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Title: The Care of Books

Author: John Willis Clark

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Fig. 15 Ezra writing the Law.
Frontispiece to the Codex Amiatinus. In
the background is a press with open
doors. The picture was probably drawn
in the middle of the sixth century A.D.

THE
CARE OF BOOKS

London: C. J. CLAY and SONS,
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,
AVE MARIA LANE,
Glasgow: 50, WELLINGTON STREET.

Leipzig: F. A. BROCKHAUS.
New York: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Bombay: E. SEYMOUR HALE.
[All Rights reserved.]

THE
CARE OF BOOKS

An Essay on the
Development of Libraries and
their Fittings, from the earliest times to
the end of the Eighteenth Century

By

John Willis Clark, M.A., F.S.A.
Registrary of the University
and formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge

CAMBRIDGE
at the University Press
1901

Cambridge:
PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
FRANCISCO AIDANO GASQUET
MONACHO BENEDICTINO
D.D.
MAGISTRO DISCIPULUS

PREFACE.
When engaged in editing and completing The Architectural
History of the University and Colleges of Cambridge, I
devoted much time and attention to the essay called The
Library. The subject was entirely new; and the more I looked
into it, the more convinced did I become that it would well
repay fuller investigation than was then possible. For
instance, I felt certain that the Customs affecting monastic
libraries would, if one could only discover them, throw
considerable light on collegiate statutes relating to the same subject.
The Architectural History having been published, I had leisure to study
libraries from my new point of view; and, while thus engaged, I fortunately
met with the admirable paper by Dom Gasquet which he modestly calls
Some Notes on Medieval Monastic Libraries. This brief essay—it occupies
only 20 pages—opened my eyes to the possibilities that lay before me, and
I gladly place on record here the debt I owe to the historian to whom I have
dedicated this book.
When I had the honour of delivering the Rede Lecture before the University
of Cambridge in June 1894, I attempted a reconstruction of the monastic
library, shewing its relationship, through its fittings, to the collegiate
libraries of Oxford and Cambridge; and I was also able, following the
example set by Dom Gasquet in the above-mentioned essay, to indicate the
value of illuminated manuscripts as illustrating the life of a medieval
student or scribe. In my lectures as Sandars Reader in Bibliography,
delivered before the University of Cambridge in 1900, I developed the
subject still further, extending the scope of my enquiries so as to include the
libraries of Greece and Rome.
In writing my present book I have availed myself freely of the three works
above mentioned. At the same time I have incorporated much fresh
material; and I am glad to take this opportunity of stating, that, with the
single exception of the Escõrial, I have personally examined and measured

every building which I have had occasion to describe; and many of the
illustrations are from my own sketches.
I call my book an Essay, because I wish to indicate that it is only an attempt
to deal, in a summary fashion, with an extremely wide and interesting
subject—a subject, too, which might easily be subdivided into separate
heads each capable of more elaborate treatment. For instance, with regard to
libraries in Religious Houses, I hope to see a book written, dealing not
merely with the way in which the books were cared for, but with the
subjects most generally studied, as indicated to us by the catalogues which
have survived.
A research such as I have had to undertake has naturally involved the co-
operation of numerous librarians and others both in England and on the
Continent. From all these officials I have experienced unfailing courtesy
and kindness, and I beg them to accept this collective expression of my
gratitude. To some, however, I am under such particular obligations, that I
wish to mention them by name.
In the first place I have to thank my friends Dr Jackson of Trinity College,
Dr Sandys of S. John's College, Dr James of King's College, and F. J. H.
Jenkinson, M.A., University Librarian, for their kind help in reading proofs
and making suggestions. Dr Sandys devoted much time to the revision of
the first chapter. As my work deals largely with monastic institutions it is
almost needless to say that I have consulted and received efficient help from
my old friend W. H. St John Hope, M.A., Assistant Secretary to the Society
of Antiquaries.
My researches in Rome were made easy to me by the unfailing kindness
and ready help accorded on every occasion by Father C. J. Ehrle, S.J.,
Prefect of the Vatican Library. My best thanks are also due to Signor
Rodolfo Lanciani, to Professor Petersen of the German Archeological
Institute, Rome, and to Signor Guido Biagi of the Biblioteca Laurenziana,
Florence. At Milan Monsignor Ceriani of the Ambrosian Library was so
kind as to have the library photographed for my use.
The courteous officials who administer the great libraries of Paris with so
much ability, have assisted me in all my researches. I wish specially to
thank in this place M. Léopold Delisle and M. Léon Dorez of the

Bibliothèque Nationale; M. A. Franklin of the Bibliothèque Mazarine; M.
H. Martin of the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal; and M. A. Peraté, Sous-
Conservateur du Château de Versailles.
I have also to thank Señor Ricardo Velasquez for his beautiful elevation of
the bookcases in the Escõrial Library; Father J. van den Gheyn, S.J., of the
Royal Library, Brussels, for his trouble in shewing me, and allowing me to
have photographed, several MSS. from the library under his charge; my
friends Mr T. G. Jackson, R.A., Architect, for lending me his section of
Bishop Cobham's library at Oxford; E. W. B. Nicholson, M.A., Librarian,
and Falconer Madan, M.A., Sub-Librarian, in the Bodleian Library, for
information respecting the building and its contents; Mr F. E. Bickley of the
British Museum for much help in finding and examining MSS.; and Lionel
Cust, M.A., Director of the National Portrait Gallery, for general direction
and encouragement.
Messrs Macmillan have allowed me to use three illustrations which appear
in the first chapter; Mr Murray has given the same permission for the
woodcut of the carrells at Gloucester; and Messrs Blades for the
representation of James Leaver's book-press.
Lastly I wish to thank the staff of the University Press for using their best
efforts to produce the work rapidly and well, and for many acts of personal
kindness to myself.
JOHN WILLIS CLARK.
Scroope House,
Cambridge,
September 23rd, 1901.

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.

Introduction. Assyrian Record-Rooms. Libraries in Greece,
Alexandria, Pergamon, Rome. Their size, use, contents, and fittings.
1
Armaria or presses. The Vatican Library of Sixtus V. a type of an
ancient Roman library
CHAPTER II.

Christian libraries connected with churches. Use of the apse. Monastic
communities. S. Pachomius. S. Benedict and his successors. Each
House had a library. Annual audit of books. Loan on security. Modes
61
of protection. Curses. Prayers for donors. Endowment of libraries. Use
of the cloister. Development of Cistercian book-room. Common press.
Carrells
CHAPTER III.

Increase of monastic collections. S. Riquier, Bobbio, Durham,
Canterbury. Books kept in other places than the cloister. Expedients
for housing them at Durham, Citeaux, and elsewhere. Separate
libraries built in fifteenth century at Durham, S. Albans, Citeaux, 101
Clairvaux, etc. Gradual extension of library at S. Germain des Près.
Libraries attached to Cathedrals. Lincoln, Salisbury, Wells, Noyon,
Rouen, etc.
CHAPTER IV.

The fittings of monastic libraries and of collegiate libraries probably
identical. Analysis of some library-statutes. Monastic influence at the
Universities. Number of books owned by Colleges. The collegiate
131
library. Bishop Cobham's library at Oxford. Library at Queens'
College, Cambridge. At Zutphen. The lectern-system. Chaining of
books. Further examples and illustrations

CHAPTER V.
Recapitulation. Invention of the stall-system. Library of Corpus
Christi College, Oxford, taken as a type. System of chaining in
Hereford Cathedral. Libraries of Merton College, Oxford, and Clare
171
College, Cambridge. The stall-system copied at Westminster Abbey,
Wells, and Durham Cathedrals. This system possibly monastic.
Libraries at Canterbury, Dover Priory, Clairvaux

CHAPTER VI.
The lectern-system in Italy. Libraries at Cesena, at the Convent of S.
Mark, Florence, and at Monte Oliveto. Vatican Library of Sixtus IV.
199
Ducal Library at Urbino. Medicean Library, Florence. System of
chaining there used. Characteristics of medieval libraries

CHAPTER VII.
Contrast between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Suppression of
the Monasteries. Commissioners of Edward VI. Subsequent changes in
library fittings. S. John's College, and University Library, Cambridge. 245
Queen's College, Oxford. Libraries attached to churches and schools.
Chaining in recent times. Chains taken off

CHAPTER VIII.
The wall-system. This began on the Continent. Library of the Escõrial.
Ambrosian Library at Milan. Library of Cardinal Mazarin. Bodleian
267
Library at Oxford. Works and influence of Wren. French conventual
libraries of the seventeenth century
CHAPTER IX.

Private libraries. Abbat Simon and his book-chest. Library of Charles
V. of France. Illustrations of this library from illuminated manuscripts.
Book-lectern used in private houses. Book-desks revolving round a
291
central screw. Desks attached to chairs. Wall-cupboards. A scholar's
room in the fifteenth century. Study of the Duke of Urbino. Library of
Margaret of Austria. Library of Montaigne. Conclusion

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

FIG. PAGE
Plan of the Record-Rooms in the Palace of Assur-bani-
1. 2
pal, King of Nineveh
Plan of the temple and precinct of Athena, Pergamon;
2. 9
with that of the Library and adjacent buildings
Plan of the Porticus Octaviæ, Rome. From Formæ
3. 13
Urbis Romæ Antiguæ, Berlin, 1896
Plan of the Forum of Trajan; after Nibby. From
4. 15
Middleton's Remains of Ancient Rome
Plan of the Stoa of Hadrian, at Athens. From Miss
5. Harrison's Mythology and Monuments of Ancient 17
Athens
Elevation of a single compartment of the wall of the
Library discovered in Rome, 1883. From notes and
6. 23
measurements made by Signor Lanciani and Prof.
Middleton
Plan of the Record-House of Vespasian, with the
7. adjoining structures. From Middleton's Remains of 26
Ancient Rome
Part of the internal wall of the Record-House of
Vespasian. Reduced from a sketch taken in the 16th
8. 26
century by Pirro Ligorio. From Commissione
Archeologica Comunale di Roma
9. A reader with a roll: from a fresco at Pompeii 28
10. Book-box or capsa 30
11. A Roman taking down a roll from its place in a Library 35

12. Desk to support a roll while it is being read 36
A Roman reading a roll in front of a press (armarium).
13. From a photograph of a sarcophagus in the garden of To face 38
the Villa Balestra, Rome
Press containing the four Gospels. From a mosaic
14. above the tomb of the Empress Galla Placidia at 39
Ravenna
Ezra writing the Law. Frontispiece to the Codex
Amiatinus. In the background is a press with open
15. Frontispiece
doors. The picture was probably drawn in the middle of
the sixth century a.d.
16. Great Hall of the Vatican Library, looking west To face 47
A single press in the Vatican Library, open. From a
17. To face 48
photograph
Rough ground-plan of the Great Hall of the Vatican
18. To face 60
Library, to illustrate the account of the decoration
Press in the cloister at the Cistercian Abbey of Fossa
19. 83
Nuova
Ground-plan and elevation of the book-recesses in the
20. 84
cloister of Worcester Cathedral
Ground-plan of part of the Abbey of Fossa Nuova. To
shew the book-room and book-press, and their relations
21. to adjoining structures: partly from Enlart's Origines 85
Françaises de l'Architecture Gothique en Italie, partly
from my own measurements
22. Ground-plan of part of Kirkstall Abbey, Yorkshire 86
Ground-plan of part of Furness Abbey. From Mr W. H.
23. 88
St J. Hope's plan
Arches in south wall of Church at Beaulieu Abbey,
24. To face 89
Hampshire, once possibly used as book-presses
The cloister, Westminster Abbey. From Mr
25. 91
Micklethwaite's plan of the buildings
Part of the ancient press in Bayeux Cathedral, called Le
26. To face 94
Chartrier de Bayeux. From a photograph
Press in the church at Obazine, Central France. From a
27. To face 95
photograph

Ground-plan of one of the windows in the cloister of
28. 96
Durham Cathedral
Range of carrells in the south cloister at Gloucester
29. Cathedral. From Mr Murray's Handbook to the Western 97
Cathedrals
30. A single carrell, Gloucester Cathedral To face 98
Library at Durham, built by Prior Wessyngton about
31. 107
1446
Library of the Grey Friars House, London, commonly
32. called Christ's Hospital. From Trollope's History of To face 109
Christ's Hospital
Bird's-eye view of part of the Monastery of Citeaux.
33. 110
From a drawing dated 1718
Ground-plan of part of the Monastery of Citeaux. From
34. 111
a plan dated 1718
35. Ground-plan of the Library at Citeaux 111
Part of the Abbey of S. Germain des Près, Paris. From
36. a print dated 1687; reproduced in Les Anciennes 115
Bibliothèques de Paris, par Alf. Franklin, Vol. i. p. 126
Part of the Abbey of S. Germain des Près, Paris. From
a print in Histoire de l'Abbaye Royale de Saint
37. Germain des Prez, par Dom Jacques Bouillart, fol. 116
Paris, 1724, lettered "l'Abbaye ... telle qu'elle est
présentement"
38. Plan of the Old Library, Lincoln Cathedral 119
39. Interior of the Old Library, Lincoln Cathedral To face 118
40. Plan of the Cloister, etc., Lincoln Cathedral 120
Exterior of the Library at Salisbury Cathedral, looking
41. To face 122
north-east
42. Plan of the Library in Wells Cathedral 122
Plan of the Library at Lichfield Cathedral. From
43. History and Antiquities of Staffordshire, by Stebbing 123
Shaw, fol. Lond. 1798, Vol. II. P. 244
44. Chapter-Library at Noyon, France To face 124
A single pillar of the cloister beneath the Chapter-
45. 125
Library at Noyon.

Plan of the Library at the south-east angle of the south
46. 126
transept of the Cathedral at Troyes
Interior of the Cour des Libraires, Rouen, shewing the
47. To face 130
gate of entrance from the street, and the Library
Pembroke College, Cambridge, reduced from Loggan's
48. 149
print, taken about 1688
Long Section of Old Congregation House and Library,
49. Oxford, looking south. From The Church of S. Mary 150
the Virgin, Oxford, by T. G. Jackson, Architect
Ground-plan of the Library at Queens' College,
50. 152
Cambridge
Elevation of book-desk in Library of Queens' College,
51. 152
Cambridge
52. Ground-plan of the Library at Zutphen 154
General view of the north side of the Library attached
53. To face 155
to the church of S. Walburga at Zutphen
Desk and reader on the south side of the Library at
54. 155
Zutphen. From a photograph
Elevations of (A) one of the bookcases in the Library at
55. Zutphen; (B) one of those in the Library at Queens' 156
College, Cambridge
56. End of iron bar: Zutphen 156
End of one of the desks on the north side of the
57. 157
Library: Zutphen.
Piece of chain, shewing the ring attached to the bar, the
58. 158
swivel, and one of the links, actual size: Guildford
59. Piece of the iron bar, with chain: Zutphen 159
Chained book, from a Dominican House at Bamberg,
60. 159
South Germany
61. Single desk in the Old Library: Lincoln Cathedral 161
Elevations of (A) one of the bookcases in the Library at
Zutphen; (B) one of those in the Library at Queens'
62. 163
College, Cambridge; (C) one of those in the Library of
Lincoln Cathedral

Interior of a Library. From a MS. of a French
translation of the first book of the Consolation of
63. 164
Philosophy by Boethius, written in Flanders towards
the end of the fifteenth century
Library of the College de Navarre, Paris, now
64. To face 165
destroyed
65. General view of the Library at Trinity Hall, Cambridge To face 169
Elevation of a book-desk and seat in the Library of
66. 168
Trinity Hall, Cambridge
67. Lock at end of book-desk: Trinity Hall 169
A French Library of 1480. From MS. 164 in the
68. To face 169
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge
The interior of the Library of the University of Leyden.
69. To follow 170
From a print by Jan Cornelis Woudanus, dated 1610
Bookcases and seat in the Library at Corpus Christi
70. To face 173
College, Oxford. From a photograph taken in 1894
Elevation of one bookcase in the Library of Corpus
71. 173
Christi College, Oxford
Bookcase in the Chapter Library, Hereford Cathedral.
72. 175
From a sketch taken in 1876
73. Part of a bookcase in the Chapter Library, Hereford To face 175
Part of a single volume, shewing the clasp, the ring for
74. 175
the chain, and the mode of attaching it: Hereford
A single volume, standing on the shelf, with the chain
75. 176
attached to the iron bar: Hereford
Iron bar and socket, closed to prevent removal of the
76. 176
bar: Hereford
Iron bar, with part of the iron plate or hasp which is
77. secured by the lock and keeps the bar in place: 177
Hereford
78. Piece of chain, shewing the swivel: Hereford 178
79. Hook to hold up the desk: Bodleian Library, Oxford 179
Exterior of the Library at Merton College, Oxford, as
80. seen from 'Mob Quadrangle.' From a photograph by H. To face 179
W. Taunt, 1899

81. Ground-plan of the Library at Merton College, Oxford 180
Interior of the West Library at Merton College, Oxford.
82. To face 181
From a photograph by H. W. Taunt, 1899
Bookcase in the West Library of Merton College,
83. To face 181
Oxford. From a photograph by H. W. Taunt, 1899
Elevation of a bookcase and seat in the West Library at
84. Merton College, Oxford. Measured and drawn by T. D. 182
Atkinson, Architect
85. Stall-end in the Library of Clare College, Cambridge 187
86. Ring for attachment of chain, Wells 189
Bookcases in the Library of Durham Cathedral. From a
87. To face 189
photograph
Conjectural plan of the Library over the Prior's Chapel
88. 191
at Christ Church, Canterbury
Sketch of the probable appearance of a bookcase, and a
89. reader's seat, in the Library at Christ Church, 193
Canterbury
90,
Ground-plan and section of Library at Cesena 200
91.
General view of the Library at Cesena. From a
92. To face 201
photograph
93. Bookcases at west end of south side of Library, Cesena 201
Part of a bookcase, at Cesena to shew the system of
94. 202
chaining
95. Piece of a chain, Cesena 203
96. Chained book at Ghent 204
Ground-plan of part of the Vatican Palace, shewing the
building of Nicholas V., as arranged for library
97. purposes by Sixtus IV., and its relation to the 210
surrounding structures. From Letarouilly, Le Vatican,
fol. Paris, 1882, as reproduced by M. Fabre
Ground-plan of the rooms in the Vatican Palace fitted To
98.
up for library-purpose by Sixtus IV follow 208
Interior of the Library of Sixtus IV., as shewn in a
99. fresco in the Ospedale di Santo Spirito, Rome. From a To face 225
photograph taken by Danesi

The library-settles (spalliere) once used in the Vatican
100. Library of Sixtus IV., and now in the Appartamento To face 228
Borgia. From a photograph
101. Bookcases in the Medicean Library, Florence 235
Copy, slightly reduced, of a sketch by Michelangelo for
102. 236
one of the bookcases in the Medicean Library, Florence
103. Elevation of desks at Cesena 237
104. Elevation of desks in the Medicean Library: Florence 237
A book in the Medicean Library, to shew attachment of
105. 238
chain
Piece of chain in the Medicean Library, of the actual
106. 238
size
Diagram to explain the ironwork at the Medicean
107. 239
Library
108. Outline of bolt forming part of ironwork 239
West oriel of the Library at S. John's College,
109. 249
Cambridge
Bookcases in the Library of S. John's College,
110. 250
Cambridge
111. Bookcases in the Library of Peterhouse, Cambridge 252
Bookcases in the south room of the University Library,
112. To face 253
Cambridge.
Bookcase in the old Library of King's College,
113. Cambridge, made with the bequest of Nicholas Hobart, 255
1659
114. Ground-plan of Library, Grantham, Lincolnshire 257
115. Ring and link of chain: Wimborne Minster 261
Bookpress in the school at Bolton, Lancashire. From
116. To face 264
Bibliographical Miscellanies by William Blades
General view of the Library of the Escõrial, looking
117. To face 269
north
Bookcases in the Library of the Escõrial on an enlarged
118. 268
scale
Elevation of a bookcase, and section of a desk, in the
119. 270
Library of the Escõrial

120. Ground-plan of the Ambrosian Library at Milan 271
Interior of the Ambrosian Library at Milan. From a
121. To face 271
photograph taken in 1899
Bookcases, in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, Paris. From
122. To face 273
a photograph by Dujardin, 1898
Elevation of a bookcase and section of a desk in the
123. 274
Bibliothèque Mazarine, Paris
A portion of the bookcases set up in the eastern wing of
124. the Bodleian Library, Oxford, built 1610-1612. From 275
Loggan's Oxonia Illustrata, 1675
Entrance to Wren's Library at Lincoln Cathedral, with
125. To face 277
part of the bookcase which lines the north wall
Part of Wren's elevation of the east side of the Library
of Trinity College, Cambridge, with a section of the
126. 278
north range of Nevile's Court, shewing the door to the
Library from the first floor
Elevation of one bay on the east side of the Library of
127. Trinity College, Cambridge, drawn to scale from the 279
existing building
Interior of the north-east corner of the Library of
Trinity College, Cambridge, shewing the bookcases,
128. 281
table, desk and stools, as designed by Sir Christopher
Wren
Ground-plan of Library and adjacent parts of S. Paul's
129. 283
Cathedral, London. Designed by Sir Christopher Wren
Sir Christopher Wren's Library at S. Paul's Cathedral,
130. To face 282
London, looking north-east
Bookcase in the north room of the University Library,
131. 286
Cambridge, designed by James Essex, 1731-1734
Interior of the Library of the Jesuits at Rheims, now the
132. To face 287
Lingerie de l'Hôpital General
133. Ground-plan of the Library of the Jesuits at Rheims 288
Simon, Abbat of S. Albans (1167-1183), seated at his
134. 293
book-chest. From MSS. Cotton
135. Two men in a library. From a MS. of Les cas des 295
malheureux nobles hommes et femmes in the British

Museum
A Carmelite in his study. From a MS. of Le Miroir
136. To face 296
Historial in the British Museum
Three musicians in a Library. From a MS. of a French
137. 297
translation of Valerius Maximus, in the British Museum
138. A bibliomaniac at his desk. From the Ship of Fools 298
S. John writing his Gospel. From a MS. Hours in the
139. 303
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge
S. Jerome writing. From an oil painting by Benedetto
140. To face 304
Bonfigli, in the Church of S. Peter at Perugia
Circular book-desk. From a MS. of Fais et Gestes du
141. 304
Roi Alexandre, in the British Museum
S. Luke writing his Gospel. From the Dunois Horæ, a
142. 305
MS. in the possession of H. Y. Thompson, Esq.
A lady seated in her chair reading. From a MS. written
143. 306
in France, early in the fifteenth century
Screw-desk. From a fifteenth century MS. in the
144. 307
Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, Paris
Hexagonal desk, with central spike, probably for a
145. 307
candle. From a French MS. of Le Miroir Historial
A lecturer addressing an audience. From a MS. of Livre
146. des cas des malheureux nobles hommes et femmes, To face 308
written in France at end of fifteenth century
S. Mark writing his Gospel. From a MS. Hours written
147. 309
in France in the fifteenth century
The author of The Chronicles of Hainault in his study
148. To face 309
(1446)
S. Jerome in his study. From Les Miracles de Nostre
149. To face 310
Dame, written at the Hague in 1456
A writer with his desk and table. From a MS. of Le
150. To face 309
Livre des Propriétès des Choses in the British Museum
S. Luke writing his Gospel. MSS. Douce, Bodl. Lib.
151. 311
Oxf., No. 381
S. Augustine at his desk. From a painting by Fra
152. 312
Filippo Lippi at Florence

S. Jerome reading. From an oil painting by Catena, in
153. To face 313
the National Gallery, London
A writer at work. From a French translation of Valerius
154. Maximus, written and illuminated in Flanders in 1479, To face 313
for King Edward IV.
A scholar's room in the fifteenth century. From a MS.
155. To face 314
in the Royal Library at Brussels
156. Dean Boys in his Library, 1622 317

THE CARE OF BOOKS.

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION. ASSYRIAN RECORD-ROOMS.
LIBRARIES IN GREECE, ALEXANDRIA, PERGAMON,
ROME. THEIR SIZE, USE, CONTEXTS, AND FITTINGS.
ARMARIA OR PRESSES. THE VATICAN LIBRARY OF
SIXTUS V. A TYPE OF AN ANCIENT ROMAN LIBRARY.
I propose, in the following Essay, to trace the methods
adopted by man in different ages and countries to preserve,
to use, and to make accessible to others, those objects, of
whatever material, on which he has recorded his thoughts. In
this investigation I shall include the position, the size, and
the arrangement, of the rooms in which these treasures were
deposited, with the progressive development of fittings,
catalogues, and other appliances, whether defensive, or to facilitate use.
But, though I shall have to trace out these matters in some detail, I shall try
to eschew mere antiquarianism, and to impart human interest, so far as
possible, to a research which might otherwise exhaust the patience of my
readers. Bibliography, it must be understood, will be wholly excluded.
From my special point of view books are simply things to be taken care of:
even their external features concern me only so far as they modify the
methods adopted for arrangement and preservation. I must dismiss the
subject-matter of the volumes which filled the libraries of former days with
a brevity of which I deeply regret the necessity. I shall point out the pains
taken to sort the books under various comprehensive heads; but I shall not
enumerate the authors which fall under this or that division.
The earliest repositories of books were connected with temples or palaces,
either because priests under all civilisations have been par excellence the
learned class, while despots have patronised art and literature; or because
such a position was thought to offer greater security.

Fig. 1. Plan of the Record-Rooms in
the Palace of Assur-bani-pal, King of
Nineveh.
I will begin with Assyria, where the record-rooms, or we might almost say
the library, in the palace of Assur-bani-pal, King of Nineveh, were
discovered by Mr Layard in 1850 at Kouyunjik, on the Tigris, opposite
Mosul. The plan (fig. 1), taken from Mr Layard's work[1], will shew, better
than a long description, the position of these rooms, and their relation to the
rest of the building—which is believed to date from about 700 b.c. The long
passage (No. xlix) is one of the entrances to the palace. Passing thence
along the narrower passage (No. xlii) the explorers soon reached a doorway
(E), which led them into a large hall (No. xxix), whence a second doorway
(F) brought them into a chamber (No. xxxviii). On the north side of this
room were two doorways (G. G), each "formed by two colossal bas-reliefs
of Dagon, the fish-god." "The first doorway," says Mr Layard, "guarded by

the fish-gods, led into two small chambers opening into each other, and
once panelled with bas-reliefs, the greater part of which had been destroyed.
I shall call these chambers 'the chambers of records,' for, like 'the house of
the rolls' or records, which Darius ordered to be searched for the decree of
Cyrus concerning the building of the Temple of Jerusalem[2], they appear to
have contained the decrees of the Assyrian kings, as well as the archives of
the empire."
Mr Layard was led to this conclusion by finding, in these rooms, enormous
quantities of inscribed tablets and cylinders of baked clay. "To a height of a
foot or more from the floor they were entirely filled with them; some entire,
but the greater part broken into many fragments, probably by the falling in
of the upper part of the building.... These documents appear to be of various
kinds. Many are historical records of wars, and distant expeditions
undertaken by the Assyrians; some seem to be royal decrees, and are
stamped with the name of a king, the son of Esarhaddon; others again ...
contain lists of the gods, and probably a register of offerings made in their
temples[3]."
So far Mr Layard. Subsequent researches have shewn that these two small
rooms—they were 27 feet and 23 feet long respectively, with a uniform
breadth of 20 feet—contained the literature as well as the official
documents of Assyria. The tablets have been sorted under the following
heads: History; Law; Science; Magic; Dogma; Legends: and it has been
shewn (1) that there was a special functionary to take charge of them; (2)
that they were arranged in series, with special precautions for keeping the
tablets forming a particular series in their proper sequence; (3) that there
was a general catalogue, and probably a class-catalogue as well[4].
Excavations in other parts of Assyria have added valuable information to
Layard's first discovery. Dr Wallis Budge, of the British Museum, whom I
have to thank for much kind assistance, tells me that "Kouyunjik is hardly a
good example of a Mesopotamian library, for it is certain that the tablets
were thrown about out of their proper places when the city was captured by
the Medes about b.c. 609. The tablets were kept on shelves.... When I was
digging at Derr some years ago we found the what I call 'Record Chamber,'
and we saw the tablets lying in situ on slate shelves. There were, however,
not many literary tablets there, for the chamber was meant to hold the

commercial documents relating to the local temple...." Dr Budge concludes
his letter with this very important sentence: "We have no definite proof of
what I am going to say now, but I believe that the bilingual[5] lists, which
Assur-bani-pal had drawn up for his library at Nineveh, were intended 'for
the use of students.'"
To this suggestion I would add the following. Does not the position of these
two rooms, easily accessible from the entrance to the palace, shew that their
contents might be consulted by persons who were denied admission to the
more private apartments? And further, does not the presence of the god
Dagon at the entrance indicate that the library was under the protection of
the deity as well as of the sovereign?
As a pendant to these Assyrian discoveries I may mention the vague rumour
echoed by Athenæus of extensive libraries collected in the sixth century
before our era by Polycrates[6], tyrant of Samos, and Peisistratus, tyrant of
Athens, the latter collection, according to Aulus Gellius[7], having been
accessible to all who cared to use it. It must be admitted that these stories
are of doubtful authenticity; and further, that we have no details of the way
in which books were cared for in Greece during the golden age of her
literature. This dearth of information is the more tantalizing as it is obvious
that private libraries must have existed in a city so cultivated as Athens; and
we do, in fact, find a few notices which tell us that such was the case.
Xenophon[8], for instance, speaks of the number of volumes in the
possession of Euthydemus, a follower of Socrates; and Athenæus records,
in the passage to which I have already alluded, the names of several book-
collectors, among whom are Euripides and Aristotle.
An allusion to the poet's bibliographical tastes has been detected in the
scene of The Frogs of Aristophanes, where Æschylus and Euripides are
weighing verses against each other in the presence of Dionysus. Æschylus
exclaims:

και μηκετ' εμοιγε κατ' επος, αλλ' ες τον σταθμον
αυτος τα παιδι', ἡ γυνη, κηφισοφων,
εμβας καθησθω συλλαβων τα βιβλια,
εγω δε δυ' επη των εμων ερω μονον.

Come, no more single lines—let him bring all,
His wife, his children, his Cephisophon,
His books and everything, himself to boot—
I'll counterpoise them with a couple of lines[9].
With regard to Aristotle Strabo has preserved a tradition that he "was the
first who made a collection of books, and taught the kings of Egypt how to
arrange a library[10]"—words which may be taken to mean that Aristotle
was the first to work out the arrangement of books on a definite system
which was afterwards adopted by the Ptolemies at Alexandria.
These notices are extremely disappointing. They merely serve to shew that
collections of books did exist in Greece; but they give us no indication of
either their extent or their arrangement. It was left to the Emperor Hadrian
to build the first public library at Athens, to which, as it was naturally
constructed on a Roman design, I shall return after I have described those
from which it was in all probability imitated.
But, if what may be termed Greece in Europe declines to give us
information, that other Greece which extended itself to Asia Minor and to
Egypt—Greater Greece it would be called in modern times—supplies us
with a type of library-organisation which has been of far-reaching influence.
After the death of Alexander the Great (b.c. 323) a Greek dynasty, that of
the Ptolemies, established itself at Alexandria, and another Greek dynasty at
Pergamon. Both were distinguished—like Italian despots of the
Renaissance—for the splendour and the culture of their courts, and they
rivalled one another in the extent and richness of their libraries; but, if we
are to believe Strabo, the library at Pergamon was not begun until the reign
of Eumenes II. (b.c. 197-159), or 126 years after that at Alexandria[11].
The libraries at Alexandria (for there were two)—though far more
celebrated and more extensive than the library at Pergamon—need not,
from my point of view, detain us for more than a moment, for we are told
very little about their position, and nothing about their arrangement. The
site of the earliest, the foundation of which is ascribed to Ptolemy the
Second (b.c. 285-247), must undoubtedly be sought for within the circuit of
the royal palace, which was in the fashionable quarter of the city called

Brucheion. This palace was a vast enceinte, not a separate building, and, as
Strabo, who visited Alexandria 24 b.c., says,
Within the precincts of the palace is the Museum. It has a
colonnade, a lecture-room, and a vast establishment where the
men of letters who share the use of the Museum take their meals
together. This College has a common revenue; and is managed
by a priest who is over the Museum, an officer formerly
appointed by the kings of Egypt, but, at the present time, by the
Emperor[12].
That the older of the two libraries must have been in some way connected
with these buildings seems to me certain from two considerations. First, a
ruler who took so keen an interest in books as Ptolemy, would assuredly
have kept his treasures under his own eye; and, secondly, he would hardly
have placed them at a distance from the spot where the learned men of
Alexandria held their meetings[13].
At some period subsequent to the foundation of Ptolemy's first library, a
second, called the daughter of the first[14], was established in connexion
with the Temple of Serapis, a magnificent structure in the quarter Rhacôtis,
adorned so lavishly with colonnades, statuary, and other architectural
enrichments, that the historian Ammianus Marcellinus declares that nothing
in the world could equal it, except the Roman Capitol[15].
This brief notice of the libraries of Alexandria shews that the earlier of the
two, besides being in a building dedicated to the Muses, was also connected
in all probability with a palace, and the second with a temple. If we now
turn to Pergamon, we shall find the library associated with the temple and
τεμενος of Athena.
The founder selected for the site of his city a lofty and precipitous hill,
about a thousand feet above the sea-level. The rocky plateau which forms
the summit is divided into three gigantic steps or terraces. On the highest,
which occupies the northern end of the hill, the royal palace is believed to
have been built. On the next terrace, to the south, was the temple of Athena;
and on the third, the altar of Zeus. External to those three groups of
buildings, partly on the edge of the hill, partly on its sides, were the rest of

the public buildings. The lower slopes were probably occupied in ancient
times, as at present, by the houses of the citizens.
These magnificent structures, which won for Pergamon the distinction of
being "by far the noblest city in Asia minor[16]," were in the main due to
Eumenes the Second, who, during his reign of nearly forty years (b.c. 197-
159), was enabled, by the wise policy of supporting the Romans, to
transform his petty state into a powerful monarchy. The construction of a
library is especially referred to him by Strabo[17], and from the statement of
Vitruvius that it was built for the delight of the world at large (in
communem delectationem), we may infer that it was intended to be
public[18]. That he was an energetic book-collector, under whose direction a
large staff of scribes was perpetually at work, may be gathered from the
well-known story that his bibliographical rival at Alexandria, exasperated
by his activity and success, conceived the ingenious device of crippling his
endeavours by forbidding the exportation of papyrus. Eumenes, however,
says the chronicler, was equal to the occasion, and defeated the scheme by
inventing parchment[19]. It is probable that Eumenes not only began but
completed the library, for in less than a quarter of a century after his death
(b.c. 133) the last of his descendants bequeathed the city and state of
Pergamon to the Romans. It is improbable that they would do much to
increase the library, though they evidently took care of it, for ninety years
later, when Mark Antony is said to have given it to Cleopatra, the number of
works in it amounted to two hundred thousand[20].

Fig. 2. Plan of the temple and precinct of Athena,
Pergamon; with that of the Library and adjacent
buildings.
The site of the acropolis of Pergamon was thoroughly explored between
1878 and 1886 at the expense of the German Government; and in the course
of their researches the archeologists employed discovered certain rooms
which they believe to have been originally appropriated to the library. I
have had the accompanying ground-plan (fig. 2) reduced from one of their
plates, and have condensed my description of the locality from that given in
their work[21]. I have also derived much valuable information from a paper
published by Alexander Conze in 1884[22].
Of the temple of Athena only the foundations remain, but its extent and
position can be readily ascertained. The enclosure, paved with slabs of
marble, was entered at the south-east corner. It was open to the west and to
the south, where the ground falls away precipitously, but on the east and

north it was bounded by a cloister in two floors. The pillars of this cloister
were Doric on the ground-floor, Ionic above. The height of those in the
lower range, measured from base to top of capital, was about 16 feet, of
those in the upper range about 9 feet.
This enclosure had a mean length of about 240 feet, with a mean breadth of
162 feet[23]. The north cloister was 37 feet broad, and was divided down the
centre by a row of columns. The east cloister was of about half this width,
and was undivided.
On the north side of the north cloister, the German explorers found four
rooms, which they believe to have been assigned to library purposes. The
platform of rock on which these chambers stood was nearly 20 feet above
the level of the floor of the enclosure, and they could only be entered from
the upper cloister. Of these rooms the easternmost is the largest, being 42
feet long, by 49 feet broad. Westward of it are three others, somewhat
narrower, having a uniform width of 39 feet. The easternmost of these three
rooms is also the smallest, being only 23 feet long; while the two next have
a uniform length of about 33 feet.
At the south-west corner of this building, but on a lower level, and not
accessible from it, other rooms were found, the use of which is uncertain.
We will now return to the eastern room. The foundations of a narrow
platform or bench extended along the eastern, northern, and western sides,
and in the centre of the northern side there was a mass of stone-work which
had evidently formed the base for a statue (fig. 2, A). The discovery of a
torso of a statue of Athena[24] in this very room indicated what statue had
occupied this commanding position, and also what had probably been the
use of the room.
This theory was confirmed by the discovery in the north wall of two rows
of holes in the stone-work, one above the other, which had evidently been
made for the reception of brackets, or battens, or other supports for
shelves[25], or some piece of furniture. The lower of these two rows was
carried along the east wall as well as along the north wall. Further, stones
were found bearing the names of Herodotus, Alcæus, Timotheus of Miletus,

and Homer, evidently the designations of portrait-busts or portrait-
medallions; and also, two titles of comedies.
Lastly, the very position of these rooms in connexion with the colonnade
indicates their use. It will be observed that the colonnade on the north side
of the area is twice as wide as that on the east side—a peculiarity which is
sufficient of itself to prove that it must have been intended for some other
purpose than as a mere covered way. But, if it be remembered that libraries
in the ancient world were usually connected with colonnades (as was
probably the case at the Serapeum at Alexandria, and was certainly the case
at Rome, as I shall proceed to shew) a reason is found for this dignified
construction, and a strong confirmation is afforded for the theory that the
rooms beyond it once contained the famous library.
When the Romans had taken possession of Pergamon, those who had
charge of the city would become familiar with the library; and it seems to
me almost certain that, when the necessity for establishing a public library
at Rome had been recognised, the splendid structure at Pergamon would be
turned to as a model. But, if I mistake not, Roman architecture had received
an influence from Pergamon long before this event occurred. What this was
I will mention presently.
No public library was established in Rome until the reign of Augustus.
Julius Cæsar had intended to build one on the largest possible scale, and had
gone so far as to commission Varro to collect books for it[26]; but it was
reserved for C. Asinius Pollio, general, lawyer, orator, poet, the friend of
Virgil and Horace, to devote to this purpose the spoils he had obtained in
his Illyrian campaign, b.c. 39. In the striking words of Pliny "he was the
first to make men's talents public property (ingenia hominum rem publicam
fecit)" The same writer tells us that he also introduced the fashion of
decorating libraries with busts of departed authors, and that Varro was the
only living writer whose portrait was admitted[27]. Pollio is further credited,
by Suetonius, with having built an atrium libertatis[28], in which Isidore, a
writer of the seventh century, probably quoting a lost work of Suetonius,
places the library, with the additional information, that the collection
contained Greek as well as Latin books[29].

The work of Pollio is recorded among the acts of generosity which
Augustus suggested to others. But before long the emperor turned his own
attention to libraries, and enriched his capital with two splendid structures
which may be taken as types of Roman libraries,—the library of Apollo on
the Palatine Hill, and that in the Campus Martius called after Octavia, sister
to the emperor. I will take the latter first.
The Porticus Octaviæ, or, as it was sometimes called, the Opera Octaviæ,
must have been one of the most magnificent structures in Rome (fig. 3). It
stood in the Campus Martius, near the Theatre of Marcellus, between the
Capitoline Hill and the Tiber. A double colonnade surrounded an area which
measured 443 feet by 377 feet, with Jani, or four-faced archways, at the
four corners, and on the side next the Tiber a double hexastyle porch,
which, with a few fragments of the colonnade, still exists in a fairly good
state of preservation[30]. Within this space were two temples, one of Jupiter,
the other of Juno, a curia or hall, in which the Senate frequently met, a
schola or "Conversation Hall[31]," and two libraries, the one of Greek, the
other of Latin books. The area and buildings were crowded with
masterpieces in bronze and marble.

Fig. 3. Plan of the Porticus Octaviæ,
Rome. From Formæ Urbis Romæ
Antiqua, Berlin, 1896.

This structure was originally built by Quintus Metellus, about 146 b.c.[32].
One of the temples was due to his own liberality, the other had been erected
by Domitius Lepidus, b.c. 179. Now twenty years before, Metellus had
fought in a successful campaign against Perseus king of Macedonia, in
which the Romans had been assisted by Eumenes II.: and in b.c. 148, as
Prætor, he received Macedonia as his province. Is it not possible that on one
or other of these occasions he may have visited Pergamon, and, when
designing his buildings in Rome, have copied what he had seen there?
Again, in b.c. 157, Crates of Mallus, a distinguished grammarian, was sent
from Pergamon as ambassador to Rome, and, being laid up there by an
accident, gave lectures on grammar, in the course of which he could hardly
have failed to mention the new library[33].
The buildings of Metellus were altered, if not entirely rebuilt, by Augustus,
b.c. 33, out of the proceeds of his victorious campaign against the
Dalmatians; with the additional structures above enumerated. The schola is
believed to have stood behind the temples, and the libraries behind the
schola, with the curia between them[34]. Thus the colonnades, which
Metellus had restricted to the two temples, came at last to serve the double
purpose for which they were originally intended in connexion with a library
as well as with a temple.
The temple and area of Apollo on the Palatine Hill, which Augustus began
b.c. 36 and dedicated b.c. 28, exhibit an arrangement precisely similar to
that of the Porticus Octaviæ. The size was nearly the same[35], and the
structures included in the area were intended to serve the same purposes.
The temple stood in the middle of a large open peristyle, connected with
which were two libraries, one for Greek, the other for Latin books; and
between them, used perhaps as a reading-room or vestibule, was a hall in
which Augustus occasionally convened the Senate. It contained a colossal
statue of Apollo, made of gilt bronze; and on its walls were portrait-reliefs
of celebrated writers, in the form of medallions, in the same material[36].

Of the other public libraries of Rome—of which there are said to have been
in all twenty-six—I need mention only three as possessing some peculiarity
to which I shall have to draw attention. Of these the first was established by
Tiberius in his palace, at no great distance from the library of Apollo; the
second and third by Vespasian and Trajan in their Fora, connected in the one
with the temple of Peace, and in the other with the temple dedicated in
honour of Trajan himself.

Fig. 4. Plan of the Forum of
Trajan; after Nibby.
Of the first two of these libraries we have no information; but in the case of
the third we are more fortunate. The Forum of Trajan (fig. 4) was excavated
by order of Napoleon I., and the extent of its buildings, with their relation to
one another, is therefore known with approximate accuracy. The Greek and
Latin libraries stood to the right and left of the small court between the
Basilica Ulpia and the Templum Divi Trajani, the centre of which was
marked by the existing Column. They were entered from this court, each

through a portico of five inter-columniations. The rooms, measured
internally, were about 60 feet long, by 45 feet broad.
At this point I must mention, parenthetically, the library built by Hadrian at
Athens. Pausanias records it in the following passage:
Hadrian also built for the Athenians a temple of Hera and
Panhellenian Zeus, and a sanctuary common to all the gods. But
most splendid of all are one hundred columns; walls and
colonnades alike are made of Phrygian marble. Here, too, is a
building adorned with a gilded roof and alabaster and also with
statues and paintings: books are stored in it. There is also a
gymnasium named after Hadrian; it too has one hundred
columns from the quarries of Libya[37].
A building called the Stoa of Hadrian, a ground-plan of which (fig. 5) I
borrow from Miss Harrison's Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens,
has been identified with part at least of that which Pausanias describes in
the above passage. A lofty wall, built of large square blocks of Pentelic
marble, faced on the west side by a row of Corinthian columns, enclosed a
quadrangular court, measuring 328 feet from east to west, by 250 feet from
north to south. This court, entered through a sort of propylæa on the west
side (N), was surrounded by a cloister or colonnade 27 feet wide, and
containing 100 columns. None of those columns are standing, but their
number can be accurately calculated from the marks of the bases still to be
seen on the eastern side of the quadrangle.
Within this area are the remains of a building of uncertain use, and at
present only partially excavated.
On the east side a row of five chambers, of which that in the centre was the
largest, opened off from the colonnade[38].

Fig. 5. Plan of the Stoa of Hadrian, at
Athens.
AE, KI. Pier-arcade of the medieval church of the Panagia.
B. North-east angle of this church, of Roman work.
B, C, D, F. Portions of the Roman building which preceded the church.
L, M. Reservoirs.
N. Propylæa through which the court was entered.
If the ground plan of this structure (fig. 5) be compared with that of the
precinct of Athena and library at Pergamon (fig. 2), a striking similarity
between them will at once be recognised; and, whatever may have been the
destination of the building within the cloistered area, there can, I think, be
little doubt that the library was contained in the five rooms beyond its limits
to the east. They must have been entered from the cloister, much as those at
Pergamon were. It is possible that Hadrian may himself have visited

Pergamon, for Trajan had built an imperial residence there; but, even if he
did not do this, he would accept the type from the great libraries built at
Rome by Augustus. It should be mentioned that S. Jerome specially
commemorates this library among Hadrian's works at Athens, and says that
it was of remarkable construction (miri operis)[39].
From this brief digression I return to the public libraries of Rome. In the
first place those built by Augustus had a regular organisation. There appears
to have been a general director called Procurator Bibliothecarum
Augusti[40]; and subordinate officers for each division: that is to say, one for
the Greek books, one for the Latin books. These facts are derived from
inscriptions found in Columbaria. Secondly, it may be concluded that they
were used not merely for reading and reference, but as meeting-places for
literary men.
The Palatine libraries evidently contained a large collection of old and new
books; and I think it is quite certain that new books, as soon as published,
were placed there, unless there was some special reason to the contrary.
Otherwise there would be no point in the lines in which Ovid makes his
book—sent from Pontus after his banishment—deplore its exclusion. The
book is supposed to climb from the Forum to the temple of Apollo:

Signa peregrinis ubi sunt alterna columnis
Belides et stricto barbarus ense pater
Quæque viri docto veteres cœpere novique
Pectore lecturis inspicienda patent.
Quærebam fratres exceptis scilicet illis
Quos suus optaret non genuisse parens;
Quærentem frustra custos e sedibus illis
Præpositus sancto iussit abire loco[41].

Where, set between each pair of columns from some foreign
quarry, are statues of the Danaids, and their barbarous father
with drawn sword; and where whatever the minds of men of old
or men of to-day have imagined, is laid open for a reader's use. I
sought my brethren, save those of course whom their father
would fain have never begotten; and, while I was seeking for

them in vain, he who was set over the room bade me leave that
holy ground.
The second couplet can only mean that old books and new books were alike
to be found there. The general nature of the collection, and its extent, may
be further gathered from the advice which Horace gives to his friend
Celsus:

Quid mihi Celsus agit? monitus multumque monendus
Privatas ut quærat opes, et tangere vitet
Scripta Palatinus quæcunque recepit Apollo[42].

What is my friend Celsus about? he who has been reminded, and
must still be reminded again and again, that he should draw
upon his own resources, and be careful to avoid the multifarious
writings which Palatine Apollo has taken under his charge.
A man might say now-a-days, "Trust to your own wits, and don't go so
often to the library of the British Museum."
Aulus Gellius, who lived a.d. 117-180, speaks of "sitting with a party of
friends in the library of the palace of Tiberius, when a book happened to be
taken down with the title M. Catonis Nepotis," and they began asking one
another who this M. Cato Nepos might be[43]. This library contained also
public records[44].
The same writer tells a story of a grammatical difficulty which was to be
settled by reference to a book in templo Pacis, in the forum of Vespasian;
and again, when a particular book was wanted, "we hunted for it diligently,"
he says, "and, when we had found it in the temple of Peace, we read it[45]."
The library in the forum of Trajan, often called Bibliotheca Ulpia, was
apparently the Public Record Office of Rome. Aulus Gellius mentions that
some decrees of former prætors had fallen in his way there when he was
looking for something else, and that he had been allowed to read them[46];
and a statement of Vopiscus is still more conclusive as to the nature of its
contents. It tells us, moreover, something about the arrangement. In his life
of the Emperor Tacitus (Sept. a.d. 275—Apr. 276) Vopiscus says:

And lest anybody should think that I have given too hasty a
credence to a Greek or Latin author, the Ulpian Library has in its
sixth press (armarium) an ivory volume (librum elephantinum)
in which the following decree of the Senate, signed by Tacitus
with his own hand, is recorded, etc.[47]
Again, in his life of the Emperor Aurelian, the same writer records how his
friend Junius Tiberianus, prefect of the city, had urged him to undertake the
task, and had assured him that: "even the linen-books (libri lintei) shall be
brought out of the Ulpian library for your use[48]."
Books could occasionally be borrowed from a public library, but whether
from one of those in the city of Rome, I cannot say. The scene of the story
which proves this is laid by Aulus Gellius at Tibur (Tivoli), where the
library was in the temple of Hercules—another instance of the care of a
library being entrusted to a temple. Aulus Gellius and some friends of his
were assembled in a rich man's villa there at the hottest season of the year.
They were drinking melted snow, a proceeding against which one of the
party, a peripatetic philosopher, vehemently protested, urging against the
practice the authority of numerous physicians and of Aristotle himself. But
none the less the party went on drinking snow-water. Whereupon "he
fetched a treatise by Aristotle out of the library of Tibur, which was then
very conveniently accommodated in the temple of Hercules, and brought it
to us, saying——[49]." But I need not finish the quotation, as it has no
bearing on my special subject.
It is probable that numerous collections of books had been got together by
individuals in Rome, before it occurred to Augustus and his friends to erect
public libraries. One such library, that belonging to the rich and luxurious
Lucullus, has been noticed as follows by Plutarch[50]:
His procedure in regard to books was interesting and
remarkable. He collected fine copies in large numbers; and if he
was splendid in their acquisition, he was more so in their use.
His libraries were accessible to all, and the adjoining colonnades
and reading-rooms were freely open to Greeks, who, gladly
escaping from the routine of business, resorted thither for
familiar converse, as to a shelter presided over by the Muses.

The Romans were not slow in following the example set by Lucullus; and a
library presently became indispensable in every house, whether the owner
cared for reading or not. This fashionable craze is denounced by Seneca
(writing about a.d. 49) in a vehement outburst of indignation, which
contains so many valuable facts about library arrangement, that I will give a
free translation of it.
Outlay upon studies, best of all outlays, is reasonable so long
only as it is kept within certain limits. What is the use of books
and libraries innumerable, if scarce in a lifetime the master reads
the titles? A student is burdened by a crowd of authors, not
instructed; and it is far better to devote yourself to a few, than to
lose your way among a multitude.
Forty thousand books were burnt at Alexandria. I leave others to
praise this splendid monument of royal opulence, as for example
Livy, who regards it as "a noble work of royal taste and royal
thoughtfulness." It was not taste, it was not thoughtfulness, it
was learned extravagance—nay not even learned, for they had
bought their books for the sake of show, not for the sake of
learning—just as with many who are ignorant even of the lowest
branches of learning books are not instruments of study, but
ornaments of dining-rooms. Procure then as many books as will
suffice for use; but not a single one for show. You will reply:
"Outlay on such objects is preferable to extravagance on plate or
paintings." Excess in all directions is bad. Why should you
excuse a man who wishes to possess book-presses inlaid with
arbor-vitæ wood or ivory: who gathers together masses of
authors either unknown or discredited; who yawns among his
thousands of books; and who derives his chief delight from their
edges and their tickets?
You will find then in the libraries of the most arrant idlers all
that orators or historians have written—book-cases built up as
high as the ceiling. Nowadays a library takes rank with a
bathroom as a necessary ornament of a house. I could forgive
such ideas, if they were due to extravagant desire for learning.
As it is, these productions of men whose genius we revere, paid

for at a high price, with their portraits ranged in line above them,
are got together to adorn and beautify a wall[51].
A library was discovered in Rome by Signor Lanciani in 1883 while
excavating a house of the 4th century on the Esquiline in the modern Via
dello Statuto. I will narrate the discovery in his own words.
I was struck, one afternoon, with the appearance of a rather
spacious hall [it was about 23 feet long by 15 feet broad], the
walls of which were plain and unornamented up to a certain
height, but beautifully decorated above in stucco-work. The
decoration consisted of fluted pilasters, five feet apart from
centre to centre, enclosing a plain square surface, in the middle
of which there were medallions, also in stucco-work, two feet in
diameter. As always happens in these cases, the frame was the
only well-preserved portion of the medallions. Of the images
surrounded by the frames, of the medallions themselves,
absolutely nothing was left in situ, except a few fragments piled
up at the foot of the wall, which, however, could be identified as
having been representations of human faces. My hope that, at
last, after fifteen years of excavations, I had succeeded in
discovering a library, was confirmed beyond any doubt by a
legend, written, or rather painted, in bright red colour on one of
the frames. There was but one name polonivs thyan ..., but this
name told more plainly the purpose of the apartment than if I
had discovered there the actual bookshelves and their
contents[52].
When I had the pleasure of meeting Signor Lanciani in Rome in April,
1898, he most kindly gave me his own sketch of the pilasters and
medallion, taken at the moment of discovery. I am therefore able to
reproduce exactly (fig. 6) one compartment of the wall of the library above
described. The height of the blank wall below the stucco-work, against
which the furniture containing the books stood, has been laid down as about
3 feet 6 inches, on the authority of Professor Middleton[53]. The remains of
the medallion are still to be seen in the Museo del Orto Botanico, Rome.
The person commemorated is obviously Apollonius Tyaneus, a Pythagorean

philosopher and wonderworker, said to have been born about four years
before the Christian era.

Fig. 6. Elevation of a single compartment of
the wall of the Library discovered in Rome,
1883. From notes and measurements made by
Signor Lanciani and Prof. Middleton.
A similar room was discovered at Herculaneum in 1754. A full account of
the discovery was drawn up at once by Signor Paderni, keeper of the
Herculaneum Museum, and addressed to Thomas Hollis, Esq., by whom it
was submitted to the Royal Society. I will extract, from this and subsequent
letters, the passages that bear upon my subject.
Naples, 27 April, 1754.
... The place where they are digging, at present, is under Il Bosco
di Sant' Agostino.... All the buildings discover'd in this site are
noble; ... in one there has been found an entire library, compos'd
of volumes of the Egyptian Papyrus, of which there have been
taken out about 250....[54]
To the same.
18 October, 1754.

... As yet we have only entered into one room, the floor of which
is formed of mosaic work, not unelegant. It appears to have been
a library, adorned with presses, inlaid with different sorts of
wood, disposed in rows; at the top of which were cornices, as in
our own times.
I was buried in this spot more than twelve days, to carry off the
volumes found there; many of which were so perished, that it
was impossible to remove them. Those which I took away
amounted to the number of three hundred and thirty-seven, all of
them at present uncapable of being opened. These are all written
in Greek characters. While I was busy in this work I observed a
large bundle, which, from the size, I imagined must contain
more than a single volume. I tried with the utmost care to get it
out, but could not, from the damp and weight of it. However I
perceived that it consisted of about 18 volumes, each of which
was in length a palm and three Neapolitan inches, being the
largest hitherto discovered. They were wrapped about with the
bark of a tree and covered at each end with a piece of wood. All
these were written in Latin, as appears by a few words which
broke off from them. I was in hopes to have got something out
of them, but they are in a worse condition than the Greek[55]....
From Sir J. Gray, Bart.
29 October, 1754.
... They have lately met with more rolls of Papyri of different
lengths and sizes, some with the Umbilicus remaining in them:
the greater part are Greek in small capitals.... The Epicurean
Philosophy is the subject of another fragment.
A small bust of Epicurus, with his name in Greek characters,
was found in the same room, and was possibly the ornament of
that part of the library where the writings in favour of his
principles were kept; and it may also be supposed that some
other heads of philosophers found in the same room were placed
with the same taste and propriety[56].

Between 1758 and 1763, the place was visited by Winckelmann, who wrote
long letters in Italian, describing what he saw, to Consigliere Bianconi,
Physician to the King of Saxony. One of these, dated 1762, gives the
following account of the library:
Ii luogo in cui per la prima volta caddero sott' occhio, fu una
piccola stanza nella villa d'Ercolano di cui parlammo sopra, la
cui lunghezza due uomini colle braccia distese potevano
misurare. Tutto all' intorno del muro vi erano degli scaffali quali
si vedono ordinariamente negli archivi ad altezza d' uomo, e nel
mezzo della stanza v' era un altro scaffale simile o tavola per
tenervi scritture, e tale da potervi girare intorno. Il legno di
questa tavola era ridotto a carboni, e cadde, come è facile ad
imaginarselo, tutta in pezzi quando si toccò. Alcuni di questi
rotoli di papiri si trovarono involti insieme con carta più
grossolana, di quella qualità che gli antichi chiamavano
emporetica, e questi probabilmente formavano le parti ed i libri
d' un' opera intiera[57]....
The place in which they [the rolls] were first seen was a small
room in the villa at Herculaneum of which we spoke above, the
length of which could be covered by two men with their arms
extended. All round the wall there were book-cases such as are
commonly seen in record-rooms, of a man's height, and in the
middle of the room there was another similar book-case or table
to hold writings, of such a size that one could go round it. The
wood of this table was reduced to charcoal, and, as may easily
be imagined, fell all to pieces when it was touched. Some of
these papyrus rolls were found fastened together with paper of
coarser texture, of that quality which the ancients called
emporetica, and these probably formed the parts and books of an
entire work.
The information which these observers have given us amounts to this: the
room was about 12 feet long, with a floor of mosaic. Against the walls
stood presses, of a man's height, inlaid with different sorts of wood,
disposed in rows, with cornices at the top; and there was also a table, or
press, in the centre of the room. Most of the rolls were separate, but a

bundle of eighteen was found "wrapped about with the bark of a tree, and
covered at each end with a piece of wood." A room so small as this could
hardly have been intended for study. It must rather have been the place
where the books were put away after they had been read elsewhere.
Before I quit this part of my subject, I should like to mention one other
building, as its arrangements throw light on the question of fitting up
libraries and record-offices. I allude to the structure built by Vespasian, a.d.
78, to contain the documents relating to his restoration of the city of Rome.
It stood at the south-west corner of the Forum of Peace, and what now
exists of it is known as the Church of SS. Cosma e Damiano.
The general arrangement and relation to adjoining structures will be
understood from the plan (fig. 7). The room was about 125 feet long by 65
feet broad, with two entrances, one on the north-west, from the Forum
Pacis, through a hexastyle portico (fig. 7. 2), the other on the north-east,
through a square-headed doorway of travertine which still exists (ibid. 1)
together with a considerable portion of a massive wall of Vespasian's time.
After a restoration by Caracalla the building came to be called Templum
Sacræ Urbis. It was first consecrated as a church by pope Felix IV. (526-
530), but he did little more than connect it with the Heroon Romuli (ibid. 5),
and build the apse (ibid. 4).

Fig. 7. Plan of the Record-House of
Vespasian, with the adjoining
structures.

The whole building was mercilessly mutilated by
pope Urban VIII. in 1632; but fortunately a drawing
of the interior had been made by Pirro Ligorio in the
second half of the sixteenth century, when the
original treatment of the walls was practically intact.
I give a reduced copy of a small portion of this
drawing (fig. 8). As Lanciani says:
Fig. 8. Part of the
The walls were divided into three horizontal
internal wall of the
bands by finely cut cornices. The upper band
Record-House of
was occupied by the windows; the lower was
Vespasian.
simply lined with marble slabs covered by the
Reduced from a
bookcases ... which contained the ... records ...;
sketch taken in the
the middle one was incrusted with tarsia-work
16th century by
of the rarest kinds of marble with panels
Pirro Ligorio.
representing panoplies, the wolf with the infant
founders of Rome, and other allegorical
scenes[58].
I explained at the beginning of this chapter that my subject is the care of
books, not books themselves; but, at the point which we have now reached
in regard to Roman libraries, it is necessary to make a few remarks about
their contents. It must be remembered, in the first place, that those who
fitted them up had to deal with rolls (volumina), probably of papyrus, but
possibly of parchment; and that a book, as we understand the word, the
Latin equivalent for which was codex, did not come into general use until
long after the Christian era. Some points about these rolls require notice.
The length and the width of the roll depended on the taste or convenience of
the writer[59]. The contents were written in columns, the lines of which ran
parallel to the long dimension[60], and the reader, holding the roll in both
hands, rolled up the part he had finished with his left hand, and unrolled the
unread portion with his right. This way of dealing with the roll is well
shewn in the accompanying illustration (fig. 9) reduced from a fresco at
Pompeii[61]. In most examples the two halves of the roll are turned inwards,
as for instance in the well-known statue of Demosthenes in the Vatican[62].
The end of the roll was fastened to a stick (usually referred to as umbilicus
or umbilici). It is obvious that this word ought properly to denote the ends

of the stick only, but it was constantly applied to the whole stick, and not to
a part of it, as for instance in the following lines:

... deus nam me vetat
Inceptos olim promissum carmen iambos
Ad umbilicum adducere[63].

... for heaven forbids me to cover the scroll down to the stick
with the iambic lines I had begun a song promised long ago to
the world.

Fig. 9. A reader with a roll: from a fresco at
Pompeii.
These sticks were sometimes painted or gilt, and furnished with projecting
knobs (cornua) similarly decorated, intended to serve both as an ornament,
and as a contrivance to keep the ends of the roll even, while it was being
rolled up. The sides of the long dimension of the roll (frontes) were
carefully cut, so as to be perfectly symmetrical, and afterwards smoothed
with pumice-stone and coloured. A ticket (index or titulus, in Greek
σιλλυβος or σιττυβος), made of a piece of papyrus or parchment, was

fastened to the edge of the roll in such a way that it hung out over one or
other of the ends. As Ovid says:

Cetera turba palam titulos ostendet apertos
Et sua detecta nomina fronte geret[64].

The others will flaunt their titles openly, and carry their names
on an uncovered edge.
The roll was kept closed by strings or straps (lora), usually of some bright
colour[65]; and if it was specially precious, an envelope which the Greeks
called a jacket (διφθερα[66]), made of parchment or some other substance,
was provided. Says Martial:

Perfer Atestinæ nondum vulgata Sabinæ
Carmina, purpurea sed modo culta toga[67].

Convey to Sabina at Ateste these verses. They have not yet been
published, and have been but lately dressed in a purple garment.
Martial has combined in a single epigram most of the ornaments with which
rolls could be decorated. This I will quote next, premising that the oil of
cedar, or arbor-vitæ, mentioned in the second line not only imparted an
agreeable yellow colour, but was held to be an antiseptic[68].

Faustini fugis in sinum? sapisti.
Cedro nunc licet ambules perunctus
Et frontis gemino decens honore
Pictis luxurieris umbilicis,
Et te purpura delicata velet,
Et cocco rubeat superbus index[69].

His book had selected the bibliomaniac Faustinus as a patron. Now, says the
poet, you shall be anointed with oil of cedar; you shall revel in the
decoration of both your sets of edges; your sticks shall be painted; your
covering shall be purple, and your ticket scarlet.

When a number of rolls had to be carried from one place to another, they
were put into a box (scrinium or capsa). This receptacle was cylindrical in
shape, not unlike a modern hat-box[70]. It was carried by a flexible handle,
attached to a ring on each side; and the lid was held down by what looks
very like a modern lock. The eighteen rolls, found in a bundle at
Herculaneum, had doubtless been kept in a similar receptacle.
My illustration (fig. 10) is from a fresco at Herculaneum. It will be noticed
that each roll is furnished with a ticket (titulus). At the feet of the statue of
Demosthenes already referred to, and of that of Sophocles, are capsæ, both
of which show the flexible handles.
I will next collect the information
available respecting the fittings used in
Roman libraries. I admit that it is
scattered and imperfect; but legitimate
deductions may, I think, be arrived at
from it, which will give us tolerably
certain ideas of the appearance of one of
those collections.
The words used to designate such
fittings are: nidus; forulus, or more
Fig. 10. Book-box or capsa.
usually foruli; loculamenta; pluteus;
pegmata.
Nidus needs no explanation. It can only mean a pigeon-hole. Martial uses it
of a bookseller, at whose shop his own poems may be bought.

De primo dabit alterove nido
Rasum pumice purpuraque cultum
Denaris tibi quinque Martialem[71].

Out of his first or second pigeon-hole, polished with pumice
stone, and smart with a purple covering, for five denarii he will
give you Martial.
In a subsequent epigram the word occurs with reference to a private library,
to which the poet is sending a copy of his works.

Ruris bibliotheca delicati,
Vicinam videt unde lector urbem,
Inter carmina sanctiora si quis
Lascivæ fuerit locus Thaliæ,
Hos nido licet inseras vel imo
Septem quos tibi misimus libellos[72].

O library of that well-appointed villa whence a reader can see
the City near at hand—if among more serious poems there be
any room for the wanton Muse of Comedy, you may place these
seven little books I send you even in your lowest pigeon-hole.
Forulus or foruli occurs in the following passages. Suetonius, after
describing the building of the temple of the Palatine Apollo by Augustus,
adds, "he placed the Sibylline books in two gilt receptacles (forulis) under
the base of the statue of Palatine Apollo"[73]; and Juvenal, enumerating the
gifts that a rich man is sure to receive if burnt out of house and home, says,

Hic libros dabit, et forulos, mediamque Minervam[74].

The word is of uncertain derivation, but forus, of which it is clearly the
diminutive, is used by Virgil for the cells of bees:

Complebuntque foros et floribus horrea texent[75].

The above-quoted passage of Juvenal may therefore be rendered: "Another
will give books, and cells to put them in, and a statue of Minerva for the
middle of the room."
The word loculamentum is explained in a passage of Columella, in which
he gives directions for the making of dovecotes:
Let small stakes be placed close together, with planks laid across
them to carry cells (loculamenta) for the birds to build their
nests in, or sets of pigeon-holes made of earthenware[76].

In a second passage he uses the same word for a beehive[77]; Vegetius, a
writer on veterinary surgery, uses it for the socket of a horse's tooth[78]; and
Vitruvius, in a more general way, for a case to contain a small piece of
machinery[79]. Generally, the word may be taken to signify a long narrow
box, open at one end, and, like nidus and forulus, may be translated
"pigeon-hole." Seneca, again, applies the word to books in the passage I
have already translated, and in a singularly instructive manner. "You will
find," he says, "in the libraries of the most arrant idlers all that orators or
historians have written—bookcases (loculamenta) built up as high as the
ceiling[80]."
Pegmata, for the word generally occurs in the plural, are, as the name
implies, things fixed together, usually planks of wood framed into a
platform, and used in theatres to carry pieces of scenery or performers up
and down. As applied to books "shelves" are probably meant: an
interpretation borne out by the Digest, in which it is stated that "window-
frames and pegmata are included in the purchase of a house[81]." They were
therefore what we should call "fixtures."
A pluteus was a machine used by infantry for protection in the field: and
hence the word is applied to any fence, or boarding to form the limit or
edge of anything, as a table or a bed. Plutei were not attached so closely to
the walls as pegmata, for in the Digest they are classed with nets to keep
out birds, mats, awnings, and the like, and are not to be regarded as part and
parcel of a house[82]. Juvenal uses the word for a shelf in his second Satire,
where he is denouncing pretenders to knowledge:

Indocti primum, quamquam plena omnia gypso
Chrysippi invenias, nam perfectissimus horum est
Si quis Aristotelem similem vel Pittacon emit
Et iubet archetypos pluteum servare Cleanthas[83].

In the first place they are dunces, though you find their houses
full of plaster figures of Chrysippus: for a man of this sort is not
fully equipped until he buys a likeness of Aristotle or Pittacus,
and bids a shelf take care of original portraits of Cleanthes.
This investigation has shewn that three of the words applied to the
preservation of books, namely, nidus, forulus, and loculamentum, may be
rendered by the English "pigeon-hole"; and that pegma and pluteus mean
contrivances of wood which may be rendered by the English "shelving." It
is quite clear that pegmata could be run up with great rapidity, from a very
graphic account in Cicero's letters of the rearrangement of his library. He
begins by writing to his friend Atticus as follows:
I wish you would send me any two fellows out of your library,
for Tyrannio to make use of as pasters, and assistants in other
matters. Remind them to bring some vellum with them to make
those titles (indices) which you Greeks, I believe, call σιλλυβοι.
You are not to do this if it is inconvenient to you[84]....
In the next letter he says:
Your men have made my library gay with their carpentry-work
and their titles (constructione et sillybis). I wish you would
commend them[85].
When all is completed he writes:
Now that Tyrannio has arranged my books, a new spirit has been
infused into my house. In this matter the help of your men
Dionysius and Menophilus has been invaluable. Nothing could
look neater than those shelves of yours (illa tua pegmata), since
they smartened up my books with their titles[86].

No other words than those I have been discussing are, so far as I know,
applied by the best writers to the storage of books; and, after a careful study
of the passages in which they occur, I conclude that, so long as rolls only
had to be accommodated, private libraries in Rome were fitted with rows of
shelves standing against the walls (plutei), or fixed to them (pegmata). The
space between these horizontal shelves was subdivided by vertical divisions
into pigeon-holes (nidi, foruli, loculamenta), and it may be conjectured that
the width of these pigeon-holes would vary in accordance with the number
of rolls included in a single work. That such receptacles were the common
furniture of a library is proved, I think, by such evidence as the epigram of
Martial quoted above, in which he tells his friend that if he will accept his
poems, he may "put them even in the lowest pigeon-hole (nido vel imo)," as
we should say, "on the bottom shelf"; and by the language of Seneca when
he sneers at the "pigeon-holes (loculamenta) carried up to the ceiling."
The height of the woodwork varied, of course, with individual taste. In the
library on the Esquiline the height was only three feet six inches; at
Herculaneum about six feet.
I can find no hint of any doors, or curtains, in front of the pigeon-holes.
That the ends of the rolls (frontes) were visible, is, I think, quite clear from
what Cicero says of his own library after the construction of his shelves
(pegmata); and the various devices for making rolls attractive seem to me to
prove that they were intended to be seen.
A representation of rolls arranged on the system which I have attempted to
describe, occurs on a piece of sculpture (fig. 11) found at Neumagen near
Trèves in the seventeenth century, among the ruins of a fortified camp
attributed to Constantine the Great[87]. Two divisions, full of rolls, are
shewn, from which a man, presumably the librarian, is selecting one. The
ends of the rolls are furnished with tickets.

Fig. 11. A Roman taking down a roll from its place
in a library.
The system of pigeon-holes terminated, in all probability, in a cornice. The
explorers of Herculaneum depose to the discovery of such an ornament
there.
The wall-space above the book-cases was decorated with the likenesses of
celebrated authors—either philosophers, if the owner of the library wished
to bring into prominence his adhesion to one of the fashionable systems—or
authors, dead and living, or personal friends. This obvious form of
decoration was, in all probability, used at Pergamon[88]; Pollio, as we have
seen, introduced it into Rome: and Pliny, who calls it a novelty (novitium
inventum), deposes to its general adoption[89]. We are not told how these
portraits were commonly treated—whether they were busts standing clear
of the wall on the book-cases; or bracketed against the wall; or forming part
of its decoration, in plaster-work or distemper. A suitable inscription
accompanied them. Martial has preserved for us a charming specimen of
one of these complimentary stanzas—for such they undoubtedly would be
in the case of a contemporary—to be placed beneath his own portrait in a
friend's library:

Hoc tibi sub nostra breve carmen imagine vivat
Quam non obscuris iungis, Avite, viris:
Ille ego sum nulli nugarum laude secundus,
Quem non miraris, sed puto, lector, amas.
Maiores maiora sonent: mihi parva locuto

Sufficit in vestras sæpe redire manus[90].

Placed, with my betters, on your study-wall
Let these few lines, Avitus, me recall:
To foremost rank in trifles I was raised;
I think men loved me, though they never praised.
Let greater poets greater themes profess:
My modest lines seek but the hand's caress
That tells me, reader, of thy tenderness.
The beautiful alto-relievo in the Lateran Museum, Rome, representing an
actor selecting a mask, contains a contrivance for reading a roll (fig. 12)
which may have been usual in libraries and elsewhere, though I have not
met with another instance of it. A vertical support attached to the table on
which two masks and a MS. are lying, carries a desk with a rim along its
lower edge and one of its sides. The roll is partially opened, the closed
portion lying towards the left side of the desk, next the rim. The roll may be
supposed to contain the actor's part[91].
It is much to be regretted that we have no definite information as to the way
in which the great public libraries built by Augustus were fitted up; but I see
no reason for supposing that their fittings differed from those of private
libraries.
When books (codices), of a shape similar to that with which modern
librarians have to deal, had to be accommodated as well as rolls, it is
manifest that rectangular spaces not more than a few inches wide would be
singularly inconvenient. They were therefore discarded in favour of a press
(armarium), a piece of furniture which would hold rolls (volumina) as well
as books (codices), and was in fact, as I shall shew, used for both purposes.
The word (armarium) occurs commonly in Cicero, and other writers of the
best period, for a piece of furniture in which valuables of all kinds, and
household gear, were stowed away; and Vitruvius[92] uses it for a book-
case. A critic, he says, "produced from certain presses an infinite number of
rolls." In later Latin writers—that is from the middle of the first century a.d.
—no other word, speaking generally, occurs.

The jurist Ulpian, who died a.d. 228, in a
discussion as to what is comprised under the term
liber, decides in favour of including all rolls
(volumina) of whatever material, and then
considers the question whether codices come under
the same category or not—thereby shewing that in
his day both forms of books were in use. Again,
when a library (bibliotheca) has been bequeathed,
it is questioned whether the bequest includes
merely the press or presses (armarium vel
armaria), or the books as well[93].
The Ulpian Library, or rather Libraries, in Trajan's
Forum, built about 114 a.d.[94], were fitted up with
presses, as we learn from the passage in Vopiscus
which I have already quoted; and when the ruins of
the section of that library which stood next to the Fig. 12. Desk to
Quirinal Hill were excavated by the French, a very support a roll while
interesting trace of one of these presses was it is being read.
discovered. Nibby, the Roman antiquary, thus
describes it:
Beyond the above-mentioned bases [of the columns in the
portico] some remains of the inside of the room became visible
on the right. They consisted of a piece of curtain-wall,
admirably constructed of brick, part of the side-wall, with a
rectangular niche of large size in the form of a press (in foggia
di armadio). One ascended to this by three steps, with a landing-
place in front of them, on which it was possible to stand with
ease. On the sides of this niche there still exist traces of the
hinges, on which the panels and the wickets, probably of bronze,
rested[95].
It seems to me that we have here an early instance, perhaps the earliest, of
those presses in the thickness of the wall which were so common afterwards
in the monasteries and in private libraries also. A similar press, on a smaller
scale, is described by the younger Pliny: "My bedroom," he says, "has a

press let into the wall which does duty as a library, and holds books not
merely to be read, but read over and over again[96]."
It must not, however, be supposed that cupboards were always, or even
usually, sunk into the wall in Roman times. They were detached pieces of
furniture, not unlike the wardrobes in which ladies hang their dresses at the
present day, except that they were fitted with a certain number of horizontal
shelves, and were used for various purposes according to the requirements
of their owners. For instance, there is a sarcophagus in the Museo
Nazionale at Rome, on which is represented a shoemaker at work. In front
of him is a cupboard, exactly like those I am about to describe, on the top of
which several pairs of shoes are set out.
I can, however, produce three representations of such presses being used by
the Romans to contain books.
The first occurs on a marble sarcophagus (fig. 13), now in the garden of the
Villa Balestra, Rome, where I had the good fortune to find it in 1898[97];
and Professor Petersen, of the German Archaeological School, was so kind
as to have it photographed for me. He assigns the work to about 200 a.d.

Fig. 13. A Roman reading a roll in front of a press
(armarium). From a photograph of a sarcophagus in
the garden of the Villa Balestra. Rome.
In the central portion, 21 in. high, by 15½ in. wide, is a seated figure,
reading a roll. In front of him is a cupboard, the doors of which are open. It
is fitted with two shelves, on the uppermost of which are eight rolls, the
ends of which are turned to the spectator. On the next shelf is something
which looks like a dish or shallow cup. The lower part of the press is solid.
Perhaps a second cupboard is intended. Above, it is finished off with a
cornice, on which rests a very puzzling object. There are a few faint lines on
the marble, which Professor Petersen believes are intended to represent
surgical instruments, and so to indicate the profession of the seated
figure[98]. There is a Greek inscription on the sarcophagus, but it merely
warns posterity not to disturb the bones of the deceased[99].
The second representation (fig. 14) is from the tomb of Galla Placidia, at
Ravenna. It occurs in a mosaic on the wall of the chapel in which she was
buried, a.d. 449[100]; and was presumably executed before that date. The

press closely resembles the one on the Roman sarcophagus, but it is
evidently intended to indicate a taller piece of furniture, and it terminates in
a pediment. There are two shelves, on which lie the four Gospels, each as a
separate codex, indicated by the name of the Evangelist above it. This press
rests upon a stout frame, the legs of which are kept in position by a cross-
piece nearly as thick as themselves.
The third representation of an armarium (fig.
15) occurs in the manuscript of the Vulgate
now in the Laurentian Library at Florence,
known as the Codex Amiatinus, from the
Cistercian convent of Monte Amiata in
Tuscany, where it was preserved for several
centuries[101]. The thorough investigation to
which this manuscript has lately been
subjected shews that it was written in
England, at Wearmouth or Jarrow, but
possibly by an Italian scribe, before a.d. 716,
in which year it was taken to Rome, as a
present to the Pope. The first quaternion,
however, on one of the leaves of which the
above representation occurs, is probably
older; and it may have belonged to a certain
Codex grandior mentioned by Cassiodorus, Fig. 14. Press containing
and possibly written under his direction[102]. the four Gospels. From a
mosaic above the tomb of
The picture (fig. 15), which appears as the the Empress Galla
frontispiece to this work, shews Ezra writing Placidia at Ravenna.
the law. On the margin of the vellum, in a
hand which is considered to be later than that of the MS., are the words:
Codicibus sacris hostili clade pervstis
Esdra deo fervens hoc reparavit opus.
Behind him is a press (armarium) with open doors. The lower portion,
below these doors, is filled in with panels which are either inlaid or painted,
so that the frame on which it is supported is not visible, as in the Ravenna
example. The bottom of the press proper is used as a shelf, on which lie a

volume and two objects, one of which probably represents a case for pens,
while the other is certainly an inkhorn. Above this are four shelves, on each
of which lie two volumes. These volumes have their titles written on their
backs, but they are difficult to make out, and my artist has not cared to risk
mistakes by attempting to reproduce them. The words, beginning at the left
hand corner of the top-shelf, are:

OCT.[103] LIB. REG.
HIST. LIB. PSALM. LIB.
SALOMON. PROPH.
EVANG. IIII. EPIST. XXI.
ACT. APOSTOL.

The frame-work of the press above the doors is ornamented in the same
style as the panels below, and the whole is surmounted by a low pyramid,
on the side of which facing the spectator is a cross, beneath which are two
peacocks drinking from a water-trough.
I regret that I could not place this remarkable drawing before my readers in
the rich colouring of the original. The press is of a reddish brown: the books
are bound in crimson. Ezra is clad in green, with a crimson robe. The
background is gold. The border is blue, between an inner and outer band of
silver. The outermost band of all is vermilion.
I formerly thought that this book-press might represent those in use in
England at the beginning of the eighth century; but, if the above attribution
to Cassiodorus be accurate, it must be accounted another Italian example. It
bears a general similarity to the Ravenna book-press, as might be expected,
when it is remembered that Cassiodorus held office under Theodoric and
his successors, and resided at Ravenna till he was nearly seventy years old.
The foundation of Christianity did not alter what I may call the Roman
conception of a library in any essential particular. The philosophers and
authors of Greece and Rome may have occasionally found themselves in
company with, or even supplanted by, the doctors of the Church; but in
other respects, for the first seven centuries, at least, of our era, the learned
furnished their libraries according to the old fashion, though with an ever
increasing luxury of material. Boethius, whose Consolation of Philosophy

was written a.d. 525, makes Philosophy speak of the "walls of a library
adorned with ivory and glass[104]"; and Isidore, Bishop of Seville a.d. 600-
636, records that "the best architects object to gilded ceilings in libraries,
and to any other marble than cipollino for the floor, because the glitter of
gold is hurtful to the eyes, while the green of cipollino is restful to
them[105]."
A few examples of such libraries may be cited; but, before doing so, I must
mention the Record-Office (Archivum), erected by Pope Damasus (366-
384). It was connected with the Basilica of S. Lawrence, which Damasus
built in the Campus Martius, near the theatre of Pompey. On the front of the
Basilica, over the main entrance, was an inscription, which ended with the
three following lines:
ARCHIVIS FATEOR VOLUI NOVA CONDERE TECTA
ADDERE PRÆTEREA DEXTRA LÆVAQUE COLUMNAS
QUÆ DAMASI TENEANT PROPRIUM PER SÆCULA
NOMEN.
I confess that I have wished to build a new abode for Archives;
and to add columns on the right and left to preserve the name of
Damasus for ever.
These enigmatical verses contain all that we know, or are ever likely to
know, respecting this building, which is called chartarium ecclesiæ
Romanæ by S. Jerome[106], and unquestionably held the official documents
of the Latin Church until they were removed to the Lateran in the seventh
century. The whole building, or group of buildings, was destroyed in 1486
by Cardinal Raphael Riario, the dissolute nephew of Sixtus IV., to make
room for his new palace, now called Palazzo della Cancelleria, and the
church was rebuilt on a new site. The connexion with Pope Damasus is
maintained by the name, S. Lorenzo in Damaso. No plan of the old
buildings, or contemporary record of their arrangement, appears to exist.
My only reason for drawing attention to a structure which has no real
connexion with my subject is that the illustrious De Rossi considers that in
the second line of the above quotation the word column signifies
colonnades; and that Damasus took as his model one of the great pagan
libraries of Rome which, in its turn, had been derived from the typical

library at Pergamon[107]. According to this view he began by building, in
the centre of the area selected, a basilica, or hall of basilican type, dedicated
to S. Lawrence; and then added, on the north and south sides, a colonnade
or loggia from which the rooms occupied by the records would be readily
accessible. This opinion is also held by Signor Lanciani, who follows De
Rossi without hesitation. I am unwilling to accept a theory which seems to
me to have no facts to support it; and find it safer to believe that the line in
question refers either to the aisles of the basilica, or to such a portico in
front of it as may be seen at San Clemente and other early churches.
A letter to Eucherius, Bishop of Lyons in a.d. 441, from a correspondent
named Rusticus, gives a charming picture of a library which he had visited
in his young days, say about a.d. 400:
I am reminded of what I read years ago, hastily, as a boy does, in
the library of a man who was learned in secular literature. There
were there portraits of Orators and also of Poets worked in
mosaic, or in wax of different colours, or in plaster, and under
each the master of the house had placed inscriptions noting their
characteristics; but, when he came to a poet of acknowledged
merit, as for instance, Virgil, he began as follows:

Virgilium vatem melius sua carmina laudant;
In freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbræ
Lustrabunt convexa, polus dum sidera pascet,
Semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque
manebunt.

Virgil's own lines most fitly Virgil praise:
As long as rivers run into the deep,
As long as shadows o'er the hillside sweep,
As long as stars in heaven's fair pastures graze,
So long shall live your honour, name, and praise.
[108]

Agapetus, who was chosen Pope in 535, and lived for barely a year, had
intended, in conjunction with Cassiodorus, to found a college for teachers
of Christian doctrine. He selected for this purpose a house on the Cælian

Hill, afterwards occupied by S. Gregory, and by him turned into a
monastery. Agapetus had made some progress with the scheme, so far as the
library attached to the house was concerned, for the author of the Einsiedlen
MS., who visited Rome in the ninth century, saw the following inscription
"in the library of S. Gregory"—i.e. in the library attached to the Church of
San Gregorio Magno.

SANCTORVM VENERANDA COHORS SEDET ORDINE
LONGO
DIVINAE LEGIS MYSTICA DICTA DOCENS
HOS INTER RESIDENS AGAPETVS IVRE SACERDOS
CODICIBVS PVLCHRVM CONDIDIT ARTE
LOCVM
GRATIA PAR CVNCTIS SANCTVS LABOR OMNIBVS
VNVS
DISSONA VERBA QVIDEM SED TAMEN VNA
FIDES

Here sits in long array a reverend troop
Teaching the mystic truths of law divine:
'Mid these by right takes Agapetus place
Who built to guard his books this fair abode.
All toil alike, all equal grace enjoy—
Their words are different, but their faith the same.

These lines undoubtedly imply that there was on the walls a long series of
portraits of the Fathers of the Church, including that of Agapetus himself,
who had won his right to a place among them by building a sumptuous
home for their works[109].
The design of Agapetus, interrupted by death, was carried forward by his
friend Cassiodorus, at a place in South Italy called Vivarium, near his own
native town Squillace. Shortly after his final retirement from court, a.d.
538, Cassiodorus established there a brotherhood, which, for a time at least,
must have been a formidable rival to that of S. Benedict. A library held a
prominent place in his conception of what was needed for their common
life. He says little about its size or composition, but much rhetoric is
expended on the contrivances by which its usefulness and attractiveness

were to be increased. A staff of bookbinders was to clothe the manuscripts
in decorous attire; self-supplying lamps were to light nocturnal workers;
sundials by day, and water-clocks by night, enabled them to regulate their
hours. Here also was a scriptorium, and it appears probable that between
the exertions of Cassiodorus and his friend Eugippius, South Italy was well
supplied with manuscripts[110].
These attempts to snatch from oblivion libraries which, though probably
according to our ideas insignificant, were centres of culture in the darkest of
dark ages, will be illustrated by the fuller information that has come down
to us respecting the library of Isidore, Bishop of Seville 600-636. The
"verses composed by himself for his own presses," to quote the oldest
manuscript containing them[111], have been preserved, with the names of the
writers under whose portraits they were inscribed.
There were fourteen presses, arranged as follows:

I. Origen. VIII. Prudentius.
II. Hilary. IX. Avitus, Juvencus, Sedulius.
III. Ambrose. X. Eusebius, Orosius.
IV. Augustine. XI. Gregory.
V. Jerome. XII. Leander.
VI. Chrysostom. XIII. Theodosius, Paulus, Gaius.
VII. Cyprian. XIV. Cosmas, Damian, Hippocrates, Galen.

These writers are probably those whom Isidore specially admired, or had
some particular reason for commemorating. The first seven are obvious
types of theologians, and the presses over which they presided were
doubtless filled not merely with their own works, but with bibles,
commentaries, and works on Divinity in general. Eusebius and Orosius are
types of ecclesiastical historians; Theodosius, Paulus, and Gaius, of jurists;
Cosmas, Damian, etc. of physicians. But the Christian poets Prudentius to
Sedulius could hardly have needed two presses to contain their works; nor
Gregory the Great the whole of one. Lastly, Leander, Isidore's elder brother,
could only owe his place in the series to fraternal affection. I conjecture that
these portraits were simply commemorative; and that the presses beneath
them contained the books on subjects not suggested by the rest of the

portraits, as for example, secular literature, in which Isidore was a
proficient.

The sets of verses[112] begin with three elegiac couplets headed Titulus
Bibliothece, probably placed over the door of entrance.

Sunt hic plura sacra, sunt hic mundalia plura:
Ex his si qua placent carmina, tolle, lege.
Prata vides, plena spinis, et copia florum;
Si non vis spinas sumere, sume rosas.
Hic geminæ radiant veneranda volumina legis;
Condita sunt pariter hic nova cum veteri.

Here sacred books with worldly books combine;
If poets please you, read them; they are thine.
My meads are full of thorns, but flowers are there;
If thorns displease, let roses be your share.
Here both the Laws in tomes revered behold;
Here what is new is stored, and what is old.

The authors selected are disposed of either in a single couplet, or in several
couplets, according to the writer's taste. I will quote the lines on S.
Augustine:

Mentitur qui [te] totum legisse fatetur:
An quis cuneta tua lector habere potest?
Namque voluminibus mille, Augustine, refulges,
Testantur libri, quod loquor ipse, tui.
Quamvis multorum placeat prudentia libris,
Si Augustinus adest, sufficit ipse tibi.

They lie who to have read thee through profess;
Could any reader all thy works possess?
A thousand scrolls thy ample gifts display;
Thy own books prove, Augustine, what I say.
Though other writers charm with varied lore,
Who hath Augustine need have nothing more.

The series concludes with some lines "To an Intruder (ad Interventorem),"
the last couplet of which is too good to be omitted:

Non patitur quenquam coram se scriba loquentem;
Non est hic quod agas, garrule, perge foras.

A writer and a talker can't agree:
Hence, idle chatterer; 'tis no place for thee.

Fig. 16. Great Hall of the Vatican Library, looking west.
With these three examples I conclude the section of my work which deals
with what may be called the pagan conception of a library in the fulness of
its later development. Unfortunately, no enthusiast of those distant times
has handed down to us a complete description of his library, and we are
obliged to take a detail from one account, and a detail from another, and so
piece the picture together for ourselves. What I may call "the pigeon-hole
system," suitable for rolls only, was replaced by presses which could
contain rolls if required, and certainly did (as shewn (fig. 13) on the
sarcophagus of the Villa Balestra), but which were specially designed for
codices. These presses were sometimes plain, sometimes richly
ornamented, according to the taste or the means of the owner. With the

same limitations the floor, the walls, and possibly the roof also were
decorated. Further, it was evidently intended that the room selected for
books should be used for no other purpose; and, as the books were hidden
from view in their presses, the library-note, if I may be allowed the
expression, was struck by numerous inscriptions, and by portraits in various
materials, representing either authors whose works were on the shelves, or
men distinguished in other ways, or friends and relations of the owner of
the house.
The Roman conception of a library was realised by Pope Sixtus V., in
1587[113], when the present Vatican Library was commenced from the
design of the architect Fontana. I am not aware that there is any
contemporary record to prove that either the Pope or his advisers
contemplated this direct imitation; but it is evident, from the most cursory
inspection of the large room (fig. 16), that the main features of a Roman
library are before us[114]; and perhaps, having regard to the tendency of the
Renaissance, especially in Italy, it would be unreasonable to expect a
different design in such a place, and at such a period.
This noble hall—probably the most splendid apartment ever assigned to
library-purposes—spans the Cortile del Belvedere from east to west, and is
entered at each end from the galleries connecting the Belvedere with the
Vatican palace. It is 184 feet long, and 57 feet wide, divided into two by six
piers, on which rest simple quadripartite vaults. The north and south walls
are each pierced with seven large windows. No books are visible. They are
contained in plain wooden presses 7 feet high and 2 feet deep, set round the
piers, and against the walls between the windows. The arrangement of these
presses will be understood from the general view (fig. 16), and from the
view of a single press open (fig. 17).
In the decoration, with which every portion of the walls and vaults is
covered, Roman methods are reproduced, but with a difference. The great
writers of antiquity are conspicuous by their absence; but the development
of the human race is commemorated by the presence of those to whom the
invention of letters is traditionally ascribed; the walls are covered with
frescoes representing the foundation of the great libraries which instructed
the world, and the assemblies of the Councils which established the Church;
the vaults record the benefits conferred on Rome by Sixtus V., in a series of

historical views, one above each window; and over these again are stately
figures, each embodying some sacred abstraction—"Thrones, dominations,
princedoms, virtues, powers"—with angels swinging censers, and graceful
nymphs, and laughing satyrs—a strange combination of paganism and
Christianity—amid wreaths of flowers, and arabesques twining round the
groups and over every vacant space, partly framing, partly hiding, the
heraldic devices which commemorate Sixtus and his family:—a web of
lovely forms and brilliant colours, combined in an intricate and yet orderly
confusion.
It may be questioned whether such a room as this was ever intended for
study. The marble floor, the gorgeous decoration, the absence of all
appliances for work in the shape of desks, tables, chairs, suggest a place for
show rather than for use. The great libraries of the Augustan age, on the
other hand, seem, so far as we can judge, to have been used as meeting-
places and reading-rooms for learned and unlearned alike. In general
arrangement and appearance, however, the Vatican Library must closely
resemble its imperial predecessors.

Fig. 17. A single press in the Vatican Library,
open. From a photograph.

FOOTNOTES:
[1] Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, 2 vols., 8vo. Lond. 1853.
Vol. II., p. 343.
[2] Ezra, vi. I.
[3] Mr Layard gives a view of the interior of one of these rooms (p. 345) after it
had been cleared of rubbish.
[4] La Bibliothèque du Palais de Ninive, par M. Joachim Menant. 8vo. Paris,
1880, p. 32.
[5] The two languages are the ancient Sumerian and the more modern Assyrian.
[6] Athenæus, Book 1., Chap. 4.

[7] Noct. Att. Book VII., Chap. 17. Libros Athenis disciplinarum liberalium
publice ad legendum præbendos primus posuisse dicitur Pisistratus tyrannus.
[8] Xenophon, Memorabilia, Book IV., Chap. 2.
[9] Aristoph. Ranæ, 1407-1410, translated by J. H. Frere. The passage has been
quoted by Castellani, Biblioteche nell' Antichità, 8vo., Bologna, 1884, pp. 7, 8,
and many others.
[10] Strabo, ed. Kramer, Berlin, 8vo., 1852, Book XIII., Chap. I, § 54. πρωτος
ὡν ἱσμεν συναγαγων βιβλια, και διδαξας τους εν Αιγυπτω βασιλεας βιβλιοθηκης
συνταξιν.
[11] Book xiii., Chap. 4, § 2.
[12] Book xvii., Chap. 1, § 8.
των δε βασιλειων μερος εστι και το Μουσειον, εχον περιπατων και εξεδραν και
οικον μεγαν, εν πς το συσσιτιον των μετεχοντων του Μουσειον φιλολογων
ανδρων εστι δε τη συνοδω ταυτη και χρηματα κοινα και ιερευς ο επι τω
Μονσειω, τεταγμενος τοτε μεν υπο των Βασιλεων νυν δ υπο Καισαρος.
[13] One of the anonymous lives of Apollonius Rhodius states that he presided
over the Museum Libraries (των βιβλιοθηκων τον Μουσειον ).
[14] Epiphanius, De Pond. et Mens., Chap. 12. ετι δε υστερον και ετερα εγενετο
βιβλιοθηκη εν τω Σερατειω, μικροτερα τες πρωτης, ητις θυγατηρ ωνομασθη
αυτης.
[15] Ammianus Marcellinus, Book xxii., Chap. 16, § 12. Atriis columnariis
amplissimis et spirantibus signorum figmentis ita est exornatum, ut post
Capitolium quo se venerabilis Roma in æternum attollit, nihil orbis terrarum
ambitiosius cernat. See also Aphthonius, Progymn. c. xii. ed. Walz, Rhetores
Græci, i. 106.
[16] Pliny, Hist. Nat., Book v., Chap. 30. Longeque clarissimum Asiæ
Pergamum.
[17] Strabo, Book xiii., Chap. 4, § 2. After recounting the successful policy of
Eumenes II. towards the Romans, he proceeds: κατεσκενασε δε οντος την πολιν,
και το Νικηφοριον αλσει κατεφυτευσε, και αναθηματα και βιβλιοθηκας και την
επι τοσονδε κατοικιαν του Περγαμον την νυν ουσαν εκεινος προσεφιλοκαλησε.
[18] De Architectura, Book vii., Præfatio. The passage is quoted in the next note.
[19] Pliny, Hist. Nat., Book xiii., Chap. 11. Mox æmulatione circa bibliothecas
regum Ptolemæi et Eumenis, supprimente chartas Ptolemæo, idem Varro
membranas Pergami tradidit repertas. Vitruvius, on the other hand (ut supra)
makes Ptolemy found the library at Alexandria as a rival to that at Pergamon.
Reges Attalici magnis philologiæ dulcedinibus inducti cum egregiam
bibliothecam Pergami ad communem delectationem instituissent, tune item
Ptolemæus, infinito zelo cupiditatisque incitatus studio, non minoribus industriis
ad eundem modum contenderat Alexandriæ comparare.

[20] Plutarch, Antonius, Chap. 57. To a list of accusations against Antony for his
subservience to Cleopatra, is added the fact: χαρισασθαι μεν αυτη τας εκ
Περγáμον βιβλιοθηκας, εν αις εικοσι μυριαδες βιβλων απλων ησαν.
[21] Altertümer von Pergamon, Fol., Berlin, 1885, Band 11. Das Heiligtum der
Athena Polias Nikephoros, von Richard Bohn. The ground-plan (fig. 2) is
reduced from Plate III. in that volume.
[22] Die Pergamenische Bibliothek. Sitzungsberichte der Königl. Preuss. Akad.
der Wiss. zu Berlin, 1884, ii. 1259-1270.
[23] In my first lecture as Sandars Reader at Cambridge in the Lent Term, 1900,
I pointed out that this enclosure was of about the same size as Nevile's Court at
Trinity College, if to the central area there we add the width of one of the
cloisters; and that the temple of Athena was of exactly the same width as the
Hall, but about 15 feet shorter. Nevile's Court is 230 feet long from the inside of
the pillars supporting the Library to the wall of the Hall; and it has a mean
breadth of 137 feet. If the width of the cloister, 20 feet, be added to this, we get
157 feet in lieu of the 162 feet at Pergamon.
[24] Now in the Royal Museum, Berlin.
[25] Similar sockets have been discovered in the walls of the chambers
connected with the Stoa of King Attalus at Athens. These chambers are thought
to have been shops, and the sockets to have supported shelves on which wares
were exposed for sale. Conze, ut supra, p. 1260; Adler, Die Stoa des Königs
Attalos zu Athen, Berlin, 1874; Murray's Handbook for Greece, ed. 1884, 1. p.
255.
[26] Suetonius, Cæsar, Chap. 44.
[27] Pliny, Nat. Hist., Book vii., Chap. 30; Book xxxv., Chap. 2.
[28] Suetonius, Augustus, Chap. 29.
[29] Isidore, Origines, Book vi., Chap. 5.
[30] Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, ed. 1897, p. 471.
Middleton, Ancient Rome, 1892, ii. 204, 205.
[31] Nibby, Roma Antica, p. 601. [Augusto] vi aggiunse un luogo per conversare
chiamato Schola.
[32] Vell. Pat., Book 1., Chap. II. Hic est Metellus Macedonicus qui porticus
quæ fuere circumdatæ duabus ædibus sine inscriptione positis, quæ nunc
Octaviæ porticibus ambiuntur, fecerat.
[33] Suet. De Illustr. Gramm. c. 2.
[34] Middleton, Ancient Rome, 1892, ii. 205.
[35] I have taken these dimensions from Middleton's Plan of the Palatine Hill (ut
supra, p. 156), but until the site has been excavated they must be more or less
conjectural.

[36] Middleton, Ibid., I. 185-188. The evidence for the portraits rests on the
following passage in the Annals of Tacitus ii. 37, where he is relating how
Hortalus, grandson of the orator Hortensius, being reduced to poverty, came with
his four children to the Senate: "igitur quatuor filiis ante limen curiæ adstantibus,
loco sententiæ, cum in Palatio senatus haberetur, modo Hortensii inter oratores
sitam imaginem, modo Augusti, intuens, ad hunc modum cœpit."
[37] Pausanias, Attica, Book I., Chap. 18, § 9, ed. J. G. Frazer, Vol. I., p. 26.
[38] The above description is derived from Miss Harrison's book, ut supra, pp.
195-198; Pausanias, ed. J. G. Frazer, Vol. II., pp. 184, 185.
[39] Eusebius, Chronicon, ed. Schöne, Vol. ii., p. 167.
[40] Middleton, Ancient Rome, i. 186.
[41] Tristia, iii. 59.
[42] Epist., i. 3. 17.
[43] Noctes Atticæ, v. 21. 9.
[44] Vopiscus, Hist. Aug. Script., ii. 637.
[45] Aulus Gellius, ut supra, xvi. 8. 2.
[46] Ibid., xi. 17. 1.
[47] Flavii Vopisci Tacitus, c. 8.
[48] Id., Aurelianus, c. 1.
[49] Noctes Atticæ, xix. 5.
[50] Plutarch, Lucullus, Chap. xlii. Σπονδης δ' αξια και λογου τα περι την των
βιβλιων κατασκευην. και γαρ πολλα, και γεγραμμενα καλως, συνηγε, η τε
χρησις ην φιλοτιμοτερα της κτησεως, ανειμενων πασι των βιβλιοθηκων, και των
περι αυτας περιπατων και σχολαοτηρλων ακωλυτως υποδεχομενων τους
Ελληνας, ωσπερ εις Μουσων τι καταγωγιον εκεισε φοιτωντας και
συνδιημερευοντας αλληλοις, απο των αλλων χρειων ασμενως αποτρεχοντας.
[51] De Tranquillitate Animi, Chap. IX. Studiorum quoque quæ liberalissima
impensa est, tamdiu rationem habet quamdiu modum. Quo innumerabiles libros
et bibliothecas quarum dominus vix tota vita indices perlegit? onerat discentem
turba, non instruit, multoque satius est paucis te auctoribus tradere, quam errare
per multos. Quadraginta milia librorum Alexandriæ arserunt: pulcherrimum
regiæ opulentiæ monumentum alius laudaverit, sicut et Livius, qui elegantiæ
regum curæque egregium id opus ait fuisse: non fuit elegantia illud aut cura, sed
studiosa luxuria, immo ne studiosa quidem, quoniam non in studium sed in
spectaculum comparaverant sicut plerisque ignaris etiam servilium literarum
libri non studiorum instrumenta sed cœnationum ornamenta sunt. Paretur itaque
librorum quantum satis sit, nihil in adparatum. "Honestius" inquis "hoc impensis
quas in Corinthia pictasque tabulas effuderim." Vitiosum est ubique quod
nimium est. Quid habes cur ignoscas homini armaria citro atque ebore captanti,
corpora conquirenti aut ignotorum auctorum aut improbatorum et inter tot milia

librorum oscitanti, cui voluminum suorum frontes maxime placent titulique?
Apud desidiosissimos ergo videbis quicquid orationum historiarumque est, tecto
tenus exstructa loculamenta. Iam enim inter balnearia et thermas bibliotheca
quoque ut necessarium domus ornamentum expolitur. Ignoscerem plane, si
studiorum nimia cupidine oriretur: nunc ista conquisita, cum imaginibus suis
descripta, sacrorum opera ingeniorum in speciem et cultum parietum
comparantur. With this passage may be compared Lucian's tract: Ηρος
απαιδευτον και πολλα βιβλια ωνουμενον. My friend Mr F. Darwin in informs me
that the Latin citrus, or Greek κεδρος, is the coniferous tree called Thuia
articulata = Callitris quadrivalvis. See Helm, Kulturpflanzen, Berl. 1894. Engl.
Trans, p. 431.
[52] Lanciani, Ancient Rome, 8vo. 1888, p. 193.
[53] Ancient Rome, ed. 1892, ii. 254.
[54] Phil. Trans., Vol. xlviii., Pt 2, p. 634.
[55] Ibid., p. 821.
[56] Ibid., p. 825.
[57] Opere di G. G. Winckelmann, Prato, 1831, vii. 197.
[58] Lanciani, Ruins of Ancient Rome, pp. 213-217. He describes and figures
Ligorio's elevation, from MS. Vat. 3439, in Commissione Archeologica
Comunale di Roma, Ann. x. Ser. ii., 1882. pp. 29-54. See also Middleton,
Ancient Rome, 1892, ii. 15-19. The plan of Rome called the Capitoline Plan,
because it is now preserved in the Museum of the Capitol, was fixed to the
north-east wall (fig. 7. 3).
[59] The average length of a roll may be taken at 20-30 ft.; the width at 9-11 in.
See The Palæography of Greek Papyri, by F. G. Kenyon, Oxf. 1899, Chap. ii.
[60] The breadth of these columns from left to right was not great, and their
length was considerably shorter than the width of the roll, as a margin was left at
the top and bottom.
[61] Antichità di Ercolano, Fol. Napoli, 1779. Vol. v., Tavola 55, p. 243.
[62] In this statue the roll is a restoration, but a perfectly correct one. It is
original, and slightly different, in the replica of the statue at Knowle Park,
Sevenoaks, Kent. See a paper on this statue by J. E. Sandys. Litt.D. in Mélanges
Weil, 1898. pp. 423-428.
[63] Horace, Epodes, xiv. 5-8. Comp. Martial, Epigrams, iv. 89. Ohe! libelle,
Iam pervenimus usque ad umbilicos.
[64] Tristia, i. i. 109.
[65] Catullus (xxii. 7) says of a roll which had been got up with special
smartness:

Novi umbilici, lora rubra, membrana
Directa plumbo, et pumice omnia æquata.

[66] Lucian, Adv. Indoct., Chap. 16.
[67] Epigrams, x. 93.
[68] My friend M. R. James, Litt.D., of King's College, has kindly given me the
following note: In the apocryphal Assumption of Moses Joshua is told to 'cedar'
Moses' words (= rolls), and to lay them up in Jerusalem: "quos ordinabis et
chedriabis et repones in vasis fictilibus in loco quem fecit [Deus] ab initio
creaturæ orbis terrarum." Assump. Mos., ed. Charles, I. 17. See also Dueange,
s.v. Cedria. Vitruvius (II. ix. 13) says: "ex cedro oleum quod cedreum dicitur
nascitur, quo reliquæ res cum sint unctæ, uti etiam libri, a tineis et earie non
læduntur." See above, p. 22.
[69] Epigrams, iii. ii. 6.
[70] Ovid (Tristia, i. i. 105) addressing his book, says:

Cum tamen in nostrum fueris penetrale receptus
Contigerisque tuam, scrinia curva, domum.

[71] Epigrams, i. 117.
[72] Epigrams, vii. 17.
[73] Suet. Aug. 31. Libros Sibyllinos condidit duobus forulis auratis sub Palatini
Apollinis basi.
[74] Sat. iii. 219.
[75] Georg. iv. 250.
[76] De Re Rustica, viii. 8. Paxillis adactis tabulæ superponantur; quæ vel
loculamenta quibus nidificent aves, vel fictilia columbaria, recipiant.
[77] Ibid., ix. 12. 2. The writer, having described bees swarming, proceeds:
protinus custos novum loculamentum in hoc præparatum perlinat intrinsecus
prædictis herbis ... tum manibus aut etiam trulla congregatas apes recondat,
atque ... diligenter compositum et illitum vas ... patiatur in eodem loco esse dum
advesperascat. Primo deinde crepusculo transferat et reponat in ordinem
reliquarum alvorum.
[78] Vegetius, Art. Vet., iii. 32. Si iumento loculamenta dentium vel dentes
doluerint.
[79] Vitruvius, De Arch., ed. Schneider, x. 9. Insuper autem ad capsum redæ
loculamentum firmiter figatur habens tympanum versatile in cultro collocatum,
etc.
[80] Dr. Sandys, in his edition of Aristotle's Constitution of Athens, 1893, p. 174,
has shewn that in the office of the public clerk a similar contrivance was used,
called επιστυλιον: "a shelf supporting a series of pigeon-holes, and itself
supported by wooden pedestals."
[81] Ulpian, Digest, 33. 7. 12. In emptionem domus et specularia et pegmata
cedere solent, sive in æditiciis sint posita, sive ad tempus detracta.

[82] Ibid., 29. 1. 17. Reticuli circa columnas, plutei circa parietes, item cilicia,
vela, ædium non sunt.
[83] Sat. II. 4. I do not think that these lines refer to a library. The whole house,
not a single room in it, is full of plaster busts of philosophers.
[84] Ep. cv. (ed. Billerbeck); Ad Att. iv. 4, p. 2.
[85] Ep. cvi. (ibid.); Ad Att. iv. 5.
[86] Ep. cxi. (ibid.); Ad Att. iv. 8.
[87] This cut is given in Antiquitatum et Annalium Trevirensium libri XXV.
Auctoribus RR. PP. Soc. Jesu P. Christophoro Browero, et P. Jacobo Masenio. 2
v. fol. Leodii, 1670. It is headed: Schema voluminum in bibliothecam (sic)
ordine olim digestorum Noviomagi in loco Castrorum Constantini M. hodiedum
in lapide reperto excisum. See also C. G. Schwarz, De Ornamentis Librorum,
4to, Lips. 1756, pp. 86, 172, 231, and Tab. II., fig. 4. I learnt this reference from
Sir E. M. Thompson's Handbook of Greek and Latin Palæography, ed. 2, 1894,
p. 57, note. The Director of the Museum at Trèves informs me that all the
antiquities discovered at Neumagen were destroyed in the seventeenth century.
[88] See above, p. 11.
[89] Ibid., p. 12.
[90] Epigrams, Lib. ix. Introduction.
[91] The whole relief is figured in Seyffert, Dictionary of Classical Antiquities,
ed. Nettleship and Sandys, p. 649.
[92] De Architectura, Lib. vii, Pref. [Aristophanes] e certis amiariis infinita
volumina eduxit.
[93] Digesta Justiniani Augusti, ed. Mommsen. 8vo. Berlin, 1870. Vol. ii. p. 88.
Book XXXII. 52.
[94] This is the date of the Columna cochlis. Middleton's Rome, ii. 24 note.
[95] Nibby, Roma Antica, 8vo. Roma, 1839, p. 188.
[96] Epist. II. 17. 8. Parieti eius [cubiculi mei] in bibliothecæ speciem armarium
insertum est quod non legendos libros sed lectitandos capit.
[97] I should not have known of the existence of this sarcophagus had it not been
figured, accurately enough on the whole, in Le Palais de Scaurus, by Mazois,
published at Paris in 1822. The sarcophagus had passed through the hands of
several collectors since Mazois figured it, and I had a long and amusing search
for it.
[98] Mittheilungen des K. D. Archaeologischen Instituts Rom, 1900, Band xv. p.
171. Der Sarkophag eines Arztes.
[99] The inscription is printed in full in Antike Bilderwerke in Rom ...
beschrieben von Friedrich Matz., und F. von Duhn, 3 vols., 8vo. Leipzig, 1881,
Vol. ii. p. 346, No. 3127*.

[100] Garrucci, Arte Christiana, Vol. IV. p. 39. It would appear from some
curious drawings on glass figured by Garrucci, ut supra Pl. 490, that the Jews
used presses of similar design in their synagogues to contain the rolls of the law.
[101] The original of this picture is 18 in. high by 9-3/4 in. broad, including the
border. It could not be photographed, and therefore, through the kind offices of
Miss G. Dixon, and Signor Biagi, Librarian of the Laurentian Library, the
services of a thoroughly capable artist, Professor Attilio Formilli, were secured
to make an exact copy in water colours. This he has done with singular taste and
skill. My figure has been reduced from this copy. The press has also been figured
in outline by Garrucci, Arte Christiana, Vol. iii., Pl. 126.
[102] The romantic story of the Codex Amiatinus is fully narrated by Mr H. J.
White in Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, 8vo. Oxf. 1890, ii. pp. 273-308.
[103] The Octateuch, or, the five books of Moses, with the addition of Joshua,
Judges, and Ruth.
[104] Consol. Philosoph., Book I. Ch. 5. Nec bibliothecæ potius comptos ebore
ac vitro parietes quam tuæ mentis sedem requiro.
[105] Origines, Book VI. Ch. ii. Cum peritiores architecti neque aurea lacunaria
ponenda in bibliothecis putent neque pavimenta alia quam a Carysteo marmore,
quod auri fulgor hebetat et Carystei viriditas reficiat oculos.
[106] Apol. adv. Rufinum, ii. 20: Opera, ed. Vallarsi, ii. 549.
[107] De Origine Historia Indicibus scrinii et bibliothecæ Sedis Apostolicæ
commentatio Ioannis Baptistæ de Rossi.... 4to. Romæ, 1886, Chapter v. A brief,
but accurate, summary of his account will be found in Lanciani's Ancient Rome,
8vo. 1888, pp. 187-190. Father C. J. Ehrle has given me much help on this
difficult question.
[108] Sidonii Apollinaris Opera, ed. Sirmondi. 4to. Paris, 1652. Notes, p. 33.
The words of this letter, which I have translated very freely, are as follows:
Sed dum hæc tacitus mecum revolvo, occurrit mihi quod in Bibliotheca studiosi
sæcularium litterarum puer quondam, ut se ætatis illius curiositas habet,
prætereundo legissem. Nam cum supra memoratæ ædis ordinator ac dominus,
inter expressas lapillis aut ceris discoloribus, formatasque effigies vel Oratorum
vel etiam Poetarum specialia singulorum autotypis epigrammata subdidisset; ubi
ad præiudicati eloquii venit poetam, hoc modo orsus est.
The last three lines of the inscription are from the Æneid, Book I. 607. I owe the
most important part of the translation of Rusticus to Lanciani, ut supra, p. 196:
that of Virgil is by Professor Conington.
[109] I have taken the text of the inscription, and my account of Agapetus and
his work, from De Rossi, ut supra, Chap. viii. p. lv.
[110] Cassiodorus, De Inst. Div. Litt. Chap. XXX. pp. 1145, 46. Ed. Migne. De
Rossi, ut supra.
[111] Versus qui scripti sunt in armaria sua ab ipso [Isidoro] compositi. Cod. Vat.
Pal. 1877, a MS. which came from Lorch in Germany. De Rossi, ut supra. Chap.

VII.
[112] Isidori Opera Omnia, 410. Rome, 1803. Vol. vii. p. 179.
[113] See Hen. Stevenson, Topografia e Monumenti di Roma nelle Pitture a
fresco di Sisto V. della Biblioteca Vaticana, p. 7; in Al Sommo Pontefice Leone
XIII. Omaggio Giubilare della Biblioteca Vaticana, Fol. Rome, 1881.
[114] Signor Lanciani (Ancient Rome, p. 195) was the first to suggest a
comparison between the Vatican Library and those of ancient Rome.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I.
DECORATION OF THE VATICAN LIBRARY.
The system of decoration carried out in this Library, of which I have just
given a summary description, is so interesting, and bears evidence of so
much care and thought, that I subjoin a detailed account of it, which, by the
kindness of Father Ehrle, prefect of the Library, I was enabled to draw up
during my late visits to Rome. The diagrammatic ground-plan (fig. 18)
which accompanies this description, if studied in conjunction with the
general view (fig. 16), will make the relation of the subjects to each other
perfectly clear. The visitor is supposed to enter the Library from the
vestibule at the east end; and the notation of the piers, windows, wall-
frescoes, etc., begins from the same end. Further, the visitor is supposed to
examine the east face of each pier first, and then to turn to the left.
I will begin with the figures on the central piers and half-piers. These
figures are painted in fresco, of heroic size: and over their heads are the
letters which they are supposed to have invented.
1. PILASTER AGAINST EAST WALL.
Adam.
A tall stalwart figure dressed in short chiton. He holds an apple in his left
hand, and a mattock in his right.
Adam divinitus edoctus primus scientiarum et litterarum inventor.
2. FIRST PIER.
(a) Abraham.

Abraham Syras et Chaldaicas litteras invenit.

(b) The Sons of Seth.

Filii Seth columnis duabus rerum cœlestium disciplinam inscribunt.

(c) Esdras.

Esdras novas Hebraeorum litteras invenit.

(d) Moses.

Moyses antiquas Hebraicas litteras invenit.
On the cornice of the presses round this pier are the following inscriptions:
(a) Doctrina bona dabit gratiam. Prov. xiii. 15.
(b) Volo vos sapientes esse in bono. Rom. xvi. 19.
(c) Impius ignorat scientiam. Prov. xxix. 7.
(d) Cor sapientis quærit doctrinam. Prov. xv. 14.
3. SECOND PIER.
(a) Mercury.

Mercurius Thovt Ægyptiis sacras litteras conscripsit.

(b) Isis.

Isis regina Ægyptiarum litterarum inventrix.

(c) Menon.

Menon Phoroneo æqualis litteras in Ægypto invenit.

(d) Hercules.

Hercules ægyptius Phrygias litteras invenit.

On the cornice of the presses:

(a) Recedere a malo intelligentia. Job xxviii. 28.

(b) Timere Deum ipsa est sapientia. Job xxviii. 22.
(c) Faciendi plures libros nullus est finis. Eccl. xii. 12.
(d) Dat scientiam intelligentibus disciplinam. Dan. xi. 12.
4. THIRD PIER.
(a) Phoenix.

Phoenix litteras Phoenicibus tradidit.

(b) Cecrops.

Cecrops Diphyes primus Atheniensium rex Græcarum litterarum auctor.

(c) Linus.

Linus Thebanus litterarum Græcarum inventor.

(d) Cadmus.

Cadmus Phœnicis frater litteras xvi in Græciam intulit.

On the cornice of the presses:

(a) In malevolam animam non introibit sapientia. Sap. i. 4.
(b) Habentes solatio sanctos libros. 1 Mach. xii. 9.
(c) Cor rectum inquirit scientiam. Prov. xxvii. 12.
(d) Sapientiam qui abiicit infelix est. Sap. iii. 14.
5. FOURTH PIER.
(a) Pythagoras.

Pythagoras. Y. litteram ad humanæ vitæ exemplum invenit.

(b) Palamedes.

Palamedes bello Troiano Græcis litteris quattuor adiecit.

(c) Simonides.

Simonides Melicus quattuor Græcarum litterarum inventor.

(d) Epicharmus.

Epicharmus Siculus duas Græcas addidit litteras.

On the cornice of the presses:

(a) Qui evitat discere incidet in mala. Prov. vii. 16.
(b) Non glorietur sapiens in sapientia sua. Ier. ix. 23.
(c) Si quis indiget sapientia postulet a Deo. Iac. i. 15.
(d) Melior est sapientia cunctis pretiosissimis. Prov. viii. 11.
6. FIFTH PIER.
(a) Evander.

Evander Carment. F. aborigines litteras docuit.

(b) Nicostrata.

Nicostrata Carmenta latinarum litterarum inventrix.

(c) Demaratus.

Demaratus Corinthius etruscarum litterarum auctor.

(d) Claudius.

Claudius imperator tres novas litteras adinvenit.

On the cornice of the presses:

(a) Non erudietur qui non est sapiens in bono. Eccl. xxi. 24.
(b) Viri intelligentes loquantur mihi. Iac. xxxiv. 34.

(c) Non peribit consilium a sapienti. Ier. xviii. 18.
(d) Sapientiam atque doctrinam stulti despiciunt. Prov. i. 17.
7. SIXTH PIER.
(a) Chrysostom.

S. Io. Chrysostomus litterarum Armenicarum auctor.

(b) Vlphilas.

Vlphilas Episcopus Gothorum litteras invenit.

(c) Cyril.

S. Cyrillus aliarum Illyricarum litterarum auctor.

(d) Jerome.

S. Hieronymus litterarum Illyricarum inventor.

On the cornice of the presses:

(a) Scientia inflat charitas vero ædificat. Cor. viii. 1.
(b) Sapere ad sobrietatem. Rom. xii. 3.
(c) Vir sapiens fortis et vir doctus robustus. Prov. xxiv. 5.
(d) Ubi non est scientia animæ non est bonum. Prov. xix. 2.
8. PILASTER AGAINST WEST WALL.
Christ.
Our Lord is seated. Over His Head Α, Ω; in His
Hand an open book: Ego sum Α et Ω; principium et
finis. At His Feet: Iesus Christus summus magister, cælestis doctrinæ
auctor.
On Christ's right hand is a Pope, standing, with triple cross and tiara.

Christi Domini vicarius.

On Christ's left hand is an Emperor, also standing, with crown, sword,
blue mantle.

Ecclesiæ defensor.
I will now pass to the decoration of the walls. On the south wall, between
the windows, are representations of famous libraries; on the north wall, of
the eight general Councils of the Church. Each space is ornamented with a
broad border, like a picture-frame. In the centre above is the general title of
the subject or subjects below: e.g. Bibliotheca Romanorum; and beneath
each picture is an inscription describing the special subject. Above each
window, on the vault, is a large picture, to commemorate the benefits
conferred by Sixtus V. on Rome and on the world. I will describe the
libraries first, beginning as before at the east end of the room.
I. SIXTUS V. AND THE ARCHITECT FONTANA.
(Right of Entrance.)
Sixtus V. Pont. M. Bibliothecæ Vaticanæ aedificationem
prescribit.
The Pope is seated. Fontana, a pair of compasses in his right hand, is on one
knee, exhibiting the plan of the intended library.
II. MOSES ENTRUSTS THE TABLES OF THE LAW TO THE LEVITES.
(Left of Entrance.)
Moyses librum legis Levitis in tabernaculo reponendum tradit.
Moses hands a large folio to a Levite, behind whom more Levites are
standing. Soldiers, etc., stand behind Moses. Tents in background.
III. BIBLIOTHECA HEBRÆA.
(On first wall-space south side.)
Esdras sacerdos et scriba Bibliothecam sacram restituit.

Ezra, attired in a costume that is almost Roman, stands in the centre of the
picture, his back half turned to the spectator. An official is pointing to a
press full of books. Porters are bringing in others.
IV. BIBLIOTHECA BABYLONICA.
(Two pictures.)
(a) The education of Daniel in Babylon.
Daniel et socii linguam scientiamque Chaldæorum ediscunt.
Daniel and other young men are writing and reading at a table on the right
of the picture. A group of elderly men in front of them to the left. Behind
these is a lofty chair and desk, beneath which is a table at which a group of
boys are reading and writing. In the background a set of book-shelves with
a desk, quite modern in style.
(b) The search for the decree of Cyrus.
Cyri decretum de templi restauratione Darii iussu perquiritur.
Darius, crowned, his back half turned to the spectator, is giving orders to
several young men, who are taking books out of an armarium—evidently
copied from one of the Vatican book-cupboards.
V. BIBLIOTHECA ATHENIENSIS.
(Two pictures.)
(a) Pisistratus arranges a library at Athens.
Pisistratus primus apud Græcos publicam bibliothecam instituit.
Pisistratus, in armour, over which is a blue mantle, is giving orders to an old
man who kneels before him, holding an open book. Behind the old man
attendants are placing books on desks—others are reading. Behind
Pisistratus is a group of officers, and behind them again a book-press
without doors, and a row of open books on the top.
(b) Restoration of the library by Seleucus.

Seleucus bibliothecam a Xerxe asportatam referendam curat.
Servants are bringing in books which are being hastily packed into cases. In
the background is seen the sea, with a ship; and the door of the palace. A
picture full of life and movement.
VI. BIBLIOTHECA ALEXANDRINA.
(Two pictures.)
(a) Ptolemy organises the library at Alexandria.
Ptolemæus ingenti bibliotheca instructa Hebreorum libros
concupiscit.
Ptolemy, a dignified figure in a royal habit, stands in the centre. He is
addressing an elderly man who stands on his right. Behind him are three
porches, within which are seen desks and readers. In the central porch are
closed presses, with rows of folios on the top. Below are desks, at which
readers are seated, their backs turned to the presses.
(b) The Seventy Translators bring their work to Ptolemy.
LXXII interpretes ab Eleazaro missi sacros libros Ptolemæo
reddunt.
Ptolemy is seated on a throne to right of spectator with courtiers on his right
and left. The messengers kneel before him, and hand him volumes.
VII. BIBLIOTHECA ROMANORUM.
(a) Tarquin receives the Sibylline Books.
Tarquinius Superbus libros Sibyllinos tres aliis a muliere
incensis tantidem emit.
Tarquin, seated in the centre of the picture, receives three volumes from an
aged and dignified woman. In front a lighted brazier in which the other
books are burning.
(b) Augustus opens the Palatine library.

Augustus Cæs. Palatina Bibliotheca magnifice ornata viros
litteratos fovet.
Augustus, in armour, with imperial mantle, crown and sceptre, stands left of
centre. An old man seated at his feet is writing from his dictation. Left of
the Emperor are five desks; with five closed books lying on the top of each.
These desks are very probably intended to represent those of the Vatican
Library as arranged by Sixtus IV. Two men, crowned with laurel, are
standing behind the last desk, conversing. Behind them again is a book-case
of three shelves between a pair of columns. Books are lying on their sides
on these shelves. Beneath the shelves is a desk, with books open upon it,
and others on their sides beneath it.
VIII. BIBLIOTHECA HIEROSOLIMITANA.
Alexander, Bishop and Martyr, collects a library at Jerusalem.
S. Alexander Episc. et Mart. Decio Imp. in magna temporum
acerbitate sacrorum scriptorum libros Hierosolymis congregat.
A picture full of movement, occupying the whole space between two
windows. The saint is in the centre of the picture, seated. Young men are
bringing in the books, and placing them on shelves.
IX. BIBLIOTHECA CÆSARIENSIS.
Pamphilus, Priest and Martyr, collects a library at Cæsarea.
S. Pamphilus Presb. et Mart. admirandæ sanctitatis et doctrinæ
Cæsareæ sacram bibliothecam conficit multos libros sua manu
describit.
Pamphilus, in centre of picture, is giving orders to porters who are bringing
in a basket of books. On his left a large table at which a scribe is writing. S.
Jerome, seated in right corner of picture, is apparently dictating to the
scribe. Behind them is a large book-case on the shelves of which books lie
on their sides; others are being laid on the top by a man standing on a
ladder. In the left of the picture is a table covered with a green cloth, on
which book-binders are at work. In front of this table a carpenter is

preparing boards. In background, seen through a large window, is a view of
Cæsarea.
X. BIBLIOTHECA APOSTOLORUM.
S. Peter orders the safe-keeping of books.
S. Petrus sacrorum librorum thesaurum in Romana ecclesia
perpetuo asservari jubet.
S. Peter is standing before an altar on which are books and a cross. In front
doctors are writing at a low table.
[A small picture between window and west wall.]
XI. BIBLIOTHECA PONTIFICUM.
The successors of S. Peter carry on the library-tradition.
Romani pontifices apostolicam bibliothecam magno studio
amplificant atque illustrant.
A pope, his left hand resting on a book, is earnestly conversing with a
cardinal, whose back is half turned to the spectator. Another pope, with
three aged men, in background.
[A small picture on west wall.]
We will now return to the east end of the room, and take the representations
of Councils, painted on the east and north walls, in chronological order.
I. II. CONCILIUM NICAENUM I.
(On east wall.)
The first Council held at Nicæa, a.d. 325.
S. Silvestro PP. Constantino Mag. imp. Christus dei Filius patri
consubstantialis declaratur Arii impietas condemnatur.
The burning of the books of Arius.

Ex decreto concilii Constantinus Imp. libros Arianorum comburi
iubet.
III. CONCILIUM CONSTANTINOPOLITANUM I.
The first Council held at Constantinople, a.d. 381.
S. Damaso PP. et Theodosio sen. imp. Spiritus Sancti divinitas
propugnatur nefaria Macedonii hæresis extinguitur.
IV. CONCILIUM EPHESINUM.
The Council held at Ephesus, a.d. 431.
S. Cælestino PP. et Theodosio Jun. Imp. Nestorius Christum
dividens damnatur, B. Maria Virgo dei genetrix prædicatur.
V. CONCILIUM CHALCEDONENSE.
The Council held at Chalcedon, a.d. 451.
S. Leone magno PP. et Marciano Imp. infelix Eutyches vnam
tantum in Christo post incarnationem naturam asserens
confutatur.
VI. CONCILIUM CONSTANTINOPOLITANUM II.
The second Council held at Constantinople, a.d. 553.
Vigilio Papa et Iustiniano Imp. contentiones de tribus capitibus
sedantur Origenis errores refelluntur.
VII. CONCILIUM CONSTANTINOPOLITANUM III.
The third Council held at Constantinople, a.d. 680.
S. Agathone Papa Constantino pogonato Imp. monothelitæ
hæretici vnam tantum in Christo voluntatem docentes
exploduntur.
VIII. CONCILIUM NICAENUM II.
The second Council held at Nicæa, a.d. 787.

Hadriano papa Constantino Irenes F. imp. impii iconomachi
reiiciuntur sacrarum imaginum veneratio confirmatur.
IX. X. CONCILIUM CONSTANTINOPOLITANUM IV.
The fourth Council held at Constantinople, a.d. 869.
Hadriano papa et Basilio imp. S. Ignatius patriarcha Constant. in
suam sedem pulso Photio restituitur.
The burning of the books of Photius.
Ex decreto concilii Basilius Imp. chirographa Photii et conciliab.
acta comburi iubet.
In conclusion I will enumerate the series of eighteen large pictures on the
side-walls and in the lunettes at each end of the room, representing, with
some few exceptions, the benefits conferred on Rome by Sixtus. The most
important of these pictures are above the windows (fig. 16), of which there
are seven on each side-wall. A Latin couplet above the picture records the
subject, and allegorical figures of heroic size, one on each side, further
indicate the idea which it is intended to convey.
The series begins at the east end of the room, over the door.
I. Procession of Sixtus to his coronation.
Hic tria Sixte tuo capiti diademata dantur
Sed quantum in cœlis te diadema manet.

Electio Sacra. Manifestatio.
On the left of this, over the First Nicene Council, is
II. Coronation of Sixtus, with façade of old S. Peter's.
Ad templum antipodes Sixtum comitantur euntem
Jamque novus Pastor pascit ovile novum.

Honor. Dignitas.

With the following picture the series on the south wall begins, above the
windows:
III. An allegorical tableau. A lion with a human face, and a thunder-bolt in
his right paw, stands on a green hill. A flock of sheep is feeding around.
Alcides partem Italiæ prædone redemit
Sed totam Sixtus: dic mihi major uter.

Justitia. Castigatio.
IV. The obelisk in front of old S. Peter's. The dome rising behind.
Dum stabit motus nullis Obeliscus ab Euris
Sixte tuum stabit nomen honosque tuus.

Religio. Munificentia.
V. An allegorical tableau. A tree loaded with fruits, up which a lion is trying
to climb. A flock of sheep beneath.
Temporibus Sixti redeunt Saturnia regna
Et pleno cornu copia fundit opes.

Charitas. Liberalitas.
VI. A Columna Cochlis surmounted by a statue.
Ut vinclis tenuit Petrum sic alta columna
Sustinet; hinc decus est dedecus unde fuit.

Sublimatio. Mutatio.
VII. A crowd assembled in front of a church.
Sixtus regnum iniens indicit publica vota
Ponderis o quanti vota fuisse vides.

Salus Generis Humani. Pietas Religionis.
VIII. The Lateran Palace, with the Baptistery and Obelisk.

Quintus restituit Laterana palatia Sixtus
Atque obelum medias transtulit ante foras.

Sanatio. Purgatio.
IX. A fountain erected by Sixtus.
Fons felix celebri notus super æthera versu
Romulea passim jugis in urbe fuit.

Miseratio. Benignitas.
The next two pictures are above the arches leading from the west end of the
library into the corridor:
X. Panorama of Rome as altered by Sixtus.
Dum rectas ad templa vias sanctissima pandit
Ipse sibi Sixtus pandit ad astra viam.

Lætificatio. Nobilitas.
XI. An allegorical representation of the Tiara, with adoring worshippers.
Virgo intacta manet nec vivit adultera conjux
Castaque nunc Roma est quæ fuit ante salax.

Castitas. Defensio.
With the following picture the series on the north wall begins:
XII. Section of S. Peter's, with the dome.
Virginis absistit mirari templa Dianæ;
Qui fanum hoc intrat Virgo Maria tuum.

Æquiparatio. Potestas.
XIII. The Obelisk in the Circus of Nero.

Maximus est obelus circus quem maximus olim
Condidit et Sixtus maximus inde trahit.

Reædificatio. Cognito veri dei.
XIV. The Tiber, with the Ponte Sisto, and the Ospedale di Santo Spirito.
Quæris cur tota non sit mendicus in Urbe:
Tecta parat Sixtus suppeditatque cibos.

Clementia. Operatio bona.
XV. A similar view.
Jure Antoninum paulo vis Sixte subesse
Nam vere hic pius est impius ille pius.

Electio sacra. Vera gloria.
XVI. A similar view, with the Obelisk.
Transfers Sixte pium transferre an dignior alter
Transferri an vero dignior alter erat.

Recognitio. Gratitudo.
XVII. The Obelisk, now in front of S. Peter's, before it was removed.
Qui Regum tumulis obeliscus serviit olim
Ad cunas Christi tu pie Sixte locas.

Oblatio. Devotio.
XVIII. A fleet at sea.
Instruit hic Sixtus classes quibus æquora purget
Et Solymos victos sub sua jura trahat.

Providentia. Securitas.

Fig. 18. Rough groundplan of
the great hall of the Vatican
Library, to illustrate the
account of the decoration.

CHAPTER II.
CHRISTIAN LIBRARIES CONNECTED WITH CHURCHES. USE OF
THE APSE. MONASTIC COMMUNITIES. S. PACHOMIUS. S.
BENEDICT AND HIS SUCCESSORS. EACH HOUSE HAD A LIBRARY.
ANNUAL AUDIT OF BOOKS. LOAN ON SECURITY. MODES OF
PROTECTION. CURSES. PRAYERS FOR DONORS. ENDOWMENT OF
LIBRARIES. USE OF THE CLOISTER. DEVELOPMENT OF
CISTERCIAN BOOK-ROOM. COMMON PRESS. CARRELLS. GLASS.
The evidence collected in the last chapter shews that what I
have there called the Roman conception of a library was
maintained, even by Christian ecclesiastics, during many
centuries of our era. I have next to trace the beginning and
the development of another class of libraries, directly
connected with Christianity. We shall find that the books
intended for the use of the new communities were stored in
or near the places where they met for service, just as in the
most ancient times the safe-keeping of similar treasures had been entrusted
to temples.
It is easy to see how this came about. The necessary service-books would be
placed in the hands of the ecclesiastic who had charge of the building in
which the congregation assembled. To these volumes—which at first were
doubtless regarded in the same light as vestments or sacred vessels—
treatises intended for edification or instruction would be gradually added,
and so the nucleus of a library would be formed.
The existence of such libraries does not rest on inference only. There are
numerous allusions to them in the Fathers and other writers; S. Jerome, for
instance, advises a correspondent to consult church-libraries, as though
every church possessed one[115]. As however the allusions to them are
general, and say nothing about extent or arrangement, this part of my
subject need not detain us long[116].

The earliest collection of which I have discovered any record is that got
together at Jerusalem, by Bishop Alexander, who died a.d. 250. Eusebius,
when writing his Ecclesiastical History some eighty years later, describes
this library as a storehouse of historical records, which he had himself used
with advantage in the composition of his work[117]. A still more important
collection existed at Cæsarea in Palestine. S. Jerome says distinctly that it
was founded by Pamphilus, "a man who in zeal for the acquisition of a
library wished to take rank with Demetrius Phalereus and Pisistratus[118]."
As Pamphilus suffered martyrdom in a.d. 309, this library must have been
got together soon after that at Jerusalem. It is described as not only
extensive, but remarkable for the importance of the manuscripts it
contained. Here was the supposed Hebrew original of S. Matthew's
Gospel[119], and most of the works of Origen, got together by the pious care
of Pamphilus, who had been his pupil and devoted admirer. S. Jerome
himself worked in this library, and collated there the manuscripts which
Origen had used when preparing his Hexapla[120]. At Cirta the church and
the library were evidently in the same building, from the way in which they
are spoken of in the account of the persecution of a.d. 303-304. "The
officers," we are told, "went into the building (domus) where the Christians
were in the habit of meeting." There they took an inventory of the plate and
vestments. "But," proceeds the narrative, "when they came to the library,
the presses there were found empty[121]." Augustine, on his deathbed, a.d.
430, gave directions that "the library of the church [at Hippo], and all the
manuscripts, should be carefully preserved by those who came after
him[122]."
Further, there appears to be good reason for believing that when a church
had a triple apse, the lateral apses were separated off by a curtain or a door,
the one to contain the sacred vessels, the other the books. This view, which
has been elaborated by De Rossi in explanation of three recesses in the
thickness of the wall of the apse of a small private oratory discovered in
Rome in 1876[123], is chiefly supported by the language of Paulinus, Bishop
of Nola, who lived from about a.d. 353 to a.d. 431. He describes a basilica
erected by himself at Nola in honour of S. Felix, martyr, as having "an apse
divided into three (apsidem trichoram)[124]"; and in a subsequent passage,
after stating that there are to be two recesses, one to the right, the other to

the left of the apse, he adds, "these verses indicate the use of each[125]," and
gives the following couplets, with their headings:
On the right of the Apse.

Hic locus est veneranda penus qua conditur, et qua
Ponitur alma sacri pompa ministerii.

Here are the sacred vessels stored, and here
The peaceful trappings of our holy rites.

On the left of the same.

Si quem sancta tenet meditandi in lege voluntas
Hic poterit residens sacris intendere libris.

Here he whose thoughts are on the laws of God
May sit and ponder over holy books.

As De Rossi explains, the first of the two niches was intended to contain the
vessels and furniture of the altar; the second was reserved for the safe-
keeping of the sacred books. The word trichora, in Greek τριχω, is used by
later writers to designate a three-fold division of any object—as for
instance, by Dioscorides, of the seed-pod of the acacia[126].
Whether this theory of the use of the apse be accurate or fanciful, the purely
Christian libraries to which I have alluded were undoubtedly connected,
more or less closely, with churches; and I submit that the libraries which in
the Middle Ages were connected with cathedrals and collegiate churches
are their lineal descendants.
I have next to consider the libraries formed by monastic communities, the
origin of which may be traced to very early times. Among the Christians of
the first three centuries there were enthusiasts who, discontented with the
luxurious life they led in the populous cities along the coasts of Africa and
Syria, fled into the Egyptian deserts, there to lead a life of rigorous self-
denial and religious contemplation. These hermits were presently joined by
other hermits, and small communities were gradually formed, with a regular
organization that foreshadowed the Rules and Customs of the later monastic
life. Those who governed these primitive monasteries soon realised the fact
that without books their inmates would relapse into barbarism, and libraries
were got together. The Rule of S. Pachomius (a.d. 292-345), whose

monastery was at Tabennisi near Denderah in Upper Egypt, provides that
the books of the House are to be kept in a cupboard (fenestra) in the
thickness of the wall. Any brother who wanted a book might have one for a
week, at the end of which he was bound to return it. No brother might leave
a book open when he went to church or to meals. In the evening the officer
called "the Second," that is, the second in command, was to take charge of
the books, count them, and lock them up.[127]
These provisions, insisted upon at a very early date, form a suitable
introduction to the most important section of my subject—the care of books
by the Monastic Orders. With them book-preserving and book-producing
were reduced to a system, and in their libraries—the public libraries of the
Middle Ages—literature found a home, until the invention of printing
handed over to the world at large the duties which had been so well
discharged by special communities. This investigation is full of difficulty;
and, though I hope to arrive at some definite conclusions respecting the
position, size, dimensions, and fittings of monastic libraries, I must admit
that my results depend to a certain extent on analogy and inference. It
should be remembered that in England the monasteries were swept away
more than three centuries ago by a sudden catastrophe, and that those who
destroyed them were far too busy with their own affairs to place on record
the aspect or the plan of what they were wrecking. In France again, though
little more than a century has elapsed since her monasteries were
overwhelmed by the Revolution, and though descriptions and views of
many of her great religious houses have been preserved, and much has been
done in the way of editing catalogues of their manuscripts, there is still a
lamentable dearth of information on my particular subject.
I shall begin by quoting some passages from the Rules and Customs of the
different Orders, which shew (1) that reading was encouraged and enforced
by S. Benedict himself, with whom the monastic life, as we conceive it,
may be said to have originated; (2) that subsequently, as Order after Order
was founded, a steady development of feeling with regard to books, and an
ever-increasing care for their safe-keeping, can be traced.
The Rule of S. Benedict was made public early in the sixth century; and the
later Orders were but offshoots of the Benedictine tree, either using his Rule
or basing their own statutes upon it. It will therefore be desirable to begin

this research by examining what S. Benedict said on the subject of study,
and I will translate a few lines from the 48th chapter of his Rule, Of daily
manual labour.
Idleness is the enemy of the soul; hence brethren ought, at
certain seasons, to occupy themselves with manual labour, and
again, at certain hours, with holy reading....
Between Easter and the calends of October let them apply
themselves to reading from the fourth hour till near the sixth
hour.
From the calends of October to the beginning of Lent let them
apply themselves to reading until the second hour.... During
Lent, let them apply themselves to reading from morning until
the end of the third hour ... and, in these days of Lent, let them
receive a book apiece from the library, and read it straight
through. These books are to be given out at the beginning of
Lent[128].
In this passage the library—by which a book-press is probably to be
understood—is specially mentioned. In other words, at that early date the
formation of a collection of books was contemplated, large enough to
supply the community with a volume apiece, without counting the service-
books required for use in the church.
The Benedictine Order flourished and increased abundantly for more than
four centuries, until, about a.d. 912, the order of Cluni was established. It
was so called from the celebrated abbey near Mâcon in Burgundy, which,
though not the first house of the Order in point of date, became
subsequently the first in extent, wealth, and reputation. As a stricter
observance of the Rule of S. Benedict was the main object which the
founder of this Order had in view, the Benedictine directions respecting
study are maintained and developed. The Customs prescribe the following
regulations for books:
On the second day of Lent the only passage of the Rule to be
read in Chapter is that concerning the observance of Lent.

Then shall be read aloud a note (brevis) of the books which a
year before had been given out to brethren for their reading.
When a brother's name is called, he rises, and returns the book
that had been given to him; and if it should happen that he has
not read it through, he is to ask forgiveness for his want of
diligence.
A carpet on which those books are to be laid out is to be put
down in the Chapter-House; and the titles of those which are
distributed to brethren afresh are to be noted, for which purpose
a tablet is to be made of somewhat larger size than usual[129].
In a subsequent chapter it is directed that the books are to be entrusted to
the official "who is called Precentor and Armarius, because he usually has
charge of the library, which is also called the armarium (press)[130]. This
arrangement shews that up to this date all the books, whether service-books
or not, were regarded as belonging to the church.
I come next to the decrees given to the English Benedictines by Archbishop
Lanfranc in or about 1070. "We send you" he says "the Customs of our
Order in writing, selected from the Customs of those houses (cœnobia)
which are in our day of the highest authority in the monastic order[131]."
The section relating to books is so interesting that I will translate it.
On the Monday after the first Sunday in Lent ... before the
brethren go in to Chapter, the librarian (custos librorum) ought
to have all the books brought together into the Chapter-House
and laid out on a carpet, except those which had been given out
for reading during the past year: these the brethren ought to
bring with them as they come into Chapter, each carrying his
book in his hand. Of this they ought to have had notice given to
them by the aforesaid librarian on the preceding day in Chapter.
Then let the passage in the Rule of S. Benedict about the
observance of Lent be read, and a discourse be preached upon it.
Next let the librarian read a document (breve) setting forth the
names of the brethren who have had books during the past year;
and let each brother, when he hears his own name pronounced,
return the book which had been entrusted to him for reading;

and let him who is conscious of not having read the book
through which he had received, fall down on his face, confess
his fault, and pray for forgiveness.
Then let the aforesaid librarian hand to each brother another
book for reading; and when the books have been distributed in
order, let the aforesaid librarian in the same Chapter put on
record the names of the books, and of those who receive
them[132].
It is, I think, certain that when Lanfranc was writing this passage the
Cluniac Customs must have been before him[133]. It should be noted that the
librarian is not defined otherwise than as "keeper of the books," but we
learn from the Customs of Benedictine houses subsequent to Lanfranc's
time that this duty was discharged by the Precentor, as in the Cluniac
Customs. For instance, in the Customs of the Benedictine house at
Abingdon, in Berkshire, drawn up near the end of the twelfth century, we
read:
The precentor shall keep clean the presses belonging to the boys
and the novices, and all others in which the books of the convent
are stored, repair them when they are broken, provide coverings
for the books in the library, and make good any damage done to
them[134].
The precentor cannot sell, or give away, or pledge any books;
nor can he lend any except on deposit of a pledge, of equal or
greater value than the book itself. It is safer to fall back on a
pledge, than to proceed against an individual. Moreover he may
not lend except to neighbouring churches, or to persons of
conspicuous worth[135].
The Customs of the Abbey of Evesham in Worcestershire give the same
directions in a slightly different form.
It is part of the precentor's duty to entrust to the younger monks
the care of the presses, and to keep them in repair: whenever the
convent is sitting in cloister, he is to go round the cloister as

soon as the bell has sounded, and replace the books, in case any
brother through carelessness should have forgotten to do so.
He is to take charge of all the books in the monastery, and have
them in his keeping, provided his carefulness and knowledge be
such that they may be entrusted to him. No one is to take a book
out unless it be entered on his roll: nor is any book to be lent to
any one without a proper and sufficient voucher, and this too is
to be set down on his roll[136].
The Carthusians—the second offshoot of the Benedictine tree (1084)—also
preserved the primitive tradition of study. They not only read themselves,
but were actively employed in writing books for others. In the chapter of
their statutes which deals with the furniture allowed to each "tenant of a cell
(incola celle)"—(for in this community each brother lived apart, with his
sitting-room, bed-room, and plot of garden-ground)—all the articles needful
for writing are enumerated, "for nearly all those whom we adopt we teach,
if possible, to write," and then the writer passes on to books.
Moreover he—[the tenant of the cell]—receives two books out
of the press for reading. He is admonished to take the utmost
care and pains that they be not soiled by smoke or dust or dirt of
any kind; for it is our wish that books, as being the perpetual
food of our souls, should be most jealously guarded, and most
carefully produced, that we, who cannot preach the word of God
with our lips, may preach it with our hands[137].
They did, however, on occasion lend books, for it is provided that when
books are lent no one shall retain them contrary to the will of the
lenders[138]. It would be interesting to know how this rule was enforced.
The Cistercian Order—founded 1128—adopted the Benedictine Rule, and
with it the obligation of study and writing. Moreover, in their anxiety to
take due care of their books, they went further than their predecessors; for
they entrusted them to a special officer, instead of to the precentor, and they
admitted a special room to contain them into the ground-plan of their
houses.

At a later point I shall return to the interesting subject of the Cistercian
book-room. For the present I must content myself with translating from
their Customs the passage relating to books. It occurs in Chapter cxv., Of
the precentor and his assistant. After describing his various duties, the
writer proceeds:
With regard to the production and safe-keeping of charters and
books, the abbat is to consider to whom he shall entrust this
duty.
The officer so appointed may go as far as the doors of the
writing-rooms when he wants to hand in or to take out a book,
but he may not go inside. In the same way for books in common
use, as for instance antiphoners, hymnals, graduals, lectionaries
[etc.], and those which are read in the Prater and at Collation, he
may go as far as the door of the novices, and of the sick, and of
the writers, and then ask for what he wants by a sign, but he may
not go further unless he have been commanded by the abbat.
When Collation is over it is his duty to close the press, and
during the period of labour, of sleep, and of meals, and while
vespers are being sung, to keep it locked[139].
The Customs of the Augustinian Order are exceedingly full on the subject
of books. I will translate part of the 14th chapter of the Customs in use at
Barnwell[140], near Cambridge. It is headed: Of the safe keeping of the
books, and of the office of Librarian (armarius). As the passage occurs also
in the Customs as observed in France and in Belgium, it may be taken, I
presume, to represent the general practice of the Order.
The Librarian, who is called also Precentor, is to take charge of
the books of the church; all which he ought to keep and to know
under their separate titles; and he should frequently examine
them carefully to prevent any damage or injury from insects or
decay. He ought also, at the beginning of Lent, in each year, to
shew them to the convent in Chapter, when the souls of those
who have given them to the church, or of the brethren who have
written them, and laboured over them, ought to be absolved, and
a service in convent be held over them. He ought also to hand to

the brethren the books which they see occasion to use, and to
enter on his roll the titles of the books, and the names of those
who receive them. These, when required, are bound to give
surety for the volumes they receive; nor may they lend them to
others, whether known or unknown, without having first
obtained permission from the Librarian. Nor ought the Librarian
himself to lend books unless he receive a pledge of equal value;
and then he ought to enter on his roll the name of the borrower,
the title of the book lent, and the pledge taken. The larger and
more valuable books he ought not to lend to anyone, known or
unknown, without permission of the Prelate....
Books which are to be kept at hand for daily use, whether for
singing or reading, ought to be in some common place, to which
all the brethren can have easy access for inspection, and
selection of anything which seems to them suitable. The books,
therefore, ought not to be carried away into chambers, or into
corners outside the Cloister or the Church. The Librarian ought
frequently to dust the books carefully, to repair them, and to
point them, lest brethren should find any error or hindrance in
the daily service of the church, whether in singing or in reading.
No other brother ought to erase or change anything in the books
unless he have obtained the consent of the Librarian....
The press in which the books are kept ought to be lined inside
with wood, that the damp of the walls may not moisten or stain
the books. This press should be divided vertically as well as
horizontally by sundry shelves on which the books may be
ranged so as to be separated from one another; for fear they be
packed so close as to injure each other or delay those who want
them[141].
Further, as the books ought to be mended, pointed, and taken
care of by the Librarian, so ought they to be properly bound by
him.
The Order of Prémontré—better known as the Premonstratensians, or
reformed Augustinians—repeat the essential part of these directions in their

statute, Of the Librarian (armarius), with this addition, that it is to be part
of the librarian's duty to provide for the borrowing of books for the use of
the House, as well as for lending[142].
Lastly, the Friars, though property was forbidden, and S. Francis would not
allow his disciples to own so much as a psalter or a breviary[143], soon
found that books were a necessity, and the severity of early discipline was
relaxed in favour of a library. S. Francis died in 1226, and only thirty-four
years afterwards, among the constitutions adopted by a General Chapter of
the Order held at Narbonne 10 June, 1260, are several provisions relating to
books. They are of no great importance, taken by themselves, but their
appearance at so early a date proves that books had become indispensable.
It is enacted that no brother may write books, or have them written, for sale;
nor may the chief officer of a province venture to keep books without leave
obtained from the chief officer of the whole Order; no brother may keep the
books assigned to him, unless they are altogether the property of the Order
—and so forth[144]. A century later, when Richard de Bury, Bishop of
Durham, was writing his Philobiblon (completed 24 January, 1344-45), he
could say of them and the other friars—whom, be it remembered, he, as a
regular, would regard with scant favour—
But whenever it happened that we turned aside to the cities and
places where the Mendicants had their convents we did not
disdain to visit their libraries and any other repositories of
books; nay there we found heaped up amidst the utmost poverty
the utmost riches of wisdom. We discovered in their fardels and
baskets not only crumbs falling from the master's table for the
dogs, but the shewbread without leaven and the bread of angels
having in it all that is delicious; and indeed the garners of Joseph
full of corn, and all the spoil of the Egyptians and the very
precious gifts which Queen Sheba brought to Solomon.
These men are as ants ever preparing their meat in the summer,
and ingenious bees continually fabricating cells of honey.... And
to pay due regard to truth ... although they lately at the eleventh
hour have entered the Lord's vineyard ..., they have added more
in this brief hour to the stock of the sacred books than all the
other vinedressers; following in the footsteps of Paul, the last to

be called but the first in preaching, who spread the gospel of
Christ more widely than all others[145].
At Assisi, the parent house of the Franciscan Order, there was a library of
considerable extent, many volumes of which still exist, with a catalogue
drawn up in 1381.
At this point I will resume the conclusions which may be deduced from this
examination of the Benedictine Rule and the Customs founded upon it.
In the first place they all assume the existence of a library. S. Benedict
contents himself with general directions about study. The Cluniacs put the
books in charge of the precentor, who is to be called also armarius, and
they prescribe an annual audit of them, with the assignment of a single
volume to each brother, on the security of a written attestation of the fact.
These regulations were adopted by the Benedictines, with fuller rules for
the librarian, who is still precentor also. He is to keep both presses and
books in repair, and personally to supervise the daily use of the
manuscripts, restoring to their proper places those that brethren may have
been reading. Among these rules permission to lend books on receipt of a
pledge first makes its appearance. The Carthusians maintain the principle of
lending. Each brother might have two books, and he is to be specially
careful to keep them clean. The Cistercians appoint a special officer to have
charge of the books, about the safety of which great care is to be taken, and
at certain times of the day he is to lock the press. The Augustinians and the
Premonstratensians follow the Cluniacs and Benedictines: but the
Premonstratensians direct their librarian to take note of the books that the
House borrows as well as of those that it lends; and they adopt the
Cistercian precaution about his opening and locking the press.
Secondly, by the time that Lanfranc was writing his statutes for English
Benedictines, it was evidently contemplated that the number of books
would have exceeded the number of brethren, for the keeper of the books is
directed to bring all the books of the House into Chapter, and after that the
brethren, one by one, are to bring in the books which they have
borrowed[146]. Among the books belonging to the House there were
probably some service-books; but, from the language used, it appears to me
that we may fairly conclude that by the end of the eleventh century

Benedictine Houses had two sets of books: (1) those which were distributed
among the brethren; (2) those which were kept in some safe place, as part of
the possessions of the House: or, to adopt modern phrases, that they had a
lending library and a library of reference.
Thirdly, it is evident that the loan of books to persons in general, on
adequate security, began at a very early date. On this account I have already
ventured to call monastic libraries the public libraries of the Middle Ages.
As time went on, the practice was developed, and at last became general. It
was even enjoined upon monks as a duty by their ecclesiastical superiors. In
1212 a Council which met at Paris made the following decree, but I am not
able to say whether it was accepted out of France:
We forbid those who belong to a religious Order, to formulate
any vow against lending their books to those who are in need of
them; seeing that to lend is enumerated among the principal
works of mercy.
After careful consideration, let some books be kept in the House
for the use of brethren; others, according to the decision of the
abbat, be lent to those who are in need of them, the rights of the
House being safe-guarded.
From the present date no book is to be retained under pain of
incurring a curse [for its alienation], and we declare all such
curses to be of no effect[147].
In the same century many volumes were bequeathed to the Augustinian
House of S. Victor, Paris, on the express condition that they should be so
lent[148]. It is almost needless to add that one abbey was continually lending
to another, either for reading or for copying[149].
Houses which lent liberally would probably be the first to relax discipline
so far as to admit strangers to their libraries; and in the sixteenth and
following centuries the libraries of the Benedictine House of S. Germain
des Près, Paris, as well as the already mentioned House of S. Victor, were
open to all comers on certain days in the week.

When we try to realise the feelings with which monastic communities
regarded books, it must always be remembered that they had a paternal
interest in them. In many cases they had been written in the very House in
which they were afterwards read from generation to generation: and if not,
they had probably been procured by the exchange of some work so written.
In fact, if a book was not a son of the House, it was at least a nephew.
The conviction that books were a possession with which no convent could
dispense, appears in many medieval writers. The whole matter is summed
up in the phrase, written about 1170, "claustrum sine armario, castrum sine
armamentario[150]," an epigram which I will not spoil by trying to translate
it; and even more clearly in the passionate utterances of Thomas à Kempis
on the desolate condition of priest and convent without books[151]. The
"round of creation" is explored for similes to enforce this truth. A priest so
situated is like a horse without bridle, a ship without oars, a writer without
pens, a bird without wings, etc.; while the House is like a kitchen without
stewpans, a table without food, a well without water, a river without fish—
and many other things which I have no space to mention.
Evidence of the solicitude with which they protected their treasures is not
wanting. The very mode of holding a manuscript was prescribed, if not by
law, at least by general custom. "When the religious are engaged in reading
in cloister or in church," says an Order of the General Benedictine Chapter,
"they shall if possible hold the books in their left hands, wrapped in the
sleeve of their tunics, and resting on their knees; their right hands shall be
uncovered with which to hold and turn the leaves of the aforesaid
books[152]." In a manuscript at Monte Cassino[153] is the practical injunction

Quisquis quem tetigerit
Sit illi lota manus;

and at the same House the possession of handkerchiefs—which were
evidently regarded as effeminate inventions—is specially excused on the
ground that they would be useful—among other things—"for wrapping
round the manuscripts which brethren handle[154]." Of similar import is the
distich at the end of a fine manuscript formerly in the library of S. Victor:

Qui servare libris preciosis nescit honorem

Illius a manibus sit procul iste liber[155].
With these injunctions may be compared a note in a fourteenth century
manuscript from the same library:
Whoever pursues his studies in this book, should be careful to
handle the leaves gently and delicately, so as to avoid tearing
them by reason of their thinness; and let him imitate the
example of Jesus Christ, who, when he had quietly opened the
book of Isaiah and read therein attentively, rolled it up with
reverence, and gave it again to the minister[156];
and the advice of Thomas à Kempis to the youthful students for whose
benefit he composed the treatise called Doctrinale Juvenum which I have
already quoted:
Take thou a book into thine hands as Simeon the Just took the
Child Jesus into his arms to carry him and kiss him. And when
thou hast finished reading, close the book and give thanks for
every word out of the mouth of God; because in the Lord's field
thou hast found a hidden treasure[157].
In a similar strain a writer or copyist entreats readers to be careful of his
work—work which has cost him an amount of pains that they cannot
realise. It is impossible to translate the original exactly, but I hope that I
have given the meaning with tolerable clearness:
I beseech you, my friend, when you are reading my book to
keep your hands behind its back, for fear you should do mischief
to the text by some sudden movement; for a man who knows
nothing about writing thinks that it is no concern of his.
Whereas to a writer the last line is as sweet as port is to a sailor.
Three fingers hold the pen, but the whole body toils. Thanks be
to God. I Warembert wrote this book in God's name. Thanks be
to God. Amen[158].
Entreaties so gentle and so pathetic as these are seldom met with; but curses
—in the same strain probably as those to which the Council of Paris took
exception—are extremely common. In fact, in some Houses, a manuscript

invariably ended with an imprecation—more or less severe, according to
the writer's taste[159]. I will append a few specimens.
This book belongs to S. Maximin at his monastery of Micy,
which abbat Peter caused to be written, and with his own labour
corrected and punctuated, and on Holy Thursday dedicated to
God and S. Maximin on the altar of S. Stephen, with this
imprecation that he who should take it away from thence by
what device soever, with the intention of not restoring it, should
incur damnation with the traitor Judas, with Annas, Caiaphas,
and Pilate. Amen[160].
Should anyone by craft or any device whatever abstract this
book from this place [Jumièges] may his soul suffer, in
retribution for what he has done, and may his name be erased
from the book of the living and not be recorded among the
Blessed[161].
A simpler form of imprecation occurs very frequently in manuscripts
belonging to S. Alban's:
This book belongs to S. Alban. May whosoever steals it from
him or destroys its title be anathema. Amen[162].
A similar form of words occurs at the Cistercian House of Clairvaux, a
great school of writing like S. Alban's, but whether it habitually protected
its manuscripts in this manner I am unable to say:
May whoever steals or alienates this manuscript, or scratches
out its title, be anathema. Amen[163].
A very curious form of curse occurs in one of the manuscripts of Christ
Church, Canterbury. The writer repents of his severity in the last sentence.
May whoever destroys this title, or by gift or sale or loan or
exchange or theft or by any other device knowingly alienates
this book from the aforesaid Christ Church, incur in this life the
malediction of Jesus Christ and of the most glorious Virgin His
Mother, and of Blessed Thomas, Martyr. Should however it

please Christ, who is patron of Christ Church, may his soul be
saved in the Day of Judgment[164].
Lastly, I will quote a specimen in verse, from a breviary now in the library
of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge:

Wher so ever y be come over all
I belonge to the Chapell of gunvylle hall:
He shal be cursed by the grate sentens
That felonsly faryth and berith me thens.
And whether he bere me in pooke or sekke,
For me he shall be hanged by the nekke,
(I am so well beknown of dyverse men)
But I be restored theder agen[165].

On the other hand, the gift of books to a monastery was gratefully recorded
and enumerated among the good deeds of their donors. Among the
Augustinians such gifts, and the labour expended upon books in general,
was the subject of a special service[166].
It is not uncommon to find a monastic library regularly endowed with part
of the annual revenue of the House. For instance, at Corbie, the librarian
received 10 sous from each of the higher, and 5 sous from each of the
inferior officers, together with a certain number of bushels of corn from
lands specially set apart for the purpose. This was confirmed by a bull of
Pope Alexander III. (1166-1179)[167]. A similar arrangement was made at
the library of S. Martin des Champs, Paris, in 1261[168]. At the Benedictine
Abbey of Fleury, near Orleans, in 1146, it was agreed in chapter on the
proposition of the abbat, that in each year on S. Benedict's winter festival
(21 March), he and the priors subordinate to him, together with the officers
of the House, should all contribute "to the repair of our books, the
preparation of new ones, and the purchase of parchment." The name of each
contributor, and the sum that he was to give, are recorded[169]. At the
Benedictine Monastery of Ely Bishop Nigel (1133-1174) granted the tithe
of certain churches in the diocese "as a perpetual alms to the scriptorium of
the church of Ely for the purpose of making and repairing the books of the
said church[170]." The books referred to were probably, in the first instance,

service-books; but the number required of these could hardly have been
sufficient to occupy the whole time of the scribes, and the library would
doubtless derive benefit from their labours. The scriptorium at S. Alban's
was also specially endowed.
We must next consider the answer to the following questions: In what part
of their Houses did the Monastic Orders bestow their books? and what
pieces of furniture did they use? The answer to the first of these questions is
a very curious one, when we consider what our climate is, and indeed what
the climate of the whole of Europe is, during the winter months. The centre
of the monastic life was the cloister. Brethren were not allowed to
congregate in any other part of the conventual buildings, except when they
went into the frater, or dining-hall, for their meals, or at certain hours in
certain seasons into the warming-house (calefactorium). In the cloister
accordingly they kept their books; and there they wrote and studied, or
conducted the schooling of the novices and choir-boys, in winter and in
summer alike.
It is obvious that their work must have been at the mercy of the elements
during many months of the year, and some important proofs that such was
the case can be quoted. Cuthbert, Abbat of Wearmouth and Jarrow in the
second half of the eighth century, excuses himself to a correspondent for not
having sent him all the works of Bede which he had asked for, on the
ground that the intense cold of the previous winter had paralysed the hands
of his scribes[171]; Ordericus Vitalis, who wrote in the first half of the
twelfth century, closes the fourth book of his Ecclesiastical History with a
lament that he must lay aside his work for the winter[172]; and a monk of
Ramsey Abbey in Huntingdonshire has recorded his discomforts in a Latin
couplet which seems to imply that in a place so inconvenient as a cloister
all seasons were equally destructive of serious work:

In vento minime pluvia nive sole sedere
Possumus in claustro nec scribere neque studere[173].

As we sit here in tempest in rain snow and sun
Nor writing nor reading in cloister is done.

But, when circumstances were more propitious, plenty of good work that
was of permanent value could be done in a cloister. A charming picture has
come down to us of the literary activity that prevailed in the Abbey of S.
Martin at Tournai at the end of the eleventh century, when Abbat Odo was
giving an impulse to the writing of MSS. "When you entered the cloister,"
says his chronicler, "you could generally see a dozen young monks seated
on chairs, and silently writing at desks of careful and artistic design. With
their help, he got accurate copies made of all Jerome's commentaries on the
Prophets, of the works of Blessed Gregory, and of all the treatises he could
find of Augustine, Ambrose, Isidore, and Anselm; so that the like of his
library was not to be found in any of the neighbouring churches; and those
attached to them used generally to ask for our copies for the correction of
their own[174]."
The second question cannot be answered so readily. We must begin by
examining, in some detail, the expressions used to denote furniture in the
various documents that deal with conventual libraries.
S. Pachomius places his books in a cupboard (fenestra); S. Benedict uses
only the general term, library (bibliotheca), which may mean either a room
or a piece of furniture; and the word press (armarium), with which we
become so familiar afterwards, does not make its appearance till near the
end of the eleventh century. Lanfranc does not use it, but as I have shewn
that he based his statutes, at least to some extent, on the Cluniac Customs,
and as they identify the library (bibliotheca) with the press (armarium), and
call the librarian, termed by Lanfranc the keeper of the books, the keeper of
the press (armarius), we may safely assume that the books to which
Lanfranc refers were housed in a similar piece of furniture. Moreover, in
Benedictine houses of later date, as for instance at Abingdon and Evesham,
the word is constantly employed.
I pointed out in the first chapter that the word press (armarium) was used
by the Romans to signify both a detached piece of furniture and a recess in
a wall into which such a contrivance might be inserted[175]. The same use
obtained in medieval times[176], and the passage quoted above from the
Augustinian customs[177] shews that the book-press there contemplated was
a recess lined with wood and subdivided so as to keep the books separate.

The books to be accommodated in a monastery, even of large size, could
not at its origin have been numerous[178], and would easily have been
contained in a single receptacle. This, I conceive, was that recess in the wall
which is so frequently found between the Chapter-House and the door into
the church at the end of the east pane of the cloister. In many monastic ruins
this recess is still open, and, by a slight effort of imagination, can be
restored to its pristine use. Elsewhere it is filled in, having been abandoned
by the monks themselves in favour of a fresh contrivance. The recess I am
speaking of was called the common press (armarium commune), or
common cloister-press (commune armarium claustri); and it contained the
books appointed for the general use of the community (communes libri).
A press of this description (fig. 19) is still to be seen in excellent
preservation at the Cistercian monastery of Fossa Nuova in Central Italy,
near Terracina, which I visited in the spring of 1900. This house may be
dated 1187-1208[179]. The press is in the west wall of the south transept (fig.
21), close to the door leading to the church. It measures 4 ft. 3 in. wide, by
3 ft. 6 in. high; and is raised 2 ft. 3 in. above the floor of the cloister. It is
lined with slabs of stone; but the hinges are not strong enough to have
carried doors of any material heavier than wood; and I conjecture that the
shelf also was of the same material. Stone is plentiful in that part of Italy,
but wood, especially in large pieces, would have to be brought from a
distance. Hence its removal, as soon as the cupboard was not required for
the purpose for which it was constructed.

Fig. 19. Press in the cloister at the
Cistercian Abbey of Fossa Nuova.
Two recesses, evidently intended for the same purpose, are to be seen in the
east walk of the cloister of Worcester Cathedral, formerly a Benedictine
monastery. They are between the Chapter-House and the passage leading to
the treasury and other rooms. Each recess is square-headed, 6 ft. 9 in. high,
2 ft. 6 in. deep, and 11 ft. broad (fig. 20). In front of the recesses is a bench-
table, 13 in. broad and 16 in. high. This book-press was in use so late as
1518, when a book bought by the Prior was "delyvered to ye cloyster
awmery[180]."

Fig. 20. Groundplan and elevation of the book-recesses in
the cloister of Worcester Cathedral.
As books multiplied ampler accommodation for them became necessary;
and, as they were to be read in cloister, it was obvious that the new presses
or cases must either be placed in the cloister or be easily accessible from it.
The time had not yet come when the collection could be divided, and be
placed partly in the cloister, partly in a separate and sometimes distant
room. This want of book-room was supplied in two ways. In Benedictine
and possibly in Cluniac houses the books were stored in detached wooden
presses, which I shall describe presently; but the Cistercians adopted a
different method. At the beginning of the twelfth century, when that Order
was founded, the need of additional book-space had been fully realised;
and, consequently, in their houses we meet with a special room set apart for
books. But the conservative spirit which governed monastic usage, and
discouraged any deviation from the lines of the primitive plan, made them
keep the press in the wall close to the door of the church; and, in addition to
this, they cut off a piece from the west end of the sacristy, which usually
intervened between the south transept and the Chapter-House, and fitted it
up for books. This was done at Fossa Nuova. The groundplan (fig. 21)
shews the press which I have already figured, and the book-room between
the transept and the Chapter-House, adjoining the sacristy. It is 14 ft. long
by 10 ft. broad, with a recess in its north wall which perhaps once contained
another press.

Fig. 21. Groundplan of part of the Abbey of Fossa
Nuova. To shew the book-room and book-press, and
their relations to adjoining structures: partly from
M. Enlart's work, partly from my own
measurements.
There is a similar book-room at Kirkstall Abbey near Leeds, built about
1150. The plan (fig. 22, A) shews its relation to the adjoining structures.
The armarium commune (ibid. B) is a little to the north of the room, as at
Fossa Nuova. A room in a similar position, and destined no doubt to the
same use, is to be seen at Beaulieu, Hayles, Jervaulx, Netley, Tintern,
Croxden, and Roche.

Fig. 22. Groundplan of part of
Kirkstall Abbey, Yorkshire.
A, book-room: B, armarium commune.

The catalogue of the books at the Abbey of Meaux in Holderness[181],
founded about the middle of the 12th century, has fortunately been
preserved; and it tells us not only what books were kept in one of these
rooms, but how they were arranged. After the contents of the presses in the
church, which contained chiefly service-books, we come to the "common
press in the cloister (commune almarium claustri)." On the shelf over the
door (in suprema theca[182] supra ostium) were four psalters. The framer of
the catalogue then passes to the opposite end of the room, and, beginning
with the top shelf (suprema theca opposita), enumerates 37 volumes. Next,
he deals with the rest of the books, which, he tells us, were in other shelves,
marked with the letters of the alphabet (in aliis thecis distinctis per
alphabetum). If I understand the catalogue correctly, there were eleven of

these divisions, each containing an average of about 25 volumes. The total
number of volumes in the collection was 316.
Again, the catalogue of the House of White Canons at Titchfield in
Hampshire, dated 1400, shews that the books were kept in a small room, on
sets of shelves called columpnæ, set against the walls. The catalogue begins
as follows:
There are in the Library at Tychefeld four cases to set books on;
two of which, namely the first and the second, are on the eastern
side. The third is on the south side; and the fourth is on the north
side. Each of these has eight shelves [etc.][183].
Nor was this book-closet confined to Cistercian Houses. In the Cluniac
Priory at Much Wenlock in Shropshire there is a long narrow room on the
west side of the south transept, opening to the cloister by three arches,
which could hardly have been put to any other purpose. It is obvious that no
study could have gone forward in such places; they must have been
intended for security only.
As time went on, and further room for books became necessary, it was
provided, at least in some Cistercian Houses, by cutting off two rectangular
spaces from the west end of the Chapter-House. There is a good example of
this treatment to be seen at Furness Abbey, built 1150—1200. The
following description is borrowed from Mr W. H. St John Hope's
architectural history of the buildings.
From the transept southwards the whole of the existing work is
of later date, and distinctly advanced character. The ground
storey is pierced with five large and elaborate round-headed
doorways with good moldings and labels, with a delicate dog-
tooth ornament. Three of these next the transept form a group....
The central arch opened, through a vestibule, into the Chapter
House. The others open into large square recesses or chambers,
with ashlar walls, and rubble barrel-vaults springing from
chamfered imposts on each side. In the northern chamber the
vault is kept low and segmental, on account of the passage
above it of the dorter stair to the church.... The southern

chamber has a high pointed vault. Neither chamber has had
doors, but the northern has holes in the inner jamb, suggestive of
a grate of some kind, of uncertain date.
The chambers just described probably contained the library, in
wooden presses arranged round the walls[184].
To illustrate this description a portion of Mr Hope's plan of Furness Abbey
(fig. 23) is appended. Each room was about 13 ft. square.

Fig. 23. Groundplan of part of Furness Abbey.

Fig. 24. Arches in south wall of Church at Beaulieu
Abbey, Hampshire, once possibly used as book-presses.

Rooms in a similar position are to be seen at Calder Abbey[185] in
Cumberland, a daughter-house to Furness; and at Fountains Abbey there are
clear indications that the western angles of the Chapter-House were
partitioned off at some period subsequent to its construction, probably for a
similar purpose. As the Chapter-House was entered from the cloister
through three large round-headed arches, each of the rooms thus formed
could be entered directly from the cloister, the central arch being reserved
for the Chapter-House itself. The arrangement therefore became exactly
similar to that at Furness. Mr Hope thinks that the series of arches in the
church wall at Beaulieu in Hampshire, two of which are here shewn (fig.
24), may have been used for a like purpose[186]. There is a similar series of
arches at Hayles, a daughter-house to Beaulieu; and in the south cloister of
Chester Cathedral there are six recesses of early Norman design, which, if
not sepulchral, may once have contained books.
The use of the Chapter-House and its neighbourhood as the place in which
books should be kept is one of the most curious features of the Cistercian
life. The east walk of the cloister, into which the Chapter-House usually
opened, must have been one of the most frequented parts of the House, and

yet it seems to have been deliberately chosen not merely for keeping books,
but for reading them. At Clairvaux, so late as 1709, the authors of the
Voyage Littéraire record the following arrangement:
Le grand cloître ... est voûté et vitré. Les religieux y doivent
garder un perpetuel silence. Dans le côté du chapitre il y a des
livres enchaînez sur des pupitres de bois, dans lesquels les
religieux peuvent venir faire des lectures lorsqu'ils veulent[187].

A similar arrangement obtained at Citeaux[188].
Having traced the development of the Cistercian book-closet, from a simple
recess in the wall to a pair of more or less spacious rooms at the west end of
the Chapter-House, I return to my starting-point, and proceed to discuss the
arrangement adopted by the Benedictines. They must have experienced the
inconvenience arising from want of space more acutely than the Cistercians,
being more addicted to study and the production of books. They made no
attempt, however, to provide space by structural changes or additions to
their Houses, but were content with wooden presses in the cloister for their
books, and small wooden studies, called carrells, for the readers and writers.
The uniformity which governed monastic usage was so strict that the
practice of almost any large monastery may be taken as a type of what was
done elsewhere. Hence, when we find a full record of the way in which
books were used in the great Benedictine House at Durham, we may rest
assured that, mutatis mutandis, we have got a good general idea of the
whole subject. I will therefore begin by quoting a passage from that
valuable work The Rites of Durham, a description of the House drawn up
after the Reformation by some one who had known it well in other days,
premising only that it represents the final arrangements adopted by the
Order, and takes no account of the steps that led to them.
In the north syde of the Cloister, from the corner over against
the Church dour to the corner over againste the Dorter dour, was
all fynely glased from the hight to the sole within a litle of the
grownd into the Cloister garth. And in every wyndowe iij Pewes
or Carrells, where every one of the old Monks had his carrell,
severall by himselfe, that, when they had dyned, they dyd
resorte to that place of Cloister, and there studyed upon there

books, every one in his carrell, all the after nonne, unto
evensong tyme. This was there exercise every daie.
All there pewes or carrells was all fynely wainscotted and verie
close, all but the forepart, which had carved wourke that gave
light in at ther carrell doures of wainscott. And in every carrell
was a deske to lye there bookes on. And the carrells was no
greater then from one stanchell of the wyndowe to another.
And over against the carrells against the church wall did stande
certaine great almeries [or cupbords] of waynscott all full of
bookes, wherein did lye as well the old auncyent written
Doctors of the Church as other prophane authors with dyverse
other holie mens wourks, so that every one dyd studye what
Doctor pleased them best, havinge the Librarie at all tymes to
goe studie in besydes there carrells.[189]
At Durham the monastic buildings stood to the south of the church, and the
library-walk of the cloister was that walk, or alley, or pane, or syde (for all
these words are used), which had the church to the north of it. The library
was placed there partly for the sake of warmth, partly to secure greater
privacy. At Canterbury and at Gloucester, where the church was to the south
of the conventual buildings, the library-walk of the cloister was still the
walk next to the church, the other walks, as Mr Hope has pointed out to me,
being apparently kept clear for the Sunday procession.

Fig. 25. The cloister, Westminster Abbey. From Mr
Micklethwaite's plan of the buildings.
I propose to explain the system indicated in the above quotation by
reference to a plan of the cloister at Westminster Abbey, drawn by my
friend Mr J. T. Micklethwaite (fig. 25)[190], and by quotations from his notes
upon it. At Durham every vestige of ancient arrangement has been so
completely destroyed that it is better to go to another House, where less
mischief has been done, and it happens fortunately that, so far as the
position of the cloister with reference to the church is concerned,
Westminster is the exact counterpart of Durham. I will consider first the last
paragraph of my quotation from the Rites of Durham, that namely which
deals with the presses for books, there called "almeries or cupbords."
Mr Micklethwaite shews that the two bays at the north end of the west walk
of the cloister, and the second bay from the west in the north walk (fig. 25,
nos. 1, 2, 4), were appropriated to the novices, by the existence of several
sets of nine holes, evidently cut by boys in their idle moods for the playing
of some game. Similar holes have been found at Canterbury, Gloucester,
and elsewhere. Next he points out that "the nosing of the wall-bench for six
feet of the third bay from the west in the north walk, and in the whole of the
fourth and fifth bays, and nearly all the sixth, has been cut away flush with
the riser, as if some large pieces of furniture had been placed there (ibid.
nos. 5, 5, 5, 5). These were evidently bookcases." Eastward of these

indications of bookcases "the bases of the vaulting-shafts are cut in a way
which seems to shew that there was a double screen there (ibid. nos. 6, 6),
or perhaps there were bookcases arranged so as to form a screen, which is, I
think, very likely. Beyond this screen to the right are appearances in the
wall [next the cloister-garth] which seem to indicate a blocked-up locker,
but they are rather doubtful. And on the left is a large double locker blocked
(ibid. 7), and the blocking appears to be ancient. This locker is of the date of
the wall (Edw. I.), and may have been an additional book-closet provided,
because that on the other side of the church-door [to be described presently]
had become too small, and [was] blocked up when the larger bookcases
were made opposite the carrells[191]."
Lastly, at the risk of some repetition, I will quote a passage from a letter
which Mr Micklethwaite was so good as to write to me on this subject, as it
brings out some additional points, and states the whole question with great
clearness. After describing the position of the bookcases, he proceeds:
There was thus a space, the width of the bench, between the
back of the case and the cloister-wall, which would help to keep
things dry. Whether the floor was boarded we cannot now tell,
but there is evidence that this part of the cloister was cut off
from the rest by screens of some sort at both ends, which would
make it a long gallery lighted on one side, and with bookcases
ranged along the other, not unlike Wren's at Lincoln. The
windows must have been glazed; indeed remains of the glazing
existed to the end of the 17th century; and there were within my
memory marks of fittings along the windows-side which I did
not then understand, but which, if they still existed, would I
have no doubt tell us something of the carrells. A "thorough
restoration" has taken away every trace of them.
The "bookcase on the other side of the church door" mentioned above was
in the northernmost bay of the east cloister. Mr Micklethwaite says of it:
"Entering the cloister from the church by the east cloister door (ibid. no. 8),
we find on our left hand a very broad bench against the wall, extending as
far as the entrance to the Chapter-House (ibid. 10). In the most northern bay
the wall-arcade, instead of being brought down by shafts as in the others, is

stopped off at the springing by original brackets, as if to allow of some
large piece of furniture being placed against the wall. Here, I believe, stood
in the thirteenth century the armarium commune, or common bookcase
(ibid. 9). At Durham there is a Norman arched recess in the same place, not
mentioned by the writer of the Rites, because before his time its use had
ceased, books having become more numerous, and being provided for
elsewhere[192]."
These notes enable us to imagine what this library was like. It was about 80
feet long by 15 feet broad, extending along four bays of the cloister. It was
cut off by a screen at one end, and possibly at the other also; the book-
presses stood against the wall, opposite to the windows, which were
probably glazed, as we know those at Durham were; and there might have
been a wooden floor. Further, the older monks sat in "carrells," as we learn
from the custumary of Abbat Ware, who was in office 1258-83. The writer
is speaking of the novices, and says that after they have attained a certain
degree of proficiency they may sit in cloister, and "be allowed to glance at
books taken out of the presses (armaria) belonging to the older monks. But
they must not be permitted as yet to write or to have carrells[193]."
Whatever may have been the discomfort of this library according to our
ideas, there is good reason for believing that it was in use till 1591, when
Dean Williams fitted up part of the Dorter as a library for the use of the
Dean and Canons[194].
The practice of placing the book-press in the cloister obtained with equal
force in France, for the Benedictines who wrote the Voyage Littéraire, and
who would of course be well acquainted with what was usual in their own
Order, remark with surprise when they visit the ancient abbey of Cruas on
the Rhone, that the press is in the church.
On voit encore dans l'eglise l'armoire où on enfermoit les livres,
contre la coûtume des autres monastères de l'ordre, qui avoient
cette armoire dans le cloître. On y lit ces vers d'un caractère qui
peut avoir cinq cent ans:

Pastor jejunat qui libros non coadunat
Nec panem præbet subjectis quem dare debet[195].

A shepherd starves whose store of books is low:
Nor can he on his flock their due bestow.
No example of an English book-press has survived, so far as I know, but it
would be rash to say that none exists; nor have I been so fortunate as to find
one in France, though I have taken a great deal of pains to obtain
information on the subject. In default of a press made specially to hold
books, I must content myself with representations of two well-known pieces
of furniture—both preserved in French churches.
The first (fig. 26) stands in the upper sacristy of the Cathedral of Bayeux,
over the south transept. The name usually given to it, le Chartrier de
Bayeux, implies that it was made to hold documents. M. Viollet-le-Duc does
not accept this view, but considers that it contained reliquaries, with which
he probably would not object to associate other articles of church-plate.

Fig. 26. Part of the ancient press in
Bayeux Cathedral, called Le Chartrier de

Bayeux. From a photograph.

Fig. 27. Press in the church at Obazine,
Central France. From a photograph.
It is of oak, very coarse, rough, and massive. It is 9 ft. 3 inches high, from
floor to top, 17 ft. 2 inches long—(it was originally 3 ft. longer)—and 3 ft.
deep. There are two rows of cupboards each 3 ft. 8 inches high, with
massive doors that still preserve their original ironwork. The whole piece of
furniture has once been painted, indications of which still exist, but the
subjects can no longer be made out. M. Viollet-le-Duc[196], who possibly
saw the paintings when they were in a better state of preservation than when
I examined them in 1896, decides that they once represented the translation
of relics.
My second example (fig. 27) is in the church of Obazine in Central France
(Département de la Corrèze). It is far simpler and ruder than the press in

Bayeux Cathedral; and the style of ornamentation employed indicates a
somewhat earlier date; though M, Viollet-le-Duc places the construction of
both in the first years of the 13th century. It is 6 ft. 7 in. high, by 7 ft. broad,
and 2 ft. 7 in. deep. The material is oak, which still bears a few traces of
having once been painted[197].
These pieces of furniture were certainly not made specially for books; but,
as they belong to a period when the monastic system was in full, vigorous,
life, it is at least probable that they resemble those used by monks to contain
their books. I have shewn in the previous chapter that in ancient Rome the
press used for books was essentially the same as that used for very different
purposes; and I submit that it is unnecessary to suppose that monastic
carpenters would invent a special piece of furniture to hold books. They
would take the armarium that was in daily use, and adapt it to their own
purposes.
Before I leave this part of my subject I must mention that there is a third
press in the Church of Saint Germain l'Auxerrois, Paris. It stands in a small
room over the south end of the west porch, which may once have been a
muniment room. It was probably made about a century later than those
which I have figured. In arrangement it bears a general resemblance to the
example from Bayeux. It consists of six cupboards arranged in two tiers, the
lower of which is raised to the level of a bench which extends along the
whole length of the piece of furniture, with its ends mortised into those of
the cupboards. The seat of this bench lifts up, so as to form an additional
receptacle for books or papers[198].
The curious wooden contrivances called carrells, which are mentioned in
the above quotation from the Rites of Durham, have of course entirely
disappeared. Nothing is said about their height; but in breadth each of them
was equal to the distance from the middle of one mullion of a window to
the middle of the next; it was made of wainscot, and had a door of open
carved work by which it was entered from the cloister. This arrangement
was doubtless part of the systematic supervision of brother by brother that
was customary in a monastery. Even the aged, though engaged in study,
were not to be left to their own devices. I have carefully measured the
windows at Durham (fig. 28); and, though they have been a good deal
altered, I suppose the mullions are in their original places. If this be so the

carrells could not have been more than 2 ft. 9 in. wide, and the occupant
would have found but little room to spare. There are eleven windows, so
that thirty-three monks could have been accommodated, on the supposition
that all were fitted with carrells.

Fig. 28. Groundplan of one of the
windows in the cloister of Durham
Cathedral.
In the south cloister at Gloucester there is a splendid series of twenty stone
carrells (fig. 29), built between 1370 and 1412. Each carrell is 4 ft. wide, 19
in. deep, and 6 ft. 9 in. high, lighted by a small window of two lights; but as
figures do not give a very vivid idea of size, and as I could not find any one
else to do what I wanted, I borrowed a chair from the church and a folio
from the library, and sat down to read, as one of the monks might have done
six centuries ago (fig. 30). There is no trace of any woodwork appertaining
to these carrells; or of any book-press having ever stood near them. The
easternmost carrell, however, differs a good deal from the others, and it may
have been used as a book-closet. There is a bench-table along the wall of
the church opposite to the carrells; but it does not appear to have been cut
away to make room for book-presses, as at Westminster. The south alley
appears to have been shut off at the east end, and also at the west end, by a
screen[199].

Fig. 29. Range of carrells in the south
cloister at Gloucester Cathedral. (From
Mr Murray's Handbook to the Western
Cathedrals.)
This drawing will help us to understand the arrangement of the wooden
carrells used at Durham and elsewhere. Each carrell must have closely
resembled a modern sentry-box, with this difference, that one side was
formed by a light of the window looking into the cloister-garth, opposite to
which was the door of entrance. This, I imagine, would be of no great
height; and moreover was made of open work, partly that the work of the
occupant might be supervised, partly to let as much light as possible pass
through into the cloister-library. The seat would be on one side of the carrell
and the desk on the other, the latter being so arranged that the light would
enter on the reader's left hand.

Fig. 30. A single carrell, Gloucester
Cathedral.
Carrells seem to have been usual in monasteries from very early times, not
to have been introduced at a comparatively late date in order to ensure
greater comfort. The earliest passage referring to them is that which I have
already quoted[200], shewing that they were in use at Westminster between
1258 and 1283; at Bury S. Edmunds the destruction of the carrells is
mentioned among other outrages in a riot in 1327[201]; they occur at
Evesham between 1367 and 1379[202]; at Abingdon in 1383-84[203]; and at
Christ Church, Canterbury, it is recorded among the good deeds of Prior
Sellyng (1472-94), that in the south alley of the cloister "novos Textus quos
Carolos ex novo vocamus perdecentes fecit"; words which Professor Willis
renders "constructed there very convenient framed contrivances which are
now-a-days called carols[204]." Their use—at any rate in some Houses—is
evident from an injunction among the Customs of S. Augustine's,

Canterbury, to the effect that the cellarer and others who rarely sit in cloister
might not have carrells, nor in fact any brother unless he be able to help the
community by copying or illuminating, or at least by adding musical
notation[205]. They were in fact devices to provide a certain amount of
privacy for literary work in Houses where there was no Scriptorium or
writing-room. At Durham, according to the author of Rites, they were used
exclusively for reading.
The above-mentioned Customs of S. Augustine's, written between 1310 and
1344, give a valuable contemporary picture of the organization of one of the
more important cloister-libraries. The care of the presses is to be entrusted
to the Precentor and his subordinate, called the Succentor. The former is to
have a seat in front of the press—which doubtless stood against the wall—
and his carrell is to stand at no great distance, on the stone between the
piers of the arches next the cloister-garth. The Succentor is to have his seat
and his carrell on the bench near the press—by which the bench which
commonly ran along the cloister-wall is obviously meant. These
arrangements are made "in order that these two officers, or at least one of
them, may always be at hand to satisfy brethren who make any demand
upon their time[206]." In other words, they were the librarian and sub-
librarian, who were to be always ready to answer questions. It is clear that
brethren were not allowed to handle the books as they pleased.
The cloister at Durham, or at least that part of it which was used as a
library, was glazed; but whether with white glass or stained glass we are not
informed. So obvious a device for increasing both the comfort and the
beauty of a much-frequented part of the monastic buildings was doubtless
adopted in many other Houses. At Bury S. Edmunds part at least of the
cloister had "painted windows representing the sun, moon and stars and the
occupations of the months"; at Christ Church, Canterbury, Prior Sellyng
(1472-94) "had the south walk of the cloister glazed for the use of the
studious brethren"; at Peterborough the windows of the cloister
were all compleat and fair, adorned with glass of excellent
painting: In the South Cloyster was the History of the Old
Testament: In the East Cloyster of the New: In the North
Cloyster the Figures of the successive Kings from King Peada:
In the West Cloyster was the History from the first foundation of

the Monastery of King Peada, to the restoring of it by King
Edgar. Every window had at the bottom the explanation of the
History thus in Verse[207].
At Westminster, as recorded above, traces of the insertion of glass have
been observed.
In later times, when regular libraries had been built for the monasteries, a
special series of portraits occasionally appeared in glass, on a system
similar to that worked out in other materials in Roman and post-Roman
libraries; and sometimes, in other libraries, subjects are to be met with
instead of portraits, to indicate the nature of the works standing near them.
But I cannot say whether cloister-glass was ever treated in this way.

FOOTNOTES:
[115] Epist. XLIX. § 3. Ad Pammachium. Revolve omnium quos supra
memoravi commentarios, et ecclesiarum bibliothecis fruere et magis concito
gradu ad optata coeptaque pervenies.
[116] I have to acknowledge my indebtedness to the article "Libraries," in the
Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, and to the references there given.
[117] Hist. Eccl. VI. 20. ηκμαζον δε κατα τουτο πλειους λογιοι και
εκκλησιαστικοι ανδρες ων και επιστολας ας προς αλληλους διεχαραττον ετι νυν
σωζομενας ενρειν ευπορον αι και εις ημας εφυλαχθησαν εν τη κατα την Αιλιαν
βιβλιοθηκη προς του τηνικαδε την αυτοθι διεποντος παροικιαν Αλεξανδρου
επισκευασθειοη, αφ' ἡς και αυτοι τας υλας της μετα χειρας υποθεσεως επι ταυτο
συναγαγειν δεδυνημεθα.
[118] Epist. xxxiv., Ad Marcellum. De aliquot locis Psalmi cxxvi. Migne, Vol.
XXII. 448.
[119] Ibid. De Viris Illustribus, Chap. 3. Migne, Vol. XXIII. 613. Porro ipsum
Hebraicum habetur usque hodie in Cæsariensi bibliotheca quam Pamphilus
martyr studiose confecit.
[120] Comment. in Titum, Chap. 3, v. 9. Unde et nobis curæ fuit omnes Veteris
Legis libros quos vir doctus Adamantius in Hexapla digesserat de Cæsariensi
bibliotheca descriptos ex ipsis authenticis emendare.
[121] Optatus: De schismate Donatistarum. Fol. Paris, 1702. App. p. 167.
[122] Augustini Opera, Paris, 1838, xi. p. 102.
[123] Bullettino di Archeologia Christiana, Serie terza, 1876, p. 48.

[124] Epist. xxxii. § 10 (ed. Migne, Vol. LXI. p. 335). Basilica igitur illa ...
reliquiis apostolorum et martyrum intra apsidem trichoram sub altaria sacratis.
[125] Ibid. § 13. Cum duabus dextra lævaque conchulis intra spatiosum sui
ambitum apsis sinuata laxetur, una earum immolanti hostias jubilationis antistiti
parat; altera post sacerdotem capaci sinu receptat orantes ... § 16. In secretariis
vero duobus quæ supra dixi circa apsidem esse hi versus indicant officia
singulorum.
[126] Book I. Chap. 2. De Acacia. φερει σπερμα εν θυλακοις συνεζευγμενοις
τριχωροις η τετραχωροις. Comp. also Book IV. Chap. 167. The use of the apse is
discussed by Lenoir, Architecture Monastique, 4to. Paris, 1852, Vol. I. p. 111.
[127] Holsten, Codex Regularum, fol. 1759, 1. Regula S. Pachomii, No. c. p. 31.
Nemo vadens ad collectam aut ad vescendum dimittat codicem non ligatum.
Codices qui in fenestra id est intrinsecus parietis reponuntur ad vesperum erunt
sub manu secundi qui numerabit eos et ex more concludet. The word fenestra is
illustrated by a previous section of the Rule, No. lxxxii. p. 30. Nullus habebit
separatim mordacem pavulam ad evellendas spinas si forte calcaverit absque
Præposito domus et secundo: pendeatque in fenestra in qua codices collocantur.
Ducange says that the word is used for the small cupboard in which the
Sacrament was reserved. Here it is evidently a recess in the wall closed by a
door—like one of the later armaria. On Pachomius and his foundation see The
Lausiac History of Palladius, by Dom Cuthbert Butler, Camb. 1898, and esp. p.
234.
[128] Benedicti Regula Monachorum, ed. E. Woelfflin, Leipzig, Teubner, 1895.
[129] De secunda feria quadragesimæ. In capitulo nequaquam alia Regulæ
sententia legitur quam quæ est de quadragesimâ. Recitatur quoque Brevis
librorum qui anno præterito sunt ad legendum fratribus erogati. Cum quilibet
frater nominatur, surgit, et librum sibi datum reddit: et si eum forte non
perlegerit, pro indiligentiâ veniam petit. Est autem unus tapes ibi constratus
super quem illi libri ponuntur, de quibus iterum quanti dantur, dantur cum Brevi;
et ad hoc est una tabula aliquantulum major facta. Antiquiores Consuetudines
Cluniacensis Monasterii. Lib. I. Cap. LII. D'Achery, Spicilegium, ed. 1723, I.
667.
[130] Ibid. Lib. III. Cap. X. Ibid. 690. De Præcentore et Armario. Præcentor et
Armarius Armarii nomen obtinuit eo quod in ejus manu solet esse Bibliotheca
quæ et in alio nomine Armarium appellatur.
[131] Reyner. Apostolatus Benedictinorum in Anglia, fol. 1626. App. Part iii. p.
211. As Lanfranc styles himself in the prologue Bishop of Rouen, these decrees
must have been issued between August 1067 and August 1070, when he was
made Archbishop of Canterbury.
[132] Reyner, Apostolatus Benedictinorum in Anglia, fol. 1626. App. Part iii. p.
216.
[133] I am aware that the Customs printed by D'Achery are dated 1110; but it
need not be assumed that they were written in that year. Similar directions are to
be found among the Veteres Consuetudines of the Benedictine Abbey of S.

Benoit sur Loire, or Fleury, founded a.d. 625. Floriacensis vetus Bibliotheca,
8vo. Lyons, 1605, p. 394.
[134] Cantor almaria puerorum juvenum et alia in quibus libri conventus
reponentur innovabit fracta præparabit [reparabit?] pannos librorum bibliothecæ
reperiet fracturas librorum reficiet. Chronicon monasterii de Abingdon (De
obedientariis Abbendoniæ). Rolls Series, ii. 371.
[135] Cantor non potest libros vendere dare vel impignorare. Cantor non potest
libros accommodare nisi pignore, quod tanti vel majoris fuerit, reposito. Tutius
est pignori incumbere quam in personam agere. Hoc autem licet facere tantum
vicinis ecclesiis vel excellentibus personis. Ibid. pp. 373, 374.
[136] Mon. Angl. II. 39. The last sentence runs as follows in the original: Nullus
librum capiat nisi scribatur in rotulo ejus; nee alicui liber aliquis mutuo tradatur
absque competenti et sufficienti memoriali, et hoc ponatur in rotulo ipsius. I owe
this quotation and the last to Father Gasquet's Some Notes on Medieval Monastic
Libraries, 1891, p. 10.
[137] Adhuc etiam libros ad legendum de armario accipit duos quibus omnem
diligentiam curamque prebere monetur ne fumo ne puluere vel alia qualibet
sorde maculentur; Libros quippe tanquam sempiternum animarum nostrarum
cibum cautissime custodiri et studiosissime volumus fieri vt qui ore non
possumus dei verbum manibus predicemus. Guigonis, Prioris Carthusiæ, Statuta.
Fol. Basle, 1510. Statuta Antiqua, Part 2, Cap. xvi. § 9.
[138] Libros cum commodantur nullus contra commodantium retineat
voluntatem. Ibid. Cap. xxxii. § 16.
[139] Les Monuments primitifs de la Règle Cistercienne, par Ph. Guignard, 8vo.
Dijon, 1878, p. 237.
[140] The Observances in use at the Augustinian Priory of S. Giles and S.
Andrew at Barnwell: ed. J. W. Clark. 8vo. Camb., 1897, p. 15. This passage also
occurs in the Customs of the Augustinian House at Grönendaal near Brussels.
MS. in the Royal Library, Brussels, fol. 53 vo. De Armario.
[141] As I know of no other passage in a medieval writer which describes an
armarium, I transcribe the original text: Armarium, in quo libri reponuntur,
intrinsecus ligno vestitum esse debet ne humor parietum libros humectet vel
inficiat. In quo eciam diversi ordines seorsum et deorsum distincti esse debent,
in quibus libri separatim collocari possint, et distingui abinvicem, ne nimia
compressio ipsis libris noceat, vel querenti moram inuectat.
[142] Statuta primaria Præmonstratensis Ordinis, Cap. vii. ap. Le Paige,
Bibliotheca Præm. Ord. fol. Paris, 1633, p. 803. The words are: Ad Armarium
pertinet libros custodire, et si sciverit emendare; Armarium librorum, cum
necesse fuerit, claudere et aperire ... libros mutuo accipere cum necesse fuerit et
nostros quærentibus commodare sed non sine licentia Abbatis vel Prioris absente
Abbate et non sine memoriali competenti.
[143] The delightful story of S. Francis and the brother who wished for a psalter
of his own is told in the Speculum Perfectionis, ed. Sabatier, 8vo. Paris, 1898, p.

11.
[144] These Constitutions have been printed by Father F. Ehrle in a paper called
Die ältesten Redactionen der Generalconstitutionen des Franziskanerordens, in
"Archiv für Literatur und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters," Band vi. pp. 1-
138. The passages cited above will be found on p. 111.
[145] The Philobiblon of Richard de Bury. ed. E. C. Thomas, 8vo. Lond. 1888,
p. 203.
[146] In the Cluniac Customs those volumes only which had been assigned to
particular brethren are to be laid on the carpet. It is difficult to understand the
reason for this formal assignment of a book to each brother who chose to ask for
one. As brethren in those early times had no separate cubicles or cells, it could
hardly imply more than a precaution against the difficulty of two brethren
requiring the use of the same volume. Possibly the whole intention was
disciplinary, to ensure study as prescribed by the Rule.
[147] Delisle, Bibl. de l'École des Chartes, Ser. 3, Vol. I. p. 225. Interdicimus
inter alia viris religiosis, ne emittant juramentum de non commodando libros
suos indigentibus, cum commodare inter præcipua misericordiæ opera
computetur. Sed, adhibita consideratione diligenti, alii in domo ad opus fratrum
retineantur; alii secundum providentiam abbatis, cum indemnitate domus,
indigentibus commodentur. Et a modo nullus liber sub anathemate teneatur, et
omnia predicta anathemata absolvimus. Labbe, Concilia, xi. 69.
[148] Delisle, Cab. des Manuscrits, ii. 226.
[149] M. Delisle (ut supra, ii. 124) cites an inscription in one of the MSS. of the
Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris: "Liber iste de Corbeia: sed prestaverunt nobis
usque Pascha."
[150] Mabillon, Thesaurus Anecdotorum, Vol. 1. p. 151.
[151] Opera Thomæ a Campis, fol. 1523. Fol. xlvii. 7. The passage occurs in his
Doctrinale Juvenum, Cap. v.
[152] Medieval Monastic Libraries: by F. A. Gasquet, p. 15. The passage
translated above occurs in a Custumary of S. Augustine's, Canterbury, MSS.
Cotton, Faustina, c. xii. fol. 196 b.
[153] Cat. Monte Cassino, ii. 299.
[154] Theodmarus Cassinensis to Charlemagne, ap. Hæften, Disquisitiones
Monasticæ, fol. 1644, p. 1088.
[155] Delisle, ut supra, ii. 227.
[156] Delisle, ut supra, ii. 227. Tu, quicunque studebis in hoc libro, prospice, et
leviter atque dulciter tractes folia, ut cavere possis rupturam propter ipsorum
tenuitatem; et imitare doctrinam Jesu Christi, qui cum modeste aperuisset librum
Ysaie et attente legisset, tandem reverenter complicuit ac ministro reddidit. This
injunction occurs, in substance, in the Philobiblon of Richard de Bury, ed.
Thomas, p. 241.

[157] Opera Thomæ a Campis, fol. 1523. Fol. XLVII.
[158] Amice qui legis, retro digitis teneas, ne subito litteras deleas, quia ille
homo qui nescit scribere nullum se putat habere laborem; quia sicut navigantibus
dulcis est portus, ita scriptori novissimus versus. Calamus tribus digitis
continetur, totum corpus laborat. Deo gratias. Ego, in Dei nomine, Vuarembertus
scripsi. Deo gratias. From a MS. in the Bibl. Nat. Paris (MS. Lat. 12296) from
the Abbey of Corbie: "les caractères dénotent l'époque carlovingienne." Delisle,
ut supra, ii. 121.
[159] On the curse invariably used at S. Victor's, see Delisle, ut supra, ii. 227
note.
[160] Hic est liber Sancti Maximini Miciacensis monasterii, quem Petrus abbas
scribere jussit et proprio labore providit atque distinxit, et die cænæ domini
super sacrum altare sancti Stephani Deo et sancto Maximino habendum obtulit,
sub hujusmodi voto ut quisquis eum inde aliquo ingenio non reddituius
abstulerit, cum Juda proditore, Anna et Caiapha atque Pilato damnationem
accipiat. Amen. From a Benedictine House at Saint Mesmin, Loiret. Delisle, ut
supra, iii. 384. M. Delisle considers that the words "providit atque distinxit"
mean "a été revue et ponctuée."
[161] Quem si quis vel dolo seu quoquo modo isti loco substraxerit anime sue
propter quod fecerit detrimentum patiatur, atque de libro viventium deleatur et
cum iustis non scribatur. From the Missal of Robert of Jumièges, ed. H.
Bradshaw Soc., 8vo. 1896, p. 316.
[162] Hic est liber sancti Albani quem qui ei abstulerit aut titulum deleverit
anathema sit. Amen. I owe this quotation to the kindness of my friend Dr James.
[163] Cat. des MSS. des Departements, 4to. Vol. I. p. 128 (No. 255).
[164] Quicunque hunc titulum aboleverit vel a prefata ecclesia Christi dono vel
vendicione vel accommodacione vel mutacione vel furto vel quocunque alio
modo hunc librum scienter alienaverit malediccionem Ihesu Christi et
gloriosissime Virginis matris ejus et beati Thome martiris habeat ipse in vita
presenti. Ita tamen quod si Christo placeat qui est patronus ecclesie Christi eius
spiritus salvus in die judicii fiat. Given to me by Dr James, from a MS. in the
library of Trinity College, Cambridge.
[165] I have to thank my friend Dr Venn for this quotation. He tells me that it
was first pointed out by Dr Swete in The Caian. ii. p. 127.
[166] See above, p. 71.
[167] Delisle, ut supra, ii. 124.
[168] Ibid. p. 239.
[169] Ibid. p. 365. Edwards, Memoirs of Libraries, I. 283.
[170] Supplement to Bentham's Ely, by Wm Stevenson, 4to. 1817, p. 51. I have
to thank my friend the Rev. J. H. Crosby, Minor Canon of Ely Cathedral, for a
transcript of Bp Nigel's deed.

[171] Monumenta Moguntina, ed. Jaffé, 8vo. Berlin, 1866, in Bibl. Rer. Germ.
Vol. iii. p. 301; quoted in Bede's works, ed. Plummer, p. xx.
[172] See Church's S. Anselm, ed. 1885, p. 48. The words are: Nunc hyemali
frigore rigens, aliis occupationibus vacabo, præsentemque libellum hic terminare
fatigatus decerno. Redeunte vero placidi veris sereno, etc. Hist. Eccl. Pars ii. lib.
iv.

[173] This couplet, written on the fly-leaf of a MS. in the library of the
University of Cambridge (Hh. vi. ii), was pointed out to me by my friend F. J. H.
Jenkinson, M.A., Librarian.
[174] Herimanni liber de restauratione S. Martini Tornacensis: ap. Pertz, Mon.
Germ. xiv. 313.
[175] See above, p. 37.
[176] See Dictionnaire du Mobilier, par Henri Havard, s. v. Armoire, and the
passages there quoted.
[177] See above, p. 71.
[178] The Cistercian Customs prescribe the possession of nine volumes at least,
chiefly service-books, before a house can be founded. Documents, p. 253.
[179] Origines Françaises de l'Architecture Gothique en Italie, par G. Enlart,
8vo. Paris, 1894. p. 9. This valuable work contains a full and accurate
description, copiously illustrated, of Fossa Nuova and other abbeys in remote
parts of Italy.
[180] The Monastery and Cathedral of Worcester, by John Noake, Lond., 1866,
p. 414.
[181] Chronica monasterii de Melsa. Rolls Series, Vol. III. App. p. lxxxiii.
[182] The word theca signified in classical Latin a case or receptacle in which
any object was kept. In medieval Latin it was specially used (fide Ducange) for
the chest in which the bodies or bones or relics of saints, were kept. In this
catalogue it is obvious that it may mean either a shelf or a cupboard.
[183] Sunt enim in libraria de Tychefeld quatuor columpnæ pro libris
imponendis, unde in orientali fronte due sunt videlicet prima et secunda. In
latere vero australi est tercia. Et in latere boreali est quarta. Et earum singule
octo habent gradus [etc.].
[184] Trans. Cumb. and West. Antiq. and Archæol. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 259. I take
this opportunity of thanking my friend Mr Hope for allowing me to use his plan
of Furness Abbey, and also for pointing out to me the evolution of the Cistercian
book-rooms which I have done my best to describe in the text.
[185] Calder Abbey: its Ruins and its History. By A. G. Loftie, M.A.
[186] Mr Hope tells me that he has lately re-examined these recesses, and failed
to discover traces of furniture or fittings of any kind within them.
[187] Voyage Littéraire, Paris, 1717, Vol. I. p. 101.

[188] Cat. des Manuscrits des Bibliothèques Publiques de France.
Departements, Tom. V. Catalogue des Manuscrits de Citeaux, No. 635 (p. 405).
Parvus liber incathenatus ad analogium cathedre ex opposito capituli.
[189] The Rites of Durham, ed. Surtees Soc. 1844, p. 70.
[190] Notes on the Abbey Buildings of Westminster, Arch. Journ. xxxiii. pp. 15-
49.
[191] Notes on the Abbey Buildings of Westminster, Arch. Journ. xxxiii. pp. 21,
22.
[192] Notes on the Abbey Buildings of Westminster, Arch. Journ. xxxiii. p. 16.
[193] MSS, Mus. Brit. MSS. Cotton, Otho. c. xi. fol. 84.
[194] See a paper by myself in Camb. Ant. Soc. Proc. and Comm. ix. pp. 47-56.
[195] Voyage Littéraire, ed. 1717. Part i. 297.
[196] Dictionnaire du Mobilier, s. v. Armoire.
[197] Viollet-le-Duc, ut supra, p. 4, where full details of the press at Obazine are
given. The photograph from which my illustration has been made was specially
taken for my use through the kind help of my friend Dr James, who had seen the
press in 1899.
[198] Viollet-le-Duc, ut supra, p. 14. I have myself examined this press. My
friend Mr Hope informs me that there is a press of this character in the nether
vestry at S. Peter Mancroft, Norwich, described by him in Inventories of the
parish church of S. Peter Mancroft, Norwich, Norf. and Norw. Archæol. Soc,
xiv. p. 29.

[199] See Mr Hope's Notes on the Benedictine Abbey of S. Peter at Gloucester,
in Records of Gloucester Cathedral, 1897, p. 23.
[200] See above, p. 93.
[201] Memorials of S. Edmund's Abbey, Rolls Series, ii. 327. The writer is
describing the mischief done by the rioters of 1327: Deinde claustrum ingressi,
cistulas, id est caroles, et armariola fregerunt, et libros et omnia in eis inventa
similiter asportaverunt. I owe this quotation to Dr James, On the Abbey of S.
Edmund at Bury, Camb. Ant. Soc. Octav. Publ. No. xxviii. p. 158.
[202] Liber Evesham, Hen. Bradshaw Soc. 1893, p. 196. Abbat Ombresleye
(1367-79) built "paginam illam claustri contiguam ecclesie ubi carolæ fratrum
consistunt."
[203] Accounts of the Obedientiaries of Abingdon Abbey, ed. Camden Society,
1892, p. 47. "Expense circa sedilia claustri" is the heading of an account for
wood bought and for carpenter's work. The sum spent was £2. 15s. 3d.
[204] Arch. Hist. of the Conventual Buildings of the Monastery of Christ Church,
Canterbury. By R. Willis. 8vo, Lond. 1869, p. 45.

[205] MSS. Mus. Brit. MSS. Cotton, Faustina, c. xii., fol. 149. De karulis in
claustro habendis hanc consideracionem habere debent quibus committitur
claustri tutela ut videlicet celerarius seu alii fratres qui raro in claustro resident
suas karulas in claustro non habeant, set nec aliqui fratres nisi in scribendo vel
illuminando aut tantum notando communitati aut et sibimet ipsis proficere
sciant.
[206] MSS. Mus. Brit. MSS. Cotton, Faustina, c. xii., fol. 145. ... precentorem et
succentorem quibus committitur armariorum custodia. Cantor habebit cathedram
suam ante armarium in claustro stantem et carulam suam iuxta desuper lapidem
inter columpnas. Succentor vero super scannum iuxta armarium carulam et
sedem suam habebit, ut hii duo vel saltem unus eorum possint semper esse parati
ad respondendum fratribus seruicium petentibus.
[207] History of the Church of Peterburgh. By Symon Gunton: fol. 1686, p. 103.
The author gives the subjects and legends of nine windows. I owe this quotation
to the kindness of Mr Hope.

CHAPTER III.
INCREASE OF MONASTIC COLLECTIONS. S. RIQUIER, BOBBIO,
DURHAM, CANTERBURY. BOOKS KEPT IN OTHER PLACES THAN
THE CLOISTER. EXPEDIENTS FOR HOUSING THEM AT DURHAM,
CITEAUX, AND ELSEWHERE. SEPARATE LIBRARIES BUILT IN
FIFTEENTH CENTURY AT DURHAM, S. ALBANS, CITEAUX,
CLAIRVAUX, ETC. GRADUAL EXTENSION OF LIBRARY AT S.
GERMAIN DES PRÈS. LIBRARIES ATTACHED TO CATHEDRALS.
LINCOLN, SALISBURY, WELLS, NOYON, ROUEN, ETC.
In the last chapter I attempted to describe the way in which
the Monastic Orders provided for the safe keeping of their
books, so long as their collections were not larger than could
be accommodated in a press or presses in the cloister, or in
the small rooms used by the Cistercians for the same
purpose. I have now to carry the investigation a step farther,
and to shew how books were treated when a separate library
was built.
It must not be supposed that an extensive collection of books was regarded
as indispensable in all monastic establishments. In many Houses, partly
from lack of funds, partly from an indisposition to study, the books were
probably limited to those required for the services and for the daily life of
the brethren. In other places, on the contrary, where the fashion of book-
collecting had been set from very early days, by some abbat or prior more
learned or more active than his fellows; and where brethren in consequence
had learnt to take a pride in their books, whether they read them or not, a
large collection was got together at a date when even a royal library could
be contained in a single chest of very modest dimensions. For instance,
when an inventory of the possessions of the Benedictine House of S.
Riquier near Abbeville was made at the request of Louis le Débonnaire in
831 a.d., it was found that the library contained 250 volumes; and a note at
the end of the catalogue informs us that if the different treatises had been
entered separately, the number of entries would have exceeded five

hundred, as many books were frequently bound in a single volume. The
works in this library are roughly sorted under the headings Divinity,
Grammar, History and Geography, Sermons, Service-books[208]. A similar
collection existed at S. Gall at the same period[209]. In the next century we
find nearly seven hundred manuscripts in a Benedictine monastery at
Bobbio in north Italy[210]; and nearly six hundred in a House belonging to
the same order at Lorsch in Germany[211]. At Durham, also a Benedictine
House, a catalogue made early in the twelfth century contains three hundred
and sixty-six titles[212]; but, as at S. Riquier, the number of works probably
exceeded six or seven hundred.
These instances, which I have purposely selected from different parts of
Europe, and which could easily have been increased, are sufficient to
indicate the rapidity with which books could be, and in fact were
accumulated, when the taste for such collections had once been set. Year by
year, slowly yet surely, by purchase, by gift, by bequest, by the zeal of the
staff of writers whom the precentor drilled and kept at work, the number
grew, till in certain Houses it reached dimensions which must have
embarrassed those responsible for its bestowal. At Christ Church,
Canterbury, for instance, the catalogue made by Henry de Estria, Prior
1285-1331, enumerates about 1850 manuscripts[213].
It must gradually have become impossible to accommodate such collections
as these according to the old method, even supposing it was desirable to do
so. There were doubtless many duplicates, and manuscripts of value
requiring special care. Consequently we find that places other than the
cloister were used to keep books in. At Durham, for instance, the catalogues
made at the end of the fourteenth century enumerate (1) "the books in the
common press at Durham in sundry places in the cloister" (386 volumes)
[214]
; (2) "the books in the common press at Durham in the Spendment"
(408 volumes)[215]; (3) "the inner library at Durham called Spendment" (87
volumes)[216]; (4) "the books for reading in the frater which lie in the press
near the entrance to the farmery" (17 volumes)[217]; (5) "the books in the
common press of the novices at Durham in the cloister" (23 volumes)[218].
Of the above catalogues the first obviously deals with the contents of the
great "almeries of wainscot" which stood in the cloister; the second and

third with the books for which no room could be found there, and which in
consequence had been transferred to a room on the west side of the cloister,
where wages were paid and accounts settled. In the Rites of Durham it is
termed the treasure-house or chancery. It was divided into two by a grate of
iron, behind which sat the officer who made the payments. The books seem
to have been kept partly in the outer half of the room, partly within this
grate.
At Citeaux, the parent-house of the Cistercian order, a large and wealthy
monastery in Burgundy, the books were still more scattered, as appears
from the catalogue[219] drawn up by John de Cirey, abbat at the end of the
fifteenth century, now preserved, with 312 of the manuscripts enumerated
in it, in the public library of Dijon.
This catalogue, written on vellum, in double columns, with initial letters in
red and blue alternately, records the titles of 1200 mss and printed books;
but the number of the latter is not great. It is headed:

Inventory of the books at Citeaux, in the diocese of Chalons,
made by us, brother John, abbat of the said House, in the year of
our Lord 1480, after we had caused the said books to be set to
rights, bound, and covered, at a vast expense, by the labour of
two and often three binders, employed continuously during two
years[220].
This heading is succeeded by the following statement:
And first of the books now standing (existencium) in the library
of the dorter, which we have arranged as it is, because the room
had been for a long time useless, and formerly served as a
tailory and vestry, ... but for two years or nearly so nothing or
very little had been put there[221].
A bird's-eye view of Citeaux, dated 1674, preserved in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, Paris, shews a small building between the Frater and the Dorter,
which M. Viollet-le-Duc, who has reproduced[222] part of it, letters
"staircase to the dorter." The room in question was probably at the top of
this staircase, and the arrangements which I am about to discuss shew
beyond all question that the Dorter was at one end of it and the Frater at the
other.
There were six bookcases, called benches (banche), evidently
corresponding to the sedilia or "seats" mentioned in many English medieval
catalogues. The writer takes the bookcases in order, beginning as follows:

De prima bancainferius versus refectorium (13 vols.).
In 2a linea prime banche superius (17 vols.).
In 2a banca inferius de lateredormitorii (18 vols.).
" " superius " " (14 vols.).
In 2a banca inferius de latererefectorii (15 vols.).
" " superius " " (18 vols.).

The third and fifth banche, containing respectively 75 volumes and 68
volumes, are described in identical language; but the descriptions of the 4th
and 6th differ sufficiently to make quotation necessary:

(24
In quarta banca de latere dormitorii
vols.).
(16
" " " refectorii
vols.).
(25
In sexta banca de latere dormitorii
vols.).
Libri sequentes sunt in dicta sexta banca de latere dormitorii (38
inferius sub analogio vols.).

It seems to me that the first banca was set against the Dorter wall, so that it
faced the Frater; and that it consisted of two shelves only, the second of
which is spoken of as a line (linea)[223]. The second, third, and fifth banche
were detached pieces of furniture, with two shelves on each side. I cannot
explain why the fourth is described in such different language. It is just
possible that only one shelf on each side may have been occupied by books
when the catalogue was compiled. I conjecture that the sixth stood against
the Frater wall, thus facing the Dorter, and that it consisted of a shelf, with a
desk below it, and a second shelf of books below that again.
Besides these cases there were other receptacles for books called cupboards
(armaria) and also some chests. These are noted in the following terms:

Secuntur libri existentes in armariis librarie.
In primo armario de latere versus refectorium (36 vols.).
In secundo armario (53 vols.).
In tertio armario (24 vols.).
Sequuntur libri existentes in cofro seu archa juxta gradus
ascensus ad vestiarium in libraria (46 vols.).
In quadam cista juxta analogium de latere refectorii (9
vols.).

The total of the MSS. stored in this room amounts to 509. In addition to
these the catalogue next enumerates "Books of the choir, church, and
cloister (53 vols.); Books taken out of the library for the daily use of the
convent (29 vols.); Books chained on desks (super analogiis) before the
Chapter-House (5 vols.); on the second desk (5 vols.); on the third desk (4
vols.); on the fifth desk (4 vols.); Books taken out of the library partly to be

placed in the cloister, partly to be divided among the brethren (27 vols.);
Books on the small desks in the cloister (5 vols.); Books to be read publicly
in convent or to be divided among the brethren for private reading (99
vols.)." These different collections of MSS., added together, make a total of
740 volumes, which seem to have been scattered over the House, wherever
a spare corner could be found for them.
The inconvenience of such an arrangement, or want of arrangement, is
obvious; and it must have caused much friction in the House. We can
imagine the officer in charge of the finances resenting the intrusion of his
brother of the library with an asperity not wholly in accordance with
fraternal charity. And yet, so strong is the tendency of human nature to put
up with whatever exists, rather than be at the trouble of changing it, no
effectual steps in the way of remedy were taken until the fifteenth century.
In that century, however, we find that in most of the large monasteries a
special room was constructed to hold books. Reading went forward, as
heretofore, in the cloister, and I conceive that the books stored in the new
library were mainly intended for loan or for reference. As at Durham, the
monks could go there when they chose.
These conventual libraries were usually built over some existing building,
or over the cloister. Sometimes, especially in France, the library appears as
an additional storey added to any building with walls strong enough to bear
it; sometimes again as a detached building. I will cite a few examples of
libraries in these different positions.
At Christ Church, Canterbury, a library, about 60 ft. long by 22 ft. broad,
was built by Archbishop Chichele between 1414 and 1443, over the Prior's
Chapel[224], and William Sellyng (Prior 1472-1494) "adorned [it] with
beautiful wainscot, and also furnished it with certain volumes chiefly for
the use of those addicted to study, whom he zealously and generously
encouraged and patronised[225]."
At Durham Prior Wessyngton, about 1446, either built or thoroughly
repaired and refitted a room over the old sacristy, between the Chapter-
House and the south Transept, or, as the Rites say, "betwixt the Chapter
House and the Te Deum wyndowe, being well replenished with ould written
Docters and other histories and ecclesiasticall writers[226]." Wessyngton's

work must have been extensive and thorough, for it cost, including the
repairs of the books, £90. 16s. 0d.[227]—at least £1100 or £1200 at the
present value of money. The position of this library will be understood from
the illustration (fig. 31). The room is 44 ft. 10 in. long, by 18 ft. wide, with
a window at each end, 13 ft. wide, of five lights, and a very rough roof of
oak, resting on plain stone corbels.
At Gloucester the library is in a similar position, but
the date of its construction is uncertain. It has been
described as follows by Mr Hope:
The library is an interesting room of fourteenth
century date, retaining much of its original open
roof. The north side has eleven windows, each of
two square-headed lights and perfectly plain....
[There are no windows on the south side.] The
large end windows are late perpendicular, each of
seven lights with a transom. There are other
alterations, such as the beautiful wooden corbels
from which the roof springs, which are probably
contemporary with the work of the cloister when
the western stair to the library was built, and the
room altered.
At Winchester a precisely similar position was
selected between the Chapter-House and the south
transept, above a passage leading from the cloister to
the ground at the south-east end of the church.
At the Benedictine House of S. Albans the library
was begun in 1452 by John Whethamstede, Prior, and
completed in the following year at the cost of Fig. 31. Library at
Durham, built by
£150[228]—a sum which represents about £2000 at
Prior Wessyngton
the present day—but the position has not been
about 1446.
recorded.
At Worcester, also Benedictine, it seems probable that the library occupied
from very early times the long, narrow room over the south aisle of the nave
to which it was restored in 1866. This room, which extends from the

transept to the west end of the church, is 130 ft. 7 in. long, 19 ft. 6 in. wide,
and 8 ft. 6 in. high on the south side. It is lighted by twelve windows,
eleven of which are of two lights each, and that nearest to the transept of
three lights. The room is approached by a circular stone staircase at the
south-west angle of the cathedral, access to which is from the outside
only[229].
At Bury S. Edmund's abbat William Curteys (1429-45) built a library, on an
unknown site: but his work is worth commemorating, as another instance of
the great fifteenth century movement in monasteries for providing special
rooms to contain books.
At S. Victor, Paris, an Augustinian House, the library was built between
1501 and 1508, I believe over the sacristy; at Grönendaal, near Brussels,
also Augustinian, it was built over the whole length of the north cloister (a
distance of 175 feet), so that its windows faced the south.

Fig. 32. Library of the Grey Friars House, London,
commonly called Christ's Hospital. From Trollope's
History.
The Franciscan House in London, commonly called Christ's Hospital, had a
noble library, founded 21 October, 1421, by Sir Richard Whittington,

mercer and Lord Mayor of London. By Christmas Day in the following year
the building was roofed in; and before three years were over it was floored,
plastered, glazed, furnished with desks and wainscot, and stocked with
books. The cost was £556. 16s. 8d.; of which £400 was paid by
Whittington, and the rest by Thomas Wynchelsey, one of the brethren, and
his friends[230]. It extended over the whole of one alley of the cloister (fig.
32). Stow tells us that it was 129 ft. long, by 31 ft. broad[231]; and,
according to the letters patent of Henry VIII., dated 13 January, 1547, by
which the site was conveyed to the City of London, it contained "28 Desks
and 28 Double Settles of Wainscot[232]."
I have recounted the expedients to which the monks of Citeaux were
reduced when their books had become too numerous for the cloister. I will
now describe their permanent library. This is shewn in the bird's-eye view
dated 1674 to which I have already referred, and also in a second similar
view, dated 1718, preserved in the archives of the town of Dijon[233], where
I had the good fortune to discover it in 1894. It is accompanied by a plan of
the whole monastery, and also by a special plan[234] of the library (fig. 35).
The buildings had by this time been a good deal altered, and partly rebuilt
in the classical style of the late renaissance; but in these changes the library
had been respected. I reproduce (fig. 33) the portion of the view containing
it and the adjoining structures, together with the corresponding ground-plan
(fig. 34).
The authors of the Voyage Littéraire, Fathers Martène and Durand, who
visited Citeaux in 1710, thus describe this library:
Citeaux sent sa grande maison et son chef d'ordre. Tout y est
grand, beau et magnifique, mais d'une magnificence qui ne
blesse point la simplicité religieuse....

Fig. 33. Bird's-eye view of part of the
Monastery of Citeaux. From a drawing dated
1718. A, library; B, farmery.
Les trois cloîtres sont proportionnez au reste des bâtimens. Dans
l'un de ces cloîtres on voit de petites cellules comme à Clervaux,
qu'on appelle les écritoires, parce que les anciens moines y
écrivoient des livres. La bibliothèque est au dessus; le vaisseau
est grand, voûté, et bien percé. Il y a bon fonds de livres
imprimez sur toutes sortes de matières, et sept ou huit cent
manuscrits, dont la plupart sont des ouvrages des pères de
l'église[235].
The ground-plan (fig. 34) shews the writing-rooms or scriptoria, apparently
six in number, eastward of the church; and the bird's-eye view (fig. 33) the
library built over them. Unfortunately we know nothing of the date of its
construction. It occupied the greater part of the north side of a cloister
called "petit cloître" or Farmery Cloister, from the large building on the east
side originally built as a Farmery (fig. 33, B). It was approached by a
newel-stair at its south-west corner (fig. 35). This stair gave access to a
vestibule, in which, on the west, was a door leading into a room called
small library (petite bibliothèque), apparently built over one of the chapels

at the east end of the church (fig. 34). The destination of this room is not
known. The library proper was about 83 feet long by 25 feet broad[236],
vaulted, and lighted by six windows in the north and south walls. There was
probably an east window also, but as explained above, it was intended,
when this plan was drawn, to build a new gallery for books at this end of
the older structure.

Fig. 34. Ground-plan of part of the
Monastery of Citeaux. From a plan
dated 1718.

Fig. 35. Ground-plan of the Library at Citeaux.
I proceed next to the library at Clairvaux, a House which may be called the
eldest daughter of Citeaux, having been founded by S. Bernard in 1115.
This library was built in a position precisely similar to that at Citeaux,
namely, eastward of the church, on the north side of the second cloister,
over the Scriptoria. Begun in 1495, it was completed in 1503; and was
evidently regarded as a work of singular beauty, over which the House
ought to rejoice, for the building of it is commemorated in the following
stanzas written on the first leaf of a catalogue made between 1496 and
1509, and now preserved in the library at Troyes[237]:

La construction de cette librairie.

Jadis se fist cette construction
Par bons ouvriers subtilz et plains de sens
L'an qu'on disoit de l'incarnation
Nonante cinq avec mil quatre cens.

Et tant y fut besongnié de courage
En pierre, en bois, et autre fourniture
Qu'après peu d'ans achevé fut louvrage
Murs et piliers et voulte et couverture.

Puis en après l'an mil vc et trois
Y furent mis les livres des docteurs:
Le doux Jésus qui pendit en la croix
Doint paradis aux dévotz fondateurs.

Amen.
We fortunately possess a minute description of Clairvaux, written, soon
after the completion of the new library, by the secretary to the Queen of
Sicily, who came there 13 July, 1517, and was taken, apparently, through
every part of the monastery[238]. The account of the library is as follows:
Et de ce même costé [dudit cloistre] sont xiiii estudes où les
religieulx escripvent et estudient, lesquelles sont très belles, et

au dessus d'icelles estudes est la neufve librairerie, à laquelle
l'on va par une vis large et haulte estant audict cloistre, laquelle
librairie contient de longeur lxiii passées, et de largeur xvii
passées.
En icelle y a quarante huic banctz, et en chacun banc quatre
poulpitres fournys de livres de touttes sciences, et
principallement en théologie, dont la pluspart desdicts livres
sont en parchemin et escript à la main, richement historiez et
enluminez.
L'édiffice de ladicte librairie est magnificque et massonnée, et
bien esclairé de deux costez de belles grandes fenestres, bien
vitrés, ayant regard sur ledict cloistre et cimitière des Abbez. La
couverture est de plomb et semblablement de ladite église et
cloistre, et tous les pilliers bouttans d'iceulx édiffices couverts
de plomb.
Le devant d'icelle librairie est moult richement orné et entaillé
par le bas de collunnes d'estranges façons, et par le hault de
riches feuillaiges, pinacles et tabernacles, garnis de grandes
ymaiges, qui décorent et embelissent ledict édifice. La vis, par
laquelle on y monte, est à six pans, larges pour y monter trois
hommes de front, et couronné à l'entour de cleres voyes de
massonerie. Ladicte librairerie est toute pavée de petits
carreaulx à diverses figures.
It will be interesting to place by the side of this description a second,
written nearly two hundred years later, by the authors of the Voyage
Littéraire, who visited Clairvaux in the spring of 1709:
Le grand cloître ... est voûté et vitré. Les religieux y doivent
garder un perpétuel silence. Dans le côté du chapitre il y a des
livres enchaînez sur des pupitres de bois, dans lesquels les
religieux peuvent venir faire des lectures lorsqu'ils veulent....
Du grand cloître on entre dans le cloître du colloque, ainsi
appellé, parce qu'il est permis aux religieux d'y parler. Il y a
dans ce cloître douze ou quinze petites cellules tout d'un rang,

où les religieux écrivoient autrefois des livres: c'est pourquoy on
les appelle encore aujourd'hui les écritoires. Au-dessus de ces
cellules est la bibliothèque, dont le vaisseau est grand, voûté,
bien percé, et rempli d'un grand nombre de manuscrits, attachez
avec des chaînes sur des pupitres, mais il y a peu de livres
imprimez[239].
The plan of the substruction of this new library, as shewn on the ground-
plan of Clairvaux given by Viollet Le Duc[240], is exactly the same as that of
Citeaux (fig. 33) but on a larger scale. The library itself, as there, was
approached by a newel stair at its south-west corner. This stair was
hexagonal, and of a diameter sufficient to allow three men to ascend at the
same time. The library was of great extent—being about 206 feet long by
56 feet broad—if the dimensions given in the above account be correct, and
if I am right in supposing a pace (passée) to be equivalent to a modern
mètre; vaulted, and well lighted. The Queen's secretary seems to have been
specially struck by the beauty, the size, and the decoration of the windows.
The floor was paved with encaustic tiles.
It will be interesting to note how, in some Houses, the library slowly
expanded itself, occupying, one after another, every coign of vantage-
ground. An excellent example of this growth is to be found in the abbey of
Saint Germain des Près, Paris; and fortunately there are several views, taken
at different periods before the Revolution, on which the gradual extension
of the library can be readily traced. I append a portion of two of these. The
first (fig. 36), dated 1687, shews the library over the south walk of the
cloister, where it was placed in 1555. It must not, however, be supposed that
no library existed before this. On the contrary, the House seems to have had
one from the first foundation, and so early as the thirteenth century it could
be consulted by strangers, and books borrowed from it. The second view
(fig. 37), dated 1724, shews a still further extension of the library. It has
now invaded the west side of the cloister, which has received an upper
storey; and even the external appearance of the venerable Frater, which was
respected when nearly all the rest of the buildings were rebuilt in a classical
style, has been sacrificed to a similar gallery. The united lengths of these
three rooms must have been little short of 384 feet. This library was at the

disposal of all scholars who desired to use it. When the Revolution came it
contained more than 49,000 printed books, and 7000 manuscripts[241].

Fig. 36. Part of the Abbey of S.
Germain des Près, Paris. From a
print dated 1687; reproduced in Les
Anciennes Bibliothèques de Paris,
par Alf. Franklin, Vol. i. p 126.
1 Porta major monasterii.
2 Atrium ecclesie.
3 Regalis basilica.
4 Sacrarium.
5 Claustrum parvum B. M.
7 Dormitorium.
8 Bibliotheca.

9 Dormitoria R. Patrum Congregationis.
10Aulæ Hospitum.
12Refectorium.

Fig. 37. Part of the Abbey of S.
Germain des Près, Paris. From
a print in Histoire de l'Abbaye
Royale de Saint Germain des
Prez, par Dom Jacques
Bouillart, fol. Paris, 1724,
lettered "l'Abbaye ... telle
qu'elle est présentement."
A. Porte Extérieure.
B. Maisons de l'enclos.
C. Parvis de l'Eglise.
D. L'Eglise.
F. Saciristie.

G. Petit Cloître.
H. Grand Cloître.
I. Bibliothèque.
K. Dortoir.
L. Réfectoire.
M. Cuisine.
Z. Dortoir des Hôtes.

I now pass to Cathedrals, which vied with monasteries in the possession of
a library; and, as might be expected, the two sets of buildings throw light on
each other. I regret that it has now become impossible to discover the site or
the extent of such a library as that of York, which was well stocked with
books so early as the middle of the eighth century; or of that of Notre Dame
de Paris, which was a centre of instruction as well as of learning; but some
good examples of capitular libraries can be found in other places; and, like
those of the monasteries, they were for the most part built in the fifteenth
century. I will begin with the library of Lincoln Cathedral, part of which is
still in existence[242].
The Cathedral of Lincoln was founded at the close of the eleventh century,
and in the middle of the twelfth we find the books belonging to it kept in a
press (armarium). We learn this from the heading of a list[243] of them when
placed in the charge of Hamo, Chancellor 1150-1182, written on the first
page of a copy of the Vulgate, the first volume in the collection:
Quando Hamoni cancellario cancellaria data fuit et librorum
cura commissa, hos in armario invenit libros et sub custodia sua
recepit, scilicet:
Bibliothecam in duobus voluminibus [etc.].
The list which follows enumerates 42 volumes, together with a map of the
world. To this small collection there were added in Hamo's time, either by
his own gift or by that of other benefactors, 31 volumes more; so that before
his death the press contained 73 volumes, probably a large collection for
that period. Besides these, there were service-books in the charge of the
bursar (thesaurarius), and song-books in that of the precentor. The three
collections were probably kept in the church.

The first indication of a separate room to contain books is afforded by the
gift of a volume by Philip Repyndon, Bishop 1405-1419, in which year he
resigned. It is given after his resignation, "to the new library to be built
within the Church of Lincoln." Again, Thomas Duffield, formerly
Chancellor, who died in 1426, bequeathed another book "to the new library
of the aforesaid church." The erection of the new library may therefore be
placed between 1419 and 1426.
A catalogue, now in the muniment room at Lincoln, which, on internal
evidence, may be dated about 1450, enumerates 107 works, of which 77
(more or less) have been identified as still in the library. The heading, which
I will translate, refers to a chaining of the books which had recently taken
place, possibly after the construction of the cases which I shall describe in a
subsequent chapter.
It is to be noted that in this indenture are enumerated all the
books in the library of the church of blessed Mary of Lincoln
which have lately been secured with locks and chains; of which
indenture one part is stitched into the end of the black book of
the aforesaid church, and the other part remains in ...[244].
The library—a timber structure—was placed over the northern half of the
east walk of the cloister. At present only three bays at the north end remain;
but there were originally two bays more, at the south end, between the
existing structure and the Chapter-House. These were destroyed in 1789,
when the following Chapter Order was made (7 May):
That the old Library adjoining to the Chapter House shall be
taken down, and the part of the Cloysters under it new leaded
and the walls compleated, and the Stair case therto removed, and
a new Stair Case made, agreable to a plan and estimate of the
Expence thereof.
I will now briefly describe the room, with the assistance of the plan (fig. 38)
[245]
, and the view of the interior (fig. 39).

Fig. 39. Interior of the Old Library, Lincoln
Cathedral. The open door leads into Dean
Honywood's Library, as described in Chapter VIII.
The walls are 9 ft. 8 in. high, from the floor to the top of the wall-plate.
They are divided into bays, each 7 ft. 9 in. wide, by vertical shafts, from
which, at a height of 5 ft. 9 in. from the ground, spring the braces which
support the tiebeams of the roof. These are massive beams of oak, slightly
arched, and molded on their under-surface. Their position is indicated by
dotted lines on the plan (fig. 38). The whole roof is a splendid specimen of
fifteenth century work, enriched with carving in the finest style of
execution. There is a bold ornament in the centre of each tiebeam; and at
the foot of the central joist in each bay, which is wider than the rest, and
molded, while the others are plain, there is an angel, projecting horizontally
from the wall. The purlin, again, is molded, and where it intersects the
central joist a subject is carved: an angel playing on a musical instrument—
a bird—a rose—a grotesque figure—and the like. Below the wall-plate is a
cornice, 12 in. deep, ornamented with a row of quatrefoils above a row of
battlements. Beneath these there is a groove, which seems to indicate that
the walls were once panelled or plastered.

Fig. 38. Plan of the Old Library,
Lincoln Cathedral.
It is probable that there was originally a row of equidistant windows in the
east and west walls, one to each bay on each side; but of these, if they ever
existed, no trace remains. There must also have been a window at the north
end, and probably one at the south end also. The present windows are
plainly modern. The room is known to have suffered from a fire, which
tradition assigns to 1609; and probably the original windows were changed
during the repairs rendered necessary at that time.

Fig. 40. Plan of the Cloister, etc., Lincoln Cathedral.
It is not easy to decide how this library was approached. It has been
suggested that the stone newel stair at the north-west corner of the Chapter-
House was used for this purpose; but, if that be the case, how are we to
explain the words in the above order "the Stair Case thereto removed"; and
an item which occurs in the Cathedral Accounts for 1789, "taking down the
old stairs, strings, and banisters, 14s."? It appeared to me, when examining
the building, that there had been originally a door on the east side, now
replaced by a window, as shewn on the plan (fig. 38). Possibly the staircase
destroyed in 1789 led to this door, which was conveniently situated in the
centre of a bay. The staircase built in 1789 is the one still existing at the
north-east corner of the old library (fig. 40, A).
At Salisbury Bishop Osmund (1078-99) is stated to have "got together a
quantity of books, for he himself did not disdain either to write books or to
bind them after they had been written"[246]; but the library, as elsewhere,
was a work of the fifteenth century. The foundation is very clearly recorded
in an act of the Chapter, dated 15 January, 1444-45. The members present
decide that as it is desirable, "for divers reasons, to have certain schools
suitable for lectures, together with a library for the safe keeping of books

and the convenience of those who wish to study therein—
which library up to the present time they have been without
—such schools and library shall be built as soon as possible
over one side of the cloister of the church, at the cost of
William [Ayscough] now Bishop of Salisbury, the Dean, and
the Canons of the aforesaid church[247]." Accordingly, a
building was erected, extending over the whole length of the
east cloister, conveniently approached by the staircase at the
south-west corner of the south transept, which originally led
only to the roof. This library was curtailed to its present
dimensions, and otherwise altered, in consequence of a
Chapter Order dated 25 November, 1758, part of which I
proceed to quote:
That the southern part of the library be taken down as far
as the partitions within which the manuscripts are placed,
the whole being found much too heavy to be properly
supported by the Cloysters, which were never designed
originally to bear so great a weight.
That the roof of the northern part of the library (where
the Theological lecture antiently used to be given by the
Chancellor of the Church) be taken down; the walls
lowered, and a new and lighter roof be placed in its Fig. 42.
room; and that the same be fitted up in a neat and Plan of the
convenient manner for the reception of the present books Library in
and any others which shall hereafter be added to them. Wells
The appearance of the library, as the execution of the above Cathedral.
order left it, will be understood from the view (fig. 41), taken Scale 1/10
from the roof of an adjoining alley of the cloister. Internally inch=1
the room is 66 feet long, 20 feet wide, and 12 ft. 9 in. high. It foot.
has a flat plaster ceiling, part of the "new and lighter roof"
imposed on the lowered walls in 1758. The fittings are wholly modern.
The library attached to S. Paul's Cathedral, London, by which I mean the
medieval cathedral commonly called Old S. Paul's, was in a similar
position. Its history is succinctly recorded by Dugdale. After describing the

cemetery called Pardon Church Hawgh, with the cloister that surrounded it,
he proceeds:
The Library.
Over the East quadrant of the before mentioned Cloyster, was a
fair Library built, at the costs of Walter Shiryngton, Chancelour
of the Duchy of Lancaster in King Henry the 6th's time: But in
the year MDXLIX. 10. Apr. both Chapell, Cloyster, and
Monuments, excepting onely that side where the Library was,
were pulled down to the ground, by the appointment of Edward
Duke of Somerset, then Lord Protector to King Edward 6. and
the materialls carried into the Strand, towards the building of
that stately fabrick called Somerset-House, which he then
erected; the ground where they stood being afterwards converted
into a Garden, for the Pettie Canons[248].

Fig. 41. Exterior of the Library at Salisbury Cathedral,
looking north-east.

Nothing is known of the dimensions or arrangement of the above room; but,
as it was over a cloister, it must have been long and narrow, like that which
still exists in a similar position at Wells Cathedral, which I will briefly
mention next.
The Chapter Library at Wells Cathedral occupies the south end of a long,
narrow room over the east pane of the cloister, approached by a spiral
staircase from the south transept. This room is about 162 feet long by 12
feet wide; the portion assigned to the library is about 106 feet long (fig. 42).
The roof was originally divided into 13 spaces by oak principals, very
slightly arched, resting on stone corbels. There were two windows on each
side to each space. In the part fitted up as a library the principals have been
plastered over to imitate stone, and the joists between them concealed by a
ceiling. There is a tradition that this room was fitted up as a library in 1472.
The present fittings, which I shall have occasion to mention in a subsequent
chapter, were put up when the library was refitted and stocked with books
after the Restoration[249].
These four examples—at Lincoln, Salisbury, S. Paul's, and Wells—are
typical of Cathedral libraries built over a cloister. I will next notice some
that were detached.

Fig. 43. Plan of the Library at Lichfield
Cathedral. From History and
Antiquities of Staffordshire, by
Stebbing Shaw, fol. Lond. 1798, Vol. 11.
p. 244.

The library of Lichfield Cathedral[250] stood on the north side of the
cathedral, west of the north door, at some little distance from the church
(fig. 43). It was begun in 1489, when Thomas Heywood, dean, "gave £40
towards building a library of brick," and completed in 1493. It was about 60
feet long by 15 feet wide, approached by a flight of stairs. As the Chapter
Order (9 December, 1757) which authorised its destruction speaks of the
"Library, Chapter Clerk's House, and Cloisters," I suspect that it stood on a
colonnade, after the manner of the beautiful structure at Noyon, a cathedral
town in eastern France, at no great distance from Amiens.
This library—which I have carefully examined on two occasions—was
built in pursuance of the following Order of the Chapter, 16 November,
1506.
Le 16. iour de Nouembre audit an, l'affaire de la Librairie se
remet sus. Le sieur Doyen offre cent francs pour cet œuure. Et le
20. iour de Nouembre, ouy le Maistre de Fabrique et
Commissaires à ce deputez, fut arrestée le long de l'allée qui
meine de l'Eglise à la porte Corbaut; et à cet effect sera tiré le
bois à ce necessaire de nos forests, et se fera ladite Librairie
suiuant le pourtrait ou patron exhibé au Chapitre le sixiesme
iour de Mars 1506. Le Bailly de Chapitre donne cent sols pour
ce bastiment, à condition qu'il en aura une clef[251].
This library (fig. 44) is, so far as I know, an unique specimen of a library
built wholly of wood, supported on wooden pillars with stone bases, so that
it is raised about 10 feet above the stone floor on which they rest, probably
for the sake of dryness. There is a legend that a market used to be held
there; but at present the spaces between the pillars have been filled in on the
south side. The one here represented (fig. 45) stands on the north side, in a
small yard between the library and the cathedral.

Fig. 44. Chapter-Library at Noyon, France.
The site selected for the building is on the south side of the choir of the
cathedral, with its longest axis north and south. It measures 72 feet in length
by 17 feet in width between walls, but was originally longer, a piece having
been cut off at the south end, where the entrance now is, and where the
library is now terminated by a stone wall of classical character. Tradition
places the entrance at the opposite end, by means of an external staircase;
an arrangement which would have been more convenient for the members
of the Chapter, as they could have approached it through their vestry, which
is on the south side of the choir. There are now nine windows on the east
side—originally there were at least ten; but none on the west side, and it is
doubtful if there ever were any, as they would be rendered useless by the
proximity of other structures. The fittings are modern and without interest.

Fig. 45. A single pillar of the
cloister beneath the Chapter
Library at Noyon.
At Bayeux also the Chapter-library is a detached building—of stone, in two
floors, about 40 feet long by 26 feet wide, but I have not been able to
discover the date at which it was built; and at York a detached library was
built 1421-22 at the south-west corner of the south transept. This building,
in two floors, the upper of which appears to have held the books, is still in
existence.
The Cathedral library at Troyes, built by Bishop Louis Raguier between
1477 and 1479, to replace an older structure, was in an unusual position,
and arranged in an unusual manner. It abutted against the south-east angle
of the south transept, from which it could be entered. It was nearly square,
being 30 feet long by 24 feet broad; and the vault was supported on a
central pillar, from which radiated the six desks which contained the books
(fig. 46). It was called La Theologale, because lectures on theology were
given in it, as in the library at Salisbury. The desks were taken down in

1706, and the whole structure swept away in 1841-42, by the Departmental
Architect, in the course of "a thorough restoration[252]."

Fig. 46. Plan of the Library at the south-east
angle of the south transept of the Cathedral
at Troyes.
A, B, C, D, Library; E, Entrance from vestibule in front of south transept
door. The room on the east side of this passage was used to keep records in.
At this point I cannot refrain from mentioning a somewhat anomalous
library-foundation at Worcester, due to the zeal of Bishop Carpenter (1444-
76), though both structure and foundation have been long since swept
away[253]. In 1464 he built and endowed a library in connexion with the
charnel-house or chapel of S. Thomas, martyr, a detached building on the
north side of the cathedral. The deed in which this foundation is recorded
contains so many interesting particulars that I will state briefly the most
important points insisted upon[254].
The Bishop begins by stating that by ancient arrangement the sacrist of the
cathedral, assisted by a chaplain, is bound to celebrate mass daily in the
charnel-house or chapel aforesaid, to keep it in repair, and to supply it with

ornaments and vestments. For this purpose an annual endowment of 15
marks has been provided. He then describes his own foundation.
In accordance with the intention of his predecessors, and actuated by a
desire to increase the knowledge of our holy faith, he has built a library in
the aforesaid charnel-house, and caused certain books to be chained therein.
Further, lest these volumes should be left uncared for, and so be damaged or
abstracted, he has caused a dwelling-house for a master or keeper of the
said books to be erected at the end of the said library; and he has conferred
on the said keeper a new stipend, in addition to the old stipend of 15 marks.
This keeper must be a graduate in theology, and a good preacher. He is to
live in the said chantry, and say mass daily in the chapel thereof. He is to
take care of all the books in the library, which he is to open on every week-
day for two hours before None, and for two hours after None, to all who
wish to enter for the purpose of study. He is to explain hard and doubtful
passages of scripture when asked to do so, and once in every week to
deliver a public lecture in the library. Moreover on Holy Thursday he is to
preach in the cathedral, or at the cross in the burial-ground.
Further, in order to prevent any book being alienated, or carried away, or
stolen from the library, a tripartite list of all the books is to be made,
wherein the true value of each is to be set down. One of these lists is to be
retained by the Bishop, another by the sacrist, and a third by the keeper.
Whenever a book is bequeathed or given to the library it is to be at once set
down in this list together with its true value.
On the Friday after the feast of Relics (27 January) in each year, the sacrist
and the keeper are carefully to compare the books with the list; and should
any book have disappeared from the library through the carelessness of the
keeper, he is to replace it or the value of it within one month, under a
penalty of forty shillings, whereof twenty shillings is to be paid to the
Bishop, and twenty shillings to the sacrist. When the aforesaid month has
fully expired, the sacrist is to set apart out of his own salary a sum sufficient
to pay the above fine, and to purchase and chain in the library as soon as
possible another book of the same value and material.
The keeper is to receive from the sacrist an annual salary of ten pounds, and
four yards of woollen cloth to make him a gown and hood.

The sacrist is to keep the chapel, library, books, and chains, together with
the house built for the use of the keeper, in good repair; and he is, moreover,
to find and maintain the vestments and lights required for the chapel. All
these duties he is to swear on the Holy Gospels that he will faithfully
perform.
My enumeration of Cathedral libraries would be sadly incomplete if I did
not say a few words about the splendid structure which is attached to the
Cathedral of Rouen[255]. The Chapter possessed a respectable collection of
books at so early a date as 1120; this grew, and, 29 July, 1424, it was
decided to build "a study or library (quoddam studium seu vnam
librariam)," which was completed in 1428. Fifty years afterwards—in 1477
—it was decided that the library should be extended. The first thought of
the Chapter was that it should be built of wood, and the purchase of good
stout timber (bona et grossa ligna) is ordered. This plan, however, was
evidently abandoned almost as soon as it was formed, for two years
afterwards (20 April 1479) "the library lately erected" is mentioned. These
words can only refer to the existing structure which is built wholly of stone.
A week later (28 April) William Pontis, master-mason, was asked to prepare
a design for a staircase up to the library. This he supplied on the following
day. In June of the same year the Chapter had a serious difference of
opinion with him on the ground that he had altered the design and exceeded
the estimate. They came, however, to the wise conclusion that he should go
on with the work and be requested to finish it with all dispatch.
In the following spring (20 March 1480) it was decided to prolong the
library as far as the street; and in 1481 (18 September) to build the beautiful
stone gate surmounted by a screen in open-work through which the court is
now entered. This was completed by the end of 1482. The whole structure
had therefore occupied about five years in building.
The library, together with a building of older date next to the Cathedral
which serves as a sort of vestibule to it, occupies the west side of what is
still called, from the booksellers' shops which used to stand there, La Cour
des Libraires. The whole building measures 105 ft. in length, by 25 ft. in
breadth. The library proper is lighted by six windows in the east wall, and
by two windows in the north wall. The masonry of the wall under these
windows and the two lancets by which it is pierced indicate that advantage

had been taken of an earlier building to form the substructure of the library.
The west wall must always have been blank. Access to the library was
obtained directly from the transept by means of the beautiful stone staircase
in two flights which Pontis built in 1479. This staircase leads up to a door
marked BIBLIOTHECA which opens into the vestibule above mentioned.
In 1788 a room was built over the library to contain the archives of the
church, and the staircase was then ingeniously prolonged so as to reach the
new second-floor.
Unfortunately the minutes of the Chapter tell us nothing about the original
fittings of this room[256]. In 1718 the books were kept in cupboards
protected by wire-work, over which were the portraits of benefactors to the
library[257].
At present the archives have disappeared; the few books that remain have
replaced them in the upper storey, and the library is used as a second vestry.
The illustration (fig. 47) shews the interior of the Cour des Libraires, with
the beautiful gate of entrance from the street. The library occupies the first
floor. Beneath are the arches under which the shops used to be arranged;
and above is the library of 1788.

Fig. 47. Interior of the Cour des Libraires, Rouen, shewing
the gate of entrance from the street, and the Library.

FOOTNOTES:
[208] Catalogi Bibliothecarum antiqui; ed. G. Bekker, 8vo. 1885, pp. 24-28.
[209] Ibid., pp. 43-53.
[210] Ibid., pp. 64-73.
[211] Ibid. p. 82-120.
[212] Catalogi Veteres Librorum Eccl. Cath. Dunelm., ed. Surtees Soc. 1838, pp.
1-10.
[213] See a letter by Dr M. R. James in The Guardian, 18 May, 1898.
[214] Catalogi Veteres Librorum Eccl. Cath. Dunelm. Ed. Surtees Soc, 1838, pp.
46-79. This catalogue is dated Easter, 1395.
[215] Ibid. pp. 10-34. This catalogue is dated 1391.
[216] Ibid. pp. 34-38. Of the same date.
[217] Ibid. pp. 80, 81. These volumes are recorded in the first of the above
catalogues.
[218] Ibid. pp. 81-84. The date is 1395. For a description of the Spendment see
Rites of Durham, ut supra, p. 71.
[219] Printed in Catalogue général des manuscrits des Bibliothèques Publiques
de France, v. 339-452.
[220] Inventarium librorum monasterii Cistercii, Cabilonensis diocesis, factum
per nos, fratrem Johannem, abbatem eiusdem loci, anno Domini millesimo cccc
octuagesimo, postquam per duos annos continuos labore duorum et sepius trium
ligatorum eosdem libros aptari, ligari, et cooperiri, cum magnis sumptibus et
expensis fecimus.
[221] Et primo librorum existencium in libraria dormitorii, quam ut est
disposuimus, cum locus ipse prius diu fuisset inutilis et dudum arti sutorie et
vestiario serviebat, sicut per aliquas annexas armariorumque dispositiones
apparebat, sed a iio annis vel circa nichil aut parum ibi fuerat.
[222] Dictionnaire raisonné de l'Architecture, i. 271. He does not give the date,
but, when I examined the original in the Bibliothèque Nationale, I found it
plainly dated 1674. It is a most valuable record, as it shews the monastic
buildings, which were greatly altered at the beginning of the last century, in their
primitive state.
[223] With this use of the word linea may be compared the word rayon, now
usually used in France for a shelf, especially a book-shelf.

[224] Godwin, De Præsulibus Angliæ, ed. Richardson, i. 126.
[225] Anglia Sacra, i. 145. Librariam etiam supra Capellam Prioris situatam
perpulcrâ cælaturâ adornavit, quam etiam nonnullis libris instaurari fecit, ad
usum maximè literarum studiis deditorum, quos miro studio et benevolentia
nutrivit et fovit.
[226] Rites of Durham, p. 26.
[227] Item structura ij fenestrarum in Libraria tam in opere lapideo, ferrario et
vitriario, ac in reparacione tecti descorum et ij ostiorum, necnon reparacione
librorum se extendit ad iiijooxi. xvjo. et ultra. Hist. Dunelm. Scriptores tres. Ed.
Surtees Soc. p. cclxxiii.
[228] Regist. Abbatiæ Johannis Whethamstede Abbatis monasterii sancti Albani
iterum susceptæ: ed. II. T. Riley, Rolls Ser. Vol. i. p. 423.
[229] Hist. and Ant. of Worcester. By V. Green, 4to. Lond. 1796. Vol. i. p. 79.
The measurements in the text were taken by myself in 1895.
[230] Monumenta Franciscana, ed. J. S. Brewer, Rolls Ser. Vol. i. p. 319, from a
document called "Prima fundatio fratrum minorum Londoniæ," MSS. Cotton,
Vitellius, F. xii.
[231] Stow's Survey, ed. Strype, fol. Lond. 1720, Book 3, p. 130.
[232] History of Christ's Hospital, by Rev. W. Trollope, 4to. Lond. 1834, App. p.
xxiii. The view of the library (fig. 32) is borrowed from this work.
[233] I have to thank M. Joseph Garnier, Archiviste du Département, for his
great kindness, not only in allowing me to examine these precious relics, but in
having them conveyed to a photographer, and personally superintending a
reproduction of them for my use.
[234] This plan is not dated, but, from internal evidence, it forms part of the set
to which the bird's-eye view and the general ground-plan belong. They were
taken when "des projets," as the heading calls them, were being discussed. One
of these was an increase of the library by the addition of a long gallery at the east
end at right angles to the original construction.
[235] Voyage Littéraire de deux Religieux Benedictins, 4to. Paris, 1717, i. 198,
221.
[236] I have taken 1 toise=6·39 feet.
[237] I have to thank M. Léon Dorez, of the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, for
kindly lending me his transcript of this catalogue, and for continual help in all
my researches.
[238] Printed in Didron, Annales Archéologiques, 1845, iii. 228. The article is
entitled: Un grand monastère au XVIme siècle. I owe this reference to my friend
Mr W. H. St John Hope, Assistant Secretary to the Society of Antiquaries.
[239] Voy. Litt. i. 101, 102.

[240] Dictionnaire de l'Architecture, i. 267.
[241] For the history of this library see Bouillart's work cited at the foot of Fig.
37; and Franklin, Anciennes Bibliothèques de Paris, Vol. i. pp. 107-134.
[242] For the historical information contained in this narrative, which originally
appeared as a paper in the Camb. Ant. Soc. Proc. and Comm. ix. 37 for 18
February, 1895, I am indebted to an article in The Builder, 2 April, 1892, pp.
259-263, by my friend the late Rev. E. Venables, Canon and Precentor of
Lincoln.
[243] This list has been printed in the Appendix to Giraldus Cambrensis (Rolls
Series), vii. 165-171.
[244] Memorandum quod in ista indentura continentur omnes libri existentes in
libraria ecclesie beate Marie Lincoln de novo sub seruris cathenati, cuius quidem
indenture una pars consuitur in fine nigri libri dicte ecclesie et altera pars
remanet in.... The rest of the line is illegible. I have to thank the Rev. A. R.
Maddison for kindly lending me his transcript of this valuable MS.
[245] For this plan I have to thank my friend T. D. Atkinson, Esq., of
Cambridge, architect.
[246] William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, Rolls Ser. p. 183.
[247] Ex eo quod visum est eis vtile et necessarium diuersis causis eos
moventibus habere quasdam scolas competentes pro lecturis suis vna cum
libraria ad conseruacionem librorum et vtilitatem inibi studere volencium qua
hactenus caruerunt statuerunt ... quod super vna parte claustri eiusdem ecclesie
huiusmodi scole edificentur ... cum libraria [etc.]. Chapter Act Book. I have to
thank A. R. Malden, Esq., Chapter Clerk, for his kind assistance.
[248] Dugdale, History of S. Paul's Cathedral, fol. 1658, p. 132.
[249] I have fully described this library and its fittings in Camb. Ant. Soc. Proc.
and Comm. 1891. Vol. viii., pp. 6-10.
[250] My account of the library at Lichfield is derived from the History and
Antiquities of the Church and City of Lichfield, by Rev. Th. Harwood, 4to.
Gloucester, 1806, p. 180; and the Chapter Act Book, which I was allowed to
examine through the kindness of my friend the Very Rev. H. M. Luckock, D.D.,
Dean.
[251] Levasseur, Annales de L'Eglise Cathédrale de Noyon, 4to. Paris, 1633, p.
iiii. A marginal note tells us that the gift of the Bailly de Chapitre was accepted
14 June, 1507.
[252] Voyage archéologique ... dans le Département de l'Aube. A. F. Arnaud.
4to. Troyes 1837, pp. 161-163.
[253] For the library belonging to the monastery see p. 108.
[254] The deed is copied in MSS. Prattinton (Soc. Ant. Lond.), Vol. viii. p. 379.
For this reference I have to thank the Rev. J. K. Floyer, M.A., librarian of

Worcester Cathedral. See his Thousand Years of a Cathedral Library in the
Reliquary for Jan. 1901, p. 7.
[255] My principal authority for the history of the Chapter Library is the Minute-
Book of the Dean and Chapter of Rouen Cathedral, now preserved in the
Archives de la Ville at Rouen, where I had the pleasure of studying it in
September, 1896. A summary of it is given in Inventaire-Sommaire des Archives
Départementales (Seine Inférieure), 4to. Paris, 1874, Vol. ii. I have also
consulted Recherches sur les Bibliothèques ... de Rouen, 8vo., 1853.
[256] The Canons held a long debate, 28 May, 1479, "de ambonibus seu lutrinis
in nova libraria fiendis et collocandis"; but finally decided to use the furniture of
the old library for the present.
[257] Voyage Liturgique de la France, par Le Sieur de Moléon, 1718, p. 268. I
have to thank Dr James for this quotation.

CHAPTER IV.
THE FITTINGS OF MONASTIC LIBRARIES AND OF COLLEGIATE
LIBRARIES PROBABLY IDENTICAL. ANALYSIS OF SOME
LIBRARY-STATUTES. MONASTIC INFLUENCE AT THE
UNIVERSITIES. NUMBER OF BOOKS OWNED BY COLLEGES. THE
COLLEGIATE LIBRARY. BISHOP COBHAM'S LIBRARY AT OXFORD.
LIBRARY AT QUEENS' COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. AT ZUTPHEN. THE
LECTERN SYSTEM. CHAINING OF BOOKS. FURTHER EXAMPLES
AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
How were the libraries mentioned in the preceding chapter
fitted up? For instance, what manner of bookcases did
Archbishop Chichele put into his library at Canterbury in
1414, or the "bons ouvriers subtilz et plains de sens" supply
to the Abbat of Clairvaux in 1496? The primitive book-
presses have long ago been broken up; and the medieval
devices that succeeded them have had no better fate. This
dearth of material need not, however, discourage us. We have, I think, the
means of discovering with tolerable certainty what monastic fittings must
have been, by comparing the bookcases which still exist in a more or less
perfect form in the libraries of Oxford and Cambridge with such monastic
catalogues as give particulars of arrangement and not merely lists of books.
The collegiate system was in no sense monastic, indeed it was to a certain
extent established to counteract monastic influence; but it is absurd to
suppose that the younger communities would borrow nothing from the elder
—especially when we reflect that the monastic system, as inaugurated by S.
Benedict, had completed at least seven centuries of successful existence
before Walter de Merton was moved to found a college, and that many of
the subsequent founders of colleges were more or less closely connected
with monasteries. Further, as we have seen that study was specially
enjoined upon monks by S. Benedict, it is precisely in the direction of study
that we might expect to find features common to the two sets of
communities. And, in fact, an examination of the statutes affecting the

library in the codes imposed upon some of the earlier colleges at Oxford
and Cambridge, leads us irresistibly to the conclusion that they were
derived from monastic Customs, using the word in its technical sense, and
monastic practice. The resemblances are too striking to be accidental.
I shall therefore, in the next place, review, as briefly as I can, the statutes of
some of the above colleges, taking them in chronological order[258]; and I
shall translate some passages from them.
But first let me mention that the principle of lending books to students
under a pledge was accepted by the University of Oxford many years before
colleges were founded. It is recorded that Roger L'Isle, Dean of York, in the
early part of the thirteenth century, "bestowed several exemplars of the holy
Bible to be used by the Scholars of Oxford under a pledge"; that the said
books, with others, were "locked up in chests, or chained upon desks in S.
Mary's Chancel and Church to be used by the Masters upon leave first
obtained"; that certain officers were appointed to keep the keys of these
chests, and to receive the pledges from those that borrowed the books; and
that the books were so kept "till the library over the Congregation House
was built, and then being taken out, were set up in pews or studies digested
according to Faculties, chained, and had a keeper appointed over them[259]."
In the statutes of Merton College, Oxford, 1274, the teacher of grammar
(grammaticus) is to be supplied with a sufficient number of books out of the
funds of the House, but no other mention of books occurs therein[260]. The
explanatory ordinances, however, given in 1276 by Robert Kilwardby
(Archbishop of Canterbury 1273-79), direct that the books of the
community are to be kept under three locks, and to be assigned by the
warden and sub-warden to the use of the Fellows under sufficient
pledge[261]. In the second statutes of University College (1292), it is
provided, "that no Fellow shall alienate, sell, pawn, hire, lett, or grant, any
House, Rent, Money, Book, or other Thing, without the Consent of all the
Fellows"; and further, with special reference to the Library:
Every Book of the House, now given, or hereafter to be given,
shall have a high value set upon it when it is borrowed, in order
that he that has it may be more fearful lest he lose it; and let it be
lent by an Indenture, whereof one part is to be kept in the

common Chest, and the other with him that has the Book: And
let no Book, belonging to the House, be lent out of the College,
without a Pawn better (than the Book), and this with the Consent
of all the Fellows.
Let there be put one Book of every Sort that the House has, in
some common and secure Place; that the Fellows, and others
with the Consent of a Fellow, may for the Future have the
Benefit of it.
Every Opponent in Theology, or Reader of the Sentences, or a
Regent that commonly reads (regens et legens communiter),
when he wants it, shall have any necessary Book, that the House
has, lent to him Gratis; and when he has done with it, let him
restore it to that Fellow, who had formerly made choice of
it[262].
The statutes of Oriel College, dated 1329, lay down the following rules for
the management of books:
The common books (communes libri) of the House are to be
brought out and inspected once a year, on the feast of the
Commemoration of Souls [2 November], in presence of the
Provost or his deputy, and of the Scholars [Fellows].
Every one of them in turn, in order of seniority, may select a
single book which either treats of the science to which he is
devoting himself, or which he requires for his use. This he may
keep, if he please, until the same festival in the succeeding year,
when a similar selection of books is to take place, and so on,
from year to year.
If there should happen to be more books than persons, those that
remain are to be selected in the same manner[263].
The last clause plainly shews how small the number of the books must have
been when the statute was written. Their safety was subsequently secured
by an ordinance of the Provost and Scholars, which, by decree of the
Visitor, dated 13 May, 1441, received the authority of a statute. The high

value set upon the books is shewn by the extreme stringency of the
penalties imposed for wilful loss or failure of restitution. After describing
the annual assemblage of the Provost and Fellows, as directed in the former
statute, the new enactment proceeds as follows:
Any person who absents himself on that day, so that the books
selected by him are neither produced nor restored; or who, being
present, refuses to produce or to restore them; or who refuses to
pay the full value, if, without any fraud or deception on his part,
it should happen that any one of them be missing; is to be
deprived of all right of selecting books for that year; and any
person who wittingly defers the aforesaid production or
restitution till Christmas next ensuing, shall, ipso facto, cease to
be a Fellow.
Further, any scholar who has pawned or alienated, contrary to
the common consent of the college, any book or object of value
(jocale) belonging to the college; or who has even suggested,
helped, or favoured, such pawning or alienation, shall, ipso
facto, cease to be a member of the Society[264].
The statutes of Peterhouse, Cambridge, dated 1344, class the books of the
Society with the charters and the muniments, and prescribe the following
rules for their safe custody:
In order that the books which are the common property of the
House (communes libri), the charters, and the muniments, may
be kept in safe custody, we appoint and ordain that an indenture
be drawn up of the whole of them in the presence of at least the
major part of the scholars, expressing what the books are, and to
what faculty they belong; of which indenture one part is to be
deposited with the Master, the other with the Deans, as a record
of the transaction.
The aforesaid books, charters, and muniments are to be placed
in one or more common chests, each having two locks, one key
of which shall for greater security be deposited with the Master,
the other with the Senior Dean, who shall cause the books to be
distributed to those scholars who have need of them, in the

manner which has been more fully set forth in the section which
treats of the office of the Deans[265].
The section referred to prescribes that the Deans
are to distribute them [the books] to the scholars in such manner
as shall appear to them expedient; and further, they shall, if they
think proper, make each scholar take an oath that he will not
alienate any book so borrowed, but will take all possible care of
it, and restore it to the Master and Dean, at the expiration of the
appointed time[266].
In 1473 Dr John Warkworth became Master. He was evidently a lover of
books, for he gave to the Library fifty-five volumes, which he protected,
after the fashion of an earlier age, by invoking a curse upon him who should
alienate them. Moreover, during his Mastership, in 1480, the College
enacted or adopted a special statute headed, De libris Collegii, which may
be thus translated:
In the name of God, Amen. As books are the most precious
treasure of scholars, concerning which there ought to be the
most diligent care and forethought, lest, as heretofore, they fall
to decay or be lost, it is hereby appointed, settled, and ordained,
by the Master and Fellows of the House or College of S. Peter in
Cambridge, that no book which has been chained in the library
there shall be taken away from, or removed out of, the library,
except by special assent and consent of the Master and all the
resident Fellows of the aforesaid College—it being understood
that by resident Fellows a majority of the whole Society is
meant.
Provided always that no book which has been given to the
library on condition of being kept perpetually chained therein
shall, by virtue of this statute, be on any pretence removed from
it, except only when it needs repair.
Provided also that every book in the library which is to be
selected and distributed shall have a certain value set upon it by

the Master and the two Deans, and that indentures shall be
drawn up recording the same.
Once in every two years, in the Michaelmas Term, a fresh
selection and distribution shall be held of every book which is
not chained in the Library—the precise day to be fixed by the
Master and the Senior Dean.
No book so selected and distributed shall pass the night out of
College, except by permission of the Master and the President
and the other Dean who is not President; provided always that
the said book be not kept out of the College for six months in
succession.
If it should happen that a given book be not brought in and
produced on the aforesaid day of fresh selection and
distribution, then the person who is responsible for it shall pay
to the Master, or in his absence to the Senior Dean, the full value
of the said absent book, under pain of being put out of commons
until it be restored.
Every Fellow who is not present on the aforesaid day shall
appoint a deputy, who shall be prepared to bring in any books
which may have been lent to him, on the day when a fresh
distribution is to take place, under pain of being put out of
commons[267].
The statutes given in 1350 to Trinity Hall, Cambridge, by the Founder
William Bateman (Bishop of Norwich 1344-56), contain rules which are
more stringent than those already quoted, and were evidently written in
contemplation of a more considerable collection of volumes. A list of the
books which he himself presented to Trinity Hall is appended to his statutes,
and a special chapter (De libris collegii) is allotted to the Library. This may
be translated as follows:
On the days appointed for the general audit of accounts [in the
Michaelmas and Easter Terms] all the books which have been
received, or shall be received in future, either from our own
liberality, or from the pious largess of others, are to be laid out

separately before the Master and all the resident Fellows in such
manner that each volume may be clearly seen; by which
arrangement it will become evident twice in each year whether
any book has been lost or taken away.
No book belonging to the aforesaid College may ever at any
time be sold, given away, exchanged, or alienated, under any
excuse or pretext; nor may it be lent to anybody except a
member of the College; nor may it be entrusted in quires, for the
purpose of making a copy, to any member of the College, or to
any stranger, either within the precincts of the Hall or beyond
them; nor may it be carried by the Master, or any one else, out of
the Town of Cambridge, or out of the aforesaid Hall or Hostel,
either whole or in quires, except to the Schools; provided always
that no book pass the night out of College, unless it be necessary
to bind it or to repair it; and when this happens, it is to be
brought back to College as soon as possible after the completion
of the binding or the repair.
Moreover, all the books of the College are to be kept in some
safe room, to be assigned for the College Library, so that all the
Scholars of the College may have common access to them. We
give leave, however, that the poor scholars of the college may
have the loan of books containing the texts of Canon and Civil
Law for their private use for a certain time, to be fixed at the
discretion of the Master and the three Senior Fellows, provided
they be not taken out of College; but the books of the Doctors of
Civil and Canon Law are to remain continuously in the said
Library Chamber, fastened with iron chains for the common use
of the Fellows[268].
It is evident that this statute was regarded as a full and satisfactory
expression of what was required, for it is repeated, with additions or
omissions to suit the taste of the respective founders, in the statutes of New
College (1400), All Souls' (1443), Magdalen (1479), Corpus Christi (1517),
Brasenose (1521), Cardinal College (1527) and S. John's College (1555), at
Oxford; and in those of King's College, Cambridge.

Among these changes a few are sufficiently important to require special
notice. At New College William of Wykeham allows students in civil law
and canon law to keep two text-books "for their own special use during the
whole time they devote themselves to those faculties in our College,
provided they do not possess such books of their own"; the "remaining text-
books, should any be left over, and also the glosses or commentaries of the
Doctors of civil and canon law, may be lent to the persons belonging to
those faculties by the method of annual selection, as in the other faculties";
the "books which remain unassigned after the Fellows have made their
selection are to be fastened with iron chains, and remain in the Common
Library for the use of the Fellows[269]"; the wishes of donors, whether
expressed by will or during their lifetime, are to be respected; and, lastly,
the safety of the Library is to be secured by three locks, two large, and one
small, of the kind called "a clickett." The keys of the two former are to be
kept by the Senior Dean and the Bursar respectively; of the clickett each
Fellow is to have a separate key. At night the door is to be carefully locked
with all three keys[270].
At All Souls' College, the founder, Henry Chichele (Archbishop of
Canterbury 1414-43), makes the books to be chained the subjects of definite
choice. The principle of an annual selection is maintained, except for "those
books which, in obedience to the will of the donors, or the injunction of the
Warden, the Vice-Warden, and the Deans, are to be chained for the common
use of the Fellows and Scholars." Further, the preparation of a catalogue is
specially enjoined. Every book is to be entered in a register by the first
word of the second leaf, and every book given to the Library is to bear the
name of the donor on the second leaf, or in some other convenient position.
The books are to be inspected once in every year, after which the
distribution, as provided for by Bateman and Wykeham, is to take place.
Each Fellow who borrows a book is to have a small indenture drawn up
containing the title according to the first word of the second leaf, and an
acknowledgment that he has received it. These small indentures are to be
left in charge of the Warden, or, in his absence, of the Vice-Warden[271].
In the statutes of Magdalen College, the founder, William Waynflete
(Bishop of Winchester 1447-87), maintains the provisions of Wykeham and
Chichele, but introduces an injunction of his own, to the effect that every

Fellow or Scholar who uses the Library is to shut the book he has consulted
before he leaves and also the windows; and the last to use the Library at
night is to go through the whole room and see that all the windows are shut
and not to leave the door open—under a severe penalty[272].
At Corpus Christi College, the founder, Richard Fox (Bishop of Winchester
1501-28), insists upon safeguards against the indiscriminate chaining, of
books:
No book is to be brought into the Library or chained there,
unless it be of suitable value and utility, or unless the will of the
donor have so directed; and none is to be taken out of it, unless
it so happen that there be there already a considerable number
on the same subject, or that another copy in better condition and
of greater value, to take its place, have been presented by some
benefactor.
By this means those books which are of greater value, or which
contain material of greater utility to students in each Faculty,
will be stored up in the Library; while those which are not fit for
the Library, or of which a sufficient number of copies already
exist in it, may be distributed to the Fellows of the College,
according to the system of indentures between the borrower and
the President, or in his absence the Vice-President, or one of the
Deans[273].
The Bishop was evidently afraid that the Library should be overcrowded,
for he even allows books to be sold, in the event of their becoming so
numerous as to be no longer of use to the Fellows for the purpose of being
borrowed.
Lastly I will translate the following College Order or Statute which was in
force at Pembroke College, Cambridge. Unfortunately it is without date, but
from internal evidence may take rank with some of the earliest enactments
already quoted.
Let there be in the aforesaid House a Keeper of the Books, who
shall take under his charge all the books belonging to the
community, and once in each year, namely on the feast of the

Translation of S. Thomas the Martyr [7 July], or at the latest
within the eight days immediately following, let him render to
the community an account of the same, by exhibiting each book
in order to the Master and Fellows.
The inspection having been made, after the Fellows have
deliberated, let him distribute them to each Fellow in proportion
to his requirements. And let the said Keeper have ready large
pieces of board (tabulas magnas), covered with wax and
parchment, that the titles of the books may be written on the
parchment, and the names of the Fellows who hold them on the
wax beside it. When they have brought their books back, their
names shall be erased, and their responsibility for the books
shall come to an end, the keeper remaining liable. So shall he
never be in ignorance about any book or its borrower.
No book is to be taken away or lent out of the House on any
pretext whatever, except upon some occasion which may appear
justifiable to the major part of the community; and then, if any
book be lent, let a proper pledge be taken for it which shall be
honourably exhibited to the Keeper[274].
Let us consider, in the next place, what points of library-management have
been brought into the most prominent relief by the above analysis of
College statutes. We find that the "Common Books" of the House—by
which phrase the books intended for the common use of the inmates are
meant—are placed on the same footing as the charters, muniments, and
valuables (jocalia). They are to be kept in a chest or chests secured by two
or three locks requiring the presence of the same number of officials to
open them. These volumes may not be borrowed indiscriminately, but each
Scholar (Fellow) may choose the book he wants, and write a formal
acknowledgment that he has received it, and that he is bound to restore it or
pay the value of it, under a severe penalty. Once a year the whole collection
is to be audited in the presence of the Master of the College and all the
Fellows, when a fresh distribution is to be made. The books not so
borrowed are to be put in "some common and secure place"; an
arrangement which was subsequently developed into a selection of books

required for reference, and the chaining of them in "the Library Chamber
for the common use of the Fellows."
The Register of Merton College, Oxford, contains many interesting entries
which shew that these directions respecting the choice and loan of books
were faithfully observed. I will translate a few of them[275]:
On the twenty-fourth day of October [1483] choice was made of
the books on philosophy by the Fellows studying philosophy.
On the eleventh day of November [1483], in the Warden's
lodging, choice was made of the books on theology by the
Fellows studying theology[276].
On the eighteenth day of March [1497] choice of books on logic
was held in the Common Hall[277].
The next entry is particularly valuable, as it proves that all the books on a
given subject, no matter how numerous, were occasionally distributed:
On the twenty-sixth day of the same month [August, 1500]
choice was made of the books on philosophy. It was found that
there were in all 349 books, which were then distributed among
the Fellows studying philosophy[278].
In 1498 (14 December) the Warden wished to borrow a book from the
library, whereupon a record of the following formalities was drawn up[279]:
On the same day a book of College Orders (on the second leaf
ter posita) was taken out of the library with the consent of all
the Fellows. And leave was given to the Warden, in the presence
of the four senior Fellows, to make use of it for a season. As a
caution for this book the aforesaid Warden deposited a certain
other book, viz. S. Jerome's commentary on Matthew and the
Epistles of Paul (on the second leaf sunt). This book lay in our
possession as caution for the other book of College Orders[280];
but, because this book was an insufficient caution, there was
deposited with it as a supplementary caution another book,
namely: Jerome on Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel.

The Warden kept the book for a year, at the expiration of which we find the
following entry[281]:
On the last day but one of the same month [1499] the Warden
returned to the Vice-Warden the book of College Orders (on the
second leaf ter posita) which he had had out of the library for
his own use for a season on depositing a sufficient caution.
Whereupon the Vice-Warden returned to him his cautions,
namely, the commentary of S. Jerome on Matthew (second leaf
sunt), and another, namely, S. Jerome's exposition of Isaiah,
Jeremiah, and Ezekiel (second leaf, Audi cela).
Lastly, I will quote a record of the solemn reception of a gift to the library:
On the same day [2 August, 1493] a handsome book was given
to the College through John Godehew, Bachelor, by two
venerable men, Robert Aubrey and Robert Feyld, to be chained
in the common library of the House for the perpetual use of
those studying in it. It is Hugh of Vienne on the Apocalypse, on
the second leaf quod possessio eius. Let us therefore pray for
them[282].
These provisions savour of the cloister. The "common books" represent the
"common press (armarium commune)" with which we are so familiar there;
the double or triple locks with which the book-chests are secured recall the
rules for safeguarding the said press; the annual audit and distribution of
books is directed in Lanfranc's statutes for English Benedictines; the
borrowing under a pledge, or at least after an entry made by the Librarian
on his roll of the name of the book and the name of the brother who
borrowed it, was universal in monasteries; and the setting apart of certain
books in a separate room to which access was readily permitted became a
necessity in the larger and more literary Houses. Lastly, the commemoration
of donors of books is specially enjoined by the Augustinians[283].
This close similarity between monastic and secular rules need not surprise
us. I have shewn in the preceding chapter how faithfully the Benedictine
rules for study were obeyed by all the Monastic Orders; and I know not
from what other source directions for library-management could have been

obtained. Besides, in some cases the authors of the rules which I have been
considering must themselves have had experience of monastic libraries.
Walter de Merton is said to have been educated in an Augustinian Priory at
Merton; Hugh de Balsham, founder of Peterhouse, was Bishop of Ely;
William Bateman, whose library-statute was so widely applied, had been
educated in the Benedictine Priory at Norwich, and his brother was an
abbat; Henry Chichele was Archbishop of Canterbury, where, as I have
shewn, a very extensive collection of books had been got together, to
contain which worthily he himself built a library.
Secondly, monastic influence was brought directly to bear on both
Universities through student-monks; and at Oxford, which was specially
selected as the University for monastic colleges, the Benedictines founded
Gloucester House, now Worcester College, so early as 1283. This college
had a library, on the south side of the chapel, which was built and stocked
with books at the sole charge of John Whethamstede, Abbat of S.
Albans[284]—whose work in connexion with the library of that House has
been already recorded[285]. Durham College, maintained by the
Benedictines of Durham, was supplied with books from the mother-house,
lists of which have been preserved[286]; and subsequently a library was built
there to contain the collection bequeathed in 1345 by Richard de Bury
(Bishop of Durham 1333-45)[287]. Lastly, Leland tells us that at Canterbury
College in the same University the whole furniture of the library (tota
bibliothecæ supellex) was transferred from the House of Christ Church,
Canterbury[288]. It is, I submit, quite inconceivable that the fittings supplied
to these libraries could have been different from those commonly used in
the monasteries of S. Albans, Durham, and Canterbury.
Further, it should be noted that the erection of a library proper was an
afterthought in many of the older colleges, as it had been in the monasteries.
For instance, at Merton College, Oxford, founded 1264, the library was not
begun till 1377; at University College, founded 1280, in 1440; at Balliol
College, founded 1282, in 1431; at Oriel College, founded 1324, in 1444; at
Pembroke College, Cambridge, founded 1347, in 1452. William of
Wykeham, who founded New College, Oxford, in 1380, was the first to
include a library in his quadrangle; and, after the example had been set by

him, the plan of every subsequent college includes a library of sufficient
dimensions to last till the Reformation, if not till the present day.
The above dates, covering as they do at least two-thirds of the fifteenth
century, shew that the collegiate libraries were being built at the same time
as the monastic. This coincidence of date, taken in conjunction with the
coincidences in enactment which I have already pointed out, seems to me to
supply an additional argument in support of my theory that the internal
fittings of collegiate and monastic libraries would be identical. Besides, no
forms are so persistent as those of pieces of furniture. A workman, once
instructed to make a thing in a particular way, carries out his instructions to
the letter, and transmits them to his descendants.
Before we consider what these fittings were, I will briefly deal with some
other questions affecting collegiate libraries, as, for instance, their size,
position, and general arrangement. And first, as regards the number of
books to be accommodated.
It happens, unfortunately, that very few catalogues have been preserved of
the libraries referred to in the above statutes; but, if we may estimate the
extent of the remainder from those of which we have some account, we
shall see that the number of volumes contained in a collegiate library must
have been extremely small. For instance, the catalogue[289] appended to
Bishop Bateman's statutes, dated 1350, enumerates eighty-four volumes,
classed under the following subjects, in two divisions[290], viz. those
presented to the College for the immediate use of the Fellows (A); and those
reserved for the Bishop's own use during his life (B):

A B
Books on Civil Law 7 3
Books on Canon Law 1913
Books on Theology 325
Books for the Chapel 7 7
——
3648

At King's Hall, in 1394, eighty-seven volumes only are enumerated[291];
and even in the University Library not more than 122 volumes were

recorded in 1424[292]. They were distributed as follows:

[Books on General Theology][293] 54
Books on Scholastic Theology (Theologia disputata) 15
Books on Moral Philosophy 5
Books on Natural Philosophy 12
Books on Medicine (medicinalis philosophia) 5
Books on Logic 1
Books on Poetry 0
Libri sophisticales 1
Books on Grammar 6
Books on History (Libri cronicales) 0
Books on Canon Law 23
——
Total 122

The catalogue of the Library of Queens' College, dated 1472, enumerates
one hundred and ninety-nine volumes[294]; the second catalogue of the
University Library, dated 1473, three hundred and thirty volumes[295]; an
early catalogue of the library of S. Catharine's Hall, one hundred and four
volumes, of which eighty-five were given by the Founder[296]; and a
catalogue of the old library of King's College, dated 1453, one hundred and
seventy-four volumes. In these catalogues the books are not directly classed
under heads, but arranged roughly, according to subject, in their respective
cases[297].
At Peterhouse in 1418 we find a somewhat larger collection, namely, three
hundred and eighty volumes, divided among seventeen subjects. The
general heading of the catalogue[298] states that it contains "all the books
belonging to the house of S. Peter in Cambridge, both those which are
chained in the library, those which are divided among the Fellows, and
those of which some are intended to be sold, while certain others are laid up
in chests within the aforesaid house." This language shews that by the time
the catalogue was made the collection had been divided into books for the
use of the Fellows (libri distribuendi) and books chained in the library (libri
cathenati in libraria); in other words, into a lending library and a library of

reference. We are not told how this division had been made, or at what time;
but it is evident that by 1418 it had become permanent, and no longer
depended on the tastes or studies of the Fellows. There was one set of books
for them to select from, and another for them to refer to; but the two were
quite distinct[299].
In the next place I will analyse the catalogue in order to shew what subjects
were represented, and how many volumes there were in each. And first of
the contents of the library of reference:

Libri theologie cathenati 61
Isti sunt libri Naturalis Philosophie cathenati in librario 26
Libri Metaphisice 3
" Moralis Philosophie 5
" Astronomie 13
" Alkenemie 1
" Arsmetrice 1
" Musice 1
" Geometrie 1
" Rethorice 1
" Logice 5
" Gramatice 6
" Poetrie cathenati 4
" De Cronicis cathenati 4
" Medicine cathenati 15
" Iuris Ciuilis cathenati 9
" Iuris Canonici cathenati 18
Ex dono ducis exonie 1
" M. Joh. Sauage 2
Libros subscriptos donavit Mag. Edm. Kyrketon 7
" contulit M. W. Lichfeld 2
Ex dono M. W. Redyct 4
Libros subscriptos contulit M. Joh. Fayre 3
" contulit M. Will. More 13
" " M. John Ledes 14

——
220

The books that were to be divided among the Fellows are classed as
follows:

Libri theologie assignati sociis 63
" Philosophie Naturalis Metaphisice et Moralis diuisi inter socios 19
" Logice diuisi inter socios 15
" Poetrie et Gramatice assignati sociis 13
" Medicine 3
" Iuris Ciuilis diusi inter socios 20
" " Canonici diuidendi inter socios 19
empti ad usum ... sociorum collegii cum pecuniis eiusdem
" 8
collegii
——
160

In framing these tables I have included among the Libri cathenati those
specially presented to the College, 46 in number; but I have not attempted
to sort them according to subject. I have also assumed that any book or
books representing a given class, if not represented in the lending library, as
Astronomy, Arithmetic, Music, etc., would be chained for reference. The
number of this class, 220, if added to the 160 of the other class, gives the
required total, 380.
In addition to these tables it will be interesting to construct a third,
containing the subject and number of the books represented in both
collections:

Chained Lent
Theology 61 63
Natural Philosophy 26
Metaphysics
Moral Philosophy
3
5
} 19

Logic 5 15

Grammar 6
Poetry 4
13 }
Medicine 15 3
Civil Law 9 20
Canon Law 18 19
————————
152 152

The subjects of the books included in this latter table represent, in a very
clear and interesting way, the studies pursued at Peterhouse in the 14th and
15th centuries. It is prescribed by the statutes, dated 1344, that the scholars
are to study Arts, Aristotelian Philosophy, or Theology; but that they are to
apply themselves to the course in Arts until, in the judgment of the Master
and Fellows, or at least of the larger and wiser portion of that body, they are
sufficiently instructed to proceed to the study of Theology[300]. Two may
study Civil Law or Canon Law, but no more at the same time; and one may
study Medicine[301]. For both these lines of study special leave is required.
The course of Arts comprised Grammar, Logic, Aristotle, Arithmetic,
Music, Geometry, and Astronomy. In the first of these, including Poetry, the
lending library contained more volumes than the reference library; in Logic
it had three times as many; in Philosophy (Aristotle and his commentators)
it was well supplied; but, on the other hand, Music, Geometry and
Astronomy were wholly wanting. Theology is represented by 63 volumes as
against 61 in the reference library; Civil Law by 20 volumes against 9 in the
reference library; and Canon Law by 19 against 18. In Medicine, however,
there were only 3 against 15. By a curious coincidence the number of
volumes in the two collections dealing with the subjects represented in both
is the same. The subject most in request, as might have been expected, was
Theology. Next to this come Civil Law and Canon Law. Medicine was
evidently unpopular. I have no explanation to offer for the curious fact that
Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, and Rhetoric are represented by only a single
volume apiece in the library of reference[302].
These examples, which there is no reason to regard as exceptional, are
sufficient to shew that an ordinary chamber would be large enough to
contain all the volumes possessed by a college, even after some of the more

generally useful books of reference had been chained to desks for the resort
of students.
It has been already shewn that what Professor Willis calls "a real library—
that is to say, a room expressly contrived for the purpose of containing
books[303]"—was not introduced into the plan of colleges for more than a
century after their first foundation. He points out that such rooms can be at
once recognised by their equidistant windows, which do not, as a rule,
differ from those of the ordinary chambers, except that they are separated
by much smaller intervals. Examples of this arrangement are still to be seen
at S. John's College, Jesus College, and Queens' College, Cambridge; but
perhaps the most characteristic specimen of all is that which was built over
the Hall at Pembroke College in the same University, by Laurence Booth
(Master 1450-1480), the aspect of which has been preserved in Loggan's
print, here reproduced (fig. 48)[304].

Fig. 48. Pembroke College, Cambridge, reduced from
Loggan's print, taken about 1688.
A, Chapel; B, Library; C, Hall; D, Master's Lodge; E, Kitchen; F, Master's
Garden; G, Fellows' Garden.
The upper chamber (solarium) which Thomas Cobham (Bishop of
Worcester 1317-27) began to build over the old Congregation House on the
north side of S. Mary's Church, Oxford, about 1320, for the reception of the
books which he intended to present to the University, is the earliest of these
libraries in existence. It still retains on the south side part of a range of
equidistant single-light windows of the simplest character, which, as just
stated, mark the destination of the apartment. This room is about forty-five
feet long by eighteen feet broad, and, in its original state, had probably
seven single-light windows on each side, and a window of two lights at the
east end[305] (fig. 49). A long controversy between the University and Oriel
College rendered the benefaction useless for more than forty years; and it
was not until 1367 that the University passed a statute directing that Bishop
Cobham's books are to be chained, in proper order; and that the Scholars
who wish to use them are to have free access to them at convenient hours
(temporibus opportunis). Lastly, certain volumes, of greater value, are to be
sold, to the value of forty pounds, or more, if a larger sum can be obtained
for them, for the purpose of purchasing an annual rent-charge of sixty
shillings, to be paid to a chaplain, who is to pray for the soul of the

aforesaid Thomas Cobham, and other benefactors; and who is to take
charge of the books given by him and them, and of all other books
heretofore given, or hereafter to be given, to the University[306]. The
passing of this statute may probably be regarded as the first institution of
the office of University Librarian. Notwithstanding this statute, however,
the University did not obtain peaceful possession of their library until 1410,
when the controversy was finally extinguished by the good offices of their
Chancellor, Richard Courtenay[307].

Fig. 49. Long Section of Old Congregation House and
Library, Oxford, looking south. From The Church of S.
Mary the Virgin, Oxford, by T. G. Jackson, Architect.
As a type of a collegiate library I will select the old library of Queens'
College, Cambridge. This room, on the first floor of the north side of the
quadrangle, forms part of the buildings erected in 1448. It is 44 ft. long by
20 ft. wide (fig. 50), and is lighted by eleven windows, each of two lights,
six of which are in the south wall and five in the north wall. The windows
in the south wall have lost their cusps, but they are retained in those in the
north wall—and the library has in all points suffered less from modern
interference than almost any other with which I am acquainted. The
bookcases have been altered and patched more than once, in order to
provide additional shelf-room; but at the bottom of the more modern
superstructure part at least of the original medieval desk may be detected. If
this fragment be carefully examined it will be found that there is on the
inside of each end of the bookcase a groove which evidently once supported

a desk 6 ft. 6 in. long, and of a height convenient for a seated reader to
use[308] (fig. 51). The books lay on their sides on this desk, to which they
were chained in a way that I shall explain directly, and a bench for the
reader was placed between each pair of desks. In the plan (fig. 50) I have
added the half-desk which once stood against the west wall; and I have
lettered all the desks according to the catalogue made in 1472 by Andrew
Docket, the first President.

Fig. 50. Ground-plan of the Library at Queens'
College, Cambridge.
It should be carefully noted, when studying this plan,
that the distance between each pair of windows is not
more than 2 feet, and that the end of the desk covers
the whole of this space. If this fact be borne in mind
when examining libraries that are now fitted up in a
different way, it becomes possible to detect what the
original method was.
I propose to name this system of fittings the lectern-
system; and I shall shew, as we proceed, that it was
adopted, with various modifications, in England,
France, Holland, Germany and Italy.
Fig. 51.
Elevation of

Fortunately, one example of such fittings still exists, at book-desk in
Zutphen in Holland, which I visited in April, 1894. Library of
Shortly afterwards I wrote the following description of Queens' College,
what is probably a unique survival of an ancient Cambridge. [309]
fashion[310].
The library in which these fittings occur is attached to the church of SS.
Peter and Walburga, the principal church of the town. A library of some
kind is said to have existed there from very early times[311]; but the place
where the books were kept is not known. In 1555 a suggestion was made
that it would be well to get together a really good collection of books for the
use of the public. The first stone of the present building was laid in 1561,
and it was completed in 1563. The author of the Theatrum Urbium Belgicæ,
John Blaeu, whose work was completed in 1649, describes it as "the public
library poorly furnished with books, but being daily increased by the
liberality of the Senate and Deputies[312]."
The room is built against the south choir-aisle of the church, out of which a
door opens into it. In consequence of this position the shape is irregular, for
the church is apsidal, and the choir-aisle is continued round part of the apse.
It is about 60 feet long, by 26 feet broad at the west end. In the centre are
four octagonal columns on square bases, supporting a plain quadripartite
vault. The room is thus divided longitudinally into two aisles, with a small
irregular space at the east end.
The diagrammatic ground-plan, here subjoined (fig. 52), will help to make
this description clear. It makes no pretensions to accuracy, having been
drawn from notes only[313].

Fig. 52. Ground-plan of the
Library at Zutphen.
There are two windows, each of three lights, at the west end of the room,
and four similar windows on the south side, one to each bay. There is a fifth
window, now blocked, at the south-east corner. Some of these windows
contain fragments of richly coloured stained glass—among which the figure
of a large green parrot is conspicuous; but whether these fragments were
brought from the church, or are part of the glass originally supplied to the
library, there is no evidence to shew. Most of these windows are partially
blocked, having been damaged, it is said, in one of the numerous sieges
from which Zutphen has suffered. The position of the church, close to the
fortifications, as Blaeu's bird's-eye view shews, makes this story probable.
The floor is paved with red tiles. The general appearance of the room will
be understood from the view of the north aisle reduced from a photograph
(fig. 53)[314].

Fig. 53. General view of the north side of
the Library attached to the church of S.
Walburga at Zutphen.

Fig. 54. Desk and reader on the south side of the
Library at Zutphen. From a photograph.

Fig. 55. Elevation of (A) one of the
bookcases in the Library at Zutphen:
(B) one of those in the Library at
Queens' College, Cambridge[315]
There are eighteen bookcases, or desks; namely, ten on the south side of the
room, and eight on the north side (fig. 52). The material is oak; the

workmanship very rude and rough. I will describe
those on the south side first. Each is 9 feet long by 5
feet 5¼ inches high, measured from the floor to the
top of the finial on the end; and the lower edge of the
desk on which the books lie is 2 feet 6¼ inches
above the floor; but the general plan, and the relative
dimensions of the different parts, will be best Fig. 56. End of
understood from the photograph of a single desk at iron bar, Zutphen.
which a reader is seated (fig. 54), and from the
elevation of one of the ends (fig. 55, A), beside which I have placed the
elevation of one of the desks at Queens' College (B). The photograph shews
that in fixing the height of the desk above the ground the convenience of
readers has been carefully considered. The iron bar that carries the chains is
locked into the ornamental upright, passes through a staple in the middle of
the desk, and into the upright at the opposite end, which is left plain. This
bar is half an inch in diameter, and one inch above the level of the top of the
desk. It is prevented from bending by passing through a staple fixed in the
centre of the desk. A piece of ornamental iron-work is fixed to the upright.
It is made to represent a lock, but is in reality a mere plate of metal, and the
tongue, which looks as though it were intended to move, is only an
ornament, and is pierced by the keyhole. The lock is sunk in the thickness
of the wood, behind this plate, and the bar, which terminates in a knob, is
provided with two nicks, into which the bolts of the lock are shot when the
key is turned (fig. 56). Between each pair of desks there is a seat for the
reader.

Fig. 57. End of one of the
desks on the north side of
the Library, Zutphen.
The desks on the north side of the room differ slightly from those on the
south side. They are rather larger, the ends are of a different shape and
devoid of ornament (fig. 57), and there is a wider interval between the bar
and the top of the desk. It seems to me probable that the more highly
ornamented desks are those which were put in when the room was first
fitted up, and that the others were added from time to time as new books
had to be accommodated.
The books are attached to the desk by the following process. A chain was
taken about 12 inches long, more or less, consisting of long narrow links of
hammered iron. These links exactly resemble, both in shape and size, those
of a chain which may still be seen in the library of the Grammar School at
Guildford, Surrey[316]. This chain, of which a piece is here figured (fig. 58),
was probably made in 1586, or only 23 years after the building of the
library at Zutphen. It terminates, like those at Zutphen (fig. 59), in a swivel
(to prevent entanglement), attached to the ring which is strung upon the bar.
The attachment of the chain to the book was effected by means of a piece of
metal bent round so as to form a loop through which the last link of the
chain was passed. The ends of the loop, flattened out, were attached by nail

or rivet to the edge of the stout wooden board which
formed the side of the book. This mode of attachment
will be best seen in the volume which I figure next (fig.
60)—a collection of sermons printed at Nuremberg in
1487. It is believed to have once belonged to a
Dominican House at Bamberg, in the library of which it
was chained[317].
The iron loop in this specimen (fig. 60) is fastened to
what I call the right-hand board of the book; by which I
mean the board which is to the right hand of a reader
when the book lies open before him; but the selection of
the right-hand or the left-hand board depended on
individual taste. Further the mode of attachment is never
the same in two examples. The iron and rivets are often
clumsy, and do considerable damage to the leaves, by
forcing them out of shape and staining them with rust.
In this method of chaining no provision is made for
removing any book from the desk when not wanted, and
placing it on a shelf beneath the desk, as was done in
some Italian modifications of the system. Each volume
must lie on the desk, attached by its chain, like a Bible
on a church-lectern. The smallest number of volumes on Fig. 58. Piece of
any desk at Zutphen is six; the largest, eleven; the total, chain, shewing
316. Most of those on the south side of the room were the ring
printed during the first half of the sixteenth century; attached to the
those on the north side are much later, some as late as bar, the swivel,
1630. I did not see any manuscripts. and one of the
links, actual
If we now reconsider the indications preserved at
size. Guildford.
Queens' College, it will, I feel sure, be recognised that
the desks at Zutphen explain them, and enable us to
realise the aspect of what I conceive to have been the most ancient method
of fitting up a collegiate or a monastic library. When such a room first
became necessary in a monastery, and furniture suitable for it was debated,
a lectern would surely suggest itself, as being used in the numerous daily

services, and proving itself singularly convenient for the support of books
while they were being read.
Another example of such fittings was once
to be seen at Pembroke College,
Cambridge, in the library above the hall
(fig. 48). In Dr Matthew Wren's account of
that library already quoted there is a
passage which may be translated as follows:
I would have you know that in the year
1617 the Library was completely altered
and made to assume an entirely new
appearance. This alteration was Fig. 59. Piece of the iron
rendered necessary by the serious bar, with chain, Zutphen.
damage which, to our great sorrow, we
found the books had suffered—a damage which was increasing
daily—partly from the sloping form of the desks, partly from the
inconvenient weight of the chains (tum ex declivi pluteorum
fabricâ, tum ex ineptâ mole catenarum)[318].
These desks were copied at S. John's College in the same University. A
contract dated 20 June, 1516, provides that the contractor
shall make all the Desks in the Library wythin the said college
of good and substanciall and abyll Tymber of Oke mete and
convenient for the same Library, aftir and accordyng to the
Library within ... Pembroke Hall[319].

Fig. 60. Chained book, from a Dominican House
at Bamberg, South Germany.
The Library here referred to was on the first floor to the south of the Great
Gate of the college. It is now divided into chambers, but its original extent
can be readily made out by its range of equidistant windows. The wall-
spaces dividing these are 28½ inches wide, practically the same as those at
Queens' College.
At Peterhouse also a similar arrangement seems to have subsisted when the
catalogue of 1418 was made. The very first book, a Bible, is said to stand
"in the sixth lectern on the west side (lectrino 6o ex parte occidentali)." The
word lectrinum is unusual, but it emphasizes the form of the desk more
clearly than any other.

Fig. 61.Single desk in the old Library,
Lincoln Cathedral.
A splendid example of this type of case is to be seen at Lincoln (fig. 61),
where three "stalls" or desks, belonging to the old library already
described[320], are still preserved. Each is about 7 ft. long, 3 ft. broad, and 4
ft. 4 in. high to the top of the sloping portion. At each end, and in the centre,
is a massive molded standard, 7 ft. 2 in. high, terminating in a boldly carved
finial; and these three standards are connected together by a band of open-
work, of a design similar to that of the cornice of the library. Half way
between this band and the top of the desk is the bar to carry the chains, now
of wood, but formerly of course of iron; and below this again is a shelf 18
in. wide, projecting slightly beyond the sloping portion of the desk. The
edge of the desk is protected by a ledge, as usual, and under it is a second
shelf extending the whole width of the piece of furniture. What was the use
of these shelves? As the bar is above the desk, not below it, the books must
have reposed, as a general rule, upon the desk, instead of being laid on their

sides on the shelf below it when not wanted by a reader. The chains would
not have been long enough to allow of any other arrangement. I think,
therefore, that the lower shelf must have been a constructional contrivance,
to assist in keeping the standards in their places. The narrow upper shelf, on
the other hand, was probably intended for the convenience of the reader. He
might place on it, temporarily, any book that he was not using, and which
got in his way while he was reading one of those beside it; or, if he was
making extracts, he might set his inkstand upon it.
These desks evidently stood in the old library against the shafts of the roof,
for one of the ends has been hollowed out in each to receive the shaft; and
the finial, which is left plain on that side, is bent over slightly, to admit it
under the brace (fig. 39).
As I have now described three varieties of the lectern-system, I will place
before my readers, side by side, elevations of each of the three (fig. 62)
drawn to the same scale. It will be seen that they resemble each other
exactly in essentials. The differences observable are accidental, and may be
referred to individual taste.
That this form of desk was recognised on the continent as typical of library-
fittings is proved by its appearance in a French translation of the first book
of the Consolation of Philosophy of Boethius, which I had the good fortune
to find in the British Museum[321] (fig. 63). This manuscript was written in
Flanders towards the end of the fifteenth century. In such a work the library
shewn requires what I may term generalised fittings. An eccentric
peculiarity would have been quite inadmissible.

Fig. 62. Elevation of (A) one of the bookcases in the
Library at Zutphen; (B) one of those in the Library
at Queens' College, Cambridge; (C) one of those in
the Library of Lincoln Cathedral.
In the Stadtbibliothek of Nuremberg some of the oldest works on
jurisprudence still preserve their chains. Each has a short chain about 12 in.
long fixed on the upper edge of the left-hand board. The title is written on
the middle of the upper edge of the right-hand board. It is obvious that these
volumes must have lain on a desk with their titles uppermost[322].

Fig. 63. Interior of a Library. From a MS. of a
French translation of the first book of the
Consolation of Philosophy by Boethius: written in
Flanders towards the end of the fifteenth century.

Fig. 64. Library of the Collège de Navarre, Paris, now
destroyed.
It is probable that similar fittings were used in the library of the Sorbonne,
Paris, which was first established in 1289, with books chained for the
common convenience of the Fellows (in communem sociorum utilitatem)
[323]
. This library was divided into two separate collections, which formed,
so to speak, two distinct libraries. The first, called the great library, or the
common library, contained the books most frequently studied. They were
chained, and could only be taken out under the most exceptional
circumstances. A statute, dated 1321, the provisions of which recall the
collegiate statutes summarised above, directed that the best book the society
possessed on each subject should be thus chained. The second division of
the library, called the small library, contained duplicates, books rarely
consulted, and generally all those of which the loan was authorised under
certain conditions[324]. The following description of this library has been
given by Claude Héméré (Librarian 1638-43) in his MS. history. This I
proceed to translate:

The old library was contained under one roof. It was firmly and
solidly built, and was 120 feet long by 36 feet broad.... Each
side was pierced with 19 windows of equal size, that plenty of
daylight both from the east and the west (for this was the
direction of the room) might fall upon the desks, and fill the
whole length and breadth of the library. There were 28 desks,
marked with the letters of the alphabet, five feet high, and so
arranged that they were separated by a moderate interval. They
were loaded with books, all of which were chained, that no
sacrilegious hand might [carry them off. These chains were
attached to the right-hand board of every book] so that they
might be readily thrown aside, and reading not be interfered
with. Moreover the volumes could be opened and shut without
difficulty. A reader who sat down in the space between two
desks, as they rose to a height of five feet as I said above,
neither saw nor disturbed any one else who might be reading or
writing in another place by talking or by any other interruption,
unless the other student wished it, or paid attention to any
question that might be put to him. It was required, by the ancient
rules of the library, that reading, writing, and handling of books
should go forward in complete silence[325].
This description indicates desks similar to those of Zutphen. Even the
height is the same.
A library which vividly recalls the above account, with 19 windows on one
side and probably the same number on the other, was built in 1506 for the
Collège de Navarre, Paris, now the École Polytechnique[326]. My
illustration (fig. 64) is from a photograph taken shortly before its
destruction in 1867. I have calculated that it was about 108 ft. long by 30 ft.
wide.
The library of the Collège d'Autun, Paris, was similarly arranged. An
inventory taken 29 July, 1462, records: "dix bancs doubles, à se seoir d'une
part et d'autre, et ung poupitre; esquelz bancs et poupitre out esté trouvez
enchaisnez les livres qui s'ensuyvent, qui sont intitulez sur la couverture
d'iceulx[327]." The catalogue enumerates 174 volumes, or rather more than
17 for each "banc" or lectern. The expression bancs doubles is interesting,

as it seems to imply that there were at that time libraries in which bancs
simples were used; that is to say, lecterns with only one sloping surface
instead of two.
A study of the catalogue drawn up in 1513 for the Augustinian House of S.
Victor, Paris, by Claude de Grandrue, one of the monks, shews that the
same system must have been in use there. Further, his catalogue is an
excellent specimen of the pains taken in a large monastery to describe the
books accurately, and to provide ready access to them. A brief prefatory
note informs us that the desks are arranged in three rows, and marked with a
triple series of letters. The first row is marked A, B, C, etc.; the second AA,
BB, etc.; the third AAA, BBB, etc. To each of these letters are appended the
numbers 1, 2, 3, 4 and so on, to shew the position of the required volume.
For instance—to take one at random—Abælardi confessio is marked P. 13:
that is, it is the thirteenth book on the desk in the first row marked P. When
the catalogue proper—in which each manuscript is carefully described—
was finished, the author increased its usefulness by the composition of an
alphabetical index[328].
How, I shall be asked, can the form of the bookcase or desk (pulpitum) be
inferred from this catalogue? I reply: In the first place, because there are no
shelf-marks. The librarian notes the letter of the desk, and the place of each
book on it, but nothing more. Secondly, because the number of manuscripts
accommodated on each desk is so small. There are 50 desks, and 988
manuscripts—or, an average of little more than 19 to each. At Zutphen the
average is exactly 18. This piece of evidence, however, is so important that
I will give it in detail. The following table, compiled by myself from the
catalogue, gives the letters used to mark the desks, and the number of
manuscripts on each.

A 13 AA 13 AAA 15
B 21 BB 16 BBB 16
C 13 CC 19 CCC 17
D 18 DD 18 DDD 19
E 17 EE 21 EEE 17
F 20 FF 17 FFF 29

G 18 GG 18 GGG 24
H 16 HH 17 HHH 29
I 16 II 23 III 25
K 17 KK 21 KKK 29
L 22 LL 21 LLL 23
M 21 MM 20 MMM 26
N 18 NN 20 ——
O 14 OO 13 269
P 19 PP 23
Q 22 QQ 27
R 14 RR 26
S 14 SS 28
T 21 TT 24
—— ——
334 385

These totals give a general total of 988 manuscripts, which, divided by 50,
makes the average number for each desk, as stated above, 19˙76.
Further, my theory is supported by the positive evidence of a description of
this library (unfortunately without date) quoted by M. Delisle: "Les livres
estoient couchez et enchaisnez, sur de longs pupitres, et une allée entre
deux[329]." It is obvious that the English system of placing each lectern
between a pair of windows could not have been maintained here.
At Queens' College, Cambridge, the catalogue, dated 1472, enumerates 192
volumes, divided over 10 desks and 4 half-desks, each called a step
(gradus). There were (avoiding fractions) 8 books on each half-desk, and 15
on each complete desk; so that by comparing the plan (fig. 50) and
elevation of a desk (fig. 51) with the views of the library at Zutphen, a good
idea of a college library in the fifteenth century can be obtained.

Before I leave the lectern-system, I will describe two eccentric specimens
of it. The first is still to be seen at Trinity Hall, Cambridge; the second once
existed at the University of Leyden.

Fig. 66. Elevation of a book-desk and seat in the Library
of Trinity Hall, Cambridge.

Fig. 65. General view of the Library at
Trinity Hall, Cambridge.

Fig. 68. A French Library of 1480. From MS. 164 in the
Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.
The library of Trinity Hall is thoroughly medieval in plan, being a long
narrow room on the first floor of the north side of the second court, 65 feet
long by 20 feet wide, with eight equidistant windows in each side-wall, and
a window of four lights in the western gable. It was built about 1600, but
the fittings are even later, having been added between 1626 and 1645 during
the mastership of Thomas Eden, LL.D. They are therefore a deliberate
return to ancient forms at a time when a different type had been adopted
elsewhere.
There are five desks and six seats on each side of the room, placed, as
usual, at right angles to the side-walls, in the inter spaces of the windows,
and in front of the windows, respectively. Their arrangement, and the details
of their construction, will be understood from the general view (fig. 65),
and from the elevation (fig. 66).
These lecterns are of oak, 6 feet 7 inches long, and 7 feet high, measured to
the top of the ornamental finial. There is a sloping desk at the top, beneath

which is a single shelf (fig. 66, A). The bar
for the chains passes under the desk, through
the two vertical ends of the case. At the end
farthest from the wall, the hasp of the lock is
hinged to the bar and secured by two keys
(fig. 67). Beneath the shelf there is at either
end a slip of wood (fig. 66, B), which
indicates that there was once a moveable
desk which could be pulled out when
required. The reader could therefore consult
his convenience, and work either sitting or
standing (fig. 65). For both these positions
the heights are very suitable, and at the
bottom of the case was a plinth (fig. 66, C),
on which he could set his feet. The seats
between each pair of desks were of course
put up at the same time as the desks
themselves. They shew an advance in Fig. 67. Lock at end of
comfort, being divided into two, so as to book-desk. Trinity Hall.
allow support to the reader's back.
Similar desks occur in a beautiful miniature (fig. 68) from a manuscript
(now in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge[330]) written in France about
1480. They appear to be solid—possibly fitted with cupboards for books
under the sloping portion. No seats are shewn, and, as a reader is standing
between them consulting a book, it may be concluded that they could only
be used by students in that position.
Lastly, I reproduce (fig. 69) a print by Jan Cornelis Woudanus, shewing the
library of the University of Leyden in 1610[331]. The bookcases were
evidently contrived with the view of getting the largest number possible
into the room. Each contained a single row of books, chained to a bar in
front of the shelf; and, also for the purpose of saving the space usually
occupied by a seat, readers were obliged to consult them standing. There are
eleven bookcases on each side of the room, each containing from 40 to 48
volumes. At the end of the room are two cupboards, probably for
manuscripts; and to the right of the spectator is a third press, marked
Legatum Josephi Scaligeri. He died in January, 1609. Further, as an

illustration of the usual appliances for study found in libraries at this period,
and often mentioned in catalogues and account-books, I would draw
attention to the globes and maps.
I present these bookcases at this point of my researches with some
diffidence, for they can hardly be said to represent the lectern-system. On
the other hand, they do not exactly represent any other; and I therefore
submit that they may be looked at here, as transitional specimens, bridging
over the interval between the desks we have lately been considering, and
those which we shall have to consider in the next chapter.

Fig. 69. The interior of the Library of the University of
Leyden. From a print by Jan Cornelis Woudanus, dated
1610.

FOOTNOTES:
[258] The Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford and Cambridge bearing on the care
of books have been thoroughly analysed by Professor Willis in his essay on "The
Library," Arch. Hist. iii. pp. 387-471, which I edited and completed. I have
therefore not thought it necessary to acknowledge each quotation separately, but

I wish it to be understood that this section of my present book is to a great extent
borrowed from him.
[259] Wood, History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford, ed. Gutch, 4to.
Oxford, 1796, Vol. ii. Part 2, p. 910.
[260] Commiss. Docts. (Oxford), Vol. 1. Statutes of Merton College, Cap. 2, p.
24.
[261] Sketch of the Life of Walter de Merton, by Edmund [Hobhouse], Bishop of
Nelson, New Zealand, 8vo. Oxford, 1859, p. 39.
[262] Annals of University College, by Wm. Smith, 8vo. 1728, pp. 37-39. I have
compared Mr Smith's version with the Statute as printed by Anstey, Munimenta
Academica, i. 58, 59, and have made a few corrections.
[263] Commiss. Docts. (Oxford), Vol. i. Statutes of Oriel College, p. 14.
[264] Ibid. p. 22.
[265] Commiss. Docts. (Cambridge), ii. 38. De omnibus libris Domus,
Munimentis, et Chartis custodiendis.
[266] Ibid. p. 17. De Duobus Decanis et eorum officio.
[267] Commiss. Docts. (Cambridge), ii. 44. Statutum de libris Collegii.
[268] Commiss. Docts. (Cambridge), ii. 432. De libris Collegii.
[269] The words are "in libraria communi ... ad sociorum communem usum
continue remanere."
[270] Commiss. Docts. (Oxford), Vol. i. Statutes of New College, p. 97. De libris
collegii conservandis et non alienandis.
[271] Commiss. Docts. (Oxford), Vol. i. Statutes of All Souls' College, p. 54. De
custodia bonorum ad capellam pertinentium.
[272] Ibid. Vol. ii. Statutes of Magdalen College, p. 60. De custodia librorum,
ornamentorum, jocalium, et aliorum bonorum collegii.
[273] Ibid. Statutes of Corpus Christi College, p. 89. De custodia bonorum
Collegii.
[274] This passage is quoted in a short account of Pembroke College Library,
drawn up by Matthew Wren, D.D., while Fellow, as the preface to a volume
dated 1617, in which he recorded the names, of those who had presented books
to the Library. The words at the end of the statute are: "sub cautione idonea
custodi librorum exposita sine fraude."
[275] The history of Merton College has been most admirably written, in Mr
Robinson's series of College histories, by my friend Bernard W. Henderson,
M.A., Fellow and Librarian. His researches have thrown a new light on the
library, and especially on the date of the fittings. My most cordial thanks are due
to him, to the Warden and to the Bursar, for their kindness in allowing me access
to the library, and also to all the documents referring to it.

[276] Reg. Vet. fol. 7 b. Vicesimo quarto die Octobris celebrata erat eleccio
librorum philosophie inter philosophicos collegii socios.
Undecimo die mensis Novembris celebrata erat eleccio librorum theologie in
domo custodis inter Theologos collegii socios.

[277] Ibid. fol. 110. 18o. die eiusdem mensis [Marcii] fuit eleccio librorum
logicalium in Alta Aula.
[278] Ibid. fol. 125 b.
[279] Reg. Vet. fol. 118.
[280] The words are: "qui quidem liber jacuit pro caucione alterius libri
decretorum collegii."
[281] Ibid. fol. 121.
[282] Ibid. fol. 100 b.
[283] See above, p. 71.
[284] Dugdale, Mon. Angl. iv. 403-406.
[285] See above, p. 108.
[286] Cat. Vet. Libr. Eccl. Cath. Dunelm. ed. Surtees Soc. pp. 39-41.
[287] Wood, History etc., Vol. ii. p. 910.
[288] Leland, Comm. de Script. Brit. ch. 131. I owe this important quotation to
the kindness of Dr James.
[289] Printed in the Camb. Antiq. Soc. Comm., Vol. ii. p. 73.
[290] The headings of the two lists are as follows: "Libri per nos de presenti
dicto nostro Collegio dati et in dicto Collegio ex nunc ad Sociorum communem
usum perpetuo remansuri."
"Libri vero de presenti per nos dicto collegio dati, quorum usum nobis pro vitæ
nostræ tempore quamdiu nobis placuerit duximus reservandum, immediate
inferius describuntur."
[291] Arch. Hist. Vol. ii. p. 442. History of Trinity College.
[292] Collected Papers of Henry Bradshaw, 8vo. Camb., 1889, pp. 19-34.
[293] No heading to the first division of the list is given in the catalogue.
[294] Camb. Ant. Soc. Comm., Vol. ii. p. 165.
[295] Ibid. Vol. ii. p. 258.
[296] Camb. Ant. Soc. Quarto Publ., No. i. This catalogue represents the state of
the library at the end of the fifteenth century, for it contains the books given by
Richard Nelson, who founded a Fellowship in 1503, and probably gave his

books at the same time, "sub ea condicione quod semper remanerent cum tribus
sociis."
[297] From my additions to the essay on "The Library," by Professor Willis, p.
404.
[298] This catalogue, written at the beginning of the old parchment Register of
the College, has been printed by Dr James in his Catalogue of the MSS. in the
Library of Peterhouse, 8vo. Camb., 1899. pp. 3-26.
[299] From my additions to the essay on "The Library," by Professor Willis, p.
402.
[300] Commiss. Docts. (Cambridge), Vol. i. p. 21. Stat. 24.
[301] Ibid. p. 22.
[302] This analysis of the catalogue of Peterhouse Library is borrowed from the
Introduction which I had the pleasure of contributing to my friend Dr James'
Catalogue.
[303] Arch. Hist., The Library, p. 404.
[304] Arch. Hist., vol. i., p. 138.
[305] I have to thank my friend Mr T. G. Jackson, architect, for kindly lending
me this section of Bishop Cobham's library. For his history of the building, see
his Church of St Mary the Virgin, Oxford, 4to. 1897, pp. 90-106. With regard to
the number of windows he notes (p. 102): There would have been eight, two to a
bay, were it not that the tower buttresses occupy half the western bay.
[306] Anstey, Mun. Acad. i. 227.
[307] Jackson, ut supra, p. 98.
[308] The total height of this desk-end is 66 in.; from the ground to the
beginning of the groove 31 in.; each slit is 19 in. long.
[309] For scale see fig. 62, p. 163.
[310] Camb. Ant. Soc. Proc. and Comm. Vol. viii. pp. 379-388, 7 May, 1894.
[311] The existing Library is still called the New Library.
[312] Novum ac Magnum Theatrum Urbium Belgicæ, fol. Amsterdam, 1649, s.
v. Zutphania. For these historical facts I have to thank my friend Mr Gimberg,
Archivarius at Zutphen.
[313] I have to thank Mr T. D. Atkinson, architect, for drawing this plan.
[314] I have again to thank Mr Gimberg for this photograph. It was a work of no
small difficulty owing to the imperfect light.
[315] For scale see fig. 62, p. 163.
[316] I have described this library in Camb. Ant. Soc. Proc. and Comm. Vol. viii.
pp. 11-18.

[317] This book is now in the University Library, Cambridge.
[318] Arch. Hist., The Library, iii. 429. It is obvious that these heavy chains must
have been attached to the lower edge of one of the boards, and that the bar must
have been below the desk and not above it. See above, p. 139.
[319] Arch. Hist. ii. 244.
[320] See above, pp. 117-121.
[321] MSS. Harl. 4335. The picture hanging on the wall represents Philosophy
offering her consolation to a sick man.
[322] For this information I have to thank my friend, Bernard W. Henderson,
M.A., Fellow of Merton College, Oxford.
[323] Delisle, Cabinet des manuscrits, ii. 186, note.
[324] This account is, in the main, a translation of that given by M. Delisle, ut
supra.
[325] Bibl. Nat. Par. MSS. Lat. 5493. For the history of this library see Delisle,
ut supra, pp. 142-208; Franklin, Anciennes Bibliothèques de Paris, i. pp. 221-
317.
[326] Franklin, ut supra, vol. i. p. 399.
[327] Franklin, Bibliothèques de Paris, ii. 70.
[328] Delisle, ut supra, ii. 228-231; Franklin, ut supra, i. 135-185. The catalogue
of Claude de Grandrue is in the Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds latin, No. 14767;
the alphabetical index in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, No. 1358.
[329] Delisle, p. 228, note.
[330] The MS. (No. 164) is by Frère Jehan de Castel.
[331] This reproduction is from a copy of the print now in the Fitzwilliam
Museum, Cambridge. It also occurs on a reduced scale in Les Arts au Moyen Age
et à l'Epoque de la Renaissance par Paul Lacroix, 4o. Paris, 1869, p. 492; and in
Illustrium Hollandiae et Westfrisiae Ordinum etc. 4o. Lugd. Bat., 1614.

CHAPTER V.
RECAPITULATION. INVENTION OF THE STALL-SYSTEM.
LIBRARY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE, OXFORD, TAKEN AS A
TYPE. SYSTEM OF CHAINING IN HEREFORD CATHEDRAL.
LIBRARIES OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD, AND CLARE
COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. THE STALL-SYSTEM COPIED AT
WESTMINSTER ABBEY, WELLS, AND DURHAM CATHEDRALS.
THIS SYSTEM POSSIBLY MONASTIC. LIBRARIES AT
CANTERBURY, DOVER PRIORY, CLAIRVAUX.
If the evidence brought forward in the last chapter be
accepted, the Library which a Monastery or College built in
the fifteenth century was a long narrow room lighted by
rows of equidistant windows. Occasionally, if neighbouring
buildings allowed, there was a window at the end of the
room also. The fittings were lecterns of wood. On these the
books were laid, each volume being fastened by a chain to a
bar usually placed over the desk, but occasionally, in all
probability, in front of it or beneath it. The readers sat on benches
immoveably fixed opposite to each window. It is obvious that reading was
convenient enough so long as the students were few, but if they were
numerous and the books chained too closely together much annoyance must
have been caused. When the University of Oxford petitioned Humphrey
Duke of Gloucester in 1444 to help them to build a new library, they
specially dwelt upon the obstacles to study arising from the overcrowded
condition of the old room. "Should any student," they said, "be poring over
a single volume, as often happens, he keeps three or four others away on
account of the books being chained so closely together[332]."
Further, the lectern-system was so wasteful in the matter of space, that, as
books accumulated, some other piece of furniture had to be devised to
contain them. The desk could not be dispensed with so long as books were
chained; and it therefore occurred to an ingenious carpenter that the
required conditions would be fulfilled if the two halves of the desk were

separated, not by a few inches, but by a considerable interval, or broad
shelf, with one or more shelves fixed above it. Thus a case was arrived at
containing four shelves at least, two to each side of the case, which could be
made as long as the width of the library permitted. I propose to call this
system "the stall-system," from the word staulum (sometimes written stalla,
stallus, or stallum), which is frequently applied to a case for books in a
medieval library.
There are at least five fine examples of this system at Oxford—none, I am
sorry to say, at Cambridge. There was a set at Clare College, supplied to the
old Library about 1627, but they have since been altered by the removal of
the desks. Those at Oxford are at Corpus Christi College (1517), S. John's
College (1596), Sir Thomas Bodley's library (1598), Merton College
(1623), Jesus College (1677-79), Magdalen College (of uncertain date).
As a type of this system I shall take the library of Corpus Christi College,
founded in 1516 by Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester. The library was
ready for the fittings by the end of March in the following year, as we learn
from a building account preserved by Hearne:
8 Henry VIII. This boke made from the xvth day off March unto
the xxxti day off the same Moneth [30 March, 1517].
Md. couenauntyd and agreid wyth Comell Clerke, for the
makyng off the dextis in the liberary, to the summe off xvi, after
the maner and forme as they be in Magdaleyn college, except
the popie heedes off the seites, thes to be workmanly wrowght
and clenly, and he to have all maner off stooff foond hym, and to
have for the makyng off on dexte xs the sum off the hole viii. li.
[333]

Fig. 70. Bookcases and seat in the Library at
Corpus Christi College, Oxford. From a
photograph taken in 1894.
The arrangement and appearance of these most interesting cases will be
understood from the general view (fig. 70) and from the elevation (fig. 71),
but I shall proceed to describe them with some minuteness.
The library occupies the first floor of the south side of the quadrangle
opposite to the entrance. It is 79 feet 6 inches long, by 21 feet broad, with
ten equidistant windows, about 3 feet 6 inches apart, on each side. At the
west end there is an inner library, occupying the angle between the south
and west sides of the quadrangle. On each side there are nine bookcases,
each 8 ft. 6 in. high, 2 ft. wide, and 7 ft. 6 in. long, divided by partitions into
three compartments.
I have carefully studied these cases on several occasions, and it seems to me
that the only alterations introduced since the original construction are: (1)

the addition of about two feet to the upper
portion of the case in order to provide additional
shelf-room; (2) a slight change in the
arrangements of the desk for the reader; and (3)
the addition of the catalogue frame, which by its
style is evidently Jacobean, to the end next the
central alley. Originally each case had two
shelves only, one on the level of the desk (Fig.
71, G, H), and the second about half-way
between it and the original top of the case (ibid.
E, F). Before chaining fell into disuse the cases
were heightened so as to provide an additional
shelf (ibid. C, D). At present the number has
been further increased by the addition of a
fourth shelf above the desk (ibid. A, B), and two
below it (ibid. I, K, L, M). The desks have been
altered by a change in the position of the
bracket, and by the suppression of the slit
through which the chains usually passed, as I
shall explain below.
The system of chaining used for the lectern-
system required modification and extension to Fig. 71. Elevation of
suit this new arrangement of shelves. At Corpus one bookcase in the
Christi College most of the iron-work remains Library of Corpus
(fig. 70); but it is necessary to go elsewhere to Christi College,
find chained books actually in use. Of such Oxford.
chaining I know no better example than the
Chapter Library in Hereford Cathedral, from a study of which I will
describe the system, and shew that it is the same as that employed at Corpus
Christi College and elsewhere.
The Chapter Library at Hereford was originally over the west cloister, and
there is evidence that it was being fitted up in 1394, when Walter de
Rammesbury, B.D., gave £10 for the desks[334]. The original building has
long since been destroyed, and the books were transferred from one place to
another until the present beautiful structure was built on the old site in
1897.

Fig. 72. Bookcase in the Chapter
Library, Hereford Cathedral.

Fig. 73. Part of a bookcase in the
Chapter Library, Hereford.

Throughout these changes some very ancient
bookcases have been preserved. They have
been taken to pieces and altered several times,
but are probably, in the main, those put up in
1394. Above all, one of them possesses, in
thorough working order, the system of
chaining, parts of which are to be met with on
the cases at Oxford which we have been
considering. Of the accompanying illustrations
Fig. 74. Part of a single the first (fig. 72) gives a general view of the
volume, shewing the most complete case, that which now contains
clasp, the ring for the the manuscripts, and the second (fig. 73)
chain, and the mode of shews one compartment of the same case with
attaching it: Hereford. the books, chains, desk etc. This case is 9 ft. 8
From a sketch taken in in. long, 2 ft. 2 in. wide and 8 ft. high,
1876. exclusive of the cornice. The material is
unplaned oak, very rough; the ends are 2-3 in.
thick, made of three planks fastened together with strong wooden pegs. The
desk has been a good deal altered, and is now inconveniently low, but, as
the books were chained, it is evident that there must always have been
desks on each case, and moreover the hook which held them up is still to be
seen in several places. The frames to contain the catalogue, which closely
resemble those at Oxford, are known to have been added in the 17th century
by Thomas Thornton, D.D., Canon Residentiary.
As the books were to stand upright on a shelf, not to lie on their sides on a
desk, it was necessary to attach the chain in a different manner. A narrow
strip of flat brass was passed round the left-hand board (fig. 74) and riveted
to it, in such a manner as to leave a loop in front of the edge of the board,
wide enough to admit an iron ring, an inch and a quarter in diameter, to
which one end of the chain was fastened. The book is placed on the shelf
with the fore-edge turned outwards, and the other end of the chain is
fastened to a second ring, rather larger than the former, which plays along
an iron bar (fig. 75). For the two upper shelves these bars, which are ½ in.
in diameter, are supported in front of the shelf, at such a distance from it as
to allow of easy play for the rings (fig. 73). Each bar extends only from
partition to partition, so that three bars are needed for each shelf. For the

lowest shelf there are also three bars, set two
inches behind the edge of the shelf, so as to
keep the rings and chains out of the way of the
desk. The bars for the upper shelves rest in iron
sockets screwed to the woodwork at the
juncture of the horizontal shelves with the
vertical divisions and ends respectively. The
socket fixed to the end of the bookcase which
was intended to stand against the wall is closed
by an iron plate (fig. 76), so that the bar cannot
pass beyond it. At the opposite end, that which
would usually face the alley between the two
rows of bookcases, the bars are secured by lock
and key in the following manner. A piece of flat
iron is nailed to the end of the bookcase, just Fig. 75. A single
above the level of the uppermost shelf (fig. 77). volume, standing on the
Attached to this by a hinge is a hasp, or band of shelf, with the chain
iron, two inches wide, and rather longer than attached to the iron
the interval between the two shelves. Opposite bar: Hereford.
to each shelf this iron band expands into a
semicircular plate, to which a cap is riveted for the reception of the head of
the socket in which the bar rests (fig. 77); and just below the middle shelf it
drops into a lock and is secured by a key (fig. 73). A second hasp, similarly
constructed, secures the lowest of the three bars; but, as that bar is behind,
and not in front of, the shelf to which it belongs, the arrangements described
above are reversed. One lock and key serves for the ironwork belonging to
the three shelves.
The chains are made of links of hammered iron as shewn in the sketch (fig.
78) which represents a piece of one of the actual size. There is usually a
swivel in the centre, probably to prevent twisting. They vary somewhat in
length, and in the length of the links, according to the shelf on which the
books to which they belong are ranged, it being obviously necessary to
provide for the convenient placing of a book on the desk when a reader
wished to consult it. The most usual dimensions are 3 ft. 4 in., 3 ft. 6 in., 4
ft. 3 in.

The removal of
any of the
volumes, or the
addition of a new
one, must have
been a tedious
and inconvenient
operation. The
bar would have
to be withdrawn,
and all the rings
set free.
Fig. 76. Iron bar and Moreover, if this
socket, closed to prevent change had to be
removal of the bar: effected in one of Fig. 77. Iron bar, with
Hereford. the part of the iron plate
compartments or hasp which is
remote from the end of the case which carried secured by the lock
the lock, the bar belonging to each of the other and keeps the bar in
compartments would have to be withdrawn place: Hereford.
before the required volume could be reached.
If the views (figs. 70, 71) of the book-cases at Corpus Christi College,
Oxford, be attentively examined, it will be seen that the ironwork exactly
resembles that at Hereford. We find similar sockets to contain the bars at the
junction of the horizontal shelves and vertical uprights, and a similar system
of iron hasps to prevent the bars from being withdrawn.
The desk for the reader would of course vary according to individual taste.
As a general rule it was attached to the ends of the case by strong hinges, so
that it could be turned up and got out of the way when any alteration in the
ironwork had to be carried out. Iron hooks to hold it up were not
unfrequently provided. One of these, from the Bodleian Library, is here
figured (fig. 79). It was also usual to provide a slit in this desk, about 2 in.
wide, as close as possible to the shelf, for the chain attached to the book in
use to pass through. This is well shewn in the view of a single book-case in
Merton College, Oxford (fig. 83).

I will next describe the library of Merton College, Oxford.
There is still considerable doubt respecting the date of
some of the bookcases, but the appearance of the library is
so venerable, so unlike any similar room with which I am
acquainted, that it must always command admiration, and
deserve study[335].
The library occupies the whole of the first floor of the
south side of "Mob Quadrangle" and the greater part of the
same floor of the west side (fig. 80). It is entered through
a doorway in the south-western angle of the court, whence
a staircase leads up to the vestibule (fig. 81). This room is
separated from the two divisions of the library by lofty
oak screens, elaborately carved and ornamented in the
style of the early renaissance.
The two rooms into which the library is divided have a
uniform width of 20 ft. 6 in. The west room, called by
tradition Old Library, is 38 ft. 6 in. long (A, B, fig. 81);
the south room, or New Library, is 56 ft. 6 in. long (C, D,
fig. 81).
The west room is lighted by seven equidistant lancet Fig. 78. Piece
windows in each of the west and east walls, and by two of chain,
dormer windows of peculiar design on the side of the roof shewing the
next to the court. The south room is similarly lighted by swivel:
ten lancets in each of the north and south walls, and on the Hereford.
side next to the court by two dormer windows like those in Actual size.
the west room. This room moreover has an open space at
the east end, about 10 ft. long, lighted by a window of two
lights in each of the north and south walls respectively, and by an oriel of
five lights in the east wall. In both rooms there is a waggon-roof of five
cants boarded, and divided into panels by molded ribs with little bosses at
the intersections (fig. 82).
The blank wall at the north end of the west room is panelled with oak of an
elaborate and beautiful design for a height of about 12 ft. (fig. 82). The
space above this is decorated with panels of plaster-work. The large square

central panel contains the arms of the college; the circular panel to the west
those of John Whitgift (Archbishop of Canterbury 1583-1604); and the
similar panel to the east those of Sir Henry Savile (Warden 1585-1621).

Fig. 79. Hook to hold
up the desk. Bodleian
Library, Oxford.
The east end of the south room is similarly treated, but the oak panelling is
less elaborate. In the plaster-work above it the arms of the college are
flanked on the north by those of George Abbot (Archbishop of Canterbury
1611-1633) and on the south by those of Sir Nathaniel Brent (Warden 1621-
1651).

Fig. 80. Exterior of the Library at Merton College,
Oxford, as seen from 'Mob Quadrangle.' From a
photograph by H. W. Taunt, 1899.
Both rooms are floored with rough oak planking. On this are laid four
sleepers, each about 5 in. square, parallel with the side-walls. The two
central sleepers have their outside edge roughly chamfered. Into these the
bookcases and the seats are morticed. The central alley, 5 ft. wide, is in both
rooms paved with encaustic tiles.

Fig. 81. Ground-plan of the Library at
Merton College, Oxford.
In the west room there are twelve complete cases and four half-cases; in the
south room there are twenty complete cases and two half-cases (fig. 81); in
both rooms arranged in the usual manner with respect to the walls and
windows.

Fig. 82. Interior of the west Library at Merton College,
Oxford. From a photograph by H. W. Taunt, 1899.
In order to present as vivid an idea as possible of these beautiful cases, I
reproduce here a photograph of a single compartment from the west library,
with a seated reader at work (fig. 83). The case is made to look rather
higher than it really is, but this distortion can be easily corrected by
comparing the height of the standard with that of the seated figure.

Fig. 83. Bookcase in the west Library of
Merton College, Oxford. From a
photograph by H. W. Taunt, 1899.
In the west room each case (figs. 82, 83) is 7 ft. 5 in. long, 1 ft. 5 in. wide
and 6 ft. high from the top of the sleeper to the top of the cornice. The
material is oak. The ends are nearly 2 in. thick, and next the wall are shaped
roughly with an adze. Each case is separated into two divisions by a central
partition; and originally there was a desk 1 ft. 3 in. wide on each side of the
case. These desks were immoveable, and nailed to rough brackets. There
were two shelves only to each case: one just above the level of the desk,
and a second about half-way between it and the cornice (fig. 84).
The system of ironwork by which the books were secured can be easily
recovered by studying the scars on the ends of the cases next the central
alley. At the lower end of the standard, two feet from the ground, was an

iron bar which carried the chains of all the books which stood on the shelf
just above the level of the desk, without reference to the side from which
they were to be consulted. This bar was secured by a separate hasp and
lock. The bars for the upper shelf, one on each side of the case, were
obviously secured by a system similar to that described above at Hereford
and Corpus Christi College. The whole system has been indicated on the
elevation (fig. 84), which should be compared with the reproduction of one
of the cases in the west room (fig. 83). Originally no books stood below the
desk. The comfort of readers was considered by the insertion of a bar of
wood to rest the feet on, between the seat and the bookcase (fig. 84).

Fig. 84. Elevation of a bookcase and seat in the West
Library at Merton College, Oxford. Measured and
drawn by T. D. Atkinson, Architect.
In the south room the cases are on the same general plan as in the west
room; but the system of chaining appears to have been slightly different,
and to have approximated more closely to what I may call the Hereford
type.
In both rooms each case has a picturesque enrichment at the end of the
standard above the cornice, and a small oblong frame just below it to
contain the general title of the books within the case. The west room is

devoted to LIBRI ARTIUM, with the exception of the three cases and the
half-case at the north end of the east side, which are marked CODICES
MSS. These are protected by latticed doors of wood. In the south room the
cases on the south side are all lettered L. THEOLOGIAE; on the north side
the first three are lettered L. MEDICINAE; the next L. MEDIC. IURISPP.
and the last five L. IURIS PRVDENTIÆ. In this room the last cases at the
east end on each side have latticed doors like those on the corresponding
cases in the west room.
The building of this library is recorded in four separate account-rolls
extending from the beginning of the first year of Richard II. to the third year
of the same king, that is from 1377 to 1379. From these documents it
appears that the building cost £462. 1s. 11½d.
From this first construction to the beginning of the sixteenth century—a
space of 125 years—the accounts furnish us with no information; but, from
what we learn afterwards, it would appear that the internal walls were
unplastered, that the roof-timbers were unprotected, and that the only light
was admitted through the narrow lancet windows.
In 1502-3 the panel-work (celatura) on the roof of the west library was put
up at a cost of £27. 6s. 0d. The account contains also a charge for painting
the bosses (nodi) at the intersection of the moldings that separate the panels.
Mr Henderson points out that these ornaments prove the existing ceiling to
be that put up in 1503; for among them are the Tudor Rose, the dolphin of
Fitzjames (Warden 1483-1507). and the Royal Arms used from Henry IV. to
Elizabeth, but altered by James I.
After this another long interval occurs during which no work done to the
library is recorded; but in 1623 the south room was taken in hand, and the
changes introduced into it were so extensive that it is referred to in the
accounts as New Library (Nova Bibliotheca) a name which it still retains.
In the first place the room at the east end (fig. 81) was thrown into it, and
the oriel window constructed, together with the two large dormers on the
side next the court (fig. 80). These works, by which light was so largely
increased, prove how gloomy the library must have been before they were
undertaken. Next, after important repairs to the walls and floor, and the
construction of the decorative plaster-work at the east end, the old

bookcases were sold, and Benet the joiner supplied twenty new cases and
one half-case. The only old case remaining is, by tradition, the half-case
against the screen on the north side as one enters from the vestibule.
It is therefore certain that the cases and seats in the south room date from
1623. It is unfortunately equally certain that we know nothing about the
date of those in the west room; and we are therefore unable to say whether
the cases in the south room were copied from them in 1623, or whether the
reverse process took place at some unknown date. If we adopt the pleasing
theory that in the west room we have very early cases, constructed possibly
when the library was built, we must still admit that these relics of a remote
past have been altered at some subsequent period, so as to be brought into
conformity with the cases in the south room; for the cornices and the frames
for the titles are precisely similar in the two rooms.
The difference between the two sets of cases in the method of chaining, to
which attention has been already drawn, may bear on the question of date.
As time went on chaining would be modified in the direction of simplicity;
and to replace a single central bar by two lateral ones is a step towards this,
for under such conditions the addition or removal of a book would entail
less displacement. Further, it must be recognised that these cases, whether
extremely ancient or comparatively modern, differ in many particulars from
those to be met with elsewhere. They are lighter, narrower and more
elegant. Again, when the ground-plan of the library is considered (fig. 81) it
will be seen that their ends occupy nearly the whole space between a pair of
windows. In other examples of the stall-system this is not the case.
The only explanation I have to offer for the whole difficulty is the
following. The library was constructed for the lectern-system, with wall-
spaces not more than 2 ft. wide, and was so fitted up. When books had
become numerous the western library was taken in hand, and the lecterns
altered into stalls, the single central bar being retained. At the same time, in
all probability, the dormers were inserted. It is remarkable that these
changes should not be recorded in the accounts, but possibly they were
carried out as the result of a special benefaction[336]. In 1623 the stalls
which had been placed in the west room, having been found convenient,
were copied for the south room.

I will in the next place briefly notice the distinctive points of the other
examples of the stall-system in Oxford.
At S. John Baptist's College the library was built in 1596, and we may
presume was fitted up soon afterwards, as Wood records numerous
donations of books in the years immediately succeeding, and the
appointment of a keeper to take charge of them in 1603[337]. This library, on
the first floor of the south side of the second quadrangle, is 112 feet long by
26 feet wide, with eight windows of two lights in each wall. The bookcases,
of which there are eight on each side between the windows, with a half-case
against the west wall, are rather larger than those at Corpus Christi College,
being 10 feet high, and 2 feet 6 inches wide. They have a classical cornice
and terminal pediment. The titles of the subjects are painted at the tops of
the stalls as at Merton College. A few traces of chaining are still to be
detected. The desks have not been altered. Each is in two divisions, as at
Corpus, separated by a central bracket, and it has the slit to admit the
chains. The long iron hinges are evidently original. The seats resemble
those at Corpus.
The bookcases at Trinity College, set up in 1618, and those at Jesus
College, made probably in 1679, call for no special remark.
Between 1598 and 1600 Sir Thomas Bodley refitted the library over the
Divinity School. This noble room is 86 feet long by 32 feet wide. These
dimensions contrast forcibly with those of the long narrow rooms to which
we have been accustomed; and it is probably on account of the great width
that the 10 windows on each side have two lights apiece. At right angles to
these walls, which face north and south, there are nine bookcases on a side
with a half-case at each end. Here again we find so close a resemblance to
the cases at Corpus Christi College, that a particular description is
unnecessary. It should be noted, however, that, as at S. John's College, they
had been made of a greater height (8 feet 4 inches) in the first instance, so
as to accommodate two shelves above that on the level of the desk. These
shelves are proved to be original by the existence, at the juncture of the
shelves with the upright divisions, of the plates of iron which originally
carried the sockets for the bar. The rest of the ironwork has been removed,
and it is difficult to detect traces of its former existence, because modern
shelves have been set against the ends of the cases. The hole for the lowest

bar, however, remains in the same relative position as at Corpus Christi
College; and, as the ironwork for supporting the bars is identical with what
still remains there, it seems safe to conclude that no new principle was
introduced. The desks are modern, but the large and ornamental brackets
which support them are original, and the iron hooks (fig. 79) still remain by
which they were prevented from falling when turned up. The position of
these hooks shews that each desk was 19 inches broad. There were
originally seats between each pair of cases, as may be seen in Loggan's
view of the interior of the library, where their ends are distinctly shewn.
A special feature of this room is the beautiful open roof, practically that
which Sir Thomas Bodley put up in 1599. The principals and tie-beams are
ornamented with arabesques, while the flat surface between them is divided
into square compartments on which are painted the arms of the University.
On the bosses that intervene between these compartments are the arms of
Bodley himself.
I mentioned at the beginning of this chapter that the stall-system had been
represented in the library at Clare College, Cambridge. The old library was
a long narrow room over the old chapel, and we know on the authority of
William Cole[338] that it was "fitted up with wainscote Classes on both
sides." These "classes" had been put up shortly before 1627, when the Duke
of Buckingham, then Chancellor of the University, was taken to see them.
When this library was pulled down in 1763 they were removed to the new
library which had been fitted up 20 years previously, and ranged round the
room in front of the modern shelves. They are splendid specimens of
carpentry-work, and bear so close a resemblance to the cases in the library
of S. John's College, that it may be assumed that they were copied from
them[339]. When the removal took place they were a good deal altered, and a
few years ago some fragments which had not been utilised were found in a
lumber-closet. One of the standards (fig. 85), with its brackets, shews that
the cases were once fitted with desks, the removal of which was ingeniously
concealed by the insertion of slips of wood in the style of the older
work[340]. I have not been able to discover any traces of chaining, but as
there are a number of seats in the library, very like those in Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, it is more than probable that chains were once employed.

The stall-system was not only popular in Oxford
itself, but was adopted as a standard for bookcases,
and reproduced elsewhere.
The first example I will cite is at Westminster
Abbey[341], where part of the dorter was fitted up
as a library during the years 1623 and 1624 by
John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln and afterwards
Archbishop of York, who was dean of Westminster
from 1620 to his death in 1650. In the flowery
rhetoric of his biographer Bishop Hacket:
With the same Generosity and strong
propension of mind to enlarge the Boundaries
of Learning, he converted a wast Room,
scituate in the East side of the Cloysters, into
Plato's Portico, into a goodly Library; model'd
it into decent shape, furnished it with Desks
and Chains, accoutred it with all Utensils, and
stored it with a vast Number of Learned
Volumes[342].
This library—which has not been materially
altered since 1625—occupies the north end of Fig. 85. Stall-end in
what was once the dorter. It is 60 feet long, by 33 the Library of Clare
feet 4 inches broad. There are twelve bookcases— College, Cambridge.
evidently the "desks" recorded by Williams'
biographer. Each is 10 feet 10 inches long, 2 feet broad, and 8 feet 3 inches
high, divided by plain uprights into three compartments. There are three
shelves, below which is a desk for the reader, resting on brackets, and
provided with the usual slit for the chains to pass through. These desks are
hinged. The cases are quite plain, with the exception of a molded cornice;
above which, on the end of each, is some scroll-work. There is also a small
frame to contain the catalogue. It is probable that there were originally seats
for readers between each pair of cases. I cannot discover any certain
evidence of chaining, and yet "chains" are distinctly enumerated among the
dean's benefactions. There are faint scars at the intersection of some of the

shelves and uprights which may be screwholes—but I cannot feel certain on
the point.
I have already given the plan of the cathedral library at Wells (fig. 42). After
the Restoration this building was re-fitted during the episcopate of Robert
Creighton (Bishop 1670-1672), with the help of donations from the
celebrated Dr Richard Busby, and Dr Ralph Bathurst, who was dean from
1670 to 1704. It is important to remember that Bathurst was also master of
Trinity College, Oxford, an office which he retained until his death. As he is
described in the MS. List of Benefactors preserved in the library as having
taken a foremost part in fitting it up (in Bibliothecâ hac instaurandâ
εργοδιωκτης), the selection of the bookcases may with much probability be
ascribed to him. His own college has still bookcases which once must have
been excellent specimens of the stall-system.

Fig. 87. Bookcases in the Library of
Durham Cathedral. From a photograph.
There are eight bookcases at Wells, of plain unpainted deal, projecting from
the west wall between the windows (fig. 42). They are 8 ft. 6 in. long, 8 ft. 1
in. high and 3 ft. broad. Seven of them have desks on both sides, but the last
—that placed against the partition at the south end, which screens off a
small room for a study—has a desk on one side only. There is no shelf
below the desk, but two above it. They are fitted with the usual apparatus
for chaining. Between each pair of bookcases, in front of the window, is a
seat for the reader. These cases resemble so closely those at Corpus Christi
College, Oxford, that the source from which they were derived cannot be
doubtful.
Was this library ever chained? A Walton's Polyglot, 1657, had evidently
been prepared for chaining, and in a novel fashion, the plate to carry the
chain being attached to the left-hand board close to the back of the volume
(fig. 86)—so that it was evidently set on the shelf in the ordinary way, and
not with the fore-edge turned to the spectator, as is usual in chained
libraries. But with this exception I could not discover indications of the
attachment of a plate on any of the volumes. If I am right in concluding that
the books in this library were never chained, the cases are a curious instance
of the maintenance of fashion. Dean Bathurst ordered a bookcase, and it
was supplied to him with all its fittings complete, whether they were to be
used or not.
My last example is from Durham
Cathedral, where John Sudbury, dean from
1661 to 1684, fitted up the ancient Frater
as a library. The room is about 115 feet
long by 30 feet wide, with nine windows
in each side-wall. Their sills are ten feet
from the ground.
The cases (fig. 87) are evidently the work
of a carpenter who was thoroughly
conversant with the stall-system. They had Fig. 86. Ring for attachment
originally two shelves only above the desk, of chain, Wells.

the entablature, now visible on the ends only, being carried along the sides.
The shelf below the desk is also modern. These cases are ten feet apart, and
between each pair, instead of a reader's seat, is a dwarf bookcase
terminating in a desk. Attached to it on each side is a seat conveniently
placed for a reader to use the desk on the side of the principal case.
I have shewn that the stall-system made its appearance at Oxford early in
the sixteenth century, but I have not been able to discover who introduced
it. My own impression is that it was monastic in its origin; and I can prove
that it fits at least two monastic libraries exactly. This theory will also
explain the prevalence of such cases at Oxford, and their almost total
absence from Cambridge, where monastic influence was never exercised to
the same extent.

I will begin with Canterbury, where, as I mentioned above[343], the library
was over the Prior's Chapel. The construction of this chapel is described as
follows by Professor Willis:
Roger de S. Elphege, Prior from 1258 to 1263, completed a
chapel between the Dormitory and Infirmary.... The style of its
substructure shews that it was begun by his predecessor.... [It] is
placed on the south side of the Infirmary cloister, between the
Lavatory tower and Infirmary. Its floor was on the level of the
upper gallery, and was sustained by an open vaulted ambulatory
below. This replaced the portion of the original south alley [of
the cloister] which occupied ... that position.... But, as this new
substructure was more than twice as broad as the old one, the
chapel was obtruded into the small cloister-garth, so as to cover
part of the façade of the Infirmary Hall, diminish the already
limited area, and destroy the symmetry of its form[344].
Above this chapel Archbishop Chichele built the library which Prior
Sellyng fitted up. It stood east and west, and of course must have been of
the same size as the chapel beneath it, namely, according to Professor
Willis, 62 feet long on the north side, 59 feet long on the south side, and 22
feet broad. The door was probably at the south-west corner, at the head of a
staircase which originally led only to the chapel beneath it.

From these measurements I have constructed a plan of the room (fig. 88),
and of the bookcases which I am about to describe. The windows are of
course imaginary, but, I submit, justified by the uniform practice of
medieval libraries.
I am able to reconstruct this library because I
have had the good fortune to come across a
very curious document[345] which gives
sufficient data for the purpose. It is contained
in a MS. volume, now the property of the
Dean and Chapter of Canterbury, composed
of several quires of paper stitched into a
parchment cover. They once belonged to, and
were probably written by, Brother William
Ingram, who was custos martirii in 1503; and
in June 1511 was promoted to the office of
Pitancer. The accounts and memoranda in the
book are of a very miscellaneous character.
The part which concerns the library consists
of a note of the books which were repaired in
1508. This is headed:
Repairs done to the books contained in
the library over the chapel of our lord the
Prior, namely, in new byndyng and
bordyng with covers and claspyng and
chenyng, together with sundry books of
the gift of the aforesaid Prior, namely, in Fig. 88. Conjectural plan
the year of our Lord 1508, and the year of of the Library over the
the reign of King Henry VII., 23[346]. Prior's Chapel at Christ
Church, Canterbury.
The writer goes round the room, beginning at
the west end. He proceeds along the north
side, and returns along the south side, to the point whence he started,
enumerating on his way the bookcases and their shelves, the volumes
removed, and, occasionally, a note of the repairs required. For my present
purpose I will content myself with his account of a single bookcase, the first
on the list. The writer begins thus: "From the upper shelf on the east side in

the first seat (de superiori textu[347] ex orienti parte in prima (sic) sedile)."
Three volumes are enumerated. "From the lower shelf (de inferiori textu),"
two volumes. "From the upper shelf on the other side of the same seat (de
superiori textu ex altera parte eiusdem sedilis)," seven volumes. "From the
lower shelf (de inferiori textu)," five volumes. In this way eight seats, i.e.
bookcases, are gone through on this side of the room. The writer next turns
his attention to the south side, and goes through eight more seats, beginning
with: "From the east side of the upper shelf on the south side (de textu
superiori ex parte australi incipiendo. In parte orientali)." The examination
was evidently thorough, and, as the same number of seats is enumerated for
each side of the room, we may, I think, safely conclude that all were
examined, and that the whole number in the library was sixteen.
The passages I have quoted shew that each of these bookcases had an upper
and lower shelf on each side, on which the books stood, so as to be
conveniently consulted by readers on each side; the books were chained;
and, in consequence, there must have been a desk, presumably below the
shelves on each side; and a seat for the reader. I have embodied these
requirements in the accompanying sketch or diagram (fig. 89), which
indicates a bookcase of the same type as those at Corpus Christi College,
Oxford. If we may suppose that each of these cases was two feet wide and
eight feet long like those at Merton College, we can accommodate eight
cases on each side of the room (fig. 88), with the same interval between
each pair as at that college.

Fig. 89. Sketch of the probable
appearance of a bookcase, and a
reader's seat, in the Library at
Christ Church, Canterbury.
Let us now consider whether the library as thus arranged would have had
sufficient shelf-room. Each bookcase being 8 feet long would contain 32
feet of shelving, and the 16 cases a total of 512 feet. The catalogue made in
the time of Prior Henry of Eastry (1285-1331) enumerates 1850
volumes[348]. If we allow two feet and a half for every ten of these we shall
require 462½ feet; or in other words we can arrange the whole collection in
14 stalls, leaving 2 over for the additions which must have been made in the
interval between the middle of the 14th century and the date of Brother
Ingram's researches.
If the sketch here given of the probable aspect of the library at Christ
Church, Canterbury, be compared with the view of the library at Merton
College, Oxford (fig. 82), a fairly correct idea of a great conventual library
will be obtained. A very slight effort of imagination is needed to make the
necessary changes in the shelves, and to replace academic students by
Benedictine monks. Then, if we conceive the shelves to be loaded with
manuscripts, many of which were written in the early days of the English
Church, we shall be able to realise the feelings of Leland on entering the
library at Glastonbury:

I had hardly crossed the threshold when the mere sight of books
remarkable for their vast antiquity filled me with awe, or I might
almost say with bewilderment: so that for a moment I could not
move a step forward[349].
I propose in the next place to print a translation of the Introduction to the
catalogue[350] of the Benedictine Priory of S. Martin at Dover, which was a
cell to Canterbury made in 1389 by John Whytfeld. This catalogue does not
indicate the stall-system; in fact I am at a loss to define the precise system
which it does indicate. I print it in this place on account of its internal
interest, and the evidence which it affords of the care taken in the last
quarter of the fourteenth century to make books easily accessible to
scholars.
The present Register of the Library of the Priory of Dover,
compiled in the year of the Lord's Incarnation 1389 under the
presidency of John Neunam prior and monk of the said church,
is separated into three main divisions. The object is that the first
part may supply information to the precentor of the house
concerning the number of the books and the complete
knowledge of them: that the second part may stir up studious
brethren to eager and frequent reading: and that the third part
may point out the way to the speedy finding of individual
treatises by the scholars. Now although a brief special preface is
prefixed to each part to facilitate the understanding of it, to this
first part certain general notes are prefixed, to begin with, for the
more plain understanding of the whole Register.
Be it noted, then, first, that this whole Library is divided into
nine several classes (Distinctions), marked according to the nine
first letters of the alphabet, which are affixed to the classes
themselves, in such a way that A marks out to him who enters
the first Class, B the second, C the third, and so on in order.
Each of the said nine classes, moreover, will be seen to be
divided into seven shelves (grades), which are also marked off
by the addition of Roman numeral figures, following the letters
which denote the classes. We begin the numbering of the shelves

from the bottom, and proceed upwards so that the bottom shelf,
which is the first, is marked thus, I; the second thus, II; the third
thus, III; and so the numbering goes, on up to seven[351].
In addition to this, the books of the Library are all of them
marked on each leaf with Arabic numerals, to facilitate the
ascertaining of the contents of the volumes.
Now since many of the volumes contain a number of treatises,
the names of these treatises, although they have not always been
correctly christened, are written down under each volume, and
an Arabic numeral is added to each name shewing on what leaf
each tract begins. To this number the letter A or B is subjoined,
the letter A here denoting the first page of the leaf, and the letter
B the second. The books themselves, furthermore, have their
class-letters and also their shelf-marks inserted not only outside
on their bindings, but also inside, accompanying the tables of
contents at the beginning. To such class-letters a small Arabic
figure is added which shews clearly what position the book
occupies in the order of placing on the shelf concerned.
On the second, third, or fourth leaf of the book, or thereabouts,
on the lower margin the name of the book is written. Before it
are entered the above-mentioned class-letters and shelf-
numbers, and after it (a small space intervening) are
immediately set down the words with which that leaf begins,
which I shall call the proof of investigation (probatorium
cognitionis). The Arabic figures next following will state how
many leaves are contained in the whole volume; and finally
another numeral immediately following the last clearly sets forth
the number of the tracts contained in the said volume.
If then the above facts be securely entrusted to a retentive
memory it will be clearly seen in what class, shelf, place and
order each book of the whole Library ought to be put, and on
what leaf and which side of the leaf the beginnings of the
several treatises may be found. For it has been the object of the
compiler of this present register [and] of the Library, by setting

forth a variety of such marks and notations of classes, shelves,
order, pagination, treatises and volumes, to insure for his
monastery security from loss in time to come, to shut the door
against the spite of such as might wish to despoil or bargain
away such a treasure, and to set up a sure bulwark of defence
and resistance. And in truth the compiler will not be offended
but will honestly love anyone who shall bring this register—
which is still faulty in many respects—into better order, even if
he should see fit to place his own name at the head of the whole
work.
In the first part of the register, therefore, we have throughout at
the top, between black lines ruled horizontally, first the class-
letter, in red, and, following it, the shelf-mark, in black
characters (tetris signaculis). Then again between other lines
ruled in red, vertically: first, on the left a numeral shewing the
place of the book in order on its shelf: then the name of the
volume: thirdly, the number of the "probatory" leaf; fourthly, the
"probatory" words (in the case of which, by the way, reference is
made to the text and not to the gloss); fifthly, the number of
leaves in the whole volume; and, lastly, the number of the
treatises contained in it—all written within the aforesaid lines.
In addition there will be left in each shelf of this part, at the end,
some vacant space, in which the names of books that may be
subsequently acquired can be placed[352].
The meaning of the word "distinction" is the principal difficulty in the way
of understanding the above description. I thought at first that it denoted
merely difference of subject, and that gradus, as in the catalogue of Queens'
College, Cambridge, was a side of a lectern. But the statement that the
grades are numbered "from the bottom and proceed upwards" can hardly be
reconciled with any arrangement of lecterns. Distinctio probably denotes a
bookcase or press, divided into 7 grades, and probably placed against the
wall, the word gradus here meaning a flat shelf, instead of one set at an
angle as in former instances. If this explanation be correct we have here a
very early instance of shelves in such a position.

My second example of a monastic library fitted up according to the stall-
system is the library at Clairvaux. As I have already printed a full
description of it[353], I need not do more in this place than translate the
passage referring to the fittings:

This library is 189 feet long, by 51 feet wide[354]. In it are 48
seats (bancs), and in each seat 4 shelves (poulpitres) furnished
with books on all subjects, but chiefly theology.... The building
that contains the said library is magnificent, built of stone, and
excellently well lighted on both sides with five large windows,
well glazed.
As there were so many as 48 bookcases, that is, 24 on each side, the
bookcases were evidently spaced without reference to the lateral windows,
which were probably raised high above the floor.
The catalogue, from which I have already quoted the verses
commemorating the building of the library, contains much useful
information respecting the arrangement of the books. The verses are
succeeded by the following introductory note:
Repertorium omnium librorum in hac Clarevallis biblioteca
existentium a fratre Mathurino de cangeyo eiusdem loci
monacho non sine magno labore editum.
Lege
Pro intelligentia presentis tabule seu Repertorii, sciendum est
quod a parte aquilonari collocantur libri quorum litere capitales
nigre sunt, quorum vero rubre a parte australi. Et omnes in ea
ordine alphabetico scribuntur.
Utriusque autem partis primum analogium per litteram A
signatur, secundum per litteram B, tercium per litteram C,
quartum per litteram D, quintum per litteram E. Et consequenter
cetera analogia per sequentes litteras alphabeticas.
Quodlibet autem analogium quatuor habet partes, quarum prima
signatur per litteram A, secunda per B, tercia per C, quarta per
D.

Prime partis primi analogii primus liber signatur per A. a. 1,
secundus per A. a. 2, tercius per A. a. 3, et consequenter.
Secunde partis primus liber signatur per A. b. 1, secundus per A.
b. 2; et de consequentibus similis est ordinatio.
Tercie partis primus liber signatur per A. c. 1, secundus per A. c.
2; et consequenter.
Quarte partis primus liber signatur per A. d. 1, secundus per A.
d. 2; et consequenter.
[In this way five "analogia" are enumerated.]
Et eadem est disciplina et ordinacio de ceteris analogiis prout
habetur in novissimo quaternione eiusdem tabule, immo et in
fronte cuiuslibet analogii in tabella eidem appendente.
Hanc tabulam seu repertorium scripsit quondam frater Petrus
mauray de Arecis oriundus. Vivus vel defunctus requiescat in
bona semper pace. Amen.
The most important passage in the above note may be thus translated:
Read
For the right understanding of the present table or method of
finding books (tabule seu repertorii), you must know that on the
north side are ranged those books whereof the capital letters are
black; on the south side those whereof the capital letters are red.
All are set down in alphabetical order.
On each side the first desk (analogium) is marked by the letter
A; the second by the letter B; [and so forth].
Each desk has four divisions, the first of which is marked by the
letter a, the second by the letter b, the third by the letter c, the
fourth by the letter d. The first book on the first shelf of the first
desk is marked A. a. i; the second A. a. ii; [and so forth].

The catalogue as well as the description makes it perfectly clear that each
desk, that is to say, each bookcase, had four shelves; and further, as the
authors of the Voyage Littéraire (1708) mention chains[355], it may be
concluded that there were desks, and seats for readers, between each pair of
bookcases. If we place two shelves on each side of the case we get a piece
of furniture precisely similar to that in use at Canterbury.

FOOTNOTES:
[332] Macray, Annals of the Bodleian Library, p. 7. The words used are: Jam
enim si quis, ut fit, uni libro inhæreat, aliis studere volentibus ad tres vel quatuor
pro vicinitate colligationis præcludit accessum.
[333] Hearne's Glastonbury, ed. 1722, p. 286.

[334] Fasti Herefordenses, by Rev. F. T. Havergal. 4o, 1869, p. 181. A Chapter-
order dated 16 February, 1589, directed the removal of the books to the Lady
Chapel, and the erection of a school on the ground where the Library had once
stood.
[335] For the historical facts in the following account I am indebted to Mr
Henderson's History, to the merits of which I have already drawn attention. I
have also made copious extracts from the College account-books. Further, I have
carefully studied the library on several occasions, and have had the benefit of the
professional assistance of my friend Mr T. D. Atkinson, Architect.
[336] In the bursar's accounts for 1605, among other charges for the library, is
the following entry: "pro pari cardinum ad sedem in bibliotheca 12d." If I am
right in thinking that this refers to the desks for the readers in the west library it
proves that the existing cases had been set up before 1605.
[337] Wood, Colleges and Halls, p. 551.
[338] Add. MSS. Mus. Brit. 5803, MSS. Cole, ii. 9.
[339] Arch. Hist. iii. 453.
[340] I have described these fragments in Camb. Ant. Soc. Proc., Vol. viii. p. 18.
[341] See my paper in Camb. Ant. Soc. Proc. and Comm., Vol. ix. p. 37.
[342] Scrinia reserata: a Memorial ... of John Williams, D.D.... By John Hacket.
Fol. Lond. 1693, pp. 46, 47.
[343] See above, p. 106.
[344] Arch. Hist. of ... Monastery of Chr. Ch. Cant. 8vo. 1869, p. 65. This chapel
was pulled down at the end of the 17th century and the present library, called the
Howley library, built in its place.

[345] I have to thank my friend Mr W. H. St John Hope, Assistant Secretary of
the Society of Antiquaries, for first drawing my attention to it; and the Dean and
Chapter of Canterbury for leave to use it.
[346] Reparaciones facte circa libros qui continentur in libraria supra capellam
domini prioris videlicet in le new byndyng and bordyng cum coopertoriis and le
claspyng and chenyng eciam cum diuersis libris ex dono eiusdem prioris
videlicet Anno domini Mo ccccco viijo and Anno Regni Regis henrici vijo xxiii.
[347] This word seems to have been used at Canterbury to denote any piece of
joinery. We have already seen it applied to a carrell (p. 99).
[348] See above, p. 102. The catalogue has been printed by Edwards, Memoirs
of Libraries, i. pp. 122-235.
[349] Vix certè limen intraveram cum antiquissimorum librorum vel solus
conspectus religionem, nescio an stuporem, animo incuteret meo; eâque de
causâ, pedem paullulum sistebam. Leland, De Script. Brit. ed. Hall, i. 41.
[350] This catalogue is in the Bodleian Library (MSS. 920). I am indebted to my
friend Dr James for the admirable translation which I here print.
[351] The words thus translated are: "Incipiendo graduum computacionem a
loco inferiori in altum procedendo videlicet ut gradus infimus qui primus est sic
signetur I."
[352] Dr James has pointed out (Camb. Ant. Soc. Oct. Publ., No. xxxii.) that
there are six MSS. from Dover Priory among Archbishop Parker's MSS. at
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. The first of these—a Bible in two volumes
—is entered in the catalogue of the Priory as A. 1. 2, 3—that is to say it was in
distinctio A, gradus 1, and the volumes stood second and third in the gradus.
[353] See above, p. 112.
[354] The words are: "contient de longueur lxiii passées, et de largeur xvii
passées." I have taken one pace=3 feet.
[355] Voyage Littéraire, ed. 1717, Part i.. p. 102.

CHAPTER VI.
THE LECTERN-SYSTEM IN ITALY. LIBRARIES AT CESENA, AT THE
CONVENT OF S. MARK, FLORENCE, AND AT MONTE OLIVETO.
VATICAN LIBRARY OF SIXTUS IV. DUCAL LIBRARY AT URBINO.
MEDICEAN LIBRARY, FLORENCE. SYSTEM OF CHAINING THERE
USED. CHARACTERISTICS OF MEDIEVAL LIBRARIES. NAMES OF
MEDIEVAL BOOKCASES AND BOOKSHELVES.
While the "stall-system" was being generally adopted in
England and in France, a different plan was being developed
in Italy. It consisted in a return to the "lectern-system," with
the addition of a shelf below the lectern, on which the books
lay on their sides when not wanted; and an ingenious
combination of a seat for the reader with the desk and shelf.
The earliest library fitted up in this manner that I have been
able to discover is at Cesena, a city of north Italy between Forli and
Ravenna. It is practically in its original condition.
In the fifteenth century Cesena was governed by the powerful family of
Malatesta, one of whom, Domenico Malatesta Novello, built the library in
1452, and placed it under the charge of the convent of S. Francesco. Two
burghers were associated with the Friars in this duty. The library was
always public. It was designed by Matteo Nuzio of Fano, a celebrated
architect of the day, as we learn from an inscription originally inserted into
the wall on the right of the door of entrance, but now placed inside the
library:
MATHEVS. NVTIVS.
FANENSI EX VRBE. CREATVS.
DEDALVS ALTER. OPVS.
TANTVM. DEDVXIT. AD VNGVEM.

Fig. 90. Ground-plan and section of Library at Cesena.

Fig. 91. Ground-plan and
section of Library at
Cesena.

Fig. 92. General view of the Library at Cesena. From a
photograph.
The general plan and arrangement will be readily understood from the
ground-plan (fig. 90), and the longitudinal section (fig. 91), copied on a
reduced scale from those given by the learned Giuseppe Maria Muccioli,
who published a catalogue of the MSS. in the library in 1780[356], and also
from the general view of the interior (fig. 92). It is a long narrow building,
133 ft. 4 in. long, by 34 ft. broad[357], standing east and west, so that its
windows face north and south. It is on the first floor, being built over some
rooms which once belonged to the convent, and is entered at the west end
through a lofty marble doorway. Internally it is divided into three aisles, of
which the central is the narrowest, by two rows of ten fluted marble
columns. Against the side-walls and partly engaged in them, are two rows
of similar columns. The aisles are divided by plain quadripartite vaults,
resting partly on the central columns, partly on those engaged in the side-
walls, into eleven bays, each lighted by two windows (fig. 91). These aisles
are about 12 ft. wide. The central aisle, 8 ft. 3 in. wide between the
columns, has a plain barrel vault, extending from end to end of the building.
The influence of the Renaissance may readily be detected in the
ornamentation of the columns, but traces of medieval forms still linger in

the room. If the central alley were wider it might be taken for the nave of a
basilica.

Fig. 93. Bookcases at west end of south
side of Library, Cesena.
There are 29 bookcases in each aisle. Between each pair of cases there is a
wooden floor, raised 3½ in. above the general level of the room; and there is
an interval of 2 ft. 3 in. between the cases and the wall, so that access may
be readily obtained to them from either end. The room is paved with
unglazed tiles.
The westernmost bay is empty (fig. 90), being used as a vestibule, and the
first bookcase, if I may be allowed the expression, on each side, is really not
a bookcase but a seat (fig. 93)[358].

Fig. 94. Part of a bookcase at Cesena to
shew the system of chaining.
The construction of these cases is most ingenious, both as regards
convenience and economy of space. If they were designed by the architect
who built the room, he must have been a man of no ordinary originality.
Each piece of furniture consists of a desk to lay the books on when wanted
for use, a shelf for those not immediately required, and a seat for the reader,
whose comfort is considered by a gentle slope in the back (fig. 93). At the
end next the central alley is a panel containing the heraldic devices of the
Malatesta family.
The principal dimensions of each case are as follows:

Length 10 ft. 2½ in.
Height 4 ft. 2¼ in.
Width of seat 3 ft. 1 in.

Width of foot-rest 11 in.
Height 3½ in.
Height of seat from ground 1 ft. 10½ in.
Width 1 ft. 4 in.
Distance from desk to desk 4 ft. 1 in.
Angle of slope of desk 45°.

The books are still attached to the desks by chains.
The bar which carries them is in full view just
under the ledge of the desk (fig. 94), inserted into
massive iron stanchions nailed to the underside of
the desk. There are four of these: one at each end
of the desk, and one on each side of the central
standard. The bar is locked by means of a hasp
attached to the standard in which the lock is sunk.
The chains are of a novel form (fig. 95). Each
link, about 2¼ in. long, consists of a solid central
portion, which looks as though it were cast round
a bent wire, the ends of which project beyond the
solid part. The chain is attached to the book by an
iron hook screwed into the lower edge of the
right-hand board near the back.
The volume which I figure next (fig. 96), entitled
Lumen animæ seu liber moralitatum, was printed
at Eichstädt in Bavaria, in 1479. M. Ferd. Vander
Haeghen, librarian of Ghent, bought it in Hungary
a few years since, and gave it to the library which
he so ably directs. The chain is just 24 in. long. Fig. 95. Piece of a
The links, of which there are ten, are slightly chain, Cesena.
different from any which I have figured, each link
being compressed in the middle so that the two sides touch each other.
There is no ring, but a link, rather larger than the rest, is passed round the
bar. It will be observed that the chain is fastened to the left-hand board, and
not to the right-hand board as in Italy. The presence of a title written on
parchment kept in place by strips of leather, and five bosses of copper, shew

that the left-hand board was uppermost on the desk. The position of the
chain shews that when it was attached the book was intended to lie on a
desk, where the bar must have been in front of, or below, the desk; but there
is also a scar on the upper edge of the right-hand board, which shews that at
some previous period it lay on a desk of what I may call the Zutphen type,
where the bar was above the sloping surface.
With the library at Cesena may be compared that attached to the Dominican
Convent of S. Mark at Florence, built in 1441 for Cosmo dei Medici—the
first public library in Italy. It is on the first floor, and is approached by a
staircase from the cloister. It is 148 ft. long by 34 ft. 6 in. wide[359], divided
into three aisles by two rows of eleven columns. The central aisle, 9 ft. wide
between the columns, has a plain barrel vault; the side aisles, 11 ft. wide,
have quadripartite vaults. In each of the side-walls there are twelve
windows. In all these details the library resembles that at Cesena so closely
that I cannot help suspecting that Malatesta or his architect may have
copied it.

Fig. 96. Chained book at Ghent.
The original fittings have been removed, but we learn from the
catalogue[360] that the books were originally contained in 64 banchi, half of
which were on the east side and half on the west side of the room. There
was an average of about sixteen books to each banchus. The catalogue also
mentions a Greek library, which had seven banchi on each side. This was
probably a separate room.
There is a similar library at the Benedictine Convent of Monte Oliveto, near
Siena, but it is on a much smaller scale. Like the others, it is divided into
three aisles by two rows of six columns. The central aisle has a barrel vault,
and the side aisles quadripartite vaults. It is 85 ft. long by 32 ft. broad.
There are seven windows on one side only. At the end of the library,
approached by a flight of thirteen stairs, is a room of the same width and 21
ft. long, which may have been used as an inner library. An inscription over
the door of entrance records that this library was built in 1516[361].
While discussing the arrangements of Italian libraries, I must not omit that
at the Convent of S. Francis at Assisi[362]. The catalogue, dated 1 January,
1381, shews that the library, even at that comparatively early date, was in
two divisions: (1) for the use of the brethren; (2) for loans to extraneous
persons. This catalogue, after a brief preface stating that it includes "all the
books belonging to the library of the Holy Convent of S. Francis at Assisi,
whether they be chained, or whether they be not chained," begins as
follows:
In the first place we make a list of the books which are chained
to benches (banchi) in the Public Library as follows, and
observe that all the leaves of all the books which are in this
catalogue, whether they are in quires of 12, 10, 8, or any other
number of leaves larger or smaller,—every one of these books
contains the denomination of the quires, as appears in the first
quire of each book on the lower margin: all the quires being
marked at beginning and end in black and red with the figure
here shewn, and the number of the quire within it.

Moreover, the letters of the alphabet
that are placed on the top of the
covers ought all to be fairly large and
entirely black, as marked below [in
this catalogue] at the end of each
book[363].
This introduction is succeeded by the list of books. They are chained to nine
benches on the west side of a room, and to the same number on the east
side. The total is 170.
The second part of the catalogue has the following heading:
In the name of the Lord, Amen. Here begins the list of all the
books which are in the Reserved Library (libraria secreta) of
the Holy Convent of S. Francis at Assisi, appointed to be lent to
prelates, masters, readers, bachelors, and all other brethren in
orders, according as the amount of knowledge or line of study of
each demands them.
This part of the collection is contained in eleven presses (for which the
unusual word solarium[364] is used) arranged along the east and west walls
of a room, but whether the same as the last we are not informed. The
number of manuscripts is 530.
A considerable number of the manuscripts here registered still exists. They
are well taken care of in the Town Hall, and a list of them has been
privately printed. Several are in their original condition, bound in boards
about a quarter of an inch thick, covered with white leather. The title,
written on a strip of parchment, is pasted on the top of the right-hand board.
It usually begins with a capital letter in red or black, denoting the desk or
press in which a given MS. would be found, thus:
F Postilla Magistri
Nicolai de lyra super psalmos
reponatur uersus orientem in banco vjo.
In the next place I will tell at length the story of the establishment of the
Vatican Library by Pope Sixtus IV., as it is both interesting in itself and

useful for my present purpose[365].
The real founder of the Vatican Library, as we understand the term, was
Nicholas V. (1447-1455), but he was unable to do more than collect books,
for which no adequate room was provided till the accession of Sixtus IV. in
1471. In December of that year, only four months after his election, his
chamberlain commissioned five architects to quarry and convey to the
palace a supply of building-stone "for use in a certain building there to be
constructed for library-purposes[366]"; but the scheme for an independent
building, as indicated by the terms here employed, was soon abandoned,
and nothing was done for rather more than three years. In the beginning of
1475, however, a new impulse was given to the work by the appointment of
Bartolommeo Platina as Librarian (28 February)[367]; and from that date
until Platina's death in 1481 it went forward without let or hindrance. This
distinguished man of letters seems to have enjoyed the full confidence of
the Pope, to have been liberally supplied with funds, and to have had a free
hand in the employment of craftsmen and artists to furnish and decorate his
Library. It is pleasant to be able to record that he lived to see his work
completed, and all the books under his charge catalogued. The enumeration
of the volumes contained in the different stalls, closets, and coffers, with
which the catalogue of 1481 concludes, is headed by a rubric, which
records, with pathetic simplicity, the fact that it was drawn up "by Platina,
librarian, and Demetrius of Lucca his pupil, keeper, on the 14th day of
September, 1481, only eight days before his death[368]."

Fig. 98. Ground-plan of the rooms in the Vatican Palace
fitted up for library-purposes by Sixtus IV. E. Wilson,
Cambridge
It is evident that the Library had suffered considerably from the negligence
of those in whose charge it had been. Many volumes were missing, and
those that remained were in bad condition. Platina and his master set to
work energetically to remedy these defects. The former engaged a binder,
and bought materials for his use[369]; the latter issued a Bull (30 June) of
exceptional severity[370]. After stating that "certain ecclesiastical and
secular persons, having no fear of God before their eyes, have taken sundry
volumes in theology and other faculties from the library, which volumes
they still presume rashly and maliciously to hide and secretly to detain";
such persons are warned to return the books in question within forty days. If
they disobey they are ipso facto excommunicated. If they are clerics they
shall be incapable of holding livings, and if laymen, of holding any office.
Those who have knowledge of such persons are to inform against them. The
effect produced by this document has not been recorded; nor are we told
what the extent of the loss was. It could hardly have been very extensive,
for a catalogue which Platina prepared, or perhaps only signed, on the day
of his election, enumerates 2527 volumes, of which 770 were Greek and
1757 Latin[371]. The number of the latter had more than doubled in the
twenty years that had elapsed since the death of Nicholas V., an
augmentation due, in all probability, to the activity of Sixtus himself.
The place selected to contain this extensive collection was the ground-floor
of a building which had been erected by Nicholas V. and subsequently used
as a provision store. The position of it, and its relations to neighbouring
structures, will be understood from the accompanying plan (fig. 97), which
I borrow from M. Fabre's paper. In order to shew how the building was
arranged when it was first built, before other structures abutted against it, I
have prepared a second plan (fig. 98) drawn from measurements taken by
myself.

Fig. 97. Ground-plan of part of the
Vatican Palace, shewing the building of
Nicholas V., as arranged for library
purposes by Sixtus IV., and its relation
to the surrounding structures. From
Letarouilly, Le Vatican, fol. Paris,
1882; as reproduced by M. Fabre.
The floor is divided into four rooms by party-walls which are probably
older than 1475, but which are proved, by the catalogue of 1481, to have
been in existence at that period. The first of these rooms, entered directly
from the court, contained the Latin Library; the second, the Greek Library.
These two, taken together, formed the Common, or Public, Library
(Bibliotheca communis, B. publica, or merely Bibliotheca). Next to this
room, or these rooms, was the Bibliotheca secreta or Reserved Library, in