo was conferred the mansab of 700 personal and 30 horse, on Mīr

K͟ halīl-u-llah, s. ʿAẓudu-d-daula, that of 600 personal and 250 horse, on the
eunuch Fīrūz K., that of 600 and 150 horse, on K͟ hidmat K͟ hān that of 550
and 130 horse, on Maḥram K. that of 500 and 120 horse, on ʿIzzat K. that of
600 personal and 100 horse, on Rāy Newālī Dās, the accountant of the
elephant department, that of 600 personal and 120 horse, on Rāy Mānī Dās,
the superintendent of the Palace, that of 600 personal and 100 horse, on
Nathmal and Jagmal, sons of Kis͟ han Singh, that of 500 and 225 horse each.
If the increase of mansab given to those of less than 500 were to be written
in full it would be too long. Rs. 2,000 were given to K͟ hiẓr K., who
belonged9 to Khandesh.

On Wednesday, the 21st, I went to Amānābād for the purpose of sport.
Some days before this, in accordance with orders, K͟ hwāja Jahān, and
Qiyām K., the head huntsman, had chosen a wide plain for a qamarg͟ ha
hunt, and drawn an enclosure round it, and driven within it many antelope
from the neighbouring plains. As I had vowed that I would hereafter not kill
any living thing with my own hand, it occurred to me to take them all alive,
and place them within the Chaugān (polo-ground) of Fatḥpūr, so that I
might both enjoy the pleasure of sport and that at the same time no harm
should happen to them. I accordingly took 700 head and sent them to
Fatḥpūr. As the hour for entering the capital was near, I ordered Rāy Mān,
k͟ hidmatiyya,10 to put up a screen on two sides, like a lane, from the
hunting-place to the plain of Fatḥpūr, and to drive the antelope there. About
800 antelope were sent in this way, or altogether 1,500. On the night of
Wednesday, the 28th, marching from Amānābād, I halted in Būstān Sarāy,
and on the eve of Thursday, the 29th, I halted at the Nūr-manzil garden.

On Friday, the 30th, the mother11 of S͟ hāh-Jahān attained the mercy of God.
The next day I myself went to the house of that precious son, and having
condoled with him in every way, took him with me to the palace. On
Sunday, the 1st Urdībihis͟ ht, at the auspicious hour chosen by the astrologers
and astronomers, I mounted a special elephant of the name of Dilīr, and in
all prosperity and happiness entered the city. A great crowd of people, men
and women, had collected together in the streets and bazaars, and at the
gates and walls, expecting me. According to custom, I went on, scattering
money on the way, to inside the palace. From the date on which the army of

prosperity started for this happily terminated journey until now, when I
returned in happiness and good fortune, it was five years, seven months,
and nine days. At this time I ordered my son Sult̤ ān Parwīz that, as a long
time had passed during which he had been deprived of waiting on me
personally, or had been fortunate enough to pay his respects, if he were
desirous of meeting me, he should come to Court. On the arrival of the
gracious farmān, that son, considering the manifestation of this favour a gift
from the hidden world, turned the face of his hope towards the sphere-
resembling Court. At this time I gave away, as a means of livelihood, to
Faqirs and deserving people 44,786 bighas of land, and two entire villages,
with 320 ass-loads (k͟ harwār, a weight) of grain from Kashmir, and seven
ploughs12 of land in Kabul. I hope that the Grace of the Bestower of desires
and benevolence may be their daily lot.

One of the occurrences of this time is the revolt of Allāhdād, son of Jalāl,
the Afghan. The details of this are that when Mahābat K. obtained leave to
go and take possession of Bangash and overthrow the Afghans, from an
idea that that wretch would do some service in return for the favours and
kindness I had conferred on him, he prayed that he might take him with
him. As the natural tendency of such ungrateful men who do not recognize
what is right, tends to enmity and malevolence, by way of precaution it was
decided to send his son and brother to the Court that they might be as
hostages. After the arrival there of his son and brother, I, by way of
comforting them, did them all kinds of kindness, but, as they have said:

“The blanket of fortune of anyone that has been woven black
Cannot be whitened even by the waters of Zamzam and Kaus̤ ar.”

From the day on which he arrived in that country the signs of rascality and
want of recognition of the right began to be apparent on the cheeks of his
affairs, and Mahābat K., in order to control matters, did not loose from his
hand the rope of forbearance until, at this time, he sent a force under the
leadership of his son against a band of Afghans, and sent Allāhdād with
him. When they reached the purposed place, from the enmity and
malevolence of the aforesaid, that attack did not succeed, and they returned
with their aim uncompleted. The evil-dispositioned Allāhdād, from a

suspicion lest this time Mahābat K. should abandon his method of
conciliation, and ascertain the real state of affairs, and that he should be
caught in recompense for his evil deeds, lifted up the veil of reverence, and
betrayed involuntarily the faithlessness to his salt, which he had till then
concealed. When I heard from Mahābat K.’s letter the true state of affairs, I
ordered them to imprison his son and brother in the fort of Gwalior. As it
had happened (Jalāl Tārīkī), the father of this wretch had also fled from the
service of the late king, and for years passed his time in thieving and
highway robbery, until he was caught in the recompense of his own evil
deeds. It is hoped that this rascal will also soon obtain the reward of his bad
actions.

On Thursday, the 5th, Mān Singh, s. Rāwat S͟ hankar, who was one of the
auxiliaries of Bihar, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 600
horse. I sent off ʿĀqil K. to look after the cavalry,13 and inquire into the
corps of the mansabdars who had been appointed for duty in Bangash, and
gave him an elephant. I sent as a gift to Mahābat K. a private dagger made
after the Māzandarān fashion, along with Dūst Beg. The offering of
Monday was given as a present to Maḥmūd Āb-dār, who from the time
when I was a prince and the days of my childhood had served me. Mīrān
(not Bīzan,14 as in the printed book), son-in-law of Pāyanda K. Moghul,
was promoted to the mansab of 700 personal and 450 horse. Muḥammad
Ḥusain, brother of K͟ hwāja Jahān, who was Bakhshi of Kāngṛa, was
promoted to the mansab of 600 personal and 450 horse. On this day
Tarbiyat K., who is one of the hereditary houseborn ones of this Court, and
had been enrolled among the Amirs by reason15 of his good disposition,
died. He was not devoid of sluggishness (nā-murādī, literally want of
desires) and self-indulgence (salāmat-i-nafs), and was a young man fond of
pleasure (ʿayyās͟ h-ṭabīʿat). He wished to pass his whole life at ease, and was
devoted to Hindu music and did not understand it badly. He was a man void
of evil. Rāja Sūraj Singh was raised to the mansab of 2,000 personal and
horse. To Karamu-llah, s. ʿAlī Mardān K. Bahādur, Bāqir K., Faujdār of
Multan, Malik Muḥibb Afghan, and Maktūb K. were given elephants.
Sayyid Bāyazīd Bhakkarī, to whom was entrusted the charge of the fort of
Bhakkar and the faujdārship of that region, was also honoured with an

elephant. Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K. was distinguished with the gift of a
jewelled dagger. I gave elephants to S͟ haik͟ h Aḥmad Hānsī, S͟ haik͟ h ʿAbdu-l-
Lat̤ īf Sambhalī, the eunuch Firāsat K., and Rāy Kunwar Chand Mustaufī
(auditor). Muḥammad S͟ hafīʿ Bakhshi of the Panjab, was raised to the
mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse. The mansab of 500 personal and
150 horse was conferred on Mūnis, s. Mihtar16 K. He (Mūnis) had charge of
the fort of Kālinjar.

On this day arrived the news of the death of S͟ hāh-nawāz K. s. the
Commander-in-Chief K͟ hān K͟ hānān. It was the cause of distress of mind to
me. At the time when that Ātālīq (K͟ hān K͟ hānān) took leave from waiting
on me, it had been strictly impressed upon him that, as it had been
repeatedly brought to my ear that S͟ hāh-nawāz K. had been maddened with
wine and drank immoderately, if there was truth in this it was a pity that he
should destroy himself at his age. It was necessary that he should not leave
him to his own way, but look after his case properly. If he could not leave
his charge himself, he should write a clear report, so that, having summoned
him into my presence, I might give the best order practicable under the
circumstances. When he arrived at Burhanpur, having found S͟ hāh-nawāz
K͟ hān very weak and low, he tried to make some remedy for him. After
some days’ confinement to bed (literally, lord of the carpet) he fell on the
couch of powerlessness. Whatever remedies and plans the physicians
employed were of no avail, and in the best time of his youth and prosperity,
in the thirty-third year of his age, to the sorrow and grief of the world, he
went to the place of the mercy and pardon of God. On hearing this
unpleasant news I was greatly grieved, for in truth he was an intelligent
youth and born in the house. He would have performed important services
in this State, and left great traces behind him. Although this road is before
all and there is no escape for anyone out of the command of destiny, yet it
appears sad to depart in this fashion. It is hoped he will be among those
who are pardoned. I sent Rāja Sārang Deo, who was one of my close
attendants and is a tactful person, to the Ātālīq, and favoured and consoled
him in every way. The mansab of 5,000 held by S͟ hāh-nawāz I added on to
those of his brothers and sons. To Dārāb, his younger brother, I gave the
mansab of 5,000 personal, original and increased, and presented him with a
dress of honour, an elephant, a horse, and a jewelled sword, and gave him

leave to go to his father to fill, in place of S͟ hāh-nawāz, the post of governor
of Berar and Ahmadnagar. Raḥmān-dād, another brother, I promoted to the
mansab of 2,000 and 800 horse. Manūchahr, s. S͟ hāh-nawāz, was given the
mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. T̤ ag͟ hzal (Tog͟ hril?), s. S͟ hāh-
nawāz17 K. was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse.
On Thursday, the 12th, Qāsim K., son-in-law of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, was
honoured with the favour of a standard. Asadu-llah, s. Sayyid Ḥājī, who had
come with the intention of obtaining service, had the mansab bestowed on
him of 500 personal and 100 horse. Ṣadr Jahān, son-in-law of the deceased
Murtaẓā K., received that of 700 personal and 600 horse, and was appointed
to the faujdārship of Sambhal, and, having had an elephant bestowed on
him, I gave him leave. Bhārat Bandīla was also presented with the mansab
of 600 personal and 400 horse, and had an elephant given him, and an
elephant was bestowed on Sangrām, the Raja of Jammu.

In Ahmadabad I had two male mārk͟ hūr goats. As I had not a female in my
establishment to pair with them, it occurred to me that if I could pair them
with Barbary goats, which they bring from Arabia, especially from the port
of the city of Darkhar,18 young of their form and qualities might be
obtained. In short, I paired them with seven Barbary ewes, and after six
months had elapsed each of the latter had a young one at Fatḥpūr: there
were four females and three males, very pleasing in appearance, of good
shape and good colour. In their colour, those (kids) which resembled the
male (taka, not baka, as in the printed copy) were dun-coloured with black
stripes on their backs. Red,19 indeed, appears to me a more pleasing colour
than any other, and it is the mark of a better breed. Of their liveliness and
laughable ways and their manner of gamboling and leaping, what can be
written? Some of their ways are such that the mind derived uncontrolled
pleasure from looking at them. It is notorious that painters cannot draw
properly the motions of a kid. Granting that they may chance to draw the
movements of an ordinary kid after a fashion, they certainly would have to
acknowledge themselves at a loss how to draw the motions of these kids.
When one month, or even twenty days old, they would leap up upon high
places and throw themselves on to the ground in a way that if any other but
a kid were to do so, not one limb would be left whole. As it pleased me, I

ordered them always to be kept near me, and I gave each of them an
appropriate name. I am much delighted with them, and pay great attention
to bringing together mārk͟ hūr males and well-bred she-goats. I desire to
have many young ones from them, and that they may become well known
among men. After their young shall have paired, most probably more
delicate ones will be obtained. One of their peculiarities is that ordinary
kids immediately they are born, and until they begin to suck, make a great
bleating, whilst these, on the contrary, make no sound, and stand quite
contented and without wailing. Perhaps their flesh would be very pleasant
to the taste.

Before this, an order had been given that Muqarrab K., having been
appointed to Bihar, should hasten off there. He came to Court in order to
pay his respects before he repaired to his destination, and accordingly, on
Thursday, the 2nd K͟ hūrdād, an elephant with trappings, two horses, and a
jewelled khapwa were conferred on him, and he took leave. Rs. 50,000
were given him as an advance of pay. On the same day Sardār K͟ hān
received a dress of honour, an elephant, and a horse, and obtained the
Sarkar of Monghyr, which is in the province of Bihar and Bengal, and took
leave. Mīr S͟ harīf,20 the Vakīl of Qut̤ bu-l-mulk, who was at Court, took
leave. My fortunate son, S͟ hāh-Jahān, sent with him the brother of Afẓal K.,
his Diwan. As Qut̤ bu-l-mulk had shown attachment and desire to please,
and repeatedly importuned me for a portrait, I presented him, at his request,
with my likeness, a jewelled khapwa, and a phūl kaṭāra. 24,000 darb, a
jewelled dagger, a horse, and a dress of honour were also given to the
aforesaid Mīr S͟ harīf. Fāẓil K., director of buildings, was advanced to the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and Ḥakīm Rāgho Nāth to that of
600 personal and 60 horse. As at this time the anniversary of the late king
(Akbar) occurred, Rs. 5,000 were handed over to some of my chief servants
to divide among poor and deserving people. Ḥasan ʿAlī K., jagirdar of the
Sarkar of Monghyr, was honoured with the mansab of 2,500 personal and
horse, and sent to the assistance of Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang, governor of the
province of Bengal, and he was presented with a sword. As Mīrzā S͟ harafu-
d-dīn Ḥusain Kās͟ hg͟ harī sacrificed his life on duty in Bangash, I promoted
his son Ibrāhīm Ḥusain to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. At
this time Ibrāhīm K. constructed two boats,21 which in the language of the

country they call Kos͟ ha, one of gold and the other of silver, and sent them
to me by way of offering. Undoubtedly, of their own kind they are the
finest. One of these I gave to my son S͟ hāh-Jahān. On Thursday, the 9th,
Sādāt K. was granted the mansab of 1,000 personal and 60 horse. On this
day ʿAẓudu-d-daula and S͟ hajāʿat K. ʿArab took leave for their jagirs. On
this Thursday I presented Āṣaf K. with a jewelled khapwa and a phūl
katāra. As my fortunate son Sult̤ ān Parwīz proposed to come to Court, he
asked for a special nādirī dress of honour, a chīra, and a fota, so that he
might wear them and be distinguished on the day of meeting me and of
having the good fortune to pay his respects. According to his request, I sent
by the hand of his Vakil, S͟ harīf, a sumptuous dress of honour with a chīra
and a special sash. On Thursday, the 23rd, Mīrzā Wālī, son of the aunt of
this suppliant, came by order from the Deccan, and had the good fortune to
kiss the threshold. His father, K͟ hwāja Ḥasan K͟ hāldār (the freckled?), was
one of the Naqs͟ hbandī K͟ hwājas. My uncle, Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, gave
his sister in marriage to the K͟ hwāja. I heard much praise of the K͟ hwāja
from people: he had both good family and got on well with every one, and
for a long time the management of the affairs of my uncle Mīrzā
Muḥammad Ḥakīm had been in his hands, and he was on very good terms
with him. Before the Mīrzā’s death he had himself delivered22 over the
deposit of his life. Two sons survived him—viz., Mīrzā Badīʿu-z-zamān and
Mīrzā Wālī. M. Badīʿu-z-zamān, after the death of the Mīrzā, ran away, and
went to Mā-warāʾa-n-nahr (Transoxania), and in that exile became a
traveller on the road of non-existence. The Begam and Mīrzā Wālī came to
the glorious Court, and H.M. (Akbar) behaved very kindly to the Begam.
The Mīrzā also is a steady and sedate young man, not devoid of
reasonableness and understanding. He is very skilled in the science of
music. At this time it occurred to me to marry the daughter of the deceased
Prince Dāniyāl to the Mīrzā, and my reason for sending for the Mīrzā to
Court was this. This girl (Bulāqī Begam) is the offspring of the daughter of
Qilīj Muḥammad K. It is hoped that the grace of striving to please and to
serve, which is the means of good fortune and prosperity, may be his (M.
Wālī’s) lot and fortune.

On this day Sarbuland Rāy, who had been sent on duty to the Deccan, was
promoted to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,500 horse.

At this time it was reported to me that a Shayyād (a loud talker, a cheat) of
the name of S͟ haik͟ h23 Aḥmad had spread the net of hypocrisy and deceit in
Sirhind, and caught in it many of the apparent worshippers without
spirituality, and had sent into every city and country one of his disciples,
whom he called his deputy (k͟ halīfa), and whom he considered more skilled
than others in the adorning of shops (of deceit) and selling of religious
knowledge, and in deceiving men. He had also written a number of idle
tales to his disciples and his believers, and had made them into a book
which he called Maktūbāt (letters). In that album (Jung) of absurdities
many unprofitable things had been written that drag (people) into infidelity
and impiety. Amongst these he had written in a letter as follows: “In the
course of my travels I had come to the dwelling of the Two Lights (the Sun
and Moon), and saw a very lofty and very splendid building. From there I
passed to the abode of Discrimination (Fārūq), and from there I passed to
the abode of Truth (Ṣiddīq), and to each I wrote a suitable explanation (or
perhaps, of each I wrote a suitable description). From there I reached the
abode of Love, and I beheld a brilliant dwelling. It had divers colours and
lights and reflected glories. That is to say (God forgive us!—an exclamation
of Jahāngīr’s), I passed from the abode of the Vicegerents (k͟ hulafā) and
attained to the highest rank.” There were other presumptuous expressions
which it would be too long to write, and would be contrary to good
manners. I accordingly gave an order that they should bring him to the
Court that is based on justice. According to order he came to pay his
respects. To all that I asked him he could give no reasonable answer, and
appeared to me to be extremely proud and self-satisfied, with all his
ignorance. I considered the best thing for him would be that he should
remain some time in the prison of correction until the heat of his
temperament and confusion of his brain were somewhat quenched, and the
excitement of the people also should subside. He was accordingly handed
over to Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan to be imprisoned in Gwalior fort.

On Saturday, the 25th K͟ hūrdād, my fortunate son Sult̤ ān Parwīz came from
Allahabad, and with prostration at the threshold of the Khalifate illuminated
the forehead of sincerity. After he had performed the ceremony of kissing
the ground and been honoured with special favour, I bade him sit. He
presented 2,000 muhars and 2,000 rupees by way of naẕr, and made an

offering of a diamond. As his elephants had not yet arrived, he would
produce them on another occasion. He had brought with him to the Court,
which is the asylum of the world, Rāja Kalyān, Zamindar of Ratanpūr,
against whom this my son had by order sent an army, and had taken from
him as an offering 80 elephants and Rs. 100,000. My son brought him with
him, and he had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Wazīr K., my son’s
Diwan who is one of the old servants of the Court, having had the good
fortune to pay his respects to me, presented as offerings 28 elephants, male
and female. Of these nine were accepted, and the rest bestowed on him.

As it had been represented to me that Muruwwat K., s. Iftik͟ hār K., who was
one born and bred up at this Court, had fought with a band of Maghs on the
borders of Bengal and had sacrificed his life, I promoted Allāh-yār, his
brother, to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and another brother
to that of 400 personal and horse, so that those he had left behind should not
be distressed. On Monday, the 3rd of the Divine month of Tīr, in the
neighbourhood of the city four black bucks, a doe, and a fawn were taken.
As I passed by the house of my fortunate son, Sult̤ ān Parwīz, he presented
two tusked elephants with their trappings by way of offering; both were
ordered to be placed in the private elephant-stud.

On Thursday, the 13th, Sayyid Ḥasan, the ambassador of my happy brother,
S͟ hāh ʿAbbās, ruler of Persia, having had the good fortune to kiss the
threshold, produced a letter, together with a crystal drinking-cup, on the
cover of which was a ruby. As it was given from excessive friendship and
sincerity it was the cause of the increase of amity and good fellowship. On
this day Fidāʾī K. was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500
horse, and Naṣru-llah, s. Fatḥu-llah, in whose charge was the fort of Ambar,
that of 1,500 personal and 400 horse. On Thursday, the 20th, Amānu-llah, s.
Mahābat K., was promoted to the mansab of 1,500 personal and 800 horse.
Having conferred on Wazīr K. the Diwanship of Bengal, I gave him a horse,
a dress of honour, and a jewelled dagger. Elephants were given to Mīr
Ḥusāmu-d-dīn and Zabar-dast K. On this day Ḥāfiz̤ Ḥasan, a servant of
K͟ hān ʿĀlam, came to Court with a precious letter from my brother S͟ hāh
ʿAbbās, and a report from that pillar of the Sultanate (K͟ hān ʿĀlam). He laid
before me a dagger the hilt of which was made of a fish’s24 tooth spotted

with black, that my brother had given to K͟ hān ʿĀlam. As it was a great
rarity, he (K͟ hān ʿĀlam) had sent it to me. I greatly approved of it; in fact, it
is a rare present. I had never seen a spotted one until now, and I was much
pleased.

On Thursday, the 27th, M. Wālī was promoted to the mansab of 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse. On the 24th, I gave 1,000 darbs as a present to
Sayyid Ḥasan, the ambassador, and an elephant to ʿAbdu-llah K. Bahādur
Fīrūz-jang. On Thursday, the 2nd of the Divine month of Amurdād, a horse
was presented to Iʿtibār K. ʿĀqil K. was promoted to the mansab of 1,000
personal and 800 horse.

On the night of Saturday, the 4th of the Ilāhī month of Amurdād,
corresponding with 15 S͟ haʿbān, was the feast of the S͟ hab-i-barāt. By order,
they decorated and brought before me on the river, boats with lamps and all
kinds of fireworks. In truth, the lamps they had arranged appeared very
pretty, and for a long time I enjoyed myself in going round and looking at
them. On Tuesday, Mīrān,25 s. Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, who was one of the well-
brought-up khanazads, was selected for the mansab of 700 personal and 500
horse, and K͟ hwāja Zainu-d-dīn for that of 700 personal and 300 horse, and
K͟ hwāja Muḥsin for that of 700 personal and 100 horse. On Thursday, the
9th, I went to hunt at the village of Samūnagar. Passing my time pleasantly
in going round and hunting on that pleasant plain until Monday, I returned
on the eve of Tuesday to the palace. On Thursday, the 16th, Bis͟ hūtan,
grandson of S͟ haik͟ h Abū-l-Faẓl (the author), was promoted to the mansab of
700 personal and 350 horse. On this day I went round to see the garden of
Gul-afs͟ hān, which is on the bank of the Jumna. On the way rain fell heavily
and filled the mead with freshness and greenness. Pineapples had arrived at
perfection, and I made a thorough inspection. Of the buildings that
overlooked the river none26 that I saw were without the charm of verdure
and flowing water. These verses of Anwarī appeared appropriate to the
place:

Verse.

“’Tis a day of mirth and jollity,
A daily market of flowers and odours;
The earth-heaps are suffused with ambergris,
The zephyr sheds rose-water from his skirt,
From contact with the morning breeze the pool
Is roughened and pointed, like the edge of a file.”

As this garden is in the charge of K͟ hwāja Jahān, he presented me as
offerings with some pieces of brocade of a new fashion they had lately
brought for him from ʿIrāq. Selecting what I approved of, I presented the
remainder to him. He had arranged the garden well, and his mansab was
ordered to be raised to 5,000 personal and 3,000 horse, original and
increased.

A strange circumstance was that I was so much delighted with a jewelled
dagger-hilt of piebald teeth which K͟ hān ʿĀlam had got from S͟ hāh ʿAbbās
and sent to me (see ante), that I appointed several skilful men to go to Īrān
and Tūrān to look for them and to be consistently searching for them, and to
bring some from anywhere and any person, anyhow, and at any price. Many
of my servants who knew my disposition, and dignified Amīrs in the course
of their duty, engaged in the search. It happened that in this city a stupid
stranger bought in the open bazaar a coloured tooth of great beauty and
delicacy for a trifle; he believed that some time or other it had fallen into
the fire, and that the black on it was the mark of burning! After some time
he showed it to one of the carpenters on the establishment of my prosperous
son S͟ hāh-Jahān, desiring that he should take off a piece of the tooth in order
to make a ring (s͟ hast), and pointed out that he should remove the marks of
burning and the blacknesses, being ignorant that the blackness enhanced the
value and price of the whiteness. Those moles and patches were what the
tirewoman of destiny had given as an adornment of its beauty. The
carpenter at once went to the Superintendent of his workshop, and gave him
the good news that such a rare and precious thing, in search of which people
were wandering and going long distances, and hastening to all corners and
in all directions in various countries, had fallen for nothing into the hands of
an ignorant man, who did not know its value. It could be easily and cheaply
obtained from him. The Superintendent went off with him and immediately

procured it, and next day produced it before my son. When my son S͟ hāh-
Jahān came to wait on me, he at first showed great delight, and after his
brain had become free from the intoxication of the wine of joy, produced it,
and greatly pleased me—

Verse.

“Thy Time is happy in that thou hast made mine happy.”

I invoked so many blessings on him that if one of them out of a hundred
obtain acceptance, it will suffice for his spiritual and material well-being.

On this day Bahlīm K., one of the chief servants of ʿĀdil K. came and
waited on me. As he had chosen my service out of sincerity, I bestowed on
him unstinted favours, and presented him with a dress of honour, a horse, a
sword, and 10,000 darbs, with the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse.
At this time a petition came from K͟ hān Daurān, stating that: “Your Majesty,
from the perfection of kindness and knowledge of his worth, had appointed
to the government of Thatta (Sind) an old slave, notwithstanding his great
age and weak sight. As this weak old man was exceedingly bent and
decrepit, and had not in him the ability to exert himself or to ride, he prays
that he may be excused military service, and that he may be enrolled in the
army of prayer.” At his request, I ordered the chief Diwans to confirm him
in the pargana of Khushāb,27 with a revenue of 3,000,000 of dāms, and
which he for a long time had held as a tank͟ hwāh jagir, and which had
become peopled and cultivated, by way of providing for his expenses, so
that he might pass his time in easy circumstances. His eldest son, by name
S͟ hāh Muḥammad, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 600
horse, his second son, Yaʿqūb Beg, obtaining that of 700 personal and 350
horse. The third son, Asad Beg, was promoted to the mansab of 300
personal and 50 horse.

On Saturday, the 1st of the Divine month of S͟ hahriwar, I sent dresses of
honour for the rainy season to the Ātālīq Commander-in-Chief K͟ hān-

k͟ hānān Jān-sipār and the other great Amīrs, who had been sent on duty to
the Deccan, by the hand of Yazdān.28

As the purpose of visiting the eternal spring of the rose-garden of Kashmir
was settled in my mind, I sent off Nūru-d-dīn Qulī to hasten on before, to
repair as far as was possible the ups and downs of the Pūnch29 route to it,
and to prepare it, so that the passage of laden beasts over difficult hilltops
might be accomplished with ease, and that the men should not undergo
labour and hardship. A large number of artificers, such as stone-cutters,
carpenters, spadesmen, etc., were despatched with him, to whom an
elephant was also given. On the eve of Thursday, the 13th, having gone to
the garden of Nūr-manzil, I passed the time in enjoyment in that rose-
garden of delight until Sunday, the 16th. Rāja Bikramājīt Baghela came
from the fort of Māndpūr, which is his native place, and had the good
fortune to kiss the threshold, and by way of offering presented an elephant
and a jewelled plume. Maqṣūd K. was honoured with the mansab of 1,000
personal and 130 horse. On Thursday, the 20th, my son S͟ hāh Parwīz
produced two elephants as an offering, and they were ordered to be
included in the private stud. On the 24th of the aforesaid month the feast of
the solar weighing took place in the palace of Maryamu-z-zamānī, and my
51st year according to the solar months began in gladness and victory. It is
hoped that the period of my life may be passed in obedience to God (to
whom be glory!). To Sayyid Jalāl, s. Sayyid Muḥammad, the grandson (?)
of S͟ hāh ʿĀlam Buk͟ hārī, an account of whom has been written among the
events of my Gujarat expedition, I gave leave to return. I gave him a female
elephant for his riding, as well as his expenses. On the eve of Sunday,30 the
30th, corresponding with the 14th S͟ hawwāl, when the disk of the moon was
perfect (at full moon) a moonlight feast was prepared in the buildings of the
garden which overlook the River Jumna, and a very pleasant entertainment
took place. On the 1st of the Divine month, out of the veined (jauhar-dār)
spotted tooth (walrus) which my son S͟ hāh-Jahān had given me as an
offering, I ordered to be cut off sufficient for two dagger-hilts and a thumb-
stall:31 it came out of a beautiful colour and was very choice. I ordered the
Ustāds (masters) Pūran and Kalyān, who had no rivals in the art of
engraving,32 to make dagger-hilts of a shape that was approved at this time,

and has become known as the Jahāngīrī fashion. At the same time the blade
and the sheath and fastenings were given to skilful men, each of whom was
unique in his age in his art. Truly, it was all carried out according to my
wish. One hilt came out coloured in such a way as to create astonishment. It
turned out of all the seven colours, and some of the flowers looked as if a
skilful painter33 had depicted them in black lines round it with a wonder-
working pencil. In short, it was so delicate that I never wish it to be apart
from me for a moment. Of all the gems of great price that are in the treasury
I consider it the most precious. On Thursday I girded it auspiciously and
with joy round my waist, and the masters who in their completion had
exercised great skill and taken great pains were rewarded, Ustād Pūran with
the gift of an elephant, a dress of honour, and a golden bracelet for the
wrist, which the people of India call Kara,34 and Kalyān with the title of
ʿAjāʾib-dast (wondrous hand), and increased mansab, a dress of honour, and
a jewelled bracelet (pahūnchī), and in the same way every one according to
his circumstances and skill received favours.

As it had been represented to me that Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., having
fought with the rebel Aḥdād, had defeated his army, and had made many of
the Afghans—who are black-faced and black-hearted—the harvest of his
blood-drinking sword, I sent him a special sword in order to dignify him.

On Saturday the 5th, news came of the death of Rāja Sūraj Singh, who had
died a natural death in the Deccan. He was the descendant of Māldeo, who
was one of the principal Zamindars of Hindustan, and had a zamindari
which equalled that of the Rānā, and he had even overcome him in one
battle. There is a full account of him (Māldeo) in the Akbar-nāma. Rāja
Sūraj Singh, through the advantage of his being brought up by the late king
(Akbar), and this suppliant at the throne of God, reached high rank and
great dignities. His territory surpassed that of his father or grandfather.35 He
had a son called Gaj Singh,36 whom he entrusted with all his administrative
affairs. As I knew him to be capable and worthy of favour, I promoted him
to the mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, with a standard and the
title of Raja, and his younger brother to that of 500 personal and 250 horse,
and gave him a jagir in his native country.

On Thursday, the 10th of Mihr, at the request of Āṣaf K., I went to his
house built on the bank of the Jumna. He has erected a very fine bath-house
(ḥammām), with which I was much delighted. After bathing, a feast of cups
was held, and my private servants were made happy with cups of delight.
Having chosen out of his offerings what I approved, I gave the remainder to
him. What I took of his offering might be of the value of Rs. 30,000. Bāqir
K., faujdār of Multan, was honoured with a standard.

Previously to this, according to order, they had planted trees on both sides
from Agra as far as the River of Attock (the Indus), and had made an
avenue, and in the same way from Agra to Bengal. I now ordered that from
Agra to Lahore they should put up a pillar37 (mīl) at every koss, to be the
sign of a koss, and at every three koss make a well, so that wayfarers might
travel in ease and contentment, and not endure hardships from thirst or the
heat of the sun.

On Thursday, the 24th of Mihr, the festival of the Dasahrā was held. After
the custom of India, they decorated the horses and produced them before
me. After I had seen the horses they brought some of the elephants. As
Muʿtamid K. on last New Year’s Day had not made any offering, at this
festival he presented a golden tablet (tak͟ ht), a ruby ring, a piece of coral
(bussad), and other items. The tablet was beautifully made. The total value
of the offering was Rs. 16,000. As he had brought the things from pure
sincerity and loyalty, they were accepted. On this day Zabar-dast K. was
promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 400 horse. As the day of the
Dasahrā had been fixed as the time of starting, I embarked on a boat with
all happy omens and pleasure in the evening, and went on to my goal. I
halted for eight days at the first stage that the men might come on, after
making all preparations at leisure. Mahābat K. had sent apples from
Bangash by runners (dāk-chokī). They arrived very fresh, and were of
excellent flavour. I was greatly pleased in eating them. They cannot be
compared with the sīb-i-k͟ hūb (“the good38 apples”?) of Kabul which I ate
there, or with the Samarkand apples that they bring every year. For
sweetness and delicacy of flavour they cannot be compared with either of
the latter (i.e., the Bangash apples were far better). I had until now never
seen such delicate and delicious apples. They say that in Upper Bangash,

near Lashkar-dara,39 there is a village called Sīv Rām, in which there are
three trees of this apple, and although they have made many trials, they
have never found so good ones in any other place. I gave Sayyid Ḥasan,
ambassador of my brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās, a dish of these apples in order that
he might tell me if there were any better apples in ʿIrāq. He said: “In the
whole of Persia the apples of Isfahan are preferred, and they are of the same
quality as these.”

On Thursday, the 1st of the Divine month of Ābān, I went on pilgrimage to
the mausoleum of the late king (Akbar) (may the lights of Allah be his
testimony!), and rubbed the head of supplication on the threshold, the abode
of angels, and presented 100 muhars as nazar. All the Begams and other
ladies, having sought the blessing of circulating round that shrine, which is
the circling-place of angels, presented offerings. On the eve of Friday a
lofty assembly was held of the holy men (Mas͟ hāʾik͟ h), the turbaned people
(arbāb-i-ʿamāʾim—i.e., ecclesiastics, etc.), Ḥuffāz̤ (those who recite the
Qoran), and singing people, assembled in numbers, and practised ecstasies
and religious dancing (wajd and samāʿ), to each of whom, according to the
circumstances of his merit and skill, I gave a dress of honour, a farjī, and a
shawl. The buildings of this blessed mausoleum have been made very lofty.
At this time the money expended satisfied me, and was far more than it had
previously been. (The MS.40 here is clear, and the printed words wrong.)

On the 3rd, after four gharis of day had passed, I marched on from that
stage, and having traversed 5½ koss by the river at four gharis of the day,
arrived at the next stage. After midday I left the boat and caught seven
partridges (durrāj). At the end of the day I gave Rs. 20,000 to Sayyid
Ḥasan, the ambassador (of Persia), as a present, and a dress of honour of
gold brocade with a jewelled jīg͟ ha (turban-ornament), and an elephant, and
gave him leave to return, and sent for my brother with him a jewelled jug
made in the shape of a cock, which could hold my usual stint of wine. It is
hoped that it may reach its destination in safety. I gave leave to Las͟ hkar K.,
who had been appointed to the defence and government of Agra, with a gift
of a dress of honour, a horse, an elephant, drums, and a jewelled dagger.
Ikrām K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse,
and to the duty of faujdār of the Sarkār of Mewāt. He is s. Islām K., who

was the grandson of the venerable asylum of pardon S͟ haik͟ h Salīm, whose
excellency of person and approved disposition and connection in blessing
with this illustrious family have been described in these pages with the pen
of sincerity.

At this time I heard from a certain person whose words are adorned with the
light of truth that at the time when I was sick and weak at Ajmir, before this
evil news arrived in the province of Bengal, one day Islām K. was sitting in
private, when he suddenly became unconscious. When he came to himself
he said to one of his confidants, of the name of Bhīkan, that it had been
shown him from the world of mysteries that the holy person of the Emperor
had been attacked by sickness, and that the remedy for it was to sacrifice for
him something that was exceedingly dear and precious to himself. It at first
occurred to him to sacrifice for the head of the revered one his own son
Hūs͟ hang, but as he was young in years and as yet had derived no profit
from life, and not attained to the desire of his heart, he had compassion on
him, and would sacrifice himself for his lord and master. He hoped that as
this was from the bottom of his heart, and the sincerity of his being, it
would be accepted at the throne of Allah. The arrow of prayer at once
reached the target of acceptance, and he perceived himself afflicted with
weakness and disease. Verily, verily, the disease increased till he reached
the neighbourhood of the compassion of God (he died). The Great
Physician bestowed from the hidden dispensary complete recovery on this
suppliant. Although the late king (the lights of Allah be his testimony!), was
much attached to the children and grandchildren of the S͟ haik͟ hu-l-Islām, and
bestowed favours on them all according to the capacity and aptitude of
each, yet when the turn of rule came to this suppliant, they received great
kindnesses in order to perform what was due to that revered one (Salīm
Chis͟ htī), and many of them attained to the high nobility, and were advanced
to the posts of head of Subahs, as has been brought to record each in its own
place.

As in this village the eunuch Hilāl K.,41 who was one of my attendants from
the time when I was prince, had built a sarāy, and made a garden, he made
an offering to me. In order to dignify him I took a trifle from him. After
marching four stages from this halting-place, the army of prosperity

encamped outside Mathura. On Thursday, the 8th, I went to see Bindrāban
and the idol temples of that place. Although42 in the time of the late king the
Rajput nobles had built temples after their fashion, and ornamented them
highly on the outside, inside them bats and owls (abābīl) had made their
abode to such an extent, that on account of the malodours one could not
breathe.

Verse.

“Outside, like an infidel’s grave, full of cracks,43
Inside, the anger of God, the honoured and glorious.”

On this day Muk͟ hliṣ K., according to order, came from Bengal, and had the
good fortune to kiss the threshold. He gave 100 muhars and 100 rupees as
nazar, and by way of offering, a ruby and jewelled aigrette (t̤ urra). On
Friday, the 9th, Rs. 600,000 of treasure for the maintenance (ẕak͟ hīra) of the
fort of Āsīr were sent to the Commander-in-Chief, K͟ hān-k͟ hānān.

In the foregoing pages, something has been written about Gosāʾīn Jadrūp,44
who lived as a hermit in Ujain. At this time he changed his residence to
Mathura, which is one of the greatest places of worship of the Hindus, and
employed himself in the worship of the true God on the bank of the Jumna.
As I valued his society, I hastened to wait on him, and for a long time
enjoyed his company without the presence of any stranger. In truth, his
existence is a great gain to me: one can be greatly benefited and delighted.

On Saturday, the 10th, the huntsmen represented that there was in that
neighbourhood a tiger that greatly troubled and injured the ryots and
wayfarers. I immediately ordered them to bring together a number of
elephants and surround the forest and at the end of the day myself rode out
with my ladies. As I had vowed that I would not injure any living thing with
my own hand, I told Nūr-Jahān45 to shoot at him. An elephant is not at ease
when it smells a tiger, and is continually in movement, and to hit with a gun
from a litter (ʿimārī) is a very difficult matter, insomuch that Mīrzā Rustam,
who, after me, is unequalled in shooting, has several times missed three or

four shots from an elephant. Yet Nūr-Jahān B. so hit the tiger with one shot
that it was immediately killed.

On Monday, the 12th, my desire to see the Gosāʾīn Jadrūp again increased,
and hastening to his hut, without ceremony, I enjoyed his society. Sublime
words were spoken between us. God Almighty has granted him an unusual
grace, a lofty understanding, an exalted nature, and sharp intellectual
powers, with a God-given knowledge and a heart free from the attachments
of the world, so that, putting behind his back the world and all that is in it,
he sits content in the corner of solitude and without wants. He has chosen of
worldly goods half a gaz of old cotton (kirpās) like a woman’s veil, and a
piece of earthenware from which to drink water, and in winter and summer
and the rainy season lives naked and with his head and feet bare. He has
made a hole in which he can turn round with a hundred difficulties and
tortures, with a passage such that a suckling could hardly be put through it.
These two or three couplets of Ḥakīm Sanāʾī (may God have mercy on
him!) appeared appropriate:

Verse.46

“Luqmān had a narrow hut,
Like the hollow of a flute or the bosom of a harp.
A noodle put the question to him—
‘What is this house—two feet and a span?’
Hotly and with tears the sage replied—
‘Ample for him who has to die.’”

On Wednesday, the 14th, I again went to visit the Gosāʾīn and bade him
good-bye. Undoubtedly parting from him weighed upon my mind, that
desires the truth. On Thursday the 15th, I marched and pitched near
Brindāban. At this stage my fortunate son Sult̤ ān Parwīz took leave of me
for Allahabad, and went to his jagir. I had intended that he should
accompany me on this expedition, but as he had already shown symptoms
of distress, I could not avoid letting him go. I presented him with a tipchāq
horse, a waist dagger with a veined (jauhar-dār) walrus-tooth (hilt), and a

sword and special shield. I hope he will come again soon, and have the
good fortune of my presence. As the period of K͟ husrau’s imprisonment had
been a long one, it seemed to me that to keep him longer in confinement
and deprive him of the good fortune of waiting on me, would be wanting in
kindness. I accordingly sent47 for him and bade him salute me. Once again
the marks of his offences were washed with the pure water of forgiveness,
and the dust of disgrace and humiliation was rubbed off his brow. I hope
that the blessing of pleasing me, and the grace of service may be his lot.

On Friday, the 16th, I gave leave to Muk͟ hliṣ K., whom I had sent for to take
up the duties of diwan to S͟ hāh Parwīz, and I gave him the rank he had48 had
in Bengal—viz., 2,000 with 700 horse. On Saturday I halted. At this stage
Sayyid Niẓām s. Mīr Mīrān Ṣadr Jahān, who was faujdār of Kanauj, waited
upon me, and presented two elephants, and some hawks. I accepted one
elephant and a pair of hawks. On Sunday, the 18th, we marched. At this
time the King of Persia had sent with Parī Beg Mīr S͟ hikār (chief huntsman)
one falcon (s͟ hunqār) of good colour. There was another which had been
given to the K͟ hān ʿĀlam. This one was sent along with the S͟ hāhī falcon
(i.e., the one intended for Jahāngīr), and it died on the road. The S͟ hāhī
falcon, too, got mauled by a cat owing to the carelessness of the Mīr S͟ hikār.
Though it was brought to Court, it did not live more than a week. What can
I write49 of the beauty and colour of this falcon? There were many beautiful
black markings on each wing, and back, and sides. As it was something out
of the common, I ordered Ustād Manṣūr, who has the title of Nādiru-l-ʿaṣr
(wonder of the age) to paint and preserve50 its likeness. I gave the Mīr
S͟ hikār Rs. 2,000 and dismissed him.

In my father’s reign (the light of God be his testimony!) the weight of the
seer was 30 dams.51 About this time it came into my mind: “Why should I
act contrary to his rules?” It would be better to have it still of 30 dams. One
day Gosāʾīn Jadrūp said that in the book of the Vedas, which the lords of his
faith had written, the weight of the sīr was 36 dams. “As from the
coincidences of the hidden world your order has fallen in with what is laid
down in our book, if it be fixed at 36 dams, it will be well.” It was ordered
that hereafter throughout the whole territory it should be 36 dams.

On Monday, the 19th, I marched. A horse and dress of honour were given to
Rāja Bhāo Singh, who had been ordered to the support of the army of the
Deccan. From this day, till Wednesday, the 28th, I made successive
marches. On Thursday, the 29th, Delhi, the abode of blessings, was adorned
by the alighting of the army of good fortune. At first I hastened with my
children and the ladies on a visit to the enlightened shrine of Humāyūn
(may the lights of God be his testimony!), and having made our offerings
there, went off to circumambulate the blessed mausoleum of the king of
holy men (S͟ haik͟ h Niz̤ āmu-d-dīn Chis͟ htī), and strengthened my courage,
and at the end of the day alighted at the palace, which had been got ready in
Salīmgaṛh. On Friday, the 30th, I halted. As they had at this time preserved
the hunting-place of the pargana of Pālam, according to order, it was
represented that a great number of antelope had collected there.
Accordingly, on the 1st of the Divine month of Āẕar I started to hunt52 with
cheetahs. At the end of the day, during the hunt, much hail fell of the size of
apples, and made the air very cold. On this day three antelope were caught.
On Sunday, the 2nd, I hunted 46 antelope, and on Monday, the 3rd, 24
antelope were caught with cheetahs. My son S͟ hāh-Jahān killed two antelope
with his gun. On Tuesday, the 4th, five antelope were caught. On
Wednesday, the 5th, 27 antelope were caught. On Thursday, the 6th, Sayyid
Bahwa Buk͟ hārī, who was in charge of the government of Delhi, made an
offering of three elephants and eighteen horses, and other things. One
elephant and other things were accepted, and I gave the rest to him. Hās͟ him
of K͟ host, faujdār of some parganas in Mewāt, had the honour of kissing the
threshold. I employed myself within the limits of Pālam until Thursday, the
13th, in hunting with cheetahs. In the space of twelve days 426 antelopes
were caught, and I returned to Delhi. I had heard, when in attendance on my
father, that it is impossible for an antelope that has escaped from the grasp
of a cheetah to live, although it has not been injured by its claws. In this
hunt I, in order to ascertain the fact, released several antelopes of handsome
appearance and strong bodies, before they had received any wounds from
teeth or claws, and ordered them to be kept in my presence, and that they
should be taken the greatest care of. For a whole day and night they
remained at ease in their natural conditions: on the second day a change was
observed, and they threw about their legs as if they were drunk, without any

reason, and fell down and rose up. However much tiryāq-i-fārūqī
(preparation of opium) and other suitable medicines were administered to
them, they had no effect, and when one watch had passed in this condition,
they died.

On this day the bad news arrived that the eldest son of S͟ hāh Parwīz had
died at Agra. As he was somewhat grown-up,53 and was very attached and
affectionate towards his father, the latter was exceedingly grieved and
wounded at heart at this event, and great bewilderment and weakness
manifested themselves in him. In order to console and please him, I sent
him gracious letters, and covered over the deadly wound of his heart with
the balm of affection and kindness. I hope that God, the great and glorious,
may grant him patience and resignation, for in this kind of calamities there
can be no better driver away of grief than endurance and resignation.

On Friday, the 14th, at the request of Āqā54 Āqāyān, I went to her house.
On account of her previous service and her hereditary attachment to this
illustrious family, when the late king made me a married man, he took her
from my sister S͟ hāh-zāda K͟ hānam, and placed her in charge of my Zanana.
It is 33 years from that date that she has been in my service, and I esteem
her greatly, for she has served me with sincerity. In no journey or expedition
had she of her own will remained absent from attendance on me. When she
felt her increasing age, she requested me to order her to remain at Delhi,
and to spend the remainder of her life in prayer for me, for she had no
longer the power to move about, and found it a great hardship and trouble to
come and go (as she used). One of her felicities was that she was of the
same age55 as ʿArs͟ h-ās͟ hyānī (Akbar). In brief, with a view to giving her
rest, I ordered her to remain at Delhi, and in that place she had made for
herself a garden, a saray, and a tomb, in the constructing which she has
employed herself for some time past. In short, to please this ancient servitor,
I went to her house, and strictly ordered Sayyid Bahwa, the governor of the
city, to serve and guard her in such a manner that no dust from any road of
vexation might settle on the hem of her contentment.

On this day Rāja Kis͟ han Dās was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal
and 300 horse, original and increased. As Sayyid Bahwa56 had performed

satisfactorily the duties of faujdār of Delhi, and the people of the place were
much pleased with his excellent conduct, according to previous custom, the
protection and administration of the city of Delhi and the faujdārship of the
surrounding country were entrusted to him, and he was promoted to the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 600 horse, original and increased, and he was
presented with an elephant, and allowed to take leave. On Saturday, the
15th, I honoured Mīrzā Wālī with the mansab of 2,000 and 1,000 horse, and
presenting him with a standard and an elephant, appointed him to the
Deccan. S͟ haik͟ h ʿAbdu-l-Ḥaqq Dihlawī,57 who was a pious and estimable
man, had the good fortune to pay his respects to me. He had composed a
book containing the biographies of the S͟ haik͟ hs of India, and produced it to
me. He had endured some hardships, and for a long time had lived in Delhi
in seclusion, and the practice of reliance on God, and of asceticism. He is a
very worthy man, and his company is not without pleasure (for me).
Bestowing various kinds of kindnesses on him, I dismissed him.

On Sunday, the 16th, I marched from Delhi, and on Friday, the 21st, halted
in the pargana of Kairāna.58 This pargana is the native place of Muqarrab K.
Its climate is equable and its soil good. Muqarrab had made buildings and
gardens there. As I had often heard praise of his garden, I wished much to
see it. On Saturday, the 22nd, I and my ladies were much pleased in going
round it. Truly, it is a very fine and enjoyable garden. Within a masonry
(puk͟ hta, pucca) wall, flower-beds have been laid out to the extent of 140
bighas. In the middle of the garden he has constructed a pond, in length 220
yards, and in breadth 200 yards. In the middle of the pond is a māh-tāb
terrace (for use in moonlight) 22 yards square. There is no kind of tree
belonging to a warm or cold climate that is not to be found in it. Of fruit-
bearing trees belonging to Persia I saw green pistachio-trees, and cypresses
of graceful form, such as I have never seen before. I ordered the cypresses
to be counted, and they came to 300. All round the pond suitable buildings
have been begun and are in progress.

On Monday, the 24th, K͟ hanjar K., in whose charge is the Fort of
Ahmadnagar, was promoted to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 1,600
horse. On Wednesday, the 26th, the Giver of Bounties gave my son S͟ hāh-
Jahān a son by the daughter of Āṣaf K͟ hān. He presented an offering of

1,000 muhars, and begged for a name for him. I gave him the name of
Umīd-bak͟ hs͟ h (bestower of hope). I hope his advent59 may be auspicious to
this State. On Thursday, the 27th, I halted. In these few days I was delighted
with hawking the jarz60 (bustard or florican) and tūg͟ h-dārī (also a kind of
bustard). I ordered the jarz-i-būr (the red bustard?) to be weighed. It came
to 2¼ Jahāngīrī sirs, and the variegated (ablaq) one to 2⅛ sirs. The large
tūg͟ h-dārī was ¼ sir heavier than the jarz-i-būr. On Thursday, the 5th of the
Divine month of Day, I left the boat at Akbarpur, and the victorious army
then marched by land. From Agra to this halting-place, which is situated
within two koss of the pargana of Buriya,61 is by river 123 koss or 91 koss
by road. I did it in 34 marches and 17 halts. In addition to this I delayed a
week in leaving the city, and 12 days in sporting in Pālam: altogether (I
took) 70 days. On this day Jahāngīr Qulī K. came from Bihār, and had the
good fortune to pay his respects. He presented 100 muhars and Rs. 100.
From the last Thursday to Wednesday, the 11th, I marched every day. On
Thursday, the 12th, I was pleased with going round to see the garden of
Sirhind. It is one of the old gardens, and has old trees in it. It has not the
freshness it formerly had, but it is still valuable. K͟ hwāja Waisī, who is well
acquainted with agriculture and buildings, was appointed the karorī of
Sirhind for the purpose of keeping the garden in order. I had sent him off
from Agra before I marched from the capital, and he had put it somewhat in
order. I strictly enjoined him again that he should remove all the old trees
that had no freshness in them, and put in fresh plants, to clean up the
ʿirqbandī62 (it is ʿirāq-bandī in the text. The word does not occur in the
B.M. MS. but is in the I.O. MS.), and repair the old buildings, and erect
other buildings in the shape of baths, etc., in fitting places. On this date
Dūst Beg, who was one of the auxiliaries of ʿAbdu-llah K., was promoted
to the mansab of 700 personal and 50 horse, Muz̤ affar Ḥusain, s. Wazīr K.,
to that of 600 personal and 300 horse. S͟ haik͟ h Qāsim was sent to duty in the
Deccan. On Thursday, the 19th, at the request of my auspicious son S͟ hāh-
Jahān, I went to his house. On account of the birth of the son that God
Almighty had bestowed on him a grand entertainment was given, and he
presented offerings. Among these was a short, broad sword63 (s͟ hams͟ hīr-i-
nīmcha), which was of Venetian workmanship. The hilt and fastenings were
made of a sapphire64 cut in Europe: in short, it had been beautifully made.

Another offering was an elephant which the Raja of Baglāna had presented
to my son in Burhānpur. As that elephant was handsome and well-behaved,
it was ordered to be included among the private elephants. The value of the
offerings that were accepted was Rs. 130,000, and he offered about Rs.
4,000 to his mothers and benefactors. On this day Sayyid Bāyazīd Buk͟ hārī,
faujdār of Bhakkar, sent as an offering a rang (ibex), which he had brought
from the hills when it was small and brought up in his house. It pleased me
greatly. Of mār-k͟ hūr and hill sheep I have seen many brought up in the
house, but I never saw a rang (tame). I ordered them to keep it with the
Barbary goats, in order that they might pair and produce young ones.
Without doubt, it is not allied to the mār-k͟ hūr or the quchqār. Sayyid
Bāyazīd was raised to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 700 horse. On
Monday, the 23rd, having honoured Muqīm K. with a robe of honour, a
horse, an elephant, and jewelled khapwa, I appointed him to Bihār. On
Sunday, the 29th, a feast was prepared for my auspicious son S͟ hāh-Jahān on
the bank of the Biya (Beas), and on the same day Rāja Bikramājīt, who was
employed in the siege of Kāngṛa, came to Court, by order, to represent
certain requirements, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. On
Monday, the 30th, my son S͟ hāh-Jahān took ten days’ leave, and hastened to
Lahore in order to see the palace buildings lately erected. Rāja Bikramājīt
was presented with a special dagger, a robe of honour, and a horse, and
returned to duty on the siege of Kāngṛa. On Wednesday, the 2nd of the
Divine month of Bahman, the garden of Kalānaur was honoured by my
halting there. At this place my father had ascended the throne.

When the news of the speedy arrival of K͟ hān ʿĀlam reached the Court,
every day I sent one of my servants to meet him. I loaded him with all kinds
of favours and kindnesses, and added to his rank and dignity, and I decked
the headings of the farmans sent to him with an impromptu hemistich or
couplet suitable to the occasion, and so filled him with favours. Once I sent
him some Jahāngīrī (otto of roses), and this opening verse came on my
tongue:

Verse.65

“To thee I’ve sent the scent of myself.
That I may bring thee the more quickly to myself.”

On Thursday, the 3rd (Bahman), at the garden of Kalānaur, K͟ hān ʿĀlam
was honoured by kissing the threshold. By way of nazar he brought 100
muhars and Rs. 1,000, and (stated that he) would present his offerings in
due course. Zambīl Beg, the ambassador of my brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās, was
following him with the royal letter and the rarities of that country (Persia),
which he had sent as presents. Of the favours and kindness conferred by my
brother on K͟ hān ʿĀlam, if I were to write of them in detail, I should be
accused of exaggeration. In conversation he always gave him the title of
K͟ hān ʿĀlam, and never had him out of his presence. If he ever voluntarily
stayed in his own quarter, he (ʿAbbās) would go there without ceremony,
and show him more and more favour. One day there was a qamurg͟ ha hunt
at Farrukhābād, and he ordered K͟ hān ʿĀlam to shoot with a bow. Out of
good manners he brought a bow with two arrows (only). The Shah gave him
50 other arrows from his own quiver. It happened that 50 of these arrows
struck the game, and two arrows missed. Then he ordered some of his
attendants who had the entrée at feasts and assemblies to shoot with arrows.
Most shot well. Among them Muḥammad Yūsuf (qarāwul), shot an arrow
which went through two boars, and those who were standing by broke out
without control into applause. At the time K͟ hān ʿĀlam took his leave, he
seized him in the embrace of honour, and showed him great affection. After
he had left the city, he went to his halting-place, and made many apologies
and bade him farewell. As for the beautiful and costly things that the K͟ hān
ʿĀlam brought, it was indeed the assistance of his destiny that gave such
rare things into his hand. Among them was the picture of the fight of Ṣāhib
Qirān (Tīmūr) with Tuqtamis͟ h K., and the likenesses of him and his
glorious children and the great Amirs who had the good fortune to be with
him in that fight, and near each figure was written whose portrait it was. In
this picture there were 240 figures. The painter had written his name as
K͟ halīl Mīrzā S͟ hāhruk͟ hī (in the MS. it is Savaj and not S͟ hāhruk͟ hī). The
work was very complete and grand, and resembled greatly the paint-brush
of Ustād Bihzād. If the name of the painter had not been written, the work
would have been believed to be his. As it was executed before Bihzād’s date
it is probable that the latter was one of K͟ halīl Mīrzā’s pupils, and had

adopted his style. This precious relic had been obtained from the illustrious
library of S͟ hāh Ismāʿīl (the 1st), or had come to my brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās
from S͟ hāh T̤ ahmāsp. A person of the name of Ṣādiqī, a librarian of his, had
stolen it, and sold it to someone. By chance (the painting) fell into the hands
of K͟ hān ʿĀlam at Isfahan. The Shah heard that he had found such a rare
prize, and asked it of him on the pretence of looking at it. K͟ hān ʿĀlam tried
to evade this by artful stratagems, but when he repeatedly insisted on it, he
sent it to him. The Shah recognized it immediately he saw it. He kept it by
him for a day, but at last, as he knew how great was our liking for such
rarities, he—God be praised—made no request66 whatever for it, but told
the facts of the case (about its being stolen) to K͟ hān ʿĀlam, and made the
picture over to him.

At the time when I sent K͟ hān ʿĀlam to Persia, I had sent with him a painter
of the name of Bis͟ han Dās, who was unequalled in his age for taking
likenesses, to take the portraits of the Shah and the chief men of his State,
and bring them. He had drawn the likenesses of most of them, and
especially had taken that of my brother the Shah exceedingly well, so that
when I showed it to any of his servants, they said it was exceedingly well
drawn.

On the same day Qāsim K., with the Bakhshi and Diwan of Lahore, had the
good fortune to do homage. Bis͟ han Dās, the painter, was honoured with the
gift of an elephant. Bābā K͟ hwāja, who was one of the auxiliaries of
Qandahar, was accorded the mansab of 1,000 personal and 550 horse. On
Tuesday, the 3rd, Madāru-l-mahāmmī (centre of important affairs)
Iʿtimādu-d-daula made ready his army. Inasmuch as the charge of the
Panjab is entrusted to his agents, and he has also various jagirs in
Hindustan, he held a review of 5,000 horsemen. As the area of Kashmir is
not such that its produce may suffice for the expenses of the force that is
always on service with the servants of the army of prosperity, and as, in
consequence of the report (of the approach) of the glorious and victorious
standards, the price of grains and vegetables had risen very high, an order
was given, for the comfort of the public, that those servants who were in
attendance on the royal stirrup should arrange their retinues, and only
taking with them those who were indispensable, should send the remainder

to their jagirs, and in the same way should take every precaution to reduce
as far as possible the number of their beasts and followers. On Thursday,
the 10th, my fortunate son, S͟ hāh-Jahān returned from Lahore, and had the
good fortune to do homage. Having honoured Jahāngīr Qulī K. with a dress
of honour, a horse and an elephant, I gave him leave to proceed with his
brothers and sons to the Deccan. On this day T̤ ālib Āmulī received the title
of Maliku-s͟ h-s͟ huʿarā (king of poets), and was clothed in a dress of honour.
His origin was from Āmul. For some time he was with Iʿtimādu-d-daula. As
the merits of his style surpassed that of his contemporaries, he was enrolled
among the poets of the throne. The following couplets are by him:

Verse.67

“Spring longs to rifle thy parterre.
For the flowers in thy hand are fresher than those on his branch.
I’ve so closed my lips from speech that you’d say
‘His mouth is but a scar on his face.’”68

Verse.

“Both first and last, Love is aye music and joy—
A pleasant wine both when fresh and when mellow.

Verse.

“Were I glass instead of body,
I’d reveal thee to thyself without thy unveiling.
Two lips have I; one for drinking,
And one to apologize for drunkenness.”

On Monday, the 14th, Ḥusainī s. Sult̤ ān Qiwām produced this quatrain:

Quatrain.

“A speck of dust sprinkled on thee from thy skirt
Becomes Solomon’s collyrium; from the moisture of thy face69
Were the earth at thy door examined,
The sweat of kings’ brows would exude.”

At this time Muʿtamid K. repeated a quatrain which greatly pleased me, and
which I entered in my common-place book:

Quatrain.70

“You give me the poison of parting to taste, (and say) ‘What matters it?’
You shed my blood and expel me (and say), ‘What matters it?’
O, heedless of what your dividing sword can do,
Sift my dust and then you’ll know.”

T̤ ālib (i.e., Bābā T̤ ālib) is by family an Iṣfahānī. In his early youth he went
to Kashmir clothed as an ascetic and calendar, and from the beauty of the
place and the pleasantness of the climate set his heart on the country and
settled there. After the conquest of Kashmir he joined the service of the late
king (Akbar), and became enrolled among the servants of the Presence. His
age is now nearly 100 years, and he is now with his sons and dependants in
Kashmir, engaged in praying for the everlasting State.

As it was reported to me that in Lahore one Miyān S͟ haik͟ h Muḥammad Mīr
by name, who was a Darvish, a Sindī by origin, very eloquent, virtuous,
austere, of auspicious temperament, a lord of ecstasy, had seated himself in
the corner of reliance upon God and retirement, and was rich in his poverty
and independent of the world, my truth-seeking mind was not at rest
without meeting him, and my desire to see him increased. As it was
impossible to go to Lahore, I wrote a note to him, and explained to him the
desire of my heart, and that saint, notwithstanding his great age and
weakness, took the trouble to come. I sate with him for a long time alone,
and enjoyed a thorough interview with him. Truly he is a noble personage,
and in this Age he is a great gain and a delightful existence. This suppliant

for Grace was taken out of himself by companionship with him,71 and heard
from him sublime words of truth and religious knowledge. Although I
desired to make him some gift, I found that his spirit was too high for this,
and so did not express my wish. I left him the skin of a white antelope to
pray upon, and he immediately bade me farewell and went back to Lahore.

On Wednesday, the 23rd, I pitched my camp at Daulatābād. A daughter of a
gardener was brought before me who had a moustache and a thick beard as
big as the hilt of a sword. Her appearance was like that of a man. There was
hair in the middle of her chest as well, but she had no breasts.72 I
discovered by her appearance that she ought not to have children. I told
some women to take her aside and examine her, as perhaps she might be a
hermaphrodite. They found she was in no way different from other women.
I have recorded this in this volume on account of its strangeness.

On Thursday, the 24th, Bāqir K., having come from Multan, had the good
fortune to pay his respects. In the preceding pages it has been recorded that
Allāh-dād, s. Jalālā Tārīkī, had deserted from the victorious army and taken
the road to ruin. He now repented, and through Bāqir K. petitioned
Iʿtimādu-d-daula for pardon. At the latter’s request I ordered that if he
repented of what he had done, and turned his face in hope towards the
Court, his crimes would be forgiven. On this day Bāqir K. brought him to
Court, and at the intercession of Iʿtimādu-d-daula, the traces of disgrace and
the dust of sorrow were washed off his forehead with the pure water of
pardon. Sangrām, Zamindar of Jammu, was honoured with the title of Raja
and the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and was exalted with the
gift of an elephant and a dress of honour. G͟ hairat K., faujdār of the Dū-āb,
was promoted to the mansab of 800 personal and 500 horse. K͟ hwāja Qāsim
received the rank of 700 and 250 horse, and Taham-tan Beg, s. Qāsim
Koka, received that of 500 personal and 300 horse. I gave K͟ hān ʿĀlam a
private elephant with trappings. From this stage, having given Bāqir K. the
mansab of 1,500 personal and 500 horse, I dismissed him again to his
Subadarship.

On Monday, the 28th, I pitched in the pargana of Karohī, which is on the
bank of the Bihat (Jhelam). As this hilly country is one of the established

hunting-places, the huntsmen, according to order, had come on in advance
and prepared a jarga (ring in which game is enclosed). On Wednesday, the
1st of the Divine month of Isfandārmuẕ, they drove in the game from six
koss. On Thursday, the 2nd, they brought them into the enclosure, where
101 head of mountain sheep and gazelles were taken. As Mahābat K. had
been prevented from the good fortune of coming before me for a long time,
I ordered, at his request, that if he was satisfied with the order of affairs, and
was not troubled with regard to any occurrence, he should leave his forces
at their posts (thānas), and come to Court unattended. On this day he had
the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and presented 100 muhars as nazar.
K͟ hān ʿĀlam was promoted to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 3,000
horse. About this time a written report came from Nūru-d-dīn Qulī that he
had repaired the Pūnch road, and levelled the defiles as far as possible, but
that snow fell for some days and nights, and lay on the kotāls to the depth of
three cubits. It was still falling, and if I would delay outside the hills for a
month, I could cross by that route, otherwise it appeared difficult. As my
intention in this undertaking was to see the spring and the sprouting of
bloom, my chance of seeing this was lost by this delay, and I necessarily
turned my rein, and the royal standards proceeded by the way of Paklī and
Damtūr. On Friday, the 3rd, I crossed the River Bihat (Jhelam), although the
water was waist-deep. As it was running very fast, and men crossed with
great trouble, I ordered them to take 200 elephants to the fords, and cross
the effects of the people over, and take across as well those who were weak
and feeble, so that there might be no loss of life or goods.

On this day news arrived of the death of K͟ hwāja Jahān. He was one of the
old servants, and from the time when I was prince. Although at last he left
my service, and was for some time in that of my father, yet as he had not
gone to any strange place, this did not weigh heavily on my mind.
Accordingly, after my accession, I did him such kindness as he had never
conceived possible, and gave him the mansab of 5,000 personal and 3,000
horse. I take this opportunity to record in this volume an account of his
idiosyncrasy. He became practised in great affairs and acquired a wonderful
skill in business. His capabilities were the result of labour, and he was void
of natural ability, and of the other qualities which are the adornment of
men’s nature. On this journey he suffered from heart-failure, but for some

days, in spite of illness and breakdown, he kept up with the march. When
his weakness increased, he was allowed to go back at Kalānaur, and went to
Lahore, and there died a natural death.73

On Saturday, the 4th of the aforesaid month, the camp was pitched at the
Fort of Rohtās (in the Panjab). I favoured Qāsim K. with a horse, a sword,
and a special shawl (parm-narm, literally very soft, and Akbar’s name for a
shawl, see Blochmann, 90). I gave him leave to go to Lahore. There was a
small garden by the roadside, and I inspected the blossoms.

At this stage tīhū74 were obtained. The flesh of the tīhū is better than that of
the partridge (kabak).

On Sunday, the 5th, M. Ḥasan s. Mīrzā Rustam, was promoted to the rank
of 1,000 with 400 horse, and was appointed to the Deccan. K͟ hwāja ʿAbdu-
l-Lat̤ īf, the chief fowler, also received the rank of 1,000 with 400 horse. At
this place I saw a flower, white inside, and red outside, while some of them
were red inside and yellow outside. In Persian they call it Laʿla-i-bīgāna,
and in Hindī thal kanal. Thal means land, and as the lotus (kanal) is an
aquatic plant, they have called this land-lotus.75

On Thursday, the 9th, a report came from Dilāwar K., Governor of
Kashmir, containing the good news of the conquest of Kis͟ htwār. Details
will be recorded by the pen of the newswriter after he (Dilāwar) comes to
the foot of the throne. I sent him a gracious farman with a special dress of
honour and a jewelled dagger, and granted him the revenue of the
conquered province for a year, as a reward for this acceptable service. On
Tuesday, the 14th, I halted at Ḥasan Abdāl. As the occurrences on this road
and particulars of the stages have been related in detail in the account of the
expedition to Kabul, I shall not repeat them. From this place as far as
Kashmir, they will be written stage by stage, please Almighty God. From
the date on which, disembarking from a boat, I reached Akbarpur in safety
and prosperity, up to Ḥasan Abdāl, a distance of 178 koss, I took 69 days in
48 marches and 21 halts.76 As at this place there is a spring full of water,
and a cascade, and a very beautiful reservoir, I halted here two days, and on
Thursday, the 16th (Isfandārmuẕ), the feast of my lunar weighing took

place. The 53rd year, according to lunar calculation, of this suppliant at the
throne commenced auspiciously. As beyond this stage, hills, passes, and
many ups and downs were before us, the passage of the camp appeared a
difficult matter, and it was settled that H. M. Maryamu-z-zamānī and the
other Begams should delay for some days, and come on at leisure. Madāru-
l-mulk Iʿtimādu-d-daula al-K͟ hāqānī, Ṣādiq K. Bak͟ hs͟ hī, and Irādat K. Mīr-
Sāmān, with the directors of the buildings and other offices, should attend
to their transit. At the same time Rustam Mīrzā Ṣafawī, K͟ hān-Aʿz̤ am, and a
number of other servants, obtained leave to go by the Pūnch road, while the
royal retinue went on with some privileged courtiers (manz̤ ūrān-i-bisāt̤ -i-
qarb) and the necessary servants. On Friday, the 17th, we marched 3½ koss,
and halted at the village of Sultanpur.77 On this day came the news of the
death of Rānā Amar Singh, who had died a natural death at Udaipur
(become a traveller on the road of non-existence). Jagat Singh, his
grandson, and Bhīm,78 his son, who were in attendance on me, were
presented with dresses of honour, and an order was given that Rāja Kis͟ han
Dās should proceed with a gracious farman conferring the title of Rānā, a
dress of honour, a horse, and a private elephant for Kunār Karan, to perform
the dues of condolence and congratulation. I heard79 from people of this
country that when it is not the rainy season, and there is no sign of a cloud
or lightning, a noise like the voice of the clouds comes from this hill, which
they called Garj (thunder). This noise is heard every year or at least every
two years. I had repeatedly heard of this also when I was in attendance on
the late king. I have written this as it is not devoid of strangeness,80 but
wisdom is from Allah. On Saturday, the 18th, marching 4½ koss, I halted at
the village of Sanjī. From this stage I entered the pargana of Hazāra
Qārlug͟ h.81 On Sunday, the 19th, marching 3¾ koss, I halted at the village of
Naus͟ hahra.82 From this place we entered Dhantūr. As far as the eye could
reach there were green meadows83 interspersed with the thal-kanwal
(hibiscus) and other flowers in bloom. It was a very beautiful sight. On
Monday, the 20th, marching 3½ koss, the camp was pitched at the village of
Salhar.84 Mahābat K. presented as offerings jewels and inlaid vessels to the
value of Rs. 60,000. In this country I saw a flower of the redness of fire, of
the shape of gul-i-k͟ hatmī,85 but smaller, and several flowers blooming
together in one place, looked from a distance as if they were one flower. Its

stem is of the size of the apricot-tree. On the hill-slopes here there are many
wild violets,86 with a very sweet scent, but paler than the violet. On
Tuesday, the 21st, marching 3 koss, I halted at the village of Mālgallī.87 On
this day I dismissed Mahābat K. to his duty in Bangash, and conferred on
him a special elephant and dress of honour with a pūstīn (sheepskin coat).
This day there was a drizzling rain till the end of the march. On the eve of
Wednesday, the 22nd, also there was rain. In the morning snow fell, and as
most of the roads had become very slippery, the weak animals fell in every
place, and could not rise again, and 25 of my own elephants were lent to
assist88 them. I halted for two days on account of the snow. On Thursday,
the 23rd, Sult̤ ān Ḥusain, Zamindar of Pakli, had the good fortune to pay his
respects: this is the entrance to the Pakli country. It is a strange thing that
when H. M. Akbar came here it snowed at this stage, and it has now snowed
as well. For many years no snow has fallen, and there has even been little
rain. On Friday, the 24th, I marched 4 koss and pitched at the village of
Sawādnagar.89 On this road, too there was much mud.90 Apricot and peach
trees were blooming on all sides, and fir-trees like cypresses rejoiced the
eye. On Saturday, the 25th, having marched nearly 3½ koss, the camp was
pitched near Pakli. On Sunday, the 26th, I rode out to hunt partridges
(kabak), and at the end of the day, at the request of Sult̤ ān Ḥusain, went to
his house, and increased his dignity among his equals and neighbours. H.
M. Akbar had also gone to his house. He offered several kinds of horses,
daggers, hawks, and falcons. I presented him with the horses and daggers. I
ordered the hawks and falcons to be got ready91 (kamar bar basta), and
shown everything that might fly up. The Sarkar of Pakli is 35 koss in length
and 25 in breadth. On the east, on two sides, is the hill country of Kashmir;
on the west, Atak Benares (Atak); on the north, Kator; and on the south, the
Gakkar country. At the time when Timur, after conquering Hindustan,
turned his rein backwards towards the capital of Tūrān, they say that he
placed in these regions this body of people, who were in attendance on the
victorious stirrup. They say themselves that they are Qārlughs, but do not
know for certain who was their leader at that time. In fact, they are pure
Lāhaurīs, and speak the same language. The people of Dhantūr think the
same thing. In the time of my father, one of the name of S͟ hāhruk͟ h was
Zamindar of Dhantūr; now it is Bahādur, his son. Although they are all

related to one another, there are always disputes, as is usual with
Zamindars, about boundaries. They have always been loyal. Sult̤ ān
Maḥmūd, the father of Sult̤ ān Ḥusain and S͟ hāhruk͟ h, both came to wait on
me when I was prince. Although Sult̤ ān Ḥusain is seventy years old, to all
outward appearance there is no diminution in his powers, and he can still
ride and be as active as possible. In this country they make būza (a
beverage) from bread and rice, which they call sar.92 It is much stronger
than būza, and the older it is the better. This sar is their chief sustenance.
They put this sar into a jar, and fastening it up, keep it for two or three
years in the house. Then they take off the scum and call the liquor āchhī.
The āchhī can be kept for ten years, and according to them, the older it is
the better, and the shortest time in which they use it is a year. Sult̤ ān
Maḥmūd used to take cup after cup of this sar; nay! he would drink a jar of
it. Sult̤ ān Ḥusain is also addicted to it, and brought me some of his choicest
quality. I took some in order to try it. I had also drunk it before. Its
intoxicating effects are aphrodisiac, but its taste is harsh. It appeared that
they mix some bhāng (bang) with it, which increases its intoxicating power.
If there were no wine, it could in case of necessity be used as a substitute.
The fruits are apricots, peaches, and pears (?) (amrūd). As they do not
cultivate them, but they spring up of themselves, they are harsh-flavoured
and unpleasant. Their blossoms are a joy. Their houses are of wood, and are
built after the Kashmiri fashion. They have hawks, and horses, camels,
cattle, and buffaloes, and many goats and fowls. Their mules are small and
are not fit for heavy loads. As it was represented to me that some stages
farther on the cultivation was not such as to provide sufficient grain for the
royal camp, I gave an order that they should only take a small advanced
camp, sufficient for our needs and the necessary establishments, and
diminish the number of elephants, and take with them provisions for three
or four days; that they should take with them only some of the immediate
attendants on the royal stirrup, and that the rest of the men should come on
some stages behind under the command of K͟ hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, the
Bakhshi. In spite of precautions and injunctions, it was found necessary to
have 700 elephants for the advanced camp and the establishments.

The mansab of Sult̤ ān Ḥusain was 400 personal and 300 horse; I now
promoted him to 600 personal and 350 horse, and conferred on him a robe

of honour, a jewelled dagger, and an elephant. Bahādur Dhantūrī was an
auxiliary of the army of Bangash. An order was given that he should hold
the mansab, original and increased, of 200 personal and 100 horse. On
Wednesday, the 27th, having marched 5¼ koss, and crossing by bridges the
Nainsukh,93 I chose a halting-place. This Nainsukh (repose of the eyes)
flows from the North, and comes down from the hills of Dārd94 (?), which
is between the country of Badakhshan and Tibet. As at this place it forms
two branches, they had, according to order, prepared two wooden bridges
for the crossing of the victorious army, one 18 cubits and the other 14 cubits
in length, with a breadth each of 5 cubits. The way in which they make
bridges in this country is to throw pine-trees95 on the surface of the water,
and fasten the two ends strongly to rocks, and having thrown on to these
thick planks of wood, make them firm with pegs and ropes, and these, with
a little repair, last for years. Briefly, they made the elephants ford, whilst the
horsemen and foot passed over by the bridge. Sult̤ ān Maḥmūd called this
river Nainsukh—that is, “Repose of the eye.” On Thursday, the 30th,
having marched about 3½ koss, a halt was made on the bank of the Kis͟ han
Gangā. On this road there is a kotal of great height, the ascent being 1 koss,
and the descent 1½ koss, which they call Pīm darang. The reason for this
name is that in the language of Kashmir they call cotton (pamba) pīm. As
the rulers of Kashmir had placed a superintendent there, who took duties
from loads of cotton, and delay takes place here for the collection of the
duty, it has become known as the Pīm darang96 (cotton delay). After
traversing the pass, there is a very fine and clear waterfall. Having drunk
my usual cups on the edge of the water in the shade of the trees, I went on
to my halting-place in the evening. There was an old bridge over this river,
54 yards long and 1½ yards wide, which footmen crossed by. According to
orders, another bridge was prepared parallel to this, in length 53 yards and
breadth 3 yards. As the water was deep and swift, they took the elephants
across without loads, and the footmen and horses crossed by the bridge. By
order of my father, a very strong saray of stone and lime was erected on the
top of the ridge overlooking the river. One day before New Year’s Day we
had sent Muʿtamid K. forward to select a spot for the placing of the throne
and preparing the New Year’s entertainment. This had to be lofty and
choice. By chance, as he crossed the bridge, there was a ridge overlooking

the water, green and pleasant. On the top of this was a flat place of 50 cubits
which one might say the rulers of fate had specially prepared for such a day.
The aforesaid officer had made ready everything necessary for the New
Year’s feast on the top of that ridge, which was much approved. Muʿtamid
K. was much applauded for this. The river Kis͟ han Gangā comes from the
south97 and flows northwards. The Bihat (Jhelam) comes from the East, and
joining the Kis͟ han Gangā, flows to the North.

1 Egyptian. Hitherto this has been read Qut̤ bī, but it really is, I think, Qibt̤ ī, “Egyptian.” Chardin,
IV. 70, ed. 1723, says that the Persians state that the ruby of the East comes from Egypt. The
etymology, however, is doubtful. ↑

2 Possibly the praise of S͟ hāh-Jahān’s inventive powers refers to his arrangements for the
orchestra. The kuwarga is defined in the Ain, Blochmann, 50, as a damāma—i.e., a large drum. See
illustration in Plate VIII. to Blochmann’s Ain. The karanā and surnā are wind-instruments, and are
also represented in Plate VIII. With regard to the mursal, Blochmann, p. 51, has: “The mursalī, which
is the name of a tune played by the mursil.” Apparently the mursal is the overture, or some
introductory strain, and played only by a portion of the band. ↑
3 MS. No. 181 has ten instead of two as the number of elephants presented by Qut̤ bu-l-mulk, and
this seems likely to be correct, else where do the six now mentioned come from? But six should
probably be eight. ↑

4 Kurkarāqs. See Blochmann, 87, n. 2, and p. 616. Kurk means fur, and kurkarāqān may be
translated furriers. ↑
5 So in text, but it should be Tatta—i.e., Sind. See Blochmann, 378, n. 2, and also the Tūzuk,
infra, p. 275. ↑

6 Suwārān-i-k͟ hūd-maḥalla. I do not know the exact force of the last two words. Possibly they are
pleonastic. The word maḥalla is explained in Irvine A. of M. 46. ↑
7 The Iqbāl-nāma, 127, mentions that Parwīz came from Allahabad to pay his respects. See infra,
Tūzuk, 268, and 273. ↑
8 Probably this is the friend of Father Jerome Xavier and the abridger of the Z̤ afar-nāma. See
Rieu, 177b and 1077a. ↑
9 He was of the royal house of Khandesh. ↑

10 See Blochmann, 252, and n. 1. Jahāngīr himself saw 700 antelope taken, and Rāy Mān
afterwards made a drive of 800 more. ↑

11 This was Jodh Bāʾī, d. the Mota (fat) Rāja. See Blochmann, 619. ↑
12 Qulba, ploughs. Here apparently used as a measure of land. But the expression is obscure. In
Wilson’s Glossary ḳulba is stated to be a measure of land in Sylhet, and equal to 1,008 cubits by 144.
The corresponding Sanskrit word Sīr (“a plough”) is used to mean land held by the landholder in his
own possession. ↑
13 Maḥalla. Here used apparently for musters. ↑

14 Mr. Rogers corrects this to Mīrān on the authority of R.A.S., MS. It is, however, Bīz͟ han in I.O.
MS., 181, and as Blochmann points out, Bīzan or Bīz͟ han is twice referred to in the Tūzuk, pp. 307,
309. He was son of Nād ʿAlī Maidānī. ↑
15 I.O. MS. has “by favour of my rearing” (tarbiyat) and probably the words in text rather mean
that he was promoted by virtue of Jahāngīr’s liking for him, than that he was of good disposition. His
real name was ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm. He was the son of Qāʾim K., and his sister Ṣāliḥa Bānū was one of
Jahāngīr’s wives, and had the title of Pādis͟ hāh-Maḥall. Blochmann, 371. Before Nūr-Jahān she was
the chief wife. ↑

16 Mihtar K. was a very old servant, and died in the third year of Jahāngīr. Blochmann, 417. ↑
17 Text wrongly has S͟ hāh Nūr. ↑

18 This is the ancient Dhafur or Dofar on the south coast of Arabia now known as Mirbāt̤ . The
proper spelling was Z̤ afṛ. See Redhouse’s Annotations to the History of Yemen, published by the
Gibb Trust, Nos. 349, 578, and 836. See also d’Herbelot, 269, and Jarrett, III, 51. ↑
19 The description is rather obscure. Apparently Jahāngīr regards bamand (dun- or bay-coloured)
as equal to red (surk͟ h). ↑

20 Text has Mus͟ hrif. ↑
21 Dū manzil kis͟ htī must surely mean “tray” here; or perhaps they were models. Koshā is a well-
known Bengali name for a swift boat. ↑

22 Apparently K͟ hwāja Ḥasan died in Badakhshān. Maʾās̤ ir, III., 459. ↑
23 This S. Aḥmad is a well-known man. He is mentioned in Beale as Aḥmad Sirhindī (S͟ haik͟ h), and
as having had the title of Mujaddid-i-Alf-i-S̤ ānī, because he believed that he was the man of the
second millenium. In other words, he claimed to be a Mahdī. He was s. ʿAbdu-l-Wāḥid Fārūqī, and
born in 1503. He died 29 November, 1624, and is buried at Sirhind. The I.G. new edition, XXIII. 21.,
says there are two tombs in Sirhind known as those of the Master and the Disciple, and it may be that
one of them is S. Aḥmad’s, although the Gazetteer says they probably belong to the fourteenth
century. There is also a reference to him in Rieu’s Catalogue, III. 1058a., fol. 16. He belonged to the

Naqs͟ hbandī order, and one of his writings is called Majmūʿatu-t-taṣawwuf. There is a very long
account of him, and of his interviews with Jahāngīr in the K͟ hazīnatu-l-Auliyā, I. 607, etc. It is said
there that he was imprisoned for two years, and then released, and that he died on the last day of
Ṣafar, 1035, November 20, 1625, at the age of sixty-three. Jahāngīr afterwards pardoned S. Aḥmad.
See Tūzuk, 308, account of fifteenth year. ↑

24 Dandān-i-māhī, explained in dictionary as the canine tooth of the Walrus (Trichechus
rosmarus). But there is nothing black or piebald about walrus-teeth, and Jahāngīr would surely not
admire greatly a kind of ivory which was inferior to that of the elephant. I incline to think that what is
here meant is tortoise-shell. Jauhar-dār has two meanings—it may mean jewelled and also
“striated.” See Vullers, 542a. ↑
25 Apparently Mīrān is a mistake for Bīz͟ han. See ante and Blochmann, 508, and Tūzuk, 307. It is
Bīzan in I.O. MS., 181. ↑

26 The buildings referred to are the garden-houses made by K͟ hwāja Jahān in the Nūr-manzil
garden. ↑
27 See Jarrett, II. 323; it was near the Jhelam. See also I.G., new edition, XV. 297. It is in the
S͟ hāhpūr district. The land-revenue of it was 24 lakhs of rupees in 1903–1904. 30 lakhs of dāms
would be equal to Rs. 75,000. K͟ hān Daurān’s name was S͟ hāh Beg K. The Maʾās̤ ir says his
resignation was not altogether voluntary. See Blochmann, 378. ↑

28 In the MSS. the name is written Nardānī. ↑
29 The route from the South. See Jarrett, II. 347, n. 3. ↑

30 I.O. MSS. have Monday. ↑
31 The word in text is s͟ has͟ hsat. S͟ hast is a thumbstall, but it may also mean a ring. See Blochmann,
166 and n. 1. ↑

32 K͟ hātam-bandī. It also means “inlaying.” ↑
33 Bandu bān. In I.O. MSS. it is bandu bārān. Perhaps “skilful painter” should be “the Painter of
Creation.” ↑

34 Should be Karā. See Herklots Qānūn-i-Islām, Appendix XXIV. ↑
35 Nabīra here cannot mean grandson, for Sūraj Singh, commonly called Sūr Singh, was fifth in
descent from Māldeo (Blochmann, 359). Sūraj or Sūr was s. Rāy Rāy Singh of Bikaner. See Tod,
who says Sūr Singh passed nearly all his life as an alien. ↑

36 Tod has much to say about Gaj Singh, but the account seems hardly trustworthy. ↑

37 The text, p. 277, has a representation of one of these milestones which was outside Delhi. ↑

38 Perhaps sīb-i-k͟ hūb is the name of a kind of apple. ↑
39 I.O. MS. 181 has S͟ hukr-darā and the name of the village as S͟ hin-warān. The printed text has
Sīwarān. ↑

40 Mr. Rogers here refers to the R.A.S. MS. The I.O. MSS. are not clear. Apparently what Jahāngīr
says is: “On this occasion fresh items of expenditure occurred to me, and the former outlay was
greatly increased.” The word taṣarrufāt (“expenditure”) is omitted in the printed copy. ↑
41 The village must be Hilalabad, near Rankatta (Blochmann, 332). ↑

42 Jahāngīr says nothing about the permission that he gave to Bīr Singh Deo—as a reward for
murdering Abū-l-Faẓl—to build a very splendid temple at Mathura. It was destroyed by Aurangzīb.
See Growse’s “Mathura.” ↑
43 Text ḥalal, which means “weakness,” or ḥulal (“striped garments”). But according to the MSS.,
the true reading is k͟ halal, which means “a crack” and also “corruption.” ↑

44 The Iqbāl-nāma, 128, calls him Achadrūp, and says that the K͟ hān Aʿz̤ am went privately to him
and begged him to use his influence with Jahāngīr for the release of K͟ husrau. Achadrūp spoke
accordingly, and K͟ husrau was released and allowed to pay his respects. See infra for account of his
release. After Jadrūp removed to Mathura, he was cruelly beaten by Ḥakīm Beg. See Maʾās̤ iru-l-
Umarā, I. 576. ↑
45 Elliot, VI. 367. ↑

46 Luqmān is the Eastern Æsop, and there is much about him in D’Herbelot. In the second line the
word translated “hollow” is gulūgāh, literally “throat place,” and the word for bosom is sīna, the
whole expression being sīna-i-chang. Chang is a harp or lyre, and apparently the expression refers to
the narrowness of the space between the horns of a lyre (chang, which appears to be the Jew’s harp),
or the sides of a harp. The fourth line is obscure, and the version in text seems corrupt. The words
s͟ has͟ h bidast dū pāy seem unintelligible. They, however, occur in I.O. MS. 181, f. 161a, and in I.O.
MS. 305, f. 225a. The only difference is that they have a conjunction after bidast. On the other hand,
the Iqbāl-nāma, which inserts the lines into the record of the eleventh year, has, at p. 95, a different
reading for the fourth line. The words there are k͟ hāna yak bidast u sih pay. Bidast is given in
Richardson, and the Farhang-i-Ras͟ hīdī as meaning a span, so the line as given in the Iqbāl-nāma may
mean 3 feet and 1 span. The author of the Iqbāl-nāma was so struck with the verse of Ḥakīm Sanāʾī
and the appearance of Jadrūp’s dwelling, that he composed a mas̤ navī on the subject, which he gives
at pp. 95, 96. There is a third version in Daulat S͟ hāh’s anthology, p. 97 of Professor Browne’s
edition. There, in the second line we have ḥalqa (“ring”), or perhaps “plectrum” instead of sīna. We

have also two lines not given in the Tūzuk or the Iqbāl-nāma, and the line containing the noodle’s
question is given thus: “Kīn chih jāyast yak pūst u dū pay.”

“What place is this, one skin (?) and two feet.”

As if the meaning was that Luqmān lived in a tent propped up by two sticks. In the first line, also, we
have wis̤ āqī instead of kurīchī.

The lines may be versified thus:

“Luqmān’s cell was small and narrow to boot,
Like the throat of a pipe, or the breast of a lute.
A foolish one said to the grand old man—
‘What house is this—three feet and six span?’
With tears and emotion the sage made reply—
‘Ample for him whose task is to die.’”

In the Nawalkishor edition of Ḥakīm Sanāʾī’s poem the lines are entered as in the seventh book of the
Ḥadīqa, but in two B.M. MSS. (Add. 25,329, f. 145a, and Or. 358, f. 172b), they are placed in the
fifth book. Both of these MSS. have bidast, apparently, and Add. 25,329, has s͟ has͟ h (“six”), but Or.
358 has s͟ hass. There is such a word, meaning hard ground. Both MSS. have sih (“three”). Bidast may
properly be bad-pus͟ ht (“bad-backed”), or it may be bad-past (“bad and mean”). The reference in
verse may be rather to the curvature of the chang (Arabic, ṣanj) than to its narrowness, for Jamī
speaks of the back “being bent like a harp.” ↑
47 Compare Price, 123. ↑

48 Ba dustūrī kih dar Bangāla dās͟ ht.

I think this must mean that his men were allowed the Bengal batta, or exceptional allowance, which
used to be 50 p.c. of pay elsewhere. See A.N., III. 293, the eighth reason for the rebellion. ↑

49 This passage has been translated by Colonel Phillott in the A.S.B.J. for February, 1907, p. 113.
There is something wrong in the text. K͟ hān ʿĀlam certainly did not die on the road (see Blochmann,
513), for he waited upon Jahāngīr at Kalān ūr (Tūzuk, 284); nor did the Mīr S͟ hikār, for Jahāngīr says
he gave him a present and dismissed him. I presume, therefore, that the word “aforesaid” refers to
K͟ hān ʿĀlam’s hawk. ↑
50 Nigāh-dārad. Perhaps this means that the painter was afterwards to stuff the bird. ↑

51 This is an obscure passage, and Jadrūp’s reference to the mention of dāms in the Vedas is
curious, for dām is said to be derived from the Greek drachma. However, it appears from the Āyīn

(Blochmann, 31), that the dam, though in value only the fortieth part of a rupee, weighed 5 tānks or 1
tolā, 8 mās͟ has, 7 surk͟ hs. The rupee, we are told there, weighed 11½ mashas—i.e., half a masha less
than a tola. Consequently the dam weighed over 20 mashas, and so was not far from being equal in
weight to 2 rupees. The weight of a seer varied, and it may be 30 or 36 copper dams were reckoned
as equal to a seer. By dam Jahāngīr probably meant paisā, or double paisā. According to Gladwin,
3½ tanks are by jeweller’s weights = one tolā, and a tank is 70·112 grs. Troy. ↑

52 As stated below, the antelope which were caught all eventually died. ↑
53 Text gul-rang, which seems unintelligible. No. 181 MS. has kalānak (“somewhat grown-up”).
The child was presumably the Sultan Dūr-andīs͟ h, born at the end of the ninth year (Tūzuk, 137), and
so was now about five years old. Gul-rang occurs in B.M. MS., and may mean “ruddy.” ↑

54 Text has Āg͟ hā-i-Āg͟ hāmān. The MSS. have Āqā Āqāyān (“Agha of Aghas”). ↑
55 Akbar was born in October, 1542, so she was now seventy-seven years old. ↑

56 Sayyid Bahwa is commonly known as Dīn-dār K. Buk͟ hārī, and is described under that name in
the Maʾās̤ ir, II. 23. ↑
57 Elliot, VI. 366, and Rieu, I. 14 and 355. The book is called Ak͟ hbāru-l-Ak͟ hyār, id. ↑

58 In Sarkār Sahāranpur. Elliot, Supp. Gloss., II. 129. I.G. new edition, XIV. 287. ↑
59 The child was born at Sirhind on Wednesday, 11 Muḥarram, 1029 (December 8, 1619), and died
at Burhānpur in Rabīʿu-s̤ -s̤ anī, 1031 (February–March), 1622. Pādis͟ hāh-nāma, I. 392. ↑

60 See Erskine’s Bābur, p. 321. ↑
61 Perhaps this is Birūʾī in Sambhal, Jarrett, II. 200. Or it may be the Mīyānī Nūriya of Jarrett, II.
317. ↑

62 To clear the roots? Or is it to let the sap flow? Or is ʿirāq-bandī right, meaning footpaths?
Jahāngīr’s order then would be to clear out the brick footpaths. ↑
63 Yak-āwīz. Defined in Vullers as a short, broad sword, and also as a two-edged knife. See Vullers,
1519a. The weapon is described in text as s͟ hams͟ hīr-i-nīmcha-i-yak-āwīz. ↑

64 Az nīlam-i-farang-tarās͟ h. It is difficult to suppose that the hilt was a sapphire. Possibly “nīlam”
is the European artist’s name, or nīlam-i-farang may be some kind of European work or material.
Query niello? ↑
65 Būy-i-k͟ hwīs͟ h (“my own scent”). The scent (otto of roses) was invented by Jahāngīr’s mother-in-
law (the mother of Nūr-Jahān). She called it after Jahāngīr’s name. ↑

66 The meaning of the clause is obscure. ↑

67 The first line is obscure and the MSS. do not help. Possibly the meaning is Spring thanks thee
for robbing his garden, or it may be, Spring is exhorted to rob thy garden. The quatrain is also given
in the Iqbāl-nāma, 132. ↑

68 Meaning that the lips were so closed that the mouth looked like a thin scar. ↑
69 The collyrium of Solomon was something which enabled one to see hidden treasures. ↑

70 This quatrain is stated in the Iqbāl-nāma, 133, to be by Bābā T̤ ālib Iṣfahānī. He is a quite
different person from T̤ ālib Āmulī. The same quatrain is given by Abū-l-Faẓl, and I am indebted to
Mr. Blochmann, p. 607, for being able to understand it. Bābā

T̤ ālib Iṣfahānī is not mentioned by Dr. Rieu. At Vol. II., 679b, of his Catalogue, there is an account of
T̤ ālib Āmulī, who, it is said, died young. Bābā T̤ ālib died somewhat later, and at the age of over 100.
See Iqbāl-nāma, loc. cit., and Badayūnī, III. 265. ↑

71 A Muḥammad S͟ haik͟ h is mentioned in Beale as the author of two books (see p. 273, col. 2). One
of them was the Jām-i-Jahān-numā, and is perhaps the work mentioned in Rieu, II. 866a, V. ↑
72 Some unnecessary details have been omitted here. ↑

73 K͟ hwāja Jahān’s real name was Dūst Muḥ., and he was from Kabul. See Blochmann, 424.
Jahāngīr’s characterization of him is rather obscure, and I am not sure if my translation is correct.
Jahāngīr had married his daughter. Blochmann, 477, n. 2. ↑
74 This is the seesee partridge or Ammoperdrix Bonhami of Jerdon, p. 567 of first edition. Jerdon
states that in Afghanistan it is called the teehoo, and that its flesh is said to be delicious. ↑
75 Apparently this is the Hibiscus mutabilis, for which the Bengali name is thal padma (“land
lotus”). ↑
76 The word for twenty is omitted in text, and also in Elliot, VI. 367. ↑

77 “On the southern bank of the Harroh River,” Elliot, VI. 367. ↑
78 Bhīm was the younger brother of Karan (Tod). The passage is translated in Elliot, VI. 367. ↑

79 Elliot, VI. 368 and n. 1. ↑
80 Elliot, VI. 368, and note. ↑

81 Elliot has Hazāra Fārig͟ h. ↑
82 On the eastern bank of the Dhor. Elliot, loc. cit. ↑

83 Elliot has: “As far as the eye could reach, the blossoms of the thal kanwal, and other flowers
were glowing between the green foliage. It was a beautiful scene.” ↑

84 Salhar in text, but Sālhar in Elliot. ↑

85 Marsh-mallow of Steingass and Elliot. Query Hollyhock? ↑
86 The word violets occurs in MS. 181 and also in Elliot. ↑

87 The Bib. Ind. edition, Iqbāl-nāma, p. 135, changes this into Pakli. MS. 181 has Bankli (?)
apparently. Pakli is probably not right, for the entrance to it is mentioned lower down. ↑
88 Taṣadduq s͟ hud. This is how Mr. Rogers has translated the passage, and this seems to me to be
right. Elliot has “lost,” but surely Jahāngīr would not pass over so lightly the loss of 25 elephants.
Taṣadduq is often used in the sense of almsgiving, or of granting a favour. The text 290, line 2, has
aks̤ ar-i-rāh basta būd. The word basta seems unintelligible, and in the corresponding passage of the
Iqbāl-nāma, 135, the words are aks̤ ar-i-rāh ajama būd. This word perhaps means “muddy,” and this
would fit the sense. ↑

89 Elliot has Tawādkar. ↑
90 Achamba. But MS. 305 has ajamat, and this may mean forest, or woods. Perhaps Elliot’s “mud”
is a clerical error for wood, but ajamat means pools as well as woods. Perhaps this is the same word
as occurs in the Iqbāl-nāma, 135, and means “muddy.” ↑

91 So in text, but the MSS. ba garaz basta (“loosely tied”), so that they could be thrown off if any
game appeared. ↑
92 Elliot has sīr. ↑
93 Now known as the Kunhār. It rises in Lake Lohusur at the head of the Kāgān glen. See I.G., old
edition, VIII. 365, and ditto new edition, XIV. 272, for Kāgān Valley. ↑
94 Text Wārū. Iqbāl-nāma 136 has Kūh-i-Wāzūh. MS. 181 seems to have Dārd. ↑

95 Text shāk͟ hdār (“with branches”), but the true reading seems to be nāj (“pine”). Elliot has
“sāl.” ↑
96 This is a fanciful derivation. The word is not darang, but drang, which means a watch-station.
See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 84. The Pamba-drang, however, was near the Kis͟ han Gangā, and so
is not the drang mentioned by Stein. ↑

97 A mistake. See Elliot, VI. 373, note. ↑

The Fifteenth New Year’s Feast after the
Auspicious Accession
The transit of the sun, that fulfils the hopes of the world, into his house of
honour in Aries, took place on Friday, the 15th of the month of Rabīʿu-s̤ -
s̤ ānī in the Hijrī year 1029, (10 March), 1620, after 12½ gharis, or 5 sidereal
hours,1 had passed, and the 15th year of the reign of this suppliant at the
throne of Allah commenced happily and auspiciously. On Saturday, the 2nd
(Farwardīn), having marched 4½ koss, I halted at the village of Bakkar. On
this road there was no hill-pass (kotal), but it was rather stony. I saw
peacocks, black partridges, and monkeys (langūr), such as exist in the
Garmsīr country (Afghanistan). It is evident that these can also exist in cold
countries. From this place to Kashmir the road is along the bank of the river
Bihat. There are hills on both sides, and in the bottom of the valley the
water flows with great force, boiling and raging. However large an elephant
may be, he cannot hold his feet firmly in it, but immediately rolls over, and
is carried away. There are also water-dogs2 in the river. On Sunday, the 3rd,
marching 4½ koss, I pitched at Mūsarān. On the eve of Friday the
merchants who live in the pargana of Bāra Mūla came and paid their
respects. I asked the reason of the name of Bāra mūla, and they represented
that in the Hindi language they call a boar Bārāh (Varaha) and mūla a place
—that is, the boars’ place. Among the incarnations that belong to the
religion of the Hindus, one is the boar incarnation, and Bārāh mūla by
constant use has become Bāra mūla. On Monday, the 4th, marching 2½
koss, I pitched at Bhūlbās. As they said these hills were very narrow and
difficult (to pass), and they could be crossed by a crowd of men only with
great trouble, I gave orders to Muʿtamid K. that, with the exception of Āṣaf
K. and a few of the necessary attendants, no one should be allowed to
march along with the prosperous stirrup (with the king personally), and the
camp should be kept one stage behind. By chance, before this order was
given, he had sent on his own tent. After this he wrote to his men that this
order had been given with regard to him, and they should halt at whatever

spot they had reached. His brothers heard this at the foot of the kotal of
Bhūlbās,3 and pitched their own tent there. When the royal host reached the
place, snow and rain began to fall. One plain of the road had not been
crossed when his tent became visible. Looking on this as a gift from the
hidden world, I and the ladies alighted, and remained protected from the
cold and snow and rain. His brothers, according to orders, sent someone in
haste to summon him. When the news reached him that the elephants and
the advance camp had arrived at the top of the kotal, and blocked up the
road, as it was impossible to ride, with great zeal, he, not knowing his head
from his feet, traversed a distance of 2½ koss on foot in two hours, and
came to wait on me, and repeated this couplet with the tongue of gesture.4

Verse.

“At midnight came the thought of thee. I was ashamed and resigned my life.
The poor man was abashed when suddenly the guest arrived.”

All that was in his store (bisāt̤ ) in the way of money and goods, of live
stock or dead, he offered for me to tread upon. I gave them all back, and
said: “What do worldly goods appear worth to the eye of our magnanimity?
We buy the jewel of loyalty at a high figure. Such an event arising out of his
devotion should be reckoned as the rising of his good star, in that a king like
me with the people of his harem should remain in his house in comfort and
at ease for a night and a day. It would be a cause of honour to him among
his contemporaries and comrades.” On Tuesday, the 5th, having traversed 2
koss, I alighted at the village of Kahāʾī.5 I presented the dress (sar u pāy) I
had on to Muʿtamid K., and an order was given assigning him the mansab
of 1,500 personal and l,5006 horse. From this stage we entered within the
boundary of Kashmīr. In the same kotal of Bhūlbās, Yaʿqūb, s. Yūsuf K.
Kas͟ hmīrī, fought with the victorious army of my father, of which Rāja
Bhagwān Dās, father of Rāja Mān Singh, was the leader.

On this day, the news came that Suhrāb K., s. Rustam Mīrzā, had been
drowned in the Jhelam. The details are as follows: He, according to orders,

was coming up one stage in the rear, and on the road it came into his mind
that he would have a bathe in the river, though warm water was ready. The
people forbade him, and said that when the air was so cold, unnecessarily to
get into a river so agitated and bloodthirsty that it would roll over a war-
elephant, was contrary to the dictates of caution. He was not restrained by
their words, and as the unavoidable destined time had arrived, got in. From
excessive self-will and pride and carelessness, in reliance on his powers of
swimming, in which art he was unequalled, he was more determined than
ever, and with a k͟ hidmatīyya (Blochmann 252) and another servant, both of
whom could swim, mounted a rock on the river bank and threw himself in.
Immediately he fell, from the violent movement of the waves, he could not
pull himself together or try to swim; to fall in and go were the same thing,
and Suhrāb K.7 and the k͟ hidmatīyya thus gave away the goods of their lives
to the flood of destruction. The boatman,8 with a hundred difficulties,
brought the boat of his being (himself) in safety to the shore. Mīrzā Rustam
was much attached to this son. On hearing of this fatal news on the Pūnch
road, he rent the robe of patience, and showed great agitation. With all his
dependants, clothed in mourning garments, with head and feet bare, he
came to wait on me. What shall I write of the grief of the mother? Although
the Mīrzā has other sons, his heart was bound up in this one. His age was
twenty-six years. In shooting with a gun he was an excellent pupil of his
father, and knew well how to drive elephants and carriages. On the
expedition to Gujarat he was often ordered to ride on the front part of my
private elephant, and he was an active soldier.9

On Wednesday, the 6th, marching 3 koss, I pitched at the village of Rīwand.
On Thursday, the 7th, crossing the kotal of Kuwārmat,10 which is the most
difficult on this road (MS.), I alighted at the village of Wachaha (MS. and
print differ). The distance of this stage is 4¼ koss. The kotal of Kuwārmat
(Kulāmat in the MS.) is a difficult one, and is the last of the kotals on the
road. On Friday, the 8th, having traversed nearly 4 koss, I halted at the
village of Baltār.11 There was no kotal on this road. It was broad, and plain
after plain, and mead after mead, of flowers. Sweet-smelling plants of
narcissus, violet, and strange flowers that grow in this country, came to
view. Among these flowers I saw (noticed especially) one extraordinary

one. It had five or six orange flowers blooming with their heads
downwards. From the middle of the flowers there came out some green
leaves, as in the case12 of the pineapple (?). This is the būlānīk13 flower.
There is another flower like the pūy (?), round which are small flowers of
the shape and colour of the jessamine, some blue in colour and some red,
with yellow points in the middle, exceedingly pretty in appearance: its
name is “ladar pūs͟ h.” They call it pūs͟ h-i-ʿaliyyu-l-ʿumūm14 (the common
pūs͟ h?). There are many yellow arg͟ hawān (Judas-trees) on the road as well.
The flowers of Kashmīr are beyond counting and calculation. Which shall I
write of? And how many can I describe? I have only mentioned the most
remarkable. There is a waterfall on this road, very high and fine. It flows
down from a high place. No other waterfall of such beauty was seen on the
road. I delayed a moment at it, and filled my eye and heart with gazing on it
from a high spot. On Saturday, the 9th, I marched 4¾ koss, and crossed
over at Bāramūla.15 It is one of the noted towns of Kashmīr, and 14 koss16
distant from the city, situated on the bank of the Bihat. A number of the
merchants of Kashmir live in it, and have built houses and mosques on the
bank of the river, and spend their days in ease and contentment. According
to orders, before the arrival of the host of prosperity, they had prepared
decorated boats at the place. As17 the hour for entry (into Srinagar) had
been fixed for Monday, when two watches of the day had passed, on
Sunday, the 10th, I entered S͟ hihābu-d-dīn-pūr. On this day Dilāwar K.
Kākar, the Governor of Kashmir, came from Kis͟ htwār,18 and had the good
fortune to kiss the threshold. He was exalted with various royal favours and
all kinds of imperial gratifications. He had done his duty here in an
acceptable manner, and it is hoped that the great Giver of favours may light
up the foreheads of all my servants with honour.

Kis͟ htwār is to the south of Kashmir. From the city of Kashmir (Srinagar) to
the stage of Alkah (?),19 which is the capital of Kis͟ htwār, the distance is 60
koss by measurement. On the 10th of the Ilāhī month of S͟ hahriwar, in my
14th year, Dilāwar K., with 10,000 horse and foot, determined to conquer
Kis͟ htwār. He appointed his son, Ḥasan by name, with Gird ʿAlī Mīr-baḥr
(admiral) to guard the city and administer the territory. And as Gohar Chak
and Aiba Chak laid claim to Kashmir as heirs, and were stirring up strife in

Kis͟ htwār, and were wandering in the valley of confusion and ruin, he left
Haibat, one of his brothers, with a force at Desū, which is near the kotal of
Pīr Panjāl, by way of caution, and, dividing his forces at that place, he
himself hastened with a force by the road of Sangīnpūr, sending his son
Jalāl, with Naṣru-llah ʿArab, and ʿAlī Malik Kas͟ hmīrī, and a band of
Jahāngīrī servants by another road, and his elder son Jamāl with a band of
zealous young men as an advanced guard to his own force. At the same time
he placed two other forces to move forward on his right and left. As no
horses could go on the road, by way of precaution he took some with him,
but left nearly20 all his sipahis’ horses behind, and sent them to Kashmir
(i.e., Srinagar). The young men girded the belt of duty on their waists, and
went up the hills on foot. The g͟ hāzīs of the army of Islam fought from post
to post with the ill-fated unbelievers as far as Narkot, which was one of the
enemy’s strongholds. There the corps of Jalāl and Jamāl, which had been
sent by different roads, met, and the enemy, not having the power to oppose
them, took to flight. The brave ones who offered their lives traversed many
ups and downs with the courage of determination, and hastened on to the
Mārū river. On the bank of that river the fire of slaughter was lighted, and
the g͟ hāzīs of the army of Islam displayed approved activity. The ill-fated
Aiba Chak, with many of the people of ruin, were slain. By the death of
Aiba the Raja became powerless and without heart, and took the road of
flight, and, crossing by the bridge, stopped at Bhandarkoṭ, which is on the
other side. A band of the brave ones (bahādurān) quickly advanced,
wishing to cross the bridge. A great fight took place at its head, and some of
the young men attained to martyrdom. In this way for twenty days and
nights the servants of the Court tried to cross the river, and the unbelievers
of darkened fortune did not fail to attack and try to drive them back, until
Dilāwar K., after establishing thānas and arranging for the commissariat,
arrived with his army. The Raja, by way of stratagem and vulpine trickery,
sent his Vakils to Dilāwar K., and begged that he might send his brother
with offerings to the Court, so that when his offences obtained pardon, and
his mind were freed from fear and trouble, he could also himself proceed to
the Court, the refuge of the world, and kiss the threshold. Dilāwar K. did
not lend his ear to these deceitful words, and did not throw away from his
hand the coin of opportunity. He dismissed the envoys of the Raja without

the attainment of their object, and made every exertion to cross the bridge.
His eldest son Jamāl, with a band of the crocodiles of the sea of bravery and
valour, went up the river, and by bravely swimming it although swollen
crossed over, and engaged in a fierce battle with the enemy. The devoted
servants of the Court made an attack from the other side, and made matters
tight for these ruined people. These, when they found they had no longer
the strength to oppose them, broke down the planking of the bridge, and
took to flight. The victorious servants made the bridge strong again, and
transported the remainder of the army. Dilāwar K͟ hān drew up his forces at
Bhandarkoṭ. From the aforesaid river (the Mārū) to the Chenāb, which is a
strong support of these unfortunate people, is a distance of two bow-shots,
and on the bank of the Chenāb there is a lofty hill. The crossing of the water
is a difficult matter, and, with a view to the coming and going of people on
foot, they attach strong ropes, and place planks of the width of a cubit
between two ropes, and fasten one rope’s end to the top of the hill, and the
other on the other side of the water. Then they attach two other ropes a gaz
higher than these, that foot-passengers may place their feet on the planks,
and, taking hold of the upper ropes, may descend from the top of the hill to
the bottom, and so cross the river. This bridge they call zampa, in the
language of the people of the hill country. Wherever they apprehended that
a rope bridge might be constructed, they stationed musketeers and archers
and men-at-arms, and so felt secure. Dilāwar K. made rafts (jhāla), and,
placing on them eighty of his valiant young men, sent them across the river
at night. As the water was flowing with great violence, the rafts were
carried down by the flood of destruction, and sixty-eight of these gallant
men were drowned in the sea of non-existence, and obtained the renown of
martyrdom, whilst ten, by the aid of swimming, reached the shore of safety
(i.e., returned), and two on the other side became prisoners in the hands of
the infidels. In short, for four months and ten days Dilāwar K͟ hān, having
planted the foot of courage at Bhandarkoṭ, made endeavours to cross over;
but the arrow of stratagem did not reach the target of intent until a Zamindar
pointed out a place which the enemy had no idea of. There, having
constructed a zampah, in the heart of night, Jalāl, Dilāwar K.’s son, with
some of the servants of the Court and a band of Afghans, about 200 in
number, crossed over in safety, made unawares in the morning an attack on
the Raja, and blew loudly the trumpets of victory. A few who were around

and before the Raja rushed out, bewildered, half asleep and half awake, and
most of them became the harvest of the blood-drinking sword, while the
rest quickly withdrew themselves from that whirlpool of calamity. In that
encounter one of the soldiers came upon the Raja, and wished to finish him
with a sword. He called out: “I am the Raja; take me alive to Dilāwar
K͟ hān.” The men rushed on him and made him prisoner. After the Raja was
made prisoner, his people all fled. When Dilāwar K͟ hān heard this good
news of victory, he prostrated himself in thankfulness to Allah, and, having
crossed the river with the victorious army, came to Mandal Badr,21 which
was the capital of the country, and is 3 koss from the river. The daughter22
of Sangrām Raja of Jammu, and the daughter of the abandoned Sūraj Mal,
s. Rāja Bāso, were in the Raja’s house (i.e., married to him). By Sangrām’s
daughter he had children. Before the victory he had, by way of caution, sent
his family for refuge to the Raja of Jaswāl and other Zamindars. When my
victorious retinue approached, Dilāwar K͟ hān, according to order, took the
Raja with him, and came to kiss the threshold, leaving Naṣru-llah ʿArab
with a body of horse and foot to guard the country.

In Kis͟ htwār there are produced much wheat, barley, lentils, millet, and
pulse. Differing from Kashmir, it produces little rice. Its saffron is finer than
that of Kashmir. About a hundred hawks and falcons are caught there
(annually). Oranges, citrons, and water-melons of the finest kind are
obtained. Its melons are of the same kind as those of Kashmir, and other
fruits, such as grapes, apricots, peaches, and sour pears, are grown. If they
were cultivated, it is possible they would improve. A coin23 of the name of
sanhasī24 is a relic of the old rulers of Kashmir, one and a half of which
equal a rupee. In their business transactions they reckon fifteen sanhasī, or
ten rupees, as one pāds͟ hāhī muhar. They call two seers of Hindustani
weight a man (maund). It is not the custom for the Raja to take revenue
from cultivation; he takes annually six sanhasī—that is, four rupees—from
each house. All the saffron is assigned, as pay, to a body of Rajputs and to
700 musketeers (tūpchī) who are old retainers. When the saffron is sold,
four rupees per maund, or two seers, are taken from the purchaser. The
whole income of the Raja consists of fines, and for a small offence he takes
a heavy sum. From whomsoever is wealthy and in comfortable

circumstances the Raja, on some pretext, clears out all that he has. From all
sources his income is about Rs. 100,000. In time of war 6,000 or 7,000 men
on foot collect together; there are but few horses among them. The Raja and
the chief men have about fifty between them. I bestowed a year’s revenue
on Dilāwar K. by way of reward. By conjecture, his jagir was worth about
1,000 personal and 1,000 horse, according to the Jahāngīrī rules. When the
chief diwans calculate the allowances to the jagirdars, the exact amount will
be ascertained.

On Monday, the 11th, after two watches and four gharis had passed, the
royal cortege alighted auspiciously and happily at the buildings lately
erected on the bank of the lake (the Dal lake). By order of my father, a very
strong fort of stone and lime had been built. It is not quite completed, one
side being unfinished. It is hoped that hereafter it will be completed. From
Ḥasan Abdāl to Kashmir by the road I came is a distance of 75 koss; this
was accomplished in nineteen marches and six halts—that is, in twenty-five
days. From Agra to Kashmir, in the space of 168 days, a distance of 376
koss was traversed in 102 marches and 63 halts. By land25 and the ordinary
route the distance is 304½ koss.

On Tuesday, the 12th, Dilāwar K., according to order, brought the Raja26 of
Kis͟ htwār, chained, into my presence, and did homage. He (the Raja) is not
wanting in dignity. His dress is after the Indian fashion, and he knows both
the Hindi and the Kashmiri languages. Contrary to other Zamindars of these
regions, he looked like the inhabitant of a town. I told him that,
notwithstanding his offences, if he would bring his sons to Court, he should
be released from confinement, and might live at ease under the shadow of
the eternal State, or else he would be imprisoned in one of the forts of
Hindustan. He said that he would bring his people, his family, and his sons
to wait on me, and was hopeful of my clemency.

I shall now give a brief account of the country of Kashmir and of its
peculiarities.

Kashmir27 belongs to the fourth climate. Its latitude is 35° N., and its
longitude, from the White Islands, 105°. In old times the country was in the

possession of Rajas. Their dynasty lasted for 4,000 years. An account of
them, and a list of their names, are given in the Rāja-tarang, which, by my
father’s order, was translated28 from the Sanskrit (Hindi in text) into
Persian. In the Hijrī year 712 (1312–13) Kashmir was illumined by the
religion of Islam. Thirty-two Muhammadan princes reigned over it for 282
years, until, in 994 (1586), my father conquered it. From that date till now,
being a period of thirty-five years, the country has been in the possession of
the Crown. Kashmir, from the Pass of Būlīyāsa29 to Qambarbar, is 56
Jahāngīrī koss long, and its breadth is never more than 27 koss, or less than
10 koss. S͟ haik͟ h Abū-l-Faẓl has, in the Akbar-nāma, stated, by guess and
conjecture, that the length of Kashmir from the Kis͟ han Gangā to
Qambarbar is 120 koss, and its breadth from 10 to 25 koss. I, out of
prudence and caution, appointed a number of trustworthy and intelligent
men to measure the length and breadth with ropes (t̤ anāb). The result was
that what the S͟ haik͟ h wrote as 120 koss came out as 67. As it is agreed that
the boundary of a country is the place up to which people speak the
language of that country, it follows that the boundary of Kashmir is
Būlīyāsa, which is 11 koss on this side (i.e., east) of the Kis͟ han Gangā. So,
according to the preceding figures, the length of Kashmir is 56 (67 - 11)
koss. The variations in breadth were found to be not more than 2 koss. The
koss30 which is in use during my reign is that prescribed by my father. That
is, a koss is 5,000 yards, and the yard is 2 s͟ harʿī yards, each of the latter
(yards) being 24 digits31 (angus͟ ht̤ ). Wherever the koss or gaz is mentioned,
the reference is to the above koss and the above gaz. The name of the city is
Srīnagar, and the Bihat river flows through the midst of it. They call its
fountain-head Vīr-nāg.32 It is 14 koss to the south. By my order they have
made a building and a garden at that source. There have been built in the
city four very strong stone and wooden bridges, over which people come
and go. They call a bridge in the language of this country kadal. There is a
very lofty mosque in the city, one of the marks of Sult̤ ān Sikandar,33 made
in 795 (1393). After a time it was burnt, but was rebuilt by Sult̤ ān Ḥusain. It
had not been completed when the mansion of his life fell down. In 909
(1503–04) Ibrāhīm Māqrī, Vizier of Sult̤ ān Ḥusain, finished it handsomely.
From that day till now it is 120 years since it has been in existence. From
the Miḥrāb to the eastern wall it is 145 yards, and its breadth is 144 yards,

containing four (t̤ āq) alcoves. On all sides of the hall they have erected
beautiful cloisters and pillars. In short, no better memorial of the rulers of
Kashmir has been left than this. Mīr Sayyid ʿAlī of Hamadan (may his
grave be sanctified!) was for some time in this city. There is a monastery34
to his memory. Near the city there are two35 large lakes full of water all the
year round. Their flavour36 does not vary; they are the means for coming
and going of the people, and for the conveyance of grain and firewood on
boats. In the city and parganas there are 5,700 boats, with 7,40037 boatmen.
The country of Kashmir has thirty-eight parganas. It is divided into two
provinces; the territory on the upper part of the river they call Marrāj, and
that on the lower Kāmrāj. It is not the custom to use gold and silver for
payment of the revenue from land or in commerce, except for a portion of
the cesses (sāʾir-jihāt).38 They reckon the value of things in k͟ harwārs of
rice, each k͟ harwār being three maunds and eight seers of the current
weight. The Kashmiris reckon two seers as one maund, and four maunds, or
eight seers, make one tark. The revenue of Kashmir is 30,63,050 k͟ harwārs
and 11 tarks, which in cash represents 7,46,70,000 dāms. Ordinarily it
maintains 8,500 horse. It is very difficult to enter Kashmir. The routes by
Bhimbhar39 and Paklī are the best. Though that by Bhimbhar is the shorter,
yet if one wishes to find spring in Kashmir, he is confined to the road by
Paklī, for the other roads at this season are blocked with snow. If one were
to take to praise Kashmir, whole books would have to be written.
Accordingly a mere summary will be recorded.

Kashmir is a garden40 of eternal spring, or an iron fort to a palace of kings
—a delightful flower-bed, and a heart-expanding heritage for dervishes. Its
pleasant meads and enchanting cascades are beyond all description. There
are running streams and fountains beyond count. Wherever the eye reaches,
there are verdure and running water. The red rose, the violet, and the
narcissus grow of themselves; in the fields, there are all kinds of flowers
and all sorts of sweet-scented herbs more than can be calculated. In the
soul-enchanting spring the hills and plains are filled with blossoms; the
gates, the walls, the courts, the roofs, are lighted up by the torches of
banquet-adorning tulips. What shall we say of these things or of the wide
meadows (julgahā) and the fragrant trefoil?

Verse.

“The garden-nymphs41 were brilliant,
Their cheeks shone like lamps;
There were fragrant buds on their stems (or ‘under their rind’),
Like dark amulets on the arms of the beloved.
The wakeful, ode-rehearsing nightingale
Whetted the desires of wine-drinkers;
At each fountain the duck dipped his beak
Like golden scissors cutting silk;
There were flower-carpets and fresh rosebuds,
The wind fanned the lamps of the roses,
The violet braided her locks,
The buds tied a knot in the heart.”

The finest inflorescence is that of the almond and the peach. Outside the
hill-country the commencement of blossoming is the 1st Isfandārmuẕ
(February 10). In the territory of Kashmir it is 1st Farwardīn (March 10),
and in the city gardens it is the 9th and 10th of that month, and the end of
their blooming joins on to the commencement of that of the blue jessamine.
In attendance on my revered father I frequently went round the saffron
fields, and beheld the spectacle of the autumn. Thank God that on this
occasion I beheld the beauties42 of the spring. The beauties of the autumn
shall be described in their place. The buildings of Kashmir are all of wood;
they make them two-, three-, and four-storied, and covering the roofs with
earth, they plant bulbs of the chaug͟ hās͟ hī43 tulip, which blooms year after
year in the spring season, and is exceedingly beautiful. This custom is
peculiar to the people of Kashmir. This year, in the little garden44 of the
palace and on the roof of the chief mosque, the tulips blossomed
luxuriantly. There are many blue jessamines in the gardens, and the white
jessamines that the people of India call chambīlī are sweet-scented. Another
kind is of the colour of sandal-wood, and this is also very sweet-scented.
This is special to Kashmir. I saw several sorts of red roses: one is specially
sweet-scented, and another is a flower of the colour of sandal (light yellow),

with an exceedingly delicate scent. It (the scent?) is of the nature of (that of)
the red rose, and its stem is like that of the red rose. There are two kinds of
lilies. That which is grown in gardens is vigorous (bālīda) and fresh (lit.
green) coloured, the other is a wild kind. Although the latter has less colour
it is very sweet-scented. The flower of the Jaʿfarī45 (a yellow flower) is
large and sweet-scented; its stem is above a man’s height, but in some
years, when it has grown large and has flowered, a worm is produced, and
spreads over the flower a kind of spider’s web, and destroys it and dries up
its stem. This year it has so happened. The flowers that are seen in the
territories of Kashmir are beyond all calculation. Those that Nādiru-l-ʿaṣrī
Ustād Manṣūr,46 has painted are more than 100. Before my father’s time
there were no s͟ hāh-ālū (cherries).47 Muḥammad48 Qulī Afs͟ hār brought
them from Kabul and planted them, and there are now ten or fifteen fruit-
bearing trees. There were also some apricot-trees. The aforesaid made them
known in this country, and now there are many of them. In fact, the
apricot49 of Kashmir is good. There was a tree in the S͟ hahr-ārā garden at
Kabul, called Mīrzāʾī, better fruit than which I had not eaten, but in
Kashmir there are trees equal to this in the gardens. There are pears
(nās͟ hpātī) of the best kind, better than those of Kabul, or Badakhshan, and
nearly equal to those of Samarkand. The apples of Kashmir are celebrated
for their goodness. The guavas (amrūd) are middling. Grapes are plentiful,
but most of them are harsh and inferior, and the pomegranates are not worth
much. Water-melons of the best kind can be obtained. The melons are very
sweet and creased, (? s͟ hikananda)50, but for the most part when they
become ripe a worm is found in them that spoils them. If by chance they are
preserved from this misfortune they are very delicate. There are no s͟ hāh-
tūt51 (some kind of large mulberry), but there are other (tūt) mulberries
everywhere. From the foot of every mulberry-tree a vine-creeper grows52
up. In fact, the mulberries of Kashmir are not fit to eat, with the exception
of some on trees grown in gardens, but the leaves are used to feed the
silkworm. They bring the silkworms’ eggs from Gilgit and Tibet. There is
plenty of wine and vinegar, but the wine is sour and inferior, and in the
Kashmir language is called mas. After they take cups of it some heat of
head ensues. They make various pickles with the vinegar. As the garlic of
Kashmir is good, the best pickle is that of garlic. There are all kinds of

crops except peas. If they sow peas, they give a crop the first year, in the
second they are inferior, and in the third year they are like mus͟ hang.53 Rice
is the principal crop. Probably there are three parts under rice and one under
all other grains. The chief food of the people of Kashmir is rice, but it is
inferior. They boil it fresh,54 and allow it to get cold, and then eat it, and
call it batha. It is not usual to take their food warm, but people of small
means keep a portion of the batha for a night, and eat it next day. Salt is
brought from India. It is not the custom to put salt into the batha. They boil
vegetables in water, and throw in a little salt in order to alter the flavour,
and then eat them along with the batha. Those who want to have something
tasty put a little walnut-oil into the vegetables. Walnut-oil soon becomes
bitter and evil-flavoured. They also use cow-oil (raug͟ han—i.e., ghi), but
this is taken fresh, and fresh from newly-made butter (maska). They throw
this into the food, and call it “sadā-pāk” in the Kashmiri language. As the
atmosphere is cold and damp, it becomes altered by being kept for three or
four days. There are no buffaloes, and the cattle are small and inferior. The
wheat55 is small and of little substance (kam mag͟ hz). It is not the custom to
eat bread (nān). There are tailless sheep, resembling the kadī56 (or gaddī) of
India. They are called handū, and their flesh is not without flavour. Fowls,
geese, and ducks (murg͟ hābī)—golden and others—are plentiful. There are
all kinds of fish, both with and without scales, but they are inferior. The
woollen cloths are well known. Men and women wear a woollen tunic
(kurtā), and call it paṭṭū. If they do not put on a tunic, they believe that the
air affects them, and even that it is impossible to digest their food without it.
The shawls of Kashmir, to which my father gave the name of parm-narm,
are very famous: there is no need to praise them. Another kind is taharma
(naharma in the printed version); it is thicker than a shawl, and soft.57
Another is called darma. It is like a jul-i-k͟ hirsak,58 and is put over carpets.
With the exception of shawls they make other woollen materials better in
Tibet. Though they bring the wool for the shawls from Tibet they do not
make them there. The wool for shawls comes from a goat which is peculiar
to Tibet. In Kashmir they weave the paṭṭū shawl from wool, and sewing two
shawls together they smooth them into a kind of saqarlāt (broad-cloth),
which is not bad for a rain-coat. The men of Kashmir shave the head and
put on a round turban, and the common women do not wear clean, washed

clothes. They use a tunic of paṭṭū for three or four years; they bring it
unwashed from the house of the weaver, and sew it into a tunic, and it does
not reach the water till it falls to pieces. It is considered wrong to wear
drawers (izār); they wear the tunic long and ample as far as the head and
falling down to the feet, and they also wear59 a belt. Although most of the
houses are on the river-bank not a drop of water touches their bodies. In
short, they are as dirty outside as inside, without any cleanliness. In the time
of Mīrzā Ḥaidar there were many skilled people there. They were skilled in
music, and their lutes, dulcimers, harps, drums, and flutes were celebrated.
In former times they had a musical instrument like a lute, and used to sing
in the Kas͟ hmīrī language compositions according to Hindi musical modes,
there being even two or three modes combined together. Moreover, many
sing together in chorus. In fact, Kashmir is much indebted to Mīrzā Ḥaidar
for its excellencies. Before the reign of my father the chief method by
which the people of these parts rode was on gūnts (ponies). They had no
large horses, but used to bring ʿIrāq and Turki horses by way of rare gifts
for their rulers. Gūnt means a yābū60 (pony). They have thick shoulders,
and are low in the body. They are common in other of the hill-countries of
India. For the most part they are vicious61 and hard-mouthed. When this
God-created flower-garden acquired eternal beauty under the auspices of
the State, and by the blessing of the teaching of the Alexander-minded
K͟ hāqān, many of the Aimāqs (cavalry) were presented with jagirs in this
Subah, and herds of ʿIrāqī and Turkī horses were given them to breed from
(kih kurra bagīrand). The soldiers also brought horses62 on their own
account, and in a short time horses were obtainable, so that many Kashmiri
horses were bought and sold for 200 and Rs. 300, and even for Rs. 1,000.

The merchants and artificers of this country are mostly Sunnis, while the
soldiers are Imāmiyya Shias. There is also the sect of Nūr-bak͟ hs͟ hīs.63 There
is also a body of Faqirs whom they call Rīs͟ hīs.64 Though they have not
religious knowledge or learning of any sort, yet they possess simplicity, and
are without pretence. They abuse no one, they restrain the tongue of desire,
and the foot of seeking; they eat no flesh, they have no wives, and always
plant fruit-bearing trees in the fields, so that men may benefit by them,
themselves deriving no advantage. There are about 2,000 of these people.

There is also a body of brahmans living from of old in this country, who
still remain there and talk in the Kashmiri tongue. Outwardly one cannot
distinguish them from Mussulmans. They have, however, books in the
Sanskrit language, and read them. They carry into practice whatever relates
to the worship of idols. Sanskrit is a language in which the learned of India
have composed books, and esteem them greatly. The lofty idol temples
which were built before the manifestation of Islam are still in existence, and
are all built of stones, which from foundation to roof are large, and weigh
30 or 40 maunds, placed one on the other. Near the city there is a small hill
which they call Kūh-i-Mārān65 (“The Wicked Hill,” Lawrence, 298), as
well as Harī Parbat. On the east side of the hill there is the Dal Lake, which
measures round a little more than 6½ koss.66 My father (may the lights of
Allah be his testimony!) gave an order that they should build in this place a
very strong fort of stone and lime; this has been nearly completed during
the reign of this suppliant, so that the little hill has been brought into the
midst of the fortifications, and the wall of the fort built round it. The lake is
close to the fort, and the palace overlooks the water. In the palace there was
a little garden, with a small building in it in which my revered father used
constantly to sit. At this period it appeared to me to be very much out of
order and ruinous. As it was the place where that veritable qibla (place
turned towards in prayer) and visible Deity used to sit, and it is really a
place of prostration for this suppliant, therefore its neglected state did not
appear right to me. I ordered Muʿtamid K., who is a servant who knows my
temperament, to make every effort to put the little garden in order and
repair the buildings. In a short space of time, through his great assiduity, it
acquired new beauty. In the garden he put up a lofty terrace 32 yards square,
in three divisions (qit̤ ʾa), and having repaired the building he adorned it
with pictures by masterhands, and so made it the envy of the picture gallery
of China. I called this garden Nūr-afzā (light increasing).

On Friday, the 15th of the Divine month of Farwardīn, two qut̤ ās oxen, out
of the offerings of the Zamindar of Tibet, were brought before me. In form
and appearance they closely resemble the buffalo. All the limbs are covered
with wool which properly belongs to animals in a cold country. For
instance, the rang goats (ibex), which they brought from the country of
Bhakkar (Sind) and the hill-country of the Garmsīr (in Afghanistan) were

very handsome, and had but little wool, and those that are met with in these
hills, on account of the excessive cold and snow, are covered with hair and
ugly. The Kashmiris call the rang kapal.67 On this day they brought a musk
deer as an offering. As I had not tasted its flesh, I ordered it to be cooked; it
appeared very tasteless and bad for food. The flesh of no other wild animal
is so inferior. The musk-bag when fresh has no scent, but when it is left for
some days and becomes dry, it is sweet-scented. The female has no musk-
bag. In these two or three days I frequently embarked in a boat, and was
delighted to go68 round and look at the flowers of Phāk and S͟ hālamār. Phāk
is the name of a pargana situated on the other side of the lake. S͟ hālamār is
near the lake. It has a pleasant stream, which comes down from the hills,
and flows into the Dal Lake. I bade my son K͟ hurram dam it up and make a
waterfall, which it would be a pleasure to behold. This place is one of the
sights of Kashmir.

On Sunday, the 17th, a strange affair took place. S͟ hāh S͟ hujāʿ was playing in
the buildings of the palace. By chance there was a window with a screen in
front of it looking towards the river. They had put a screen in front, but had
not fastened the door, and the prince in play went towards the window to
look out. As soon as he arrived there he fell headlong. By chance they had
laid down a carpet below the wall, and a farrās͟ h (carpet-spreader) was
sitting near it. The child’s head fell on this carpet, and his feet on the back
and shoulders of the farrās͟ h, and so came to the ground. Though the height
was 7 yards69 (daraʿ), the compassion of God, the Great and Glorious,
came to his aid, and the carpet and the farrās͟ h became the means of saving
his life. God forbid, but if it had not been so it would have been a serious
matter for him. At the time Rāy Mān, the head of the K͟ hidmatiyya70
piyādas, was standing below the jharoka. He immediately ran and picked
him up, and holding him in his arms, was taking him upstairs. In that
condition he asked: “Whither are you carrying me?” He replied: “Into the
presence of His Majesty.” Then weakness overcame him, and he could
speak no more. I was lying down when this alarming news reached me, and
ran out in a state of bewilderment. When I saw him in this state my senses
forsook me, and for a long time holding him in my affectionate embrace I
was distracted with this favour from Allah. When a child of four years of

age falls headlong from a place ten ordinary (s͟ harʿī) gaz in height, and no
harm happens to his limbs, it is a cause for amazement. Having performed
my prostrations for this fresh act of goodness, I distributed alms, and
ordered that deserving people and the poor who lived in the city should be
brought before me in order that I might assure them their means of
livelihood. A strange thing was that three or four months before this event
Jotik Rāy, the astrologer, who is one of the most skilled of the class in
astrology, had represented to me, without any intermediary, that it was
predicted from the Prince’s horoscope that these three or four months were
unpropitious to him, and it was possible he might fall down from some high
place, but that the dust of calamity would not settle on the skirt of his life.
As his prognostications had repeatedly proved correct, this dread dwelt in
my mind, and on these dangerous roads and difficult mountain passes I was
never for a moment forgetful of that nursling of the parterre of Fortune. I
continually kept him in sight, and took the greatest precautions with regard
to him. When I arrived in Kashmir this unavoidable71 catastrophe occurred.
His nurses (anagahā) and wet-nurses must have been very careless. God be
praised that it ended well!

In the garden of ʿAis͟ hābād72 (abode of pleasure) I saw a tree which had
numerous73 blossoms. They were very large and beautiful, but the apples
that the tree produced were bitter.

As excellent service had been done by Dilāwar K. Kākar, I promoted him to
the mansab of 4,000 personal and 3,000 horse, and also conferred mansabs
on his sons. S͟ haik͟ h Farīd, s. Qut̤ bu-d-dīn K. was raised to the mansab of
1,000 personal and 400 horse. The mansab of Sar-barāh K. was ordered to
be 700 personal and 250 horse, and I promoted Nūru-llah Kurkīrāq (in
charge of furriery?) to that of 600 personal and 100 horse, bestowing on
him the title of Tas͟ hrīf K. The offerings of Thursday, the 21st, were handed
over as a reward to Qiyām K., the chief huntsman. As Allah-dād Afghan, s.
the Tārīkī,74 had repented of his evil deeds and come to Court at the request
of Iʿtmādu-d-daula I pardoned his offences; the signs of disgrace and shame
were evident on his forehead and, according to the previous arrangement, I
bestowed on him the mansab of 2,500 and 200 horse. Mīrak Jalāyir, one of

the auxiliaries of Bengal, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal
and 400 horse.

As it was reported that the jūg͟ hāsī (i.e., black) tulips were in good bloom on
the roof of the Jāmiʿ mosque, on Saturday, the 23rd, I went to see them. In
truth, one side of that flower-garden was very beautiful. The parganas of
Mau75 and Mihrī (?) (text has Maud Mihrī), which previously to this had
been granted to Rāja Bāso, and afterwards continued to his rebel son Sūraj
Mal, were now bestowed on Jagat Singh, his brother, who had not obtained
the tīka (mark of royal succession), and I gave the pargana of Jammū to
Rāja Sangrām. On Monday, the 1st of Urdībihis͟ ht, I went to the house of
K͟ hurram, and entered his bath-house, and when I came out he presented his
offerings. Of these I accepted a trifle in order to please him. On Thursday,
the 4th, Mīr Jumla was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and 300
horse. On Sunday, the 7th, I rode to the village of Chārdara,76 which is the
native country of Ḥaidar Malik, to hunt partridges. In truth this is a very
pleasant spot of ground, and has flowing streams and lofty plane-trees. At
his request I gave it the name of Nūrpūr77 (city of light). On the road there
was a tree78 called halthal; when one takes one of the branches and shakes
it, the whole of the tree comes into movement. The common people believe
that this movement is peculiar to that tree. By chance in the said village I
saw another tree of the same kind, which was in similar movement, and I
ascertained that it was common to that species of tree, and not confined to
one tree. In the village of Rāwalpūr, 2½ koss from the city towards
Hindustan, there is a plane-tree, burnt in the inside. Twenty-five years
before this, when I myself was riding on a horse, with five other saddled
horses and two eunuchs, we went inside it. Whenever I had chanced to
mention this people were surprised. This time I again ordered some of the
men to go inside, and what I had in my mind came to pass in the same
manner. It has been noted in the Akbar-nāma that my father took79 thirty-
four people inside and made them stand close to each other.

On this day it was represented to me that Prithī-chand, s. Rāy Manohar,
who was one of the auxiliaries of the army against Kāngṛa, had sacrificed
his life in a useless (bī-ṣarfa80) battle with the enemy.

On Thursday, the 11th, certain servants of the State were promoted in the
following manner: Tātār K. to 2,000 personal and 500 horse; ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz
K. to 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse; Debī Chand of Gwalior to 1,500
personal and 500 horse; Mīr K͟ hān, s. Abū-l-Qāsim K. Namakīn to 1,000
personal and 600 horse; Mīrzā Muḥammad to 700 personal and 300 horse;
Lut̤ fu-llah to 300 personal and 500 horse; Naṣru-llah ʿArab to 500 personal
and 250 horse; and Tahawwur K. was appointed to the faujdārship of
Mewāt. On Thursday, the 25th, Sayyid Bāyazīd Buk͟ hārī, faujdār of
Bhakkar, raised his head of honour with the Subadarship of Sind, and his
mansab, original and increased, was fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,500
horse, and he was also presented with a standard. S͟ hajāʿat K. ʿArab
obtained the honour of exaltation to the mansab of 2,500 personal and 2,000
horse. Anīrāʾī Singh-dalan, at the request of Mahābat K., was appointed to
Bangash. Jān-sipār K. was promoted to the mansab of 2,000 personal and
1,500 horse.

At this time, on the representation of the Commander-in-Chief, K͟ hān-
K͟ hānān, and all the loyal people, it was shown to me that ʿAmbar, the
black-fated one (he was an Abyssinian), had again placed his foot beyond
the bounds of good behaviour, and had, according to his nature, laid a
foundation for trouble and sedition, and as the victorious army had
proceeded to a distant part of the country, he, considering it a good
opportunity, had broken the pledges he had given to the servants of the
Court, and had stretched out his hand to take possession of royal territory. It
is hoped that he will soon be entangled in the disgrace of his deeds. As he
(the Commander-in-Chief) had asked for treasure, it was ordered that the
diwans of Agra should send Rs. 20,00,000 to the Commander-in-Chief.
Close upon this news came that the Amirs had left their posts, and come
together to Dārāb K., and that the Bargīs81 (the Mahrattas) were
surrounding his camp, and that K͟ hanjar K. had taken refuge in
Aḥmadnagar. Two or three battles had already taken place between the
rebels and the servants of the Court, and each time the enemy had been
defeated, and many of them killed. On the last occasion Dārāb K., taking
with him well-mounted young men, attacked the rebels’ camp. A fierce
battle ensued, and the enemy being defeated turned the face of ruin towards
the valley of flight. Their camp had been plundered, and the victorious army

had returned in safety to their camp. As difficulty and distress had fallen on
the victorious army, those who were loyal came to the conclusion that they
should go down by the Pass of Rohangaṛh82 and remain below the ghāt, so
that forage and grain might be easily obtained, and the men not incur any
labour or distress. Having no choice, they prepared the army of prosperity
at Bālāpūr, and the rebels of black fortune, with impertinence and
importunity, appeared near Bālāpūr. Rāja Bīr Singh Deo, with some of the
devoted servants, plucking up courage in order to beat back the enemy, slew
many of them. An Abyssinian of the name of Manṣūr, who was in the rebel
army, fell into their hands, and although they wished to put him on an
elephant (see Iqbāl-nāma 161, the text wrongly has zīr “under”), he would
not agree, and was insolent.83 Rāja Bīr Singh Deo ordered them to separate
his head from his body. It is hoped that the circling sphere will lay the
recompense of improper deeds on the skirt of life of all who do not
recognize the right.

On the 3rd Urdībihis͟ ht I rode to see the Sukh Nāg.84 It is a beautiful
summer residence (īlāq). This waterfall is in the midst of a valley, and flows
down from a lofty place. There was still ice on its sides. The entertainment
of Thursday was arranged for in that flower-land, and I was delighted at
drinking my usual cups on the edge of the water. In this stream I saw a bird
like a sāj.85 A sāj is of a black colour and has white spots, while this bird is
of the same colour as a bulbul with white spots, and it dives and remains for
a long time underneath, and then comes up from a different place. I ordered
them to catch and bring two or three of these birds, that I might ascertain
whether they were waterfowl and were web-footed, or had open feet like
land birds. They caught two and brought them. One died immediately, and
the other lived for a day. Its feet were not webbed like a duck’s. I ordered
Nādiru-l-ʿaṣr Ustād Manṣūr to draw its likeness. The Kashmiris call it
galkar86—that is, “water sāj.”

On this day the Qāẓī and the Chief Justice represented to me that ʿAbdu-l-
Wahhāb, the son of Ḥakīm ʿAlī, claimed Rs. 80,000 from the Sayyids of
Lahore, and produced a bond with the seal of Qāẓī Nūru-llah. He said that
his father had placed that sum in deposit with Sayyid Walī, the father of

these men, who denied it.87 If an order were given, the Ḥakīm’s son, by way
of caution,88 would swear an oath on the Qoran, and would take what was
his due from them. I told them to do whatever was right by the Divine Law.
The next day Muʿtamid K͟ hān represented that the Sayyids showed great
humility and submissiveness. The matter was a complicated89 one. The
greater reflection shown in ascertaining the truth in the matter the better. I
accordingly ordered that Āṣaf K. should take exceeding trouble and
forethought in ascertaining the truth of this quarrel, and point out such a
way (of unravelling it) that no doubt whatever should remain. With all this,
if it could not be cleared up, I would examine them in my own presence.
Immediately he heard these words, the Ḥakīm’s son lost both his hands and
his heart in the affair, and made a number of his friends intercessors, and
proposed a withdrawal. His representation was that if the Sayyids would
not90 refer the matter to Āṣaf K. he would give a release, and that hereafter
he would have no right against nor claim from them. Whenever Āṣaf K.
sent to fetch him, as he was a low deceiver, he passed his time in making
excuses, and did not appear until he handed over the deed of release to one
of his friends, and the true state of affairs became evident to Āṣaf K. They
brought him by force into the place of examination, and, having no choice,
he confessed that the deed had been prepared by one of his servants, who
himself witnessed it, and had misled him. He gave a writing to this effect.
When Āṣaf K. informed me of the real state of matters, I took away his
mansab and jagir, and cast him out of my presence, and gave the Sayyids
leave to return to Lahore in all honour and respect.

On Mubārak-s͟ hamba (Thursday), the 8th of K͟ hūrdād, Iʿtiqād K͟ hān was
promoted to the mansab of 4,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and Ṣādiq K͟ hān
to that of 2,500 personal and 1,400 horse. Zainu-l-ʿābidīn, son of the
deceased Āṣaf K͟ hān (Jaʿfar), was promoted to be Bakhshi of Aḥadīs. Rāja
Bīr Singh Deo Bandīla raised his head of honour with the high mansab of
5,000 personal and horse.

In Kashmir the most juicy(?) fruit is the as͟ hkan(?) (askamī in the MSS.). It
is subacid (mai-k͟ hūs͟ h), smaller than the ālū bālū (sour cherry), much better
flavoured, and more delicate. When drinking wine, one cannot eat more
than three or four ālū bālū, but of these one can take as many as a hundred

in twenty-four hours, especially of the paiwandī(?) sort. I ordered that the
as͟ hkan should hereafter be called the k͟ hūs͟ hkan. It grows in the hills of
Badakhshan and in Khurasan; the people there call it jamdamī. The largest
of them weigh ½ mis̤ qāl. The s͟ hāh-ālū (cherry), on the 4th Urdībihis͟ ht,
appeared of the size of a grain of pulse; on the 27th it reddened, and on the
15th K͟ hūrdād it was ripe, and new fruit (nau-bar) had formed(?). The s͟ hāh-
ālū (cherry), to my taste, is better than most fruits. Four trees had borne
fruit in the Nūr-afzā garden. I called one of these S͟ hīrīn-bār, the second
K͟ hūs͟ h-guwār, the third, which bore the most fruit, Pur-bār, and the fourth,
which had less, Kam-bār. One tree in K͟ hurram’s garden had also borne
fruit, and I called it S͟ hāhwār. There was a young plant in the little garden of
ʿIs͟ hrat-afzā (joy enhancing), and this I called Nau-bār (new fruit). Every
day I plucked with my own hand sufficient to give a flavour to my cups.
Although they sent them by runners from Kabul as well, yet to pick them
oneself from one’s home garden gave additional sweetness. The s͟ hāh-ālū of
Kashmir is not inferior to that of Kabul; it is even better grown. The largest
of them weighed one tānk, five surk͟ hs.

On Tuesday, the 21st, Pāds͟ hāh91 Bānū Begam died (became a sitter in the
bridal chamber of the permanent world), and grief for this heart-rending
event laid a heavy load on my mind. I hope that Almighty God may give
her a place near his own forgiveness. A strange thing is—that Jotik Rāy, the
astrologer, two months before this, had informed some of my servants that
one of the chief sitters in the harem of chastity would hasten to the hidden
abode of non-existence. He had discovered this from the horoscope of my
destiny, and it fell out accordingly.

One of the events (that now took place) was the martyrdom of Sayyid
ʿIzzat92 K. and of Jalāl K. Gakhar in the army of Bangash. The particulars
of this are that when the season for the collection of revenue arrived,
Mahābat K. appointed a force to go into the hill-country to eat up the crops
of the Afghans, and not omit one tittle of raiding and plundering, and killing
and binding. When the servants of the Court arrived at the foot of the Pass
the ill-fated Afghans attacked them from all sides, and took the head of the
Pass, and fortified it. Jalāl K., who was an experienced man, and an old man
that had undergone labours, thought it better to delay for a few days, so that

the Afghans might expend the few days’ provisions they had brought with
them on their backs, and necessarily disperse of their own accord; that then
his men would be able to cross with ease over the head of the difficult Pass.
When he once passed the head of the defile they would be unable to do any
more, and would be punished. ʿIzzat K., who was a battle-lighting flame
and a foe-burning lightning, did not fall in with Jalāl K.’s idea, and excited
the steed of courage of some of the Sayyids of Bārha. The Afghans,
swarming round on all sides, like ants and locusts, attacked him, and caught
him in their midst. Though the battlefield was not fit for cavalry, yet
wherever the forehead of his wrath shone, he consumed many with the fire
of his sword. In the midst of the fighting they hamstringed his horse, but he
fought on foot and as long as he had breath, and at last fell bravely. At the
time when ʿIzzat K. made his attack, Jalāl K. Gakhar93 and Masʿūd, s.
Aḥmad Beg K., and Bīzan (or Bīzhan), s. Nād ʿAlī Maidānī, and other
servants, lost restraint, and rushed on from all sides of the pass, and the
rebels seized the tops of the hills, and fought with stones and arrows. The
devoted young men, both of the servants of the Court and the retainers of
Mahābat K., performed the duties of valour, and slaughtered many of the
Afghans. In this contest Jalāl K. and Masʿūd, with many other brave men,
sacrificed their lives. Owing to the rashness of ʿIzzat K. such a disaster as
this befell the Imperial army.

When Mahābat K. heard this fearful news, he sent a fresh body of men to
assist, and strengthened the posts. Wherever they found a trace of those ill-
fortuned ones, they did not fail to slay or bind them. When I heard this
news, I summoned Akbar Qulī, s. Jalāl K. who had been told off for duty in
the conquest of the fort of Kāngṛa, to my presence, and gave him the
mansab of 1,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and confirmed to him, according
to custom, his hereditary territory (the Gakhar country) in jagir, presented
him with a dress of honour and a horse, and sent him to the support of the
army of Bangash. As ʿIzzat K. had left a son of very tender years, keeping
before my eyes, that discerned the truth, his life-sacrifice, I gave him (the
child) a mansab and a jagir, so that those left behind should not be scattered
abroad, and others might have increased hope.

On this day S͟ haik͟ h Aḥmad of Sirhind, who had for some time been placed
in the prison of correction on account of his pretentiousness (literally,
adorning his shop and selling himself) and immoderate language, was
summoned to my presence, and I released him, giving him a dress of
honour and Rs. 1,000 for expenses, and making him free to go or remain.
He justly represented that his punishment had really been a valuable lesson
to him, and that his desire was to wait on me.

On the 27th K͟ hūrdād apricots arrived94 (from Kabul). The picture-gallery in
the garden had been ordered to be repaired; it was now adorned with
pictures by master hands. In the most honoured positions were the
likenesses of Humāyūn and of my father opposite to my own, and that of
my brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās. After them were the likenesses of Mīrzā Kāmrān,
Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, S͟ hāh Murād, and Sult̤ ān Dāniyāl. On the second
storey (row?) were the likenesses of the Amirs and special servants. On
walls of the outer hall the stages of the road to Kashmir were recorded in
the order in which I had come to them. A poet fixed the date by this
hemistich:

Pictures of kings of Solomon-like glory.95

On Thursday, the 4th of the Ilāhī month of Tīr, the Feast of būriyā-kūbī96
took place. On this day the Kashmir cherries came to an end. From the four
trees of the Nūr-afzā garden, 1,500, and from other trees 500 had been
plucked. I strictly ordered the officials of Kashmir to plant s͟ hāh-ālū
(cherry) trees in all the gardens. On this day Bhīm, s. Rānā Amar Singh,
was honoured with the title of Raja, and Dilīr K., brother of the brave ʿIzzat
K., was promoted to the mansab of 1,000 personal and 800 horse,
Muḥammad Saʿīd, s. Aḥmad Beg K., to that of 600 personal and 400 horse,
and Muk͟ hliṣ-ullah, his brother, to that of 500 personal and 250 horse. On
Sayyid Aḥmad Ṣadr the mansab of 1,000, and on Mīrzā Ḥusain, s. Mīrzā
Rustam Ṣafawī, that of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, were bestowed, and
the last-named was despatched for duty to the Deccan. On Sunday, the 14th
of the Divine month of Tīr, Ḥasan ʿAlī Turkmān was made Governor of
Orissa, and his personal and horse mansab was raised to 3,000. On this day
Bahādur K., Governor of Qandahar, sent offerings of nine Iraq horses, some

nine pieces of gold brocade, some brocaded satin, and some marten97 skins,
and other things; these were laid before me.

On Monday, the 15th, I rode to see the summer quarters of Tūsī-marg98 (?).
Arriving in two matches at the foot of the kotal, on Wednesday, the 17th, I
reached the top of the pass. For a distance of 2 koss very elevated ground
was crossed with difficulty. From the top of the kotal to the Īlāq (summer
quarters) was another koss of high and low land. Although here and there
flowers of various colours had bloomed, yet I did not see so many as they
had represented to me, and as I had expected. I heard that in this
neighbourhood there was a very beautiful valley, and on Thursday, the 18th,
I went to see it. Undoubtedly, whatever praise they might use in speaking of
that flowery land would be permissible. As far as the eye reached flowers of
all colours were blooming. There were picked fifty kinds of flowers in my
presence. Probably there were others that I did not see. At the end of the day
I turned my reins in order to return. That night an account was given in my
presence of the siege of Ahmadnagar. K͟ hān-Jahān told a strange tale, which
I had also heard before, and it is written on account of its strangeness. At
the time when my brother Dāniyāl was besieging the fort of Ahmadnagar,
one day the garrison laid the gun Malik-maidān99 (king of the plain) against
the Prince’s camp, and fired it. The ball reached nearly to the Prince’s tent;
from that place it bounded (ricocheted), and went to the lodging of Qāẓī
Bāyazīd, who was one of the Prince’s companions, and fell there. They had
tied up the Qāẓī’s horse at a distance of 3 or 4 gaz. As the ball touched the
ground, the horse’s tongue100 was torn out by the root and fell on the
ground. The ball was of stone, weighing 10 maunds as current in Hindustan,
or 80 Khurasar maunds. The said gun is so large that a man can sit
comfortably in it.

On this day I promoted Abū-l-Ḥasan, the chief Bakshi, to the mansab of
5,000 personal and 2,000 horse, Mubāriz K. to that of 2,000 personal and
1,700 horse. Bīzan (or Bīzhan) s. Nād ʿAlī, to that of 1,000 personal and
500 horse, and Amānat K. to that of 2,000 personal and 400 horse. On
Thursday, the 25th, I gave Nawāzis͟ h K., s. Saʿīd K., the mansab of 3,000
personal and 2,000 horse, Himmat K. that of 2,000 personal and 1,500
horse, and Sayyid Yaʿqūb K., s. Sayyid Kamāl Buk͟ hārī, that of 800 personal

and 500 horse. Mīr ʿAlī ʿAskar,101 s. Mīr ʿAlī Akbar Mūsawī, was dignified
with the title of Mūsawī K. As I had repeatedly heard praise of the Īlāq of
Kūrī-marg,102 I felt much disposed to visit it at this time, and on Tuesday,
the 7th Amurdād, rode in that direction. How shall I write its praise? As far
as the eye could reach flowers of various hue were blooming, and in the
midst of the flowers and verdure beautiful streams of water were flowing:
one might say it was a page that the painter of destiny had drawn with the
pencil of creation. The buds of hearts break into flower from beholding it.
Undoubtedly there is no comparison between this and other Īlāqs, and it
may be said to be the place most worth seeing in Kashmir.

In Hindustan (i.e., Upper India) there is a bird called Papīhā,103 of a sweet
voice, which in the rainy season utters soul-piercing (jān-sūz, lit. soul-
burning) laments. As the koyal lays its egg in the nest of the crow, and the
latter brings up its young, so I have seen in Kashmir that the papīhā lays its
egg in the nest of the g͟ haug͟ hāʾī104 (ring-dove?) and the g͟ haug͟ hāʾī brings
up its young.

On Thursday, the 17th, Fidāʾī K. was promoted to the mansab of 1,500
personal and 700 horse. On this day the ambassador of ʿIzzat105 K., ruler of
Ūrganj, by name Muḥammad Zāhid, came to the Court, and presented a
petition, accompanied with some trifling presents, and recalled the
existence of hereditary relations (lit., shook the chain of hereditary
connection). I distinguished him with the eye of kindness, and on the spur
of the moment gave the ambassador 10,000 darbs (Rs. 5,000) as a present,
and ordered the officials of the buyūtāt (household) to prepare and send (by
him) such things as he might ask for.

At this time a strange act of grace occurred to my son106 K͟ hān-Jahān
(Lodī). He had become very ill from the madness of wine, and from the
overpowering of this man-destroying intoxication things had come to such a
pass that it threatened his precious life. Suddenly he reformed, and God
directed him, and he made a vow that thereafter he would not defile the
fringe of his lip with wine. Although I warned him that it was not good to
give it up all at once, and that he should leave it off gradually, he would not
consent, but gave it up manfully.

On the 25th of Amurdād Bahādur K., Governor of Qandahar, was promoted
to the mansab of 5,000 personal and 4,000 horse, and on the 2nd of the
Divine month of S͟ hahrīwar, Mān Singh, s. Rāwat S͟ hankar, to that of 1,500
and 800 horse, Mīr Ḥusāmu-d-dīn to that of 1,500 and 500 horse, and
Karamu-llah, s. ʿAlī Mardān K.107 to that of 600 with 300 horse.

As at this time I was much inclined to parti-coloured108 veined teeth, the
great Amirs exerted themselves greatly in looking out for them. Of these,
ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K. Naqs͟ hbandī sent a servant of the name of ʿAbdu-llah with
a letter to K͟ hwāja Ḥasan and K͟ hwāja ʿAbdu-r-Raḥīm, ss. K͟ hwāja Kalān
Jūybārī, who are to-day the leading holy men of Transoxiana, containing a
request for these things. By chance, K͟ hwāja Ḥasan had a perfect tooth,
exceedingly delicate, and immediately sent it with the aforesaid (servant) to
the Court, which it reached this day. I was greatly pleased, and ordered
them to send the value of Rs. 30,000 in choice goods to the K͟ hwājas, a
service for which Mīr Baraka Buk͟ hārī was fixed upon. On Thursday, the
12th S͟ hahrīwar, Mīr Mīrān obtained leave to take up the faujdārship of
Mewāt, and his mansab, original and increased, was fixed at 2,000 with
1,500 horse. I gave him a special horse, with a dress of honour and a sword.

At this time it was made clear from a report of Sundar109 that Jauhar Mal,
the rebel, had delivered his soul to the lords of hell (had died). It was also
reported that a force sent against one of the Zamindars had abandoned the
path of caution, and without fortifying the way of entrance and exit, or
taking possession of the hill-tops, had entered into the fastnesses of the
hills, and had fought without any good result. As the day drew towards its
close, they had turned their reins with their object unaccomplished, and in
turning back, had made every haste. Many people had been killed,
especially those who would not put up with the disgrace of flight. They
purchased martyrdom with their lives. Out of them S͟ hāh-bāz K.
Dalūmānī110 (?), which is a tribe of Lodī Afghans, sacrificed his life with a
band of his servants and tribesmen. In truth he was a good servant, and had
intelligence combined with modesty. Another report was that Jamāl Afg͟ hān,
Rustam, his brother, Sayyid Naṣīb Bārha, and some others had come in
wounded. It was also reported that the siege (of Kāngṛa) had become a
close one, and the affair was going hard with the besieged. They had sent

(literally thrown out) men as mediators, and had asked for quarter. It was
hoped that by the blessing of increasing fortune the fort would be subdued.

On Wednesday, the 18th of the same month (S͟ hahrīwar), Dilāwar K. Kākar
died a natural death. Beyond all the other Amirs of high rank, he combined
valour with leadership and knowledge of affairs, and from the time when I
was a prince carried away from all the ball of superiority in my service. He
acted constantly with the perfection of sincerity and the jewel of doing
right, and had thus arrived at the dignity of Amirship. In the end of his life
God Almighty bestowed grace upon him, and the conquest of Kis͟ htwār,
which was an exemplary service, was accomplished by his courage. It is
hoped he may be one of the pardoned. His sons and the others that he left
behind him I exalted with all kinds of favours and patronage, and enrolled
those of his people who were fit for mansabs amongst the servants of the
Court. I ordered the rest, to remain as usual with his sons, so that his
company might not be split up.

On this day Qūr Yasāwul came with a diamond that Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang
had obtained from the Bengal mine, and waited on me. Wazīr K., dīwān of
Bengal, who was an old servant of the Court, died a natural death.

On the night of Thursday, the 19th, the Kashmiris had lined with lamps both
sides of the Bihat. It is an ancient custom that every year on this day
everyone, whether rich or poor, whoever has a house on the bank of the
river, should light lamps as on the S͟ hab-i-barāt. I asked the brahmans the
reason of this, and they said that on this day the fountain-head of the Jhelam
was disclosed, and the custom had come down from old days that on this
date must take place the feast of Veth tarwāh.111 Veth means the Jhelam,
and they call thirteen tarwāh; as this day is the 13th of S͟ hawwāl, they light
lamps. In this way they call it the Veth tarwāh. Undoubtedly the lamp-
lighting was good. I sate in a boat and went round to see it. On this day the
feast of my solar weighing took place, and according to the usual custom, I
weighed myself against gold and other things, which I distributed among
deserving people. The 51st year of the age of this suppliant at the throne of
Allah came to an end; the 52nd year lit up the face of expectation. It is
hoped that the period of my life will be spent in pleasing God. The

entertainment of Thursday, the 26th, was held in the lodging of Āṣaf K.
(Nūr-Jahān’s brother), and that pillar of the Sultanate fulfilled the duties of
homage, and of offerings, and thereby acquired eternal bliss.

On 1 S͟ hahrīwar (about 11 August) ducks (murg͟ hābī) appeared on the Wular
lake, and on the 24th of that month they appeared on the Dal lake. The
following is the list of birds which are not met with in Kashmir:

List.

1. Crane112 (kulang). 16. Goose (qāz).
2. Sāras (grus Antigone). 17. Konkla (kokilā, the black
cuckoo?).
3. Peacock. 18. Partridge (durrāj).
4. Bustard (jarz or charz). 19. Shāvak (starling).
5. Stork (laglag). 20. Nol-i-surk͟ h (redbeak,
[parrot]?).
6. Bustard (tug͟ hdarī). 21. Mūsīcha (wood-pigeon?).
7. Bustard (tug͟ hdāg͟ h). 22. Hariyal (green pigeon?).
8. Karwānak (kind of crane?). 23. Dhīng (adjutant).
9. Zard-tilak (golden oriole?). 24. Koyal (Eudynamys
Orientalis).
10. Nuqra-pāy (silver-foot). 25. S͟ hakar-k͟ hwāra (sugar-eater,
[parrot]?).
11. ʿAzam-pāy. 26. Mahokhā (cuculus
castaneus?).
12. Boza laglag (royal curlew). 27. Mahirlāt (?).
13. Pelican (hawāsil). 28. Dhanes͟ h (hornbill).
14. Makisa (Ardea indica?). 29. Gulchaṛī (quail?).
15. Bag͟ hlā (paddy-bird). 30. Ṭaṭīrī, which the Turks call
(blank in MSS.) and I have
named bad-āwāz, “evil-

voiced.” (It is perhaps the
sandpiper.)

As the Persian names of some of these are not known, or rather, these birds
don’t exist in Persia (Wilāyat), I have written the Hindi names.113 The
names of the carnivorous and herbivorous animals that are not in Kashmir
are as follows: The tiger, the panther (yūz), the rhinoceros,114 the wild
buffalo, the black antelope, the gazelle, the kotāh pācha (hog-deer), the nīl-
gāw, the wild ass, the hare, the lynx, the wild cat, the mūshak-i-karbalāʾī
(?),115 the porpoise, and the porcupine.

On this day peaches came from Kabul by runners. The largest of these
weighed 26 tolas,116 or 65 mis̤ qāls. As long as their season lasted, such a
number came that I gave them to most of the Amirs, and to the private
servants fed from the royal table.

On Friday,117 the 27th, I went out to see Vīrnāg,118 the source of the Bihat.
Going up the river 5 koss in a boat, I alighted at the village of Pāmpūr.

On this day unpleasant news came from Kis͟ htwār. The details of this are
that when Dilāwar K. conquered it and returned to Court, he left Naṣru-llah
ʿArab, with some of the mansabdars to guard it. Naṣru-llah made two
mistakes. One was that he treated the Zamindars and the people of the place
harshly, and did not observe a conciliatory demeanour towards them. The
second was that the forces sent as auxiliaries to him, in expectation of
increase of mansab, asked him for leave to go to Court and transact their
affairs. He yielded to their representations,119 and gave them leave one after
the other. When only a small force was left with him, the Zamindars, whose
hearts had been wounded by him, and were on the look out for a
disturbance, found their opportunity and made an attack from all quarters.
Having burnt the bridge by which the army had crossed, and by which
assistance could come, they lighted the fire of disturbance and sedition.
Naṣru-llah shut himself up, and for two or three days defended himself with
the greatest difficulty (literally, with a thousand life-extractions). As he had
no provisions, and they had closed the road, he determined to accept
martyrdom, and manfully, with some of those who were with him,

performed the dues of bravery and valour until most of his men were killed,
and some became captives in the hands of destiny.

When this news reached my ear, I appointed Jalāl, s. Dilāwar K., on whose
forehead the traces of bravery and ambition were manifest, and who had
done good service in the conquest of Kis͟ htwār, with the mansab of 1,000
personal and 600 horse, giving him the attendants of his father who were
enrolled among the servants of the Court, and an army of the soldiers of
Kashmir, with many of the Zamindars and men on foot with muskets, to
assist him in overcoming that mob, doomed to a vile end. An order was also
given that Rāja Sangrām, the Zamindar of Jammu, with his own men,
should come in by the hill-road from Jammu. It is hoped that the rebels will
quickly obtain the recompense for their deeds.

On Saturday, the 28th, I marched 4½ koss. Passing one koss beyond
Kākāpūr, I came to the bank of the river. The bang120 (bhang) of Kākāpūr is
well-known. It grows wild on the bank of the river in quantities. On
Sunday, the 29th, I halted at the village of Panj Brāra.121 This village122 has
been bestowed on my fortunate son S͟ hāh Parwīz. His Vakils had prepared a
small building and a little garden overlooking the river. In the
neighbourhood of Panj Brāra there is a meadow (julga)123 exceedingly
clean and pleasant, with seven lofty plane-trees in the middle of it, and a
stream of the river flowing round it. The Kashmiris call it Sathā Bhūlī(?)124
It is one of the great resorts of Kashmir.

On this day arrived the news of the death of K͟ hān Daurān,125 who died a
natural death at Lahore. He had nearly reached ninety years of age. He was
one of the brave men of the age and valiant in the battlefield. He combined
bravery with leadership. He performed great services for the dynasty. It is
hoped that he will be among the pardoned ones. He left four sons, but none
of them was worthy to be his son. He left about Rs. 400,000 in cash and
goods, which were given to his sons.

On Monday, the 30th, I first visited the fountain of Inch. This village had
been given by my father to Rām Dās Kachhwāha,126 and he had erected
buildings and basins at the spring. Undoubtedly, it is an exceedingly sweet

and delightful place. Its water is perfectly clear and pure, and many fish
swim in it.

Verse.

So clear the water that the grains of sand at bottom
Could be counted at midnight by a blind man.

As I gave127 the village to my son K͟ hān Jahān, he prepared an
entertainment there, and presented offerings. I chose a trifle in order to
please him. Half a koss from this spring, there is a fountain that they call
Machhī Bhawan,128 above which Rāy Bihārī Chand, one of the servants of
my father, built an idol-temple. The beauty of this spring is more than one
can describe, and large trees of ancient years, planes, white and black
poplars, have grown up round it. I passed the night at this place, and on
Tuesday, the 31st, pitched at the fountain of Achval.129 The water of this
spring is more plentiful than that of the other, and it has a fine waterfall.
Around it lofty plane-trees and graceful white poplars, bringing their heads
together, have made enchanting places to sit in. As far as one could see, in a
beautiful garden, Jaʿfarī flowers had bloomed, so that one might say it was
a piece of Paradise. On Wednesday, the 1st of Mihr, marching from Achval,
I pitched camp near the fountain of Vīrnāg.130 On Thursday, the 2nd, the
feast of cups was prepared at the spring. I gave my private attendants
permission to sit down. Filling brimming cups, I gave them Kabul peaches
as a relish, and in the evening they returned drunk (mastān, exhilarated?) to
their abodes. This spring is the source of the River Bihat, and is situated at
the foot of a hill, the soil of which, from the abundance of trees and the
extent of green and grass, is not seen. When I was a prince, I had given an
order that they should erect a building at this spring suitable to the place. It
was now completed. There was a reservoir of an octagonal shape, forty-two
yards in area and fourteen131 gaz in depth. Its water, from the reflection of
the grass and plants on the hill, had assumed a hue of verdure. Many fish
swam in it, round it halls with domes had been erected, and there was a
garden in front of them. From the edge of the pond to the gate132 of the

garden there was a canal 1 gaz in width and 180133 gaz in length, and 2 gaz
in depth. Round the reservoir was a stone walk (k͟ hiyābān-i-sang). The
water of the reservoir was so clear that, notwithstanding its 4 gaz of depth,
if a pea had fallen into it, it could have been seen. Of the trimness of the
canal and the verdure of the grass that grew below the fountain, what can
one write? Various134 sorts of plants and sweet-smelling herbs grew there in
profusion, and among them was seen a stem (būṭā), which had exactly the
appearance of the variegated tail of a peacock. It waved about in the ripple,
and bore flowers here and there. In short, in the whole of Kashmir there is
no sight of such beauty and enchanting character. It appears to me that what
is upstream135 in Kashmir bears no comparison with (i.e., is far superior to)
what is downstream. One should stay some days in these regions, and go
round them so as to enjoy oneself thoroughly. As the hour for marching was
near, and snow was beginning to fall at the head of the passes, I had not the
leisure to linger there, and was obliged to turn my rein towards the city. I
gave an order that plane-trees should be planted on both sides, on the banks
of the canal above mentioned. On Saturday, the 4th, I encamped at the
spring of Loka Bhawan.136 This spring is also a pleasant spot. Although at
present it is not equal to the others, if it were to be repaired it would be very
good. I ordered them to construct a building worthy of the place, and to
repair the reservoir in front of it. On the road I passed by a spring which
they call Andha Nāg137 (blind fountain. See Iqbāl-nāma, 166). It is well
known that the fish in this fountain are blind. I delayed a while near this
spring, and threw in a net and caught twelve of the fish. Of these, three
were blind and nine had eyes. Evidently the water of this spring has the
effect of making them blind. Certainly this is not devoid of strangeness. On
Sunday, the 5th, I again passed by the springs of Machhī Bhawan and Inch,
and went to the city.

On Wednesday, the 8th, news arrived of the death of Hās͟ him, s. Qāsim K.
On Thursday, the 9th, Irādat K. was promoted to the governorship of
Kashmir. Mīr Jumla in his place was chosen for the duty of K͟ hānsāmān,
and Muʿtamid138 K. to that of ʿArẓ-muqarrir. The mansab of 2,000 personal
and 500 horse was ordered for Mīr Jumla. On the night of Saturday, the
11th, I entered the city. Āṣaf K. was appointed to the duty of Diwan of

Gujarat. Sangrām, Raja of Jammu, was promoted to the mansab of 1,500
personal and 1,000 horse.

On this day I saw an unusual kind of fishing on the part of the fishermen of
Kashmir. In a place where the water was up to a man’s chest, they propelled
two boats that were side by side, and so that at one end they were in
contact, and at the other end they were 14 or 15 yards apart. Two boatmen
held long poles in their hands, and sate on the outside edge of each boat (?)
so as to regulate the space between each boat, and that they should proceed
equally. Then ten or twelve boatmen got down into the water, and laying
hold of the ends of the two boats that were joined139 together with their
hands, trampled the bottom with their feet, and moved on. The fish which
were between the boats wanted to get out of the narrow space, and came
against the feet of the boatmen. Immediately one of the boatmen dived, and
another one pressed upon his back, and with his two hands kept him from
coming to the surface. The latter caught a fish and produced it. Some who
are skilful in the art catch two fish with their hands, and bring them to the
surface. Among them was an old boatman, who generally at each dive
brought up two fish. This kind of fishing occurs at Panj Brāra,140 and is
peculiar to the Jhelam. It is not used in ponds or in other streams. It also
only takes place in the spring when the water is not cold or impetuous
(gazanda, “biting”?).

On Monday, the 13th, the feast of the Dasahrā took place. According to the
annual custom, they decorated the horses in the special stables, and those
that had been entrusted to Amirs, and brought them out. At this time I
experienced in myself a shortness of breath and difficulty in breathing. I
hope that in the end, please God, it may all go well.

On Wednesday, the 15th, I went to make an autumn tour in the direction of
Ṣafāpūr and the valley of Lār, situated downstream of the Kashmir River. In
Ṣafāpūr there is a fine tank, and on the north side of it a hill full of trees. It
being the beginning of autumn, it had a wonderful appearance, with trees of
all colours, such as the planes, the apricot, and others, reflected in the
middle of the tank, and very beautiful. Undoubtedly the beauties of autumn
are not less than those of spring.

Verse.

There’s no exhilaration in decay, but to the eye
The glory of autumn is more brilliant than the Spring.

As the time was short and the hour of marching near, I took a short circuit
and returned. These few days I passed pleasantly in catching141 ducks. One
day, in the midst of the sport, a boatman caught and brought me a young
qarqara (the demoiselle crane, Ardea virgo). It was very thin and miserable.
It did not live longer than one night. The qarqara does not live in Kashmir.
This had become ill and thin at the time of coming from, or going to,
Hindustan, and fallen there.

On Friday news came of the death of Mīrzā Raḥmāndād, s. the K͟ hān-
k͟ hānān. He died a natural death at Bālāpūr. It appears that he had been
suffering from fever for some days. When he was recovering, the Deccanis
one day appeared with an army. His elder brother, Dārāb K., mounted with
the intention of fighting. When the news reached Raḥmān-dād, with great
bravery, notwithstanding his weakness and failing health, he went to his
brother. After he had beaten the enemy, he returned and in taking off his
jubba (quilted waistcoat) was not sufficiently careful. The wind
immediately caught him, and he was seized with convulsions, and his
tongue became powerless to speak. He remained two or three days in this
state and died. He was a good and brave youth, was fond of sword-play, and
was very zealous. In every place it was his idea to display his skill with the
sword. Although fire burns equally what is green and what is dry, yet it
appeared very grievous to me, and what must it have been to his broken-
hearted old father? Hardly had the wound from the calamity of S͟ hāh-nawāz
K. healed, when he received this fresh wound. I trust that God Almighty
may give him patience and resignation.

On Thursday, the 16th, K͟ hanjar K. was promoted to the mansab of 3,000
personal and horse, Qāsim K. to that of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and
Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟ hwāja Jahān, who held the post of Bak͟ hs͟ hī
to the army of Kāngṛa, that of 800 personal and horse. On the night142 of

Monday, the 27th of the Divine month of Mihr, after one watch and seven
gharis had passed, the royal standards were raised auspiciously and happily
to return towards Hindustan. As the saffron had blossomed, a march was
made from the neighbourhood of the city to the village of Pāmpūr.143 In the
whole country of Kashmir there is saffron only in this place. On Thursday,
the 30th, the feast of cups was held in a saffron field. Groves on groves, and
plains on plains were in bloom. The breeze in that place scented one’s brain.
The stem is attached (close?) to the ground. The flower has four petals, and
its colour is that of a violet. It is of the size of a champa flower, and from
the middle of it three stigmas of saffron grow. They plant the bulbs, and in a
good year obtain 400 maunds of the current weight or 3,002144 Khurasan
maunds. The custom is for half to go to the government, and half to the
cultivators. A seer is bought and sold for Rs. 10. Occasionally its market
price is more or less, and it is an established custom that they bring the
saffron flowers plucked, and according to the plan they have adopted from
of old, they take half its weight in salt as wages. There is no salt in Kashmir,
and they bring it from Hindustan. Again, among the excellencies of
Kashmir are the plumes of feathers (kalgī) and the hawks (jānwar-i-
s͟ hikārī). As much as 10,700 feathers are yearly obtained. Hawks and
falcons are taken in nets to the number of 260. It has also nest sparrow-
hawks (bās͟ ha),145 and the nest sparrow-hawk is not bad. On Friday, the 1st
of the divine month of Ābān, marching from Pāmpūr, I pitched my camp at
K͟ hānpūr. As it was reported to me that Zambīl146 Beg, ambassador from my
brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās, had reached the neighbourhood of Lahore, a dress of
honour and Rs. 30,000 for expenses were sent to him by Mīr Ḥusāmu-d-dīn
s. ʿAẓudu-d-daula Injū.147 I ordered that whatever he might expend on
entertaining the ambassador should be sent to him to the extent of Rs.
5,000.148 Before this I had directed that from Kashmir to the end of the hilly
country buildings should be erected at each stage for the accommodation of
myself and the ladies, for in the cold weather one should not be in tents.
Although the buildings at this stage had been completed, as they were still
damp and there was a smell of lime, we put up in tents. On Saturday, the
2nd, I halted at Kalampūr. As it had repeatedly been represented to me that
in the neighbourhood of Hīrāpūr there was a waterfall149 very high and
wonderful, as it was 3 or 4 koss off on the left of the road, I hastened there

to see it. What can be written in its praise? The water pours down in three
or four gradations(?). I had never seen such a beautiful waterfall. Without
hesitation, it is a sight to be seen, very strange and wonderful. I passed the
time there in enjoyment till the third watch of the day, and filled my eye and
heart with the sight; but in the cloudy and rainy season it is not devoid of
wildness. After the third watch had passed, in the evening I rode back to
Hīrāpūr,150 and passed the night at that stage. On Monday, the 4th, crossing
over the kotal of Bārī Brārī,151 I chose Pīrpanjal, at the head of the kotal, for
a halting-place. Of the roughnesses of the pass and the difficulties of this
road what shall I write? It is difficult for thought even to cross it. In these
last few days snow had repeatedly fallen, the hills had become white, and in
the middle of the path in some places ice had formed, so that the hoof of a
horse had no hold, and a rider could only pass with difficulty. God
Almighty bestowed upon us His mercy, for it did not snow on this day. The
advantage was for those who went on in front. Those who followed came in
for snow. On Tuesday, the 5th, going by the pass of Pīrpanjal the camp was
pitched at Pos͟ hāna. Although on this side there is a descent, yet as it is high,
most of the people passed it on foot. On Wednesday, the 6th, we pitched at
Bahramgalla. Near this village there is a waterfall and a very fine spring.
According to orders, they had made a terrace for me to sit upon; indeed, this
is a sight to be seen. I ordered that they should engrave on a stone tablet the
date of the crossing, and place it on the top of the terrace (ṣuffa). Bī-badal
K.152 composed some couplets, and this mark of my fortune remains on the
path of poetry as a memorial on the tablet of Time(?). There are two
Zamindars on this road in whose charge are the arrangements for the traffic
on it, and they are in reality the keys of the country of Kashmir. They call
one Mahdī Nāyak and the other Ḥusain Nāyak. The charge of the road from
Hīrāpūr to Bahramgalla is in their hands. Bahrām Nāyak, the father of
Mahdī Nāyak, during the Kashmiri government, was an important person.
When the authority passed to the imperial servants, Mīrzā Yūsuf K., during
his government, made Bahrām Nāyak a traveller to the country of non-
existence. It is now equally in the possession and charge of the two.153
Although outwardly they are on good terms, they really bear great enmity
towards each other. On this day S͟ haik͟ h Ibn Yamīn, who was one of the old
trusted servants, went to the neighbourhood of God’s mercy (died).154 On

account of my great reliance on him, my opium and drinking water155 were
in his charge. On the night when we were encamped above the kotal of
Pīrpanjal, the tents and furniture had not arrived. He was rather infirm and
the cold affected him, and he became cramped so that he could not speak.
He remained alive for two days in this state and then died. I gave over the
private opium to K͟ hawāṣṣ K., and the āb-dār-k͟ hāna (the water department)
to Mūsawī K. On Thursday, the 7th, the village of Thāna156 became the
encamping place. Many monkeys (maimūn) were seen in Bahramgalla, and
from that stage a great difference was apparent in the climate, the language,
the clothing, the animals, and whatever properly belongs to a warm country.
The people here speak both Persian and Hindi. Evidently Hindi is their real
language, and they have acquired Kashmiri on account of the proximity of
Kashmir. Briefly, one enters India at this place. The women do not wear
woollen clothing, and like Indian women, they wear nose-rings.

On Friday, the 8th, Rājaur was the camping-ground. The people of this
country were in old times Hindus, and the landholders are called Rajas.
Sult̤ ān Fīrūz made them Muhammadans, but they are still called Rajas.
They still have the marks of the times of ignorance. One of these is that just
as some Hindu women burn themselves along with their husbands (bodies),
so these women (the Rājaur women) are put into the grave along with their
(dead) husbands. I heard that recently they put alive into the grave a girl of
ten or twelve along with her (dead) husband, who was of the same age.
Also, when a daughter is born to a man without means, they put her to death
by strangulation.157 They ally themselves with Hindus, and both give and
take girls. Taking them is good, but giving them, God forbid! I gave an
order that hereafter they should not do such things, and whoever was guilty
of them, should be capitally punished. There is a river at Rājaur. Its water
during the rainy season becomes much poisoned. Many of the people there
get a swelling (būg͟ hma) under the throat, and are yellow and weak. The rice
of Rājaur is much158 better than the rice of Kashmir. There are self-grown
and sweet-scented violets in this skirt of the hills.

On Sunday, the 10th, I encamped at Naus͟ hahra. At this place, by order of
my father, they had built a stone fort, and there is constantly here, by way of
a station (thāna), a body of men from the governor of Kashmir. On Monday

the camp was at Chaukī Hattī. A chela named Murād had exerted himself to
complete the buildings at this place, and had done it well. In the middle of
the royal abode there was a fine terrace, superior to those of other stages. I
increased his mansab. On Tuesday, the 12th, I halted at Bhīmbar. Passing
this day out of kotals and hills, we entered the broad plains of Hindustan.
The hunters had previously been dispatched to form qamurg͟ has, so as to
prepare jirgas (hunting rings) in Bhīmbar and Girjhāk159 and Makhiyāla.
On Wednesday and Thursday they drove in the game. On Friday I rejoiced
in a hunt. Hill qūchqār,160 etc., to the number of 56 head were taken. On
this day Rāja Sārang Deo, who was one of the intimate attendants, was
promoted to the mansab of 800 personal and 400 horse. On Saturday, the
16th, I went towards Girjhāk, and in five marches encamped on the bank of
the Bihat. On Thursday, the 21st, I hunted in the hunting-ring of Girjhāk.
Less game than usual was taken, and I was not satisfied. On Monday, the
25th, I hunted with much enjoyment in the hunting-ring of Makhiyāla,161
thence in ten stages I encamped at the stage of the hunting-place of
Jahāngīrābād. When I was prince, this was my hunting-place. Afterwards, I
founded a village with my own name, and erecting a small building, placed
it in charge of Sikandar Muʿīn, who was one of my best huntsmen. After I
came to the throne I made a pargana of it, and bestowed it as a jagir on him.
I gave an order that they should construct there a building as a royal
residence, with a tank and a minaret162 (manāra). After his death this
pargana was given in jagir to Irādat K., and the charge of the buildings was
given to him. It has now been handsomely completed. Undoubtedly the tank
was very broad,163 and in the middle there is a delightful building.
Altogether the buildings here cost Rs. 1,50,000. Really it is a kingly
hunting-place. On Thursday and Friday, having halted, I enjoyed myself
with various kinds of sport. Qāsim K., who was honoured with the charge
of Lahore, had the good fortune to pay his respects to me, and presented 50
muhars.

In one march after this stage I encamped at the garden of Mūmin ʿIs͟ hq-
bāz,164 which is on the bank of the Lahore River (the Ravi), and has some
lofty plane-trees and handsome cypresses. It is certainly a rare garden. On
Monday, the 9th of the Divine month of Āẕar, corresponding with the 5th

Muḥarram of A.H. 1030165 (20 November, 1620), mounting an elephant of
the name of Indra, I went towards the city, scattering coin as I proceeded.
After three watches and two gharis of day had passed, at the selected
auspicious hour, having entered the royal residence, I alighted happily and
auspiciously at the building recently brought to completion and finished
handsomely by the exertions of Maʿmūr K. Without exaggeration, charming
residences and soul-exciting sitting places had been erected in great beauty
and delicacy, adorned and embellished with paintings by rare artists.
Pleasant green gardens with all kinds of flowers and sweet-scented herbs
deceived the sight.

Verse.166

From head to foot, wherever I look,
A glance plucks at the heart’s skirt (saying),
“This is the place” (to stop at).

Altogether, there had been expended on these buildings the sum of Rs.
700,000 or 23,000 current tumans of Persia.167

On this day the joy-enhancing news of the conquest of the fort of Kāngṛa
rejoiced our mind. In thankfulness for this great boon and important victory,
which was one of the renewed favours of the Bestower of Gifts, I bowed the
head of humility at the throne of the merciful Creator, and beat with loud
sounds the drum of gladness and pleasure. Kāngṛa is an ancient fort to the
North of Lahore, situated in the midst of the hill country, famous for its
strength and the difficulty of conquering it. Who was the founder of this fort
God only knows. The belief of the Zamindars of the province of the Panjab
is that, during this period the said fort has never passed to any other tribe,
and no stranger has stretched out to it the hand of dominion. Wisdom is
from Allah! But certainly from the time when the voice of Islam and the
sound of the established religion of Muḥammad reached Hindustan, not one
of the Sultans of lofty dignity has obtained the victory over it. Sult̤ ān Fīrūz-
s͟ hāh, with all his power and might, himself went to conquer it, and besieged
it for a long time. As he knew that the strength of the fort was such that as

long as the means for holding it and provisions were with the besieged,
victory over them was unattainable, nolens volens he was contented with
the coming of the Raja to pay his respects to him, and withheld his hand.
They say that the Raja prepared an offering and an entertainment, and at his
request took the Sultan inside the fort. The Sultan, after going round and
inspecting it, said to the Raja that to bring a king like him inside the fort
was not according to the dictates of caution. What could he do if the body
of men who were in attendance were to attack him and take possession of
the fort? The Raja made a sign to his men, and instantaneously an army of
valiant men armed and accoutred, came out from a concealed place and
saluted the Sultan. The Sultan became suspicious and anxious about an
attack from these men, and suspected some stratagem. The Raja came
forward and kissed the ground of service, and said: “I have no thought but
that of service and obedience, but as has been spoken by the auspicious
tongue, I observe far-sighted caution, for all times are not the same.” The
Sultan applauded him. The Raja, having accompanied him for some stages,
obtained leave to return. After this, whoever sat on the throne of Delhi sent
an army to subdue Kāngṛa, but the thing went no further. My revered father
also sent a large army once under the leadership of Ḥusain Qulī K., who,
after approved service, was honoured with the title of K͟ hān Jahān. Whilst
the siege was in progress, the outbreak of Ibrāhīm Ḥusain Mīrzā took place.
That ingrate fled from Gujarat, and raised the flag of rebellion and calamity
towards the Panjab. K͟ hān Jahān was compelled to raise the siege, and to
turn to extinguish the flame of his sedition. Thus the acquisition of the fort
fell into the knot of delay. The thought was continually lurking in the royal
mind: “The longed-for Fair one does not show her face from the secret
place of Destiny.” When by the Grace of the Glorious God the throne of the
State was adorned by the existence of this suppliant, this was one of the
holy wars which I considered incumbent on me. In the first instance I
dispatched Murtaẓā K., who was governor of the Panjab, with a force of
brave men skilled in war, to conquer the fort. This important matter had not
been completed when Murtaẓā K. attained to the mercy of God (died). After
this Jauhar Mal,168 s. Rāja Bāso, undertook this duty. I sent him, giving him
the command of the army. That wicked one, taking to evil revolt and
ingratitude, committed sin, and dispersion found its way into that army, and

the acquisition of the fort fell into the knot of delay. No long time elapsed
before that ingrate received the recompense of his deeds and went to hell, as
has been described in its own place.169 In fine, at this time K͟ hurram
undertook that duty, and sent his own servant Sundar170 with all haste, and
many of the royal servants obtained leave to go to his support. On the 16th
S͟ hawwāl, A.H. 1029, (5 September, 1620), the armies, having invested the
fort, erected batteries. Looking to the ways of entrance into and exit from
the fort with the eye of caution, they closed the road for the entrance of
provisions. By degrees the besieged became straitened, and when there
remained in the fort no grain that they could eat, for four months more they
boiled dry grasses171 with salt and ate it. When destruction was imminent,
and no hope of escape was left, they asked for quarter and surrendered the
fort.

On Thursday, the 1st Muḥarram, A.H. 1030,172 Hijrī (16 November, 1620),
the victory unattainable by all preceding Sultans of lofty dignity, and which
appeared distant to the short-sighted, God Almighty of His own grace and
mercy granted to this suppliant. The troops, who had displayed
praiseworthy activity in this service, were exalted according to their
exertions and fitness by increase of mansab and dignities.

On Thursday, the 11th, I went, at the request of K͟ hurram, to his newly-built
house. I took those of his offerings that pleased me. Three elephants were
placed in the private stud. On the same day I appointed ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K.
Naqs͟ hbandī to the faujdārship of the district of Kāngṛa, and his mansab was
fixed at 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse. I gave a private elephant to Iʿtiqād
K. Alf K. Qiyām-k͟ hānī K. obtained leave to take charge of the fort of
Kāngṛa, and his mansab, original and increased, was fixed at 1,500 personal
and 1,000 horse. S͟ haik͟ h Faiẓu-llah, son-in-law of Murtaẓā K., was
appointed in company with him to stay at the top of the fort (bālā-i-qilʿa).

On the night of Saturday, the 13th of the same month, a lunar eclipse took
place. Having performed the dues of humility at the throne of the highest
and most powerful God, cash and goods were distributed by way of charity
among the faqīrs and poor, and deserving people. On this day Zambīl Beg,
ambassador of the ruler of Persia, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold.

After performing salutation, he laid before me the gracious letter of that
brother of high degree, containing expressions of sincerity and perfect
friendship. He presented 12 ʿAbbāsī173 (coin) as naẕar, four horses with
trappings, three tūyg͟ hūn (white) falcons, five mules, five camels, nine
bows, and nine scimitars. The Shah had given him leave, in company with
K͟ hān ʿĀlam, but for certain necessary matters he could not come with him.
On this day he arrived at Court. I presented him with a superb dress of
honour, with a plume and a jewelled turban fringe, and a jewelled dagger.
Wiṣāl Beg and Ḥājī Niʿmat, who had come with him, were honoured by
waiting on me. Amānu-llah, s. Mahābat K., was promoted to the mansab,
original and increased, of 2,000 and 1,500 horse. At the request of Mahābat
K., I added 300 horse to the mansab of Mubāriz K. Afg͟ hān, and brought it
up to 2,000 personal and 1,700 horse. One hundred horse were also added
to the mansab of Kabak174 (?). I sent winter dresses of honour to ʿAbdu-llah
K. and Las͟ hkar K. At the request of Qāsim K. I went to his garden in the
neighbourhood of the city, and in the course of the procession, scattered
10,000 charans (4-anna pieces). Out of his offerings I selected one ruby and
one diamond, and some cloths.

On the night of Sunday, the 21st, the advanced camp proceeded
auspiciously and happily towards Agra. Barq-andāz K. was appointed
superintendent of artillery with the army of the Deccan. S͟ haik͟ h Isḥāq
(Isaac) was appointed to duty at Kāngṛa. The brother of Allah-dād, the
Afghan, I released from prison, and made him a present of Rs. 10,000. I
gave also a tūyg͟ hūn falcon to K͟ hurram. On Thursday, the 26th, the usual
entertainment took place. The presents from the ruler of Persia, which had
been sent by Zambīl Beg, were laid before me. I gave an elephant to Sult̤ ān
Ḥusain, and made a present of Rs. 1,000 to Mullā Muḥammad Kas͟ hmīrī.175
The mansab of Sardār Afg͟ hān, at the request of Mahābat K., was fixed at
1,000 personal and 400 horse. As Rāja Rūp Chand of Gwalior176 had been
very active in his service at Kāngṛa, an order was given to the chief diwans
to hand over half of his native place to him in free gift, and the remaining
half as a tank͟ hwāh jagir.

On the 3rd I demanded in marriage for my son S͟ hahriyār the daughter’s
daughter177 of Madāru-l-mulk Iʿtimādu-d-daula, and sent Rs. 100,000 in
cash and goods by way of sāchaq (dowry given as part of the marriage
rites). Most of the Amirs and the chief servants went to his house with gifts.
He prepared a grand entertainment with much ceremony. It is hoped that it
may be auspicious to him. As that Chief of the State had erected lofty
buildings, and highly decorated bowers in his house, he invited me to an
entertainment. I went there with the ladies. He had prepared a great feast,
and laid before me appropriate offerings of all kinds. In order to please him,
I took such as I approved of. On this day Rs. 50,000 were presented to
Zambīl Beg, the ambassador. The mansab of Zabar-dast K. was fixed at
1,000 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. Maqṣūd, brother of
Qāsim K., was promoted to the mansab of 500 personal and 300 horse, and
Mīrzā Dakhanī, s. Mīrzā Rustam, to that of 500 personal and 200 horse.

At this auspicious time178 when the standards of victory and conquest were
in Kashmir, the province of eternal spring, happily employed in sight-seeing
and sport, representations constantly came from the officials in the Southern
territories to the effect that when the victorious standards went to a distance
from the centre of the Khalifate, the rulers of the Deccan, owing to their
wickedness, broke their promises and raised their heads by giving trouble
and exciting sedition, and placing their feet beyond their own boundary,
took possession of many of the districts of Ahmadnagar and Berar. It was
constantly reported that the chief object of these evil-fortuned ones was to
plunder and ruin the cultivated fields and the grazing-lands. When at the
first time the world-opening standards had proceeded to the conquest of the
regions of the south and the overthrow of that band, and K͟ hurram, with the
vanguard, had gone to Burhanpur, they, by feline tricks suitable to such
seditious people, made him their intercessor and evacuated the royal
dominions. They also sent by way of tribute large sums in cash and goods,
and promised that they would not let loose from their hands the rope of
service, and would not place their feet beyond the boundary of respect, as
has been recorded in the preceding pages. At the request of K͟ hurram, I had
halted for a few days at the Fort of S͟ hādīʾābād Māndū, and at his
intercession, and on their humiliation and bewailing, they were pardoned.

As they had now broken their agreement through evil disposition and
quarrelsomeness, and had turned back from the way of obedience and
service, I sent off the hosts of good fortune again under his leadership, that
they might receive retribution for their evil deeds, and be an example to all
those of crooked fortune and turned heads. But as the important business of
Kāngṛa had been entrusted to him, he had sent most of his experienced men
there. For some days, accordingly, he could not arrange the matter. At last,
report followed on report one after another, that the enemy had gathered
strength, and that nearly 60,000 vagabond horsemen had collected together
and taken possession of royal territory, and wherever there were posts, had
removed them, and joined together in the town of Mahakar. For three
months the imperialists had passed their days in strife and fighting with
their rascally enemies, and during this time three pitched battles had taken
place, and each time the self-sacrificing servants (of the State) had proved
superior to the evil-fortuned rebels. As grain and provisions could not reach
the camp by any road, and the enemy was plundering on all sides of the
army of good fortune, a great scarcity of grain resulted, and the animals
were in bad plight. Having no choice, they came down from the Bālāg͟ hāt,
and took up their position at Bālāpūr. The rebels, waxing valiant in their
pursuit, engaged in plundering in the neighbourhood of Bālāpūr. Of the
servants of the Court 6,000 or 7,000 horsemen, well mounted, were
selected, and they made an attack on the enemy’s camp. They (the enemy)
numbered about 60,000 cavalry. Briefly, a great fight took place, and their
camp was plundered. Having killed and taken prisoners many of them, they
returned in safety and with plunder. When they turned back those wretches
again attacked them from all sides, and they came on, fighting as far as the
camp. On both sides about 1,000 were killed. After this fight they (the
imperialists) remained about four months at Bālāpūr. When the scarcity of
grain became excessive, many of the qulaqchīs (servants) ran away and
joined the enemy, and constantly bands of them, taking to the road of
disloyalty, were enrolled among the rebels. On this account, not considering
it advisable to delay any longer, they (the imperialists) came to Burhanpur.
Again, those wretches followed them and besieged Burhanpur, and they
were six months shut up there. Many parganas of the provinces of Berar and
Khandesh passed into their possession, and they stretched out the hand of
oppression over the cultivators and poor, and engaged in collecting the

revenues. As the army had undergone great hardships and the animals had
fallen into bad condition, they could not leave the city to inflict substantial
punishment. Thus the pride and conceit of those short-sighted ones became
greater. Just at this time the royal standards returned to the capital, and by
the grace of God Kāngṛa was conquered.

Accordingly, on Friday, the 4th of Dai, I despatched K͟ hurram in that
direction, bestowing on him a dress of honour, a sword, and an elephant.
Nūr Jahān Begam also gave him an elephant. I told him after he had
conquered the province of the Deccan he should take as a reward two179
crores of dams from the conquered country. 650 mansabdars, 1,000 Aḥadīs,
1,000 Turkish musketeers, and 1,000180 gunners on foot, in addition to the
31,000 horse already in that quarter, and a large force of artillery, and many
elephants, were appointed to accompany him. I also gave him a crore of
rupees for the expenses of the victorious army. The servants (of the Court)
who were appointed on this duty received each, according to his standing as
a reward, horses, elephants, and dresses of honour.

At the same auspicious hour and favourable time, the standards of the
expedition were turned toward Agra, and a halt was made at Naus͟ hahr.181
Muḥammad Riẓā Jābirī was appointed Diwan to Bengal, and K͟ hwāja Mulkī
to the post of Bakhshi in the same, and were promoted in mansab. Jagat
Singh, s. Rānā Karan, came from his native place, and had the good fortune
to kiss the threshold. On the 6th of the same month the open space on the
bank of Rāja Todar Mal’s tank182 became the alighting place of the Court of
good fortune. Here I halted for four days. On this day some of the
mansabdars who had obtained leave to go to the conquest of the Deccan
were promoted as follows: Zāhid K. held the mansab of 1,000 and 400
horse; he received that of 1,000 and 500 horse; Hardī Narāyan Hāḍā I
promoted to 900 and 600 horse, original and increased; Yaʿqūb, s. K͟ hān
Daurān, was given that of 800 and 400 horse, and in the same manner a
great number of the servants of the State received increase of mansab
according to their capabilities. Muʿtamid K. was appointed to the post of
Bakhshi and newswriter to the royal army, and was honoured with a tūg͟ h.
The offering of Lachmī Chand, Raja of Kumaon, consisting of hawks and
falcons and other hunting animals, was brought before me. Jagat Singh, s.

Rānā Karan, obtained leave to proceed as an auxiliary to the army of the
Deccan, being presented with a private horse and saddle. Rāja Rūp Chand,
having been honoured with the gift of an elephant and a horse, took leave to
go to his jagir. On the 12th my son K͟ hān Jahān (Lodī) was made governor
of Multan, and was given leave. There were conferred on him a complete
dress together with a nādirī (a robe of Jahāngīr’s invention), a jewelled
dagger, a special elephant with trappings, a female elephant, a special horse
of the name of K͟ hadang (i.e., Arrow), and a pair of hawks. Sayyid Hizabr
K. held the mansab of 1,000 and 400 horse. Increasing these by 500 and
200 horse, I gave him leave to accompany K͟ hān Jahān. Muḥammad S͟ hafīʿ
was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter to the Subah of Multan. Bhawāl (or
Bahwāl), who was one of the old servants, was made As͟ hraf-i-tūp-k͟ hāna
(head of the artillery?), and received the title of Rāy. On the 13th the bank
of the river Gobindwāl became the camp of the army of prosperity, and a
halt of four days was made. A special elephant called Jai Singh, with a
female, were given to Mahābat K., and sent to him by Ṣafiyyā his servant.
Robes of honour were also forwarded to the Amirs of the Subah of Bangash
by ʿIsā Beg.

On the 17th183 the feast of my lunar weighing took place. As Muʿtamid K.
had been appointed Bakhshi to the army of the Deccan and given leave, the
post of ʿArẓ-muqarrir was given to K͟ hwāja Qāsim. Mīr S͟ haraf was made
Bakhshi of the Aḥadīs, and Fāẓil Beg made Bakhshi of the Panjab. As
Bahādur K., governor of Qandahar, in consequence of a disease in his eyes,
had requested to be allowed to kiss the threshold, entrusting the government
of Qandahar this day to ʿAbdu-l-ʿAzīz K., an order was issued to Bahādur
K., that when he arrived he should hand over the fort to him and come
himself to Court. On the 21st of the same month I took up my quarters at
Nūr-sarāy.184 At this spot the Vakils of Nūr Jahān Begam had built a lofty
house, and made a royal garden. It was now completed. On this account the
Begam, having begged for an entertainment, prepared a grand feast, and by
way of offering, with great pains produced all kinds of delicate and rare
things. In order to please her, I took what I approved. I halted two days at
this place. It was settled that the officials of the Panjab should send Rs.
200,000, in addition to the Rs. 60,000 already ordered for provisions for the
fort of Qandahar. Mīr Qiwāmu-d-dīn, the diwan of the Panjab, obtained

leave to go to Lahore, and received a dress of honour. Qāsim K., with a
view to punish the seditious in the neighbourhood of Kāngṛa, and to
preserve order in those regions, was given leave to go, and I presented him
with a special nādirī, a horse, a dagger, and an elephant. His mansab,
original and increased, was fixed at 2,000 personal and 500 horse. At his
request, I allowed Rāja Sangrām (of Jammu) to proceed to that region,
conferring on him a robe of honour, a horse, and an elephant.

On Thursday the camp was pitched outside the town of Sihrind. I halted one
day, and amused myself with going round the garden. On Sunday, the 4th,
Abū-l-Ḥasan was sent on service for the conquest of the Deccan. A dress of
honour, with a nādirī, a special shawl, an elephant named Ṣubḥ-dam (breath
of morn), a horsetail banner, and drums, being given him. I gave leave to
Muʿtamid K., presenting him with a dress of honour, and a special horse
called Ṣubḥ-i-ṣādiq (the true dawn). On the 7th of the same month the bank
of the river Sarasatī (Saraswatī) was the place of encampment of good
fortune in the neighbourhood of the qaṣba of muṣṭafāʾābād. The next day I
encamped at Akbarpūr,185 whence I sat in a boat on the river Jumna, to
reach my object. On this day ʿIzzat K. Chāchī,186 with the faujdār of that
region, had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. Giving Muḥammad
S͟ hafīʿ leave to proceed to Multan, I presented him with a horse, a dress of
honour, and a nūr-s͟ hāhī muhar, and sent by him a special turban (chīra) to
K͟ hān Jahān, my son (farzand).

Thence, in five marches, I reached the pargana of Kirāna, the native country
of Muqarrab K., and the Court encamped there. By way of offering, his
Vakils laid before me 91 rubies187 and 4 diamonds, 1,000 gaz of mik͟ hmal
(satin) as a pā-andāz (foot-carpet), with a petition from him, presenting also
100 camels as charity. I ordered them to be distributed among deserving
people. From this place, in five marches Delhi became the halting-place of
the standards of good fortune I sent Itʿimādu-d-daula to my fortunate son
S͟ hāh Parwīz with a special farjī (a dress), for him, and it was settled that he
should return in the space of one month and wait on me. Having halted for
two days at Salīmgaṛh, on Thursday, the 23rd, I passed through the district
of Delhi with the intention of hunting in the pargana of Pālam, and halted
on the bank of the S͟ hamsī tank. On the road I scattered 4,000 charans (Rs.

1,000) with my own hand. Twenty-two elephants, male and female, had
arrived from Bengal as an offering from Allah-yār, s. Iftik͟ hār K., and were
passed before me.

Ẕū-l-Qarnain188 obtained leave to proceed to the faujdārship of Sambhar.
He is the son of Iskandar, the Armenian, and his father had the good fortune
to be in the service of ʿArs͟ h-ās͟ hyānī (Akbar), who gave him in marriage the
daughter of ʿAbdu-l-Ḥayy,189 the Armenian, who was in service in the royal
harem. By her he had two sons. One was Ẕū-l-Qarnain, who was intelligent
and fond of work, and to him, during my reign, the chief diwans had
entrusted the charge of the government salt works at Sambhar, a duty which
he performed efficiently. He was now appointed to the faudjarship of that
region. He is an accomplished composer of Hindi songs. His method in this
art was correct, and his compositions were frequently brought to my notice
and were approved. Laʿl Beg190 was selected for the daroghahship of the
records in the place of Nūru-d-dīn Qulī. I passed four days pleasantly in
sporting in the neighbourhood of Pālam and returned to Salīmgaṛh. On the
29th, 19 elephants, 2 eunuchs,191 1 slave, 41192 fighting cocks, 12 bullocks,
and 7 buffaloes were brought before me as offerings from Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-
jang. On Thursday, the 30th, corresponding with the 25th Rabīʿu-l-awwal,
the ceremony of my lunar weighing193 was performed. I had sent Koka K.
to the K͟ hān-k͟ hānān, and forwarded some messages by him. On this day a
petition from him arrived. Mīr Mīrān, who had been appointed to the
faujdārship of Mewāt, on this day came and paid his respects, and was
dignified with the governorship of Delhi, in the room of Sayyid Bahwa.

On this day Āqā Beg and Muḥibb ʿAlī, the envoys of the ruler of Persia,
paid their respects, and presented a loving letter from that noble brother,
together with a black and white plume (kalgī-i-ablaq), valued by the
jewellers at Rs. 50,000. My brother also sent me a ruby weighing 12
tānks,194 which had belonged to the jewel-chamber of M. Ulug͟ h Beg, the
successor of M. S͟ hāh-ruk͟ h. In the course of time, and by the revolutions of
fate, it had come into the hands of the Ṣafawī family. On this ruby there
were engraved in the Nask͟ h195 character the words: “Ulug͟ h Beg b. M.

S͟ hāh-ruk͟ h Bahādur b. Mīr Tīmūr Gūrgān.” My brother, S͟ hāh ʿAbbās,
directed that in another corner they should cut the words:

Banda-i-S͟ hāh-i-Wilāyat196 ʿAbbās
“The slave of the King of Holiness, ʿAbbās.”

in the Nastaʿlīq character. He had this ruby inserted in a jīg͟ ha (turban
ornament), and sent to me as a souvenir. As the ruby bore the names of my
ancestors, I took it as a blessing for myself, and bade Saʿīdā, the
superintendent of the goldsmith’s department, engrave in another corner the
words “Jahāngīr S͟ hāh b. Akbar S͟ hāh,” and the current date. After some
days, when the news of the conquest of the Deccan arrived, I gave that ruby
to K͟ hurram, and sent it to him.

On Saturday, the 1st of Isfandārmuẕ, I marched from Salīmgaṛh, and going
first to the glorious mausoleum of Humāyūn (may the lights of Allah be his
testimony!), performed the dues of humility, and presented 2,000 quarter
rupees (charan) to those who sat in seclusion in that pure cemetery. I
encamped twice on the bank of the Jumna in the environs of the city. Sayyid
Hizabr K.,197 who had been appointed an auxiliary to K͟ hān Jahān, was sent
off with the distinction of a dress of honour, a sword, a dagger, a horse, and
a standard. Sayyids ʿĀlim and ʿAbdu-l-Hādī, his brothers, were also each
honoured with a horse and a dress of honour. Mīr Baraka Buk͟ hārī was
allowed to go to Transoxiana. I entrusted Rs. 10,000 to him, 5,000 of them
to be conveyed to K͟ hwāja Ṣāliḥ Dihbīdī, who from his fathers was one of
the well-wishers of this State, and the other 5,000 to be divided among the
mujāwirs (custodians) attached to the tomb of Tīmūr (may the lights of
Allah be his testimony!). I also gave a special turban (chīra) to Mahābat K.,
and sent it to him by Mīr Baraka. I also ordered Mīr Baraka to make every
effort to procure mottled fish-teeth, and to procure them from any possible
quarter, and at any price.

I went by boat from Delhi, and in six stages reached the plain of Brindāban.
I gave an elephant to Mīr Mīrān, and permitted him to go to Delhi. Zabar-
dast K. was selected to be Mīr Tūzuk (master of ceremonies) in the place of
Fidāʾī K., and I presented him with a special shawl (parm-narm). Next day,

Gokul198 was the place of encampment. At this stage, Las͟ hkar K., the
governor of Agra, ʿAbdu-l-Wahhāb Dīwān, Rāja Nath Mal, K͟ hiẓr K.
Fārūqī, ruler (deposed) of Āsīr and Burhanpur, Aḥmad K., his brother, the
Qāẓī, the Muftī, and other chief men of the city (of Agra), had the good
fortune to wait199 on me. On the 11th I halted auspiciously at the Nūr-
afs͟ hān200 garden, which is on the opposite side of the Jumna. As the
auspicious hour for entering the city had been fixed for the 14th, I halted
here, and at the selected auspicious hour proceeded to the fort, and entered
the palace happily and victoriously. The propitious journey from Lahore to
Agra was accomplished in the period of two months and two201 days, with
49 marches and 21 halts. No day either of marching or halting, on land or
water, passed without sport. 114 deer, 51 duck, 4 heron (kārwānak), 10
black partridge (durrāj), and 200 bodna202 were taken on the way.

As Las͟ hkar K. had satisfactorily performed his duties at Agra, I increased
his mansab by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, and made it 4,000 personal
and 2,500 horse, and sent him as an auxiliary to the army of the Deccan.
Saʿīdā, superintendent of the goldsmith’s department, was dignified with
the title of Bī-badal K. Four horses, some silver ornaments and cloths,
which the ruler of Persia had sent me by Āqā Beg and Muḥammad Muḥibb
ʿAlī, were produced before me on this day. The entertainment of Thursday,
the 20th, took place in the Nūr-manzil garden. I gave a present of Rs.
1,00,000 to my son S͟ hahriyār. Muz̤ affar K., according to order, came from
Thatta, and had the good fortune to wait on me. He offered 100 muhars and
Rs. 100. Las͟ hkar K. produced a ruby as an offering. It was valued at Rs.
4,000. A special horse of the name of Muṣāḥib (companion) was given to
ʿAbdu-llah K. ʿAbdu-s-Salām, s. Muʿaz̤ z̤ am K., having arrived from Orissa,
had the good fortune to wait on me: 100 muhars and Rs. 100 were laid
before me as his nazar. The mansab of Dūst Beg, s. Tūlak K., was fixed at
900 personal and 400 horse. The entertainment of Thursday, the 27th, was
held in the Nūr-afs͟ hān garden. A special dress of honour was given to M.
Rustam, and a horse to his son, who was called Dakhanī, and a special
horse and an elephant to Las͟ hkar K.

On Friday, the 28th, I went to hunt to the village of Samonagar, and
returned at night. Seven Persian horses, with their trappings, were laid
before me as an offering from Āqā Beg and Muḥibb ʿAlī. I presented
Zambīl Beg, the ambassador, with a Nūr-jahānī muhar of the weight of 100
tolas, and gave a jewelled penholder to Ṣādiq K., the chief Bakhshi. I also
gave a village203 in Agra, by way of inʿām, to K͟ hiẓr K. Fārūqī. In this year
85,000 bīghās of land, 3,325 k͟ har-wārs (of rice), 4 villages, 2 ploughs (of
land), and a garden, Rs. 2,327, 1 muhar, 6,200 darbs (half rupees), 7,880
quarter rupees (charan), 1,512 tolas of gold and silver, and 10,000 dams
from the treasury were given, in my presence, as alms to faqīrs and
necessitous people. Thirty-eight elephants, of the value of Rs. 2,41,000,204
were presented as offerings, and were placed in the special elephant house,
whilst 51 were presented by me to the great Amirs and the servants of the
Court.

1 Each sidereal hour being equal to 2½ gharis. ↑

2 Sag-i-ābī. Probably otters are meant, as a name for them is pānī kuttā (“water-dogs”). But in the
dictionaries sag-i-ābī is given as meaning the beaver. The otter occurs in Kashmir, and is known as
wudar. Lawrence, Valley of Kashmir, 111. ↑
3 Properly Būlīyāsa. See Stein, A.S.B.J., for 1899, p. 85. It is the Peliasa of the maps. Later on,
Jahāngīr indicates its position by saying that it is 11 koss on the Kashmir side of the Kis͟ han Gangā. ↑

4 That is, I presume, he did not really utter the words, but his appearance represented them. The
Iqbāl-nāma has, p. 138, mihmān chū Bīga (“a guest such as a Begam”). MS. 181 has nāgah chū
Sult̤ ān. I.O. MS. 305 has nāgah chū mihmān. The reading Bega or Begam certainly seems preferable.
The text is wrong as usual, and has mihān (“the great”), unless it is to be read mahān, and taken in
the sense of Moons—i.e., ladies. ↑
5 The Iqbāl-nāma, 139, has Kahtāʾī. ↑

6 The Iqbāl-nāma, 139, has 500 horse. ↑
7 The name of M. Rustam’s son, who was drowned. ↑

8 Kus͟ htīgīr, which means a wrestler. But Jahāngīr puns on the word as if it were kis͟ htīgīr (“a
boatman”). Perhaps kus͟ htīgīr was his name. I presume that the person meant is the other servant.
There was no boat there. The Iqbāl-nāma has either kis͟ htīgīr, or kus͟ htīgīr. ↑

9 There is an extraordinary account of the Mīrzā’s death in Price’s “Jahangir” which quite differs
from the story told here. See Price, p. 138. It is also stated there that he had been married six months
before to a daughter of Iʿtimādu-d-daula. There is also an account of the accident in the Iqbāl-nāma,
p. 139. ↑

10 Or Kuwārmast. ↑
11 Perhaps we should read Būniyār. See Stein, loc. cit., p. 87. Jahāngīr seems to have crossed over
to the left bank of the Jhelam in the course ot his march. Perhaps he did so at Ooriu of the map (Ūrī).
Būniyār seems to be the Bhaniar of the map. I.O. MS. 181 has Butiyār. ↑

12 The allusion may be to the tuft of leaves at the top of a pineapple. ↑
13 Perhaps būlā nīk. ↑

14 Pūs͟ h means flower in Kashmiri. Does the name mean “flower of ʿAlī the Perfect”? ↑
15 Bāramūla is on the left bank of the Jhelam according to the I.G., new edition. But maps and
travellers seem to place it on the right bank. ↑

16 Fourteen koss seem too little. The distance to Srinagar seems to be 31 miles by the road. The old
city Vāramūla was on the right bank. Stein, 201. It is 32 miles from Srinagar. ↑
17 There is an omission in the text here. The MSS. have: “As Monday had been fixed for entering
Srinagar, I did not think it advisable to halt at this stage, but immediately entered boats with the
ladies and proceeded on with blessings towards the goal. On Sunday, the 10th, when two watches of
the day had passed, I arrived at S͟ hihābu-d-dīn-pūr.” ↑

18 See Jarrett, II. 310, n. 7. ↑
19 The MSS. have Lā? Apparently the kah of text is a relative pronoun and not part of the name.
Perhaps Lah in Ladakh is the place meant. ↑

20 Dar kull (“in general, in bulk”) (?). ↑
21 The MSS. have also Mandal Badr. They have not Mulk after Badr as in text. ↑

22 Sister in MSS. ↑
23 Zar here does not, I think, mean gold. ↑

24 The silver sāsnū of Jarrett, II. 354, and n. 2. ↑
25 Jahāngīr went part of the way by water. ↑

26 Perhaps he is the Raja Bhagwān Singh mentioned by Drew in his book on Kashmir, p. 119. ↑

27 Abū-l-Faẓl, Jarrett, II. 347, puts Kashmir into the third and fourth climates, but at Vol. III., p. 89,
he puts Kashmir into the fourth climate. Probably both he and Jahāngīr mean by Kashmir Srinagar.
The appellation “White Islands” is probably a mistake for “The Fortunate Islands,” safīd (white)
being written instead of saʿāda, which is the word in the Iqbāl-nāma. Jazāʾir-i-Saʿāda (“The
Fortunate Isles”) is also the expression used in the Z̤ afar-nāma, II. 178, which is probably the source
of the Āyīn and the Tūzuk. In the extract from the Z̤ afar-nāma given in the T. Ras͟ hīdī translation,
430, the longitude is given as 105° from the “Fortunate Islands.” The text of the Āyīn, Bib. Ind.
edition, II. 42, gives 105.40° as the longitude. ↑

28 See Rieu, I. 296. The translator was Mullā S͟ hāh Muḥ. of S͟ hāhābād. See also Blochmann, 106. ↑
29 The Peliasa of the maps and the Bolvasaka of Stein. Qambarbar is Farūtar in text. The Iqbāl-
nāma, 147, has Qambarbar. It is evidently the Qambarber of Jarrett, II. 347 and 361. It lies in the
south-east of Kashmir. Measured by the compass, Jahāngīr’s 67 is much more correct than Abū-l-
Faẓl’s 120. The I.G. new edition gives the area of Kashmir and Jammu as 80,900 square miles.
Lawrence states the approximate length of the valley as 84 miles, and the breadth as from 20 to 25
miles. ↑

30 The word used by Jahāngīr is daraʿ, which is given by Steingass as Arabic, and as meaning a
yard. Ẕaraʿ again, is given as equal to a cubit. Clearly Jahāngīr uses the word here as equivalent to a
gaz or yard, for he says that there are 5,000 daraʿ in the koss adopted by himself and his father, and
Abū-l-Faẓl in the Āyīn (Jarrett, II. 414) says the koss is 5,000 gaz. The word daraʿ is also rendered
gaz in the Hindustani translation of the Memoirs. There is an important discrepancy between the two
I.O. MSS. and the printed text of the Memoirs. The former, instead of saying that the daraʿ or yard is
= 2 s͟ harʿī daraʿ, say that 1¼ daraʿ are = 2 s͟ harʿī daraʿ. In the Āyīn (Jarrett, II. 417) the gaz is given
as equal to 24 digits. See later on, p. 303 of text, where, in describing S͟ hāh S͟ hujā’s accident, 7 daraʿ
are said to be equal to 10 s͟ harʿī, or ordinary, gaz. ↑
31 See text (thirteenth year), p. 234, where it is stated that the Ilāhī gaz is 40 finger-breadths. ↑

32 Vīr is willow, so Vīr-nāg means Willow-fountain. ↑
33 Jarrett, II. 387. The I.G., XXIII. 100, says it was built by Zainu-l-ʿābidīn. The inscription shows
that Zainu-l-ʿābidīn built it (Lawrence, 290). It is stated there that it was also burnt in 1029. A.H.—
i.e., in the year of Jahāngīr’s visit. ↑

34 K͟ hānaqāhī. Lawrence, 292. ↑
35 So in text and MSS., but perhaps dū is a mistake for Dal. However, the I.G. speaks of two lakes,
the Dal and the Anchar (north of Srīnagar). See also Lawrence, 20 and 36. ↑

36 Probably the meaning is that the water never causes indigestion. Abū-l-Faẓl speaks of the
streams being k͟ hūs͟ h-guwār—i.e., their water is digestible. ↑

37 The number of boatmen, when compared with the number of boats, seems very small, but the
figures are the same in the I.O. MSS. and in the Iqbāl-nāma, 149. Perhaps the word bīst, 20, has been
omitted, and we should read 27,400 boatmen. Lawrence states the number of boatmen at 33,870, and
the boats, exclusive of private ones, at 2,417. The revenue of Kashmir, as stated by Jahāngīr, is that
mentioned in the Āyīn, Jarrett, II. 366, and is according to the assessment of Qāẓī ʾĀlī. In the two
I.O. MSS. the corresponding number of dāms is given as 7,46,70,400 (Rs. 1,866,760), being only 11
less than that given in Jarrett, II. 367, line 3. The figures given in Lawrence, 234, are taken
apparently from the Persian text (compare Bib. Ind. edition, I. 571), corresponding to Jarrett, II. 368.
The pargana Der, which Lawrence failed to trace, is a mistake for the well-known Ver, dal having
been written or read by mistake for wa. ↑
38 Compare Jarrett, II. 366. “Some part of the Sair Jihat cesses are taken in cash.” ↑

39 Jarrett, II. 347. ↑
40 Compare Jarrett, II. 348, where we have “the country is enchanting, and might be fittingly called
a garden of perpetual spring surrounding a citadel terraced to the skies.” ↑

41 That is, the flowers. ↑
42 Text jawānīhā, but I.O. MSS. have k͟ hūbīhā. ↑

43 Apparently the proper spelling is jūg͟ hās͟ hī. See Vullers’ s. v. and Bahār-i-ʿajam, 368, col. a. It is
a black tulip. Sir George King thought it might be the Fritillaria imperialis. See Jarrett, 349, and n.
1. ↑
44 Nūr-afzā garden. See infra. ↑

45 Tagetes patula. The genda of Bengal? ↑
46 Compare text, p. 235. ↑

47 Compare Jarrett, II. 349, where the words “Besides plums and mulberries” should be “except
cherries (s͟ hāh-ālū) and s͟ hāh-tūt” (a large mulberry). ↑
48 Blochmann, 411. Abū-l-Faẓl, Āyīn, Blochmann, 65, speaks of cherries coming from Kabul. But
cherries both sweet and sour are mentioned in the T. Ras͟ hīdī as growing in Kashmir (Translation, p.
425). ↑

49 Zard-ālū-i-paiwandī. ↑

50 S͟ hikananda, query, melting. The word occurs also in Iqbāl-nāma, 152. Possibly it means “with
good markings.” ↑

51 But see I.G., XV. 124, where s͟ hāh-tūt is mentioned. See also Lawrence, 348. ↑
52 Compare Jarrett, II. 349. ↑

53 Mus͟ hang or mus͟ hanj, a small pea (“pisum arvense”). ↑
54 Text k͟ hus͟ hka-tar. MSS. have k͟ hus͟ hka narm. Perhaps we should translate “it is inferior and dry.
They boil till it is soft, etc.” The Iqbāl-nāma has k͟ hus͟ hka narm mī-pazand. ↑

55 The sentence about wheat is omitted in the text. ↑
56 Text kūhī (“hill”); but this is opposed to the MSS. and also to the Āyīn-i-Akbarī which Jahāngīr
is evidently copying. See Jarrett II. 350, and n. 3, and Persian text, I. 563. The I.O. MSS. of Tūzuk
have kaddī or gaddī. Gaddī is the name of a pastoral tribe (see Lawrence, 12), and there is a Turkish
word kedī meaning a cat, and a word gaddī which means “horned.” The Iqbāl-nāma, 153, has “kadī-i-
Hindustān.” Jarrett, loc. cit. states that handū in Kashmiri means a domestic ram. The word for
tailless is bī-dumba, and perhaps means that the sheep have not the enormously thick tails of some
kinds of hill sheep. ↑

57 Possibly nahrma (“like a river”), is right, for the garment is said to be mauj-dār (“having
waves”). The word mauj-dār occurs in the Iqbāl-nāma, 153, and in the two I.O. MSS. ↑
58 Jul is a coverlet, and k͟ hirsak means a little bear, but is applied to a rough woollen coverlet—a
drugget. Darma is a name in Bengal for a reed mat. ↑

59 Perhaps “tie it at the waist.” But see Lawrence, 252: “The Panditana wears a girdle, but no
drawers.” ↑
60 The MSS. have ṭaṭṭū. Both they and the text have also the words chahār s͟ hāna ba-zamīn nazdīk.
Chahār s͟ hāna means a dwarf. Literally it means “four shoulders,” and Vullers following, the Bahār-i-
ʿAjam, defines it as a man of small stature with thick shoulders. Evidently the words ba-zamīn nazdīk
are meant as an explanation or addition to Chahār-s͟ hāna, and signify that the yābū or ṭaṭṭū has his
withers near the ground. The words also occur in the Iqbāl-nāma, 154. ↑

61 Jangrah u s͟ hak͟ h-jilau. Jangrah, however, may refer to their gait, and may mean that they don’t
go straight, and very likely we should read changrah “going crookedly.” S͟ hak͟ h-jilau is not in the
dictionaries, and I only guess at the meaning. The phrase is also in the Iqbāl-nāma, 154. ↑
62 Text īlchī-i-sāmān. The real word is īlk͟ hī, which is also spelt īlqī and īlg͟ hī, and is a Turki word
meaning a horse, and also a troop of horses. See Pavet de Courteille Dictionary, p. 132, and Vullers I.

149b, who refers to the Burhān-i-qāt̤ iʿ, Appendix. See also Zenker, p. 152. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 155,
top line, wrongly has balk͟ hhā (from Balkh?). ↑

63 Jarrett, II. 352, and n. 1, also T. Ras͟ hīdī, translation, 435. But perhaps all that is meant is the
followers of the national saint S͟ haik͟ h Nūru-d-dīn. Lawrence, 287. ↑
64 Taken from the Āyīn, see Jarrett, II. 353. There they are called brahmans, but this seems to be an
error of the Bib. Ind. text. Gladwin has “Rishi.” The Rīs͟ hīs were Muhammadans. See Jarrett, II. 359,
where mention is made of Bābā Zainu-d-dīn Rīs͟ hī. See also Colonel Newall’s paper on the Rīs͟ hīs or
Hermits of Kashmir, A.S.B.J., 1870, p. 265. ↑

65 Text Bārān. MSS. have Mārān, and Eastwick has Koh-i-Mahran. He calls it an isolated hill 250
feet high. It is on the north outskirts of the city. See also Lawrence, 184, and n. 2, and Stein, 147–
48. ↑
66 The Dal Lake is 3.87 miles long and 2.58 broad, the Ānchar Dal is 3.51 miles long and 2.15
broad. Lawrence, 20. ↑

67 MSS. have kīl, and so has the Iqbāl-nāma. Kīl is given in Lawrence, 114, as the Kashmir name
for the ibex. ↑
68 Jarrett, II. 360. ↑

69 This is the Ilāhī gaz. ↑
70 Blochmann, 252, and note. ↑

71 So called because in S͟ hujāʿ’s horoscope. ↑
72 A village called ʿAis͟ h-maqām is mentioned in Jarrett, II. 359, n. 1, but it is probably not the
ʿAis͟ hābād here mentioned, for ʿAis͟ h-maqām was on the Lidar and a long way S.S.E. Srinagar. ↑

73 S͟ higūfa-i-sad-barg (“the blossoms of the hundred-leaved rose”?). ↑
74 Allah-dād was s. Jalālu-d-dīn Tārīkī, also called Raus͟ hānī, and he became a distinguished
officer of S͟ hāh-Jahān under the title of Ras͟ hīd K. See Maʾās̤ ir, II. 248, and Dabistān, 390. ↑

75 There are different readings. No. 181 has Maud and Mihrī. Apparently it is the Mau and Nabah
of Jarrett, II. 319, where also there are various readings. See also Tūzuk, 263, where the text has Mau
u s͟ hahra. ↑
76 Or Chārvara. See Rieu Catalogue, I. 297. Ḥaidar Malik wrote a history of Kashmir. It was he
who protected Nūr-Jahān after her first husband’s murder. Stein has Cadura, recte Isādur p. 43; it is
10 miles south of Srinagar. ↑

77 An allusion to Nūr-Jahān and to Nūru-d-dīn Jahāngīr. ↑

78 See Akbar-nāma, III. 542, and T̤ abaqāt-i-Akbarī extract in Appendix, translation of Tārīk͟ h-i-
Ras͟ hīdī, p. 490. The place was K͟ hānpūr or near it. Perhaps the tree is the Adansonīa. See also Jarrett,
II. 363. According to Stein, 191, Halthal is the name of the village, and is a corruption of Salasthala.
This agrees with the Āyīn I. 569, but not with Akbar-nāma III. 542, where halthal is given as the
name of the tree. ↑

79 I have not found this passage in the Akbar-nāma. The Iqbāl-nāma, 159, says that 70 people stood
erect inside of the trunk. Rāwal-pūr is marked on the map of Kashmir, a little to the south of Srinagar.
Niz̤ āmu-d-dīn, in his chapter on Kashmir in the T̤ abaqāt-i-Akbarī, speaks of a tree under the shade of
which 200 horsemen could stand. ↑
80 Possibly bī-ṣarfa only means “unsuccessful.” But it is used lower down (text 308, line 8), in the
sense of immoderate or unprofitable. ↑

81 Text has Turks (Turkiyān). ↑
82 Apparently the Rohankhed of I.G., XXI. 304. ↑

83 Literally, “raised the foot of ignorance.” ↑
84 Perhaps Sukh Nāg is the Shakar Nāg of Jarrett, II. 361. The Sukh Nāg River is mentioned in
Lawrence, 16. It may also be the waterfall mentioned by Bernier, which he says Jahāngīr visited and
levelled a rock in order to see properly. ↑

85 From Dr. Scully’s list it appears that this is the sāch, the rose-coloured starling, Pastor roseus.
See also Vullers, Dictionary, s. v. The bird seen by Jahāngīr may have been a dipper, Lawrence,
153. ↑
86 The MSS. have kulhai. ↑

87 According to the two I.O. MSS.—which are corroborated by the Iqbāl-nāma—the text has here
omitted an important part of the report—presumably a written one—submitted by the Qāẓī and the
Mīr ʿAdl. After the words “denied it,” there comes in the MSS. the statement: “The Ḥakīm-zāda
(Ḥakīm’s son) produced two witnesses in court. The Sayyids invalidated (or impeached) the
testimony of one of them, and the Ḥakīm-zāda brought a third witness and proved his case according
to law.” The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 161, has not the whole of this, and it has k͟ hārij instead of jārih, but it has
the words guwāh-i-s̤ ālis̤ (“a third witness”). ↑
88 The meaning seems to be that he would in corroboration and ex cautela take the oath. He had
already proved his claim in the ordinary way by witnesses and the production of the bond. See the
account in the Iqbāl-nāma, 160–63, which is fuller than that in text. ↑

89 Muʿāmala-i-kullī ast. “The case was involved” (like a bud?), or perhaps “the case was
important.” ↑

90 The text wrongly omits the negative. See Iqbāl-nāma, I. 62. ↑
91 Apparently this was Ṣāliḥa Bānū d. Qāʾim K. Blochmann, 371, and 477, n. 2. She had the name
of Pāds͟ hāh-maḥall. See Hawkins’ account in Purchas, IV. 31, and K͟ hāfī K. I. 259. He calls the father
Qāsim. ↑

92 It is G͟ hairat K. in I.O. MS., 181. ↑
93 For Jalāl K., see Blochmann, 455 and 486. He was grandson of Sult̤ ān Ādam. ↑

94 Rasīd. See lower down text 308, where it is noted that the cherries came to an end. ↑
95 This represents A.H. 1029, or 1620. ↑

96 Mat-treading or beating = house-warming. This was in honour of the new picture-gallery. ↑
97 Dānahā-kīs͟ h. See Vullers, s.v. Kesh. The kīs͟ h is a marten of whose skin neckcloths, etc., are
made. This note corrects the one at p. 321 of translation, as also the text there. ↑

98 It is Būsī-marg in the I.O. MSS. But perhaps the text is right, and the place is the Tosh Maidān
of Lawrence, 16. ↑
99 The gun is now at Bijapur, I.G., VIII. 186. ↑

100 Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 163–64. The text has rān (“thigh”) instead of zabān. ↑
101 Blochmann, 382. The name of the son is given in the MSS. as Mīr ʿAlī Aṣg͟ har. ↑

102 Perhaps this is the Gurais Valley of Lawrence, 16, for Kūrī may be read Gūrī. ↑
103 See Jarrett, III. 121 and n. 5. The bird is either the common hawk-cuckoo of Jerdon
(Hierococcyx varius) or his Coccystes melanoleucos—i.e., the pied-crested cuckoo, for both birds
seem to have the native name of Papīhā. The Hierococcyx varius is the “brain-fever” bird of the
Anglo-Indian, I.G., I. 250. The pied-crested cuckoo occurs in Kashmir, and so also apparently does a
bird of the genus Hierococcyx. Lawrence, pp. 138, 139. ↑
104 I am not sure what bird this is. G͟ haug͟ hāʾī means a turtle dove in Bengal, but I doubt if this be
the bird meant by Jahāngīr. G͟ haug͟ hāʾī would mean a noisy bird, and perhaps is the Bengal Babbler
of Jerdon, or the Sāt Bhāʾī (seven brothers) of the Indians. It belongs to the Malacocircus genus, and
Jerdon, I. 340, states that the pied-crested cuckoo generally lays her egg in the nest of the
Malacocirci. The babbling thrushes occur in Kashmir. In Blochmann, 296, there is an account of how
g͟ haug͟ hāʾīs are caught. ↑

105 MS. 305 has G͟ hairat K., but No. 181 has ʿArab K., and this agrees with Stanley Lane Poole’s
Muhammadan dynasties (p. 279), which has ʾArab Muḥammad as ruling down to 1623. Ūrganj is in
K͟ hīva. ↑

106 Jahāngīr called K͟ hān-Jahān his farzand (son). ↑
107 Not the famous ʿAlī Mardān, but ʿAlī Mardān, who was killed in the Deccan. Blochmann,
496. ↑

108 Dandān-i-ablaq-i-jauhar-dār. Jauhar-dār here does not mean “jewelled,” but veined or striped.
See Vullers, I. 542a. Walrus-teeth may be meant by Jahāngīr, but tortoise-shell is more likely. ↑
109 Sundar is another name for Rāja Bikramājīt, and the reference must be to the Siege of Kāngṛa.
Jauhar Mal was a son of Rāja Bāso, and appears to be the same person as Sūraj Mal. It is Jauhar in
I.O. MS., 181. ↑

110 Deotānī in No. 181. Blochmann has the name Dutānī, apparently as a tribal name (p. 504), and
Elphinstone speaks in vol. II., p. 82, of a small tribe called Dumtauny. ↑
111 Veth is the Kashmiri name for the Jhelam (Lawrence, 18). It is contracted from Vitasta. It is
curious that the date of the festival should be given according to a Muhammadan month (S͟ hawwāl),
which must recur at different seasons. Apparently the meaning is that the birth of the Jhelam took
place on that day.

Apparently the festival is not much celebrated nowadays, for it is not mentioned by Lawrence (264–
266), except that in a note to p. 266 the Vathtrwah is mentioned as a day on which daughters receive
presents. The 19th S͟ hahrīwar, the corresponding date mentioned by Jahāngīr, would answer to the
end of August or beginning of September, and to the Hindu month of Āsin. 13 S͟ hawwāl, 1029, would
correspond to 1 September, 1620. Possibly the S͟ hawwāl of text is a mistake for the Hindu month
Sāwan—i.e., Srāvan. The legend of the birth of the Jhelam is told in Stein, 97. Possibly S͟ hawwāl
does not here mean the month, and we should read s͟ hag͟ hal-i-chirāg͟ hān, “the business of lamps.” ↑
112 The crane visits Kashmir in winter, but Jahāngīr was never there in that season. ↑

113 The text wrongly gives this as a list of birds which are found in Kashmir. The Iqbāl-nāma 159
and the MSS. show that the text has omitted a negative, and that the list consists of Indian birds
which are not met with in Kashmir. Several of the names do not occur in the dictionaries. No 2 (the
sāras) is described in Babur’s Memoirs, 321. No. 4 is the florikan, or Otis Bengalensis. For Nos. 5–7
see Babur’s Memoirs, 321. Karawān is a crane in Arabic, apparently, and so Karwānak should be a
little crane. It is also described as a kind of partridge. Perhaps the Karwānak is the demoiselle crane.
No. 9 may be the oriole, or mango-bird, but that, too, is common in Kashmīr. For No. 12, which may
be the ibis, see Babur’s Memoirs, 322. For No. 14 see Babur’s Memoirs, p. 321, and for No. 18

Babur’s Memoirs, 320. For the S͟ hārak (No. 19), see Babur’s Memoirs, 319. No 22 may possibly be
the bee-eater (Merops viridis). For No. 23 see Babur’s Memoirs, 267 and 321. No. 25 may be one of
the parrots, as Ḥāfiz̤ called the Indian parrots and poets ṭuṭiyān-i-s͟ hakar-s͟ hikan. See Āyīn-i-Akbarī,
Persian text, I. 415, and Jarrett, II. 150. The ṭaṭīrī, No. 30, is apparently the black partridge
Francolinus vulgaris. The names of the birds seem to be often wrong in the text, and so I have
followed the I.O. MSS. ↑

114 Kurg, but perhaps Gurg, “the wolf,” is meant. The wolf is very rare in Kashmīr (Lawrence,
109). ↑
115 Query, mūs͟ hak-i-kūr—i.e., mole. ↑

116 According to Wilson’s Glossary, the tola is = 180 grains Troy, and the mis̤ qāl = 63½ grains
Troy. ↑
117 Elliot, VI. 373, and Iqbāl-nāma 165. ↑

118 Vernag of Lawrence, 23. ↑
119 Text u ān; in MSS. ū. ↑

120 Lawrence, 67. ↑
121 Jarrett, II. 356, where it is written Vej Brára. ↑

122 Iqbāl-nāma, 164. ↑
123 This must be the Nandīmarg of Jarrett II. 357 and of Akbar-nāma III. 551. In the Āyīn (Jarrett II.
356), mention is made of a place where there are seven fountains. Stein, 182, speaks of a spring
sacred to the seven Rīs͟ hīs. Is it possible that c͟ has͟ hma in the A.N. (Persian text, I. 565) is a mistake
for c͟ hinār? ↑

124 Satha phūlī? Seven fountains? ↑
125 K͟ hān Daurān is the S͟ hāh-Beg K. Arg͟ hūn of Blochmann, 377. ↑

126 See Maʾās̤ ir, II. 155, and Blochmann, 483, for an account of Rām Dās. Inch is mentioned in
Jarrett, II. 356. Perhaps Inch is the Yech pargana of Stein, 190–191. ↑
127 Rām Dās had died eight years before this. ↑

128 Akbar-nāma, III. 725, last line; Lawrence, 298; Stein, loc. cit., 176, 177. ↑
129 The Achh Dal of Jarrett, II. 358, and the Achabal of Lawrence, 22. ↑

130 Jarrett, II. 361. The Dīr Nāg of Iqbāl-nāma, 165. See also Jarrett, II. 361. The Vernag of
Lawrence, 23. Jahāngīr interpolates an account of Vīrnāg into the annals of the second year. See p. 92

of translation. ↑

131 So in text, but a few lines lower down the depth is spoken of as four gaz. The Ibqāl-nāma has
“fourteen yards.” ↑
132 The Iqbāl-nāma has “to the end of the garden.” ↑

133 Iqbāl-nāma, 165, has “186 yards.” ↑
134 Compare Iqbāl-nāma, 166. ↑

135 The meaning is that the Marāj (or Marrāj), the upper part of Kashmir, is superior to the lower
part, or Kāmrāj. See Tūzuk, 298. ↑
136 Iqbāl-nāma, 166. Perhaps the Bawan Send of Jarrett, II. 361. Loka Bhavan (bhavan means
“abode”) is mentioned in Stein, 180. It is the Lokapūnya of the Rājataranginī. It is five miles south of
Achbal. ↑

137 Is this a corruption of Ānantanāg—i.e., Islāmābād? ↑
138 Author of Iqbāl-nāma, 166. The appointment was that of examiner of petitions. ↑

139 I presume that the ends laid hold of by the boatmen were the disengaged ends—i.e., the ends 14
or 15 yards apart. But see Iqbāl-nāma, 166–167. ↑
140 Text Panj Hazāra. The MSS. are not clear. It may be the Sendbrary of Bernier. ↑

141 The word is s͟ hikār, but, as he had renounced shooting, netting is probably what is meant. ↑
142 Iqbāl-nāma, 169. ↑

143 Or Pāmpar, the ancient Padmapūra. See Stein, J.A.S.B. for 1899, p. 167; Elliot, VI. 375. But the
passage, as in Elliot, does not come directly from the Tūzuk or the Iqbāl-nāma. ↑
144 MSS. have 3,200. ↑

145 I.e., hawks taken from the nest, and not born in captivity. ↑
146 Iqbāl-nāma, 169. ↑

147 This is Mīr Jamālu-d-dīn, the dictionary-maker and friend of Sir Thomas Roe. ↑
148 The sentence appears obscure, but probably it was an order to the authorities at Lahore to supply
Ḥusāmu-d-dīn with the cost of entertaining the ambassador up to the amount of Rs. 5,000. ↑

149 Perhaps the waterfall described by Bernier in his ninth letter, and mentioned as having been
admired by Jahāngīr. ↑
150 Hīrāpūr is Hūrapūr and the ancient Sūrapūra. ↑

151 Marī or Nārī Brāra in the MSS. ↑

152 Bī-badal K. is the name given by Jahāngīr to Saʿīdā or S͟ haidā who was chief goldsmith. See end
of 15th year, p. 326 of text. For S͟ haidā, who died in Kashmir in 1080 (A.D. 1669–70), see Rieu, III.
1083a, and I. 251, and Supp. Catalogue, p. 207, and Sprenger’s Catalogue 124. ↑
153 Text calls them brothers, but the MSS. show that birādar is a mistake for barābar, “equally.” ↑

154 The MSS. add: “He was a good youth (jawān) and without guile.” ↑
155 Āb-i-ḥayāt, “water of life,” a name given by Akbar to his āb-dār-k͟ hāna, or supply of drinking-
water, etc. See Blochmann, 51. ↑

156 Text wrongly has Thaṭṭa. ↑
157 Elliott, VI. 376. Apparently Satī was not practised by burning, but by burying. ↑

158 Bisyār bihtar, MS., 181. ↑
159 Girjhāk is said to be the Hindu name for Jalālpūr, and the probable site of Bukephala, Jarrett, II.
324. Makhiyāla is also mentioned there. It seems that Mūkhyāla is the famous Mānikiyāla, where the
Buddhist tope is which was first described by Elphinstone. Abū-l-Faẓl says in the Āyīn that it was a
place of worship. See I.G., new ed., XVII. 182. ↑

160 Mountain-sheep. Apparently three rings were made. ↑
161 The I.O. MSS. add here 76 head of mārk͟ hwur, etc., were taken. ↑

162 Perhaps the reference is to the tomb he formerly put up over a favourite deer. ↑
163 MSS. have “is very noble.” ↑

164 Pigeon-fancier. He belonged to Herat, and is mentioned in Blochmann, 302. ↑
165 Text wrongly has 1031. It should be 1030, as in the Iqbāl-nāma, 171. ↑

166 The couplet is given in Iqbāl-nāma, 171, with some verbal differences. ↑
167 Elliott, VI. 374. ↑

168 Jauhar Mal is mentioned at p. 310. Perhaps he was not Sūraj Mal, but it looks as if he was the
same person. Cf. corresponding passage in Iqbāl-nāma, 173, where he is called Sūraj Mal. ↑
169 P. 310 of text. ↑

170 Rāja Bikramājīt. See ante, p. 310. ↑
171 Text wrongly has g͟ halla grain, instead of ʿalafhā fodder, grasses, etc. See MSS. and Iqbāl-nāma,
174. ↑

172 Text wrongly has 1031, but it is 1031 in the MSS. and in Elliot, VI., 375. See, however, Elliot,
VI. 378, and text, 326, which shew that the 16th year began in 1030. ↑

173 The ʿAbbāsī is also the name of a dress. The MSS. have fourteen, instead of four, horses.
Apparently the presents were Zambil’s own offering, not that of his master. See below. ↑
174 Mansab-i-kabak. Perhaps we should read katak, and regard the increase as made to the office of
guarding the palace. It is katak, apparently, in I.O. MSS. It may, however, be Kang or Gang and a
man’s name. ↑

175 Apparently the translator of the Rājataranginī. ↑
176 Doubtless the Gwalior in the Panjab. ↑

177 Nūr Jahān’s daughter by S͟ hīr-afgan. The date of the asking is given in the text as the third, but
should be the 30th, as in the I.O. MSS. ↑
178 Elliot, VI. 376. ↑
179 The Iqbāl-nāma, 176, has “ten crores.” ↑
180 The MSS. have 5,000. The word for “gunners” is tūpchī. ↑

181 The MSS., instead of Naus͟ hahr, have sawād-i-s͟ hahr, “the environs of the city” (cf. Lahore?). ↑
182 It was in the vicinity of Lahore. Akbar-nāma, III. 569. ↑

183 But the next page of text records another feast of the lunar weighment. Can it be that the lunar
weighment refers to Nūr Jahān’s birthday, not to Jahāngīr’s? The 17th here mentioned is the 17th of
the solar month of Dai, and corresponded to about December 28, 1620. In the following page (324)
we are told that the lunar weighment took place on 30 Bahman, corresponding to 25 Rabīʿu-l-awwal
—i.e., February 8, 1621: Jahāngīr’s birthday was on Rabīʿu-l-awwal 17, so the anniversary fell this
year on 22 Bahman. Consequently, if he celebrated it, as stated on p. 323, on 17 Dai, he did so more
than a month too soon! Evidently there is a mistake somewhere. ↑
184 This place is mentioned again in the account of the 16th year, p. 338. It evidently received its
name from Nūr Jahān. ↑

185 Akbarpūr, twelve miles N.W. Mathurā. J. Sarkar’s India of Aurangzeb, 171. ↑
186 That is, of Chāch in Transoxiana, but according to I.O. MS. 181, the word is K͟ hāfī—i.e., from
K͟ hāf or K͟ hwāf. ↑

187 Ninety-one rubies is surely a mistake. The Iqbāl-nāma, 177, only speaks of one. It is, however,
91 yāqūt in I.O. MS., 181. ↑

188 This is the Armenian of whom so much is said by Father Botelho and other missionaries. It is
mentioned in M. Wāris̤ ’s continuation of the Pādis͟ hāh-nāma, p. 392, of B.M. MS., that Ẕū-l-Qarnain
Farangī came from Bengal and presented poems which he had composed on S͟ hāh Jahān’s name, and
got a present of Rs. 4,000. He it was, probably, who entertained Coryat. The passage in the text
seems to show that Akbar had an Armenian wife. ↑

189 He is mentioned in some MSS. of the Akbar-nāma, vol. III., as taking part in the religious
discussions. ↑
190 Probably this is the Laʿl Beg who wrote a book about the Naqs͟ hbandī order. See Maʾās̤ iru-l-
Umarā, II., 382. ↑

191 The Iqbāl-nāma has “42 eunuchs.” ↑
192 The MSS. have 40 cocks, 12 buffaloes, and 7 buffalo-horns. The text also has shāk͟ h, horns, but
this has been taken as a pleonasm. ↑

193 But there was such a ceremony a few days before (see p. 323 of text). ↑
194 For tānk see Blochmann, 16 n. The Iqbāl-nāma, 178, has “twelve mis̤ qāls.” ↑

195 For the Nask͟ h character see Blochmann, 99–100, and for the Nastaʿlīq, 101. See also the
elaborate article on Writing in Hughes’ Dictionary of Islam. ↑
196 By S͟ hāh-i-Wilāyat is meant the Caliph ʿAlī b. Abī T̤ ālib. ↑

197 The Houshabarchan of Hawkins. ↑
198 Mahāban, five or six miles from Mathura. ↑

199 They had made an istiqbāl, or visit of welcome, from Agra. ↑
200 This was Bābar’s garden. It was on the opposite side of the Jumna to Agra. ↑

201 So in text, but two (dū) must be a mistake for “ten,” as 2 months, 2 days = 62, and the marches
and halts 49 + 21 amount to 70, or 8 more. It is 10 in I.O. MSS. ↑
202 The būdna, or bodna, is a species of quail. See Bābar’s Memoirs, Erskine, p. 320, where it is
spelt budinah. There is a description in the Āyīn, Blochmann, 296, of the mode of catching them. ↑

203 The word “village” is omitted in both the I.O. MSS. ↑
204 This gives an average of Rs. 6,342 for each animal. ↑

The Sixteenth New Year’s Feast after the
Auspicious Accession

On Monday,1 the 27th Rabīʿu-l-āk͟ hir, A.H. 1030 (10 March, 1621), the sun
that bestows bounty on the world lit up the abode of fortune of Aries with
his world-illuminating light, and gladdened the world and its inhabitants.
The sixteenth year of the reign of this suppliant at the throne of Allah
commenced with gladness and victory, and at the auspicious hour and
blessed time I sat on the throne of success in the capital of Agra. On this
joy-enhancing day my fortunate son S͟ hahriyār lifted up his head with the
honour of the mansab of 8,000 and 4,000 horse. My revered father
bestowed, for the first time, this mansab2 on my brothers. It is hoped that in
the shadow of my education and in carrying out my pleasure, he may reach
the extreme of life and prosperity. On this day Bāqir K. arrayed his men and
passed them before me in order. The great Bakhshis recorded (the number
as) 1,000 horse and 2,000 foot, and reported to me. Having promoted him to
the mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, I entrusted the duties of
faujdār of Agra to him.

On Wednesday, together with the ladies seated in a boat, I went to the Nūr-
afs͟ hān garden, and rested there at night. As the garden belongs to the
establishment of Nūr Jahān B., on Thursday, the 4th, she held the royal3
entertainment and presented great offerings. Of jewels, jewelled ornaments,
and all sorts of precious goods, I selected what I approved of, of the value
of Rs. 100,000. During these days, every day after midday I embarked in a
boat, and went to Samonagar, 4 koss distant from the city, for sport,
returning to the palace at night. Sending Rāja Sārang Deo to my prosperous
son S͟ hāh Parwīz, I sent with him a special dress of honour, with a jewelled
belt, which contained a sapphire4 and several rubies. As I had given Behar
to that son in the place of Muqarrab K., I started off a sazāwul to conduct
him from Allahabad to Behar. Mīr Zāhid,5 son-in-law of Muz̤ affar K.,
having come from Thatta, waited on me. As Mīr ʿAẓudu-d-daula6 had

become very old and decrepit, he could not carry out the duties of the camp
and his jagir. I released him from the trouble of service and active work. I
ordered that he should receive Rs. 4,000 every month out of the public
treasury, and living at ease and in comfort at Agra or Lahore, or wherever
he wished, should employ himself in prayers for my increased life and
welfare.

On the 9th Farwardīn the offering of Iʿtibār K. was laid before me. Of
jewels, cloths, etc., the value of Rs. 70,000, was accepted, and I returned the
remainder to him. Muḥibb ʿAlī and Āqā Beg, envoys of the ruler of Persia,
presented twenty-four horses, two mules, three camels, seven greyhounds
(sag-i-tāzī), twenty-seven pieces (t̤ āq) of brocade, a s͟ hamāma7 of
ambergris, two pairs of carpets, and two namad takya8 (woollen coverlets).
Two mares with foals that my brother had sent with them were also brought
before me.

On Thursday, at the request of Āṣaf K., I went to his house with the ladies.
Having prepared a grand entertainment, he submitted to me many delicate
gems and wonders in cloths, and rare gifts. Choosing out of these to the
value of Rs. 130,000, I gave the rest to him. Mukarram K., governor of
Orissa, sent by way of offering thirty-two elephants, male and female, and
these had the honour of being accepted. At this time I saw a wild ass9 (gūr-
k͟ har), exceedingly strange in appearance, exactly like a lion. From the tip
of the nose to the end of the tail, and from the point of the ear to the top of
the hoof, black markings, large or small, suitable to their position, were
seen on it. Round the eyes there was an exceedingly fine black line. One
might say the painter of fate, with a strange brush, had left it on the page of
the world. As it was strange, some people imagined that it had been
coloured. After minute inquiry into the truth, it became known that the Lord
of the world was the Creator thereof. As it was a rarity, it was included
among the royal gifts sent to my brother S͟ hāh ʿAbbās. Bahādur K. Uzbeg
had sent as an offering some tipchāq horses and cloth stuffs from ʿIrāq, and
they were produced before me. Dresses of honour for the winter were sent
for Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang and the Amirs of Bengal by Mūmin S͟ hīrāzī. On
the 15th the offering of Ṣādiq K. was produced. It was of all sorts. Having
taken what was worth Rs. 15,000, I gave the remainder to him. Fāẓil K. on

this day also gave an offering according to his condition. Of this a trifle was
taken. On Thursday (19th Farwardīn) the feast of the culmination was held,
and when two watches and one g͟ haṛī of the day had passed, I took my seat
on the throne. According to the request of Madār-ul-mulk Iʿtimādu-d-daula,
the feast of the culmination was held in his house. He presented a
remarkable offering of rare and choice things from all countries. Altogether
I took the value of Rs. 138,000. On this day I gave Zambil Beg, the
ambassador, a muhar10 equal to 200 tolas in weight. At this time Ibrāhīm K.
had sent some eunuchs from Bengal. One of these was a hermaphrodite.
Among the offerings of the above-mentioned were two boats made in
Bengal, of a very pleasant shape, on the decoration of which a sum of Rs.
10,000 had been expended. They were really kingly boats. Having made
S͟ haik͟ h Qāsim K. governor of Allahabad, I honoured him with the title of
Muḥtas͟ him K. and the mansab of 5,000, and gave an order that the Diwans
should give him an increase to his jagir out of the unappropriated (maḥāll-i-
ghair-i-ʿamalī) estates. Rāja S͟ hyām Singh, Zamindar of Srīnagar (in
Garhwāl) was given a horse and an elephant.

At this time it was reported to me that Yūsuf K., s. Ḥusain K.,11 had died in
the victorious army of the Deccan a sudden death. The report said that when
he was at his jagir he had become so fat that he got out of breath with the
least exertion. One day when he was paying his respects to K͟ hurram, in
coming and going his breathing12 became difficult. When a dress of honour
was given him, in putting it on and saluting he became helpless, and a
trembling affected all his limbs, and with a hundred labours and exertions
he saluted and stumbled out and fell under the shelter of the tent enclosure,
and became unconscious. His servants placed him in a palanquin, and took
him home, and as he arrived, the messenger of death came also. He
received his command, and left his heavy lump of earth in the perishable
dustbin. On 1st Urdībihis͟ ht, I gave a special dagger to Zambil Beg, the
ambassador. On the 4th of the same month the feast of the kār-i-khair
(consummation of marriage) of my son S͟ hahriyār increased the joy of my
heart. The Ḥinna-bandī (putting on henna) assembly took place in the
palace of Maryamu-z-zamānī. The feast of the nikāḥ (marriage) was held in
the house of Iʿtimādu-d-daula. I myself went there with the ladies and

adorned the feast of joy. After seven gharis of night had passed, on Friday13
the marriage took place with rejoicings. I hope that it will be propitious to
this daily-increasing State. On Tuesday, the 19th, in the Nūr-afs͟ hān garden,
I presented my son S͟ hahriyār with a jewelled chārqab (coat), with a turban
and waist-belt (kamar-band), and two horses, one an ʿIrāqī, with a gold
saddle, and the other a Turkī, with an embroidered saddle.

In these days S͟ hāh S͟ hujāʿ had an eruption so violent that water would not
go down his throat, and his life was despaired of. As it had been recorded in
his father’s horoscope that his son would die this year, all the astrologers
were unanimous that he would not live, but Jotik Rāy said, on the contrary,
that the dust of calamity would not settle on the skirt of his life. I asked:
“By what proof?” He said that in the horoscope of my destiny it was
recorded that in this year no distress or trouble would find its way to the
royal mind from any road, and as I had a great affection for the child, it
behoved that no calamity should happen to him, and some other child
would die. It came to pass as he said, and he carried his life out of this
deadly place, and a son that he (S͟ hāh Jahān) had by the daughter of S͟ hāh-
nawāz K., died at Burhanpur. Besides this, many of Jotik Rāy’s judgments
(aḥkām) turned out correct. This is not without strangeness, and it is
therefore recorded in these memoirs. I accordingly ordered him (Jotik Rāy)
to be weighed against money and the weight came to Rs. 6,500. This was
given him as a reward.

Muḥammad Ḥusain Jābirī was appointed Bakhshi and newswriter of the
Subah of Orissa. The mansab of Lāchīn Munajjim (astrologer) Qāqs͟ hāl, at
the request of Mahābat K., was fixed, original and increased, at 1,000
personal and 500 horse. Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟ hwāja Jahān,
came from Kāngṛa and waited on me. Having presented an elephant to
Bahādur K. Uzbeg, I sent it with his Vakil. Hurmuz and Hūs͟ hang,
grandsons of the asylum of pardon Mīrzā Muḥammad Ḥakīm, by reason of
the caution that is fitting to rulers, had been imprisoned in the fort of
Gwalior. At this time, having summoned them into my presence, I ordered
them to remain in Agra, and a daily allowance sufficient for their expenses
was allowed for them. At this time a brahman of the name of Rūdar
Bhattachāraj, who was one of the learned ones of this caste, and was

engaged at Benares in teaching, had the good fortune to pay his respects to
me. In truth, he has studied well, both in the rational and traditional
sciences, and is perfect in his own line.

One of the strange events of this time14 was that on 30 Farwardīn (about 10
April, 1621) in the present year, in a certain village of the pargana of
Jālandhar, in the morning, a terrible noise arose from the East, such that its
inhabitants, from fright at that terror-increasing sound, nearly deserted their
bodies. Whilst this noise and disturbance were going on, a light fell from
above on the ground, and the people thought that fire was raining down
from heaven. After a moment, when that noise ceased, and their troubled
hearts recovered from their bewilderment and terror, they sent a quick
runner to the collector (ʿāmil) Muḥammad Saʿīd, and informed him of what
had occurred. He immediately rode there himself, and went to look at the
spot. For ten or twelve yards in length and breadth the land was so burnt
that no trace of any grass or green was left, and there were still signs of heat
and burning. He ordered them to dig up the soil, and the more they dug the
greater the heat appeared to be till they came to a place where a piece of
heated iron appeared. It was as hot as if it had been taken out of a furnace.
After a while it became cold, and taking it up, he conveyed it to his house,
and placing it in a k͟ harīṭa (cover), which he sealed, he sent it to Court. I
ordered them to weigh it in my presence, and it came to 160 tolas. I ordered
Master (Ustād) Dāʾūd15 to make a sword, a dagger, and a knife of it, and
bring them to me. He represented that it would not stand below the hammer,
and fell to pieces. I told him in that case to mix it with other iron and make
use of it. As I had told him, he mixed three parts of lightning-iron and one
of other iron, and having made two swords, one dagger, and one knife,
brought them to me. From the mixing of other iron he had brought out its
quality (watering). According to the manner of the excellent swords of
Yaman16 and the South, it could be bent, and became straight again. I
ordered them to test it in my presence. It cut very well, equal to true swords.
I called one the S͟ hams͟ hīr-i-qāt̤ iʿ (keen sword) and the other Barq-siris͟ ht
(lightning-natured). Bī-badal K. composed a quatrain which demonstrated17
these particulars, and recited it:

By S͟ hāh Jahāngīr the world acquired order.

There fell in his reign raw iron from lightning.
From that iron were made by his world-taking command,
A dagger, a knife, and two scimitars.

And “Spark of royal lightning” gave the date (A.H. 1030).

At this time Rāja Sārang Deo, who had gone to my fortunate son S͟ hāh
Parwīz, came and waited on me. Parwīz represented that he, according to
order, had proceeded from Allahabad to Behar. I hope he will be prosperous
(there). Qāsim K. was dignified with the gift of drums. On this day one
ʿAlīmu-d-dīn, a servant of K͟ hurram, brought a report from him containing
the good news of the victory, with a jewelled thumbstall (s͟ hast, perhaps a
ring), which he had sent as naẕar. I gave him leave, sending by him a dress
of honour. Amīr Beg, brother of Fāẓil Beg. K., was appointed Diwan to my
son S͟ hahriyār and Muḥammad Ḥusain, brother of K͟ hwāja Jahān, was made
Bakhshi, and Maʿṣūm was appointed Mīr-Sāmān. Sayyid Ḥājī obtained
leave to go as an auxiliary to the army of the Deccan, and I gave him a
horse. Muz̤ affar K., was also promoted to the post of Bakhshi.

As at this time the mother18 of Imām-qulī K., the ruler of Tūrān, had sent to
Nūr Jahān Begam a letter containing expressions of good will and the dues
of acquaintanceship, and sent some rarities from that country. K͟ hwāja
Naṣīr, who was one of the old servants and one of my attendants from the
time when I was a prince, was sent by way of embassy on the part of Nūr
Jahān Begam with a letter, with choice gifts from this country. At the time
when the ladies were staying in the Nūr-afs͟ hān garden, a rang (ibex) fawn
eight days old, jumped down from the terrace of the palace, which is 8 gaz
in height, on to the ground, and began to leap about, no sign of injury or
pain being perceptible in it.

On the 4th of the Divine month19 of K͟ hurdād, Afẓal K., K͟ hurram’s Diwan
brought a letter from him containing the good news of his victory, and
kissed the threshold. The details are as follows: When the victorious army
reached Ujain, a band of the servants of the Court, who were in the fort of
Māndū, sent a report that an army of the rebels, putting forward the foot of
audacity, had crossed the Narbadā, and burning several villages that were

under20 the fort, were busy with rapine and plunder. Madāru-l-mahāmm
K͟ hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan, with 5,000 cavalry, were appointed to go in all haste
and inflict punishment on that vain lot of people. The K͟ hwāja made a night
march, and at the dawn of day reached the bank of the Narbadā. When the
enemy learnt this, they in one moment threw themselves into the river and
reached the bank of safety. The brave cavalry galloped after them, and
pursued them for nearly 4 koss,21 and with the sword of vengeance, made
many of them travellers on the road of non-existence. The ill-fated rebels
did not turn back the reins of haste till they reached Burhanpur. K͟ hurram
wrote to Abū-l-Ḥasan to remain on that (the South) side of the river till he
came. Soon he, with his army, joined this advanced force, and hastened on,
march by march, till he reached Burhanpur. The graceless rebels were still
keeping22 their ground, and were encamped round the city. As the imperial
servants had been contending with the rebels for two years, they had
suffered much hardship from want of land (bī-jāgīrī,23 non-possession of
fiefs, landlessness) and scarcity of corn, and their horses were worn out by
continued service. Accordingly, they had to delay nine days in order to
recruit. During this period, thirty lakhs of rupees and many cuirasses24 were
distributed among the soldiers, and sazāwuls had been sent out and had
brought many men out of the city (Burhanpur). The gallant troops had not
yet put their hands to the work, when the black-fated rebels felt that they
could not resist, and scattered like “the daughters of the Bier” (the stars of
the constellation of the Great Bear, which are dispersed over the heavens,
instead of being clustered like the Pleiades). The brave and swift cavaliers
followed them, and with the sword of vengeance cast many of them upon
the earth of perdition. They gave them no rest, but smiting and slaying
them, pursued them as far as Khirkī, which was the residence of the
Niz̤ āmu-l-mulk and the other rebels. One day before this the ill-starred one
(Malik ʿAmbar) had got information of the approach of the imperialists, and
had removed the Niz̤ āmu-l-mulk and his family and effects to the fort of
Daulatābād. There he had encamped, with his back resting on the fort, while
in front of him there were marshes and quagmires.25 Most of his men
became scattered in all directions. The leaders of the victorious army, with
their vengeance-seeking soldiers, halted three days in the town of Khirkī,
and so destroyed a city which had taken twenty years to build, that it is not

known if it will regain its splendour in other twenty years. In fine, after
throwing down its buildings, all agreed in opinion that as an army of rebels
was still besieging Ahmadnagar, they must at once go there, and inflict
condign punishment on the originators of the disturbance, renew the
supplies (of the Ahmadnagar garrison), and leave assistance there, and then
return. With this view they set out, and came as far as the town of Paṭan (in
Berar, Jarrett II. 233). Meanwhile, the crafty ʿAmbar26 sent agents and
officers, and said: “After this I will not drop the thread of service and
loyalty from my hand, nor put out my foot beyond orders, and will regard
whatever tribute and fine be commanded as a favour, and will send it to the
government.” It happened that just then there was great scarcity in the camp
in consequence of the dearness of provisions, and also that news came that
the rebel force which was besieging Ahmadnagar had withdrawn on hearing
of the approach of the imperialists. Accordingly, a force was sent to help
K͟ hanjar K. (the governor of Fort Ahmadnagar), and a sum of money for his
charges. Thereupon the imperialists were relieved from all anxiety and
returned (across the Narbadā?). After much entreaty and lamentation (on the
part of ʿAmbar) it was settled that in addition to the territory which of old
had belonged to the empire, the rebels should surrender 14 koss of the
adjoining country, and should pay into the public treasury fifty lakhs of
rupees as tribute.

I gave Afẓal K. (S͟ hāh Jahān’s diwan) leave to return, and sent with him, for
K͟ hurram, the ruby plume (kalgī-i-laʿlī) which the King of Persia had sent to
me, and which has been already described, and I gave to the aforesaid
(Afẓal) a dress of honour, an elephant, an inkpot, and a jewelled pen.
K͟ hanjar K., who, when besieged in the Fort of Ahmadnagar, had performed
approved services, and shown proper activity, was promoted to the mansab
of 4,000 personal and 1,000 horse.

Mukarram K., having come by order from Orissa, had, with his brothers,
the good fortune to wait upon me. He presented a string of pearls by way of
offering. Muz̤ affaru-l-mulk, s. Bahāduru-l-mulk, was honoured with the
title of Nuṣrat K. A standard was conferred on Ūdā Rām, Dakhanī, and to
ʿAzīzu-llah, s. Yūsuf K., was given the mansab of 1,000 personal and 500
horse. On Thursday, the 21st, Muqarrab K. arrived from Behar, and had the

good fortune to wait upon me. At this time Āqā ʿAlī, Muḥibb ʿAlī Beg, Ḥājī
Beg, and Fāẓil Beg, the envoys of the ruler of Persia, who had come at
different times, were allowed to depart. To Āqā Beg I made a present of a
dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, and Rs. 40,000 in cash; to Muḥibb ʿAlī
Beg a dress of honour and Rs. 30,000; and to the others in the same way I
presented gifts according to their positions. I also sent a suitable souvenir
by them to my brother. On this day Mukarram K. was appointed Subahdar
of Delhi, and faujdār of Mewāt. S͟ hajāʿat K. ʿArab was dignified with the
mansab of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse, original and increased; S͟ harza
K. with that of 2,000 and 1,000 horse; Girdhar, s. Rāy Sāl Kachhwāha, with
that of 1,200 and 900 horse.

On the 29th, Qāsim Beg, an envoy of the ruler of Persia, came and waited
on me, bringing a letter from that brother of lofty dignity, containing
expressions of sincerity and friendship. What he had sent by way of royal
gifts was laid before me. On the 1st of Tīr, I sent a special elephant called
Gaj Ratan, for my son (farzand) K͟ hān Jahān. Naz̤ ar Beg, a servant of
K͟ hurram, laid before me a letter from him asking for the gift of horses. I
ordered Rāja Kis͟ han Dās, the mus͟ hrif (accountant) to prepare within fifteen
days 1,000 horses from the royal stables, and to send them off with him. I
sent to K͟ hurram as a present a horse of the name of Rūm-ratan27 (“the jewel
of Turkey”), which the ruler of Persia had sent me out of the spoils of the
Turkish camp.

On this day a servant of Irādat K., of the name of G͟ hiyās̤ u-d-dīn, laid before
me a report from him containing the good news of his victory. In the
preceding pages there has been written with the pen of demonstration an
account of the rebellion of the Zamindars of Kis͟ htwār and of the despatch
of Jalāl, s. Dilāwar K. As this important matter had not been properly
managed by him, an order was given to Irādat K. to hasten to take up that
duty, and to inflict severe punishment on the rebels, and make such
arrangements in the hill-country that the dust of dispersion and calamity
might not settle on its frontiers. He, as ordered, hastened there and did
approved service, and the people of sedition and disturbance, having turned
their heads towards the desert of exile, escaped half dead. Thus once more
was the thorn of calamity and mischief rooted out of that country, and

having established the officials and established posts, he returned to
Kashmir. As a reward for this service I added 500 horse to his mansab.

As K͟ hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan had done good service and shown proper activity
in the affair of the Deccan, I increased his mansab by 1,000 horse. Aḥmad
Beg, nephew of Ibrāhīm K. Fatḥ-jang, being exalted to the Subahdarship of
Orissa, was dignified with the title of K͟ hān, and had given him a standard
and drums. His mansab also was raised to 2,000 with 500 horse.

As I had often heard of the virtues and good qualities of Qāẓī Naṣīr of
Burhanpur, my truth-seeking mind had a desire for his society. At this time
he came, according to summons, to the Court. Doing honour to his learning,
I paid him great regard. The Qāẓī is one of the unique of the age for rational
and traditional sciences, and there are few books that he has not read, but
his exterior did not agree with his interior, and I could not be delighted with
his company. As I found him much devoted to being a dervish and
seclusion, I respected his feelings, and did not give him the trouble of
serving me. I gave him Rs. 5,000, and dismissed him to his native country
to pass his days in ease.

On the 1st of the Divine month of Amurdād Bāqir K. was promoted to the
mansab of 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, and of the Amirs and royal
servants who had distinguished themselves in the conquest of the Deccan,
thirty-two individuals were exalted by having their mansabs raised. ʿAbdu-
l-ʿAzīz K. Naqs͟ hbandī, who had been appointed to the governorship of
Qandahar at the request of my son K͟ hān Jahān, was promoted to that of
3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. On the 1st S͟ hahrīwar I gave the
ambassador Zambil Beg a jewelled sword, and also presented him with a
village under the jurisdiction of the capital, the revenue of which was Rs.
16,000.

At this time, knowing that he was unfit for duty on account of his bad
temper and want of knowledge, I dismissed Ḥakīm Ruknā,28 and told him
he might go wherever he wished. As it was reported to me that Hūs͟ hang,
the brother’s son of K͟ hān ʿĀlam, had committed an unjust murder, having
summoned him to my presence, I investigated the charge, and after it was

established, gave an order for his execution. God forbid that in such affairs I
should consider princes, and far less that I should consider Amirs. I hope
that the grace of God may support me in this. On 1st S͟ hahrīwar, at the
request of Āṣaf K., I went to his house and bathed in the bath-house that he
has lately built. It is beautifully finished. After I had done bathing he laid
before me offerings fit for a naẕar. I took what I approved of and gave him
the rest. The Waz̤ īfa (pension) of K͟ hiẓr K͟ hān (late ruler) of Khandesh, was
fixed at Rs. 30,000,29 original and increased.

At this time it was reported to me that a blacksmith of the name of Kalyān
was much in love with a woman of his own caste, and was always laying
his head at her feet, and showing symptoms of infatuation. The woman,
though she was a widow, would in no way consent to accept him, and the
love of this wretch who had given his heart to her made no impression on
her. Having summoned both of them into my presence, I cross-examined
them, and however much I advised her to unite herself to him, she did not
agree. At this time the blacksmith said that if he could make sure that I
would30 give her to him, he would throw himself down from the S͟ hāh-burj
of the fort. I said by way of jest: “Never mind the S͟ hāh-burj; if your love be
genuine, fling yourself from the roof of this house, and I’ll make her submit
herself to you.” I had not ended before he ran like lightning and threw
himself down. When he fell, blood began to flow from his eyes and mouth.
I repented myself greatly of that jest, and was grieved in my mind, and bade
Āṣaf K͟ hān take him to his house and look after him. As the cup of his life
was brimming over, he died from the injury.

Verse.

The life-sacrificing lover who stood on that threshold
Gave up his life with joy and regarded death as a trifle.

At the request of Mahābat K. the mansab of Lāchīn Qāqs͟ hāl, original and
increased, was fixed at 1,000 personal and 500 horse.

It has been mentioned31 that on the day of the Dasahara festival in Kashmir,
I had perceived in myself a catching and shortness of breath. Briefly, from
excessive rain and the dampness of the air, a difficulty in drawing breath
showed itself on my left side near the heart. This by degrees increased and
became intensified. Of the physicians who were in waiting on me, Ḥakīm
Rūḥu-llah first tried his remedies, and for some time warm, soothing
medicines were of use, for there was evidently a slight diminution (of the
symptoms). When I came down from the hills, they came on again
violently. This time for some days I took goats’ milk, and again camel’s
milk, but I found no profit whatever from them. About this time Ḥakīm
Ruknā, who had been excused from the journey to Kashmir, and whom I
had left at Agra, joined me, and confidently and with a show of power,
undertook my cure, and relied on warm and dry medicines. From his
remedies, too, I derived no advantage; on the contrary, they appeared to
increase the heat and dryness of my brain and temperament, and I became
very weak. The disease increased and the pain was prolonged. At such a
time and in this state, at which a heart of stone would have burnt (been
distressed) about me, Ṣadrā,32 s. Ḥakīm Mīrzā Muḥammad, who was one of
the chief physicians of Persia (was in attendance on me). He had come from
Persia in the reign of my revered father, and after the throne of rule had
been adorned by this suppliant, as he was distinguished above all others by
natural skill and experience (taṣarruf-i-t̤ abīʿat), I was attended to by him,
and I distinguished him with the title of Masīḥu-z-zamān (Messiah of the
Age). I made his position more honourable than that of the other Court-
physicians, with the idea that at some crisis he would help me. That
ungrateful man, in spite of the claims which I had on him, though he saw
me in such a state, did not give me medicines or treat me. Notwithstanding
that I distinguished him beyond all the physicians who were waiting on me,
he would not undertake my cure. However great attention I showed him and
troubled myself to soothe him, he became more obstinate (ṣullab), and said:
“I have no such reliance on my knowledge that I can undertake the cure.” It
was the same with Ḥakīm Abū-l-Qāsim, s. Ḥakīmu-l-mulk, notwithstanding
his being a k͟ hānazād, and what was due for his bringing up; he professed
himself suspicious and afraid, and that considering the matter in his mind,
he was terrified and vexed, and how, then, could he prescribe a remedy? As

there was no help for it, I gave them all up, and weaning my heart from all
visible remedies, gave myself up to the Supreme Physician. As drinking
alleviated my sufferings, I took to it in the daytime, contrary to my habit,
and gradually I carried this to excess. When the weather became hot, the
evil effects of this increased, and my weakness and laboured breathing were
augmented. Nūr Jahān Begam, whose skill and experience are greater than
those of the physicians, especially as they are brought to bear through
affection and sympathy, endeavoured to diminish the number of my cups,
and to carry out the remedies that appeared appropriate to the time, and
soothing to the condition. Although previously to this she had approved of
the remedies made use of by the physicians, yet at this time I relied on her
kindness. She, by degrees, lessened my wine, and kept me from things that
did not suit me, and food that disagreed with me. I hope that the True
Physician will grant me perfect recovery from the hospital of the hidden
world.

On Monday, the 22nd33 of the same month, corresponding with the 25th of
S͟ hawwāl, A.H. 1030 (2 September, 1621), the feast of my solar weighing
took place auspiciously and happily. As in the past year (of my life) I had
suffered from severe illness, I had passed it in continuous pain and trouble.
In thankfulness that such a year ended well and in safety, and that in the
commencement of the present year the signs of health became apparent,
Nūr Jahān Begam begged that her Vakils might make the arrangements for
the entertainment (of the solar weighment). In truth, they prepared one
which increased the astonishment of beholders. From the date on which Nūr
Jahān Begam entered into the bond of marriage with this suppliant,
although in all weighing entertainments, both solar and lunar, she had made
such arrangements as were becoming to the State, and knew what were the
requirements of good fortune and prosperity; yet on this occasion she had
paid greater attention than ever to adorn the assembly, and arrange the feast.
All the servants of approved service and the domestics who knew my
temperament, who in that time of weakness had constantly been present and
been ready to sacrifice their lives, and had fluttered round my head like
moths, were now honoured with suitable kindnesses, such as dresses of
honour, jewelled sword-belts, jewelled daggers, horses, elephants, and trays
full of money, each according to their positions. And though the physicians

had not done good service, yet in consideration of the slight contempt34
with which they had been treated for two or three days, they received
various favours, and on the occasion of this feast also, they received
presents in jewels and cash.

After the conclusion of the weighment, trays of gold and silver were poured
out by way of nis̤ ār (coin-scattering) into the hope-skirts of the ministers of
amusement (ahl-i-nis͟ hāt̤ ), and of the poor. Jotik Rāy, astrologer, who had
given the glad news of my recovery and restoration to health, I had weighed
against muhars and rupees, and by this method a present was made35 him of
500 muhars and 7,000 rupees. At the end of the entertainment the offerings
she (Nūr Jahān) had prepared for me were produced. Of the jewels,
jewelled ornaments, cloths and various rarities I selected what I approved
of. Altogether the cost of this great entertainment which Nūr Jahān Begam
gave was recorded to be two lacs of rupees, exclusive of what she laid
before me as offerings. In previous years, when I was in health, I weighed 3
maunds and 1 or 2 seers more or less, but this year, as a result of my
weakness and leanness, I was only 2 maunds and 27 seers.

On Thursday, the 1st of the Divine month of Mihr, Iʿtiqād K., the Governor
of Kashmir, was promoted to the mansab of 4,000 and 2,500 horse, and
Rāja Gaj Singh to that of 4,000 and 3,000 horse. When the news of my
illness reached my son, S͟ hāh Parwīz, without waiting for a farman he came
to see me, being unable to restrain himself. On the 14th36 of the same
month (September 25, 1621), at an auspicious hour and propitious time, that
fortunate son had the good fortune to kiss the threshold, and went three
times round the couch (tak͟ ht). However much I adjured him and forbade
him to do so, he insisted the more in lamentation and importunity. I took
him by the hand and drew him towards me, and by way of kindness and
affection held him fast in an embrace, and displayed great love to him. I
hope that he may enjoy a long life with prosperity.

At this time Rs. 20,00,000 were sent to K͟ hurram for the expenses of the
army of the Deccan by Allah-dād K., who was honoured with an elephant
and a standard. On the 28th Qiyām K., chief huntsman, died a natural death.
He was a confidential servant, and apart from his skill in hunting, looked

over every trifling detail relating to it, and consulted my pleasure in it. In
short, I was much grieved at this event. I hope that God may grant him
forgiveness.

On the 29th the mother of Nūr Jahān Begam died. Of the amiable qualities
of this matron (Kad-bānū) of the family of chastity what can I write?
Without exaggeration, in purity of disposition and in wisdom and the
excellencies that are the ornament of women no Mother of the Age37 was
ever born equal to her, and I did not value38 her less than my own mother.
With regard to the attachment that Iʿtimādu-d-daula bore towards her it is
certain that no husband was equal to him. Here one must imagine what had
happened to that grief-stricken old man. Also with regard to the attachment
of Nūr Jahān Begam to her mother what can one write? A son like Āṣaf K.,
exceedingly intelligent and clever, rent in pieces his robe of patience and
left off the dress of men of the social state (lit., men of dependence, or
connection). At the sight of his dear son, the grief and sorrow of the father,
wounded at heart, increased more and more. However much we
admonished him, it had no result. On the day on which I went to condole
with him, as the disturbance of his mind and grief of his heart had
commenced, I spoke a few words of admonition by way of affection and
kindness, but did not urge him. I left him until (the sense of) his calamity
should abate. After some days I ministered to his inward wound the balm of
kindness, and brought him back to the position of sociable beings. Although
in order to please me and satisfy my mind he outwardly controlled himself,
and made a show of resignation, yet with regard to his affection for her
what resignation could there be?

On the 1st of the Divine month of Ābān, Sar-buland K., Jān-sipār K., and
Bāqī K., were honoured with the gift of drums. ʿAbdu-llah K. had gone to
his jagir without the leave of the Subahdar39 of the Deccan: I accordingly
told the Chief Diwans to deprive him of his jagir, and Iʿtimād Rāy was
ordered to act as a sazāwul, and to send him back to the Deccan.

It has been recorded with regard to the case of Masīḥu-z-zamān (Ḥakīm
Ṣadrā) that, notwithstanding what was due from him for his bringing-up and
my kindness to him, he had not the grace to attend upon me in such an

illness, and more strange still is it that he suddenly threw off the veil of
modesty and asked for leave to undertake a journey to the Hijaz, and make
a pilgrimage to the holy house. Inasmuch as at all times and under all
circumstances the reliance of this suppliant is on the Lord, that needs no
return, and the gracious Creator, I gave him leave with an open brow.
Though he had all kinds of things (for the journey) I made him a present of
Rs. 20,000 in aid of his expenses, and I hope that the Supreme Physician,
without the assistance of physicians and the means of medicine, may grant
this suppliant complete recovery from the Dispensary of His mercy.

As the air of Agra, in consequence of the increase of the temperature, did
not agree with me, on Monday, the 13th of the Divine month of Ābān and
16th year (of my reign), the standards were raised to go towards the hill
country of the North, so that if the air of that quarter should be equable, I
might choose some spot of ground on the bank of the River Ganges, and
found a city there, to make a permanent place of residence for the hot
weather, or else turn the reins of purpose in the direction of Kashmir.
Leaving Muz̤ affar K. to guard and administer Agra, I dignified him with
drums, a horse, and an elephant. Having appointed his nephew, M.
Muḥammad faujdār of the city, I gave him the title of Asad K., and selected
him for increase of mansab. Having exalted Bāqir K. to the duty of the
Subah of Oudh, I dismissed him. On the 26th of the said month my
prosperous son S͟ hāh Parwīz obtained leave to proceed from Mathura to
Bihar and his jagir. I gave him leave after presenting him with a special
dress of honour, a nādirī, a jewelled dagger, a horse, and an elephant. I hope
that he may enjoy long life. On 4 Āẕar, Mukarram K., governor of Delhi,
was exalted with the good fortune of paying his respects. On the 6th I
alighted at Delhi, and having halted two days in Salīmgaṛh I employed
myself with the pleasure of sport. At this time it was reported to me that
Jādo Rāy Kaitha (or Kathiya), who is one of the leading Sardars of the
Deccan, by the guidance of good fortune and reliance on God, had elected
for loyalty, and had been enrolled amongst the loyal servants. Bestowing on
him a dress of honour and a jewelled dagger, I sent a gracious farman to
him by the hand of Narāyan Dās Rāthor. On the 1st of the Divine month of
Dai, corresponding with the 7th Ṣafar, A.H. 1031, Maqṣūd, brother of

Qāsim K., was honoured with the title of Hās͟ him K. and Hās͟ him Beg
K͟ hūs͟ hī40 with that of Jān-nis̤ ār K.

On the 7th of the same month the camp was pitched at Hardwār on the bank
of the Ganges. It is one of the most famous places of worship of the Hindus,
and many brahmans and recluses have chosen a corner of retirement in this
place and worship God according to the rule of their religion. I gave alms in
cash and goods to each of them according to his requirements. As the
climate of this skirt of the hills was not approved by me, and I could not see
a spot of ground on which to make a permanent residence, I proceeded
towards the skirt of the hill country of Jammu and Kāngṛa.

At this time it was reported to me that Rāja Bhāo Singh had died in the
Deccan (become a traveller on the road of non-existence). From excess of
wine-drinking he had become very weak and low. Suddenly a faintness
came over him. However much the physicians tried remedies for him and
burnt scars on the top of his head, he did not come to his senses: for a night
and a day he lay without perception, and died the next day. Two wives and
eight concubines burnt themselves in the fire of fidelity for him. Jagat
Singh, his elder brother, and Mahā Singh, his nephew, had spent the coin of
their lives in the wine-business, and the aforesaid, not taking warning from
them, sold sweet life for bitter fluid. He was of very good disposition and
sedate. From the days when I was a prince he was constantly in my service,
and by the blessing of my education had reached the high rank of 5,000. As
he left no son, I dignified the grandson of his elder brother, though of tender
years, with the title of Raja, and gave him the mansab of 2,000 personal and
1,000 horse. The pargana of Amber, his native place, was assigned to him as
jagir, according to former custom, in order that his family might not be
dispersed. Aṣālat K., s. K͟ hān Jahān, was promoted to the mansab of 1,000
personal and 500 horse. On the 20th41 of the same month I halted at the
saray of Alwātū.42 As I am constantly engaged in the pleasure of hunting,
and the flesh of animals I have killed with my own hand is very much to my
taste, in consequence of the suspicions and caution that I have in such
matters, I order them to be cleaned in my presence, and myself inspect their
stomachs to see what they have eaten and what the food of the animals is. If
by chance I see anything to which I have a dislike I forbear from eating the

flesh. Before this I was not inclined towards any kind of waterfowl except
the sona (golden duck?). When I was at Ajmir I saw a tame sona duck
eating horrible worms. From seeing this, my taste turned against it, and I
gave up eating tame sona ducks until now, when a duck was caught, and I
ordered them to clean it in my presence. From its crop there first came out a
small43 fish: after this there appeared a bug44 so large that I could not
believe till I saw it with my own eye that it could swallow a thing of such a
size. Briefly I this day determined that I would not eat waterfowl. K͟ hān
ʿĀlam represented that the flesh of the white heron (ʿuqāb-i-safīd) was very
delicious and tender. I accordingly sent for a white heron, and ordered them
to clean it in my presence. By chance there came out of its crop ten bugs in
a manner disgusting to me, at the remembrance of which I am distressed
and disgusted.

On the 21st the garden of Sirhind brought joy to my senses, and on the day
of halt there I delighted myself by going round and looking at it. At this
time K͟ hwāja Abū-l-Ḥasan came from the Deccan, and had the good fortune
to wait on me. He had great favour shown him. On the 1st of the Divine
month of Bahman I halted at Nūr-Sarāy.45 The mansab of Muʿ’tamid K.,
original and increased, was ordered to be 2,000 personal and 600 horse.
K͟ hān ʿĀlam was made governor of Allahabad,46 and having been presented
with a horse, a dress of honour, and a jewelled sword, took his leave.
Muqarrab K. was selected for the mansab of 5,000 personal and horse. On
Thursday, when I was encamped on the bank of the Biyāh (Beās), Qāsim K.
came from Lahore, and had the good fortune to wait on me. Hās͟ him K., his
brother, with the Zamindars of the country bordering on the hills, had the
honour of kissing the threshold.

Bāsoʾī,47 the zamindar of Talwāra, brought me a bird, which the hill-people
call jān-bahan. Its tail resembles the tail of the qirqāwul (pheasant), which
is also called the tazrū, and its colour is exactly like that of the hen-
pheasant, but it is half as large again. The circle round the eyes of this bird
is red, while the orbit of the pheasant is white. The said Bāsoʾī stated that
this bird lived in the snow-mountains, and that its food was grass and other
stuff. I have kept pheasants and have reared young ones, and have often
eaten the flesh both of young birds and of mature ones. One may say that

there is no comparison between the flesh of the pheasant and this bird. The
flesh of the latter is much more delicate. Among the birds which I saw in
the hill-country one was the phūl-paikār,48 which the Kashmiris call sonlū.
It is one-eighth (nīm sawāʾī?) less than a pea-hen. The back, tail, and wings
resemble those of the bustard, and are blackish, with white spots. The breast
to the end of the bosom is black, with white spots, and some red ones. The
ends of the feathers are fiery red, and very lustrous and beautiful. From the
end of the back of the neck it is also brilliantly black. On the top of its head
it has two fleshy horns of a turquoise colour. The skin of its orbits and
round its mouth is red. Below its throat there is skin round it enough to
cover the palms of two hands, and in the middle of this the skin is of a
violet colour of the size of a hand, with blue spots in the middle. Around it
each streak is of a blue colour, consisting of eight plumes; round the blue
streak it is red to the breadth of two fingers, like the peach flower, and again
round its neck is that blue-coloured streak: it has red legs also. The live
bird, which was weighed, came to 152 tolahs. After it was killed and
cleaned it weighed 139 tolahs. Another bird is of a golden colour: this the
people of Lahore call S͟ han49 (?) and the Kashmiris pūt̤ . Its colour is like
that of a peacock’s breast. Above its head is a tuft (kākul). Its tail of the
width of five fingers is yellow, and is like the long feather (s͟ hah-par) of the
peacock, and its body as large as that of a goose. The neck of the goose is
long and shapeless: that of this one is short, and has a shape.

My brother, S͟ hāh ʿAbbās, had asked for golden birds,50 and I sent some to
him by his ambassador. On Monday51 the ceremony of my lunar weighing
took place. At this entertainment Nūr Jahān Begam gave dresses of honour
to forty-five of the great Amirs and private servants. On the 14th of the
same month the camp was pitched at the village of Bahlwan52 belonging to
the Sībā district. As I constantly longed for the air of Kāngṛa and the hill-
country above-mentioned, I left the large camp at this place, and proceeded
to inspect the said fort with some of my special servants and attendants. As
Iʿtimādu-d-daula was ill I left him in the camp, and kept Ṣādiq K., the chief
Bakhshi, there to look after him and guard the camp. The next day news
came that his state had undergone a change, and that the signs of
hopelessness were apparent. I could not bear the agitation of Nūr Jahān

Begam, and, considering the affection which I bore towards him, I returned
to the camp. At the end of the day I went to see him. It was the hour of his
death agony. Sometimes he became unconscious and sometimes came back
to his senses. Nūr Jahān Begam indicated me, and said: “Do you recognise
(him)?” At such a time he recited this couplet of Anwarī:

Were a mother-born blind man present
He’d recognise Majesty in the World-Adorner.

I was for two hours at his pillow. Whenever he was conscious, whatever he
said was intelligent and rational. In fine, on the 17th of the said month
(Bahman) (about the end of January, 1622), after three gharis had passed he
attained to eternal mercy. What shall I say about my feelings through this
terrible event? He was a wise and perfect Vizier, and a learned and
affectionate companion.

Verse.53

By the reckoning of the eye, there’s one frame less:
By Wisdom’s reckoning, the lessening is more than thousands.

Though the weight of such a kingdom was on his shoulders, and it is not
possible for or within the power of a mortal to make everyone contented,
yet no one ever went to Iʿtimādu-d-daula with a petition or on business who
turned from him in an injured frame of mind. He showed loyalty to the
sovereign, and yet left pleased and hopeful him who was in need. In fact,
this was a speciality of his. From the day on which his companion (his wife)
attained to the mercy of God he cared no longer for himself, but melted
away from day to day. Although outwardly he looked after the affairs of the
kingdom, and taking pains with the ordering of civil matters, did not
withdraw his hand from business, yet in his heart he grieved at the
separation, and at last, after three months and twenty days, he passed away.
The next day I went to condole with his sons and sons-in-law, and,
presenting 41 of his children and connections and 12 of his dependents with
dresses of honour, I took them out of their mourning garments.

The next day I marched with the same purpose (as before), and went to see
the fort of Kāngṛa. In four stages the camp was pitched at the river
Bānganga. Alf K. and S͟ haik͟ h Faiẓu-llah, the guards of the fort, had the
good fortune to pay their respects. At this stage the offering of the Raja of
Chamba54 was laid before me. His country is 25 koss beyond Kāngṛa. There
is no greater Zamindari in these hills than this. The country is the asylum of
all the Zamindars of the country. It has passes (ʿaqabahā) difficult to cross.
Until now he had not obeyed any king nor sent offerings. His brother also
was honoured by paying his respects, and on his part performed the dues of
service and loyalty. He seemed to me to be reasonable and intelligent and
urbane. I exalted him with all kinds of patronage and favour.

On the 24th55 of the same month I went to see the fort of Kāngṛa, and gave
an order that the Qāẓī, the Chief Justice (Mīr ʿAdl), and other learned men
of Islam should accompany me and carry out in the fort whatever was
customary, according to the religion of Muḥammad. Briefly, having
traversed about one koss, I went up to the top of the fort, and by the grace
of God, the call to prayer and the reading of the K͟ hut̤ ba and the slaughter of
a bullock, which had not taken place from the commencement of the
building of the fort till now, were carried out in my presence. I prostrated
myself in thanksgiving for this great gift, which no king had hoped to
receive, and ordered a lofty mosque to be built inside the fort. The fort of
Kāngṛa is situated on a high hill, and is so strong that if furnished with
provisions and the necessaries for a fort the hand of force cannot reach its
skirt, and the noose of stratagem must fall short of it. Although there are
heights (sar-kūbhā) in some places, and guns and muskets might reach (the
fort) from them, yet no harm would accrue to the garrison, for they could
move to another part of the fort,56 and be safe. It has 23 bastions and seven
gates. Its inner circumference is 1 koss and 15 ropes, its length is ¼ koss
and 2 ropes (t̤ anāb), its breadth not more than 22 ropes nor less than 15. Its
height is 114 cubits. There are two reservoirs inside the fort, one 2 ropes
long and 1½ broad; the other is of the same length (?).57

After going round the fort I went to see the temple of Durgā, which is
known as Bhawan.58 A world has here wandered in the desert of error.

Setting aside the infidels whose custom is the worship of idols, crowds on
crowds of the people of Islam, traversing long distances, bring their
offerings and pray to the black stone (image). Near the temple, and on the
slope of the hill there is a sulphur-mine (kān), and its heat causes flames to
continually burst forth. They call it Jwālā Mukhī59 (Flame-Face or Burning
Mouth), and regard it as one of the idol’s miracles. In fact, Hindus, while
knowing the truth,60 deceive the common people. Hindus say61 that when
the life of Mahādeo’s wife came to an end and she drank the draught of
death, Mahādeo, in his great love and attachment to her, took her dead body
on his back, and went about the world carrying her corpse. When some time
had passed in this manner, her form dissolved and dropped asunder, and
each limb fell in a different place: they give honour and dignity to the place
according to the dignity and grace of the member. As the breast, which
when compared with other members has the greatest dignity, fell in this
place, they hold it more precious than any other. Some maintain that this
stone, which is now a place of worship for the vile infidels, is not the stone
which was there originally, but that a body of the people62 of Islam came
and carried off the original stone, and threw it into the bottom of the river,
with the intent that no one could get at it. For a long time the tumult of the
infidels and idol-worshippers had died away in the world, till a lying
brahman hid a stone for his own ends, and going to the Raja of the time
said: “I saw Durgā in a dream, and she said to me: ‘They have thrown me
into a certain place: quickly go and take me up.’” The Raja, in the
simplicity of his heart, and greedy for the offerings of gold that would come
to him, accepted the tale of the brahman, and sent a number of people with
him, and brought that stone, and kept it in this place with honour, and
started again the shop of error and misleading. But God only knows!

From the temple I went to see the valley which is known as Kūh-i-Madār.63
It is a delightful place. From its climate, the freshness of its verdure, and its
delightful position it is a place of pleasure worthy to be seen. There is a
waterfall here which pours down water from the top of the hill. I ordered
them to put up a symmetrical building there. On the 25th of the month the
standards were turned back to return. Having presented Alf K. and S͟ haik͟ h
Faiẓu-llah with horses and elephants I left them to defend the fort. Next day

I encamped at the fort of Nūrpūr.64 It was reported to me that in this
neighbourhood there were many jungle fowl. As I had never yet caught
these, I made a halt of another day, and enjoyed myself with the sport,
having caught four. One cannot distinguish them in shape and colour from
domestic fowls. One of the peculiarities of these birds is that if they are
caught by the feet and turned upside down, wherever they are taken they
make no sound, and remain silent, contrary to the domestic fowl, which
makes an outcry. Until the domestic fowl is plunged into hot water its
feathers do not come off easily. The jungle fowl, like the partridge and
podna,65 can be plucked when dry. I ordered them to roast them. It was
found that the flesh of the full-grown ones was very tasteless and dry. The
chickens had some juiciness, but were not good to eat. They cannot fly
farther than a bow-shot. The cock66 is chiefly red, and the hen black and
yellow. There are many in this Nūrpūr jungle. The ancient name of Nūrpūr
is Dhamerī.67 Since Rāja Bāso built the fort and made houses and gardens
they call it Nūrpūr, after my name. About Rs. 30,000 were expended on the
building. Certes, the buildings Hindus construct after their fashion, however
much they decorate them, are not pleasant. As the place was fit and the
locality enchanting, I ordered them to spend Rs. 1,00,000 out of the public
treasury, and to erect buildings at it, and to make lofty edifices suited to the
spot.

At this time it was reported to me that there was a Sannyāsī Motī68 in the
neighbourhood who had entirely renounced control over himself. I ordered
them to bring him that I might ascertain the real state of affairs. They call
Hindu devotees Sarb bāsī.69 By usage the word has become San-nyāsī
(laying down everything). There are many degrees among them, and there
are several orders among the Sarb bāsī. Among them there is the Motī order.
They put themselves into the figure of a cross (?) (ṣalb ik͟ htiyār mīkunand)
and surrender themselves (taslīm70 mīsāzand). For instance, they never
speak. If for ten days and nights they stand in one place, they do not move
their feet forwards or backwards; in fact, make no movement at all, and
remain like fossils. When he came into my presence I examined him, and
found a wonderful state of persistence. It occurred to me that in a state of
drunkenness and absence of mind and delirium, some change might be

wrought in him. Accordingly I ordered them to give him some cups of spirit
(ʿaraq) of double strength. This was done in royal fashion (liberally?), but
not the least change took place, and he remained in the same impassive
state. At last his senses left him, and they carried him out like a corpse. God
Almighty granted him mercy so that he did not lose his life. Certainly there
was great persistence in his nature.

At this time Bī-badal K. presented me with the chronogram of the conquest
of Kāngṛa, and that of the foundation of the mosque which I had ordered.
As he had hit it off well, I here record it:

Verse.

World-gripper, World-giver, World-holder, World-king,
With the sword of ghāzī-ship he conquered this fort.
Wisdom spoke the date “The Jahāngīrī Fortune opened this fort.”

He composed the chronogram71 of the building of the mosque as follows:

Verse.

Nūru-d-dīn S͟ hāh Jahāngīr s. S͟ hāh Akbar
Is a king who in the Age hath no equal.
He took Fort Kāngṛa by the aid of God.
A drop from the cloud of his sword is a tempest.
As by his order this illumined mosque was built,
May his forehead shine by his prostration.
A hidden messenger said: “In seeking for the date
(Say) The mosque of S͟ hāh Jahāngīr was illumined.”72

On the first of the Divine month of Isfandārmuẕ I gave the establishment
and everything belonging to the government and Amirship of Iʿtimādu-d-
daula to Nūr Jahān Begam, and ordered that her drums and orchestra should
be sounded after those of the king. On the 4th of the same month I pitched