Library of the World_s Best Literature_ Ancient and Modern _ Volume 05 1670 downloads.pdf

485 pages · Make another flipbook

Page 1

Page 2

Page 3

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Library of the World's Best
Literature, Ancient and Modern — Volume 05
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: Library of the World's Best Literature, Ancient and Modern —
Volume 05

Editor: Charles Dudley Warner
Hamilton Wright Mabie
Lucia Gilbert Runkle
George H. Warner

Release date: September 24, 2004 [eBook #13520]
Most recently updated: October 28, 2024

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/13520

Credits: Produced by Juliet Sutherland, Charlie Kirschner and the
Online
Distributed Proofreading Team.

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIBRARY OF
THE WORLD'S BEST LITERATURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN —
VOLUME 05 ***

Page 4

Page 5

LIBRARY OF THE

WORLD'S BEST LITERATURE
ANCIENT AND MODERN

Page 6

CHARLES DUDLEY WARNER
EDITOR

HAMILTON WRIGHT MABIE
LUCIA GILBERT RUNKLE
GEORGE HENRY WARNER

ASSOCIATE EDITORS

Connoisseur Edition

VOL. V.

1896

Page 7

THE ADVISORY COUNCIL

CRAWFORD H. TOY, A.M., LL.D.,
Professor of Hebrew,
HARVARD UNIVERSITY, Cambridge, Mass.

THOMAS R. LOUNSBURY, LL.D., L.H.D.,
Professor of English in the Sheffield Scientific School of
YALE UNIVERSITY, New Haven, Conn.

WILLIAM M. SLOANE, PH.D., L.H.D.,
Professor of History and Political Science,
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY, Princeton, N.J.

BRANDER MATTHEWS, A.M., LL.B.,
Professor of Literature,
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, New York City.

JAMES B. ANGELL, LL.D.,
President of the
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN, Ann Arbor, Mich.

WILLARD FISKE, A.M., PH.D.,
Late Professor of the Germanic and Scandinavian Languages and
Literatures,
CORNELL UNIVERSITY, Ithaca, N.Y.

EDWARD S. HOLDEN, A.M., LL.D.,
Director of the Lick Observatory, and Astronomer
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, Berkeley, Cal.

ALCÉE FORTIER, LIT.D.,
Professor of the Romance Languages,

Page 8

TULANE UNIVERSITY, New Orleans, La.

WILLIAM P. TRENT, M.A.,
Dean of the Department of Arts and Sciences, and Professor of English
and History,
UNIVERSITY OF THE SOUTH, Sewanee, Tenn.

PAUL SHOREY, PH.D.,
Professor of Greek and Latin Literature,
UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, Chicago, Ill.

WILLIAM T. HARRIS, LL.D.,
United States Commissioner of Education,
BUREAU OF EDUCATION, Washington, D.C.

MAURICE FRANCIS EGAN, A.M., LL.D.,
Professor of Literature in the
CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA, Washington, D.C.

Page 9

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOL. V.

OTTO EDWARD LEOPOLD VON BISMARCK -- 1815-
By Munroe Smith

Letters-- To Fran von Arnim
To His Wife: Aug. 7, 1851; June 6, 1859; June 8, 1859; June
28, 1859; July 26, 1859
To Oscar von Arnim
To His Wife: Aug. 4, 1862; July 9, 1866; Sept. 3, 1870; June
23, 1852
Personal Characteristics of the Members of the Frankfort Diet
From a Speech on the Military Bill

BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON -- 1832-
By William Morton Payne

Over the Lofty Mountains ('Arne')
The Cloister in the South ('Arnljot Gelline')
The Plea of King Magnus ('Sigurd Slembe')
Sin and Death (same)
The Princess
Sigurd Slembe's Return
How the Mountain Was Clad ('Arne')
The Father

WILLIAM BLACK -- 1841-

The End of Macleod of Dare
Sheila in London ('A Princess of Thule')

Page 10

RICHARD DODDRIDGE BLACKMORE -- 1825-

A Desperate Venture ('Lorna Doone')
A Wedding and a Revenge (same)
Landing the Trout ('Alice Lorraine')
A Dane in the Dike ('Mary Anerley')

WILLIAM BLAKE -- 1757-1827

Song
Song
The Two Songs
Night
The Piper and the Child
Holy Thursday
Cradle Song
The Little Black Boy
The Tiger

CHARLES BLANC -- 1813-1882

Rembrandt ('The Dutch School of Painters')
Albert Dürer's 'Melancholia' (same)
Ingres ('Life of Ingres')
Calamatta's Studio ('Contemporary Artists')
Blanc's Début as Art Critic (same)
Delacroix's 'Bark of Dante' (same)
Genesis of the 'Grammar'
Moral Influence of Art ('Grammar of Painting and Engraving')
Poussin's 'Shepherds of Arcadia' (same)
Landscape (same)
Style (same)
Law of Proportion in Architecture (same)

STEEN STEENSEN BLICHER -- 1782-1848

A Picture
The Knitting-Room

Page 11

The Hosier

MATHILDE BLIND -- 1847-1896

From 'Love in Exile'
Seeking
Songs of Summer
A Parable
Love's Somnambulist
The Mystic's Vision
From 'Tarantella'
O Moon, Large Golden Summer Moon
Green Leaves and Sere

GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO -- 1313-1375
By W.J. Stillman

Frederick of the Alberighi and His Falcon
The Jew Converted to Christianity by Going to Rome
The Story of Saladin and the Jew Usurer
The Story of Griselda

FRIEDRICH MARTIN VON BODENSTEDT -- 1819-1892

Two
Wine
Song
Unchanging
The Poetry of Mirza-Schaffy ('Thousand and One Days in the East')
Mirza-Schaffy (same)
The School of Wisdom (same)
An Excursion into Armenia (same)
Mirza-Jussuf
Wisdom and Knowledge

JOHANN JAKOB BODMER -- 1698-1783

Kinship of the Arts ('Rubens')

Page 12

Poetry and Painting ('Holbein')
Tribute to Tobacco ('Dürer')

BOËTIUS -- 475-525

Of the Greatest Good ('Consolations of Philosophy')

NICHOLAS BOILEAU-DESPRÉAUX -- 1636-1711

Advice to Authors ('The Art of Poetry')
The Pastoral, the Elegy, the Ode, and the Epigram (same)
To Molière ('The Satires')

GASTON BOISSIER -- 1823-2152

Madame de Sévigné as a Letter-Writer ('Life of Madame de
Sévigné')
French Society in the Seventeenth Century (same)
How Horace Lived at his Country-House ('The Country of Horace
and Virgil')

GEORGE H. BOKER -- 1823-1890

The Black Regiment
The Sword-Bearer
Sonnets

SAINT BONAVENTURA -- 1221-1274
By Thomas Davidson

On the Beholding of God in His Footsteps in This Sensible World

GEORGE BORROW -- 1803-1881
By Julian Hawthorne

At the Horse-Fair ('Lavengro')
A Meeting ('The Bible in Spain')

JUAN BOSCAN -- 1493-?1540

Page 13

On the Death of Garcilaso
A Picture of Domestic Happiness ('Epistle to Mendoza')

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET -- 1627-1704
By Adolphe Cohn

From the Sermon upon 'The Unity of the Church'
Opening of the Funeral Oration on Henrietta of France
From the 'Discourse upon Universal History'
Public Spirit in Rome

JAMES BOSWELL -- 1740-1795
By Charles F. Johnson

An Account of Corsica
A Tour to Corsica
The Life of Samuel Johnson

PAUL BOURGET -- 1852-

The American Family ('Outre-Mer')
The Aristocratic Vision of M. Renan ('Study of M. Renan')

SIR JOHN BOWRING -- 1792-1872

The Cross of Christ
Watchman! What of the Night?
Hymn
From Luis de Gongora: Not All Nightingales
From John Kollar: Sonnet
From Bogdanovich (Old Russian): Song
From Bobrov: The Golden Palace
From Dmitriev: The Dove and The Stranger
From Sarbiewski: Sapphics to A Rose

HJALMAR HJORTH BOYESEN -- 1848-1895

A Norwegian Dance ('Gunnar')

Page 14

MARY ELIZABETH BRADDON -- 1837-

Advent of the Hirelings ('The Christmas Hirelings')
"How Bright She Was--" etc. ('Mohawks')

GEORG BRANDES -- 1842-
By William Morton Payne

Björnson ('Eminent Authors of the Nineteenth Century')
The Historical Movement in Modern Literature ('Main Currents in
the Literature of the Nineteenth Century')

SEBASTIAN BRANDT -- 1458-1521

The Universal Shyp
Of Hym That Togyder Wyll Serve Two Maysters
Of To[o] Moche Spekynge or Bablynge

Page 15

FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS

Page 16

VOLUME V

Saint Dunstan (Colored Plate) Frontispiece
Bismarck (Portrait) 1930
"The Surrender at Sedan" (Photogravure) 1944
Richard Doddridge Blackmore (Portrait) 2012
"Rembrandt and His Wife" (Photogravure) 2055
Giovanni Boccaccio (Portrait) 2090
"The Decameron" (Photogravure) 2108
"Fatima" (Photogravure) 2120
"Domestic Happiness" (Photogravure) 2206

VIGNETTE PORTRAITS

Björnstjerne Björnson
William Black
William Blake
Mathilde Blind
Friedrich M. von Bodenstedt
Johann Jakob Bodmer
Boëtius
Nicholas Boileau-Despréaux
Gaston Boissier
George H. Boker
George Borrow
Jacques Bénigne Bossuet
James Boswell
Paul Bourget
Sir John Bowring
Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen

Page 17

Georg Brandes
Sebastian Brandt

Page 18

OTTO EDWARD LEOPOLD VON BISMARCK
(1815-)

BY MUNROE SMITH

tto Edward Leopold, fourth child of Charles and Wilhelmina von Bismarck,
was born at Schönhausen in Prussia, April 1, 1815. The family was one of
the oldest in the "Old Mark" (now a part of the province of Saxony), and
not a few of its members had held important military or diplomatic
positions under the Prussian crown. The young Otto passed his school years
in Berlin, and pursued university studies in law (1832-5) at Göttingen and at
Berlin. At Göttingen he was rarely seen at lectures, but was a prominent
figure in the social life of the student body: the old university town is full of
traditions of his prowess in duels and drinking bouts, and of his difficulties
with the authorities. In 1835 he passed the State examination in law, and
was occupied for three years, first in the judicial and then in the
administrative service of the State, at Berlin, Aix-la-Chapelle, and Potsdam.
In 1838 he left the governmental service and studied agriculture at the
Eldena Academy. From his twenty-fourth to his thirty-sixth year (1839-51)
his life was that of a country squire. He took charge at first of property held
by his father in Pomerania; upon his father's death in 1845 he assumed the
management of the family estate of Schönhausen. Here he held the local
offices of captain of dikes and of deputy in the provincial Diet. The latter
position proved a stepping-stone into Prussian and German politics; for
when Frederick William IV. summoned the "United Diet" of the kingdom
(1847), Bismarck was sent to Berlin as an alternate delegate from his
province.
The next three years were full of events. The revolution of 1848 forced all
the German sovereigns who had thus far retained absolute power, among
them the King of Prussia, to grant representative constitutions to their
people. The same year witnessed the initiation of a great popular movement

Page 19

for the unification of Germany. A national Parliament was assembled at
Frankfort, and in 1849 it offered to the King of Prussia the German imperial
crown; but the constitution it had drafted was so democratic, and the
opposition of the German princes so great, that Frederick William felt
obliged to refuse the offer. An attempt was then made, at a Parliament held
in Erfurt, to establish a "narrower Germany" under Prussian leadership; but
this movement also came to nothing. The Austrian government, paralyzed
for a time by revolts in its own territories, had re-established its power and
threatened Prussia with war. Russia supported Austria, and Prussia
submitted at Olmütz (1850). In these stirring years, Bismarck--first as a
member of the United Diet and then as a representative in the new Prussian
Chamber of Deputies--made himself prominent by hostility to the
constitutional movement and championship of royal prerogative. He
defended the King's refusal of the imperial crown, because "all the real gold
in it would be gotten by melting up the Prussian crown"; and he compared
the pact which the King, by accepting the Frankfort constitution, would
make with the democracy, to the pact between the huntsman and the devil
in the 'Freischütz': sooner or later, he declared, the people would come to
the Emperor, and pointing to the Imperial arms, would say, "Do you fancy
this eagle was given you for nothing?" He sat in the Erfurt Parliament, but
had no faith in its success. He opposed the constitution which it adopted,
although this was far more conservative than that drafted at Frankfort,
because he deemed it still too revolutionary. During the Austro-Prussian
disputes of 1850 he expressed himself, like the rest of the Prussian
Conservatives, in favor of reconciliation with Austria, and he even defended
the convention of Olmütz.
After Olmütz, the German Federal Diet, which had disappeared in 1848,
was reconstituted at Frankfort, and to Frankfort Bismarck was sent, in 1857,
as representative of Prussia. This position, which he held for more than
seven years, was essentially diplomatic, since the Federal Diet was merely a
permanent congress of German ambassadors; and Bismarck, who had
enjoyed no diplomatic training, owed his appointment partly to the fact that
his record made him persona grata to the "presidential power," Austria. He
soon forfeited the favor of that State by the steadfastness with which he
resisted its pretensions to superior authority, and the energy with which he
defended the constitutional parity of Prussia and the smaller States; but he

Page 20

won the confidence of the home government, and was consulted by the
King and his ministers with increasing frequency on the most important
questions of European diplomacy. He strove to inspire them with greater
jealousy of Austria. He favored closer relations with Napoleon III., as a
make-weight against the Austrian influence, and was charged by some of
his opponents with an undue leaning toward France; but as he explained in
a letter to a friend, if he had sold himself, it was "to a Teutonic and not to a
Gallic devil."

In the winter of 1858-9, as the Franco-Austrian war drew nearer, Bismarck's
anti-Austrian attitude became so pronounced that his government, by no
means ready to break with Austria, but rather disposed to support that

Page 21

power against France, felt it necessary to put him, as he himself expressed
it, "on ice on the Neva." From 1859 to 1862 he held the position of Prussian
ambassador at St. Petersburg. In 1862 he was appointed ambassador at
Paris. In the autumn of the same year he became Minister-President of
Prussia.
The new Prussian King, William I., had become involved in a controversy
with the Prussian Chamber of Deputies over the reorganization of the army;
his previous ministers were unwilling to press the reform against a hostile
majority; and Bismarck, who was ready to assume the responsibility, was
charged with the premiership of the new cabinet. "Under some
circumstances," he said later, "death upon the scaffold is as glorious as upon
the battlefield." From 1862 to 1866 he governed Prussia without the support
of the lower chamber and without a regular budget. He informed a
committee of the Deputies that the questions of the time were not to be
settled by-debates, but by "blood and iron."
In the diplomatic field it was his effort to secure a position of advantage for
the struggle with Austria for the control of Germany,--a struggle which, six
years before, he had declared to be inevitable. During his stay in St.
Petersburg he had strengthened the friendly feeling already subsisting
between Prussia and Russia; and in 1863 he gave the Russian government
useful support in crushing a Polish insurrection. To a remonstrance from the
English ambassador, somewhat arrogantly delivered in the name of Europe,
Bismarck responded, "Who is Europe?" While in Paris he had convinced
himself that no serious interference was to be apprehended from Napoleon.
That monarch overrated Austria; regarded Bismarck's plans, which appear
to have been explained with extraordinary frankness, as chimerical; and
pronounced Bismarck "not a serious person." Bismarck, on the other hand,
privately expressed the opinion that Napoleon was "a great unrecognized
incapacity." When, in 1863, the death of Frederick VII. of Denmark without
direct heirs raised again the ancient Schleswig-Holstein problem, Bismarck
saw that the opportunity had come for the solution of the German question.
The events of the next seven years are familiar history. In 1864 Prussia and
Austria made war on Denmark, and obtained a joint sovereignty over the
duchies of Holstein and Schleswig. In 1866, with Italy as her ally, Prussia
drove Austria out of the German Confederation; annexed Schleswig,

Page 22

Holstein, Hanover, Electoral Hesse, and Frankfort; and brought all the
German States north of the Main, except Luxemburg, into the North
German Confederation, of which the King of Prussia was President and
Bismarck Chancellor. When war was declared by France in 1870, the South
German States also placed their forces at the King of Prussia's disposal; and
before the war was over they joined the newly established German Empire,
which thus included all the territories of the old Confederation except
German Austria and Luxemburg. The old Confederation was a mere league
of sovereign States; the new Empire was a nation. To this Empire, at the
close of the war, the French Republic paid an indemnity of five milliards of
francs, and ceded Alsace and Lorraine.
In giving the German people political unity Bismarck realized their
strongest and deepest desire; and the feeling entertained toward him
underwent a sudden revulsion. From 1862 to 1866 he had been the best
hated man in Germany. The partial union of 1867--when, as he expressed it,
Germany was "put in the saddle"--made him a national hero. The
reconciliation with the people was the more complete because, at
Bismarck's suggestion, a German Parliament was created, elected by
universal suffrage, and because the Prussian ministers (to the great
indignation of their conservative supporters) asked the Prussian Deputies to
grant them indemnity for their unconstitutional conduct of the government
during the preceding four years. For the next ten years Bismarck had behind
him, in Prussian and in German affairs, a substantial nationalist majority. At
times, indeed, he had to restrain their zeal. In 1867, for instance, when they
desired to take Baden alone into the new union,--the rest of South Germany
being averse to entrance,--Bismarck was obliged to tell them that it would
be a poor policy "to skim off the cream and let the rest of the milk turn
sour."
Bismarck remained Chancellor of the Empire as well as Minister-President
of Prussia until 1890, when William II. demanded his resignation. During
these years the military strength of the Empire was greatly increased; its
finances were placed upon an independent footing; its authority was
extended in legislative matters, and its administrative system was developed
and consolidated. Conflicts with the Roman Catholic hierarchy (1873-87),
and with the Social Democracy (1878-90) resulted indecisively; though
Bismarck's desire to alleviate the misery which in his opinion caused the

Page 23

socialistic movement gave rise to a series of remarkable laws for the
insurance of the laboring classes against accident, disease, and old age.
With a return to the protective system, which Bismarck advocated for fiscal
reasons, he combined the attempt to enlarge Germany's foreign market by
the establishment of imperial colonies in Africa and in the Pacific Ocean. In
other respects his foreign policy, after 1870, was controlled by the desire to
preserve peace. "Germany," he said, "belongs to the satisfied nations."
When the Russian friendship cooled, he secured an alliance with Austria
(1879), which Italy also joined (1882); and the "triple alliance" thus formed
continued to dominate European politics for many years after Bismarck's
withdrawal from office.
Of Bismarck's State papers, the greater portion are still buried in the
Prussian archives. The most important series that has been published
consists of his dispatches from Frankfort (Poschinger, Preussen im
Bundestag, 1851-8, 4 vols.). These are marked by clearness of statement,
force of argument, and felicity of illustration. The style, although less direct
and simple than that of his unofficial writings, is still excellent. A large part
of the interest attaching to these early papers lies in their acute
characterization of the diplomatists with whom he had to deal. His analysis
of their motives reveals from the outset that thorough insight into human
nature which was to count for so much in his subsequent diplomatic
triumphs. Of his later notes and dispatches, such as have seen the light may
be found in Hahn's documentary biography ('Fürst Bismarck,' 5 vols.). His
reports and memorials on economic and fiscal questions have been
collected by Poschinger in 'Bismarck als Volkswirth.'
Of Bismarck's parliamentary speeches there exists a full collection
(reproduced without revision from the stenographic reports) in fifteen
volumes. Bismarck was not an orator in the ordinary acceptation of the
word. His mode of address was conversational; his delivery was
monotonous and halting. He often hesitated, searching for a word; but when
it came, it usually seemed the only word that could have expressed his
meaning, and the hesitation that preceded it gave it a singular emphasis. It
seemed to be his aim to convince his hearers, not to win them; his appeal
was regularly to their intelligence, not to their emotions. When the energy
and warmth of his own feelings had carried him into something like a flight
of oratory, there was apt to follow, at the next moment, some plain matter-

Page 24

of-fact statement that brought the discussion back at once to its ordinary
level. Such an anti-climax was often very effective: the obvious effort of the
speaker to keep his emotions under restraint vouched for the sincerity of the
preceding outburst. It should be added that he appreciated as few Germans
do the rhetorical value of understatement.
He was undoubtedly at his literary best in conversation and in his letters.
We have several volumes of Bismarck anecdotes, Bismarck table-talk, etc.
The best known are those of Busch, which have been translated into
English--and in spite of the fact that his sayings come to us at second hand
and colored by the personality of the transmitter, we recognize the qualities
which, by the universal testimony of those who knew him, made him one of
the most fascinating of talkers. These qualities, however, come out most
clearly in a little volume of letters ('Bismarck briefe'), chiefly addressed to
his wife. (These letters have been excellently translated into English by F.
Maxse.) They are characterized throughout by vivid and graphic
descriptions, a subtle sense of humor, and real wit; and they have in the
highest degree--far more than his State papers or speeches--the literary
quality, and that indescribable something which we call style.
Bismarck furnishes, once for all, the answer to the old French question,
whether a German can possibly have esprit--witness his response to the
German prince who desired his advice regarding the offer of the crown of
one of the Balkan States:--"Accept, by all means: it will be a charming
recollection for you." He possessed also to a high degree the power of
summing up a situation or characterizing a movement in a single phrase;
and his sayings have enriched the German language with more quotations
than the spoken words of any German since Luther.
Of the numerous German biographies, Harm's gives the greatest amount of
documentary material; Hesekiel's (which has been translated into English)
is the most popular. The best French biography is by Simon; the only
important English work is that by Lowe. For bibliography, see Schulze and
Roller, (Bismarck-Literatur) (1895), which contains about 600 titles. The
Frankfort dispatches and the speeches have been translated into French, but
not into English.

Page 25

TO FRAU VON ARNIM

SCHÖNHAUSEN, August 7th, 1850.
The fact is, this journey, and I see it more clearly the nearer it approaches,
gives me a right of reversion on the new lunatic asylum, or at least a seat for
life in the Second Chamber. I can already see myself on the platform of the
Genthiner station; then both of us packed in the carriage, surrounded with
all sorts of child's necessaries--an embarrassing company; Johanna ashamed
to suckle the baby, which accordingly roars itself blue; then the passports,
the inn; then at Stettin railway station with both bellowing monkeys; then
waiting an hour at Angermünde for the horses; and how are we to get from
Kröchlendorf to Külz? It would be perfectly awful if we had to remain for
the night at Stettin. I did that last year with Marie and her squallings. I was
in such a state of despair yesterday over all these visions that I was
positively determined to give the whole thing up, and at last went to bed
with the resolve at least to go straight through, without stopping anywhere;
but what will one not commit for the sake of domestic peace? The young
cousins, male and female, must become acquainted, and who knows when
Johanna will see you again? She pounced upon me last night with the boy
in her arms, and with all those wiles which formerly lost us Paradise; of
course she succeeded in wringing my consent that everything should remain
as before. I feel, however, that I am as one to whom fearful injustice is
done, and I am certain that I shall have to travel next year with three
cradles, wet-nurses, long-clothes, and counterpanes. I am now awake by six
o'clock, and already in a gentle simmer of anger; I cannot get to sleep,
owing to all the visions of traveling which my imagination paints in the
darkest colors, even up to the "picnics" on the sandhills of Stolpmünde. And

Page 26

then if one were only paid for it! But to travel away the last remnants of a
once handsome fortune with sucking babies!--I am very unhappy!
Well--Wednesday, then, in Gerswalde--I should have done probably better
by driving over Passow, and you would not have had so far to Prenzlau as
to G----. However, it is now a fait accompli, and the pain of selection is
succeeded by the quiet of resignation. Johanna is somewhat nervous about
her dresses, supposing you Boitzenburgers have company.

TO HIS WIFE

FRANKFORT, August 7th, 1851.
I wanted to write to you yesterday and to-day, but, owing to all the clatter
and bustle of business, could not do so until now, late in the evening on my
return from a walk through the lovely summer-night breeze, the moonlight,
and the murmuring of poplar leaves, which I took to brush away the dust of
the day's dispatches and papers. Saturday afternoon I drove out with
Rochow and Lynar to Rüdesheim; there I took a boat, rowed out upon the
Rhine, and swam in the moonlight, with nothing but nose and eyes out of
the water, as far as the Mäusethürm near Bingen, where the bad bishop
came to his end. It gives one a peculiar dreamy sensation to float thus on a
quiet warm night in the water, gently carried down by the current, looking
above on the heavens studded with the moon and stars, and on each side the
banks and wooded hill-tops and the battlements of the old castles bathed in
the moonlight, whilst nothing falls on one's ear but the gentle splashing of
one's own movements. I should like to swim like this every evening. I drank
some very fair wine afterwards, and then sat a long time with Lynar
smoking on the balcony--the Rhine below us. My little New Testament and
the star-studded heavens brought us on the subject of religion, and I argued
long against the Rousseau-like sophism of his ideas, without, however,
achieving more than to reduce him to silence. He was badly treated as a
child by bonnes and tutors, without ever having known his parents. Later
on, in consequence of much the same sort of education as myself, he picked
up the same ideas in his youth; but is more satisfied and more convinced by
them than ever I was.

Page 27

Next day we took the steamer to Coblenz, stopped there an hour for
breakfast, and came back the same way to Frankfort, where we arrived in
the evening. I undertook this expedition with the intention of visiting old
Metternich, who had invited me to do so at Johannisberg; but I was so much
pleased with the Rhine that I preferred to make my way over to Coblenz
and to postpone the visit. When you and I saw it we had just returned from
the Alps, and the weather was bad; on this fresh summer morning, however,
and after the dusty monotony of Frankfort, the Rhine has risen very
considerably in my estimation. I promise myself complete enjoyment in
spending a couple of days with you at Rüdesheim; the place is so quiet and
rural, honest people and cheap living. We will hire a small boat and row at
our leisure downwards, climb up the Niederwald and a castle or two, and
return with the steamer. One can leave this place early in the morning, stay
eight hours at Rüdesheim, Bingen, or Rheinstein, etc., and be back again in
the evening. My appointment here appears now to be certain.

Moscow, June 6th, 1859.
I will send you at least a sign of life from here, while I am waiting for the
samovar; and a young Russian in a red shirt is exerting himself behind me
with vain attempts to light a fire--he puffs and blows, but it will not burn.
After having complained so much about the scorching heat lately, I woke
to-day between Twer and here, and thought I was dreaming when I saw the
country and its fresh verdure covered far and wide with snow. I shall
wonder at nothing again, and having convinced myself of the fact beyond
all doubt, I turned quickly on the other side to sleep and roll on farther,
although the play of colors--from green to white--in the red dawn of day
was not without its charm. I do not know if the snow still lies at Twer; here
it has thawed away, and a cool gray rain is rattling on the green tin of the
roofs. Green has every reason to be the Russian favorite color. Of the five
hundred miles I have passed in traveling here, I have slept away about two
hundred, but each hand-breadth of the remainder was green in every shade.
Towns and villages, and more particularly houses, with the exception of the
railway stations, I did not observe. Bushy forests with birch-trees cover
swamp and hill, a fine growth of grass beneath, long tracts of meadow-land
between; so it goes on for fifty, one hundred, two hundred miles. Ploughed

Page 28

land I do not remember to have remarked, nor heather, nor sand. Solitary
grazing cows or horses awoke one at times to the presumption that there
might be human beings in the neighborhood. Moscow, seen from above,
looks like a field of young wheat: the soldiers are green, the cupolas green,
and I do not doubt that the eggs on the table before me were laid by green
hens.
You will want to know how I come to be here. I also have already asked
myself this question, and the answer I received was that change is the soul
of life. The truth of this profound saying becomes especially obvious after
having lived for ten weeks in a sunny room of a hotel, with the look-out on
pavements. The charms of moving become rather blunted if they occur
repeatedly within a short period; I therefore determined to forego them,
handed over all paper to----, gave Engel my keys, declared that I would put
up in a week at Stenbock's house, and drove to the Moscow station. This
was yesterday at noon, and this morning, at eight o'clock, I alighted here at
the Hôtel de France. First of all I shall pay a visit to a charming
acquaintance of former times, who lives in the country, about twenty versts
from here; to-morrow evening I shall be here again; Wednesday and
Thursday shall visit the Kremlin and so forth; and Friday or Saturday sleep
in the beds which Engel will meantime buy. Slow harnessing and fast
driving lie in the character of this people. I ordered the carriage two hours
ago: to every call which I have been uttering for each successive ten
minutes of an hour and a half, the answer is, "Immediately," given with
imperturbably friendly composure; but there the matter rests. You know my
exemplary patience in waiting, but everything has its limits; afterwards
there will be wild galloping, so that on these bad roads horse and carriage
break down, and at last we reach the place on foot. I have meanwhile drunk
three glasses of tea and annihilated several eggs; the efforts at getting warm
have also so perfectly succeeded that I feel the need of fresh air. I should,
out of sheer impatience, commence shaving if I had a glass. This city is
very straggling, and very foreign-looking, with its green-roofed churches
and innumerable cupolas; quite different from Amsterdam, but both the
most original cities I know. No German guard has a conception of the
luggage people drag with them into the railway carriage; not a Russian goes
without two real pillows in white pillow-cases, children in baskets, and
masses of eatables of every kind. Out of politeness they bowed me into a

Page 29

sleeping car, where I was worse off than in my seat. Altogether, it is
astonishing to me to see the fuss made here about a journey.

Moscow, June 8th.
This city is really, as a city, the handsomest and most original existing: the
environs are cheerful, not pretty, not ugly; but the view from the top of the
Kremlin on this panorama of green-roofed houses, gardens, churches, spires
of the strangest possible form and color, mostly green, or red or bright blue,
generally crowned at the top with a gigantic golden onion, and mostly five
or more on one church,--there are certainly a thousand steeples!--anything
more strangely beautiful than all this lit up by the slanting rays of the
setting sun it is impossible to see. The weather has cleared up again, and I
should stay here a few days longer if there were not rumors of a great battle
in Italy, which may perhaps bring diplomatic work in its train, so I will be
off there and get back to my post. The house in which I am writing is,
curiously enough, one of the few that survived 1812; old, thick walls, like
those at Schönhausen, Oriental architecture, big Moorish rooms.

June 28th, Evening.
After a three hours' drive through the gardens in an open carriage, and a
view of all its beauties in detail, I am drinking tea, with a prospect of the
golden evening sky and green woods. At the Emperor's they want to be en
famille the last evening, as I can perfectly well understand; and I, as a
convalescent, have sought retirement, and have indeed done quite enough
to-day for my first outing. I am smoking my cigar in peace, and drinking
excellent tea, and see, through the smoke of both, a sunset of really rare
beauty. I send you the inclosed jasmine as a proof that it really grows and
blossoms here in the open air. On the other hand, I must own that I have
been shown the common chestnut in shrub-form as a rare growth, which in
winter is wrapped up; otherwise, there are very fine large oaks, ash-trees,
limes, poplars, and birches as thick as oaks.

Page 30

Petersburg, July 26, 1859.
Half an hour ago a cabinet courier woke me with war and peace. Our policy
drifts more and more into the Austrian wake; and when we have once fired
a shot on the Rhine, it is over with the Italian-Austrian war, and in its place
a Prussian-French comes on the scene, in which Austria, after we have
taken the burden from her shoulders, stands by us or fails to stand by us just
so far as her own interests require. She will certainly not allow us to play a
very brilliant victor's part.
As God wills! After all, everything here is only a question of time: nations
and individuals, folly and wisdom, war and peace, they come and go like
the waves, but the sea remains. There is nothing on this earth but hypocrisy
and jugglery; and whether fever or grape-shot tear off this fleshly mask, fall
it must sooner or later: and then, granted that they are equal in height, a
likeness will after all turn up between a Prussian and an Austrian which will
make it difficult to distinguish them. The stupid and the clever, too, look
pretty much alike when their bones are well picked. With such views, a man
certainly gets rid of his specific patriotism; but it would indeed be a subject
for despair if our salvation depended on them.

TO HIS BROTHER-IN-LAW, OSCAR VON ARNIM

RHEINFELD, August 16th, 1861.
I have just received the news of the terrible misfortune which has befallen
you and Malwine, My first thought was to come to you at once, but in
wanting to do so I overrated my powers. My régime has touched me up a
good deal, and the thought of suddenly breaking it off met with such
decided opposition that I have resolved to let Johanna go alone. Such a
blow goes beyond the reach of human consolation. And yet it is a natural
desire to be near those we love in their sorrow, and to lament with them in
common. It is the only thing we can do. A heavier sorrow could scarcely
have befallen you. To lose such an amiable and a so-happily-thriving child
in such a way, and to bury along with him all the hopes which were to be
the joys of your old days,--sorrow over such a loss will not depart from you

Page 31

as long as you live on this earth; this I feel with you, with deep and painful
sympathy. We are powerless and helpless in God's mighty hand, so far as he
will not himself help us, and can do nothing but bow down in humility
under his dispensations. He can take from us all that he gave, and make us
utterly desolate; and our mourning for it will be all the bitterer, the more we
allow it to run to excess in contention and rebellion against his almighty
ordinance. Do not mingle your just grief with bitterness and repining, but
bring home to yourself that a son and a daughter are left to you, and that
with them, and even in the feeling of having possessed another beloved
child for fifteen years, you must consider yourself blessed in comparison
with the many who have never had children nor known a parent's joy.
I do not want to trouble you with feeble grounds for consolation, but only to
tell you in these lines how I, as friend and brother, feel your suffering like
my own, and am moved by it to the very core. How all small cares and
vexations, which daily accompany our life, vanish at the iron appearance of
real misfortune! and I feel like so many reproaches the reminiscences of all
complaints and covetous wishes, over which I have so often forgotten how
much blessing God gives us, and how much danger surrounds us without
touching us. We are not to attach ourselves to this world, and not regard it
as our home. Another twenty, or in happiest case thirty years, and we are
both of us beyond the cares of this life, and our children have reached our
present standpoint, and find with astonishment that the freshly begun life is
already going down hill. It would not be worth while to dress and undress if
it were over with that.
Do you still remember these words of a fellow-traveler from Stolpemünde?
The thought that death is the transition to another life will certainly do little
to alleviate your grief; for you might think that your beloved son might
have been a true and dear companion to you during the time you are still
living in this world, and would have continued, by God's blessing, the
memory of you here. The circle of those whom we love contracts itself and
receives no increase till we have grandchildren. At our time of life we form
no fresh bonds which are capable of replacing those that die off. Let us
therefore keep the closer together in love until death separates us from one
another, as it now separates your son from us. Who knows how soon? Won't
you come with Malle to Stolpmünde, and stay quietly with us for a few
weeks or days? At all events I shall come to you at Kröchlendorf, or

Page 32

wherever else you are, in three or four weeks. I greet my dearest Malle with
all my heart. May God give her, as well as you, strength to bear and
patiently submit.

TO HIS WIFE

BIARRITZ, August 4th, 1862.
I am afraid I have caused some confusion in our correspondence, as I
induced you to write too soon to places where I have not yet arrived. It will
be better for you to address your letters to Paris, just as though I were there;
the embassy then sends them after me, and I can more quickly send word
there if I alter my route. Yesterday evening I returned from St. Sebastian to
Bayonne, where I slept, and am now sitting here in a corner-room of the
Hotel de l'Europe, with charming view on the blue sea, which drives its
white foam through the curious cliffs against the lighthouse. I have a bad
conscience for seeing so many beautiful things without you. If one could
transport you here through the air, I would go directly back again to St.
Sebastian, and take you with me. Fancy the Siebengebirge with the
Drachenfels placed by the sea; close by, Ehrenbreitstein, and between the
two, pushing its way into the land, an arm of the sea, somewhat broader
than the Rhine, and forming a round bay behind the mountains. In this you
bathe in transparently clear water, so heavy and so salt that you swim on the
top of it by yourself, and look through the broad gate of rocks into the sea,
or landward where the mountain chains top each other, always higher,
always bluer.
The women of the middle and lower classes are strikingly pretty,
occasionally beautiful; the men surly and uncivil; and the comforts of life to
which we are accustomed are missing. The heat is not worse here than
there, and I do not mind it; find myself, on the contrary, very well, thank
God. The day before yesterday there was a storm, such as I have never seen
anything like. I had to take a run three times before I could succeed in
getting up a flight of three steps on the jetty; pieces of stone and large
fragments of trees were carried through the air. Unfortunately, therefore, I
countermanded my place in a sailing vessel to Bayonne, for I could not

Page 33

suppose that after four hours all would be quiet and cheerful. I lost thus a
charming sail along the coast, remained a day more at St. Sebastian, and left
yesterday in the diligence, rather uncomfortably packed between nice little
Spanish women, with whom I could not talk a syllable. So much Italian,
however, they understood that I could demonstrate to them my satisfaction
with their exterior. I looked to-day at a railway guide to see how I could get
from here--that is, from Toulouse--by railway over Marseilles to Nice, then
by boat to Genoa; from there over Venice, Trieste, Vienna, Breslau, Posen,
Stargard to Cöslin! If it were only possible to go over Berlin! I cannot very
well pass through there just now.

TO HIS WIFE

HOHENMAUTH, Monday, July 9th, 1866.
Do you still remember, my heart, how nineteen years ago we passed
through here on the way from Prague to Vienna? No mirror showed the
future, neither when, in 1852, I went along this line with the good Lynar.
Matters are going well with us; if we are not immoderate in our demands,
and do not imagine that we have conquered the world, we shall acquire a
pace which will be worth the trouble. But we are just as quickly intoxicated
as discouraged, and I have the ungrateful task of pouring water in the
foaming wine, and making them see that we are not living alone in Europe,
but with three neighbors still. The Austrians are in Moravia, and we are
already so bold that their positions to-day are fixed for our headquarters to-
morrow. Prisoners are still coming in, and one hundred and eighty guns
since the 3d up to to-day. If they call up their southern army, with God's
good help we shall beat them again. Confidence is universal. I could hug
our fellows, each facing death so gallantly, so quiet, obedient, well-
behaved, with empty stomachs, wet clothes, wet camp, little sleep, the soles
of their boots falling off, obliging to everybody, no looting, no
incendiarism, paying where they can, and eating moldy bread. There must
after all abide in our man of the soil a rich store of the fear of God, or all
that would be impossible. News of acquaintances is difficult to obtain;
people are miles apart from one another; no one knows where the other is,
and nobody to send; men enough, but no horses. I have had Philip searched

Page 34

for, for four days; he is slightly wounded in the head by a lance, as G----
wrote to me, but I cannot find out where he is, and now we are already forty
miles farther on.
The King exposed himself very much indeed on the 3d, and it was a very
good thing that I was with him; for all warnings on the part of others were
of no avail, and no one would have ventured to speak as I allowed myself to
do the last time, and with success, after a heap of ten men and fifteen horses
of the Sixth Regiment of cuirassiers were wallowing in their blood near us,
and the shells whizzed round the sovereign in the most unpleasant
proximity. The worst luckily did not burst. But after all I like it better than if
he should err on the other side. He was enchanted with his troops, and
rightly, so that he did not seem to remark all the whistling and bursting
about him; as quiet and comfortable as on the Kreuzberg, and kept
constantly finding battalions that he wanted to thank and say good evening
to, until there we were again under fire. But he has had to hear so much
about it, that he will leave it alone for the future, and you can be at ease;
besides, I hardly believe in another real battle.
If you have no news of a person, you can all implicitly believe that he lives
and is well, as all casualties occurring to one's acquaintances are known in
twenty-four hours at the longest. We have not come at all into
communication with Herwarth and Steinmetz, but know that they are both
well. G----- quietly leads his squadron with his arm in a sling. Good-bye, I
must go on duty.
YOUR MOST TRUE V.B.

TO HIS WIFE

Note.--This letter did not reach its destination, but, together with the entire
post, was captured by franc-tireurs and published by a French newspaper.

VENDRESSE, 3 September [1870].

My Dear Heart:

Page 35

I left my present quarters before early dawn the day
before yesterday, came back to-day, and have in the
mean time witnessed the great battle of Sedan, in
which we made about thirty thousand prisoners, and
threw the remainder of the French army, which we
have been pursuing since Bar-le-Duc, into the
fortress, where they had to surrender themselves,
along with the Emperor, prisoners of war. Yesterday
morning at five o'clock, after I had been negotiating
until one o'clock A.M. with Moltke and the French
generals about the capitulation to be concluded, I
was awakened by General Reille, with whom I am
acquainted, to tell me that Napoleon wished to speak
with me. Unwashed and unbreakfasted, I rode
towards Sedan, found the Emperor in an open
carriage, with three aides-de-camp and three in
attendance on horseback, halted on the road before
Sedan. I dismounted, saluted him just as politely as
at the Tuileries, and asked for his commands. He
wished to see the King; I told him, as the truth was,
that his Majesty had his quarters fifteen miles away,
at the spot where I am now writing. In answer to
Napoleon's question where he should go to, I offered
him, as I was not acquainted with the country, my
own quarters at Donchéry, a small place in the
neighborhood, close by Sedan. He accepted, and
drove, accompanied by his six Frenchmen, by me
and by Carl (who in the mean time had ridden after
me) through the lonely morning towards our lines.
Before coming to the spot, he began to hesitate on
account of the possible crowd, and he asked me if he
could alight in a lonely cottage by the wayside; I had
it inspected by Carl, who brought word that it was
mean and dirty. "N'importe," said N., and I ascended
with him a rickety, narrow staircase. In an apartment
of ten feet square, with a deal table and two rush-

Page 36

bottomed chairs, we sat for an hour; the others were
below. A powerful contrast with our last meeting in
the Tuileries in 1867. Our conversation was a
difficult thing, if I wanted to avoid touching on
topics which could not but affect painfully the man
whom God's mighty hand had cast down. I had sent
Carl to fetch officers from the town and to beg
Moltke to come. We then sent one of the former to
reconnoitre, and discovered two and one-half miles
off, in Fresnois, a small château situated an a park.
Thither I accompanied him with an escort of the
cuirassier regiment of life-guards, which had
meantime been brought up; and there we concluded
with the French general-in-chief, Wimpffen, the
capitulation by virtue of which forty to sixty
thousand Frenchmen,--I do not know it accurately at
present,--with all they possess, became our prisoners.
Yesterday and the day before cost France one
hundred thousand men and an Emperor. This
morning the latter, with all his suite and horses and
carriages, started for Wilhelmshöhe, near Cassel.

It is an event of great weight in the world's history, a
victory for which we will humbly thank the
Almighty, and which decides the war, even if we
have to carry it on against France shorn of her
Emperor.

I must conclude. With heartfelt joy I learnt from your
and Maria's letters that Herbert has arrived among
you. Bill I spoke to yesterday, as already
telegraphed, and embraced him from horseback in
his Majesty's presence, while he stood motionless in
the ranks. He is very healthy and happy. I saw Hans
and Fritz Carl, both Billows, in the Second dragoon
guards, well and cheerful.

Page 37

Good-by, my heart; love to the children.

Your

V.B.

THE SURRENDER AT SEDAN.
Photogravure from a Painting by Anton Von Werner.

The surrender, at Sedan, in 1870, of the French army of 84,000 under
Napoleon III.,
MacMahon and Wimpffen, to the Germans, 250,000 strong, under William
I., was
the signal for the downfall of the French empire and the establishment of
the
republic. In the accompanying picture, the figure seated at the extreme
left is GENERAL FAURE; the middle figure of the group of three,

Page 38

standing,
is GENERAL CASTELNAU. GENERAL WIMPFFEN, who succeeded
MacMahon as commander Sept. 1 and signed the capitulation
Sept. 2, stands in a stooping posture, leaning upon his chair
and the table. Across the table, his right hand resting
upon it, and standing erect, is GENERAL MOLTKE,
The seated figure in the foreground is BISMARCK;
behind whom, writing, stands COUNT NOSTIZ.

TO HIS WIFE

OFEN, June 23d, 1852.

I have just come from the steamer, and do not know
how better to employ the moment I have at my
disposal before Hildebrand follows with my things,
than by sending you a little sign of life from this very
easterly but very beautiful world. The Emperor has
been graciously pleased to assign me quarters in his
castle; and here I am in a large vaulted hall, sitting at
an open window through which the evening bells of
Pesth are pealing. The outlook is charming. The
castle stands high; beneath me, first, the Danube,
spanned by the suspension bridge; across it, Pesth;
and further off the endless plain beyond Pesth,
fading away into the purple haze of evening. To the
left of Pesth I look up the Danube; far, very far away
on my left,--that is, on its right bank,--it is first
bordered by the town of Ofen; back of that are hills,
blue and still bluer, and then comes the brown-red in
the evening sky that glows behind them. Between the
two towns lies the broad mirror of water, like that at
Linz, broken by the suspension bridge and a wooded
island. The journey here, too, at least from Gran to
Pesth, would have delighted you. Imagine the

Page 39

Odenwald and the Taunus pushed near to each other,
and the space between filled with the waters of the
Danube. The shady side of the trip was its sunny
side; it was as hot as if Tokay was to be grown on the
boat: and the number of tourists was great, but--only
think of it--not an Englishman! They cannot yet have
discovered Hungary. There were, however, odd
customers enough, of all races, oriental and
occidental, greasy and washed. A very amiable
general was my chief traveling companion; I sat and
smoked with him nearly the whole time, up on the
paddle-box.

I am growing impatient as to what has become of
Hildebrand; I lean out of the window, partly
mooning and partly watching for him as if he were a
sweetheart, for I crave a clean shirt--if you could
only be here for a moment, and if you too could now
see the dull silver of the Danube, the dark hills on a
pale-red background, and the lights that shine up
from below in Pesth, Vienna would go down a good
way in your estimation as compared with "Buda-
Pesth," as the Hungarians call it. You see that I too
can go into raptures over nature. Now that
Hildebrand has really turned up, I shall calm my
fevered blood with a cup of tea, and soon after go to
bed.

JUNE 24TH: Evening.

As yet I have had no opportunity to send this off.
Again the lights are gleaming up from Pesth; on the
horizon, in the direction of the Theiss, there are
flashes of lightning; above us the sky is clear and the
stars are shining. I have been a good deal in uniform
to-day; presented my credentials, in formal audience,

Page 40

to the young ruler of this country, and received a
very agreeable impression. After dinner the whole
court made an excursion into the hills, to the "Fair
Shepherdess"--who, however, has long been dead;
King Matthias Corvinus loved her several hundred
years ago. There is a view from there (over wooded
hills, something like those by the Neckar) of Ofen,
its hills, and the plain. A country festival had brought
together thousands of people; they pressed about the
Emperor, who had mingled with the throng, with
ringing shouts of "eljen" [vive]; they danced the
csardas, waltzed, sang, played music, climbed into
the trees, and crowded the court. On a grassy slope
there was a supper table for some twenty persons,
with seats on one side only, while the other was left
free for the view of forest, castle, city, and country.
Above us were tall beeches, with climbing
Hungarians on the branches; behind and quite near
us, a closely crowded and crowding mass of people;
further off, music from wind instruments, alternating
with song--wild gipsy melodies. Illumination--
moonlight and sunset-red, with torches scattered
through the forest. It might all be produced without a
change as grand scenic effect in a romantic opera.
Next to me sat the white-haired Archbishop of Gran,
in a black silk gown with a red hood; on the other
side a very amiable, trig cavalry general. You see the
picture was rich in contrasts. Then we drove home in
the moonlight with an escort of torches....

It is very quiet and comfortable up here now; I hear
nothing but the ticking of a clock on the wall, and
the distant rumble of carriages below. May angels
watch over you; over me, a grenadier in a bearskin
does it, six inches of whose bayonet I see projecting
above the window-sill, a couple of arm's-lengths
from me, and reflecting a ray of light. He is standing

Page 41

above the terrace on the Danube, and thinking
perhaps of his Nancy.

PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE
FRANKFORT DIET

Confidential Dispatch to Minister Von Manteuffel, May 30th, 1853

In connection with my report of to-day regarding the attitude of certain
envoys in the Kettenburg affair, I take the liberty of making some
confidential remarks regarding the personal traits of my colleagues in
general, in case it should interest your Excellency to have the information.
Herr von Prokesch is probably well enough known in Berlin to make
further indications of his personal characteristics unnecessary; at the same
time, I cannot refrain from remarking that the calmness and ease with which
he advances false statements of fact, or contests true statements, surpass my
expectations, although I have been led to expect a good deal in this
direction. These qualities are supplemented by a surprising degree of
coolness in dropping a subject or making a change of front, as soon as the
untruth which he has taken as his point of departure is identified beyond the
possibility of evasion. In case of necessity he covers a retreat of this sort by
an ebullition of moral indignation, or by an attack, often of a very personal
character, which transfers the discussion to a new and quite different field.
His chief weapons in the petty war which I am obliged to wage with him, as
often as the interests which we represent diverge, are: (1) Passive
resistance, i.e., a dilatory treatment of the affair, by which he forces upon
me the rôle of a tiresome dun, and not infrequently, by reason of the nature
of the affair, that of a paltry dun. (2) In case of attack, the fait accompli, in
the shape of apparently insignificant usurpations on the part of the Chair.
These are commonly so calculated that any protest on my part cannot but
seem like a deliberate search for points of controversy or like captious
verbal criticism. It is therefore scarcely possible for me to avoid, in my
dealings with him, the appearance of quarrelsomeness, unless I am willing

Page 42

to sacrifice the interests of Prussia to a degree which every concession
would increase....
The Bavarian envoy, Herr von Schrenk, I place among the best elements in
the assembly, as regards both his capacity and his character. He is a
thorough and industrious worker, and practical in his views and opinions;
although his predominantly juristic training and mode of thinking make him
at times disputatious, and tend to impede the progress of affairs. In official
intercourse he is frank and obliging, so long as his [Bavarian] patriotism,
which is high-strung and extremely irritable, is treated with consideration; a
foible for which I take particular pains to make allowance.
Our Saxon colleague, Herr von Nostitz, inspires in me less confidence. It
seems to me that he has at bottom a traditional inclination toward Prussia
and its political system, which is nourished in part by a Protestantism that is
more rationalistic than orthodox, and by his fear of Ultramontane
tendencies. I believe, however,--and I should be glad to find that I do him
an injustice,--that on the whole, personal interests take precedence with him
over political interests, and that the suppleness of his character permits him
to view the latter in whatever light best suits the former. His economic
position is dependent upon his place, aside from the salary, by reason of the
fact that he owns a house here in which he lives, which he bought before
1848 at a high price, and which he has vainly attempted to rent for the last
five years. His political course is therefore controlled by his desire of
remaining in his official position under every contingency; and with the
present tendency of the Saxon government, Austria has certainly more
opportunity to help him in keeping his place than has Prussia. This
circumstance indeed does not prevent Herr von Nostitz from avoiding, as
far as his instructions will allow, any patent injury to Prussia; but with his
great capacity for labor, his intelligence, and his long experience, he
constitutes the most effective support of all Austria's efforts in the federal
assembly. He is particularly adroit in formulating reports and propositions
in awkward controversial questions; he knows how to give his draught a
color of compromise without the least sacrifice of any Austrian interest, as
soon as the correct interpretation comes to the aid of the apparently
indeterminate expression. When his draughts become the basis of
subsequent discussion, it is then usually discovered for the first time that the
real purpose for which they were drawn is contained in what seemed to be

Page 43

casual and incidental words. If the current in Dresden should shift in the
Prussian direction, the valuable personal assistance which Herr von Nostitz
is able to render by means of his sense, his experience, and the credit both
have won him, would be thrown on the Prussian side with the same
certainty as now on the Austrian, unless too strong a tie were found in the
fact that one of his sons is being educated in the Austrian Naval School,
while another is already an officer in the imperial service.
Herr von Bothmer returned to this place a few days ago as representative of
Hanover; I learn from him, however, with regret, that his further stay here is
in no wise assured. Not only is his a straightforward character that awakens
confidence, but he is also the only one of my colleagues who has sufficient
independence to give me anything more than passive assistance when I am
obliged to protest against the conduct of the Chair.
His opposite is found in Herr von Reinhard. While Herr von Bothmer is
thorough, clear, and objective in his productions, those of the Würtemberg
envoy bear the stamp of superficiality and confused thinking. His removal
from the federal assembly might justly be regarded as a great gain for us. I
do not know whether his departure from Berlin was connected with
circumstances which have left in him a lasting dislike of Prussia, or whether
confused political theories (regarding which he expresses himself with more
ease and with greater interest than regarding practical affairs) have brought
him to believe that the Prussian influence in Germany is deleterious: but at
all events his antipathy to us exceeds the degree which, in view of the
political situation of Würtemberg, can be supposed to exist in the mind of
his sovereign; and I have reason to assume that his influence upon the
instructions which are sent him, and his activity, so far as this is
independent of instructions, are exerted, as a matter of principle, to the
disadvantage of Prussia.... In his bearing towards me personally there is
nothing which would justify the conclusion that his feelings are of the sort I
have indicated; and it is only rarely that a point is reached in our debates at
which, moderated by a certain timidity, his suppressed bitterness against
Prussia breaks out. I may remark incidentally that it is he who invariably
appears at our sessions last, and too late; and who, through want of attention
and through subsequent participation in the discussion on the basis of
misapprehensions, occasions further repetitions and waste of time.

Page 44

The envoy from Baden, Herr von Marschall, is not without sense and
fitness for affairs, but is scrupulously careful to avoid the responsibility of
an independent opinion, and to discover in the least dubitable matter an
intermediate point of view from it may be possible to agree with both sides,
or at least to disagree with neither. If there is no escape, he inclines, either
for family reasons or because his government is more afraid of Vienna than
of Berlin, to the Austrian side rather than to ours. Support against the Chair-
-as, for example, in the matter of the order of business, upon which he is
charged with a report--I can hardly expect from him.
Our colleague from the Electorate, Herr von Trott, takes as little part as
possible in the affairs of the Diet; especially avoids reports and committee
work; and is frequently absent, making the representative from Darmstadt
his proxy. He prefers country life and hunting to participation in assemblies,
and gives the impression rather of a jovial and portly squire than of an
envoy. He confines himself to announcing his vote, briefly and in the exact
language of his instructions; and while the latter are invariably drawn by the
Minister, Hassenpflug, in accordance with the directions received from
Austria, it does not appear to me that either Austria or the States of the
Darmstadt coalition enjoy the personal support of Herr von Trott any more
than we do--an impartiality which is rendered easy to the Hessian envoy as
much by his distaste for affairs, and I like to think by the revolt of his
essentially honorable nature against all that savors of intrigue, as by his
formerly indubitable sympathy for Prussia's interests.
We find a more inimical element in the Grand-Ducal Hessian envoy, Baron
von Münch-Bellinghausen. While this gentleman is attached from the start
to the interests of Austria by his family connections with the former
presidential envoy of the same name, his antagonism to Prussia is
considerably intensified by his strong, and I believe sincere, zeal for the
Catholic Church. In private intercourse he is a man of agreeable manners;
and as regards his official attitude, I have to this extent no cause of
complaint--that beyond the degree of reserve imposed upon him by the anti-
Prussian policy of his government, I have observed in him no tendency
towards intrigue or insincerity. For the rest, he is a natural opponent of the
Prussian policy in all cases where this does not go hand in hand with
Austria and the Catholic Church; and the warmth with which he not
infrequently supports his opinion against me in discussion, I can regard

Page 45

only as a proof of the sincerity of his political convictions. It is certainly,
however, an anomalous thing that a Protestant sovereign, who at this
moment is in conflict with Catholic bishops, is represented in the
Confederacy by Herr von Münch....
One of our trustiest allies is Herr von Scherff, who personally is altogether
devoted to the Prussian interests, and has moreover a son in our military
service; he is experienced in affairs, and prudent to the point of timidity.
This latter trait, as well as the sort of influence which his Majesty the King
of the Netherlands exercises upon the federal instructions, often prevents
him from giving me, in the sessions of the Diet, that degree of support
which I should otherwise receive from him. Outside of the sessions I have
always been able to count on him with confidence, whenever I have called
upon him for advice, and whenever it has been a question of his aiding me
through his influence upon some other envoy or through the collection of
information. With his Royal Highness the Prince of Prussia, Herr von
Scherff and his family justly stand in special favor.

Nassau and Brunswick are represented by the Baron von Dungern, a
harmless character, who has neither the personal capacity nor the political
credit requisite to give him influence in the Federal Assembly. If the
difference that exists in most questions between the attitude of Brunswick
and that of Nassau is settled in most cases in favor of the views held by
Nassau, (i.e., by Austria,) this is partly due indeed to the connection of Herr
von Dungern and his wife with families that are in the Austrian interest, and
to the fact that the envoy, who has two sons in the Austrian military service,
feels more dread of Austria's resentment than of Prussia's; but the chief
mistake lies in the circumstance that Brunswick is represented by a servant
of the Duke of Nassau, who lives here in the immediate neighborhood of
his own court,--a court controlled by Austrian influences,--but maintains
with Brunswick, I imagine, connections so closely restricted to what is
absolutely necessary that they can hardly be regarded as an equivalent for
the five thousand florins which his Highness Duke William contributes to
his salary.
The Mecklenburg envoy, Herr von Oertzen, justifies in all respects the
reputation of an honorable man which I had heard attributed to him before

Page 46

he assumed his present position. In the period immediately following the
reopening of the Federal Diet, he, like a large number of his fellow-
countrymen, showed an unmistakable leaning to Austria; but it seems to me
indubitable that his observation for two years of the methods which
Austrian policy employs here through the organ of the Chair has aroused in
Herr von Oertzen's loyal nature, in spite of the fact that he too has a son in
the Austrian army, a reaction which permits me to count fully upon him as
far as his personal attitude is concerned, and upon his political support as
far as his instructions--of the character of which, on the whole, I cannot
complain--in any wise permit. In any case I can depend upon his pursuing,
under all circumstances, an open and honorable course.... His attitude in the
debates is always tranquil, and in favor of compromise....
The representative of the Fifteenth Curia is Herr von Eisendecher, a man
whose ready sociability, united with wit and vivacity in conversation,
prepossesses one in his favor. He was formerly an advanced Gothaite, and it
seems that this tendency of his has shaded over into a lively sympathy for
the development of the Confederation as a strong, unified, central power;
since in this way, and with the help of Austria, he thinks that a substitute
will be discovered for the unsuccessful efforts towards unity in the Prussian
sense. The Curia, it is reported, is so organized that the two Anhalts and the
two Schwarzburgs, if they are united among themselves, outvote
Oldenburg.
It is in a simpler way and without stating his reasons that the representative
of the Sixteenth Curia, Baron von Holzhausen, throws his influence on the
Austrian side of the scales. It is said of him that in most cases he draws up
his own instructions, even when he has ample time to send for them, and
that he meets any protest raised by his principals by holding his peace, or by
an adroit use of the large number of members of his Curia and the lack of
connection between them. To this it is to be added that the majority of the
little princes are not disposed to spend upon their federal diplomacy the
amount that would be required for a regular and organized chancelry and
correspondence; and that if Herr von Holzhausen, who after the departure
of Baron von Strombeck obtained the place as the lowest asker, should
resign from their service, they would hardly be able, with the means at their
disposal, to secure so imposing a representative as this prosperous
gentleman, who is decorated with sundry grand-crosses and the title of

Page 47

privy councillor, and is a member of the oldest patrician family of
Frankfort. The nearest relations of Herr von Holzhausen, who is himself
unmarried and childless, are in the service of Austria. Moreover, his family
pride, which is developed to an unusual degree, points back with all its
memories to the imperial city patriciate that was so closely associated with
the glorious era of the Holy Roman Empire; and Prussia's entire position
seems to him a revolutionary usurpation, which has played the most
material part in the destruction of the privileges of the Holzhausens. His
wealth leads me to assume that the ties that bind him to Austria are merely
ambitious tendencies--such as the desire for an imperial order or for the
elevation of the family to the rank of Austrian counts--and not pecuniary
interests, unless his possession of a large quantity of [Austrian] mining
shares is to be regarded in the latter light.
If your Excellency will permit me, in closing, to sum up the results of my
report, they amount to what follows:--
The only envoys in the Federal Diet who are devoted to our interests as
regards their personal views are Herren von Fritsch, von Scherff, and von
Oertzen. Herein the first of these follows at the same time the instructions
of the government which he represents. Personally assured to Austria, on
the other hand, without it being possible to make the same assertion as
regards the governments they represent, are Herren von Eisendecher and
von Holzhausen, and von Dungern as representing Brunswick. On the
Austrian side, besides these, are almost always, in accordance with the
instructions of their governments, Herr von Nostitz, Herr von Reinhard,
Herr von Münch, Herr von Trott (who, however, displays greater
moderation than his Darmstadt colleague), and Herr von Dungern as
representing Nassau.
A position in part more independent, in part more mediatory, is assumed by
Herren von Schrenk, von Bothmer, von Bülow, von Marschall, and by the
representatives of the Free Cities; and yet in the attitude of these envoys
also, Austrian influences are not infrequently noticeable.

Page 48

FROM A SPEECH ON THE MILITARY BILL

IN THE GERMAN IMPERIAL DIET, FEBRUARY 6TH, 1888

When I say that we must constantly endeavor to be equal to all
contingencies, I mean by that to claim that we must make greater exertions
than other powers in order to attain the same result, because of our
geographical position. We are situated in the middle of Europe. We have at
least three fronts of attack. France has only its eastern frontier, Russia only
its western frontier, on which it can be attacked. We are, moreover, in
consequence of the whole development of the world's history, in
consequence of our geographical position, and perhaps in consequence of
the slighter degree of internal cohesion which the German nation as
compared with others has thus far possessed, more exposed than any other
people to the risk of a coalition. God has placed us in a situation in which
we are prevented by our neighbors from sinking into any sort of indolence
or stagnation. He has set at our side the most war-like and the most restless
of nations, the French; and he has permitted warlike inclinations, which in
former centuries existed in no such degree, to grow strong in Russia. Thus
we get a certain amount of spurring on both sides, and are forced into
exertions which otherwise perhaps we should not make. The pikes in the
European carp-pond prevent us from becoming carps, by letting us feel
their prickles on both our flanks; they constrain us to exertions which
perhaps we should not voluntarily make; they constrain us Germans also to
a harmony among ourselves that is repugnant to our inmost nature: but for
them, our tendency would rather be to separate. But the Franco-Russian
press in which we are caught forces us to hold together, and by its pressure
it will greatly increase our capacity for cohesion, so that we shall reach in
the end that state of inseparableness which characterizes nearly all other
nations, and which we still lack. But we must adapt ourselves to this decree
of Providence by making ourselves so strong that the pikes can do no more
than enliven us....

Page 49

The bill gives us an increase in troops trained to arms--a possible increase:
if we do not need it, we need not call for it; we can leave it at home. But if
we have this increase at our disposal, and if we have the weapons for it, ...
then this new law constitutes a reinforcement of the guarantees of peace, a
reinforcement of the league of peace, that is precisely as strong as if a
fourth great power with an army of 700,000 men--and this was formerly the
greatest strength that existed--had joined the alliance. This powerful
reinforcement will also, I believe, have a quieting effect upon our own
countrymen, and lessen in some degree the nervousness of our public
opinion, our stock-market, and our press. I hope it will act upon them as a
sedative when they clearly comprehend that from the moment at which this
law is signed and published the men are there. The armament too may be
said to be ready, in the shape of what is absolutely necessary: but we must
procure a better, for if we form an army of triarians of the best human
material that we have,--of the men above thirty, the husbands and fathers,--
we must have for them the best weapons there are. We must not send them
into the fight with an outfit that we do not regard as good enough for our
young troops of the line. The solid men, the heads of families, these stalwart
figures that we can still remember from the time that they held the bridge of
Versailles,--these men must have the best rifles on their shoulders, the
completest armament, and the amplest clothing to protect them from wind
and weather. We ought not to economize there.--But I hope it will
tranquilize our fellow-citizens, if they are really thinking of the contingency
(which I do not expect to occur) of our being attacked simultaneously on
two sides,--of course, as I have pointed out in reviewing the events of the
last forty years, there is always the possibility of any sort of coalition,--I
hope it will tranquillize them to remember that if this happens, we can have
a million good soldiers to defend each of our frontiers. At the same time we
can keep in the rear reserves of half a million and more, of a million even,
and we can push these forward as they are needed. I have been told, "That
will only result in the others going still higher." But they cannot. They have
long ago reached their limits.... In numbers they have gone as high as we,
but in quality they cannot compete with us. Bravery, of course, is equal
among all civilized nations; the Russian and the Frenchman fight as bravely
as the German: but our men, our 700,000 new men, have seen service; they
are soldiers who have served their time, and who have not yet forgotten
their training. Besides--and this is a point in which no people in the world

Page 50

can compete with us--we have the material for officers and under-officers to
command this enormous army. It is here that competition is excluded,
because it involves a peculiarly broad extension of popular culture, such as
exists in Germany and in no other country....
There is a further advantage that will result from the adoption of this law:
the very strength at which we are aiming necessarily makes us peaceful.
That sounds paradoxical, but it is true. With the powerful machine which
we are making of the German army no aggression will be attempted. If I
saw fit--assuming a different situation to exist from that which in my
conviction does exist'--to come before you here to-day and say to you, "We
are seriously menaced by France and Russia; the prospect is that we shall be
attacked: such at least is my conviction, as a diplomatist, on the basis of the
military information that we have received; it is to our advantage to defend
ourselves by anticipating the attack, and to strike at once; an offensive war
is a better one for us to wage, and I accordingly ask the Imperial Diet for a
credit of a milliard or half a milliard, in order to undertake to-day the war
against our two neighbors,"--well, gentlemen, I do not know whether you
would have such confidence in me as to grant such a request. I hope not.
But if you did, it would not be enough for me. If we in Germany desire to
wage a war with the full effect of our national power, it must be a war with
which all who help to wage it, and all who make sacrifices for it--with
which, in a word, all the nation--must be in sympathy. It must be a people's
war; it must be a war that is carried on with the same enthusiasm as that of
1870, when we were wickedly attacked. I remember still the joyful shouts
that rang in our ears at the Cologne station; it was the same thing from
Berlin to Cologne; it was the same thing here in Berlin. The waves of
popular approval bore us into the war, whether we liked it or not. So it must
be, if a national force like ours is to be brought fully into operation. It will
be very difficult, however, to make it clear to the provinces, to the federal
states and to their people, that a war is inevitable, that it must come. It will
be asked: "Are you so sure of it? Who knows?" If we finally come to the
point of making the attack, all the weight of the imponderables, which
weigh much more than the material weights, will be on the side of our
antagonist whom we have attacked. "Holy Russia" will be filled with
indignation at the attack. France will glisten with weapons to the Pyrenees.
The same thing will happen everywhere. A war into which we are not borne

Page 51

by the will of the people--such a war will of course be carried on, if in the
last instance the established authorities consider and have declared it to be
necessary. It will be carried on with energy and perhaps victoriously, as
soon as the men come under fire and have seen blood; but there will not be
back of it, from the start, the same dash and heat as in a war in which we
are attacked....
I do not believe--to sum up--that any disturbance of the peace is in
immediate prospect; and I ask you to deal with the law that lies before you,
independently of any such idea or apprehension, simply as a means for
making the great force which God has lodged in the German nation
completely available in the event of our needing it. If we do not need it, we
shall not call for it. We seek to avoid the chance of our needing it. This
effort on our part is still, in some degree, impeded by threatening newspaper
articles from foreign countries; and I wish to address to foreign countries
especially the admonition to discontinue these threats. They lead to nothing.
The threat which we receive, not from the foreign government, but in the
press, is really a piece of incredible stupidity, if you think what it means--
that by a certain combination of words, by a certain threatening shape given
to printer's ink, a great and proud power like the German Empire is assumed
to be capable of intimidation. This should be discontinued; and then it
would be made easier for us to assume a more conciliatory and obliging
attitude toward our two neighbors. Every country is responsible in the long
run, somehow and at some time, for the windows broken by its press; the
bill is presented some day or other, in the ill-humor of the other country. We
can easily be influenced by love and good-will,--too easily perhaps,--but
most assuredly not by threats. We Germans fear God, but nothing else in the
world; and it is the fear of God that makes us love and cherish peace. But
whoever, despite this, breaks it, will find that the warlike patriotism that in
1813, when Prussia was weak, small, and exhausted by plunder, brought her
whole population under her banners, has to-day become the common
heritage of the whole German nation; and whoever attacks the German
nation will find it united in arms, and in every soldier's heart the firm faith
"God will be with us."

Page 52

Page 53

BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON
(1832-)

BY WILLIAM M. PAYNE

f The two great writers who have, more than any others, made it possible
for Norway to share in the comity of intellectual intercourse so
characteristic of the modern literary movement, it must be granted that
Björnson is, more distinctly than Ibsen, the representative of their common
nationality. Both are figures sufficiently commanding to belong, in a sense,
to the literature of the whole world, and both have had a marked influence
upon the ideals of other peoples than that from which they sprung; but the
wider intellectual scope of Ibsen has been gained at some sacrifice of the
strength that comes from taking firm root in one's native soil, and speaking
first and foremost to the hearts of one's fellow-countrymen. What we may
call the cosmopolitan standpoint of the greater part of his work has made its
author less typically a Norwegian than Björnson has always remained. It is
not merely that the one writer has chosen to spend the best years of his life
in countries not his own, while the other has never long absented himself
from the scarred and storm-beaten shores of the land, rich in historic
memories and "dreams of the saga-night," that gave him birth and nurture.
Tourguénieff lived apart from his fellow-countrymen for as many years as
Ibsen has done, yet remained a Russian to the core. It is rather a difference
of native intellectual bent that has left Björnson to stand as the typical
representative of the Norwegian spirit, while the most famous of his
contemporaries has given himself up to the pursuit of abstractions, and has
been swept along by a current of thought resulting from the confluence of
many streams. The intensely national character of Björnson's manifold
activity is well illustrated by a remark of Georg Brandes, to the effect that
mention of Björnson's name in the presence of any gathering of Norwegians
is like running up the national flag. And it seems, on the whole, that the sum

Page 54

total of his literary achievement must be reckoned the greatest to be set
down to the credit of any one Norwegian since Norway began to develop a
literature of her own. Far nobler and finer than that of either Wergeland or
Welhaven, the two most conspicuous of his predecessors, this achievement
is challenged by that of Ibsen alone, and even then in but a single aspect. It
is only as dramatists that suspense of judgment between the two men is for
a moment admissible; as a poet the superiority of Björnson is
unquestionable, while his rank as the greatest of Norwegian novelists is
altogether beyond dispute.
The chief facts of Björnson's life may be briefly set
forth. The son of a parish priest, he was born
December 8th, 1832, at Kvikne. When the boy was
six years of age, his family removed to the
Romsdal, and a few years later Björnstjerne was
sent to school at Molde. His childhood was thus
passed in the midst of the noblest scenery of
BJÖRNSON Norway, and in regions of the richest legendary
association. The austere sublimity of the
Jötunheim--the home of the frost-giants--first impressed his childish
sensibilities, but was soon exchanged for the more varied and picturesque
but hardly less magnificent scenery of the western fjords. At the age of
seventeen the boy was sent to school in Christiania, and in 1852 entered the
University. Instead of devoting himself to his studies, he wrote a play called
'Valborg,' which was actually accepted by the management of the
Christiania Theatre. The piece was, however, never printed or even
performed; for the author became so conscious of its imperfections that he
withdrew it from rehearsal. But it gave him the entrée of the playhouse, a
fact which did much to determine the direction of his literary activities. He
left the University with his course uncompleted, and for two or three years
thereafter supported himself by journalism. In 1857, at the age of twenty-
four, his serious literary career began with the publication of 'Synnöve
Solbakken,' his first novel, and 'Mellern Slagene' (Between the Battles), his
first printed dramatic work. In this year also, upon the invitation of Ole
Bull, he went to Bergen, where he remained for two years as director of the
theatre. In 1860 he secured from the government a traveling stipend, and
spent the greater part of the next two years abroad, mostly in Rome, busily

Page 55

writing all the time. Returning to Norway, he has since remained there for
the most part, although his winters have frequently been spent in other
countries. For a long time he lived regularly in Paris several months of each
year; one winter (1879-80) he was the guest of the Grand Duke of
Meiningen; the following (1880-81) he spent in the United States, lecturing
in many cities. Since 1874 his Norwegian home has been at Aulestad in the
Gausdal, where he has an estate, and occupies a capacious dwelling--half
farm-house, half villa--whose broad verandas look out upon the charming
open landscape of Southern Norway. For the last twenty years he has been
almost as conspicuous a figure in the political as in the literary arena, and
the recognized leader of the Norwegian republican movement. Numerous
kinds of social and religious controversy have also engaged his attention,
and made his life a stirring one in many ways.
In attempting to classify Björnson's writings for the purpose of rendering
some critical account of the man's work, the first impulse is to group them
into the three divisions of fiction, lyric, and drama. But the most obvious
fact of his long literary life is after all not so much that he has done great
work in all three of these fundamental forms, as that the whole spirit and
method of his work, whatever the form, underwent a radical transformation
about midway in his career. For the first twenty years of his active life,
roughly speaking, he was an artist pure and simple; during the subsequent
twenty years, also roughly speaking, he has been didactic, controversial,
and tendentious. (The last word is good Spanish and German and ought to
be good English.) For the purpose of the following summary analysis, I
have therefore thought it best to make the fundamental grouping
chronological rather than formal, since the plays and the novels of the first
period have much more in common with one another than either the plays
or the novels of the first period have in common with the plays or the
novels of the second.
Björnson's work in lyrical and other non-dramatic poetry belongs almost
wholly to the first period. It consists mainly of short pieces scattered
through the idyllic tales and saga-plays that nearly make up the sum of his
activity in its purely creative and poetic phase. Some of these lyrics strike
the very highest and purest note of song, and have secured lasting lodgment
on the lips of the people. One of them, indeed, has become pre-eminently

Page 56

the national song of Norway, and may be heard wherever Norsemen are
gathered together upon festal occasions. It begins in this fashion:--

"Ay, we love this land of ours,
Crowned with mountain domes;
Storm-scarred o'er the sea it towers
With a thousand homes.
Love it, as with love unsated
Those who gave us birth,
While the saga-night, dream-weighted,
Broods upon our earth."

Another patriotic song, hardly less popular, opens with the following
stanza:--

"There's a land where the snow is eternally king,
To whose valleys alone come-the joys of the spring,
Where the sea beats a shore rich, with lore of the
past,
But this land to its children is dear to the last."

The fresh beauty of such songs as these is, however, almost utterly
uncommunicable in another language. Somewhat more amenable to the
translator is the song 'Over de Höje Fjelde' (Over the Lofty Mountains),
which occurs in 'Arne,' and which is perhaps the best of Björnson's lyrics.
An attempt at a version of this poem will be found among the illustrative
examples appended to the present essay. The scattered verses of Björnson
were collected into a volume of 'Digte og Sange' (Poems and Songs) in
1870, and in the same year was published 'Arnljot Gelline,' the author's only
long poem not dramatic in form. This uneven and in passages
extraordinarily beautiful work is a sort of epic in fifteen songs, difficult to
read, yet simple enough in general outline. Arnljot Gelline was a sort of
freebooter of the eleventh century, whose fierce deeds were preserved in
popular tradition. The 'Heimskringla' tells us how, grown weary of his
lawless life, he joined himself to Olaf the Holy, accepted baptism, and fell
at Stiklestad righting for Christianity and the King. From this suggestion,
the imagination of the poet has worked out a series of episodes in Arnljot's
life, beginning with his capture of the fair Ingigerd--whose father he slew,

Page 57

and who, struggling against her love, took refuge in a cloister--and ending
with the day of the portentous battle against the heathen. It is all very
impressive, and sometimes very subtle, while occasional sections, such as
Ingigerd's appeal for admission to the cloister, and Arnljot's apostrophe to
the sea, must be reckoned among the finest of Björnson's inspirations. Since
1870 Björnson has published little verse, although poems of an occasional
character and incidental lyrics have now and then found their way into
print. 'Lyset' (The Light), a cantata, is the only recent example of any
magnitude.
Björnson first became famous as the delineator of the Norwegian peasant.
He felt that the peasant is the lineal descendant of the man of the sagas, and
that in him lies the real strength of the national character. The story of
'Synnöve Solbakken' (1857) was quickly followed by 'Arne' (1858), 'En
Glad Gut' (A Happy Boy: 1860), and a number of small pieces in similar
vein. They were at once recognized both at home and abroad as something
deeper and truer of their sort than had hitherto been achieved in the
Scandinavian countries, and perhaps in Europe. In their former aspect, they
were a reaction from the conventional ideals hitherto dominant in Danish
literature (which had set the pace for most of Björnson's predecessors); and
in their latter and wider aspect they were the Norwegian expression of the
tendency that had produced the German and French peasant idyls of
Auerbach and George Sand. They embodied a return to Nature in a spirit
that may, with a difference, be called Wordsworthian. They substituted a
real nineteenth-century pastoral for the sham pastoral of the eighteenth
century. They reproduced the simple style of the sagas, and reduced life to
its primitive elements. The stories of 'Fiskerjenten' (The Fisher Maiden:
1868), and 'Brude Slaaten' (The Bridal March: 1873), belong, on the whole,
with this group; although they are differentiated by a touch of modernity
from which a discerning critic might have prophesied something of the
author's coming development. These stories have been translated into many
languages, and have long been familiar to English readers. It is worth
noting that 'Synnöve Solbakken,' the first of them all, appeared in English a
year after the publication of the original, in a translation by Mary Howitt.
This fact seems to have escaped the bibliographers; which is not surprising,
since the name of the author was not given upon the title-page, and the
name of the story was metamorphosed into 'Trust and Trial.'

Page 58

The inspiration of the sagas, strong as it is in these tales, is still more
evident in the series of dramas that run parallel with them. These include
'Mellem Slagene' (Between the Battles: 1858), 'Halte Hulda' (Lame Hulda:
1858), 'Kong Sverre' (1861), 'Sigurd Slembe' (1862), and 'Sigurd Jorsalfar'
(Sigurd the Jerusalem-Farer: 1872). The first two of these pieces are short
and comparatively unimportant. 'Kong Sverre' is a longer and far more
ambitious work; while in 'Sigurd Slembe,' a trilogy of plays, the saga-phase
of Björnson's genius reached its culmination. This noble work, which may
almost claim to be the greatest work in Norwegian literature, is based upon
the career of a twelfth-century pretender to the throne of Norway, and the
material was found in the 'Heimskringla.' There are few more signal
illustrations in literature of the power of genius to transfuse with its own life
a bare mediæval chronicle, and to create from a few meagre suggestions a
vital and impressive work of art. One thinks instinctively, in seeking for
some adequate parallel, of what Goethe did with the materials of the Faust
legend, or of what Shakespeare did with the indications offered for 'King
Lear' and 'Cymbeline' by Holinshed's chronicle-history. And the two
greatest names in modern literature are suggested not only by this general
fact of creative power, but also more specifically by certain characters in the
trilogy. Audhild, the Icelandic maiden beloved of Sigurd, has more than
once been compared with the gracious and pathetic figure of Gretchen; and
Earl Harald is one of the most successful attempts since Shakespeare to
incarnate once again the Hamlet type of character, with its gentleness, its
intellectuality, its tragic irony, and the defect of will which forces it to sink
beneath the too heavy burden set upon its shoulders by fate. 'Sigurd
Jorsalfar,' the last of the saga-plays, was planned as the second part of a
dramatic sequence, of which the first was never written. Another work in
this manner, having for its protagonist the great national hero, Olaf
Trygvason, was also planned and even begun; but the author's energy
flagged, and he felt himself irresistibly impelled to devote himself to more
modern themes dealt with in a more modern way. But before leaving this
phase of Björnson's work, mention must be made of 'Maria Stuart i
Skotland' (1864), chronologically interjected among the saga-plays, and
dealing with the more definite history of the hapless Queen of Scots in
much of the saga-spirit. Björnson felt that the Scots had inherited no little of
the Norse blood and temper, and believed that the psychology of his saga-
heroes was adequate to account for the group of men whose fortunes were

Page 59

bound up with those of Mary Stuart in Scotland. He finds his key to the
problem of her career in the fact that she was by nature incapable of
yielding herself up wholly to a man or a cause, yet was surrounded by men
who demanded of her just such whole-souled allegiance. Bothwell and
Knox were pre-eminently men of this stamp; as were also, in some degree,
Darnley and Rizzio. The theory may seem fanciful, but there is no doubt
that Björnson's treatment of this fascinating subject is one of the strongest it
has ever received, and that his play takes rank with such European
masterpieces as Scott's novel, and Alfieri's tragedy, and Swinburne's great
poetic trilogy.
The late sixties and the early seventies were with Björnson a period of
unrest and transformation. His previous work had been that of a genius
isolated, comparatively speaking, and concentrated upon a small part of
human life. His frequent journeys abroad and the wider range of his reading
now brought him into the full current of European thought, and led to a
substitution of practical ideals for those of the visionary. He felt that he
must reculer pour mieux sauter, and for nearly a decade he produced little
original work. Yet his first attempt at a modern problem-play, 'De Nygifte'
(The Newly Married Pair), curiously enough, dates from as far back as
1865. This work was, however, a mere trifle, and has interest chiefly as a
forerunner of what was to come. It was not until 1874 that Björnson became
conscious that his new thought was ripe enough to bear fruit, and that he
began with 'Redaktören' (The Editor) the series of plays dealing with social
problems that have been the characteristic work of his second period. It is
interesting to note, for comparison, the fact that the similar striking
transformation of energy in Ibsen's case dates from 1877, when
'Samfundet's Stötter' (The Pillars of Society) was produced, and that this
work had, like Björnson's 'Redaktören,' a forerunner in 'De Unges Forbund'
(The League of Youth), published in 1869. The list of Björnson's problem-
plays--many of which have been extraordinarily successful upon the stage,
both in the Scandinavian countries and in Germany--includes in addition to
'Redaktören,' seven other pieces. They are: 'En Fallit' (A Bankruptcy: 1875),
'Kongen' (The King: 1877), 'Leonarda' (1879), 'Det Ny System' (The New
System: 1879), 'En Hanske' (A Glove: 1883), 'Over Ævne' (Beyond the
Strength: 1883), and 'Geografi og Kjærlighed' (Geography and Love: 1885).
A sequel to 'Over Ævne' has also recently appeared. The most noteworthy

Page 60

of these works, considered as acting plays, are 'Redaktören' and 'En Fallit.'
The one has for its subject the degradation of modern journalism; the other
attacks the low standard of commercial morality prevailing in modern
society. 'En Hanske' plants itself squarely upon the proposition that the
obligations of morality are equally binding upon both sexes; a problem
treated by Ibsen, after a somewhat different fashion, in 'Gengangere'
(Ghosts). This play has occasioned much heated discussion, for its theme is
of the widest interest, besides being pivotal as regards Björnson's
sociological views. 'Over Ævne' is a curiously wrought and delicate
treatment of religious mysticism, fascinating to read, but not very definite in
outcome. 'Kongen' is probably the most remarkable, all things considered,
of this series of plays, and Björnson told me some years ago that he
considered it the most important of his works. Taking frankly for granted
that monarchy, whether absolute or constitutional, is an outworn institution,
the play discusses the question whether it may not be possible so to
transform the institution as to fit it for a prolongation of existence. The
interest centres about the character of a king who is profoundly convinced
that the principle he embodies is an anachronism or a lie, and who seeks to
do away with the whole structure of convention, and ceremonial, and
hypocrisy, that the centuries have built about the throne and its occupants.
But his dearest hopes are frustrated by the forces of malice, and dull
conservatism, and invincible stupidity; the burden proves too heavy for
him, the fight too unequal, and he takes his own life in a moment of despair.
The terrible satirical power of certain scenes in this play would be difficult
to match were our choice to range through the whole literature of Revolt. Its
production brought upon the author a storm of furious denunciation. He had
outraged both throne and altar, and his sacrilegious hand had not spared
things the most sacrosanct. But a less passionate judgment, while still
deprecating something of the author's violence, will recognize the fact that
the core of the work is a noble idealism in both politics and religion, and
will justify the hot indignation with which the author assails the shams that
in modern society stifle the breath of free and generous souls.
During all these years of writing for the stage Björnson did not, however,
forget that he was also a novelist; and it is in fiction that he has scored the
greatest of his recent triumphs. But the world of 'Synnöve' and 'Arne' is now
far behind him. The transition from his earlier to his later manner as a

Page 61

novelist is marked by two or three stories delicate in conception but
uncertain of utterance, and relatively unimportant. These books are
'Magnhild' (1877), 'Kaptejn Mansana' (1879), and 'Stöv' (Dust: 1882). They
were, however, significant of a new development of the author's genius, for
they were the precursors of two great novels soon thereafter to follow. 'Det
Flager i Byen og paa Havnen' (Flags are Flying in Town and Harbor)
appeared in 1884. (Paa Guds Veje) (In God's Way) was published in 1889.
These books are experiments upon a larger scale than their author had
previously attempted in fiction, and neither of them exhibits the perfect
mastery that went to the simpler making of the early peasant tales. They are
somewhat confused and turbulent in style, and it is evident that their author
is groping for adequate means of handling the unwieldy material brought to
his workshop by so many currents of modern thought. The central theme of
'Det Flager' (in its English translation called, by the way, 'The Heritage of
the Kurts') is the influence of heredity upon the life of a family group. The
process of rehabilitation, resulting from the introduction of a healthy and
vigorous strain into a stock weakened by the vices and passions of several
generations, and aided by a scientific system of education, is carried on
before our eyes, and the story of this process is the substance of the book.
Regeneration is not wholly achieved, but the end leaves us hopeful for the
future; and the flags that fly over town and harbor in the closing chapter
have a symbolical significance, for they announce a victory of spirit over
sense, not alone in the case of certain individuals, but also in the case of the
whole community with which they are identified. If this book comes to be
forgotten as a novel (which is not likely), it will have a fair chance of being
remembered, along with 'Levana' and 'Emile,' as a sort of educational
classic. 'Paa Gud's Veje,' the last great work of Björnson, is also strongly
didactic in tone, yet it attains at its highest to a tranquillity of which the
author seemed for many years to have lost the secret. The struggle it depicts
is that between religious bigotry and liberalism as they contend for the
mastery in a Norwegian town; and the moral is that "God's way" is the way
of people who order their lives aright and keep their souls sweet and pure,
rather than the way of the Pharisee who pins his faith to observances and
allows the letter of his religion to overshadow the spirit. Not an unchristian
inculcation, surely; yet for it and for similar earlier utterances Björnson has
been held up as Antichrist by the ministers of a narrow Lutheran orthodoxy,
very much as the spokesmen of an antiquated caste-system of society have

Page 62

esteemed his ideas to be those of the most ruthless and radical of
iconoclasts. But he is a stout fighter, and attacks of this sort only serve to
arouse him to new energy. And so he toils manfully on for the
enlightenment of his people, knowing that his cause is the cause of
civilization itself--of a rational social organization, an exalted ethical
standard, and a purified religion.
Since the period when Björnson began to merge the artist in the thinker and
prophet, his work has given a strong impetus to progress in religious,
educational, and political affairs. As regards the first of these matters, it
must be remembered that the sort of intolerance with which he has had to
contend more resembles that of eighteenth-century New England
puritanism than anything we are familiar with in our own time. As for the
second matter, all of his work may in a sense be called educational, while
such a book as 'Det Flager' shows how closely he has considered the subject
of education in its special and even technical aspects. Finally, as a political
thinker, he has identified himself indissolubly with the movement for the
establishment of an independent Norwegian Republic, although he is not
sanguine of the near realization of this aim. But if time should justify his
prophetic attitude and give birth to a republic in the north of Europe,
however remote may be the event, the name of Björnson will be
remembered as that of one of the founders, although as the Mazzini rather
than as the Cavour of the Norse Risorgimento. And whatever may be the
future of the land that claims him for her own, his spirit will walk abroad
long after he has ceased to live among men. His large, genial, optimistic
personality is of the sort that cannot fail to stamp itself upon other
generations than the one that actually counts him among its members.
[The following selections are given in translations of my own, excepting
'The Princess,' which was made by Mr. Nathan Haskell Dole, and the last
two, for which I am indebted to the edition of Björnson's novels translated
by Professor Rasmus B. Anderson, and published by Messrs. Houghton,
Mifflin & Co. The extracts from 'Sigurd Slembe' are taken from my
translation of that work published by the same firm.--W.M.P.]

Page 63

OVER THE LOFTY MOUNTAINS

(From 'Arne')

Often I wonder what there may be
Over the lofty mountains.
Here the snow is all I see,
Spread at the foot of the dark green tree;
Sadly I often ponder,
Would I were over yonder.

Strong of wing soars the eagle high
Over the lofty mountains;
Glad of the new day, soars to the sky,
Wild in pursuit of his prey doth fly;
Pauses, and, fearless of danger,
Scans the far coasts of the stranger.

The apple-tree, whose thoughts ne'er fly
Over the lofty mountains,
Leaves when the summer days draw nigh,
Patiently waits for the time when high
The birds in its bough shall be swinging,
Yet will know not what they are singing.

He who has yearned so long to go
Over the lofty mountains--
He whose visions and fond hopes grow
Dim, with the years that so restless flow--
Knows what the birds are singing,
Glad in the tree-tops swinging.

Why, O bird, dost thou hither fare
Over the lofty mountains?

Page 64

Surely it must be better there,
Broader the view and freer the air;
Com'st thou these longings to bring me--
These only, and nothing to wing me?

Oh, shall I never, never go
Over the lofty mountains?
Must all my thoughts and wishes so
Held in these walls of ice and snow
Here be imprisoned forever?
Till death shall escape be never?

Hence! I will hence! Oh, so far from here,
Over the lofty mountains!
Here 'tis so dull, so unspeakably drear;
Young is my heart and free from fear--
Better the walls to be scaling
Than here in my prison lie wailing.

One day, I know, shall my free soul roam
Over the lofty mountains.
O my God, fair is thy home,
Ajar is the door for all who come;
Guard it for me yet longer,
Till my soul through striving grows stronger.

THE CLOISTER IN THE SOUTH

From 'Arnljot Gelline'

"Who would enter so late the cloister in?"
"A maid forlorn from the land of snow."
"What sorrow is thine, and what thy sin?"
"The deepest sorrow the heart can know.

Page 65

I have nothing done,
Yet must still endeavor,
Though my strength is none,
To wander ever.
Let me in, to seek for my pain surcease;--
I can find no peace."

"From what far-off land hast thou taken flight?"
"From the land of the North, a weary way."
"What stayed thy feet at our gate this night?"
"The chant of the nuns, for I heard them pray,
And the song gave peace
To my soul, and blessed me;
It offered release
From the grief that oppressed me.
Let me in, so if peace to give be thine,
I may make it mine."

"Name me the grief that thy life hath crossed."
"Rest may I never, never know."
"Thy father, thy lover, thou hast then lost?"
"I lost them both at a single blow,
And all I held dear
In my deepest affection,
Ay, all that was near
To my heart's recollection.
Let me in, I am failing, I beg, I implore,
I can bear no more."

"How was it that thou thy father lost?"
"He was slain, and I saw the deed."
"How was it that thou thy lover lost?"
"My father he slew, and I saw the deed.
I wept so bitterly
When he roughly would woo me,
He at last set me free,
And forbore to pursue me.

Page 66

Let me in, for the horror my soul doth fill
That I love him still."

CHORUS OF NUNS WITHIN THE CHURCH

Come child, come bride,
To God's own side.
From grief find rest
On Jesus' breast.
Rest thy burden of sorrow
On Horeb's height;
Like the lark, with to-morrow
Shall thy soul take flight.

Here stilled is all yearning,
No passion returning,
No terror come near thee
Where the Saviour can hear thee!
For He, if in need be
Thy storm-beaten soul,
Though it bruised as a reed be,
Shall raise it up whole.

THE PLEA OF KING MAGNUS

From 'Sigurd Slembe'

"But once more let me the heavens see,
When the stars their watch are keeping,"
Young Magnus begged, and fell on his knee;

Page 67

It was sad to see,
And the women away turned weeping.

"Let me once more the mountains see,
And the blue of the ocean far-reaching,
Only once more, and then let it be!"
And he fell on his knee,
While his friends were for pity beseeching.

"Let me go to the church, that the sacred sight
Of the blood of God may avail me;
That my eyes may bathe in its holy light,
Ere the day take flight,
And my vision forever shall fail me!"

But the sharp steel sped, and the shadows fell,
As the darkness the day o'erpowers.
"Magnus our king, farewell, farewell!"
"So farewell, farewell,
All my friends of so many glad hours."

Copyrighted by Houghton, Mifflin and Company,
Boston.

Page 68

SIN AND DEATH

From 'Sigurd Slembe'

Sin and Death, at break of day,
Day, day,
Spoke together with bated breath;
Marry thee, sister, that I may stay,
Stay, stay,
In thy house, quoth Death.

Death laughed aloud when Sin was wed,
Wed, wed,
And danced on the bridal day;
But bore that night from the bridal bed,
Bed, bed,
The groom in a shroud away.

Death came to her sister at break of day,
Day, day,
And Sin drew a weary breath;
He whom thou lovest is mine for aye,
Aye, aye,
Mine he is, quoth Death.

Copyrighted by Houghton, Mifflin and Company,
Boston.

Page 69

THE PRINCESS

The Princess sat lone in her maiden bower,
The lad blew his horn at the foot of the tower.
"Why playest thou alway? Be silent, I pray,
It fetters my thoughts that would flee far away,
As the sun goes down."

In her maiden bower sat the Princess forlorn,
The lad had ceased to play on his horn.
"Oh, why art thou silent? I beg thee to play!
It gives wings to my thoughts that would flee far
away,
As the sun goes down."

In her maiden bower sat the Princess forlorn,
Once more with delight played the lad on his horn.
She wept as the shadows grew long, and she sighed:
"Oh, tell me, my God, what my heart doth betide,
Now the sun has gone down."

Copyrighted by T.Y. Crowell and Company.

SIGURD SLEMBE'S RETURN

The scene is at first empty. Then Sigurd Slembe enters, climbing over a
rock; he comes forward in silence, but powerfully agitated.

The Danes forsake me! The battle is lost! Thus far--and no farther!

Page 70

Escape to the mountains to-night! Exchange my ships for freedom! There
are herds of horses on the mountains: we will climb up there and then fall
upon the valleys like a snowstorm.
But when winter comes? To begin at the beginning: the outlaw's life--never
more! I have made my last effort; had it been successful, men would have
wondered at me. It has failed, and vengeance is loose. I cannot gather
another force in Norway!
All over? Thus far and no farther? No! The Danes sail, but we will sail with
them! This night, this very night we will raise our yards and follow them to
the open sea.
But whither shall we turn our prows? To Denmark? We may raise no third
force in Denmark. Start out again as merchant? No! Serve in foreign lands?
No! Crusade? No! Hither and no farther! Sigurd, the end has come!
[Almost sobbing.] Death! The thought sprang up in my mind as a door
swings open, clashing upon its hinges; light, air, receive me! [He draws his
sword.] No; I will fall fighting in the cause I have lived for--my men shall
have a leader!
Is there no chance of victory? no trick? Can I not get them ashore? Can I
not get them in the toils? try them in point-blank fight, man to man, all the
strength of despair fighting with me? Ah, could they but hear me, could I
but find some high place and speak to them; tell them how clear as the sun
is my right, how monstrous the wrongs I have borne, what a crime is theirs
in withstanding me! You murder not me alone, but thousands upon
thousands of thoughts for my fatherland's welfare; I have carried nothing
out, I have not sown the least grain, or laid one stone upon another to
witness that I have lived. Ah, I have strength for better things than strife; it
was the desire to work that drove me homewards; it was impatience that
wrought me ill! Believe me, try me, give me but half what Harald Gille
promised me, even less; I ask but very little, if I may still live and strive to
accomplish something! Jesus, my God, it was ever the little that thou didst
offer me, and that I ever scorned!
Where am I? I stand upon my own grave, and hear the great bell ring. I
tremble as the tower beneath its stroke, for where now are the aims that

Page 71

were mine? The grave opens its mouth and makes reply. But life lies behind
me like a dried-up stream, and these eighteen years are lost as in a desert.
The sign, the sign that was with me from my birth! In lofty flight I have
followed it hither with all the strength of my soul, and here I am struck by
the arrow of death. I fall, and behold the rocks beneath, upon which I shall
be crushed. Have I, then, seen a-wrong? Ah, how the winds and currents of
my life stood yonder, where it was warm and fruitful, while I toiled up
where it grew ever colder, and my ship is now clasped by the drifting
icebergs; a moment yet, and it must sink. Then let it sink, and all will be
over. [On his knees.] But in thy arms, All-Merciful, I shall find peace!
What miracle is this? For in the hour I prayed the prayer was granted!
Peace, perfect peace! [Rises.] Then will I go to-morrow to my last battle as
to the altar; peace shall at last be mine for all my longings.
[Holds his head bowed and covered by his hands. As he, after a time, slowly
removes them, he looks around.]
How this autumn evening brings reconciliation to my soul! Sun and wave
and shore and sea flow all together, as in the thought of God all others;
never yet has it seemed so fair to me! Yet it is not mine to reign over this
lovely land. How greatly I have done it ill! But how has it all come so to
pass? for in my wanderings I saw thy mountains in every sky, I yearned for
home as a child longs for Christmas, yet I came no sooner, and when at last
I came--I gave thee wound upon wound.
But thou, in contemplative mood, now gazest upon me, and givest me at
parting this fairest autumn night of thine. I will ascend yonder rock and take
a long farewell. [Mounts up.]
And even thus I stood eighteen years ago,--thus looked out upon the sea,
blue beneath the rising sun. The fresh breezes of morning seemed wafted to
me from a high future; through the sky's light veil a vision of strange lands
was mine; in the glow of the morning sun, wealth and honor shone upon
me; and to all this, the white sails of the Crusaders should swiftly bear me.
Farewell, dreams of my youth! Farewell, my sweet country! Ah, to what
sorrow thou hast brought me forth! But now it will soon be over. [
He descends.]

Page 72

If these ships should sail up to me this very night bearing the fulfillment of
all my dreams! Could any one of them be now in truth mine,--or may a tree
bear fruit twice in one year?
I give way to make room for some better man. But be thou gracious to me,
and let death be mine with these feelings in my heart, for strength to be
faithful might not long be vouchsafed me.
"Thou shalt die to-morrow!" How sure a father-confessor is that word! Now
for the first time I speak truth to myself.
Ivar [climbing' over a rock]--Yes, here he is. [Gives his hand to the nun.]
The Nun [without seeing]--Sigurd! [Mounts up.] Yes, there he is!
Sigurd--Mother!
The Nun--My child, found once more! [They remain long clasped in each
other's arms.] My son, my son, now shalt thou no more escape me!
Sigurd--O my mother!
The Nun--Thou wilt keep away from this battle, is it not so? We two will
win another kingdom,--a much better one.
Sigurd--I understand thee, mother. [Leads her to a seat, and falls upon his
knee.]
The Nun--Yes, dost thou not? Thou art not so bad as all men would have it.
I knew that well, but wanted so much to speak with thee,--and since thou art
wearied and hast lost thy hopes for this world, thou hast come back to me,
for even now there is time! And of all thy realm they must leave thee some
little plot, and there we will live by the church, so that when the bells ring
for vespers we shall be near the blessed Olaf, and with him seek the
presence of the Almighty. And there we will heal thy wounds with holy
water, and thoughts of love, more than thou canst remember ever to have
had, shall come back to thee robed in white, and wondering recollection
shall have no end. For the great shall be made small and the small great, and
there shall be questionings and revelations and eternal happiness. Thou wilt
come and thus live with me, my son, wilt thou not? Thou wilt stay from this
battle and come quickly?

Page 73

Sigurd--Mother, I have not wept till now since I lay upon the parched earth
of the Holy Land.
The Nun--Thou wilt follow me?
Sigurd--To do thus were to escape the pledges I have made but by breaking
them.
The Nun--To what art thou now pledged?
Sigurd--Pledged to the blind king I took from the cloister; pledged to the
men I have led hither.
The Nun--And these pledges thou shalt redeem--how?
Sigurd--By fighting and falling at their head.
The Nun [springs to her feet. Sigurd also rises.]--No! No! No! Shall I now,
after a lifetime of sorrow, behold thy death?
Sigurd--Yes, mother. The Lord of life and death will have it so.
The Nun--Ah! what sufferings a moment's sin may bring! [She falls upon
his breast, then sinks, with outstretched arms.] O my son, spare me!
Sigurd--Do not tempt me, mother!
The Nun--Hast thou taken thought of what may follow? Hast thou thought
of capture, of mutilation?
Sigurd--I have some hymns left me from childhood. I can sing them.
The Nun--But I--thy mother--spare me!
Sigurd--Make not to me this hour more bitter than death itself.
The Nun--But why now die? We have found one another.
Sigurd--We two have nothing more to live for.
The Nun--Wilt thou soon leave me?

Page 74

Sigurd--Till the morning sun appear we will sit together. Let me lift thee
upon this rock. [He does so, and casts himself at her feet.] It was fair that
thou shouldst come to me. All my life is now blotted out, and I am a child
with thee once more. And now we will seek out together the land of our
inheritance. I must away for a moment to take my leave, and then I shall be
ready, and I think that thou too art ready.
Ivar Ingemundson [falling on his knee]--My lord, now let me be your
friend.
Sigurd [extending his hand]--Ivar, thou wilt not leave her to-morrow?
Ivar Ingemundson--Not until she is set free.
Sigurd--And now sing me the Crusader's song. I may joyfully go hence
after that.

Ivar Ingemundson [rises and sings]--

Fair is the earth,
Fair is God's heaven;
Fair is the pilgrim-path of the soul.
Singing we go
Through the fair realms of earth,
Seeking the way to our heavenly goal.

Races shall come,
And shall pass away:
And the world from age to age shall roll;
But the heavenly tones
Of our pilgrim song
Shall echo still in the joyous soul.

First heard of shepherds,
By angels sung,
Wide it has spread since that glad morn:
Peace upon earth!
Rejoice all men,
For unto us is a Savior born[1].

Page 75

[The mother places both her hands on Sigurd's head, and they look into one
another's eyes; he then rests his head upon her breast.]

[1] This song is borrowed by Björnson from the
Danish poet B.S. Ingemann, although it is slightly
altered for its present use.

Copyrighted by Houghton, Mifflin and Company, Boston.

HOW THE MOUNTAIN WAS CLAD

From 'Arne'

There was a deep gorge between two mountains. Through this gorge a large,
full stream flowed heavily over a rough and stony bottom. Both sides were
high and steep, and so one side was bare; but close to its foot, and so near
the stream that the latter sprinkled it with moisture every spring and
autumn, stood a group of fresh-looking trees, gazing upward and onward,
yet unable to advance this way or that.
"What if we should clothe the mountain?" said the juniper one day to the
foreign oak, to which it stood nearer than all the others. The oak looked
down to find out who it was that spoke, and then it looked up again without
deigning a reply. The river rushed along so violently that it worked itself
into a white foam; the north wind had forced its way through the gorge and
shrieked in the clefts of the rocks; the naked mountain, with its great
weight, hung heavily over and felt cold. "What if we should clothe the
mountain?" said the juniper to the fir on the other side. "If anybody is to do
it, I suppose it must be we," said the fir, taking hold of its beard and
glancing toward the birch. "What do you think?" But the birch peered
cautiously up, at the mountain, which hung over it so threateningly that it

Page 76

seemed as if it could scarcely breathe. "Let us clothe it, in God's name!"
said the birch. And so, though there were but these three, they undertook to
clothe the mountain. The juniper went first.
When they had gone a little way, they met the heather. The juniper seemed
as though about to go past it. "Nay, take the heather along," said the fir. And
the heather joined them. Soon it began to glide on before the juniper. "Catch
hold of me," said the heather. The juniper did so, and where there was only
a wee crevice, the heather thrust in a finger, and where it first had placed a
finger, the juniper took hold with its whole hand. They crawled and crept
along, the fir laboring on behind, the birch also. "This is well worth doing,"
said the birch.
But the mountain began to ponder on what manner of insignificant objects
these might be that were clambering up over it. And after it had been
considering the matter a few hundred years, it sent a little brook down to
inquire. It was yet in the time of the spring freshets, and the brook stole on
until it reached the heather. "Dear, dear heather, cannot you let me pass? I
am so small." The heather was very busy; only raised itself a little and
pressed onward. In, under, and onward went the brook. "Dear, dear juniper,
cannot you let me pass? I am so small." The juniper looked sharply at it; but
if the heather had let it pass, why, in all reason, it must do so too. Under it
and onward went the brook; and now came to the spot where the fir stood
puffing on the hill-side. "Dear, dear fir, cannot you let me pass? I am really
so small," said the brook,--and it kissed the fir's feet and made itself so very
sweet. The fir became bashful at this, and let it pass. But the birch raised
itself before the brook asked it. "Hi, hi, hi!" said the brook, and grew. "Ha,
ha, ha!" said the brook, and grew. "Ho, ho, ho!" said the brook, and flung
the heather and the juniper and the fir and the birch flat on their faces and
backs, up and down these great hills. The mountain sat up for many
hundred years musing on whether it had not smiled a little that day.
It was plain enough: the mountain did not want to be clad. The heather
fretted over this until it grew green again, and then it started forward.
"Fresh courage!" said the heather.
The juniper had half raised itself to look at the heather, and continued to
keep this position, until at length it stood upright. It scratched its head and

Page 77

set forth again, taking such a vigorous foothold that it seemed as though the
mountain must feel it. "If you will not have me, then I will have you." The
fir crooked its toes a little to find out whether they were whole, then lifted
one foot, found it whole, then the other, which proved also to be whole,
then both of them. It first investigated the ground it had been over, next
where it had been lying, and finally where it should go. After this it began
to wend its way slowly along, and acted just as though it had never fallen.
The birch had become most wretchedly soiled, but now rose up and made
itself tidy. Then they sped onward, faster and faster, upward and on either
side, in sunshine and in rain. "What in the world can this be?" said the
mountain, all glittering with dew, as the summer sun shone down on it. The
birds sang, the wood-mouse piped, the hare hopped along, and the ermine
hid itself and screamed.
Then the day came when the heather could peep with one eye over the edge
of the mountain. "Oh dear, oh dear, oh dear!" said the heather, and away it
went. "Dear me! what is it the heather sees?" said the juniper, and moved on
until it could peer up. "Oh dear, oh dear!" it shrieked, and was gone. "What
is the matter with the juniper to-day?" said the fir, and took long strides
onward in the heat of the sun. Soon it could raise itself on its toes and peep
up. "Oh dear!" Branches and needles stood on end in wonderment. It
worked its way forward, came up, and was gone. "What is it all the others
see, and not I?" said the birch; and lifting well its skirts, it tripped after. It
stretched its whole head up at once. "Oh,--oh!--is not here a great forest of
fir and heather, of juniper and birch, standing upon the table-land waiting
for us?" said the birch; and its leaves quivered in the sunshine so that the
dew trembled. "Ay, this is what it is to reach the goal!" said the juniper.

THE FATHER

Page 78

The man whose story is here to be told was the wealthiest and most
influential person in his parish; his name was Thord Overaas. He appeared
in the priest's study one day, tall and earnest.
"I have gotten a son," said he, "and I wish to present him for baptism."
"What shall his name be?"
"Finn,--after my father."
"And the sponsors?"
They were mentioned, and proved to be the best men and women of Thord's
relations in the parish.
"Is there anything else?" inquired the priest, and looked up.
The peasant hesitated a little.
"I should like very much to have him baptized by himself," said he, finally.
"That is to say, on a week-day?"
"Next Saturday, at twelve o'clock noon."
"Is there anything else?" inquired the priest.
"There is nothing else;" and the peasant twirled his cap, as though he were
about to go.
Then the priest rose. "There is yet this, however," said he, and walking
toward Thord, he took him by the hand and looked gravely into his eyes:
"God grant that the child may become a blessing to you!"
One day sixteen years later, Thord stood once more in the priest's study.
"Really, you carry your age astonishingly well, Thord," said the priest; for
he saw no change whatever in the man.
"That is because I have no troubles," replied Thord.
To this the priest said nothing, but after a while he asked, "What is your
pleasure this evening?"

Page 79

"I have come this evening about that son of mine who is to be confirmed to-
morrow."
"He is a bright boy."
"I did not wish to pay the priest until I heard what number the boy would
have when he takes his place in church to-morrow."
"He will stand Number One."
"So I have heard; and here are ten dollars for the priest."
"Is there anything else I can do for you?" inquired the priest, fixing his eyes
on Thord.
"There is nothing else."
Thord went out.
Eight years more rolled by, and then one day a noise was heard outside of
the priest's study, for many men were approaching, and at their head was
Thord, who entered first.
The priest looked up and recognized him.
"You come well attended this evening, Thord," said he.
"I am here to request that the banns may be published for my son: he is
about to marry Karen Storliden, daughter of Gudmund, who stands here
beside me."
"Why, that is the richest girl in the parish."
"So they say," replied the peasant, stroking back his hair with one hand.
The priest sat awhile as if in deep thought, then entered the names in his
book, without making any comments, and the men wrote their signatures
underneath. Thord laid three dollars on the table.
"One is all I am to have," said the priest.
"I know that very well, but he is my only child; I want to do it handsomely."

Page 80

The priest took the money.
"This is now the third time, Thord, that you have come here on your son's
account."
"But now I am through with him," said Thord, and folding up his pocket-
book he said farewell and walked away.
The men slowly followed him.
A fortnight later, the father and son were rowing one calm, still day, across
the lake to Storliden to make arrangements for the wedding.
"This thwart is not secure," said the son, and stood up to straighten the seat
on which he was sitting.
At the same moment the board he was standing on slipped from under him;
he threw out his arms, uttered a shriek, and fell overboard.
"Take hold of the oar!" shouted the father, springing to his feet and holding
out the oar.
But when the son had made a couple of efforts he grew stiff.
"Wait a moment!" cried the father, and began to row toward his son.
Then the son rolled over on his back, gave his father one long look, and
sank.
Thord could scarcely believe it; he held the boat still, and stared at the spot
where his son had gone down, as though he must surely come to the surface
again. There rose some bubbles, then some more, and finally one large one
that burst; and the lake lay there as smooth and bright as a mirror again.
For three days and three nights people saw the father rowing round and
round the spot, without taking either food or sleep; he was dragging the lake
for the body of his son. And toward morning of the third day he found it,
and carried it in his arms up over the hills to his gård.
It might have been about a year from that day, when the priest, late one
autumn evening, heard some one in the passage outside of the door,
carefully trying to find the latch. The priest opened the door, and in walked

Page 81

a tall, thin man, with bowed form and white hair. The priest looked long at
him before he recognized him. It was Thord.
"Are you out walking so late?" said the priest, and stood still in front of
him.
"Ah, yes! it is late," said Thord, and took a seat.
The priest sat down also, as though waiting. A long, long silence followed.
At last Thord said:--
"I have something with me that I should like to give to the poor; I want it to
be invested as a legacy in my son's name."
He rose, laid some money on the table, and sat down again. The priest
counted it.
"It is a great deal of money," said he.
"It is half the price of my gård. I sold it to-day."
The priest sat long in silence. At last he asked, but gently:
"What do you propose to do now, Thord?"
"Something better."
They sat there for awhile, Thord with downcast eyes, the priest with his
eyes fixed on Thord. Presently the priest said, slowly and softly:--
"I think your son has at last brought you a true blessing."
"Yes, I think so myself," said Thord, looking up, while two big tears
coursed slowly down his cheeks.

Page 82

WILLIAM BLACK
(1841-)

n view of Mr. Black's accurate and picturesque descriptions of natural
phenomena, it is interesting to know that of his varied youthful studies,
botany most attracted him, and that he followed it up as an art pupil in the
government schools. But his bent was rather for journalism than for art or
science. Before he was twenty-one he had written critical essays for a local
newspaper on Ruskin, Carlyle, and Kingsley; and shortly afterward he
wrote a series of sketches, after Christopher North, that at this early age
gave evidence of his peculiar talent, the artistic use of natural effects in the
development of character, the pathos of the gray morning or the melancholy
of the evening mist when woven in with tender episode or tragic
occurrence.
William Black was born in Glasgow, Scotland,
November 6th, 1841, and received his early
education there. He settled in London in 1864, and
was a special correspondent of the Morning Star in
the Franco-Prussian war, but after about ten years of
the life of a newspaper man, during which he was
an editor of the London News, he abandoned
William Black journalism for novel-writing in 1875. In the
intervals of his work he traveled much, and devoted
himself with enthusiasm to out-door sports, of which he writes with a
knowledge that inspires a certain confidence in the reader. A Scotch skipper
once told him he need never starve, because he could make a living as pilot
in the western Highlands; and the fidelity of his descriptions of northern
Scotland have met with the questionable reward of converting a poet's haunt
into a tourist's camp. Not that Mr. Black's is a game-keeper's catalogue of
the phenomena of forest or stream, or the poetic way of depicting nature by
similes. The fascination of his writing lies in our conviction that it is the

Page 83

result of minute observation, with a certain atmospheric quality that makes
the picture alive. More, one is conscious of a sensitive, pathetic thrill in his
writing; these sights and sounds, when they are unobtrusively chronicled,
are penetrated by a subtle human sympathy, as if the writer bent close to the
earth and heard the whispers of the flowers and stones, as well as the
murmur of the forest and the roar of the sea.
He is eminently a popular writer, a vivacious delineator of life and manners,
even when he exhibits his versatility at the cost of some of his most
attractive characteristics. In 'Sunrise' we have a combination of romance
and politics, its motive supplied by the intrigues of a wide-spread
communistic society. 'Kilmeny' is the story of a painter, 'Shandon Bells' of a
literary man, 'The Monarch of Mincing Lane' tells of the London streets, the
heroine of 'The Handsome Humes' is an actress, the scenes in 'Briseis' are
played in Athens, Scotland, and England. All these novels have tragic and
exceptional episodes, the humor is broad, as the humor of a pessimist
always is, and the reader finds himself laughing at a practical joke on the
heels of a catastrophe. Mr. Black knows his London, especially the
drawing-room aspect of it, and his latest novel is sure to have the latest
touch of fad and fashion, although white heather does not cease to grow nor
deer to be stalked, nor flies to be cast in Highland waters. We cannot admit
that he is exceptionally fortunate in the heroines of these novels, however,
for they are perfectly beautiful and perfectly good, and nature protests
against perfection as a hurt to vanity. Our real favorites are the dark-eyed
Queen Titania, the small imperious person who drives in state in 'Strange
Adventures of a Phaeton,' and sails with such high courage in 'White
Wings,' and the half-sentimental, half-practical, wholly self-seeking siren
Bonny Leslie in 'Kilmeny' who develops into something a little more than
coquettish in the Kitty of 'Shandon Bells.'
These and half a dozen other novels by Mr. Black entitle him to his place as
a popular novelist; they are alternately gay and sad, they are spirited and
entertaining; certain characters, like the heroine of 'Sunrise,' cast a bright
effulgence over the dark plots of intrigue. But Mr. Black is at his best as the
creator of the special school of fiction that has Highland scenery and
Highland character for its field. He has many followers and many imitators,
but he remains master on his own ground. The scenes of his most successful
stories, 'The Princess of Thule,' 'A Daughter of Heth,' 'In Far Lochaber,'

Page 84

'Macleod of Dare,' and 'Madcap Violet,' are laid for the most part in remote
rural districts, amid lake and moorland and mountain wilds of northern
Scotland, whose unsophisticated atmosphere is invaded by airs from the
outer world only during the brief season of hunting and fishing.
But the visit of the worldling is long enough to furnish incident both poetic
and tragic; and when he enters the innocent and primitive life of the native,
as Lavender entered that of the proud and beautiful Princess of Thule
sailing her boat in the far-off waters of Skye, or the cruel Gertrude in the
grim castle of Dare, he finds all the potencies of passion and emotion.
The temperament of the Highlander is a melancholy one. The narrow life,
with its isolation and its hardships, makes him pessimistic and brooding,
though endowed with the keen instinct and peculiar humor of those who are
far removed from the artificialities of life. But Mr. Black ascribes this
temperament, not to race or hardship or isolation, but to the strange sights
and sounds of the sea and land on which he dwells, to the wild nights and
fierce sunsets, to the dark ocean plains that brood over the secrets that lie in
their depths.
Under his treatment nature is subjective, and plays the part of fate. Natural
scenery is as the orchestra to a Wagnerian opera. The shifting of the clouds,
the voice of the sea, the scent of the woods, are made the most important
factors in the formation of character. He whose home is in mountain
fastnesses knows the solemn glory of sunrise and sunset, and has for his
heritage the high brave temper of the warrior, with the melancholy of the
poet. The dweller on tawny sands, where the waves beat lazily on summer
afternoons and where wild winds howl in storm, is of like necessity
capricious and melancholy. The minor key, in which Poe thought all true
poetry is written, is struck in these his earlier novels. Let the day be ever so
beautiful, the air ever so clear, the shadows give back a sensitive, luminous
darkness that reveals tragedies within itself.
Not that the sentient background, as he has painted it, is to be confounded
with the "sympathy of nature with character" of the older school, in which
hysterical emotion is accentuated by wild wind storms, and the happiness of
lovers by a sunshiny day. But character, as depicted by him in these early
novels, is so far subordinate to nature that nature assumes moral

Page 85

responsibility. When Macleod of Dare commits murder and then suicide, we
accept it as the result of climatic influences; and the tranquil-conscienced
Hamish, the would-be homicide, but obeys the call of the winds. Especially
in the delightful romances of Skye, Mr. Black reproduces the actual speech
and manners of the people.
And as romance of motive clothes barren rocks in rich hues and waste
bogland in golden gorse, it does like loving service for homely characters.
The dialect these people talk, without editorial comment, delights and
amuses from its strangeness, and also from the conviction that it is as real as
the landscape. They tell wonderful tales of moor and fen as they tramp the
woods or sail on moonlit waters, and sitting by a peat fire of a stormy night,
discuss, between deep pulls of Scotch whisky, the Erastianism that vitiates
modern theology. We must look in the pages of Scott for a more charming
picture of the relation of clansman to chief.
But Mr. Black is his own most formidable rival. He who painted the
sympathetic landscapes of northern Scotland has taught the reader the
subtle distinction between these delicate scenes and those in which nature's
moods are obtrusively chronicled. There are novels by Mr. Black in reading
which we exclaim, with the exhausted young lady at the end of her week's
sight-seeing, "What! another sunset!" And he set himself a difficult task
when he attempted to draw another character so human and so lovable as
the Princess of Thule, although the reader were ungracious indeed did he
not welcome the beautiful young lady with the kind heart and the proud,
hurt smile, whom he became familiar with through frequent encounters in
the author's other novels. And if Earlscope, who has a dim sort of kinship
with the more vigorous hero of 'Jane Eyre,' has been succeeded by well-
bred young gentlemen who never smoke in the presence of their female
relatives, though they are master hands at sailing a boat and knocking down
obtrusive foreigners, Mr. Black has not since 'A Daughter of Heth' done so
dramatic a piece of writing as the story of the Earl's death and Coquette's
flight. The "Daughter of Heth," with her friendly simplicity and innocent
wiles, and Madcap Violet, the laughter-loving, deserve perhaps a kinder fate
than a broken heart and an early grave.
But what the novelist Gogol said of himself and his audience fifty years ago
is as true as ever: "Thankless is the task of whoever ventures to show what

Page 86

passes every moment before his eyes." When he is heart-breaking, and
therefore exceptional, Mr. Black is most interesting. A sad ending is not
necessarily depressing to the reader. "There is something," says La
Rochefoucauld, "in the misfortunes of our best friends that doth not
displease us."
In Mr. Black's later novels, the burden of tradition has been too heavy for
him, and he has ended them all happily, as if they were fairy tales. He chose
a more artistic as well as a more faithful part when they were in keeping
with life.

THE END OF MACLEOD OF DARE

"DUNCAN." said Hamish in a low whisper,--for Macleod had gone below,
and they thought he might be asleep in the small hushed state-room--"this is
a strange-looking day, is it not? And I am afraid of it in this open bay, with
an anchorage no better than a sheet of paper for an anchorage. Do you see
now how strange-looking it is?"
Duncan Cameron also spoke in his native tongue, and he said:--
"That is true, Hamish. And it was a day like this there was when the Solan
was sunk at her moorings in Loch Hourn. Do you remember, Hamish? And
it would be better for us now if we were in Loch Tua, or Loch-na-Keal, or
in the dock that was built for the steamer at Tiree. I do not like the look of
this day."
Yet to an ordinary observer it would have seemed that the chief
characteristic of this pale, still day was extreme and settled calm. There was
not a breath of wind to ruffle the surface of the sea; but there was a slight
glassy swell, and that only served to show curious opalescent tints under the

Page 87

suffused light of the sun. There were no clouds; there was only a thin veil of
faint and sultry mist all across the sky: the sun was invisible, but there was
a glare of yellow at one point of the heavens. A dead calm; but heavy,
oppressed, sultry. There was something in the atmosphere that seemed to
weigh on the chest.
"There was a dream I had this morning," continued Hamish, in the same
low tones. "It was about my little granddaughter Christina. You know my
little Christina, Duncan. And she said to me, 'What have you done with Sir
Keith Macleod? Why have you not brought him back? He was under your
care, grandfather.' I did not like that dream."
"Oh, you are becoming as bad as Sir Keith Macleod himself!" said the
other. "He does not sleep. He talks to himself. You will become like that if
you pay attention to foolish dreams, Hamish."
Hamish's quick temper leaped up.
"What do you mean, Duncan Cameron, by saying 'as bad as Sir Keith
Macleod'? You--you come from Ross: perhaps they have not good masters
there. I tell you there is not any man in Ross, or in Sutherland either, is as
good a master and as brave a lad as Sir Keith Macleod--not any one,
Duncan Cameron!"
"I did not mean anything like that, Hamish," said the other, humbly. "But
there was a breeze this morning. We could have got over to Loch Tua. Why
did we stay here, where there is no shelter and no anchorage? Do you know
what is likely to come after a day like this?"
"It is your business to be a sailor on board this yacht; it is not your business
to say where she will go," said Hamish.
But all the same the old man was becoming more and more alarmed at the
ugly aspect of this dead calm. The very birds, instead of stalking among the
still pools, or lying buoyant on the smooth waters, were excitedly calling,
and whirring from one point to another.
"If the equinoctials were to begin now," said Duncan Cameron, "this is a
fine place to meet the equinoctials! An open bay, without shelter; and a

Page 88

ground that is no ground for an anchorage. It is not two anchors or twenty
anchors would hold in such a ground."
Macleod appeared: the men were suddenly silent. Without a word to either
of them--and that was not his wont--he passed to the stern of the yacht.
Hamish knew from his manner that he would not be spoken to. He did not
follow him, even with all this vague dread on his mind.
The day wore on to the afternoon. Macleod, who had been pacing up and
down the deck, suddenly called Hamish. Hamish came aft at once.
"Hamish," said he, with a strange sort of laugh, "do you remember this
morning, before the light came? Do you remember that I asked you about a
brass-band that I heard playing?"
Hamish looked at him, and said with an earnest anxiety:--
"O Sir Keith, you will pay no heed to that! It is very common; I have heard
them say it is very common. Why, to hear a brass-band, to be sure! There is
nothing more common than that. And you will not think you are unwell
merely because you think you can hear a brass-band playing!"
"I want you to tell me, Hamish," said he, in the same jesting way, "whether
my eyes have followed the example of my ears, and are playing tricks. Do
you think they are bloodshot, with my lying on deck in the cold? Hamish,
what do you see all around?"
The old man looked at the sky, and the shore, and the sea. It was a
marvelous thing. The world was all enshrouded in a salmon-colored mist:
there was no line of horizon visible between, the sea and the sky.
"It is red, Sir Keith," said Hamish.
"Ah! Am I in my senses this time? And what do you think of a red day,
Hamish? That is not a usual thing."
"Oh, Sir Keith, it will be a wild night this night! And we cannot stay here,
with this bad anchorage!"
"And where would you go, Hamish--in a dead calm?" Macleod asked, still
with a smile on the wan face.

Page 89

"Where would I go?" said the old man, excitedly. "I--I will take care of the
yacht. But you, Sir Keith; oh! you--you will go ashore now. Do you know,
sir, the sheiling that the shepherd had? It is a poor place--oh yes; but
Duncan Cameron and I will take some things ashore. And do you not think
we can look after the yacht? She has met the equinoctials before, if it is the
equinoctials that are beginning. She has met them before; and cannot she
meet them now? But you, Sir Keith, you will go ashore!"
Macleod burst out laughing, in an odd sort of fashion.
"Do you think I am good at running away when there is any kind of danger,
Hamish? Have you got into the English way? Would you call me a coward
too? Nonsense, nonsense, nonsense, Hamish! I--why, I am going to drink a
glass of the coal-black wine, and have done with it. I will drink it to the
health of my sweetheart, Hamish!"
"Sir Keith," said the old man, beginning to tremble, though he but half
understood the meaning of the scornful mirth, "I have had charge of you
since you were a young lad."
"Very well!"
"And Lady Macleod will ask of me, 'Such and such a thing happened: what
did you do for my son?' Then I will say, 'Your ladyship, we were afraid of
the equinoctials; and we got Sir Keith to go ashore; and the next day we
went ashore for him; and now we have brought him back to Castle Dare!'"
"Hamish, Hamish, you are laughing at me! Or you want to call me a
coward? Don't you know I should be afraid of the ghost of the shepherd
who killed himself? Don't you know that the English people call me a
coward?"
"May their souls dwell in the downmost hall of perdition!" said Hamish,
with his cheeks becoming a gray white; "and every woman that ever came
of the accursed race!"
He looked at the old man for a second, and he gripped his hand.
"Do not say that, Hamish--that is folly. But you have been my friend. My
mother will not forget you--it is not the way of a Macleod to forget--

Page 90

whatever happens to me."
"Sir Keith!" Hamish cried, "I do not know what you mean! But you will go
ashore before the night?"
"Go ashore?" Macleod answered, with a return to this wild bantering tone,
"when I am going to see my sweetheart? Oh no! Tell Christina, now! Tell
Christina to ask the young English lady to come into the saloon, for I have
something to say to her. Be quick, Hamish!"
Hamish went away; and before long he returned with the answer that the
young English lady was in the saloon. And now he was no longer haggard
and piteous, but joyful, and there was a strange light in his eyes.
"Sweetheart," said he, "are you waiting for me at last? I have brought you a
long way. Shall we drink a glass now at the end of the voyage?"
"Do you wish to insult me?" said she; but there was no anger in her voice:
there was more of fear in her eyes as she regarded him.
"You have no other message for me than the one you gave me last night,
Gerty?" said he, almost cheerfully. "It is all over, then? You would go away
from me forever? But we will drink a glass before we go!"
He sprang forward, and caught both her hands in his with the grip of a vise.
"Do you know what you have done, Gerty?" said he, in a low voice. "Oh,
you have soft, smooth, English ways; and you are like a rose-leaf; and you
are like a queen, whom all people are glad to serve. But do you know that
you have killed a man's life? And there is no penalty for that in the South,
perhaps; but you are no longer in the South. And if you have this very night
to drink a glass with me, you will not refuse it? It is only a glass of the coal-
black wine!"
She struggled back from him, for there was a look in his face that frightened
her. But she had a wonderful self-command.
"Is that the message I was to hear?" said she, coldly.
"Why, sweetheart, are you not glad? Is not that the only gladness left for
you and for me, that we should drink one glass together, and clasp hands,

Page 91

and say good-by? What else is there left? What else could come to you and
to me? And it may not be this night, or to-morrow night; but one night I
think it will come; and then, sweetheart, we will have one more glass
together, before the end."
He went on deck. He called Hamish.
"Hamish," said he, in a grave, matter-of-fact way, "I don't like the look of
this evening. Did you say the sheiling was still on the island?"
"Oh yes, Sir Keith," said Hamish, with great joy; for he thought his advice
was going to be taken, after all.
"Well, now, you know the gales, when they begin, sometimes last for two or
three or four days; and I will ask you to see that Christina takes a good store
of things to the sheiling before the darkness comes on. Take plenty of things
now, Hamish, and put them in the sheiling, for I am afraid this is going to
be a wild night."
Now indeed all the red light had gone away; and as the sun went down there
was nothing but a spectral whiteness over the sea and the sky; and the
atmosphere was so close and sultry that it seemed to suffocate one.
Moreover, there was a dead calm; if they had wanted to get away from this
exposed place, how could they? They could not get into the gig and pull this
great yacht over to Loch Tua.
It was with a light heart that Hamish set about this thing; and Christina
forthwith filled a hamper with tinned meats, and bread, and whisky, and
what not. And fuel was taken ashore, too; and candles, and a store of
matches. If the gales were coming on, as appeared likely from this
ominous-looking evening, who could tell how many days and nights the
young master--and the English lady, too, if he desired her company--might
not have to stay ashore, while the men took the chance of the sea with this
yacht, or perhaps seized the occasion of some lull to make for some place of
shelter? There was Loch Tua, and there was the bay at Bunessan, and there
was the little channel called Polterriv, behind the rocks opposite Iona. Any
shelter at all was better than this exposed place, with the treacherous
anchorage.
Hamish and Duncan Cameron returned to the yacht.

Page 92

"Will you go ashore now, Sir Keith?" the old man said.
"Oh no; I am not going ashore yet. It is not yet time to run away, Hamish."
He spoke in a friendly and pleasant fashion, though Hamish, in his
increasing alarm, thought it no proper time for jesting. They hauled the gig
up to the davits, however, and again the yacht lay in dead silence in this
little bay.
The evening grew to dusk; the only change visible in the spectral world of
pale yellow-white mist was the appearance in the sky of a number of small,
detached bulbous-looking clouds of a dusky blue-gray. They had not drifted
hither, for there was no wind. They had only appeared. They were
absolutely motionless. But the heat and the suffocation in this atmosphere
became almost insupportable. The men, with bare heads, and jerseys
unbuttoned at the neck, were continually going to the cask of fresh water
beside the windlass. Nor was there any change when the night came on. If
anything, the night was hotter than the evening had been. They waited in
silence what might come of this ominous calm.
Hamish came aft.
"I beg your pardon, Sir Keith," said he, "but I am thinking we will have an
anchor-watch to-night."
"You will have no anchor-watch to-night," Macleod answered slowly, from
out of the darkness. "I will be all the anchor-watch you will need, Hamish,
until the morning."
"You, sir!" Hamish cried. "I have been waiting to take you ashore; and
surely it is ashore that you are going!"
Just as he had spoken, there was a sound that all the world seemed to stand
still to hear. It was a low, murmuring sound of thunder; but it was so remote
as almost to be inaudible. The next moment an awful thing occurred. The
two men standing face to face in the dark suddenly found themselves in a
blaze of blinding steel-blue light, and at the very same instant the thunder-
roar crackled and shook all around them like the firing of a thousand
cannon. How the wild echoes went booming over the sea!

Page 93

Then they were in the black night again. There was a period of awed
silence.
"Hamish," Macleod said, quickly, "do as I tell you now! Lower the gig; take
the men with you, and Christina, and go ashore and remain in the sheiling
till the morning."
"I will not!" Hamish cried. "O Sir Keith, would you have me do that?"
Macleod had anticipated his refusal. Instantly he went forward and called
up Christina. He ordered Duncan Cameron and John Cameron to lower
away the gig. He got them all in but Hamish.
"Hamish," said he, "you are a smaller man than I. Is it on such a night that
you would have me quarrel with you? Must I throw you into the boat?"
The old man clasped his trembling hands together as if in prayer; and he
said, with an agonized and broken voice:--
"O Sir Keith, you are my master, and there is nothing I will not do for you;
but only this one night you will let me remain with the yacht? I will give
you the rest of my life; but only this one night--"
"Into the gig with you!" Macleod cried, angrily. "Why, man, don't you think
I can keep anchor-watch?" But then he added very gently, "Hamish, shake
hands with me now. You were my friend, and you must get ashore before
the sea rises."
"I will stay in the dingy, then?" the old man entreated.
"You will go ashore, Hamish; and this very instant, too. If the gale begins,
how will you get ashore? Good-by, Hamish--good-night!"
Another white sheet of flame quivered all around them, just as this black
figure was descending into the gig; and then the fierce hell of sounds broke
loose once more. Sea and sky together seemed to shudder at the wild
uproar, and far away the sounds went thundering through the hollow night.
How could one hear if there was any sobbing in that departing boat, or any
last cry of farewell? It was Ulva calling now, and Fladda answering from
over the black water; and the Dutchman is surely awake at last!

Page 94

There came a stirring of wind from the east, and the sea began to moan.
Surely the poor fugitives must have reached the shore now. And then there
was a strange noise in the distance: in the awful silence between the peals
of thunder it would be heard; it came nearer and nearer--a low murmuring
noise, but full of a secret life and thrill--it came along like the tread of a
thousand armies--and then the gale struck its first blow. The yacht reeled
under the stroke, but her bows staggered up again like a dog that has been
felled, and after one or two convulsive plunges she clung hard at the
strained cables. And now the gale was growing in fury, and the sea rising.
Blinding showers of rain swept over, hissing and roaring; the white tongues
of flame were shooting this way and that across the startled heavens; and
there was a more awful thunder than even the falling of the Atlantic surge
booming into the great sea-caves. In the abysmal darkness the spectral arms
of the ocean rose white in their angry clamor; and then another blue gleam
would lay bare the great heaving and wreathing bosom of the deep. What
devil's dance is this? Surely it cannot be Ulva--Ulva the green-shored--Ulva
that the sailors, in their love of her, call softly Ool-a-va--that is laughing
aloud with wild laughter on this awful night? And Colonsay, and Lunga,
and Fladda--they were beautiful and quiet in the still summer-time; but now
they have gone mad, and they are flinging back the plunging sea in white
masses of foam, and they are shrieking in their fierce joy of the strife. And
Staffa--Staffa is far away and alone; she is trembling to her core: how long
will the shuddering caves withstand the mighty hammer of the Atlantic
surge? And then again the sudden wild gleam startles the night, and one
sees, with an appalling vividness, the driven white waves and the black
islands; and then again a thousand echoes go booming, along the iron-
bound coast. What can be heard in the roar of the hurricane, and the hissing
of rain, and the thundering whirl of the waves on the rocks? Surely not the
one glad last cry: SWEETHEART! YOUR HEALTH! YOUR HEALTH IN
THE COAL-BLACK WINE!

The poor fugitives crouching in among the rocks--is it the blinding rain or
the driven white surf that is in their eyes? But they have sailors' eyes; they
can see through the awful storm; and their gaze is fixed on one small green
point far out there in the blackness--the starboard light of the doomed ship.
It wavers like a will-o'-the-wisp, but it does not recede; the old Umpire still
clings bravely to her chain cables.

Page 95

And amidst all the din of the storm they hear the voice of Hamish lifted
aloud in lamentation:--
"Oh, the brave lad! the brave lad! And who is to save my young master
now? and who will carry this tale back to Castle Dare? They will say to me,
'Hamish, you had charge of the young lad; you put the first gun in his hand;
you had charge of him; he had the love of a son for you: what is it you have
done with him this night?' He is my Absalom; he is my brave young lad: oh,
do you think that I will let him drown and do nothing to try to save him? Do
you think that? Duncan Cameron, are you a man? Will you get into the gig
with me and pull out to the Umpire?"
"By God," said Duncan Cameron, solemnly, "I will do that! I have no wife;
I do not care. I will go into the gig with you, Hamish; but we will never
reach the yacht--this night or any night that is to come."
Then the old woman Christina shrieked aloud, and caught her husband by
the arm.
"Hamish! Hamish! Are you going to drown yourself before my eyes?"
He shook her hand away from him.
"My young master ordered me ashore: I have come ashore. But I myself, I
order myself back again. Duncan Cameron, they will never say that we
stood by and saw Macleod of Dare go down to his grave!"
They emerged from the shelter of this great rock; the hurricane was so
fierce that they had to cling to one bowlder after another to save themselves
from being whirled into the sea. But were these two men by themselves?
Not likely! It was a party of five men that now clambered along the slippery
rocks to the shingle up which they had hauled the gig, and one wild
lightning-flash saw them with their hands on the gunwale, ready to drag her
down to the water. There was a surf raging there that would have swamped
twenty gigs: these five men were going of their own free will and choice to
certain death--so much had they loved the young master.
But a piercing cry from Christina arrested them. They looked out to sea.
What was this sudden and awful thing? Instead of the starboard green light,
behold! the port red light--and that moving! Oh, see! how it recedes,

Page 96

wavering, flickering through the whirling vapor of the storm! And there
again is the green light! Is it a witch's dance, or are they strange death-fires
hovering over the dark ocean-grave? But Hamish knows too well what it
means; and with a wild cry of horror and despair, the old man sinks on his
knees and clasps his hands, and stretches them out to the terrible sea.
"O, Macleod, Macleod! are you going away from me forever? and we will
go up the hills together and on the lochs together no more--no more--no
more! Oh, the brave lad that he was! and the good master! And who was not
proud of him--my handsome lad--and he the last of the Macleods of Dare?"
Arise, Hamish, and have the gig hauled up into shelter; for will you not
want it when the gale abates, and the seas are smooth, and you have to go
away, to Dare, you and your comrades, with silent tongues and sombre
eyes? Why this wild lamentation in the darkness of the night? The stricken
heart that you loved so well has found peace at last; the coal-black wine has
been drunk: there is an end! And you, you poor, cowering fugitives, who
only see each other's terrified faces when the wan gleam of the lightning
blazes through the sky, perhaps it is well that you should weep and wail for
the young master; but that is soon over, and the day will break. And this is
what I am thinking of now: when the light comes and the seas are smooth,
then which of you--oh, which of you all will tell this tale to the two women
at Castle Dare?

So fair shines the morning sun on the white sands of Iona! The three-days'
gale is over. Behold how Ulva--Ulva the green-shored--the Ool-a-va that
the sailors love--is laughing out again to the clear skies! And the great
skarts on the shores of Erisgeir are spreading abroad their dusky wings to
get them dried in the sun; and the seals are basking on the rocks in Loch-na-
Keal; and in Loch Scridain the white gulls sit buoyant on the blue sea.
There go the Gometra men in their brown-sailed boat to look after the
lobster traps at Staffa, and very soon you will see the steamer come round
the far Cailleach Point; over at Erraidh they are signaling to the men at
Dubh-Artach, and they are glad to have a message from them after the
heavy gale. The new, bright day has begun; the world has awakened again
to the joyous sunlight; there is a chattering of the sea-birds all along the

Page 97

shores. It is a bright, eager, glad day for all the world. But there is silence in
Castle Dare!

SHEILA IN LONDON

From 'A Princess of Thule'

She asked if they were lords who owned those beautiful houses built up on
the hill, and half-smothered among lilacs and ash-trees and rowan-trees and
ivy.
"My darling," Lavender had said to her, "if your papa were to come and live
here, he could buy half a dozen of these cottages, gardens and all. They are
mostly the property of well-to-do shopkeepers. If this little place takes your
fancy, what will you say when you go South--when you see Wimbledon and
Richmond and Kew, with their grand old commons and trees? Why, you
could hide Oban in a corner of Richmond Park!"
"And my papa has seen all these places?"
"Yes. Don't you think it strange he should have seen them all, and known he
could live in any of them, and then gone away back to Borva?"
"But what would the poor people have done if he had never gone back?"
"Oh, some one else would have taken his place."
"And then, if he were living here, or in London, he might have got tired,
and he might have wished to go back to the Lewis and see all the people he
knew; and then he would come among them like a stranger, and have no
house to go to."
Then Lavender said, quite gently:--

Page 98

"Do you think, Sheila, you will ever tire of living in the South?"
The girl looked up quickly, and said with a sort of surprised questioning in
her eyes:--
"No, not with you. But then we shall often go to the Lewis?"
"Oh, yes," her husband said, "as often as we can conveniently. But it will
take some time at first, you know, before you get to know all my friends,
who are to be your friends, and before you get properly fitted with your
social circle. That will take you a long time, Sheila, and you may have
many annoyances or embarrassments to encounter; but you won't be very
much afraid, my girl?"
Sheila merely looked up to him; there was no fear in the frank, brave eyes.
The first large town she saw struck a cold chill to her heart. On a wet and
dismal afternoon they sailed into Greenock. A heavy smoke hung about the
black building-yards and the dirty quays; the narrow and squalid streets
were filled with mud, and only the poorer sections of the population waded
through the mire or hung disconsolately about the corners of the thorough-
fares. A gloomier picture could not well be conceived; and Sheila, chilled
with the long and wet sail and bewildered by the noise and bustle of the
harbor, was driven to the hotel with a sore heart and a downcast face.
"This is not like London, Frank?" she said, pretty nearly ready to cry with
disappointment.
"This? No. Well, it is like a part of London, certainly, but not the part you
will live in."
"But how can we live in the one place without passing the other and being
made miserable by it? There was no part of Oban like this."
"Why, you will live miles away from the docks and quays of London. You
might live for a lifetime in London without ever knowing it had a harbor.
Don't you be afraid, Sheila. You will live in a district where there are far
finer houses than any you saw in Oban, and far finer trees; and within a few
minutes' walk you will find great gardens and parks, with lakes in them and

Page 99

wild fowls, and you will be able to teach the boys about how to set the helm
and the sails when they are launching their small boats."
"I should like that," said Sheila, her face brightening.
"Perhaps you would like a boat yourself?"
"Yes," she said, frankly. "If there were not many people there, we might go
out sometimes in the evening--"
Her husband laughed and took her hand: "You don't understand, Sheila. The
boats the boys have are little things a foot or two long--like the one in your
papa's bedroom in Borva. But many of the boys would be greatly obliged to
you if you would teach them how to manage the sails properly, for
sometimes dreadful shipwrecks occur."
"You must bring them to our house. I am very fond of little boys, when they
begin to forget to be shy, and let you become acquainted with them."
"Well," said Lavender, "I don't know many of the boys who sail boats in the
Serpentine: you will have to make their acquaintance yourself. But I know
one boy whom I must bring to the house. He is a German-Jew boy, who is
going to be another Mendelssohn, his friends say. He is a pretty boy, with
ruddy-brown hair, big black eyes, and a fine forehead; and he really sings
and plays delightfully. But you know, Sheila, you must not treat him as a
boy, for he is over fourteen, I should think; and if you were to kiss him--"
"He might be angry," said Sheila, with perfect simplicity.
"I might," said Lavender; and then, noticing that she seemed a little
surprised, he merely patted her head and bade her go and get ready for
dinner.
Then came the great climax of Sheila's southward journey--her arrival in
London. She was all anxiety to see her future home; and as luck would have
it, there was a fair spring morning shining over the city. For a couple of
hours before, she had sat and looked out of the carriage-window as the train
whirled rapidly through the scarcely awakened country, and she had seen
the soft and beautiful landscapes of the South lit up by the early sunlight.
How the bright little villages shone, with here and there a gilt weathercock

Page 100

glittering on the spire of some small gray church, while as yet in many
valleys a pale gray mist lay along the bed of the level streams or clung to
the dense woods on the upland heights! Which was the more beautiful--the
sharp, clear picture, with its brilliant colors and its awakening life, or the
more mystic landscape over which was still drawn the tender veil of the
morning haze? She could not tell. She only knew that England, as she then
saw it, seemed a great country that was very beautiful, that had few
inhabitants, and that was still and sleepy and bathed in sunshine. How
happy must the people be who lived in those quiet green valleys by the side
of slow and smooth rivers, and amid great woods and avenues of stately
trees, the like of which she had not imagined even in her dreams!
But from the moment that they got out at Euston Square she seemed a trifle
bewildered, and could only do implicitly as her husband bade her--clinging
to his hand, for the most part, as if to make sure of guidance. She did indeed
glance somewhat nervously at the hansom into which Lavender put her,
apparently asking how such a tall and narrow two-wheeled vehicle could be
prevented toppling over. But when he, having sent on all their luggage by a
respectable old four-wheeler, got into the hansom beside her, and put his
hand inside her arm, and bade her be of good cheer that she should have
such a pleasant morning to welcome her to London, she said "Yes,"
mechanically, and only looked out in a wistful fashion at the great houses
and trees of Euston Square, the mighty and roaring stream of omnibuses,
the droves of strangers, mostly clad in black, as if they were going to
church, and the pale blue smoke that seemed to mix with the sunshine and
make it cold and distant.
They were in no hurry, these two, on that still morning; and so, to impress
Sheila all at once with a sense of the greatness and grandeur of London, he
made the cabman cut down by Park Crescent and Portland Place to Regent
Circus. Then they went along Oxford Street; and there were crowded
omnibuses taking young men into the city, while all the pavements were
busy with hurrying passers-by. What multitudes of unknown faces,
unknown to her and unknown to each other! These people did not speak:
they only hurried on, each intent upon his own affairs, caring nothing,
apparently, for the din around them, and looking so strange and sad in their
black clothes in the pale and misty sunlight.

Page 101

"You are in a trance, Sheila," he said.
She did not answer. Surely she had wandered into some magical city, for
now the houses on one side of the way suddenly ceased, and she saw before
her a great and undulating extent of green, with a border of beautiful
flowers, and with groups of trees that met the sky all along the southern
horizon. Did the green and beautiful country she had seen, shoot in thus into
the heart of the town, or was there another city far away on the other side of
the trees? The place was almost as deserted as those still valleys she had
passed by in the morning. Here in the street there was the roar of a passing
crowd; but there was a long and almost deserted stretch of park, with
winding roads and umbrageous trees, on which the wan sunlight fell from
between loose masses of half-golden cloud.
Then they passed Kensington Gardens, and there were more people walking
down the broad highways between the elms.
"You are getting nearly home now, Sheila," he said. "And you will be able
to come and walk in these avenues whenever you please."
Was this, then, her home? this section of a barrack-row of dwellings, all
alike in steps, pillars, doors, and windows? When she got inside, the servant
who had opened the door bobbed a courtesy to her: should she shake hands
with her and say. "And are you ferry well?" But at this moment Lavender
came running up the steps, playfully hurried her into the house and up the
stairs, and led her into her own drawing-room. "Well, darling, what do you
think of your home, now that you see it?"
Sheila looked around timidly. It was not a big room, but it was a palace in
height and grandeur and color compared with that little museum in Borva in
which Sheila's piano stood. It was all so strange and beautiful--the split
pomegranates and quaint leaves on the upper part of the walls, and
underneath a dull slate-color where the pictures hung; the curious painting
on the frames of the mirrors; the brilliant curtains, with their stiff and
formal patterns. It was not very much like a home as yet; it was more like a
picture that had been carefully planned and executed; but she knew how he
had thought of pleasing her in choosing these things, and without saying a
word she took his hand and kissed it. And then she went to one of the three
tall French windows and looked out on the square. There, between the trees,

Page 102

was a space of beautiful soft green; and some children dressed in bright
dresses, and attended by a governess in sober black, had just begun to play
croquet. An elderly lady with a small white dog was walking along one of
the graveled paths. An old man was pruning some bushes.
"It is very still and quiet here," said Sheila. "I was afraid we should have to
live in that terrible noise always."
"I hope you won't find it dull, my darling," he said.
"Dull, when you are here?"
"But I cannot always be here, you know."
She looked up.
"You see, a man is so much in the way if he is dawdling about a house all
day long. You would begin to regard me as a nuisance, Sheila, and would be
for sending me to play croquet with those young Carruthers, merely that
you might get the rooms dusted. Besides, you know I couldn't work here: I
must have a studio of some sort--in the neighborhood, of course. And then
you will give me your orders in the morning as to when I am to come round
for luncheon or dinner."
"And you will be alone all day at your work?"
"Yes."
"Then I will come and sit with you, my poor boy," she said.
"Much work I should do in that case!" he said. "But we'll see. In the mean
time go up-stairs and get your things off: that young person below has
breakfast ready, I dare say."
"But you have not shown me yet where Mr. Ingram lives," said Sheila
before she went to the door.
"Oh, that is miles away. You have only seen a little bit of London yet.
Ingram lives about as far away from here as the distance you have just
come, but in another direction."

Page 103

"It is like a world made of houses," said Sheila, "and all filled with
strangers. But you will take me to see Mr. Ingram?"
"By-and-by, yes. But he is sure to drop in on you as soon as he fancies you
are settled in your new home."
And here at last was Mr. Ingram come; and the mere sound of his voice
seemed to carry her back to Borva, so that in talking to him and waiting on
him as of old, she would scarcely have been surprised if her father had
walked in to say that a coaster was making for the harbor, or that Duncan
was going over to Stornoway, and Sheila would have to give him
commissions.
Her husband did not take the same interest in the social and political affairs
of Borva that Mr. Ingram did. Lavender had made a pretense of assisting
Sheila in her work among the poor people, but the effort was a hopeless
failure. He could not remember the name of the family that wanted a new
boat, and was visibly impatient when Sheila would sit down to write out for
some aged crone a letter to her grandson in Canada. Now Ingram, for the
mere sake of occupation, had qualified himself during his various visits to
Lewis, so that he might have become the home minister of the King of
Borva; and Sheila was glad to have one attentive listener as she described
all the wonderful things that had happened in the island since the previous
summer.
But Ingram had got a full and complete holiday on which to come up and
see Sheila; and he had brought with him the wild and startling proposal that
in order that she should take her first plunge into the pleasures of civilized
life, her husband and herself should drive down to Richmond and dine at
the Star and Garter.
"What is that?" said Sheila.
"My dear girl," said her husband, seriously, "your ignorance is something
fearful to contemplate. It is quite bewildering. How can a person who does
not know what the Star and Garter is, be told what the Star and Garter is?"
"But I am willing to go and see," said Sheila.
"Then I must look after getting a brougham," said Lavender, rising.

Page 104

"A brougham on such a day as this?" exclaimed Ingram. "Nonsense! Get an
open trap of some sort; and Sheila, just to please me, will put on that very
blue dress she used to wear in Borva, and the hat and the white feather, if
she has got them."
"Perhaps you would like me to put on a sealskin cap and a red handkerchief
instead of a collar," observed Lavender, calmly.
"You may do as you please. Sheila and I are going to dine at the Star and
Garter."
"May I put on that blue dress?" said the girl, going up to her husband.
"Yes, of course, if you like," said Lavender meekly, going off to order the
carriage, and wondering by what route he could drive those two maniacs
down to Richmond so that none of his friends should see them.
When he came back again, bringing with him a landau which could be shut
up for the homeward journey at night, he had to confess that no costume
seemed to suit Sheila so well as the rough sailor dress; and he was so
pleased with her appearance that he consented at once to let Bras go with
them in the carriage, on condition that Sheila should be responsible for him.
Indeed, after the first shiver of driving away from the square was over, he
forgot that there was much unusual about the look of this odd pleasure
party. If you had told him eighteen months before that on a bright day in
May, just as people were going home from the Park for luncheon, he would
go for a drive in a hired trap with one horse, his companions being a man
with a brown wide-awake, a girl dressed as though she were the owner of a
yacht, and an immense deerhound, and that in this fashion he would dare to
drive up to the Star and Garter and order dinner, he would have bet five
hundred to one that such a thing would never occur so long as he preserved
his senses. But somehow he did not mind much. He was very much at home
with those two people beside him; the day was bright and fresh; the horse
went a good pace; and once they were over Hammersmith Bridge and out
among fields and trees, the country looked exceedingly pretty, and all the
beauty of it was mirrored in Sheila's eyes.
"I can't quite make you out in that dress, Sheila," he said. "I am not sure
whether it is real and business-like or a theatrical costume. I have seen girls

Page 105

on Ryde Pier with something of the same sort on, only a good deal more
pronounced, you know, and they looked like sham yachtsmen; and I have
seen stewardesses wearing that color and texture of cloth--"
"But why not leave it as it is," said Ingram--"a solitary costume produced
by certain conditions of climate and duties, acting in conjunction with a
natural taste for harmonious coloring and simple form? That dress, I will
maintain, sprang as naturally from the salt sea as Aphrodite did; and the
man who suspects artifice in it, or invention, has had his mind perverted by
the skepticism of modern society."
"Is my dress so very wonderful?" said Sheila, with a grave complacence. "I
am pleased that the Lewis has produced such a fine thing, and perhaps you
would like me to tell you its history. It was my papa bought a piece of blue
serge in Stornoway: it cost three shillings sixpence a yard, and a dressmaker
in Stornoway cut it for me, and I made it myself. That is all the history of
the wonderful dress."
Suddenly Sheila seized her husband's arm. They had got down to the river
by Mortlake; and there, on the broad bosom of the stream, a long and
slender boat was shooting by, pulled by four oarsmen clad in white flannel.
"How can they go out in such a boat?" said Sheila, with great alarm visible
in her eyes. "It is scarcely a boat at all; and if they touch a rock, or if the
wind catches them--"
"Don't be frightened, Sheila," said her husband. "They are quite safe. There
are no rocks in our rivers, and the wind does not give us squalls here like
those on Loch Roag. You will see hundreds of those boats by and by, and
perhaps you yourself will go out in one."
"Oh, never, never!" she said, almost with a shudder.
"Why, if the people here heard you they would not know how brave a sailor
you are. You are not afraid to go out at night by yourself on the sea, and you
won't go on a smooth inland river--"
"But those boats: if you touch them they must go over."

Page 106

She seemed glad to get away from the river. She could not be persuaded of
the safety of the slender craft of the Thames; and indeed, for some time
after seemed so strangely depressed that Lavender begged and prayed of her
to tell him what was the matter. It was simple enough. She had heard him
speak of his boating adventures. Was it in such boats as that she had just
seen? and might he not be some day going out in one of them and an
accident--the breaking of an oar, a gust of wind--
There was nothing for it but to reassure her by a solemn promise that in no
circumstances whatever would he, Lavender, go into a boat without her
express permission, whereupon Sheila was as grateful to him as though he
had dowered her with a kingdom.
This was not the Richmond Hill of her fancy--this spacious height; with its
great mansions, its magnificent elms, and its view of all the westward and
wooded country, with the blue-white streak of the river winding through the
green foliage. Where was the farm? The famous Lass of Richmond Hill
must have lived on a farm; but here surely were the houses of great lords
and nobles, which had apparently been there for years and years. And was
this really a hotel that they stopped at--this great building that she could
only compare to Stornoway Castle?
"Now, Sheila," said Lavender, after they had ordered dinner and gone out,
"mind you keep a tight hold on that leash, for Bras will see strange things in
the Park."
"It is I who will see strange things," she said; and the prophecy was amply
fulfilled. For as they went along the broad path, and came better into view
of the splendid undulation of woodland and pasture and fern, when on the
one hand they saw the Thames far below them flowing through the green
and spacious valley, and on the other hand caught some dusky glimpse of
the far white houses of London, it seemed to her that she had got into a new
world, and that this world was far more beautiful than the great city she had
left. She did not care so much for the famous view from the hill. She had
cast one quick look to the horizon, with one throb of expectation that the
sea might be there. There was no sea there--only the faint blue of long lines
of country, apparently without limit. Moreover, over the western landscape
a faint haze prevailed, that increased in the distance and softened down the

Page 107

more distant woods into a sober gray. That great extent of wooded plain,
lying sleepily in its pale mists, was not so cheerful as the scene around her,
where the sunlight was sharp and clear, the air fresh, the trees flooded with
a pure and bright color. Here indeed was a cheerful and beautiful world, and
she was full of curiosity to know all about it and its strange features. What
was the name of this tree? and how did it differ from that? Were not these
rabbits over by the fence? and did rabbits live in the midst of trees and
bushes? What sort of wood was the fence made of? and was it not terribly
expensive to have such a protection? Could not he tell the cost of a wooden
fence? Why did they not use wire netting? Was not that a loch away down
there? and what was its name? A loch without a name! Did the salmon
come up to it? and did any sea-birds ever come inland and build their nests
on its margin?
"O, Bras, you must come and look at the loch. It is a long time since you
will see a loch."
And away she went through the thick bracken, holding on to the swaying
leash that held the galloping greyhound, and running swiftly as though she
had been making down for the shore to get out the Maighdean-mhara.
"Sheila," called her husband, "don't be foolish!"
"Sheila," called Ingram, "have pity on an old man!"
Suddenly she stopped. A brace of partridges had sprung up at some
distance, and with a wild whirr of their wings were now directing their low
and rapid flight toward the bottom of the valley.
"What birds are those?" she said peremptorily.
She took no notice of the fact that her companions were pretty nearly too
blown to speak. There was a brisk life and color in her face, and all her
attention was absorbed in watching the flight of the birds. Lavender fancied
he saw in the fixed and keen look something of old Mackenzie's gray eye: it
was not the first trace of a likeness to her father he had seen.
"You bad girl!" he said, "they are partridges."

Page 108

She paid no heed to this reproach, for what were those other things over
there underneath the trees? Bras had pricked up his ears, and there was a
strange excitement in his look and in his trembling frame.
"Deer!" she cried, with her eyes as fixed as were those of the dog beside
her.
"Well," said her husband calmly, "what although they are deer?"
"But Bras--" she said; and with that she caught the leash with both her
hands,
"Bras won't mind them if you keep him quiet. I suppose you can manage
him better than I can. I wish we had brought a whip."
"I would rather let him kill every deer in the Park than touch him with a
whip," said Sheila proudly.
"You fearful creature, you don't know what you say. That is high treason. If
George Ranger heard you, he would have you hanged in front of the Star
and Garter."
"Who is George Ranger?" said Sheila with an air as if she had said, "Do you
know that I am the daughter of the King of Borva, and whoever touches me
will have to answer to my papa, who is not afraid of any George Ranger?"
"He is a great lord who hangs all persons who disturb the deer in this Park."
"But why do they not go away?" said Sheila impatiently. "I have never seen
any deer so stupid. It is their own fault if they are disturbed: why do they
remain so near to people and to houses?"
"My dear child, if Bras wasn't here you would probably find some of those
deer coming up to see if you had any bits of sugar or pieces of bread about
your pockets."
"Then they are like sheep--they are not like deer," she said with some
contempt. "If I could only tell Bras that it is sheep he will be looking at, he
would not look any more. And so small they are! They are as small as the
roe, but they have horns as big as many of the red-deer. Do people eat
them?"

Page 109

"I suppose so."
"And what will they cost?"
"I am sure I can't tell you."
"Are they as good as the roe or the big deer?"
"I don't know that either. I don't think I ever ate fallow-deer. But you know
they are not kept here for that purpose. A great many gentlemen in this
country keep a lot of them in their parks merely to look pretty. They cost a
great deal more than they produce."
"They must eat up a great deal of fine grass," said Sheila almost
sorrowfully. "It is a beautiful ground for sheep--no rushes, no peat moss,
only fine good grass and dry land. I should like my papa to see all this
beautiful ground."
"I fancy he has seen it."
"Was my papa here?"
"I think he said so."
"And did he see those deer?"
"Doubtless."
"He never told me of them."
By this time they had pretty nearly got down to the little lake, and Bras had
been alternately coaxed and threatened into a quiescent mood.
Sheila evidently expected to hear a flapping of sea-fowls' wings when they
got near the margin; and looked all round for the first sudden dart from the
banks. But a dead silence prevailed; and as there were neither fish nor birds
to watch, she went along to a wooden bench and sat down there, one of her
companions on each hand. It was a pretty scene that lay before her--the
small stretch of water ruffled with the wind, but showing a dash of blue sky
here and there--the trees in the inclosure beyond, clad in their summer
foliage, the smooth greensward shining in the afternoon sunlight. Here at
least was absolute quiet after the roar of London; and it was somewhat

Page 110

wistfully that she asked her husband how far this place was from her home,
and whether, when he was at work, she could not come down here by
herself.
"Certainly," he said, never dreaming that she would think of doing such a
thing.
By-and-by they returned to the hotel; and while they sat at dinner a great
fire of sunset spread over the west; and the far woods became of a rich
purple, streaked here and there with lines of pale white mist. The river
caught the glow of the crimson clouds above, and shone duskily red amid
the dark green of the trees. Deeper and deeper grew the color of the sun as it
sank to the horizon, until it disappeared behind one low bar of purple cloud;
and then the wild glow in the west slowly faded away; the river became
pallid and indistinct; the white mists over the distant woods seemed to grow
denser; and then, as here and there a lamp was lit far down in the valley, one
or two pale stars appeared in the sky overhead, and the night came on
apace.
"It is so strange," Sheila said, "to find the darkness coming on, and not to
hear the sound of the waves. I wonder if it is a fine night at Borva."
Her husband went over to her and led her back to the table, where the
candles, shining over the white cloth and the colored glasses, offered a more
cheerful picture than the darkening landscape outside. They were in a
private room; so that when dinner was over, Sheila was allowed to amuse
herself with the fruit, while her two companions lit their cigars. Where was
the quaint old piano now; and the glass of hot whisky and water; and the
'Lament of Monaltrie,' or 'Love in thine eyes forever plays'? It seemed, but
for the greatness of the room, to be a repetition of one of those evenings at
Borva that now belonged to a far-off past. Here was Sheila, not minding the
smoke, listening to Ingram as of old, and sometimes saying something in
that sweetly inflected speech of hers; here was Ingram, talking, as it were,
out of a brown study, and morosely objecting to pretty nearly everything
Lavender said, but always ready to prove Sheila right; and Lavender
himself, as unlike a married man as ever, talking impatiently, impetuously,
and wildly, except at such times as he said something to his young wife, and
then some brief smile and look, or some pat on the hand, said more than

Page 111

words. But where, Sheila may have thought, was the one wanting to
complete the group? Has he gone down to Borvabost to see about the
cargoes of fish to be sent off in the morning? Perhaps he is talking to
Duncan outside about the cleaning of the guns, or making up cartridges in
the kitchen. When Sheila's attention wandered away from the talk of her
companions, she could not help listening for the sound of the waves; and as
there was no such message coming to her from the great wooded plain
without, her fancy took her away across that mighty country she had
traveled through, and carried her up to the island of Loch Roag, until she
almost fancied she could smell the peat-smoke in the night air, and listen to
the sea, and hear her father pacing up and down the gravel outside the
house, perhaps thinking of her as she was thinking of him.
This little excursion to Richmond was long remembered by those three. It
was the last of their meetings before Sheila was ushered into the big world
to busy herself with new occupations and cares. It was a pleasant little
journey throughout; for as they got into the landau to drive back to town,
the moon was shining high up in the southern heavens, and the air was mild
and fresh, so that they had the carriage opened, and Sheila, well wrapped
up, lay and looked around her with a strange wonder and joy as they drove
underneath the shadow of the trees and out again into the clear sheen of the
night. They saw the river, too, flowing smoothly and palely down between
its dark banks; and somehow here the silence checked them, and they
hummed no more those duets they used to sing up at Borva. Of what were
they thinking, then, as they drove through the clear night along the lonely
road? Lavender at least was rejoicing at his great good fortune that he had
secured for ever to himself the true-hearted girl who now sat opposite to
him, with the moonlight touching her face and hair; and he was laughing to
himself at the notion that he did not properly appreciate her or understand
her or perceive her real character. If not he, who then? Had he not watched
every turn of her disposition, every expression of her wishes, every grace of
her manner and look of her eyes? and was he not overjoyed to find that the
more he knew of her the more he loved her? Marriage had increased rather
than diminished the mystery and wonder he had woven about her. He was
more her lover now than he had been before his marriage. Who could see in
her eyes what he saw? Elderly folks can look at a girl's eyes, and see that
they are brown or blue or green, as the case may be; but the lover looks at

Page 112

them and sees in them the magic mirror of a hundred possible worlds. How
can he fathom the sea of dreams that lies there, or tell what strange fancies
and reminiscences may be involved in an absent look? Is she thinking of
starlit nights on some distant lake, or of the old bygone days on the hills?
All her former life is told there, and yet but half told, and he longs to
become possessed of all the beautiful past that she has seen. Here is a
constant mystery to him, and there is a singular and wistful attraction for
him in those still deeps where the thoughts and dreams of an innocent soul
lie but half revealed. He does not see those things in the eyes of women he
is not in love with; but when in after years he is carelessly regarding this or
the other woman, some chance look, some brief and sudden turn of
expression, will recall to him, as with a stroke of lightning, all the old
wonder-time, and his heart will go nigh to breaking to think that he has
grown old, and that he has forgotten so much, and that the fair, wild days of
romance and longing are passed away forever.

Page 113

RICHARD DODDRIDGE BLACKMORE
(1825-)

he literary success of Blackmore came late in life. He was born in
Longworth, Berkshire, England, in 1825, was graduated at Exeter College,
Oxford, and afterwards studied law in the Middle Temple, practicing his
profession as a conveyancer.
But his heart was in an outdoor life. Like his own John Ridd, the hero of
'Lorna Doone,' he is a man of the moors and fields, with a fresh breeze
blowing over him and a farmer's cares in his mind. In 1854-5 he published
several volumes of poems under the pen-name of "Melanter." 'The Bugle of
the Black Sea' and a complete translation of Virgil's 'Georgics' appeared in
1871.
Other volumes of verse followed, of which it may be said that he is a poet
more sensitive to influence than fertile in original impulse; although some
of his prose, in which even rhythm is observed in what seems to be an
unconscious manner, displays high original quality. It is therefore fair to say
of him as a poet that while his works did not gain him the reputation that
has placed him among the foremost literary men of the day, the subtle
influence rural nature exerts on man, and the part it bears in the sweet
harmonies of life, are told in passages that are resonant with melody.
The poet's delight is in the prosperity of the fields, as if they were his
friends, and in the dumb loving motherhood with which all nature seems, to
his eyes, to surround him.
As the precursor of a summer that yielded such a mellow harvest, the spring
of Mr. Blackmore's fiction was slow and intermittent. The plot of his stories
is never probable, but in his first novel, 'Clara Vaughan,' published in 1864,
it impairs belief in the general reality of the book; and though there is hint
of the power to excite sympathy of which his latter novels prove him so

Page 114

great a master, the intelligence refuses such shrieking melodrama. 'Lorna
Doone' therefore came unheralded. It was published in London in 1869 and
slowly grew in favor, then leaped into popularity. In 1878 twenty-two
editions had been printed.
Other novels followed. 'The Maid of Sker,' 'Alice Lorraine,' 'Cripps the
Carrier,' 'Erema,' 'Mary Anerley,' 'Christowell,' 'Sir Thomas Upton,' came in
rapid succession. The paternity of no novel of Mr. Blackmore's is doubtful.
All have marked characteristics. They are long and exceedingly minute in
detail. With all his finish, he tells his story almost with a child's
elaborateness of incident. Every change of the seasons, the history of every
walk is set down. He is in love with every feature of the landscape, be it the
wild doons of Exmoor or the wilder Yorkshire coast, or, across the seas, the
plains of the Sierras. He is a story-teller of the days in which it was quite
unimportant whether tales should come to an end or not. He would have
saved Scheherazade all her trouble and enjoyed the task. He cannot pass
carelessly by the slightest incident; it is his nature to approfondir all his
surroundings: if the hero breaks his stirrup and stops at the blacksmith's to
have it mended, the blacksmith will appear at the end of the story united to
the rider, from the third and fourth generation, by a subtle thread of
connection. But all these details, while they encumber the tale, contribute to
a harmonious whole; for he has in a peculiar degree an instinct for the
judicious introduction of telling human characters that are as much a part of
the detail of the scene as the trees and stones. Upon these characters he
expends a wealth of humor, and his humor is characteristic of Blackmore
alone. It is full of unexpected turns and twists of fancy, quiet fun when we
expect grave comment. Friendly old people appear, full of innumerable
quips of individuality, and breezy fields and wealthy orchards and a general
mellow fruitfulness form the background of the play.
Especially in his prodigality is Blackmore characteristic of Blackmore.
Other writers keep their quaint reflections for their dialogue, and confer
immortality on their principal characters. But Blackmore has no sense of
economy. As Mr. Saintsbury says of Thackeray, he could not introduce a
personage, however subordinate, without making him a living creature. He
does little with a character he has described in such powerful lines as
Stephen Anerley. The fisher village folks, wild and hardy, with their slow
speech and sly sagacity, the men at sea and the women at home; the maimed

Page 115

and broken-down yet jolly old tars; the anxious little merchants, and the
heavy coast-guardsmen, we learn to know as we know the rocks and caves,
the fishing cobbles in their bright colors, the slow-tongued gossips pouring
out their long-voweled speech. All these characters, although they have a
general resemblance to each other, have also a peculiar, quaint simplicity
and wisdom that is Blackmoreish, as Thackeray's characters are
Thackeraian. The author steps in and gives his puppets his little twist, the
characteristic obliquity each possesses, his quips and cranks. If he would
but confine the abundant tide of his flowing and leisurely utterances, he
would have more time to bestow on really exciting and dramatic episodes,
instead of going off into a little corner and carefully embellishing it, while
the denouement waits and the interest grows cold. Neither can he write a
page without sending a sly bolt of amused perception through it, in which
he discovers some foible or pricks some bubble of pretension, but always
tenderly, as if he loved his victim. To the fact that Mr. Blackmore's success
came late in life, we have perhaps to be thankful for the softened and
indulgent maturity which finds a hundred excuses, and knows that nothing
is as good or as bad as it seems.

Page 116

The best expression of his genius in the delineation of character is not--with
perhaps the exception of John Ridd--in his heroes and heroines. The former
are drawn with the stronger hand. The maidens are pretty girls, sweet and
good and brave for the sake of their fathers, and cunning for their lovers.
His young men are gallant and true; but as exemplary love is apt to run
smooth, it is not here that the drama finds the necessary amount of difficulty
and pain. The interest centres in such delicious conceptions as Parson Short,
full of muscular energy and sound doctrine, in Dr. Uperandown, his salt-
water parish rival, the carrier Cripps, Parson Chowne, and the renowned
highwayman Tom Faggus, of whom they were immensely proud. These
people, before he has done with them, get hold of our sympathies, while the
author keeps perennially fresh his enjoyment of human follies. His rustics

Page 117

do not talk with elaborate humor, nor are they amiable, but they are racy of
the soil.
One cannot dismiss a novelist without a reference to his plots, unless indeed
he discards plots as an article of faith. Mr. Blackmore has no such intention.
His stories are full of adventure and dramatic situations, and his melodrama
is of the lurid kind on which the calcium light is thrown. Sometimes, as in
'The Maid of Sker' and 'Cripps' they violate every probability. In others, as
in 'Mary Anerley,' the mystery is childishly simple, the oft-repeated plot of a
lost child recovered by certain strangely wrought gold buttons. In 'Erema,'
the narrative suffers for want of vraisemblance, and loses by being related
by a very young girl who has had no opportunity of becoming familiar with
the world she describes. He is constantly guilty of that splendid mendacity
which fiction loves, but which is nearly impossible to actual life. Self-
sacrifice as depicted in 'Christowell,' involving much suffering to little
purpose, is unsatisfactory; and it is a sin against the verities to make
unreasonable generosity the basis of fiction representing life.
But while the reader quarrels with a waste of precious material, Mr.
Blackmore pursues his meditative way, with his smile of genial observation,
himself the best of all his personages. The smell of the heather and the wild
moorland odors, the honeyed grass and the fragrant thyme, the darker
breathings of the sea, get into his pages and render them fragrant. A few
villages lie on the edge of that wild region, and a living trout stream darts
by, but the landscape does not obtrude itself nor interrupt the story. The
quaint philosophy flows on spontaneously, with a tender humanity and
cheerful fun. A writer like this may be pardoned if he is an indifferent
builder of a tale.
The scene of 'Lorna Doone,' the novelist's masterpiece, is laid in
Devonshire; and what Wordsworth did for the lake country, Blackmore has
done for the fairest county in England. The time is that of Charles II. The
book is historical, it is very long, it is minute in detail, and it is
melodramatic: but it is alive. The strange adventures may or may not have
happened, but we believe in them, for it is real life that is set before us; and
whatever the author may tell us of robber caves and black-hearted villains,
there is nothing incredible in any of his confidences. Nothing in recent
novel writing is more vivid than the contrast between these outcast nobles

Page 118

the Doones, robbers and brigands, living in the wilds of Bagworthy Forest,
locked fast in the hills,--and the peaceful farm-house of the yeoman Ridd
who lives on the Downs. This home is not idealized. From the diamond-
paned kitchen come savory smells of cooking and substantial fare. Pretty
Annie, whose "like has never been seen for making a man comfortable,"
Lizzie, who was undersized and loved books, "but knew the gift of cooking
had not been vouchsafed her by God," the sweet homely mother, and above
all the manly figure of the young giant John, make a picture of which the
gloomy castle of the Doones is the shadow. And what more charming than
the story of the love that takes possession of the young boy, making a poet,
a soldier, a knight of him, through a chance encounter with Lorna, the
queen of the wild band, the grandchild of old Sir Ensor Doone?
With John Ridd,--"Grit Jan"--the author dwelt till he possessed him with
human attributes and made him alive. Around him the interest of the story
centres. He is full of mother-wit and observation of men and things,
especially of every changing mood of the nature he regards as his true
mother. He is brave and resourceful, and rescues Lorna and himself from
numberless difficulties by his native shrewdness. And his love is a poem, an
idyl that crowns him a shepherd king in his own green pastures. Nothing
that he does in his plodding, sturdy way wearies us. His size, his strength,
his good farming, the way he digs his sheep out of the snow, entertain us as
well as his rescue of Lorna from the clan.
The texture of this novel is close, the composition elaborate. It is impossible
to escape from it, the story having been once begun. 'Lorna Doone' is
Blackmore at his highest point, full of truest nature and loveliest thoughts.

A DESPERATE VENTURE

From 'Lorna Doone'

Page 119

The journey was a great deal longer to fetch around the southern hills, and
enter by the Doone gate, than to cross the lower land and steal in by the
water-slide. However, I durst not take a horse (for fear of the Doones, who
might be abroad upon their usual business), but started betimes in the
evening, so as not to hurry, or waste any strength upon the way. And thus I
came to the robbers' highway, walking circumspectly, scanning the sky-line
of every hill, and searching the folds of every valley, for any moving figure.
Although it was now well on toward dark, and the sun was down an hour or
so, I could see the robbers' road before me, in a trough of the winding hills,
where the brook plowed down from the higher barrows, and the coving
banks were roofed with furze. At present there was no one passing, neither
post nor sentinel, so far as I could descry; but I thought it safer to wait a
little, as twilight melted into night; and then I crept down a seam of the
highland, and stood upon the Doone track.
As the road approached the entrance, it became more straight and strong,
like a channel cut from rock, with the water brawling darkly along the
naked side of it. Not a tree or bush was left, to shelter a man from bullets;
all was stern, and stiff, and rugged, as I could not help perceiving, even
through the darkness: and a smell as of churchyard mold, a sense of being
boxed in and cooped, made me long to be out again.
And here I was, or seemed to be, particularly unlucky; for as I drew near the
very entrance, lightly of foot, and warily, the moon (which had often been
my friend) like an enemy broke upon me, topping the eastward ridge of
rock, and filling all the open spaces with the play of wavering light. I
shrank back into the shadowy quarter on the right side of the road, and
gloomily employed myself to watch the triple entrance, on which the
moonlight fell askew.
All across and before the three rude and beetling archways hung a felled
oak overhead, black and thick and threatening. This, as I heard before,
could be let fall in a moment, so as to crush a score of men, and bar the
approach of horses. Behind this tree the rocky mouth was spanned, as by a
gallery, with brushwood and piled timber, all upon a ledge or stone, where
thirty men might lurk unseen, and fire at any invader. From that rampart it
would be impossible to dislodge them, because the rock fell sheer below

Page 120

them twenty feet, or it may be more; while overhead it towered three
hundred, and so jutted over that nothing could be cast upon them, even if a
man could climb the height. And the access to this portcullis place--if I may
so call it, being no portcullis there--was through certain rocky chambers
known to the tenants only.
But the cleverest of their devices, and the most puzzling to an enemy, was
that, instead of one mouth only, there were three to choose from, with
nothing to betoken which was the proper access, all being pretty much
alike, and all unfenced and yawning. And the common rumor was that in
times of any danger, when any force was known to be on muster in their
neighborhood, they changed their entrance every day, and diverted the other
two, by means of sliding-doors, to the chasm and dark abysses.
Now I could see those three rough arches, jagged, black, and terrible, and I
knew that only one of them could lead me to the valley; neither gave the
river now any further guidance, but dived underground with a sullen roar,
where it met the cross-bar of the mountain. Having no means at all of
judging which was the right way of the three, and knowing that the other
two would lead to almost certain death, in the ruggedness and darkness--for
how could a man, among precipices and bottomless depths of water,
without a ray of light, have any chance to save his life?--I do declare that I
was half inclined to go away, and have done with it.
However, I knew one thing for certain, to wit, that the longer I stayed
debating, the more would the enterprise pall upon me, and the less my relish
be. And it struck me that, in times of peace, the middle way was the
likeliest; and the others diverging right and left in their further parts might
be made to slide into it (not far from the entrance) at the pleasure of the
warders. Also I took it for good omen that I remembered (as rarely
happened) a very fine line in the Latin grammar, whose emphasis and
meaning is, "Middle road is fastest."
Therefore, without more hesitation, I plunged into the middle way, holding
a long ash-staff before me, shodden at the end with iron. Presently I was in
black darkness, groping along the wall, and feeling a deal more fear than I
wished to feel; especially when, upon looking back, I could no longer see
the light, which I had forsaken. Then I stumbled over something hard, and

Page 121

sharp, and very cold; moreover, so grievous to my legs that it needed my
very best doctrine and humor to forbear from swearing in the manner they
use in London. But when I arose, and felt it, and knew it to be a culverin, I
was somewhat reassured thereby, inasmuch as it was not likely that they
would plant this engine except in the real and true entrance.
Therefore I went on again, more painfully and wearily, and presently found
it to be good that I had received that knock, and borne it with such patience;
for otherwise I might have blundered full upon the sentries, and been shot
without more ado. As it was, I had barely time to draw back, as I turned a
corner upon them; and if their lantern had been in its place, they could
scarce have failed to descry me, unless indeed I had seen the gleam before I
turned the corner.
There seemed to be only two of them, of size indeed and stature as all the
Doones must be; but I need not have feared to encounter them both, had
they been unarmed, as I was. It was plain, however, that each had a long
and heavy carbine, not in his hands (as it should have been), but standing
close beside him. Therefore it behooved me now to be exceeding careful;
and even that might scarce avail, without luck in proportion. So I kept well
back at the corner, and laid one cheek to the rock face, and kept my outer
eye round the jut in the wariest mode I could compass, watching my
opportunity; and this is what I saw:
The two villains looked very happy--which villains have no right to be, but
often are, meseemeth; they were sitting in a niche of rock, with the lantern
in the corner, quaffing something from glass measures, and playing at
pushpin, or shepherd's chess, or basset, or some trivial game of that sort.
Each was smoking a long clay pipe, quite of new London shape, I could
see, for the shadow was thrown out clearly; and each would laugh from
time to time as he fancied he got the better of it. One was sitting with his
knees up, and left hand on his thigh; and this one had his back to me, and
seemed to be the stouter. The other leaned more against the rock, half sitting
and half astraddle, and wearing leathern overalls, as if newly come from
riding. I could see his face quite clearly by the light of the open lantern, and
a handsomer or a bolder face I had seldom if ever set eyes upon; insomuch
that it made me very unhappy to think of his being so near my Lorna.

Page 122

"How long am I to stay crouching here?" I asked of myself at last, being
tired of hearing them cry, "Score one," "Score two," "No, by ----, Charlie!"
"By ----, I say it is, Phelps."
And yet my only chance of slipping by them unperceived was to wait till
they quarreled more, and came to blows about it. Presently, as I made up
my mind to steal along towards them (for the cavern was pretty wide just
there), Charlie, or Charleworth Doone, the younger and taller man, reached
forth his hand to seize the money, which he swore he had won that time.
Upon this the other jerked his arm, vowing that he had no right to do it;
whereupon Charlie flung at his face the contents of the glass he was
sipping, but missed him and hit the candle, which sputtered with a flare of
blue flame (from the strength, perhaps, of the spirit), and then went out
completely. At this one swore and the other laughed; and before they had
settled what to do, I was past them and round the corner.
And then, like a giddy fool as I was, I needs must give them a startler--the
whoop of an owl, done so exactly, as John Fry had taught me, and echoed
by the roof so fearfully, that one of them dropped the tinder-box, and the
other caught up his gun and cocked it--at least as I judged by the sounds
they made. And then, too late, I knew my madness: for if either of them had
fired, no doubt but what all the village would have risen and rushed upon
me. However, as the luck of the matter went, it proved for my advantage;
for I heard one say to the other:--
"Curse it, Charlie, what was that? It scared me so, I have dropped my box;
my flint is gone, and everything. Will the brimstone catch from your pipe,
my lad?"
"My pipe is out, Phelps, ever so long. D--n it, I am not afraid of an owl,
man. Give me the lantern, and stay here. I'm not half done with you yet, my
friend."
"Well said, my boy, well said! Go straight to Carver's, mind you. The other
sleepy-heads be snoring, as there is nothing up to-night. No dallying now
under captain's window: Queen will have naught to say to you, and Carver
will punch your head into a new wick for your lantern."
"Will he, though? Two can play at that."

Page 123

And so, after some rude jests and laughter, and a few more oaths, I heard
Charlie (or at any rate somebody) coming toward me, with a loose and not
too sober footfall. As he reeled a little in his gait, and I would not move
from his way one inch, after his talk of Lorna, but only longed to grasp him
(if common sense permitted it), his braided coat came against my thumb,
and his leathern gaiters brushed my knee. If he had turned or noticed it, he
would have been a dead man in a moment; but his drunkenness saved him.
So I let him reel on unharmed; and thereupon it occurred to me that I could
have no better guide, passing as he would exactly where I wished to be--
that is to say, under Lorna's window. Therefore I followed him, without any
special caution; and soon I had the pleasure of seeing his form against the
moonlit sky.
Down a steep and winding path, with a hand-rail at the corners (such as
they have at Ilfracombe), Master Charlie tripped along--and indeed there
was much tripping, and he must have been an active fellow to recover as he
did--and after him walked I, much hoping (for his own poor sake) that he
might not turn and espy me.
But Bacchus (of whom I read at school, with great wonder about his
meaning--and the same I may say of Venus), that great deity, preserved
Charlie, his pious worshiper, from regarding consequences. So he led me
very kindly to the top of the meadow-land where the stream from
underground broke forth, seething quietly with a little hiss of bubbles.
Hence I had fair view and outline of the robbers' township, spread with
bushes here and there, but not heavily overshadowed. The moon,
approaching now the full, brought the forms in manner forth, clothing each
with character, as the moon (more than the sun) does to an eye accustomed.
I knew that the captain's house was first, both from what Lorna had said of
it, and from my mother's description, and now again from seeing Charlie
halt there for a certain time, and whistle on his fingers, and hurry on,
fearing consequence. The tune that he whistled was strange to me, and
lingered in my ears, as having something very new and striking and
fantastic in it. And I repeated it softly to myself, while I marked the position
of the houses and the beauty of the village. For the stream, in lieu of the
street, passing between the houses, and affording perpetual change and

Page 124

twinkling and reflections--moreover, by its sleepy murmur, soothing all the
dwellers there--this, and the snugness of the position, walled with rock and
spread with herbage, made it look in the quiet moonlight like a little
paradise. And to think of all the inmates there sleeping with good
consciences, having plied their useful trade of making others work for them,
enjoying life without much labor, yet with great renown!
Master Charlie went down the village, and I followed him carefully,
keeping as much as possible in the shadowy places, and watching the
windows of every house, lest any light should be burning. As I passed Sir
Ensor's house, my heart leaped up, for I spied a window, higher than the rest
above the ground, and with a faint light moving. This could hardly fail to be
the room wherein my darling lay; for here that impudent young fellow had
gazed while he was whistling. And here my courage grew tenfold, and my
spirit feared no evil; for lo! if Lorna had been surrendered to that scoundrel
Carver, she would not have been at her grandfather's house, but in Carver's
accursed dwelling.
Warm with this idea, I hurried after Charleworth Doone, being resolved not
to harm him now, unless my own life required it. And while I watched from
behind a tree, the door of the furthest house was opened; and, sure enough,
it was Carver's self, who stood bareheaded, and half undressed, in the
doorway. I could see his great black chest and arms, by the light of the lamp
he bore.
"Who wants me this time of night?" he grumbled, in a deep, gruff voice;
"any young scamp prowling after the maids shall have sore bones for his
trouble."
"All the fair maids are for thee, are they, Master Carver?" Charlie answered,
laughing; "we young scamps must be well content with coarser stuff than
thou wouldst have."
"Would have? Ay, and will have," the great beast muttered, angrily. "I bide
my time; but not very long. Only one word for thy good, Charlie. I will
fling thee senseless into the river if ever I catch thy girl-face here again."
"Mayhap, Master Carver, it is more than thou couldst do. But I will not
keep thee; thou art not pleasant company to-night. All I want is a light for

Page 125

my lantern, and a glass of schnapps, if thou hast it."
"What is become of thy light, then? Good for thee I am not on duty."
"A great owl flew between me and Phelps as we watched beside the
culverin, and so scared was he at our fierce bright eyes that he fell and
knocked the light out."
"Likely tale, or likely lie, Charles! We will have the truth to-morrow. Here,
take thy light, and be gone with thee. All virtuous men are in bed now."
"Then so will I be; and why art thou not? Ha! have I earned my schnapps
now?"
"If thou hast, thou hast paid a bad debt! there is too much in thee already.
Be off! my patience is done with."
Then he slammed the door in the young man's face, having kindled his
lantern by this time; and Charlie went up the watch-place again, muttering,
as he passed me, "Bad lookout for all of us when that surly old beast is
captain. No gentle blood in him, no hospitality, not even pleasant language,
nor a good new oath in his frowzy pate! I've a mind to cut the whole of it;
and but for the girls I would do so."
My heart was in my mouth, as they say, when I stood in the shade by
Lorna's window, and whispered her name gently. The house was of one
story only, as the others were, with pine-ends standing forth the stone, and
only two rough windows upon that western side of it, and perhaps those two
were Lorna's. The Doones had been their own builders, for no one should
know their ins and outs; and of course their work was clumsy. As for their
windows, they stole them mostly from the houses round about. But though
the window was not very close, I might have whispered long enough before
she would have answered me, frightened as she was, no doubt, by many a
rude overture. And I durst not speak aloud, because I saw another
watchman posted on the western cliff, and commanding all the valley. And
now this man (having no companion for drinking or for gambling) espied
me against the wall of the house, and advanced to the brink, and challenged
me.
"Who are you there? Answer. One, two, three and I fire at thee."

Page 126

The nozzle of his gun was pointed full upon me, as I could see, with the
moonlight striking on the barrel; he was not more than fifty yards off, and
now he began to reckon. Being almost desperate about it, I began to
whistle, wondering how far I should get before I lost my windpipe; and as
luck would have it, my lips fell into that strange tune I had practiced last;
the one I had heard from Charlie. My mouth would hardly frame the notes,
being parched with terror; but to my surprise, the man fell back, dropped his
gun, and saluted. Oh, sweetest of all sweet melodies!
That tune was Carver Doone's passport (as I heard long afterward), which
Charleworth Doone had imitated, for decoy of Lorna. The sentinel took me
for that vile Carver, who was like enough to be prowling there for private
talk with Lorna, but not very likely to shout forth his name, if it might be
avoided. The watchman, perceiving the danger, perhaps, of intruding on
Carver's privacy, not only retired along the cliff, but withdrew himself to
good distance.
Meanwhile he had done me the kindest service; for Lorna came to the
window at once to see what the cause of the shout was, and drew back the
curtain timidly. Then she opened the rough lattice, and then she watched the
cliff and trees, and then she sighed very sadly.
"O Lorna, don't you know me?" I whispered from the side, being afraid of
startling her by appearing over-suddenly.
Quick though she always was of thought, she knew me not from my
whisper, and was shutting the window hastily, when I caught it back and
showed myself.
"John!" she cried, yet with sense enough not to speak aloud; "oh, you must
be mad, John!"
"As mad as a March hare," said I, "without any news of my darling. You
knew I would come--of course you did."

Page 127

A WEDDING AND A REVENGE

From 'Lorna Doone'

However humble I might be, no one knowing anything of our part of the
country would for a moment doubt that now here was a great to-do and talk
of John Ridd and his wedding. The fierce fight with the Doones so lately,
and my leading of the combat (though I fought not more than need be), and
the vanishing of Sir Counselor, and the galloping madness of Carver, and
the religious fear of the women that this last was gone to hell,--for he
himself had declared that his aim, while he cut through the yeomanry,--also
their remorse that he should have been made to go thither, with all his
children left behind--these things, I say (if ever I can again contrive to say
anything), had led to the broadest excitement about my wedding of Lorna.
We heard that people meant to come from more than thirty miles around,
upon excuse of seeing my stature and Lorna's beauty, but in good truth out
of sheer curiosity and the love of meddling.
Our clerk had given notice that not a man should come inside the door of
his church without shilling fee, and women (as sure to see twice as much)
must every one pay two shillings. I thought this wrong; and as
churchwarden, begged that the money might be paid into mine own hands
when taken. But the clerk said that was against all law; and he had orders
from the parson to pay it to him without any delay. So, as I always obey the
parson when I care not much about a thing, I let them have it their own way,
though feeling inclined to believe sometimes that I ought to have some of
the money.
Dear mother arranged all the ins and outs of the way in which it was to be
done; and Annie and Lizzie, and all the Snowes, and even Ruth Huckaback
(who was there, after great persuasion), made such a sweeping of dresses
that I scarcely knew where to place my feet, and longed for a staff to put by
their gowns. Then Lorna came out of a pew half-way, in a manner which

Page 128

quite astonished me, and took my left hand in her right, and I prayed God
that it were done with.
My darling looked so glorious that I was afraid of glancing at her, yet took
in all her beauty. She was in a fright, no doubt, but nobody should see it;
whereas I said (to myself, at least), "I will go through it like a grave-
digger."
Lorna's dress was of pure white, clouded with faint lavender (for the sake of
the old Earl Brandir), and as simple as need be, except for perfect
loveliness. I was afraid to look at her, as I said before, except when each of
us said, "I will;" and then each dwelt upon the other.
It is impossible for any who have not loved as I have to conceive my joy
and pride when, after ring and all was done, and the parson had blessed us,
Lorna turned to look at me with her glances of subtle fun subdued by this
great act.
Her eyes, which none on earth may ever equal or compare with, told me
such a depth of comfort, yet awaiting further commune, that I was almost
amazed, thoroughly as I knew them. Darling eyes, the sweetest eyes, the
loveliest, the most loving eyes--the sound of a shot rang through the church,
and those eyes were filled with death.
Lorna fell across my knees when I was going to kiss her, as the bridegroom
is allowed to do, and encouraged, if he needs it: a flood of blood came out
upon the yellow wood of the altar steps; and at my feet lay Lorna, trying to
tell me some last message out of her faithful eyes. I lifted her up, and petted
her, and coaxed her, but it was no good; the only sign of life remaining was
a spurt of bright red blood.
Some men know what things befall them in the supreme time of their life--
far above the time of death--but to me comes back as a hazy dream, without
any knowledge in it, what I did, or felt, or thought, with my wife's arms
flagging, flagging, around my neck, as I raised her up, and softly put them
there. She sighed a long sigh on my breast, for her last farewell to life, and
then she grew so cold, and cold, that I asked the time of year.
It was now Whit-Tuesday, and the lilacs all in blossom; and why I thought
of the time of year, with the young death in my arms, God or his angels may

Page 129

decide, having so strangely given us. Enough that so I did, and looked, and
our white lilacs were beautiful. Then I laid my wife in my mother's arms,
and begging that no one would make a noise, went forth for my revenge.
Of course I knew who had done it. There was but one man in the world, or
at any rate in our part of it, who could have done such a thing--such a thing.
I use no harsher word about it, while I leaped upon our best horse, with
bridle, but no saddle, and set the head of Kickums toward the course now
pointed out to me. Who showed me the course I cannot tell. I only know
that I took it. And the men fell back before me.
Weapon of no sort had I. Unarmed, and wondering at my strange attire
(with a bridal vest wrought by our Annie, and red with the blood of the
bride), I went forth just to find out this--whether in this world there be or be
not a God of justice.
With my vicious horse at a furious speed, I came up Black Barrow Down,
directed by some shout of men, which seemed to me but a whisper. And
there, about a furlong before me, rode a man on a great black horse, and I
knew that man was Carver Doone.
"Your life, or mine," I said to myself; "as the will of God may be. But we
two live not upon this earth one more hour together."
I knew the strength of this great man; and I knew that he was armed with a
gun--if he had time to load again, after shooting my Lorna--or at any rate
with pistols, and a horseman's sword as well. Nevertheless, I had no more
doubt of killing the man before me than a cook has of spitting a headless
fowl.
Sometimes seeing no ground beneath me, and sometimes heeding every
leaf, and the crossing of the grass-blades, I followed over the long moor,
reckless whether seen or not. But only once the other man turned round and
looked back again, and then I was beside a rock, with a reedy swamp
behind me.
Although he was so far before me, and riding as hard as ride he might, I
saw that he had something on the horse in front of him; something which
needed care, and stopped him from looking backward. In the whirling of
my wits, I fancied first that this was Lorna; until the scene I had been

Page 130

through fell across hot brain and heart, like the drop at the close of a
tragedy. Rushing there through crag and quag at utmost speed of a
maddened horse, I saw, as of another's fate, calmly (as on canvas laid), the
brutal deed, the piteous anguish, and the cold despair.
The man turned up the gully leading from the moor to Cloven Rocks,
through which John Fry had tracked Uncle Ben, as of old related. But as
Carver entered it, he turned round, and beheld me not a hundred yards
behind; and I saw that he was bearing his child, little Ensie, before him.
Ensie also descried me, and stretched his hands and cried to me; for the face
of his father frightened him.
Carver Doone, with a vile oath, thrust spurs into his flagging horse, and laid
one hand on a pistol-stock, whence I knew that his slung carbine had
received no bullet since the one that pierced Lorna. And a cry of triumph
rose from the black depths of my heart. What cared I for pistols? I had no
spurs, neither was my horse one to need the rowel; I rather held him in than
urged him, for he was fresh as ever; and I knew that the black steed in front,
if he breasted the steep ascent, where the track divided, must be in our reach
at once.
His rider knew this, and having no room in the rocky channel to turn and
fire, drew rein at the crossways sharply, and plunged into the black ravine
leading to the Wizard's Slough. "Is it so?" I said to myself, with brain and
head cold as iron: "though the foul fiend come from the slough to save thee,
thou shalt carve it, Carver."
I followed my enemy carefully, steadily, even leisurely; for I had him as in a
pitfall, whence no escape might be. He thought that I feared to approach
him, for he knew not where he was; and his low disdainful laugh came
back. "Laugh he who wins," thought I.
A gnarled and half-starved oak, as stubborn as my own resolve, and smitten
by some storm of old, hung from the crag above me. Rising from my
horse's back, although I had no stirrups, I caught a limb, and tore it (like a
mere wheat-awn) from the socket. Men show the rent even now with
wonder; none with more wonder than myself.

Page 131

Carver Doone turned the corner suddenly on the black and bottomless bog;
with a start of fear he reined back his horse, and I thought he would have
turned upon me. But instead of that, he again rode on, hoping to find a way
round the side.
Now there is a way between cliff and slough for those who know the
ground thoroughly, or have time enough to search it; but for him there was
no road, and he lost some time in seeking it. Upon this he made up his
mind; and wheeling, fired, and then rode at me.
His bullet struck me somewhere, but I took no heed of that. Fearing only his
escape, I laid my horse across the way, and with the limb of oak struck full
on the forehead his charging steed. Ere the slash of the sword came nigh
me, man and horse rolled over and well-nigh bore my own horse down with
the power of their onset.
Carver Doone was somewhat stunned, and could not arise for a moment.
Meanwhile I leaped on the ground and awaited, smoothing my hair back,
and baring my arms, as though in the ring for wrestling. Then the little boy
ran to me, clasped my leg, and looked up at me, and the terror in his eyes
made me almost fear myself.

"Ensie dear," I said quite gently, grieving that he should see his wicked
father killed, "run up yonder round the corner, and try to find a pretty bunch
of bluebells for the lady." The child obeyed me, hanging back, and looking
back, and then laughing, while I prepared for business. There and then I
might have killed mine enemy with a single blow while he lay unconscious,
but it would have been foul play.
With a sullen and black scowl, the Carver gathered his mighty limbs and
arose, and looked round for his weapons; but I had put them well away.
Then he came to me and gazed, being wont to frighten thus young men.
"I would not harm you, lad," he said, with a lofty style of sneering: "I have
punished you enough for most of your impertinence. For the rest I forgive
you, because you have been good and gracious to my little son. Go and be
contented."

Page 132

For answer I smote him on the cheek, lightly, and not to hurt him, but to
make his blood leap up. I would not sully my tongue by speaking to a man
like this.
There was a level space of sward between us and the slough. With the
courtesy derived from London, and the procession I had seen, to this place I
led him. And that he might breathe himself, and have every fibre cool, and
every muscle ready, my hold upon his coat I loosed, and left him to begin
with me whenever he thought proper.
I think he felt that his time was come. I think he knew from my knitted
muscles, and the firm arch of my breast, and the way in which I stood, but
most of all from my stern blue eyes, that he had found his master. At any
rate, a paleness came, an ashy paleness on his cheeks, and the vast calves of
his legs bowed in, as if he were out of training.
Seeing this, villain as he was, I offered him first chance. I stretched forth
my left hand as I do to a weaker antagonist, and I let him have the hug of
me. But in this I was too generous; having forgotten my pistol-wound, and
the cracking of one of my short lower ribs. Carver Doone caught me round
the waist with such a grip as never yet had been laid upon me.
I heard my rib go; I grasped his arm and tore the muscle out of it[2] (as the
string comes out of an orange); then I took him by the throat, which is not
allowed in wrestling, but he had snatched at mine; and now was no time of
dalliance. In vain he tugged and strained and writhed, dashed his bleeding
fist into my face, and flung himself on me with gnashing jaws. Beneath the
iron of my strength--for God that day was with me--I had him helpless in
two minutes, and his fiery eyes lolled out.

[2]A far more terrible clutch than this is handed
down, to weaker ages, of the great John Ridd.--ED.
L.D.

"I will not harm thee any more," I cried, so far as I could for panting, the
work being very furious: "Carver Doone, thou art beaten; own it, and thank
God for it; and go thy way, and repent thyself."

Page 133

It was all too late. Even if he had yielded in his ravening frenzy--for his
beard was like a mad dog's jowl--even if he would have owned that for the
first time in his life he had found his master, it was all too late.
The black bog had him by the feet; the sucking of the ground drew on him,
like the thirsty lips of death. In our fury we had heeded neither wet nor dry,
nor thought of earth beneath us. I myself might scarcely leap, with the last
spring of o'erlabored legs, from the engulfing grave of slime. He fell back,
with his swarthy breast (from which my grip had rent all clothing), like a
hummock of bog-oak, standing out the quagmire; and then he tossed his
arms to heaven, and they were black to the elbow, and the glare of his eyes
was ghastly. I could only gaze and pant; for my strength was no more than
an infant's from the fury and the horror. Scarcely could I turn away, while,
joint by joint, he sank from sight.

Page 134

LANDING THE TROUT

From 'Alice Lorraine'

The trout knew nothing of all this. They had not tasted a worm for a month,
except when a sod of the bank fell in, through cracks of the sun, and the way
cold water has of licking upward. And even the flies had no flavor at all; when
they fell on the water, they fell flat, and on the palate they tasted hot, even
under the bushes.
Hilary followed a path through the meadows, with the calm bright sunset
casting its shadow over the shorn grass, or up in the hedge-road, or on the
brown banks where the drought had struck. On his back he carried a fishing-
basket, containing his bits of refreshment; and in his right hand a short springy
rod, the absent sailor's favorite. After long council with Mabel, he had made up
his mind to walk up-stream as far as the spot where two brooks met, and
formed body enough for a fly flipped in very carefully to sail downward. Here
he began, and the creak of his reel and the swish of his rod were music to him,
after the whirl of London life.
The brook was as bright as the best cut-glass, and the twinkles of its shifting
facets only made it seem more clear. It twisted about a little, here and there;
and the brink was fringed now and then with something, a clump of
loosestrife, a tuft of avens, or a bed of flowering water-cress, or any other of
the many plants that wash and look into the water. But the trout, the main
object in view, were most objectionably too much in view. They scudded up
the brook at the shadow of a hair, or even the tremble of a blade of grass; and
no pacific assurance could make them even stop to be reasoned with, "This
won't do," said Hilary, who very often talked to himself, in lack of a better
comrade. "I call this very hard upon me. The beggars won't rise till it is quite
dark. I must have the interdict off my tobacco, if this sort of thing is to go on.
How I should enjoy a pipe just now! I may just as well sit on a gate and think.

Page 135

No, hang it, I hate thinking now. There are troubles hanging over me, as sure
as the tail of that comet grows. How I detest that comet! No wonder the fish
won't rise. But if I have to strip, and tickle them in the dark, I won't go back
without some for her."
He was lucky enough to escape the weight of such horrible poaching upon his
conscience; for suddenly to his ears was borne the most melodious of all
sounds, the flop of a heavy fish sweetly jumping after some excellent fly or
grub.
"Ha, my friend!" cried Hilary, "so you are up for your supper, are you? I
myself will awake right early. Still I behold the ring you made. If my right
hand forget not its cunning, you shall form your next ring in the frying-pan."
He gave that fish a little time to think of the beauty of that mouthful, and get
ready for another, the while he was putting a white moth on, in lieu of his blue
upright. He kept the grizzled palmer still for tail-fly, and he tried his knots, for
he knew that this trout was a Triton.
Then, with a delicate sidling and stooping, known only to them that fish for
trout in very bright water of the summer-time,--compared with which art the
coarse work of the salmon-fisher is as that of a scene-painter to Mr. Holman
Hunt's--with, or in, or by, a careful manner, not to be described to those who
have never studied it, Hilary won access of the water, without any doubt in the
mind of the fish concerning the prudence of appetite. Then he flipped his short
collar in, not with a cast, but a spring of the rod, and let his flies go quietly
down a sharpish run into that good trout's hole. The worthy trout looked at
them both, and thought; for he had his own favorite spot for watching the
world go by, as the rest of us have. So he let the grizzled palmer pass, within
an inch of his upper lip; for it struck him that the tail turned up in a manner not
wholly natural, or at any rate unwholesome. He looked at the white moth also,
and thought that he had never seen one at all like it. So he went down under his
root again, hugging himself upon his wisdom, never moving a fin, but oaring
and helming his plump, spotted sides with his tail.
"Upon my word, it is too bad," said Hilary, after three beautiful throws, and
exquisite management down-stream; "everything Kentish beats me hollow.
Now, if that had been one of our trout, I would have laid my life upon catching
him. One more throw, however. How would it be if I sunk my flies? That
fellow is worth some patience."

Page 136

While he was speaking, his flies alit on the glassy ripple, like gnats in their
love-dance; and then by a turn of the wrist, he played them just below the
surface, and let them go gliding down the stickle, into the shelfy nook of
shadow where the big trout hovered. Under the surface, floating thus, with the
check of ductile influence, the two flies spread their wings and quivered, like a
centiplume moth in a spider's web. Still the old trout, calmly oaring, looked at
them both suspiciously. Why should the same flies come so often, and why
should they have such crooked tails, and could he be sure that he did not spy
the shadow of a human hat about twelve yards up the water? Revolving these
things, he might have lived to a venerable age but for that noble ambition to
teach, which is fatal to even the wisest. A young fish, an insolent whipper-
snapper, jumped in his babyish way at the palmer, and missed it through over-
eagerness. "I'll show you the way to catch a fly," said the big trout to him:
"open your mouth like this, my son."
With that he bolted the palmer, and threw up his tail, and turned to go home
again. Alas! his sweet home now shall know him no more. For suddenly he
was surprised by a most disagreeable sense of grittiness, and then a keen stab
in the roof of his month. He jumped, in his wrath, a foot out of the water, and
then heavily plunged to the depths of his hole.
"You've got it, my friend," cried Hilary, in a tingle of fine emotions; "I hope
the sailor's knots are tied with professional skill and care. You are a big one,
and a clever one too. It is much if I ever land you. No net, or gaff, or anything.
I only hope that there are no stakes here. Ah, there you go! Now comes the
tug."
Away went the big trout down the stream, at a pace very hard to exaggerate,
and after him rushed Hilary, knowing that his line was rather short, and that if
it ran out, all was over. Keeping his eyes on the water only, and the headlong
speed of the fugitive, headlong over a stake he fell, and took a deep wound
from another stake. Scarcely feeling it, up he jumped, lifting his rod, which
had fallen flat, and fearing to find no strain on it. "Aha, he is not gone yet!" he
cried, as the rod bowed like a springle-bow.
He was now a good hundred yards down the brook from the corner where the
fight began. Through his swiftness of foot, and good management, the fish had
never been able to tighten the line beyond yield of endurance. The bank had
been free from bushes, or haply no skill could have saved him; but now they
were come to a corner where a nut-bush quite overhung the stream.

Page 137

"I am done for now," said the fisherman; "the villain knows too well what he is
about. Here ends this adventure."
Full though he was of despair, he jumped anyhow into the water, kept the point
of his rod close down, reeled up a little as the fish felt weaker, and just cleared
the drop of the hazel boughs. The water flapped into the pockets of his coat,
and he saw red streaks flow downward. And then he plunged out to an open
reach of shallow water and gravel slope.
"I ought to have you now," he said, "though nobody knows what a rogue you
are; and a pretty dance you have led me!"
Doubting the strength of his tackle to lift even the dead weight of the fish, and
much more to meet his despairing rally, he happily saw a little shallow gut, or
back-water, where a small spring ran out. Into this by a dexterous turn he
rather led than pulled the fish, who was ready to rest for a minute or two; then
he stuck his rod into the bank, ran down stream, and with his hat in both hands
appeared at the only exit from the gut. It was all up now with the monarch of
the brook. As he skipped and jumped, with his rich yellow belly, and chaste
silver sides, in the green of the grass, joy and glory of the highest merit, and
gratitude, glowed in the heart of Lorraine. "Two and three quarters you must
weigh. And at your very best you are! How small your head is! And how bright
your spots are!" he cried, as he gave him the stroke of grace. "You really have
been a brave and fine fellow. I hope they will know how to fry you."
While he cut his fly out of this grand trout's mouth, he felt for the first time a
pain in his knee, where the point of the stake had entered it. Under the buckle
of his breeches blood was soaking away inside his gaiters; and then he saw
how he had dyed the water. After washing the wound and binding it with dock-
leaves and a handkerchief, he followed the stream through a few more
meadows, for the fish began to sport pretty well as the gloom of the evening
deepened; so that by the time the gables of the old farm-house appeared, by the
light of a young moon, and the comet, Lorraine had a dozen more trout in his
basket, silvery-sided and handsome fellows, though none of them over a pound
perhaps, except his first and redoubtable captive.

Page 138

A DANE IN THE DIKE

From 'Mary Anerley'

Now, whether spy-glass had been used by any watchful mariner, or whether
only blind chance willed it, sure it is that one fine morning Mary met with
somebody. And this was the more remarkable, when people came to think of it,
because it was only the night before that her mother had almost said as much.
"Ye munna gaw doon to t' sea be yersell," Mistress Anerley said to her
daughter: "happen ye mought be one too many."
Master Anerley's wife had been at "boarding-school," as far south as Suffolk,
and could speak the very best of southern English (like her daughter Mary)
upon polite occasion. But family cares and farm-house life had partly cured
her of her education, and from troubles of distant speech she had returned to
the ease of her native dialect.
"And if I go not to the sea by myself," asked Mary, with natural logic, "why,
who is there now to go with me?" She was thinking of her sadly missed
comrade, Jack.
"Happen some day, perhaps, one too many."
The maiden was almost too innocent to blush; but her father took her part as
usual.
"The little lass sall gaw doon," he said, "wheniver sha likes." And so she went
down the next morning.
A thousand years ago the Dane's Dike must have been a very grand
intrenchment, and a thousand years ere that perhaps it was still grander; for
learned men say that it was a British work, wrought out before the Danes had
ever learned to build a ship. Whatever, however, may be argued about that, the
wise and the witless do agree about one thing--the stronghold inside it had
been held by Danes, while severed by the Dike from inland parts, and these
Danes made a good colony of their own, and left to their descendants distinct

Page 139

speech and manners, some traces of which are existing even now. The Dike,
extending from the rough North Sea to the calmer waters of Bridlington Bay, is
nothing more than a deep dry trench, skillfully following the hollows of the
ground, and cutting off Flamborough Head and a solid cantle of high land from
the rest of Yorkshire. The corner so intercepted used to be and is still called
"Little Denmark"; and the in-dwellers feel a large contempt for all their outer
neighbors. And this is sad, because Anerley Farm lies wholly outside of the
Dike, which for a long crooked distance serves as its eastern boundary.
Upon the morning of the self-same day that saw Mr. Jellicorse set forth upon
his return from Scargate Hall, armed with instructions to defy the devil, and to
keep his discovery quiet--upon a lovely August morning of the first year of a
new century, Mary Anerley, blithe and gay, came riding down the grassy
hollow of this ancient Dane's Dike. This was her shortest way to the sea, and
the tide would suit (if she could only catch it) for a take of shrimps, and
perhaps even prawns, in time for her father's breakfast. And not to lose this,
she arose right early, and rousing Lord Keppel, set forth for the spot where she
kept her net covered with sea-weed. The sun, though up and brisk already upon
sea and foreland, had not found time to rout the shadows skulking in the
dingles. But even here, where sap of time had breached the turfy ramparts, the
hover of the dew-mist passed away, and the steady light was unfolded.
For the season was early August still, with beautiful weather come at last; and
the green world seemed to stand on tiptoe to make the extraordinary
acquaintance of the sun. Humble plants which had long lain flat stood up with
a sense of casting something off; and the damp heavy trunks which had
trickled for a twelvemonth, or been only sponged with moss, were hailing the
fresher light with keener lines and dove-colored tints upon their smoother
boles. Then, conquering the barrier of the eastern land crest, rose the glorious
sun himself, strewing before him trees and crags in long steep shadows down
the hill. Then the sloping rays, through furze and brush-land, kindling the
sparkles of the dew, descended to the brink of the Dike, and scorning to halt at
petty obstacles, with a hundred golden hurdles bridged it wherever any
opening was.
Under this luminous span, or through it where the crossing gullies ran, Mary
Anerley rode at leisure, allowing her pony to choose his pace. That privilege
he had long secured, in right of age, and wisdom, and remarkable force of
character. Considering his time of life, he looked well and sleek, and almost
sprightly; and so, without any reservation, did his gentle and graceful rider.

Page 140

The maiden looked well in a place like that, as indeed in almost any place; but
now she especially set off the color of things, and was set off by them. For
instance, how could the silver of the dew-cloud, and golden weft of sunrise,
playing through the dapples of a partly wooded glen, do better (in the matter of
variety) than frame a pretty moving figure in a pink checked frock, with a skirt
of russet murrey, and a bright brown hat? Not that the hat itself was bright,
even under the kiss of sunshine, simply having seen already too much of the
sun, but rather that its early lustre seemed to be revived by a sense of the
happy position it was in; the clustering hair and the bright eyes beneath it
answering the sunny dance of life and light. Many a handsomer race, no doubt,
more perfect, grand and lofty, received--at least if it was out of bed--the
greeting of that morning sun; but scarcely any prettier one, or kinder, or more
pleasant, so gentle without being weak, so good-tempered without looking
void of all temper at all.
Suddenly the beauty of the time and place was broken by sharp, angry sound.
Bang! bang! came the roar of muskets fired from the shore at the mouth of the
Dike, and echoing up the winding glen. At the first report the girl, though
startled, was not greatly frightened; for the sound was common enough in the
week when those most gallant volunteers entitled the "Yorkshire Invincibles"
came down for their annual practice of skilled gunnery against the French.
Their habit was to bring down a red cock, and tether him against a chalky cliff,
and then vie with one another in shooting at him. The same cock had tested
their skill for three summers, but failed hitherto to attest it, preferring to return
in a hamper to his hens, with a story of moving adventures.
Mary had watched those Invincibles sometimes from a respectful distance, and
therefore felt sure (when she began to think) that she had not them to thank for
this little scare. For they always slept soundly in the first watch of the
morning; and even supposing they had jumped up with nightmare, where was
the jubilant crow of the cock? For the cock, being almost as invincible as they
were, never could deny himself the glory of a crow when the bullet came into
his neighborhood. He replied to every volley with an elevated comb, and a
flapping of his wings, and a clarion peal, which rang along the foreshore ere
the musket roar died out. But before the girl had time to ponder what it was, or
wherefore, round the corner came somebody, running very swiftly.
In a moment Mary saw that this man had been shot at, and was making for his
life away; and to give him every chance she jerked her pony aside, and called
and beckoned; and without a word he flew to her. Words were beyond him, if

Page 141

his breath should come back, and he seemed to have no time to wait for that.
He had outstripped the wind, and his own wind, by his speed.
"Poor man!" cried Mary Anerley, "what a hurry you are in. But I suppose you
cannot help it. Are they shooting at you?"
The runaway nodded, for he could not spare a breath, but was deeply inhaling
for another start, and could not even bow without hindrance. But to show that
he had manners, he took off his hat. Then he clapped it on his head and set off
again.
"Come back!" cried the maid; "I can show you a place. I can hide you from
your enemies forever."
The young fellow stopped. He was come to that pitch of exhaustion in which a
man scarcely cares whether he is killed or dies. And his face showed not a sign
of fear.
"Look! That little hole--up there--by the fern. Up at once, and this cloth over
you!"
He snatched it, and was gone, like the darting lizard, up a little puckering side
issue of the Dike, at the very same instant that three broad figures and a long
one appeared at the lip of the mouth. The quick-witted girl rode on to meet
them, to give the poor fugitive time to get into his hole and draw the brown
skirt over him. The dazzle of the sun, pouring over the crest, made the hollow
a twinkling obscurity; and the cloth was just in keeping with the dead stuff
around. The three broad men, with heavy fusils cocked, came up from the sea-
mouth of the Dike, steadily panting, and running steadily with a long-enduring
stride. Behind them a tall bony man with a cutlass was swinging it high in the
air, and limping, and swearing with great velocity.
"Coast-riders," thought Mary, "and he a free-trader [smuggler]! Four against
one is cowardice."
"Halt!" cried the tall man, while the rest were running past her; "halt! ground
arms; never scare young ladies." Then he flourished his hat, with a grand bow
to Mary. "Fair young Mistress Anerley, I fear we spoil your ride. But his
Majesty's duty must be done. Hats off, fellows, at the name of your king!
Mary, my dear, the most daring villain, the devil's own son, has just run up
here--scarcely two minutes--you must have seen him. Wait a minute; tell no

Page 142

lies--excuse me, I mean fibs. Your father is the right sort. He hates those
scoundrels. In the name of his Majesty, which way is he gone?"
"Was it--oh, was it a man, if you please? Captain Carroway, don't say so."
"A man? Is it likely that we shot at a woman? You are trifling. It will be the
worse for you. Forgive me--but we are in such a hurry. Whoa! whoa! pony."
"You always used to be so polite, sir, that you quite surprise me. And those
guns look so dreadful! My father would be quite astonished to see me not even
allowed to go down to the sea, but hurried back here, as if the French had
landed."
"How can I help it, if your pony runs away so?" For Mary all this time had
been cleverly contriving to increase and exaggerate her pony's fear, and so
brought the gunners for a long way up the Dike, without giving them any time
to spy at all about. She knew that this was wicked from a loyal point of view;
not a bit the less she did it. "What a troublesome little horse it is!" she cried.
"O Captain Carroway, hold him just a moment. I will jump down, and then you
can jump up, and ride after all his Majesty's enemies."
"The Lord forbid! He slews all out of gear, like a carronade with rotten
lashings. If I boarded him, how could I get out of his way? No, no, my dear,
brace him up sharp, and bear clear."
"But you wanted to know about some enemy, captain. An enemy as bad as my
poor Lord Keppel?"
"Mary, my dear, the very biggest villain! A hundred golden guineas on his
head, and half for you. Think of your father, my dear, and Sunday gowns. And
you must have a young man--by-and-by, you know--such a beautiful maid as
you are. And you might get a leather purse, and give it to him. Mary, on your
duty, now?"
"Captain, you drive me so, what can I say? I cannot bear the thought of
betraying anybody."
"Of course not, Mary dear; nobody asks you. He must be half a mile off by this
time. You could never hurt him now; and you can tell your father that you have
done your duty to the king."

Page 143

"Well, Captain Carroway, if you are quite sure that it is too late to catch him, I
can tell you all about him. But remember your word about the fifty guineas."
"Every farthing, every farthing, Mary, whatever my wife may say to it. Quick!
quick! Which way did he run, my dear?"
"He really did not seem to me to be running at all; he was too tired."
"To be sure, to be sure, a worn-out fox. We have been two hours after him; he
could not run; no more can we. But which way did he go, I mean?"
"I will not say anything for certain, sir; even for fifty guineas. But he may have
come up here--mind, I say not that he did--and if so, he might have set off
again for Sewerby. Slowly, very slowly, because of being tired. But perhaps,
after all, he was not the man you mean."
"Forward, double-quick! We are sure to have him!" shouted the lieutenant--for
his true rank was that--flourishing his cutlass again, and setting off at a
wonderful pace, considering his limp. "Five guineas every man Jack of you.
Thank you, young mistress--most heartily thank you. Dead or alive, five
guineas!"
With gun and sword in readiness, they all rushed off; but one of the party,
named John Cadman, shook his head and looked back with great mistrust at
Mary, having no better judgment of women than this, that he never could
believe even his own wife. And he knew that it was mainly by the grace of
womankind that so much contraband work was going on. Nevertheless, it was
out of his power to act upon his own low opinions now.
The maiden, blushing deeply with the sense of her deceit, was informed by her
guilty conscience of that nasty man's suspicions, and therefore gave a smack
with her fern whip to Lord Keppel, impelling him to join, like a loyal little
horse, the pursuit of his Majesty's enemies. But no sooner did she see all the
men dispersed, and scouring the distance with trustful ardor, than she turned
the pony's head toward the sea again, and rode back round the bend of the
hollow. What would her mother say if she lost the murrey skirt, which had cost
six shillings at Bridlington fair? And ten times that money might be lost much
better than for her father to discover how she lost it. For Master Stephen
Anerley was a straight-backed man, and took three weeks of training in the
Land Defense Yeomanry, at periods not more than a year apart, so that many
people called him "Captain" now; and the loss of his suppleness at knee and

Page 144

elbow had turned his mind largely to politics, making him stiffly patriotic, and
especially hot against all free-traders putting bad bargains to his wife, at the
cost of the king and his revenue. If the bargain were a good one, that was no
concern of his.
Not that Mary, however, could believe, or would even have such a bad mind as
to imagine, that any one, after being helped by her, would be mean enough to
run off with her property. And now she came to think of it, there was
something high and noble, she might almost say something downright honest,
in the face of that poor persecuted man. And in spite of all his panting, how
brave he must have been, what a runner, and how clever, to escape from all
those cowardly coast-riders shooting right and left at him! Such a man steal
that paltry skirt that her mother made such a fuss about! She was much more
likely to find it in her clothes-press filled with golden guineas.
Before she was as certain as she wished to be of this (by reason of shrewd
nativity), and while she believed that the fugitive must have seized such a
chance and made good his escape toward North Sea or Flamborough, a quick
shadow glanced across the long shafts of the sun, and a bodily form sped after
it. To the middle of the Dike leaped a young man, smiling, and forth from the
gully which had saved his life. To look at him, nobody ever could have
guessed how fast he had fled, and how close he had lain hid. For he stood there
as clean and spruce and careless as ever a sailor can be wished to be. Limber
yet stalwart, agile though substantial, and as quick as a dart while as strong as
a pike, he seemed cut out by nature for a true blue-jacket; but condition had
made him a smuggler, or, to put it more gently, a free-trader. Britannia, being
then at war with all the world, and alone in the right (as usual), had need of
such lads, and produced them accordingly, and sometimes one too many. But
Mary did not understand these laws. This made her look at him with great
surprise, and almost doubt whether he could be the man, until she saw her skirt
neatly folded in his hand, and then she said, "How do you do, sir?"
The free-trader looked at her with equal surprise. He had been in such a hurry,
and his breath so short, and the chance of a fatal bullet after him so sharp, that
his mind had been astray from any sense of beauty, and of everything else
except the safety of the body. But now he looked at Mary, and his breath again
went from him.
"You can run again now; I am sure of it," said she; "and if you would like to do
anything to please me, run as fast as possible."

Page 145

"What have I to run away from now?" he answered, in a deep sweet voice. "I
run from enemies, but not from friends."
"That is very wise. But your enemies are still almost within call of you. They
will come back worse than ever when they find you are not there."
"I am not afraid, fair lady, for I understand their ways. I have led them a good
many dances.... When they cannot take another step, they will come back to
Anerley for breakfast."
"I dare say they will; and we shall be glad to see them. My father is a soldier,
and his duty is to nourish and comfort the forces of the King."
"Then you are young Mistress Anerley? I was sure of it before. There are no
two such. And you have saved my life. It is something to owe it so fairly."
The young sailor wanted to kiss Mary's hand; but not being used to any
gallantry, she held out her hand in the simplest manner to take back her riding
skirt; and he, though longing in his heart to keep it, for a token or pretext for
another meeting, found no excuse for doing so. And yet he was not without
some resource.
For the maiden was giving him a farewell smile, being quite content with the
good she had done, and the luck of recovering her property; and that sense of
right which in those days formed a part of every good young woman said to
her plainly that she must be off. And she felt how unkind it was to keep him
any longer in a place where the muzzle of a gun, with a man behind it, might
appear at any moment. But he, having plentiful breath again, was at home with
himself to spend it.
"Fair young lady," he began, for he saw that Mary liked to be called a lady,
because it was a novelty, "owing more than I ever can pay you already, may I
ask a little more? Then it is that on your way down to the sea, you would just
pick up (if you should chance to see it) the fellow ring to this, and perhaps you
will look at this to know it by. The one that was shot away flew against a stone
just on the left of the mouth of the Dike, but I durst not stop to look for it, and I
must not go back that way now. It is more to me than a hatful of gold, though
nobody else would give a crown for it."
"And they really shot away one of your earrings? Careless, cruel, wasteful
men! What could they have been thinking of?"

Page 146

"They were thinking of getting what is called 'blood-money.' One hundred
pounds for Robin Lyth. Dead or alive--one hundred pounds."...
"Then are you the celebrated Robin Lyth--the new Robin Hood, as they call
him? The man who can do almost anything?"
"Mistress Anerley, I am Robin Lyth; but, as you have seen, I cannot do
much.... They have missed the best chance they ever had at me; it will make
their temper very bad. If they shot at me again, they could do no good.
Crooked mood makes crooked mode."
"You forget that I should not see such things. You may like very much to be
shot at; but--but you should think of other people."
"I shall think of you only--I mean of your great kindness, and your promise to
keep my ring for me. Of course you will tell nobody. Carroway will have me
like a tiger if you do. Farewell, young lady--for one week, fare well." With a
wave of his hat he was gone, before Mary had time to retract her promise; and
she thought of her mother.

Page 147

WILLIAM BLAKE
(1757-1827)

oet-painter, visionary, and super-mystic in almost all capacities, William Blake
was born in London in 1757. He was the second son of humble people--his
father but a stocking merchant. An "odd little boy," he was destined to be
recognized as "one of the most curious and abnormal personages of the later
eighteenth and earlier nineteenth centuries." Allan Cunningham describes him
by saying that Blake at ten years of age was an artist and at twelve a poet. He
seems really to have shown in childhood his double gift. But the boy's
education was rudimentary, his advantages not even usual, it would seem. To
the end of his life, the mature man's works betray a defective common-
schooling, a lamentable lack of higher intellectual training--unless we suspect
that the process would have disciplined his mind, to the loss of bizarre
originality. Most of what Blake learned he taught himself, and that at
haphazard. The mistiness and inexplicability of his productions is part of such
a process, as well as of invincible temperament.
In 1767 Blake was studying drawing with Mr.
Pars, at the sometime famous Strand Academy,
where he was reckoned a diligent but egotistical
pupil. At fourteen he became apprenticed, for a
livelihood,--afterward exchanged for the painter's
and illustrator's freer career,--to James Basire, an
academic but excellent engraver, whose manner
is curiously traceable through much of Blake's William Blake
after work. Even in the formal atmosphere of the
Royal Academy's antique school, Blake remained an opinionated and curiously
"detached" scholar, with singular critical notions, with half-expressed or very
boldly expressed theories as to art, religion, and most other things. In 1782 he
married a young woman of equally humble derivation, who could not even
sign the marriage register. He developed her character, educated her mind, and
made her a devoted and companionable wife, full of faith in him. Their curious

Page 148

and retired ménage was as happy in a practical and mundane aspect as could
be hoped from even a normal one.
In 1780 he began to exhibit, his first picture being 'The Death of Earl Godwin.'
After exhibiting five others, however, ending with 'Jacob's Dream,' he
withdrew altogether from public advertisement. Several devoted patrons--
especially Mr. Linnell, and a certain Mr. Thomas Butts, who bought
incessantly, anything and everything,--seized upon all he drew and painted. In
his literary undertakings he was for the most part his own editor and printer
and publisher. His career in verse and prose began early. In 1783 came forth
the charming collection 'Poetical Sketches,' juvenile as the fancies of his
boyish days, but full of a sensitive appreciation of nature worthy of a mature
heart, and expressed with a diction often exquisite. The volume was not really
public nor published, but printed by the kindly liberality of two friends, one of
them Flaxman. In 1787, "under the direction of the spirit of his dead brother,"
Robert, he decided on publishing a new group of lyrics and fancies, 'Songs of
Innocence,' by engraving the text of the poems and its marginal
embellishments on copper--printing the pages in various tints, coloring or
recoloring them by hand, and even binding them, with his wife's assistance.
The medium for mixing his tints, by the by, was "revealed to him by Saint
Joseph."
With this volume--now a rarity for the bibliophile--began Blake's system of
giving his literary works and many of his extraordinary artistic productions
their form and being. Like a poet-printer of our own day, Mr. William Morris,
Blake insisted that each page of text, all his delicate illustrations, every cover
even, should pass through his own fingers, or through those of his careful and
submissive helpmeet. The expense of their paper was the chief one to the light
purse of the queerly assorted, thrifty pair.
In 1789 appeared another little volume of verses, 'Songs of Innocence.' This
also was ushered into existence as a dual book of pictures and of poetry. In
1794 came the 'Songs of Experience,' completing that brief lyrical trio on
which rests Blake's poetical reputation and his claim on coming generations of
sympathetic readers. To these early and exquisite fruits of Blake's feeling
succeeded a little book 'For Children,' the mystic volume 'The Gates of
Paradise,' 'The Visions of the Daughters of Albion,' 'America, a Prophecy,' Part
First of his 'Book of Urizen,' and a collection of designs without text, treated in
the methods usual with him, besides other labors with pencil and pen.

Page 149

But the wonderful and disordered imagination of the artist and poet now
embodied itself in a strange group of writings for which no parallel exists. To
realize them, one must imagine the most transcendent notions of Swedenborg
mingled with the rant of a superior kind of Mucklewrath. Such poems as 'The
Book of Thel,' in spite of beautiful allegoric passages; 'The Gates of Paradise';
'Tiriel,' an extended narrative-fantasy in irregular unrhymed verses; even the
striking 'Marriage of Heaven and Hell,'--may be reckoned as mere prologues to
such productions as 'Jerusalem,' 'The Emanation of the Giant Albion.' 'Milton,'
and the "prophecies" embodied in the completed 'Urizen,' the 'Europe,'
'Ahania,' and 'The Book of Los.' Such oracular works Blake put forth as
dictated to him by departed spirits of supreme influence and intellectuality, or
by angelic intelligences, quite apart from his own volition; indeed, only with
his "grateful obedience." Such claims are not out of place in the instance of
one who "saw God"; who often "conversed familiarly with Jesus Christ"; who
"was" Socrates; who argued conclusions for hours at a time with Moses, with
Milton, with Dante, with the Biblical prophets, with Voltaire; who could "see
Satan" almost at will--all in vivid conceptions that sprang up in his mind with
such force as to set seemingly substantial and even speaking beings before
him. In his assumption of the seer, Blake was not a charlatan: he believed fully
in his supernatural privileges. To him his modest London lodging held great
company, manifest in the spirit.
Blake's greater "prophetic" writings ended, he busied himself with painting
and illustration. He was incessant in industry; indeed, his ordinary recreation at
any time was only a change of work from one design to another. So were
wrought out the (incomplete) series of plates for Young's 'Night Thoughts'; the
drawings for Hayley's 'Life of Cowper,' and for the same feeble author's
'Ballads on Anecdotes relating to Animals'; the 'Dante' designs: the 'Job' series
of prints; a vast store of aquarelle and distemper paintings and plates, and a
whole gallery of "portraits" derived from sitters of distinction in past universal
history. These sitters, it is needless to say, were wholly invisible to other eyes
than Blake's. The subjects vary from likenesses of Saint Joseph and the Virgin
Mary to those of Mahomet and Shakespeare. Sundry of the old masters, Titian
included, reviewed his efforts and guided his brush! Such assertions do not ill
accord with the description of his once seeing a fairy's funeral, or that he first
beheld God when four years old.
But all his fantasies did not destroy his faith in the fundamentals of orthodoxy.
He never ceased to be a believer in Christianity. His convictions of a revealed

Page 150

religion were reiterated. While incessant in asserting that he had a solemn
message-spiritual to his day and generation, he set aside nothing significant in
the message of the Scriptures. There is something touching in the anecdote of
him and his devoted Kate told by the portrait-painter Richmond. Himself
discouraged with his imperfect work, Richmond one day visited Blake and
confessed his low mood. To his astonishment, Blake turned to his wife
suddenly, and said, "It is just so with us, is it not, for weeks together, when the
visions forsake us! What do we do then, Kate?" "We kneel down and pray, Mr.
Blake."
So passed Blake's many years, between reality and dream, labors and
chimeras. The painter's life was not one of painful poverty. He and his Kate
needed little money; and the seer-husband's pencils and burin, or the private
kindness so constantly shown him, provided daily bread. Despite the visions
and inspirations and celestial phenomena that filled his head, Blake withal was
sane enough in everyday concerns. He lived orderly, even if he thought chaos.
Almost his last strokes were on the hundred water-colors for the 'Divina
Commedia,' the 'Job' cycle, the 'Ancient of Days' drawing, or a "frenzied
sketch" of his wife which he made, exclaiming in beginning it, "Stay! Keep as
you are! You have ever been an angel to me. I will draw you." Natural decay
and painful chronic ailments increased. He seldom left his rooms in Fountain
Court, Strand, except in a visit to the Linnells, at Hampstead. He died gently in
1827, "singing of the things he saw in Heaven." His grave, to-day unknown,
was a common one in Bunhill Fields Cemetery. Many friends mourned him.
With all his eccentricities and the extravagances of his "visions" and
"inspirations," he was loved. His ardor of temperament was balanced by
meekness, his aggressiveness by true politeness. He was frank, abstemious, a
lover of children,--who loved him,--devout in prayer, devoid of vice. Yet
whenever he was in contact with his fellow-men, he was one living and
walking apart. As an influence in literature he is less considerable than in
painting. In the latter art, a whole group of contemporary notables,
intellectualists, and rhapsodists of greater or less individuality have to do with
him, among whom Dante Gabriel Rossetti was in much his literary child, still
more his child in art.
A brief and early 'Life' of Blake, prepared by his intimate friend Allan
Cunningham, appeared in 1829. In 1839, for the first time, his works were
really given to the public. Mr. Gilchrist's invaluable biography and study
appeared in 1863; revised and enlarged in an edition of 1880. Mr. Swinburne's

Page 151

critical essay on him is a notable aid to the student. The artist-poet's complete
works were edited by Mr. William Michael Rossetti in 1874, with a complete
and discriminating memoir. More recent contributions to Blake literature are
the Ellis and Yeats edition of his works, also with a Memoir and an
Interpretation; and Mr. Alfred J. Story's volume on 'The Life, Character, and
Genius of William Blake.' Some of the rarest of his literary productions, as
well as the scarcest among his drawings, are owned in America, chiefly by two
private collectors in the Eastern States.

SONG

My silks and fine array,
My smiles and languished air,
By love are driven away,
And mournful lean Despair
Brings me yew to deck my grave:
Such end true lovers have.

His face is fair as heaven
When springing buds unfold;
Oh, why to him was 't given,
Whose heart is wintry cold?
His breast is Love's all-worshiped tomb,
Where all Love's pilgrims come.

Bring me an axe and spade,
Bring me a winding-sheet;
When I my grave have made,
Let winds and tempests beat:
Then down I'll lie, as cold as clay:
True love doth never pass away.

Page 152

SONG

Love and harmony combine
And around our souls entwine,
While thy branches mix with mine
And our roots together join.

Joys upon our branches sit,
Chirping loud and singing sweet;
Like gentle streams beneath our feet,
Innocence and virtue meet.

Thou the golden fruit dost bear,
I am clad in flowers fair;
Thy sweet boughs perfume the air,
And the turtle buildeth there.

There she sits and feeds her young;
Sweet I hear her mournful song;
And thy lovely leaves among,
There is Love: I hear his tongue.

There his charmed nest he doth lay,
There he sleeps the night away,
There he sports along the day,
And doth among our branches play.

THE TWO SONGS

I HEARD an Angel singing
When the day was springing:
"Mercy, pity, and peace,

Page 153

Are the world's release."

So he sang all day
Over the new-mown hay,
Till the sun went down,
And the haycocks looked brown.

I heard a devil curse
Over the heath and the furse:
"Mercy could be no more
If there were nobody poor,

And pity no more could be
If all were happy as ye:
And mutual fear brings peace.
Misery's increase
Are mercy, pity, peace."

At his curse the sun went down,
And the heavens gave a frown.

NIGHT

From 'Songs of Innocence'

The sun descending in the west,
The evening star does shine,
The birds are silent in their nest,
And I must seek for mine.
The moon, like a flower
In heaven's high bower,
With silent delight,
Sits and smiles in the night.

Page 154

Farewell, green fields and happy groves
Where flocks have ta'en delight;
Where lambs have nibbled, silent move
The feet of angels bright;
Unseen they pour blessing,
And joy without ceasing,
On each bud and blossom,
And each sleeping bosom.

They look in every thoughtless nest,
Where birds are covered warm;
They visit caves of every beast,
To keep them all from harm;
If they see any weeping
That should have been sleeping,
They pour sleep on their head,
And sit down by their bed.

When wolves and tigers howl for prey,
They pitying stand and weep;
Seeking to drive their thirst away,
And keep them from the sheep.
But if they rush dreadful,
The angels most heedful
Receive each wild spirit,
New worlds to inherit.

And there the lion's ruddy eyes
Shall flow with tears of gold;
And pitying the tender cries,
And walking round the fold,
Saying, "Wrath by His meekness,
And by His health, sickness,
Are driven away
From our immortal day.

"And now beside thee, bleating lamb,
I can lie down and sleep,

Page 155

Or think on Him who bore thy name,
Graze after thee and weep.
For washed in life's river,
My bright mane forever
Shall shine like the gold,
As I guard o'er the fold."

THE PIPER AND THE CHILD

Introduction to 'Songs of Innocence'

Piping down the valleys wild,
Piping songs of pleasant glee,
On a cloud I saw a child,
And he laughing said to me:--

"Pipe a song about a lamb."
So I piped with merry cheer.
"Piper, pipe that song again:"
So I piped; he wept to hear.

"Drop thy pipe, thy happy pipe;
Sing thy songs of happy cheer:"
So I sang the same again,
While he wept with joy to hear.

"Piper, sit thee down and write,
In a book that all may read."
So he vanished from my sight;
And I plucked a hollow reed;

And I made a rural pen,
And I stained the water clear,

Page 156

And I wrote my happy songs
Every child may joy to hear.

HOLY THURSDAY

From 'Songs of Innocence'

'Twas on a Holy Thursday, their innocent faces clean,
Came children walking two and two, in red and blue
and green:
Gray-headed beadles walked before, with wands as
white as snow,
Till into the high dome of Paul's they like Thames
waters flow.

Oh, what a multitude they seemed, these flowers of
London town!
Seated in companies they sit, with radiance all their
own.
The hum of multitudes was there, but multitudes of
lambs,
Thousands of little boys and girls raising their innocent
hands.

Now like a mighty wind they raise to heaven the voice
of song,
Or like harmonious thunderings the seats of heaven
among:
Beneath them sit the aged men, wise guardians of the
poor.
Then cherish pity, lest you drive an angel from your
door.

Page 157

A CRADLE SONG

From 'Songs of Experience'

Sleep, sleep, beauty bright,
Dreaming in the joys of night;
Sleep, sleep; in thy sleep
Little sorrows sit and weep.

Sweet babe, in thy face
Soft desires I can trace,
Secret joys and secret smiles,
Little pretty infant wiles.

As thy softest limbs I feel,
Smiles as of the morning steal
O'er thy cheek and o'er thy breast,
Where thy little heart doth rest.

Oh, the cunning wiles that creep
In thy little heart asleep!
When thy little heart shall wake,
Then the dreadful light shall break.

THE LITTLE BLACK BOY

From 'Songs of Innocence'

My Mother bore me in the Southern wild,
And I am black, but oh, my soul is white!
White as an angel is the English child,
But I am black, as if bereaved of light.

Page 158

My mother taught me underneath a tree,
And sitting down before the heat of day,
She took me on her lap and kissed me,
And, pointing to the East, began to say:--

"Look on the rising sun: there God does live,
And gives his light, and gives his heat away,
And flowers and trees and beasts and men receive
Comfort in morning, joy in the noonday.

"And we are put on earth a little space,
That we may learn to bear the beams of love;
And these black bodies and this sunburnt face
Are but a cloud, and like a shady grove.

"For when our souls have learned the heat to bear,
The cloud will vanish, we shall hear his voice,
Saying, 'Come out from the grove, my love and care,
And round my golden tent like lambs rejoice.'"

Thus did my mother say, and kissèd me,
And thus I say to little English boy:
When I from black, and he from white cloud free,
And round the tent of God like lambs we joy,

I'll shade him from the heat till he can bear
To lean in joy upon our Father's knee;
And then I'll stand and stroke his silver hair,
And be like him, and he will then love me.

THE TIGER

From 'Songs of Experience'

Tiger! Tiger! burning bright
In the forests of the night,

Page 159

What immortal hand or eye
Framed thy fearful symmetry?

In what distant deeps or skies
Burned that fire within thine eyes?
On what wings dared he aspire?
What the hand dared seize the fire?

And what shoulder, and what art,
Could twist the sinews of thy heart?
When thy heart began to beat,
What dread hand formed thy dread feet?

What the hammer, what the chain,
Knit thy strength and forged thy brain?
What the anvil? What dread grasp
Dared thy deadly terrors clasp?

When the stars threw down their spears,
And watered heaven with their tears,
Did he smile his work to see?
Did He who made the lamb make thee?

Page 160

CHARLES BLANC
(1813-1882)

e have few personal details of Charles Blanc. We know that he lived in a
luminous world of form and thought, a life in harmony with his work; we have
books containing his conception of art; we know that art was his one absorbing
passion: and this should satisfy us, for it was his own opinion that all which
does not tend to illustrate an artist's conception of art is of but secondary
importance in his life.
Of Franco-Italian extraction, Charles Blanc was born in Castres, France, on the
15th of November, 1813. When in 1830 he and his brother Louis, youths of
eighteen and nineteen, came to Paris, their aged father, an ex-inspector of
finance whose career had been ruined by the fall of Napoleon, was dependent
on them for support. Louis soon procured work on a newspaper; but Charles,
whose ambition from his earliest years was to become a painter, spent his days
in the Louvre, or wandering about Paris looking in the old-print-shop
windows, and he thus learned much that he afterwards developed in his works.
As his brother's position improved, he was enabled to study drawing with
Delaroche and engraving with Calamatta. His masters gave him but little
encouragement, however, and he soon turned his thoughts to literature, his
maiden effort being a description of the Brussels Salon of 1836 for his
brother's paper.
Exquisite sensitiveness and responsiveness to beauty eminently fitted Charles
Blanc for the position of art critic, and gave a charm to his earliest writings. He
brought to his new task the technical knowledge of an artist, and a penetrating
critical insight which, aided by study, ripened rapidly. The evidence of talent
afforded by his first art criticism induced Louis Blanc to confide to him
successively the editorship of several provincial papers. But Charles's
inclinations were toward the calm atmosphere of art; he was, and ever
remained, indifferent to politics, and looked upon the fiery, active Louis with
astonishment, even while catching his energy and ambition. On his return to
Paris he began a history of the 'French Painters of the Nineteenth Century,' but

Page 161

one volume of which appeared; and the 'Painters of All Schools,' completed in
1876. Very little was then known of the lives of the painters. By illustrating
each biographical sketch with engravings of the artists' pictures, Blanc met a
long-felt want. As the work was intended for the general reader, it was not
overloaded with erudition: but numerous anecdotes, combined with vivacity of
style, aroused interest in painting and created a public for the more purely
technical works which followed. Though assisted by others in this undertaking,
Blanc himself planned the method of treatment, and wrote the history of the
Dutch and French schools; and the work justly retains his name.
The Socialists had taken a prominent part in the events of February, 1848,
which led to the overthrow of Louis Philippe; and they yielded to the universal
desire by appointing Charles Blanc Director of Fine Arts--a position which he
had prophesied to his friends several years before that he would one day fill.
When he assumed office, the position of artists was critical; as, owing to social
convulsions, government and private orders had dwindled into insignificance.
Thanks to his energy, work was resumed on public monuments, and the greater
part of the sum of 900,000 francs, voted by the National Assembly for the
Champs de Mars festival, was devoted to work which gave employment to a
legion of decorative painters and sculptors. After the Salon of 1848, as the
government coffers were depleted, he obtained 80,000 francs' worth of Sèvres
porcelain from the Minister of Commerce, to give as prizes. He combated a
proposition made by the Committee on Finance to suppress the Louvre studios
of molding; he opposed the motion to reduce the corps of professors at the
School of Fine Arts, and defended the School of Rome, threatened with
suppression.
While Director of Fine Arts, Blanc fought his first and only duel, in defence of
his brother, although he had never fired a pistol in his life. During the political
agitation of 1848, Louis was condemned by the National Assembly, and fled to
London. After his departure, he was abused in very insulting language by one
Lacombe, and Charles called the latter to account. In the duel which followed,
Lacombe was hit, but the ball struck his pocket-book and glanced off, when
Méry, one of the seconds, exclaimed, "That was money well invested!" and
there the matter ended.
Another event, which occurred several years previous, has a certain
psychological significance. One evening Charles Blanc was visiting a friend
who resided a distance of one hundred and fifty miles from Paris. In the midst
of conversation, he suddenly grew pale and exclaimed that he had received a

Page 162

shock, adding that something must have happened to Louis. The next day his
fears were confirmed by the receipt of a letter, telling him that the latter had
been knocked down in the streets of Paris by a blow across the forehead. When
Dumas père heard of this coincidence, he utilized it in his 'Corsican Brothers.'
Notwithstanding his fine record as an administrator and his encouragement of
talent, Blanc was sacrificed to the spirit of reaction which set in about 1850.
His removal displeased the entire art world, so highly was he esteemed for his
integrity, his progressive ideas, and his unerring taste. On his return to private
life he resumed his 'History of the Painters.' 'L'Oeuvres de Rembrandt' (1853 to
1863), containing also a life of the artist, was illustrated by the first
photographic plates which ever appeared in a book.
The name 'Peintres des Fêtes Galantes' was derived by Blanc from the title
conferred on Watteau by the French Academy. Of the artists therein mentioned,
Watteau occupied the realm of poetry; Lancret that of the conventional, the
fashionable; Pater that of vulgar, jovial reality; Boucher, the most distinctively
French of artists, that of brilliancy, dash, and vivacity. These painters are a
curious study for the historian interested in the external forms of things.
With the exception of Dupré, Blanc knew all the painters of whom he writes in
the 'Artistes de mon Temps' (Artists of My Time). The work is therefore
replete with personal recollections. Here again the general interest is deepened
by the warm interest which the author takes in the men and events of the time.
There are many charming pages devoted to Félix Duban, Delacroix, and
Calamatta; to the contemporary medallions of David d'Angers; to Henri Leys,
Chenavard, and Troyon; to Corot, the lover of nature who saw her through a
veil of poetry; to Jules Dupré and Rousseau, who saw the poetry innate in her.
He introduces us to the caricaturists Grandville and Gavarni; to Barye's lifelike
animals. On reading the lives of these men, one is struck by the fact that they
produced their masterpieces at about the age of twenty years.
The 'Treasures of Art in Manchester,' and 'From Paris to Vienna,' were
published in 1857. The latter contained curious information about the sale of
art works during the seventeenth century, with the prices they brought, and is
enlivened with short spirited sketches of artists and amateurs. In 1867 Blanc
became a member of the Academic des Beaux Arts. The 'Treasures of
Curiosity' is a catalogue of pictures and engravings sold between 1830 and the
date of the appearance of the book.

Page 163

Devoted to purely artistic subjects, the Journal des Beaux Arts, founded by
Blanc, rendered great service to art by spreading a taste for it among the
cultivated classes. The 'Grammar of Painting and Engraving' first appeared in
this periodical. Though given up to a consideration of technical subjects, the
work abounds in poetic touches and has great interest for the general reader. In
1875 it was discussed in the French Academy, when its author competed for
the chair left vacant by the death of Vitel. He was not elected until the
following year, though his book met with great success, and led to the revival
of engraving in France.
When he began his studies for the life of Ingres, which appeared in 1867, he
found many letters of the artist, which enabled him to follow the latter through
the various phases of his life: to know the changes of his temper, the
inflexibility of his character; his emotions day by day; his momentary
discouragements, his great will-power; the heroic efforts he made to reach the
heights; his ideas on art, his opinions of others as well as himself: and thanks
to these documents, he was enabled to reproduce one of the most remarkable
personalities, if not the most original one, of the French school.
In 1870 he was again made Director of Fine Arts. He introduced several
reforms in the organization of the Salon, and founded a 4,000-franc prize. But
the spirit of reaction could not forgive his political antecedents; and in 1873,
on the fall of Thiers, he was removed before he could complete his plan for
establishing a museum of copies to reproduce the masterpieces of painting.
One well-deserved satisfaction was granted him in 1878 by the creation of a
chair of Æsthetics and Art History in the College of France, which he was
called by special decree to fill; and there he taught for three years.
The first part of the 'Grammar of the Decorative Arts' appeared in 1881; the
second part, dealing with interior decorations, in 1882. The third part, 'The
Decoration of Cities,' was not completed, owing to his sudden death. Elected
President of the French Academy in 1882, he did not enjoy this well-deserved
honor long. A few weeks before his death--which occurred on February 17th,
1882, from the effects of an operation for cancer--he began a catalogue of the
collection presented by Thiers to the Louvre. This was the last work of a pen
wielded with unimpaired vigor to the end.
"The great artist," wrote Blanc, "is he who guides us into the region of his own
thoughts, into the palaces and fields of his own imagination, and while there,
speaks to us the language of the gods;" and to none are these words more

Page 164

applicable than to himself. In the world of thought he was a man of great
originality, though neither architect, painter, nor sculptor. He had all the artist
nature from a boy, and never lost the tender sensibility and naïf admiration for
the beautiful in nature and art which give such glow of enthusiasm to his
writings. His 'Grammar of Painting and Engraving' founded the scientific
method of criticism. In this work he brought his intellectual qualifications and
extensive reading to bear upon a subject until then treated either by
philosophical theorizers or eloquent essayists. He has left one of the purest
literary reputations in France. He was above all an idealist, and made the
World Beautiful more accessible to us.

Rembrandt and his Wife
Photogravure from the original Painting by Rembrandt.
Dresden Gallery.

Page 165

REMBRANDT

From 'The Dutch School of Painters'

Rembrandt has taken great pains to transmit to us paintings of his person, or at
least of his face, from the time of his youth up to that of shrunken old age. He
was a man at once robust and delicate. His broad and slightly rounded
forehead presented a development that indicated a powerful imagination. His
eyes were small, deep-set, bright, intelligent, and full of fire. His hair, of a
warm color bordering on red and curling naturally, may possibly have
indicated a Jewish extraction. His head had great character, in spite of the
plainness of his features; a large flat nose, high cheek-bones, and a copper-
colored complexion imparted to his face a vulgarity which, however, was
relieved by the form of his mouth, the haughty outline of his eyebrows, and the
brilliancy of his eyes. Such was Rembrandt; and the character of the figures he
painted partakes of that of his own person. That is to say, they have great
expression, but are not noble; they possess much pathos, while deficient in
what is termed style.
An artist thus constituted could not but be exceedingly original, intelligent, and
independent, though selfish and entirely swayed by caprice. When he began to
study nature, he entered upon his task not with that good nature which is the
distinctive characteristic of so many of the Dutch painters, but with an innate
desire to stamp upon every object his own peculiarity, supplementing
imagination by an attentive observation of real life. Of all the phenomena of
nature, that which gave him most trouble was light; the difficulty he most
desired to conquer was that of expression.

ALBERT DÜRER'S 'MELANCHOLIA'

Page 166

From 'The Dutch School of Painters'

The love of the extravagant and fantastic observable in Dürer's first pictures
never abandoned him. He has probably expressed the inspiration of his own
soul in the figure of Melancholy, who, seated on the sea-shore, seems trying to
penetrate with her gaze into infinite space. For my part, I have this picture
always before me. How could it be possible to forget an engraving of Dürer's,
even though seen but once? I can see her proud and noble head resting
thoughtfully upon one hand, her long hair falling in disheveled tresses upon
her shoulders; her folded wings emblematic of that impotent aspiration which
directs her gaze towards heaven; a book, closed and useless as her wings,
resting upon her knee. Nothing can be more gloomy, more penetrating, than
the expression of this figure. From the peculiar folds of her dress, one would
suppose she was enveloped in iron draperies. Near her is a sun-dial with a bell
which marks the hours as they glide away. The sun is sinking beneath the
ocean, and darkness will soon envelop the earth. Above hovers a strange-
looking bat with spreading wings, and bearing a pennon on which is written
the word "Melancholia."
All is symbolical in this composition, of which the sentiment is sublime.
Melancholy holds in her right hand a pair of compasses and a circle, the
emblem of that eternity in which her thoughts are lost. Various instruments
appertaining to the arts and sciences lie scattered around her; after having
made use of them, she has cast them aside and has fallen into a profound
revery. As typical of the mistrust which has crept into her heart with avarice
and doubt, a bunch of keys is suspended to her girdle; above her is an hour-
glass, the emblem of her transitory existence. Nothing could be more
admirable than the face of Melancholy, both in the severe beauty of her
features and the depth of her gaze.
Neither the sentiment of melancholy nor the word which expresses it had
appeared in art before the time of Albert Dürer.

INGRES

From the 'Life of Ingres'

Page 167

Small of stature, square of figure, rough of manner, devoid of distinction,
Ingres's personality afforded a great contrast to the refinement of his taste and
the charm of his feminine figures. I can hardly conceive how a man thus built
could show such delicacy in the choice of his subjects; how those short, thick
fingers could draw such lovely, graceful forms.
Ingres hated academic conventionality; he mingled the Florentine and Greek
schools; he sought the ideal not outside of reality but in its very essence, in the
reconciliation of style with nature. Color he considered of secondary
importance; he not only subordinated it voluntarily to drawing, but he did not
have a natural gift for it. Ingres is the artist who has best expressed the
voluptuousness not of flesh but of form; who has felt feminine beauty most
profoundly and chastely.

CALAMATTA'S STUDIO

From 'Contemporary Artists'

I can still see Lamennais, with his worn-out coat, his round back, his yellow,
parchment-like face, his eyes sparkling beneath a forehead imprinted with
genius, and resembling somewhat Hoffmann's heroes. George Sand sometimes
visited us, and it seemed to me that her presence lighted up the whole studio.
She always spoke to me, for she knew that I was the brother of a distinguished
writer, and when she looked over my plate I trembled like a leaf.
Thus our calm sedentary life was enlivened by an occasional sunbeam; and
when I was hard at work with my graver, my mind was nourished by the minds
of others. Giannone, the poet, read his commentaries on Shakespeare to us, and
Mercure always had a witty retort in that faulty French which is so amusing in
an Italian mouth. Calamatta would listen in silence, his eyes glued to his
drawing of the 'Joconde,' at which he worked on his good days.

Page 168

BLANC'S DÉBUT AS ART CRITIC

From 'Contemporary Artists'

In those days things happened just as they do now; the criticism is almost
invariably the work of beginners. A youth who has acquired a smattering of
learning, who has caught up the slang of the studios, and pretends to have a
system or to defend a paradox, is chosen to write an account of the Salon. I
was that youth, that novice. And after all, how become a workman unless you
work? how become expert if you do not study, recognize your mistakes and
repair them? Beneath our mistakes truth lies hidden.
So I arrived at Brussels to exercise the trade of critic, and found myself in the
presence of two men who were then making a brilliant debut as painters: De
Keyser and Henri Leys. I hope I shall be forgiven if I reproduce my criticism
of the latter's 'Massacre of the Magistrates of Louvain.'

"Imagine to yourself a small public square, such as
might have existed in Louvain in the fourteenth
century; this square filled with angry people
demanding satisfaction for the death of their chief,
Gautier de Lendes, assassinated by the nobles; the
approach to the palace of justice crowded with men
armed to the teeth; at the top of the stairs the city
magistrates on their way to execution, some as calm as
if about to administer justice, others bewailing that the
people know not what they do; peasants awaiting them
at the foot of the stairs, dagger in hand, a smile upon
their lips; here and there fainting women, dead bodies
being stripped, dying men being tortured, and an
inextricable confusion of monks, burghers, soldiers,
children and horses. Then if you fancy this scene

Page 169

painted with the warmth and impetuosity of a
Tintoretto, or as Hugo would have written it, you will
have an idea of Leys's picture. It may not be prudent to
trust an enthusiastic criticism; but my opinion is shared
by every one. I may be rash in praising a young man
whose wings may melt in the sun; but when, as is the
case with M. Leys, the artist possesses exact
knowledge of the times and manners, when he has
verve, dash, and deep feeling, he needs only to
moderate ardor by reflection, and to ripen inspiration
by study, in order to become great."

One must admit that the above was not a bad beginning for an apprentice-
connoisseur, and that I was fortunate in praising an unknown artist destined to
make a great reputation.... There is something more real than reality in what
passes in the soul of a great artist!

DELACROIX'S 'BARK OF DANTE'

From 'Contemporary Artists'

An admirable and altogether new quality is the weird harmony of color which
makes the painting vibrate like a drama; or in other words, that sombre
harmony itself is the foundation of the tragedy. Lyricism is expressed by mere
difference in tones, which, heightened by their contrasts and softened by their
analogy, become harmonious while clashing with each other. A new poetry was
born of the French school, until then so sober of color, so little inclined to avail
itself of the material resources of painting. And yet the expression thus
achieved by Delacroix appeals to the soul as much as to the eyes. It is not
merely optical beauty, but spiritual beauty of the highest order, that is produced
by his superb coloring. In this picture the young painter's genius was revealed
unto himself. He then knew that he had guessed the secret of an art which he
was to carry to a perfection undreamed of before,--the orchestration of color....
Delacroix was the hero of Romanticism. His life was one long revolt in the
name of color against drawing, of flesh against marble, of freedom of attitude

Page 170

against traditionary precision. He is an essentially modern genius inflamed by
the poetry of Christianity, and he added tumultuous passions and feverish
emotions to the antique serenity of art.
In those days youth was entirely given up to noble aspirations, to dreams of
glory, to enthusiasm for beauty of expression and feeling, to an ardent love of
liberty. Men were indifferent to stock quotations, but they rated spiritual values
high. Mere theories inspired passion; quarrels on the subject of style and
painting were common; men became enthusiastic over poetry and beauty--the
ideal!

GENESIS OF THE 'GRAMMAR'

At dinner one day with the dignitaries of one of the largest cities of France,
conversation turned upon the arts. All of the guests spoke of them, and well;
but each intrenched himself behind his own personal views, in virtue of the
adage "One cannot argue about tastes." I protested in vain against this false
principle, saying that it was inadmissible, and that the classic Brillat-Savarin
would have been shocked at such blasphemy. Even his name had no weight,
and the guests separated gayly, after uttering heresies that made you shiver.
Among the eminent men present there was one, however, who seemed
somewhat mortified that he had not the most elementary idea of art; and he
asked me if there was not some book in which its principles were presented in
a clear and brief form. I replied that no such book existed, and that on leaving
college I should have been only too happy to find such a work; and thereupon
determined to write one.

Page 171

MORAL INFLUENCE OF ART

From 'Grammar of Painting and Engraving'

Painting purifies people by its mute eloquence. The philosopher writes his
thoughts for those who can think and read. The painter shows his thought to all
who have eyes to see. That hidden and naked virgin, Truth, the artist finds
without seeking. He throws a veil over her, encourages her to please, proves to
her that she is beautiful, and when he has reproduced her image he makes us
take her, and takes her himself, for Beauty.
In communicating to us what has been seen and felt by others, the painter
gives new strength and compass to the soul. Who can say of how many
apparently fugitive impressions a man's morality is composed, and upon what
depends the gentleness of his manners, the correctness of his habits, the
elevation of his thoughts? If the painter represents acts of cruelty or injustice,
he inspires us with horror. The 'Unhappy Family' of Proudhon moves the fibres
of charity better than the homilies of a preacher.... Examples of the sublime are
rare in painting, as the painter is compelled to imprison every idea in a form. It
may happen, nevertheless, that moved by thoughts to which he has given no
form, the artist strikes the soul as a thunderbolt would the ear. It is then by
virtue of the thought perceived, but not formulated, that the picture becomes
sublime.

POUSSIN'S 'SHEPHERDS OF ARCADIA'

From 'Grammar of Painting and Engraving'

In a wide, heavily wooded country, the sojourning-place of that happiness sung
by the poets, some peasants have discovered a tomb hidden by a thicket of
trees, and bearing this brief inscription: "Et in Arcadia ego" (I too lived in
Arcadia). These words, issuing from the tomb, sadden their faces, and the

Page 172

smiles die upon their lips. A young girl, carelessly leaning upon the shoulder of
her lover, seems to listen, mute and pensive, to this salutation from the dead.
The thought of death has also plunged into reverie a youth who leans over the
tomb with bowed head, while the oldest shepherd points out the inscription he
has just discovered. The landscape that completes this quiet picture shows
reddened leaves upon arid rocks; hillocks that melt in the vague horizon, and
in the distance, something ill-defined that resembles the sea. The sublime in
this painting is that which we cannot see; it is the thought that hovers over it,
the unexpected emotion that fills the soul of the spectator, transported suddenly
beyond the tomb into the infinite unknown.

LANDSCAPE

From 'Grammar of Painting and Engraving'

The poetry of the fields and forests is inseparable from truth. But the painter
must idealize this truth by making it express some sentiment; faithfulness of
imitation alone would not suffice. The artist, master of reality, enlightens it
with his eyes, transfigures it according to his heart, and makes it utter what is
not in it--sentiment; and that which it neither possesses nor understands--
thought.

STYLE

From 'Grammar of Painting and Engraving'

Drawing is a work of the mind; every drawing is the expression of a thought or
sentiment, and is charged with showing us something superior to the apparent
truth when that reveals neither sentiment nor thought. But what is this superior
truth? It is sometimes the character of the object drawn, sometimes the
character of the designer, and in high art is what we call style.
The artist sees in the creations of nature what he himself carries in the depth of
his soul, tints them with the colors of his imagination, lends them the witchery

Page 173

of his genius. The temperament of the artist modifies the character of objects,
and even that of living figures. But this power of taking possession is the
appanage of great hearts, of great artists, of those whom we call masters,--who,
instead of being the slaves of reality, dominate it. These have a style; their
imitators have only a manner.
Aside from the style peculiar to every great master, there is in art something
still superior and impersonal, which is style proper. Style is truth aggrandized,
simplified, freed from all insignificant details, restored to its original essence,
its typical aspect. This "style" par excellence, in which instead of recognizing
the soul of an artist we feel the breath of the universal soul, was realized in the
Greek sculpture of the time of Pericles.

THE LAW OF PROPORTION IN ARCHITECTURE

From 'Grammar of Painting and Engraving'

Man, from the fact that he is the only intelligent being in creation, desires to
show his intelligence in his works. In order to do so he makes them resemble
himself in a measure, by impressing upon them the characteristic of his
intelligence, which is logic, and that of his body, which is proportion.
Architecture employs inorganic matter alone--stone, marble, brick, iron, wood,
when the sap has been dried out of it and it ceases to be an organic substance;
and yet, under the hand of the architect, this inert matter expresses sentiments
and feelings. By subjecting it to the laws of order, symmetry, and proportion,
in a manner which appeals to the eye, he lends them a semblance of life and an
organism conceived after his own image. By this artificial proportion, inert
matter is raised to the dignity of the animal kingdom; it is rendered eloquent
and capable of expressing the soul of the artist, and often that of a race.
But human monuments have still another point in common with the body.
Order, symmetry, and proportion are needed rigorously only on the exterior.
Within, general beauty no longer dominates, but individual life. If we look at

Page 174

the interior of the human body we find no symmetry, no arrangement but that
demanded by the function of the organs. The brain, it is true, has two
symmetrical lobes, because the brain is destined to a life of relation, to the life
of intelligence. But in their individual functions the life of the internal organs
presents another aspect. The stomach is a shapeless bag; the heart is a single
muscle which is not even placed in the centre; the left lung is longer and
narrower than the right; the spleen is a ganglion placed on the left side without
any corresponding organ; but all this mechanism, which scientists consider
wonderful in its irregularity, is hidden beneath a layer of similar members
which repeat each other and correspond at equal distances from a central line,
and constitute symmetry in animals, beauty in man. Similar in this respect to
the human body, architectural monuments have a double life and a double
aspect.
On the exterior, it is meet that they should be regular, symmetrical--but
symmetrical from left to right like man, not from top to bottom nor from face
to back. Their resemblance to man is further shown by openings, which are as
the eyes and ears of the persons who inhabit them; their entrance occupies the
centre of the edifice, as the mouth is placed on the central line of the face; they
have rounded or angular forms according as they have been built to express
strength, a virile idea, or grace, a feminine one; lastly, they have proportion,
for there is a harmonious relation between their apparent members, and a
mutual dependence which subordinates the variety of the parts to the unity of
the whole, and which constitutes the necessary conditions of the beautiful in
art.
The interior is not subjected to the necessity for duplicate members, to
regularity of façade, nor to unity of appearance. Thus when the artist who has
designed the monument performs its autopsy,--so to say,--we see, as in the
human body, unequal dimensions, irregular shapes, disparities which resemble
disorder to the eye, but which constitute the individuality of the edifice. Within
reigns relative beauty, free, with fixed rule; without reigns a necessary beauty
subjected to its own laws.
In man, character is the soul's expression. In architecture, character is the
moral physiognomy o£ a building. As a portrait without character is but a vain
shadow of the person represented, so a monument which does not appeal to the
intelligence, which evokes no thought, is merely a pile of stones, a body
without a soul. The soul of architecture is the thought it expresses.

Page 175

Character tends towards beauty in man as well as in his works. If we glance at
human society, we see faces which appear to be nothing more than a sketch.
Parsimonious nature has given them only sufficient life to move in a narrow
circle; they are mere individuals; they represent nothing but themselves.
However, in the midst of the crowd, some men are noticeable for an abundance
of vitality, whom favorable events have developed along their natural
tendencies: they impersonate many individuals in one; their unity is equal to
numbers; for good or evil, they have a character. In proportion as an
individuality becomes more enriched, more pronounced, it attains character; in
proportion as character loses its roughness it becomes beauty. This is also true
of architecture.

Page 176

STEEN STEENSEN BLICHER
(1782-1848)

mong the men nearest to the heart of the Danish people is Steen Steensen
Blicher, who was born in 1782 on the border of the Jutland heath with which
his name is so inseparably linked. The descendant of a line of country parsons,
he was destined like them to the ministry, and while awaiting his appointment
he supported his family by teaching and by farming.
When after years of hardship he finally obtained a parish on the Jutland heath,
the salary was too small to support his large family. It was only during the very
last years of his life that he was freed from harassing cares by the generosity of
three friends, who, grateful for his literary work, paid off his debts.
While he was in college at Copenhagen he heard the lectures of the Norwegian
Henrik Steffens, an interpreter of the German philosophic and romantic school.
Steffens aroused a reaction against the formalism of the eighteenth century,
and introduced romanticism into the North by his powerful influence over men
like Oehlenschläger, Grundtvig, and Mynster in Denmark, and Ling and the
"Phosphorists" in Sweden. Through these lectures Blicher became much
interested in the Ossianic poems, of which he made an. Excellent Danish
translation.
The poems and dramas with which he followed this work were of no great
importance. It was not until he began to look into the old Danish traditions that
he found his true sphere. The study of these quaint and simple legends led him
to write those national peasant stories which he began to publish in 1826. They
are not only the best of their kind in Danish, but they bear favorable
comparison with the same kind of work in other literatures. They are not
written as a study of social problems, or of any philosophy of life or moods of
nature as they are reflected in human existence; they are merely a reproduction
of what the country parson's own eyes beheld--the comedy and tragedy of the
commonplace. What a less sensitive observer might have passed in silence--the
brown heath, the breakers of the North Sea, the simple heart and life of the

Page 177

peasant--revealed to him the poesy, now merry, now sad, which he renders
with so much art and so delicate a sympathy. Behind the believer in
romanticism stands the lover of nature and of humanity.
Among his works the best known are 'E Bindstouw' (The Knitting-room), a
collection of stories and poems, full of humor, simple and naive, told by the
peasants themselves in their own homely Jutland dialect. These, as well as
some of his later poems, especially 'Sneklokken' (The Snowbell), and
'Trækfuglene' (Birds of Passage), possess a clear, true, and national lyric
quality.
Dying in 1848, Blicher was buried in Jutland, near the heath on which he spent
whole days and nights of happy solitude. On one side of the stone above his
grave is engraved a golden plover, on the other a pair of heath-larks, and
around the foot a garland of heather, in memory of that intimate life with
nature which, through his own great love for it, he endeared to all his readers.

A PICTURE

From the 'Poems'

I lay on my heathery hills alone;
The storm-winds rushed o'er me in turbulence loud;
My head rested lone on the gray moorland stone;
My eyes wandered skyward from cloud unto cloud.

There wandered my eyes, but my thoughts onward
passed,
Far beyond cloud-track or tempest's career;
At times I hummed songs, and the desolate waste
Was the first the sad chimes of my spirit to hear.

Gloomy and gray are the moorlands where rest
My fathers, yet there doth the wild heather bloom,
And amid the old cairns the lark buildeth her nest,
And sings in the desert, o'er hill-top and tomb.

Page 178

From Hewitt's 'Literature of Northern Europe.'

THE KNITTING-ROOM

It was the eve before Christmas Eve--no, stop! I am lying--it was the eve
before that, come to think of it, that there was a knitting-bee going on at the
schoolmaster's, Kristen Kornstrup's,--you know him? There were plenty that
knew him, for in the winter he was schoolmaster, and in the summer he was
mason, and he was alike clever at both. And he could do more than that, for he
could stop the flow of blood, and discover stolen goods, and make the wind
turn, and read prayers over felons, and much more too. But at this exorcising
he was not so good as the parson, for he had not been through the black school.
So we had gathered there from the whole town,--oh, well, Lysgaard town is not
so mighty big: there are only six farms and some houses, but then they were
there too from Katballe and Testrup, and I think the lads from Knakkeborg had
drifted over too--but that doesn't matter. We had got it measured off at last, and
all of us had got our yarn over the hook in the ceiling above the table, and had
begun to let the five needles work. Then the schoolmaster says, "Isn't there one
of you that will sing something or tell something? then it will go so nicely with
the work here." Then she began to speak, Kirsten Pedersdatter from Paps,--for
she is always forward about speaking:--"I could sing you a little ditty if you
cared to hear it--" "That we do," said I, "rattle it off!"--And she sang a ditty--I
had never heard it before, but I remember it well enough, and it ran this way:--

But now I will tell you a story about a Poorman [gipsy] and what happened to
him.
"If," said he--Mads Ur--"if you have been in Herning or thereabout, you know
that there is a great marsh south of it. That same marsh is not so very nice to
cross for those that don't know it well.

Page 179

"It was the summer I was working for Kristens that a cow sank down out there,
and it was one of those I was watching. I took her by the horns and I took her
by the tail, but she would not help herself at all, and when one won't do a little
bit, what is going to become of one? As I stand there pulling at that same
refractory cow, up comes a Poorman from over at Rind, one of those they call
knackers. 'I'll have to help you,' said he: 'you take hold of the horns, and I'll lift
the tail.' That worked, for he pricked her under the tail with his pikestaff, and
she was of a mind to help herself too. 'What do you give me for that now?' said
he. 'I have nothing to give you,' said I, 'nothing but thanks.' 'I won't have them,'
answered he, 'but if ever I should sink down on one road or another, will you
lend me a hand if you are near by?' 'That I will do, indeed,' answered I; and
then he tramped up to town, and that was all.
"How was it now that I came to work in Sund's parsonage?--well, that doesn't
matter--I could swing a scythe, but how old I was I don't remember, for I don't
rightly know how old I am now. The parson was a mighty good man, but God
help us for the wife he had! She was as bad to him as any woman could be,
and he hadn't a dog's chance with her. I have saved him twice from her grip,
for he was a little scared mite of a thing, and she was big and strong, but I was
stronger still, and I could get the better of her. Once she chased him around the
yard with a knife in her hand, and cried that she would be even with him. I did
not like that, so I took the knife from her and warned her to behave herself,--
but that wasn't what I meant to say. Well, once while I was working there I
stood near the pond looking at the aftermath. And up comes this same
customer--this Poorman--drifting along the road toward me, and he had two
women following him, and they each had a cradle on their backs and a child in
each cradle. 'Good day to you,' said I. 'Same to you,' said he; 'how is your cow?
Have you let her get into the marsh since?' 'Oh, no,' said I, 'and here is another
thank-ye to you.' 'Are you working in this here bit of a parsonage?' said he.
'That I am,' said I. 'Well, now listen,' said he; 'couldn't you hide me these two
with their little ones a day or so? for to-morrow there is to be a raid on our
people, and I wouldn't like to have these in Viborghouse; I can stow myself
away easy enough.' 'I'll see what I can do,' answered I; 'let them come, say a
little after bedtime, to the West house there, and I'll get a ladder ready and help
them up on the hayloft,--but have you food and drink yourself?' 'Oh, I shall do
well enough,' said he, 'and now farewell to you until the sun is down.' So then
they drifted along the road to a one-horse farm, and that evening they came,
sure enough, and I hid the two women and the children until the second night;
then they slipped away again. Before I parted with them, the Poorman said, 'I'd

Page 180

like to repay you this piece of work: isn't there something you want very
much?' 'Yes,' said I.--'What might it be?'--'Hm! The only thing is Morten's Ane
Kirstine at the farm where you went last night. But her parents won't let me
have her; they say I have too little, and that is true too.' 'Hm, man,' says he,
'you look as if you had a pair of strong arms of your own; that is a good
heirloom, and she has some pennies,--in a couple of days you might go and see
what the old man's mind is. I'll help along the best I know how.' I listened to
that, for evil upon them, those gipsies--they are not such fools. They can tell
fortunes and discover stolen goods, and they can do both good and evil as it
may happen.
"I thought over this thing a couple of days and some of the nights too, and then
the third day I drifted over to Morten's. Ane Kirstine stood alone outside the
gate with her back turned, for she was busy whitewashing a wall, so I came
upon her before she knew it. 'Mercy on us! is that you?' she cried, 'where have
you been all these many days?'--'I have been at home, and in the field, and on
the heath, as it happened, and now I come to take a look at you.'--'I am not
worth looking at,' said she, and thrust her clay-covered hands down into the
pail to rinse off the clay. 'I don't care,' says I, 'whether you are yellow or gray,
for you are the best friend I've got in this world; but I suppose I shall never be
worthy of taking you in my arms in all honor and virtue.'--'It would be bad if
that couldn't be,' said she, 'but it may happen we have got to wait awhile.'--'I
can't wait over-long,' said I, 'for my mother will have no roof over her head,
and either I shall have to take the farm or else a sister; that is how it stands,
and it cannot be otherwise.'--Then she began to sniffle, and dried her eyes and
sighed, but said nothing. I felt sorry for her, but what was there for one to do?
"Well, some one came who could tell us what to do, and it was none other than
that same Poorman. Along he tramps with one of his women, and had his glass
case on his back and wanted to get into the farm." Then he turned toward us
and said:--'Well, well! what are you two doing there? Come along in with me,
little girl, and I'll see if I can't manage it for you; but you stay out here, my
little man! then we'll see what may come of it.'--They went, and I sat down on
a stone that was lying there and folded my hands. I was not over-happy. I don't
know how long I sat there, for I had fallen asleep; but then I was waked by
some one kissing me, and it was no other than Ane Kirstine. 'Are you sitting
there sleeping?' said she; 'come along in now, it is as it ought to be. The
knacker has spoken a good word for us to mother, and when nothing could
change her he said, "There is a black cock sitting on the perch: maybe a red

Page 181

one will crow over you if you don't do as I say." At this she got a little bit
scared, and said, "Then let it be! but this I tell you, Ane Kirstine, I'll keep the
black-headed cow for milking, and I'll have all the hay that is my share."--
"That is no more than reasonable," said I, "and now we have no more to
quarrel about, I suppose." Now you can let them publish the banns when you
please.' 'And now, Ane Kirstine,' said I, 'this tramp here, he must have a
reward, and I'll give it with a good will; and if we can get hold of him when we
have our feast, he shall have a pot of soup and a hen to himself and those
women and children.'--'That is right enough,' said she; 'and I will give them a
rag or so, or a few more of my half-worn clothes.'
"Well, then my mother-in-law made a splendid feast, and there was plenty of
everything. The Poorman was there, too, with all his following; but they had
theirs by themselves, as you might know, seeing that they were of the knacker
kind. Him I gave a coat, and Ane Kirstine gave the women each a cap and a
kerchief and a piece of homespun for a petticoat for each of the young ones,
and they were mighty well pleased.
"I and Ane Kirstine had lived happily together for about four years, as we do
still, and all that time we had seen nothing of that Poorman, although we had
spoken of him now and again. Sometimes we thought he had perished, and
sometimes that they had put him into Viborghouse. Well, then it was that we
were to have our second boy christened, him we called Sören, and I went to
the parson to get this thing fixed up. As I came on the marsh to the selfsame
place where I saw that Poor-customer the first time, there was somebody lying
at one edge of the bog, on his back in the heather and with his legs in the ditch.
I knew him well enough. 'Why are you lying here alone?' said I: 'is anything
the matter with you?' 'I think I am dying,' said he, but he gasped so I could
hardly understand him. 'Where are those women,' said I, 'that you used to have
with you? Have they left you to lie here by the road?' He nodded his head and
whispered, 'A drop of water.' 'That I will give you,' said I, and then I took some
of the rainwater that stood in the ditch, in the hollow of my hat, and held it to
his mouth. But that was of no use, for he could drink no longer, but drew up
his legs and opened his mouth wide, and then the spirit left him. I felt so sorry
for him that when I came to the parson's I begged that his poor ghost might be
sheltered in the churchyard. That he gave me leave to do, and then I fetched
him on my own wagon and nailed a couple of boards together and laid him
down in the northwestern corner, and there he lies."

Page 182

"Well now, that was it," said Kristen Katballe, "but why do you sit there so
still, Marie Kjölvroe? Can you neither sing nor tell us something?" "That is not
impossible," said she, and heaved a sigh, and sang so sadly that one might
almost think it had happened to her.

THE HOSIER

"The greatest sorrow of all down here,
Is to lose the one we hold most dear."

Sometimes, when I have wandered far out on the wide heath, where I have had
nothing but the brown heather around me and the blue sky above me; when I
walked far away from mankind and the monuments of its busy doings here
below,--which after all are only molehills to be leveled by time or by some
restless Tamerlane;--when I drifted, light-hearted, free, and proud, like the
Bedouin, whom no house, no narrowly bounded field chains to the spot, but
who owns, possesses, all he sees,--who does not dwell, but who goes wherever
he pleases; when my far-hovering eye caught a glimpse of a house in the
horizon, and was thus disagreeably arrested in its airy flight, sometimes there
came (God forgive me this passing thought, it was no more than that) the wish-
-would that this dwelling of man were not! there too is trouble and sorrow;
there too they quarrel and fight about mine and thine!--Oh! the happy desert is
mine, is thine, is everybody's, is nobody's.--It is said that a forester has
proposed to disturb the settlements, to plant forests on the fields of the
peasants and in place of their torn-down villages; the far more inhuman
thought has taken possession of me at times--what if the heather-grown heath
were still here the same as it was centuries ago, undisturbed, untouched by the
hand of man! But as I have said, I did not mean it seriously. For when tired and
weary, suffering from hunger and thirst, I thought longingly of the Arab's tent
and coffee-pot, I thanked God that a heather-thatched roof--be it even miles
away--promised me shelter and refreshment.

Page 183

On a still, warm September day, several years ago, I found myself walking on
this same heath, which, Arabically speaking, I call mine. No wind stirred the
blushing heather; the air was heavy and misty with heat. The far-off hills that
limited the horizon seemed to hover like clouds around the immense plain, and
took many wonderful shapes: houses, towers, castles, men and animals; but all
of dark uncertain outline, changing like dream pictures; now a cottage grew
into a church, and that in turn into a pyramid; here a spire arose, there another
sank; a man became a horse, and this in turn an elephant; here floated a boat,
there a ship with all sails set.
My eye found its pleasure for quite a while in watching these fantastic figures-
-a panorama which only the sailor and the desert-dweller have occasion to
enjoy--when finally I began to look for a real house among the many false
ones; I wanted right ardently to exchange all my beautiful fairy palaces for a
single human cottage.
Success was mine; I soon discovered a real farm without spires and towers,
whose outlines became distincter and sharper the nearer I came to it, and
which, flanked by peat-stacks, looked much larger than it really was. Its
inmates were unknown to me. Their clothes were poor, their furniture simple,
but I knew that the heath-dweller often hides noble rental in an unpainted box
or in a miserable wardrobe, and a fat pocketbook inside a patched coat; when
therefore my eyes fell on an alcove packed full of stockings, I concluded, and
quite rightly, that I was in the house of a rich hosier. (In parenthesis it may be
said that I do not know any poor ones.)
A middle-aged, gray-haired, but still strong man rose from his slice and offered
me his hand with these words: "Welcome!--with permission to ask, where does
the good friend come from?"
Do not jeer at so ill-mannered and straightforward a question! the heath
peasant is quite as hospitable as the Scotch laird, and but a little more curious;
after all, he cannot be blamed for wanting to know who his guest is.
When I had told him who I was and whence I came, he called his wife, who
immediately put all the delicacies of the house before me and begged me
insistently, with good-hearted kindness, to eat and drink, although my hunger
and thirst made all insistence unnecessary.
I was in the midst of the repast and a political talk with my host, when a young
and exceedingly beautiful peasant girl came in, whom I should undoubtedly

Page 184

have declared a lady who had fled from cruel parents and an unwished-for
marriage, had not her red hands and unadulterated peasant dialect convinced
me that no disguise had taken place. She nodded in a friendly way, cast a
passing glance under the table, went out and came in soon again with a dish of
milk and water, which she put down on the floor with the words, "Your dog
may need something too."
I thanked her for her attention; but this was fully given to the big dog, whose
greediness soon made the dish empty, and who now in his way thanked the
giver by rubbing himself up against her; and when she raised her arms, a little
intimidated, Chasseur misunderstood the movement, put himself on the alert,
and forced the screaming girl backwards toward the alcove. I called the dog
back and explained his good intentions.
I would not have invited the reader's attention to so trivial a matter, but to
remark that everything is becoming to the beautiful; for indeed this peasant girl
showed, in everything she said and did, a certain natural grace which could not
be called coquetry unless you will so call an innate unconscious instinct.
When she had left the room I asked the parents if this was their daughter. They
answered in the affirmative, adding that she was an only child.
"You won't keep her very long," I said.
"Dear me, what do you mean by that?" asked the father; but a pleased smile
showed that he understood my meaning.
"I think," I answered, "that she will hardly lack suitors."
"Hm!" grumbled he, "of suitors we can get a plenty; but if they are worth
anything, that is the question. To go a-wooing with a watch and a silver-
mounted pipe does not set the matter straight; it takes more to ride than to say
'Get up!' Sure as I live," he went on, putting both clenched hands on the table
and bending to look out of the low window, "if there is not one of them--a
shepherd's boy just out of the heather--oh yes, one of these customers' who run
about with a couple of dozen hose in a wallet--stupid dog! wooes our daughter
with two oxen and two cows and a half--yes, I am on to him!--Beggar!"
All this was not addressed to me, but to the new-comer, on whom he fastened
his darkened eyes as the other came along the heather path toward the house.

Page 185

The lad was still far enough away to allow me time to ask my host about him,
and I learned that he was the son of the nearest neighbor--who, by the way,

Page 186

MATHILDE BLIND
(1847-1896)

athilde Blind was born at Mannheim, Germany, March 21st, 1847. She was
educated principally in London, and subsequently in Zurich. Since her early
school days, with the exception of this interval of study abroad, and numerous
journeys to the south of Europe and the East, she has lived in London. Upon
her return from Zurich she was thrown much into contact with Mazzini, in
London, and her first essay in literature was a volume of poems (which she
published in 1867 under the pseudonym Claude Lake) dedicated to him. She
was also in close personal relationship with Madox Brown, W.M. Rossetti, and
Swinburne. Her first literary work to appear under her own name was a critical
essay on the poetical works of Shelley in the Westminster Review in 1870,
based upon W.M. Rossetti's edition of the poet. In 1872 she wrote an account
of the life and writings of Shelley, to serve as an introduction to a selection of
his poems in the Tauchnitz edition. She afterwards edited a selection of the
letters of Lord Byron with an introduction, and a selection of his poems with a
memoir. A translation of Strauss's 'The Old Faith and the New' appeared in
1873, which contained in a subsequent edition a biography of the author. In
1883, Miss Blind wrote the initial volume, 'George Eliot,' for the 'Eminent
Women Series,' which she followed in 1886 in the same series with 'Madame
Roland.' Her first novel, 'Tarantella,' appeared in 1885. Besides these prose
works, she has made frequent contributions of literary criticism to the
Athenaeum and other reviews, and of papers and essays to the magazines;
among them translations of Goethe's 'Maxims and Reflections' in Fraser's
Magazine, and 'Personal Recollections of Mazzin' in the Fortnightly Review.
Her principal claim to literary fame is however based upon her verse. This is
from all periods of her productivity. In addition to the book of poems already
noticed, she has written 'The Prophecy of St. Oran, and other Poems,' 1882;
'The Heather on Fire,' a protest against the wrongs of the Highland crofters,
1886; 'The Ascent of Man,' her most ambitious work, 1889; 'Dramas in

Page 187

Miniature' 1892; 'Songs and Sonnets,' 1893; and
'Birds of Passage: Songs of the Orient and
Occident,' 1895.
'The Ascent of Man' is a poetical treatment of the
modern idea of evolution, and traces the progress
of man from his primitive condition in a state of
savagery to his present development. Miss Blind
has been an ardent advocate of the betterment of Mathilde Blind.
the position of woman in society and the State. To this end she has worked and
written for an improved education, and against a one-sided morality for the
sexes. In her verse she shows characteristically a keen appreciation of nature.
Her minor poems particularly, many of which are strong in feeling and
admirable in form, entitle her to a distinguished place among the lyric poets of
England.
She died in London near the end of November, 1896.

FROM 'LOVE IN EXILE'

I charge you, O winds of the West, O winds with the
wings of the
dove,
That ye blow o'er the brows of my Love, breathing low
that I
sicken for love.

I charge you, O dews of the Dawn, O tears of the star
of the morn,
That ye fall at the feet of my Love with the sound of
one weeping
forlorn.

I charge you, O birds of the Air, O birds flying home to
your nest,
That ye sing in his ears of the joy that for ever has fled
from my

Page 188

breast.

I charge you, O flowers of the Earth, O frailest of
things, and most
fair,
That ye droop in his path as the life in me shrivels,
consumed by
despair.

O Moon, when he lifts up his face, when he seeth the
waning of thee,
A memory of her who lies wan on the limits of life let
it be.

Many tears cannot quench, nor my sighs extinguish,
the flames of
love's fire,
Which lifteth my heart like a wave, and smites it, and
breaks its
desire.

I rise like one in a dream when I see the red sun flaring
low,
That drags me back shuddering from sleep each
morning to life with
its woe.

I go like one in a dream; unbidden my feet know the
way
To that garden where love stood in blossom with the
red and white
hawthorn of May.

The song of the throstle is hushed, and the fountain is
dry to its
core;
The moon cometh up as of old; she seeks, but she finds
him no more.

Page 189

The pale-faced, pitiful moon shines down on the grass
where I weep,
My face to the earth, and my breast in an anguish ne'er
soothed
into sleep.

The moon returns, and the spring; birds warble, trees
burst into
leaf;
But Love, once gone, goes for ever, and all that
endures is the
grief.

SEEKING

In many a shape and fleeting apparition,
Sublime in age or with clear morning eyes,
Ever I seek thee, tantalizing Vision,
Which beckoning flies.

Ever I seek Thee, O evasive Presence,
Which on the far horizon's utmost verge,
Like some wild star in luminous evanescence,
Shoots o'er the surge.

Ever I seek Thy features ever flying,
Which, ne'er beheld, I never can forget:
Lightning which flames through love, and mimics
dying
In souls that set.

Ever I seek Thee through all clouds of error;
As when the moon behind earth's shadow slips,
She wears a momentary mask of terror
In brief eclipse.

Ever I seek Thee, passionately yearning;
Like altar fire on some forgotten fane,

Page 190

My life flames up irrevocably burning,
And burnt in vain.

THE SONGS OF SUMMER

The songs of summer are over and past!
The swallow's forsaken the dripping eaves;
Ruined and black 'mid the sodden leaves
The nests are rudely swung in the blast:
And ever the wind like a soul in pain
Knocks and knocks at the window-pane.

The songs of summer are over and past!
Woe's me for a music sweeter than theirs--
The quick, light bound of a step on the stairs,
The greeting of lovers too sweet to last:
And ever the wind like a soul in pain
Knocks and knocks at the window-pane.

A PARABLE

Between the sandhills and the sea
A narrow strip of silver sand,
Whereon a little maid doth stand,
Who picks up shells continually,
Between the sandhills and the sea.

Far as her wondering eyes can reach,
A vastness heaving gray in gray
To the frayed edges of the day
Furls his red standard on the breach
Between the sky-line and the beach.

Page 191

The waters of the flowing tide
Cast up the sea-pink shells and weed;
She toys with shells, and doth not heed
The ocean, which on every side
Is closing round her vast and wide.

It creeps her way as if in play,
Pink shells at her pink feet to cast;
But now the wild waves hold her fast,
And bear her off and melt away,
A vastness heaving gray in gray.

LOVE'S SOMNAMBULIST

Like some wild sleeper who alone, at night
Walks with unseeing eyes along a height,
With death below and only stars above,
I, in broad daylight, walk as if in sleep
Along the edges of life's perilous steep,
The lost somnambulist of love.

I, in broad day, go walking in a dream,
Led on in safety by the starry gleam
Of thy blue eyes that hold my heart in thrall;
Let no one wake me rudely, lest one day,
Startled to find how far I've gone astray,
I dash my life out in my fall.

THE MYSTIC'S VISION

Ah! I shall kill myself with dreams!
These dreams that softly lap me round
Through trance-like hours, in which meseems

Page 192

That I am swallowed up and drowned;
Drowned in your love, which flows o'er me
As o'er the seaweed flows the sea.

In watches of the middle night,
'Twixt vesper and 'twixt matin bell,
With rigid arms and straining sight,
I wait within my narrow cell;
With muttered prayers, suspended will,
I wait your advent--statue-still.

Across the convent garden walls
The wind blows from the silver seas;
Black shadow of the cypress falls
Between the moon-meshed olive-trees;
Sleep-walking from their golden bowers,
Flit disembodied orange flowers.

And in God's consecrated house,
All motionless from head to feet,
My heart awaits her heavenly Spouse,
As white I lie on my white sheet;
With body lulled and soul awake,
I watch in anguish for your sake.

And suddenly, across the gloom,
The naked moonlight sharply swings;
A Presence stirs within the room,
A breath of flowers and hovering wings:
Your presence without form and void,
Beyond all earthly joys enjoyed.

My heart is hushed, my tongue is mute,
My life is centred in your will;
You play upon me like a lute
Which answers to its master's skill,
Till passionately vibrating,
Each nerve becomes a throbbing string.

Page 193

Oh, incommunicably sweet!
No longer aching and apart,
As rain upon the tender wheat,
You pour upon my thirsty heart;
As scent is bound up in the rose,
Your love within my bosom glows.

FROM 'TARANTELLA'

Sounds of human mirth and laughter from somewhere among them were borne
from time to time to the desolate spot I had reached. It was a Festa day, and a
number of young people were apparently enjoying their games and dances, to
judge by the shouts and laughter which woke echoes of ghostly mirth in the
vaults and galleries that looked as though they had lain dumb under the
pressure of centuries.
There was I know not what of weird contrast between this gaping ruin, with its
fragments confusedly scattered about like the bleaching bones of some
antediluvian monster, and the clear youthful ring of those joyous voices.
I had sat down on some fragment of wall directly overhanging the sea. In my
present mood it afforded me a singular kind of pleasure to take up stones or
pieces of marble and throw them down the precipice. From time to time I
could hear them striking against the sharp projections of the rocks as they
leaped down the giddy height. Should I let my violin follow in their wake?
I was in a mood of savage despair; a mood in which my heart turned at bay on
what I had best loved. Hither it had led me, this art I had worshiped! After
years of patient toil, after sacrificing to it hearth and home, and the security of
a settled profession, I was not a tittle further advanced than at the
commencement of my career. For requital of my devoted service, starvation
stared me in the face. My miserable subsistence was barely earned by giving

Page 194

lessons to females, young and old, who, while inflicting prolonged tortures on
their victim, still exacted the tribute of smiles and compliments.
Weakened and ill, I shuddered to think of returning and bowing my neck once
more to that detested yoke.
"No! I'll never go back to that!" I cried, jumping up. "I'll sooner earn a
precarious livelihood by turning fisherman in this island! Any labor will be
preferable to that daily renewing torture." I seized my violin in a desperate
clutch, and feverishly leant over the wall, where I could hear the dirge-like
boom of the breakers in the hollow caves.
Only he who is familiar with the violin knows the love one may bear it--a love
keen as that felt for some frail human creature of exquisitely delicate mold.
Caressingly I passed my fingers over its ever-responsive strings, thinking,
feeling rather, that I could endure no hand to handle it save mine!
No! rather than that it should belong to another, its strings should for ever
render up the ghost of music in one prolonged wail, as it plunged shivering
from this fearful height.
For the last time, I thought, my fingers erred over its familiar chords. A thrill of
horrid exultation possessed me, such as the fell Tiberius may have experienced
when he bade his men hurl the shrinking form of a soft-limbed favorite from
this precipice.
Possibly my shaken nerves were affected by the hideous memories clinging to
these unhallowed ruins; possibly also by the oppressive heat of the day.
Sea and sky, indeed, looked in harmony with unnatural sensations; as though
some dread burst of passion were gathering intensity under their apparently
sluggish calm.
Though the sky overhead was of a sultry blue, yet above the coast-line of
Naples, standing out with preternatural distinctness, uncouth, livid clouds
straggled chaotically to the upper sky, here and there reaching lank, shadowy
films, like gigantic arms, far into the zenith. Flocks of sea-birds were uneasily
flying landward; screaming, they wheeled round the sphinx-like rocks, and
disappeared by degrees in their red clefts and fissures.
All at once I was startled in my fitful, half-mechanical playing by a piercing
scream; this was almost immediately followed by a confused noise of sobs and

Page 195

cries, and a running of people to and fro, which seemed, however, to be
approaching nearer. I was just going to hurry to the spot whence the noise
proceeded, when some dozen of girls came rushing towards me.
But before I had time to inquire into the cause of their excitement, or to
observe them more closely, a gray-haired woman, with a pale, terror-stricken
face, seized hold of my hand, crying:
"The Madonna be praised, he has a violin! Hasten, hasten! Follow us or she
will die!"
And then the girls, beckoning and gesticulating, laid hold of my arm, my coat,
my hand, some pulling, some pushing me along, all jabbering and crying
together, and repeating more and more urgently the only words that I could
make out--"Musica! Musica!"
But while I stared at them in blank amazement, thinking they must all have
lost their wits together, I was unconsciously being dragged and pulled along
till we came to a kind of ruined marble staircase, down which they hurried me
into something still resembling a spacious chamber; for though the wild fig-
tree and cactus pushed their fantastic branches through gaps in the walls, these
stood partly upright as yet, discovering in places the dull red glow of weather-
stained wall-paintings.
The floor, too, was better preserved than any I had seen; though cracked and in
part overrun by ivy, it showed portions of the original white and black
tessellated work.
On this floor, with her head pillowed on a shattered capital, lay a prostrate
figure without life or motion, and with limbs rigidly extended as in death.
The old woman, throwing herself on her knees before this lifeless figure,
loosened the handkerchief round her neck, and then, as though to feel whether
life yet lingered, she put her hand on the heart of the unconscious girl, when,
suddenly jumping up again, she ran to me, panting:--
"O sir, good sir, play, play for the love of the Madonna!" And the others all
echoed as with one voice, "Musica! Musica!"
"Is this a time to make music?" cried I, in angry bewilderment. "The girl seems
dying or dead. Run quick for a doctor--or stay, if you will tell me where he
lives I will go myself and bring him hither with all speed."

Page 196

For all answer the gray-haired woman, who was evidently the girl's mother,
fell at my feet, and clasping my knees, cried in a voice broken by sobs, "O
good sir, kind sir, my girl has been bitten by the tarantula! Nothing in the
world can save her but you, if with your playing you can make her rise up and
dance!"
Then darting back once more to the girl, who lay as motionless as before, she
screamed in shrill despair, "She's getting as cold as ice; the death-damps will
be on her if you will not play for my darling."
And all the girls, pointing as with one accord to my violin, chimed in once
again, crying more peremptorily than before, "Musica! Musica!"
There was no arguing with these terror-stricken, imploring creatures, so I took
the instrument that had been doomed to destruction, to call the seemingly dead
to life with it.
What possessed me then I know not: but never before or since did the music
thus waken within the strings of its own demoniacal will and leap responsive
to my fingers.
Perhaps the charm lay in the devout belief which the listeners had in the
efficacy of my playing. They say your fool would cease to be one if nobody
believed in his folly.
Well, I played, beginning with an andante, at the very first notes of which the
seemingly lifeless girl rose to her feet as if by enchantment, and stood there,
taller by the head than the ordinary Capri girls her companions, who were
breathlessly watching her. So still she stood, that with her shut eyes and face of
unearthly pallor she might have been taken for a statue; till, as I slightly
quickened the tempo, a convulsive tremor passed through her rigid, exquisitely
molded limbs, and then with measured gestures of inexpressible grace she
began slowly swaying herself to and fro. Softly her eyes unclosed now, and
mistily as yet their gaze dwelt upon me. There was intoxication in their fixed
stare, and almost involuntarily I struck into an impassioned allegro.
No sooner had the tempo changed than a spirit of new life seemingly entered
the girl's frame. A smile, transforming her features, wavered over her
countenance, kindling fitful lightnings of returning consciousness in her dark,
mysterious eyes. Looking about her with an expression of wide-eyed surprise,
she eagerly drank in the sounds of the violin; her graceful movements became

Page 197

more and more violent, till she whirled in ever-widening circles round about
the roofless palace chamber, athwart which flurried bats swirled noiselessly
through the gathering twilight. Hither and thither she glided, no sooner
completing the circle in one direction than, snapping her fingers with a
passionate cry, she wheeled round in an opposite course, sometimes clapping
her hands together and catching up snatches of my own melody, sometimes
waving aloft or pressing to her bosom the red kerchief or mucadore she had
worn knotted in her hair, which, now unloosened, twined about her ivory-like
neck and shoulders in a serpentine coil.
Fear, love, anguish, and pleasure seemed alternately to possess her mobile
countenance. Her face indicated violent transitions of passion; her hands
appeared as if struggling after articulate expression of their own; her limbs
were contorted with emotion: in short, every nerve and fibre in her body
seemed to translate the music into movement.
As I looked on, a demon seemed to enter my brain and fingers, hurrying me
into a Bacchanalian frenzy of sound; and the faster I played, the more furiously
her dizzily gliding feet flashed hither and thither in a bewildering, still-
renewing maze, so that from her to me and me to her an electric impulse of
rhythmical movement perpetually vibrated to and fro.
Ever and anon the semicircle of eagerly watching girls, sympathetically
thrilled by the spectacle, clapped their hands, shouting for joy; and balancing
themselves on tiptoe, joined in the headlong dance. And as they glided to and
fro, the wild roses and ivy and long tendrils of the vine, flaunting it on the
crumbling walls, seemed to wave in unison and dance round the dancing girls.
As I went on playing the never-ending, still-beginning tune, night overtook us,
and we should have been in profound obscurity but for continuous brilliant
flashes of lightning shooting up from the horizon, like the gleaming lances
hurled as from the vanguard of an army of Titans.
In the absorbing interest, however, with which we watched the deliriously
whirling figure, unconscious of aught but the music, we took but little note of
the lightning. Sometimes, when from some black turreted thunder-cloud, a
triple-pronged dart came hissing and crackling to the earth as though launched
by the very hand of Jove, I saw thirteen hands suddenly lifted, thirteen fingers
instinctively flying from brow to breast making the sign of the cross, and heard

Page 198

thirteen voices mutter as one, "Nel nome del Padre, e del Figlio, e dello Spirito
Santo."
But the ecstatic dancer paused not nor rested in her incredible exertions; the
excited girls alternately told their beads and then joined in the dance again,
while the gray-haired mother, kneeling on the marble pediment of what might
have been the fragment of a temple of Bacchus, lifted her hands in prayer to a
little shrine of the Madonna, placed there, strangely enough, amidst the relics
of paganism.
All of a sudden, however, a horrific blaze, emitted from a huge focus of
intolerable light, set the whole heavens aflame. As from a fresh-created baleful
sun, blue and livid and golden-colored lightnings were shivered from it on all
sides; dull, however, in comparison to the central ball, which, bursting
instantaneously, bathed the sky, earth, and air in one insufferable glare of
phosphorescent light. The deadly blue flame lit up everything with a livid
brightness unknown to day.
Walls and faded wall-paintings, limbs of decapitated goddesses gleaming
white through the grass and rioting weeds, tottering columns, arches, and
vaults, and deserted galleries receding in endless perspective, leaped out
lifelike on a background of night and storm.
With piercing shrieks the horrified maidens scattered and fled to the remotest
corner of the ruin, where they fell prone on their faces, quivering in a heap. In
a voice strangled by fear, the kneeling mother called for protection on the
Virgin and all the saints! The violin dropped from my nerveless grasp, and at
the self-same moment the beautiful dancer, like one struck by a bullet, tottered
and dropped to the ground, where she lay without sense or motion.
At that instant a clap of thunder so awful, so heaven-rending, rattled overhead,
so roared and banged and clattered among the clouds, that I thought the
shadowy ruin, tottering and rocking with the shock, would come crashing
about us and bury us under its remains.
But as the thunder rolled on farther and farther, seemingly rebounding from
cloud to cloud, I recovered my self-possession, and in mortal fear rushed to the
side of the prostrate girl. I was trembling all over like a coward as I bent down
to examine her. Had the lightning struck her when she fell so abruptly to the
ground? Had life forever forsaken that magnificent form, those divinest limbs?
Would those heavy eyelashes never again be raised from those dazzling eyes?

Page 199

Breathlessly I moved aside the dusky hair covering her like a pall. Breathlessly
I placed my hand on her heart; a strange shiver and spark quivered through it
to my heart. Yet she was chill as ice and motionless as a stone. "She is dead,
she is dead!" I moaned; and the pang for one I had never known exceeded
everything I had felt in my life.
"You mistake, signor," some one said close beside me; and on looking up I saw
the mother intently gazing down on her senseless child. "My Tolla is not hurt,"
she cried: "she only fell when you left off playing the tarantella; she will arise
as soon as you go on."
Pointing to the lightning still flickering and darting overhead, I cried, "But you
are risking your lives for some fantastic whim, some wild superstition of
yours. You are mad to brave such a storm! You expose your child to undoubted
peril that you may ward off some illusory evil. Let me bear her to the inn, and
follow me thither." And I was going to lift the senseless form in my arms when
the woman sternly prevented me.
In vain I argued, pleaded, reasoned with her. She only shook her head and
cried piteously, "Give her music, for the love of the dear Madonna!" And the
girls, who by this time had plucked up courage and gathered round us, echoed
as with one voice, "Musica! Musica!"
What was I to do? I could not drag them away by force, and certainly, for
aught I knew, she might have been in equal danger from the poison or the
storm, wherever we were. As for peril to myself, I cared not. I was in a devil of
a mood, and all the pent-up bitter passion of my soul seemed to find a vent and
safety-valve in that stupendous commotion of the elements.
So I searched for my instrument on the ground, and now noticed, to my
astonishment, that although the storm had swept away from us, the whole ruin
was nevertheless brightly illuminated. On looking up I saw the topmost
branches of a solitary stone-pine one dazzle of flames. Rising straight on high
from a gap in the wall which its roots had shattered, it looked a colossal
chandelier on which the lightning had kindled a thousand tapers. There was not
a breath of air, not a drop of rain, so that the flames burned clear and steady as
under cover of a mighty dome.
By this brilliant light, by which every object, from a human form to a marble
acanthus leaf, cast sharp-edged shadows, I soon discovered my violin on a
tangle of flowering clematis, and began tuning its strings.

Page 200

No sooner had I struck into the same lively tune, than the strange being rose
again as by magic, and, slowly opening her intoxicating eyes, began swaying
herself to and fro with the same graceful gestures and movements that I had
already observed.
Thus I played all through the night, long after the rear-guard of the thunder-
storm had disappeared below the opposite horizon whence it first arose--
played indefatigably on and on like a man possessed, and still, by the torch of
the burning pine, I saw the beautiful mænad-like figure whirling to and fro
with miraculous endurance. Now and then, through the deep silence, I heard a
scarred pine-bough come crackling to the earth; now and then I heard the
lowing of the stabled cattle in some distant part of the ruin; once and again,
smiting like a cry, I heard one string snapping after another under my pitiless
hands.
Still I played on, though a misty quiver of sparks was dancing about my eyes,
till the fallow-tinted dawn gleamed faintly in the east.
At last, at last, a change stole over the form and features of the indefatigable
dancer. Her companions, overcome with fatigue, had long ago sunk to the
ground, where, with their little ruffled heads resting on any bit of marble, they
lay sleeping calmly like little children. Only the mother still watched and
prayed for her child, the unnatural tension of whose nerves and muscles now
seemed visibly to relax; for the mad light of exaltation in her eyes veiled itself
in softness, her feet moved more and more slowly, and her arms, which had
heretofore been in constant motion, dropped languidly to her side. I too relaxed
in my tempo, and the thrilling, vivacious tune melted away in a dying strain.
At the expiring notes, when I had but one string left, her tired eyes closed as in
gentlest sleep, a smile hovered about her lips, her head sank heavily forward
on her bosom, and she would have fallen had not her mother received the
swooning form into her outstretched arms.
At the same moment my last string snapped, a swarming darkness clouded my
sight, the violin fell from my wet, burning hands, and I reeled back, faint and
dizzy, when I felt soft arms embracing me, and somebody sobbed and laughed,
"You have saved her, Maestro; praise be to God and all His saints in heaven!
May the Madonna bless you forever and ever--" I heard no more, but fell into a
death-like swoon.

Page 201

"O MOON, LARGE GOLDEN SUMMER
MOON!"

O MOON, large golden summer moon,
Hanging between the linden trees,
Which in the intermittent breeze
Beat with the rhythmic pulse of June!

O night-air, scented through and through
With honey-colored flower of lime,
Sweet now as in that other time
When all my heart was sweet as you!

The sorcery of this breathing bloom
Works like enchantment in my brain,
Till, shuddering back to life again,
My dead self rises from its tomb.

And lovely with the love of yore,
Its white ghost haunts the moon-white ways;
But when it meets me face to face,
Flies trembling to the grave once more.

GREEN LEAVES AND SERE

Three tall poplars beside the pool
Shiver and moan in the gusty blast;
The carded clouds are blown like wool,
And the yellowing leaves fly thick and fast.

The leaves, now driven before the blast,
Now flung by fits on the curdling pool,
Are tossed heaven-high and dropped at last

Page 202

As if at the whim of a jabbering fool.

O leaves, once rustling green and cool!
Two met here where one moans aghast
With wild heart heaving towards the past:
Three tall poplars beside the pool.

Page 203

GIOVANNI BOCCACCIO
(1313-1375)

BY W.J. STILLMAN

t has been justly observed, and confirmed by all that we know of the early
history of literature, that the first forms of it were in verse. This is in
accordance with a principle which is stated by Herbert Spencer on a different
but related theme, that "Ornament was before dress," the artistic instincts
underlying and preceding the utilitarian preoccupations. History indeed was
first poetry, as we had Homer before Thucydides, and as in all countries the
traditions of the past take the form of metrical, and generally musical,
recitation. An excellent and polished school of prose writers is the product of a
tendency in national life of later origin than that which calls out the bards and
ballad-singers, and is proof of a more advanced culture. The Renaissance in
Italy was but the resumption of a life long suspended, and the succession of the
phenomena in which was therefore far more rapid than was possible in a
nation which had to trace the path without any survivals of a prior awakening;
and while centuries necessarily intervened between Homer and the "Father of
History," a generation sufficed between Dante and Boccaccio, for Italian
literature had only to throw off the leaden garb of Latin form to find its new
dress in the vernacular. Dante certainly wrote Italian prose, but he was more at
ease in verse; and while the latter provoked in him an abundance of those
happy phrases which seem to have been born with the thought they express,
and which pass into the familiar stock of imagery of all later time, the prose of
the 'Convito' and the 'Vita Nuova' hardly ever recalls itself in common speech
by any parallel of felicity.
And Boccaccio too wrote poetry of no ignoble type, but probably because he
was part of an age when verse had become the habitual form of culture, and all
who could write caught the habit of versification,--a habit easier to fall into in
Italian than in any other language. But while the consecration of time has been
given to the 'Commedia,' and the 'Convito' passes into the shadow and

Page 204

perspective of lesser things, so the many verses of Boccaccio are overlooked,
and his greatest prose work, the 'Decameron,' is that with which his fame is
mostly bound up.
Born in 1313, at seven years of age he showed signs of a literary facility, and
his father, a merchant of Florence, put him to school with a reputable
grammarian; but afterward, deciding to devote him to merchandise, sent him to
study arithmetic,--restive and profitless in which, he was sent to study canon
law, and finding his level no better there, went back to traffic and to Naples in
his father's business when he was about twenty. The story runs that the sight of
the tomb of Virgil turned his thoughts to poetry; but this confusion of the post
hoc with the propter hoc is too common in remote and romantic legend to
value much. The presence of Petrarch in the court of Robert, King of Naples, is
far more likely to have been the kindling of his genius to its subsequent
activity: and the passion he acquired while there for the illegitimate daughter
of the King, Maria,--the Fiammetta of his later life,--furnished the fuel for its
burning; his first work, the 'Filocopo,' being written as an offering to her. It is a
prose love story, mixed with mythological allusions,--after the fashion of the
day, which thought more of the classics than of nature; and like all his earlier
works, prolix and pedantic.
The 'Theseide,' a purely classic theme, the war of Theseus with the Amazons,
is in verse; and was followed by the 'Ameto,' or 'Florentine Nymphs,' a story of
the loves of Ameto, a rustic swain, with one of the nymphs of the valley of the
Affrico, a stream which flows into the Arno not far from where the poet was
born, or where at least he passed his youth; and to which valley he seems
always greatly attached, putting there the scene of most of his work, including
the 'Decameron.' 'Ameto' is a mythological fiction, in which the characters
mingle recitations of verse with the prose narration, and in which the gods of
Greece and Rome masque in the familiar scenes. Following these came the
'Amorosa Visione,' and 'Filostrato,' in verse; 'Fiammetta' in prose, being the
imaginary complaint of his beloved at their separation; 'Nimfale Fiesolano,' in
verse, the scene also laid on the Affrico; and then the 'Decameron,' begun in
1348 and finished in 1353, after which he seems to have gradually acquired a
disgust for the world he had lived in as he had known it, and turned to more
serious studies. He wrote a life of Dante, 'II Corbaccio,' a piece of satirical
savagery, the 'Genealogy of the Gods,' and various minor works; and spent
much of his time in intercourse with Petrarch, whose conversation and
influence were of a different character from that of his earlier life.

Page 205

Boccaccio died at Certaldo in the Val d'Elsa, December 2d, 1375. Of the
numerous works he left, that by which his fame as a writer is established is
beyond any question the 'Decameron,' or Ten Days' Entertainment; in which a
merry company of gentlemen and ladies, appalled by the plague raging in their
Florence, take refuge in the villas near the city, and pass their time in story-
telling and rambles in the beautiful country around, only returning when the
plague has to a great extent abated. The superiority of the 'Decameron' is not
only in the polish and grace of its style, the first complete departure from the
stilted classicism of contemporary narrative, the happy naturalness of good
story-telling,--but in the conception of the work as a whole, and the marvelous
imagination of the filling-in between the framework of the story of the plague
by the hundred tales from all lands and times, with the fine thread of the
narrative of the day-by-day doings of the merry and gracious company, their
wanderings, the exquisite painting of the Tuscan landscape (in which one
recognizes the Val d'Arno even to-day), and the delicate drawing of their

Page 206

various characters. It is only when all these elements have been taken into
consideration, and the unity wrought through such a maze of interest and mass
of material without ever becoming dull or being driven to repetition, that we
understand the power of Boccaccio as an artist.
We must take the ten days' holiday as it is painted: a gay and entrancing record
of a fortunate and brilliant summer vacation, every one of its hundred pictures
united with the rest by a delicate tracery of flowers and landscape, with bird-
songs and laughter, bits of tender and chaste by-play--for there were
recognized lovers in the company; and when this is conceived in its entirety,
we must set it in the massive frame of terrible gloom of the great plague,
through which Boccaccio makes us look at his picture. And then the frame
itself becomes a picture; and its ghastly horror--the apparent fidelity of the
descriptions, which makes one feel as if he had before him the evidence of an
eye-witness--gives a measure of the power of the artist and the range of his
imagination, from an earthly inferno to an earthly paradise, such as even the
'Commedia' does not give us. In this stupendous ensemble, the individual tales
become mere details, filling in of the space or time; and, taken out of it, the
whole falls into a mere story-book, in which the only charm is the polish of the
parts, the shine of the fragments that made the mosaic. The tales came from all
quarters, and only needed to be amusing or interesting enough to make one
suppose that they had been listened to with pleasure: stories from the 'Gesta
Romanorum,' the mediæval chronicles, or any gossip of the past or present,
just to make a whole; the criticism one might pass on them, I imagine, never
gave Boccaccio a thought, only the way they were placed being important. The
elaborate preparation for the story-telling; the grouping of them as a whole, in
contrast with the greater story he put as their contrast and foil; the solemn
gloom, the deep chiaroscuro of this framing, painted like a miniature; the artful
way in which he prepares for his lieta brigata the way out of the charnel-
house: these are the real 'Decameron.' The author presents it in a prelude which
has for its scope only to give the air of reality to the whole, as if not only the
plague, but the 'Decameron,' had been history; and the proof of his perfect
success is in the fact that for centuries the world has been trying to identify the
villas where the merry men and maidens met, as if they really had met.

"Whenever, most gracious ladies, I reflect how pitiful
you all are by nature, I recognize that this work will in
your opinion have a sad and repulsive beginning, as
the painful memory of the pestilence gone by, fraught

Page 207

with loss to all who saw or knew of it, and which
memory the work will bear on its front. But I would
not that for this you read no further, through fear that
your reading should be always through sighs and tears.
This frightful beginning I prepare for you as for
travelers a rough and steep mountain, beyond which
lies a most beautiful and delightful plain, by so much
the more pleasurable as the difficulty of the ascent and
passage of the mountain had been great. And as the
extreme of pleasure touches pain, so suffering is
effaced by a joy succeeding. To this brief vexation (I
call it brief, as contained in few words) follow closely
the sweets and pleasures I have promised, and which
would not be hoped for from such a beginning if it
were not foretold. And to tell the truth, if I had been
able frankly to bring you where I wished by other way
than this rough one, I had willingly done so; but
because I could not, without these recollections, show
what was the occasion of the incidents of which you
will read, I was obliged to write of them."

The elaborate description of the plague which follows, shows not only
Boccaccio's inventive power,--as being, like that of Defoe of the plague of
London (which is a curious parallel to this) altogether imaginary, since the
writer was at Naples during the whole period of the pestilence,--but also that it
was a part indispensable of the entire scheme, and described with all its ghastly
minuteness simply to enhance the value of his sunshine and merriment. He
was in Naples from 1345 until 1350, without any other indication of a visit to
Florence than a chronological table of his life, in which occurs this item:--
"1348, departs in the direction of Tuscany with Louis of Taranto:" as if either a
prince on his travels would take the plague in the course of them, or a man so
closely interested in the events of the time at Naples, and in the height of his
passion for Fiammetta,--the separation from whom he had hardly endured
when earlier (1345) he was separated from her by his duty to his aged father,--
would have chosen the year of the pestilence, when every one who could, fled
Florence, to return there; and we find him in May, 1349, in Naples, in the full
sunshine of Fiammetta's favor, and remaining there until his father's death in
1350.

Page 208

There is indeed in Boccaccio's description of the plague that which convicts it
of pure invention, quickened by details gathered from eye-witnesses,--the very
minuteness of the description in certain points not in accord with the character
of the disease, as when he narrates that the hogs rooting in the garments of the
dead thrown out into the streets "presently, as if they had taken poison, after a
few dizzy turns, fell dead"; and this, which he says he saw with his own eyes,
is the only incident of which he makes this declaration (the incident on which
the unity of his work hinges, the meeting of the merry troupe in the church of
S. Maria Novella, being recorded on the information of a person "worthy of
belief"). Nor does he in his own person intrude anywhere in the story; so that
this bit of intense realization thrown into the near foreground of his picture, as
it were by chance, and without meaning, yet certified by his own signature, is
the point at which he gets touch of his reader and convinces him of actuality
throughout the romance.
And to my mind this opening chapter, with all its horrors and charnel-house
realization, its slight and suggestive delineation of character, all grace and
beauty springing out of the chaos and social dissolution, is not only the best
part of the work, but the best of Boccaccio's. The well-spun golden cord on
which the "Novelle" are strung is ornamented, as it were, at the divisions of the
days by little cameos of crafty design; but the opening, the portico of this
hundred-chambered palace of art, has its own proportions and design, and may
be taken and studied alone. Nothing can, it seems to me, better convey the idea
of the death-stricken city, "the surpassing city of Florence, beyond every other
in Italy most beautiful,"--a touch to enhance the depth of his shade, than the
way he brings out in broad traits the greatness of the doom: setting in the
heavens that consuming sun; the paralysis of the panic; the avarice of men not
daunted by death; the helplessness of all flesh before--

"the just wrath of God for our correction sent upon
men; for healing of such maladies neither counsel of
physician nor virtue of any medicine whatever seemed
to avail or have any effect--even as if nature could not
endure this suffering or the ignorance of the medical
attendants (of whom, besides regular physicians, there
was a very great number, both men and women, who
had never had any medical education whatever), who
could discover no cause for the malady and therefore
no appropriate remedy, so that not only very few

Page 209

recovered, but almost every one attacked died by the
third day-after the appearance of the above-noted
signs, some sooner and some later, and mostly without
any fever or violent symptoms. And this pestilence was
of so much greater extent that by merely
communicating with the sick the well were attacked,
just as fire spreads to dry or oiled matter which
approaches it.... Of the common people, and perhaps in
great part of the middle classes, the situation was far
more miserable, as they, either through hope of
escaping the contagion or poverty, mostly kept to their
houses and sickened by thousands a day, and not being
aided or attended in any respect, almost without
exception died. And many there were who ended their
lives in the public streets by day or night, and many
who, dying in their houses, were only discovered by
the stench of their dead bodies; and of these and others
that died everywhere the city was full. These were
mainly disposed of in the same way by their neighbors,
moved more by the fear that the corruption of the dead
bodies should harm them than by any charity for the
deceased. They by themselves or with the aid of
bearers, when they could find any, dragged out of their
houses the bodies of those who had died, and laid them
before the doors, where, especially in the morning,
whoever went about the streets could have seen them
without number,--even to that point had matters come
that no more was thought of men dying than we think
of goats; more than a hundred thousand human beings
are believed to have been taken from life within the
walls of Florence, which before the mortal pestilence
were not believed to have contained so many souls.
Oh! how many great palaces, how many beautiful
houses, how many noble dwellings, once full of
domestics, of gentlemen and ladies, became empty
even to the last servant! How many historical families,
how many immense estates, what prodigious riches
remained without heirs! How many brave men, how
many beautiful women, how many gay youths whom

Page 210

not only we, but Galen, Hippocrates, or Esculapius
would have pronounced in excellent health, in the
morning dined with their relatives, companions and
friends, and the coming night supped with those who
had passed away."

The ten companions, meeting in the church of S. Maria Novella, seven ladies
and three gentlemen, agree to escape this doom, and, repairing to one of the
deserted villas in the neighborhood, to pass the time of affliction in merry
doings and sayings; and with four maids and three men-servants, move
eastward out of the gloomy city. Their first habitation is clearly indicated as
what is known to-day as the Poggio Gherardi, under Maiano. After the second
day they return towards the city a short distance and establish themselves in
what seems a more commodious abode, and which I consider incontrovertibly
identified as the Villa Pasolini, or Rasponi, and which was in their day the
property of the Memmi family, the famous pupils of Giotto. The site of this
villa overlooks the Valley of the Ladies, which figures in the framework of the
"Novelle," and in which then there was a lake to which Boccaccio alludes, now
filled up by the alluvium of the Affrico, the author's beloved river, and which
runs through the valley and under the villa. The valley now forms part of the
estate of Professor Willard Fiske. As the entire adventure is imaginary, and the
"merry company" had no existence except in the dreams of Boccaccio, it is
useless to seek any evidence of actual occupation; but the care he put in the
description of the localities and surroundings, distances, etc., shows that he
must have had in his mind, as the framework of the story, these two localities.
The modern tradition ascribing to the Villa Palmieri the honor of the second
habitation has no confirmation of any kind.
The house-flitting is thus told:--

"The dawn had already, under the near approach of the
sun, from rosy become golden: when on Sunday, the
Queen[3] arising and arousing all her company, and the
chamberlain--having long before sent in advance to the
locality where they were to go, enough of the articles
required so that he might prepare what was necessary--
seeing the Queen on the way, quickly loading all other
things as if it were the moving of the camp, went off
with the baggage, leaving the servants with the Ladies

Page 211

and the Gentlemen. The Queen, then, with slow steps,
accompanied and followed by her Ladies and the three
Gentlemen, with the escort of perhaps twenty
nightingales and other birds, by a little path not too
frequented, but full of green plants and flowers which
by the rising sun began to open, took the road towards
the west; and gossiping, laughing, and exchanging
witticisms with her brigade, arrived before having
gone two thousand steps at a most beautiful and rich
palace, which, somewhat raised above the plain, was
posted on a hill."

[3] Each day a Queen or King was chosen to rule over
the doings of the company and determine all questions.

As the description of the surroundings of the villa into which the gay assembly
now entered is one of the most vivid and one of the gayest pieces of
description in the brilliant counterfoil which the author has contrived, to set off
the gloom of the city, it is worth giving entire; being as well a noble example
of the prose of the 'Decameron':--

"Near to which [the balcony on which they had
reposed after their walk] having ordered to open a
garden which was annexed to the palace, being all
inclosed in a wall, they entered in; and as it appeared to
them on entering to be of a marvelous beauty
altogether, they set themselves to examine it in detail.
It had within, and in many directions through it, broad
paths, straight as arrows and covered with arbors of
vine which gave indications of having that year an
excellent vintage, and they all giving out such odors to
the garden, that, mingled with those of many other
things which perfumed it, they seemed to be in the
midst of all the perfumeries that the Orient ever knew;
the sides of the paths being closed in by red and white
roses and jasmine, so that not only in the morning, but
even when the sun was high, they could wander at
pleasure under fragrant and odoriferous shade, without
entanglement. How many, of what kind, and how

Page 212

planted were the plants in that place, it were long to
tell; but there is nothing desirable which suits our
climate which was not there in abundance. In the midst
of which (which is not less delightful than other things
that were there, but even more so) was a meadow of
the most minute herbs, and so green that it seemed
almost black, colored by a thousand varieties of
flowers, and closed around by green and living orange
and lemon trees, which, having the ripe and the young
fruit and the flowers together, gave not only grateful
shade for the eyes, but added the pleasures of their
odors. In the midst of that meadow was a fountain of
the whitest marble with marvelous sculptures. From
within this, I know not whether by a natural vein or
artificial, through a figure which stood on a column in
the midst of it, sprang so much water, and so high,
falling also into the fountain with delightful sound, that
it would at least have driven a mill. This, then (I mean
the water which ran over from the fountain), through
hidden channels went out of the meadow, and by little
canals beautiful and artfully made becoming visible
outside of it, ran all around it; and then by similar
canals into every part of the garden, gathering together
finally in that part of it where from the beautiful garden
it escaped, and thence descending limpid to the plain,
and before reaching it, with great force and not a little
advantage to the master, turned two mills. To see this
garden, its beautiful orderliness, the plants and the
fountain with the brooks running from it, was so
pleasing to the ladies and the three youths that all
commenced to declare that if Paradise could be found
on earth, they could not conceive what other form than
that of this garden could be given to it, nor what beauty
could be added to it. Wandering happily about it,
twining from the branches of various trees beautiful
garlands, hearing everywhere the songs of maybe
twenty kinds of birds as it were in contest with each
other, they became aware of another charm of which,
to the others being added, they had not taken note: they

Page 213

saw the garden full of a hundred varieties of beautiful
animals, and pointing them out one to the other, on one
side ran out rabbits, on another hares, here lying roe-
deer and there feeding stags, and besides these many
other kinds of harmless beasts, each one going for his
pleasure as if domesticated, wandering at ease; all
which, beyond the other pleasures, added a greater
pleasure. And when, seeing this or that, they had gone
about enough, the tables being set around the beautiful
fountain, first singing six songs and dancing six
dances, as it pleased the Queen, they went to eat, and
being with great and well-ordered service attended, and
with delicate and good dishes, becoming gayer they
arose and renewed music and song and dance, until the
Queen on account of the increasing heat judged that
whoever liked should go to sleep. Of whom some
went, but others, conquered by the beauty of the place,
would not go, but remained, some to read romances,
some to play at chess and at tables, while the others
slept. But when passed the ninth hour, they arose, and
refreshing their faces with the fresh water, they came
to the fountain, and in their customary manner taking
their seats, waited for the beginning of the story-telling
on the subject proposed by the Queen."

Of the character of the Novelle I have need to say little: they were the shaping
of the time, and made consonant with its tastes, and nobody was then disturbed
by their tone. Some are indelicate to modern taste, and some have passed into
the classics of all time. The story of 'Griselda'; that of 'The Stone of
Invisibility,' put into shape by Irving; 'Frederick of the Alberighi and his
Falcon'; 'The Pot of Basil'; and 'The Jew Abraham, Converted to Christianity
by the Immorality of the Clergy,' are stories which belong to all subsequent
times, as they may have belonged to the ages before. Those who know what
Italian society was then, and in some places still is, will be not too censorious,
judging lightness of tongue and love of a good story as necessarily involving
impurity. And Boccaccio has anticipated his critics in this vein, putting his
apology in the mouth of Filomena, who replies to Neifile, when the latter
speaks of scandal growing out of their holiday, "This amounts to nothing

Page 214

where I live virtuously and my conscience in no wise reproaches me--let them
who will, speak against me: I take God and the truth for my defense."

FREDERICK OF THE ALBERIGHI AND HIS FALCON

You must know that Coppo di Borghese Domenichi--who was in our city, and
perhaps still is, a man of reverence and of great authority amongst us, both for
his opinions and for his virtues, and much more for the nobility of his family,
being distinguished and wealthy and of enduring reputation, being full of years
and experience--was often delighted to talk with his neighbors and others of
the things of the past, which he, better than anybody else, could do with
excellent order and with unclouded memory. Amongst the pleasant stories
which he used to tell was this:--
In Florence there was a young man called Frederick, son of Master Philip
Alberighi, who for military ability and for courteous manners was reputed
above all other gentlemen of Tuscany, He, as often happens with gentlemen,
became enamored of a gentle lady called Madonna Giovanni, in her time
considered the most beautiful and most graceful woman in Florence. In order
that he might win her love he tilted and exercised in arms, made feasts and
donations, and spent all his substance without restraint. But Madonna
Giovanni, no less honest than beautiful, cared for none of these things which
he did for her, nor for him. Frederick then spent more than his means admitted,
and gaining nothing, as easily happens, his money disappeared, and he
remained poor and without any other property than a poor little farm, by the
income of which he was barely able to live; besides this, he had his falcon, one
of the best in the world. On this account, and because unable to remain in the
city as he desired, though more than ever devoted, he remained at Campi,

Page 215

where his little farm was; and there, as he might hunt, he endured his poverty
patiently.
Now it happened one day when Frederick had come to extreme poverty, that
the husband of Madonna Giovanni became ill, and seeing death at hand, made
his will; and being very rich, in this will left as his heir his son, a well-grown
boy; and next to him, as he had greatly loved Madonna Giovanni, he made her
his heir if his son should die without legitimate heirs, and then died.
Remaining then a widow, as the custom is amongst our women, Madonna
Giovanni went that summer with her son into the country on an estate of hers
near to that of Frederick, so that it happened that this boy, beginning to become
friendly with Frederick and to cultivate a liking for books and birds, and
having seen many times the falcon of Frederick fly, took an extreme pleasure
in it and desired very greatly to have it, but did not dare to ask it, seeing that it
was so dear to Frederick.
In this state of things it happened that the boy became ill, and on this account
the mother sorrowing greatly, he being that which she loved most of
everything which she had, tended him constantly and never ceased comforting
him; and begged him that if there was anything that he wanted, to tell her, so
that she certainly, if it were possible to get it, would obtain it for him. The
young man, hearing many times this proposal, said: "Mother, if you can
manage that I should have the falcon of Frederick, I believe that I should get
well at once." The mother, hearing this, reflected with herself and began to
study what she might do. She knew that Frederick had long loved her, and that
he had never received from her even a look; on this account she said, How can
I send to him or go to him, to ask for this falcon, which is, by what I hear, the
thing that he most loves, and which besides keeps him in the world; and how
can I be so ungrateful as to take from a gentleman what I desire, when it is the
only thing that he has to give him pleasure? Embarrassed by such thoughts,
and feeling that she was certain to have it if she asked it of him, and not
knowing what to say, she did not reply to her son, but was silent. Finally, the
love of her son overcoming her, she decided to satisfy him, whatever might
happen, not sending but going herself for the falcon; and she replied, "My son,
be comforted and try to get well, for I promise you that the first thing that I do
to-morrow will be to go and bring to you the falcon;" on which account the son
in his joy showed the same day an improvement. The lady the next day took as
companion another lady, and as if for pleasure went to the house of Frederick
and asked for him. It being early, he had not been hawking, and was in his

Page 216

garden attending to certain little operations; and hearing that Madonna
Giovanni asked for him at the door, wondering greatly, joyfully went. She,
seeing him coming, with a ladylike pleasure went to meet him, and Frederick
having saluted her with reverence, she said, "I hope you are well, Frederick,"
and then went on, "I have come to recompense you for the losses which you
have already had on my account, loving me more than you need; and the
reparation is, then, that I intend with this my companion to dine with you
familiarly to-day." To this Frederick humbly replied, "Madonna, I do not
remember ever to have suffered any loss on your account, but so much good
that if I ever was worth anything, it is due to your worth, and to the love which
I have borne you; and certainly your frank visit is dearer to me than would
have been the being able to spend as much more as I have already spent, for
you have come to a very poor house." So saying, he received them into his
house in humility and conducted them into his garden; and then, not having
any person to keep her company he said, "Madonna, since there is no one else,
this good woman, the wife of my gardener, will keep you company while I go
to arrange the table."
He, although his poverty was so great, had not yet realized how he had,
without method or pleasure, spent his fortune; but this morning, finding
nothing with which he could do honor to the lady for whose love he had
already entertained so many men, made him think and suffer extremely; he
cursed his fortune, and as a man beside himself ran hither and thither, finding
neither money nor anything to pawn. It being late, and his desire to honor the
gentle lady in some manner, and not wishing to call on anybody else, but rather
to do all himself, his eyes fell upon his beloved falcon, which was in his cage
above the table. He therefore took it, and finding it fat, and not having any
other resource, he considered it to be a proper food for such a woman; and
without thinking any further, he wrung its neck and ordered his servant that, it
being plucked and prepared, it should be put on the spit and roasted
immediately. And setting the table with the whitest of linen, of which he had
still a little left, with a delighted countenance he returned to the lady and told
her that such dinner as he was able to prepare for her was ready. Thereupon,
the lady with her companion, rising, went to dinner, and without knowing what
she ate or what Frederick served, ate the good falcon.
Then leaving the table, and after pleasant conversation with him, it appeared to
the lady that it was time to say what she had come for, and so she began
amiably to say to Frederick:--"Frederick, recalling your past life and my

Page 217

honesty, which perhaps you considered cruelty and severity, I do not doubt in
the least that you will be astonished at my presumption, hearing what I have
come for; but if you had ever had children, through whom you might know
how great is the love which one bears them, it seems to me certain that in part
you would excuse me. But as you have not, I, who have one, cannot escape the
law common to all mothers; obeying which, I am obliged, apart from my own
pleasure and all other convention and duty, to ask of you a gift which I know is
extremely dear, and reasonably so, because no other delight and no other
amusement and no other consolation has your exhausted fortune left you; this
gift is your falcon, which my boy has become so strongly enamored of, that if I
do not take it to him I fear that his illness will become so much aggravated that
I may lose him in consequence; therefore I pray you, not on account of the
love which you bear me, but because of your nobility, which has shown greater
courtesy than that of any other man, that you would be so kind, so good, as to
give it to me, in order that by this gift the life of my son may be preserved, and
I be forever under obligation to you."
Frederick, hearing what the lady demanded, and knowing that he could not
serve her, because he had already given it to her to eat, commenced in her
presence to weep so that he could not speak a word in reply; which weeping
the lady first believed to be for sorrow at having to give up his good falcon
more than anything else, and was about to tell him that she did not want it, but,
hesitating, waited the reply of Frederick until the weeping ceased, when he
spoke thus:--"Madonna, since it pleased God that I bestowed my love upon
you, money, influence, and fortune have been contrary to me, and have given
me great trouble; but all these things are trivial in respect to what fortune
makes me at present suffer, from which I shall never have peace, thinking that
you have come here to my poor house--to which while I was rich you never
deigned to come--and asked of me a little gift, and that fortune has so decreed
that I shall not be able to give it to you; and why I cannot do so I will tell you
in a few words. When I heard that you in your kindness wished to dine with
me, having regard for your excellence and your worth, I considered it worthy
and proper to give you the dearest food in my power, and therefore the falcon
for which you now ask me was this morning prepared for you, and you have
had it roasted on your plate and I had prepared it with delight; but now, seeing
that you desire it in another manner, the sorrow that I cannot so please you is
so great that never again shall I have peace;" and saying this, the feathers and
the feet and the beak were brought before them in evidence; which thing the
lady seeing and hearing, first blamed him for having entertained a woman with

Page 218

such a falcon, and then praised the greatness of his mind, which his poverty
had not been able to diminish. Then, there being no hope of having the falcon
on account of which the health of her son was in question, in melancholy she
departed and returned to her son; who either for grief at not being able to have
the falcon, or for the illness which might have brought him to this state, did not
survive for many days, and to the great sorrow of his mother passed from this
life.
She, full of tears and of sorrow, and remaining rich and still young, was urged
many times by her brothers to remarry, which thing she had never wished; but
being continually urged, and remembering the worth of Frederick and his last
munificence, and that he had killed his beloved falcon to honor her, said to her
brothers:--"I would willingly, if it please you, remain as I am; but if it please
you more that I should take a husband, certainly I will never take any other if I
do not take Frederick degli Alberighi." At this her brothers, making fun of her,
said, "Silly creature, what do you say? Why do you choose him? He has
nothing in the world." To this she replied, "My brothers, I know well that it is
as you say; but I prefer rather a man who has need of riches, than riches that
have need of a man." The brothers, hearing her mind, and knowing Frederick
for a worthy man,--although poor,--as she wished, gave her with all her wealth
to him; who, seeing this excellent woman whom he had so much loved become
his wife, and besides that, being most rich, becoming economical, lived in
happiness with her to the end of his days.

THE JEW CONVERTED TO CHRISTIANITY BY GOING TO
ROME

As I, gracious ladies, have heard said, there was in Paris a great merchant, a
very good man, who was called Gianotto di Chevigné, a man most loyal and
just, who had a great business in stuffs, and who had a singular friendship with
a rich Jew named Abraham, who also was a merchant and also an honest and

Page 219

loyal man. Gianotto, seeing his justice and loyalty, began to feel great sorrow
that the soul of so worthy and good a man should go to perdition through want
of religion, and on that account he began to beg in a friendly way that he
would abandon the errors of the Jewish faith and become converted to
Christian truth, in which he could see, being holy and good, that he would
always prosper and enrich himself; while in his own faith, on the contrary, he
might see that he would diminish and come to nothing, The Jew replied that he
did not believe anything either holy or good outside of Judaism; that he in that
was born and intended therein to live, and that nothing would ever move him
out of it.
Gianotto did not cease on this account to repeat after a few days similar
exhortations, showing him in a coarse manner, which merchants know how to
employ, for what reasons our faith was better than the Jewish; and though the
Jew was a great master in the Jewish law, nevertheless either the great
friendship which he had with Gianotto moved him, or perhaps the words
which the Holy Spirit put on the tongue of the foolish man accomplished it,
and the Jew began finally to consider earnestly the arguments of Gianotto; but
still, tenacious in his own faith, he was unwilling to change. As he remained
obstinate, so Gianotto never ceased urging him, so that finally the Jew by this
continual persistence was conquered, and said:--"Since, Gianotto, it would
please you that I should become a Christian and I am disposed to do so, I will
first go to Rome and there see him whom you call the vicar of God on earth,
and consider his manners and his customs, and similarly those of his brother
cardinals; and if they seem to me such that I can, between your words and
them, understand that your religion is better than mine, as you have undertaken
to prove to me, I will do what I have said; but if this should not be so, I will
remain a Jew as I am." When Gianotto heard this he was very sorrowful,
saying to himself: I have lost all my trouble which it seemed to me I had very
well employed, believing that I had converted this man; because if he goes to
the court at Rome and sees the wicked and dirty life of the priests, he not only,
being a Jew, will not become a Christian, but if he had become a Christian he
would infallibly return to Judaism.
Therefore Gianotto said to Abraham:--"Alas, my friend, why do you desire to
take this great trouble and expense of going from here to Rome? By land and
by sea, even to a rich man as you are, it is full of trouble. Do you not believe
that here we can find one who will baptize you? and if perchance you have still
some doubts as to the religion which I show you, where are there better

Page 220

teachers and wiser men in this faith than there are here, to immediately tell you
what you want to know or may ask? On which account my opinion is that this
voyage is superfluous: the prelates whom you would see there are such as you
can see here, and besides they are much better, as they are near to the chief
Shepherd; and therefore this fatigue you will, by my counsel, save for another
time,--for some indulgence in which I may perhaps be your companion." To
this the Jew replied:--"I believe, Gianotto, that it is as you say to me; but
summing up the many words in one, I am altogether, if you wish that I should
do what you have been constantly begging me to do, disposed to go there;
otherwise I will do nothing." Gianotto seeing his determination said, "Go, and
good luck go with you;" but he thought to himself that Abraham never would
become a Christian if he had once seen the court of Rome, but as he would
lose nothing he said no more.
The Jew mounted his horse, and as quickly as possible went to the court of
Rome, where arriving, he was by his fellow Jews honorably received; and
living there without saying to anybody why he came, began cautiously to study
the manners of the Pope and the cardinals and the prelates and all the other
courtesans; and he learned, being the honest man that he was, and being
informed by other people, that from the greatest to the lowest they sinned most
dishonestly, not only in natural but in unnatural ways, without any restraint or
remorse to shame them; so much so that for the poor and the dissolute of both
sexes to take part in any affair was no small thing. Besides this he saw that
they were universally gluttons, wine-drinkers, and drunkards, and much
devoted to their stomachs after the manner of brute animals; given up to luxury
more than to anything else. And looking further, he saw that they were in the
same manner all avaricious and desirous of money, so that human blood, even
that of Christians, and sacred interests, whatever they might be, even
pertaining to the ceremonies or to the benefices, were sold and bought with
money; making a greater merchandise out of these things and having more
shops for them than at Paris of stuffs or any other things, and to the most open
simony giving the name and support of procuration, and to gluttony that of
sustentation: as if God, apart from the signification of epithets, could not know
the intentions of these wretched souls, but after the manner of men must permit
himself to be deceived by the names of things. Which, together with many
other things of which we will say nothing, so greatly displeased the Jew, that
as he was a sober and modest man it appeared to him that he had seen enough,
and proposed to return to Paris. Accordingly he did so; upon which Gianotto,
seeing that he had returned, and hoping nothing less than that he should have

Page 221

become a Christian, came and rejoiced greatly at his return, and after some
days of rest asked him what he thought of the Holy Father, the cardinals, and
the other courtesans; to which the Jew promptly replied:--"It seems to me evil
that God should have given anything to all those people, and I say to you that
if I know how to draw conclusions, there was no holiness, no devotion, no
good work or good example of life in any other way, in anybody who was a
priest; but luxury, avarice, and gluttony,--such things and worse, if there could
be worse things in anybody; and I saw rather liberty in devilish operations than
in divine: on which account I conclude that with all possible study, with all
their talent and with all their art, your Shepherd, and consequently all the rest,
are working to reduce to nothing and to drive out of the world the Christian
religion, there where they ought to be its foundation and support. But from
what I see, what they are driving at does not happen, but your religion
continually increases; and therefore it becomes clearer and more evident that
the Holy Spirit must be its foundation and support, as a religion more true and
holy than any other. On which account, where I was obstinate and immovable
to your reasoning and did not care to become a Christian, now I say to you
distinctly that on no account would I fail to become a Christian. Therefore let
us go to church, and there according to the custom of your holy religion let me
be baptized."
Gianotto, who had expected exactly the opposite conclusion to this, when he
heard these things was more satisfied than ever a man was before, and with
him he went to Notre Dame of Paris and requested the priest there to give
Abraham baptism: who, hearing what he asked, immediately did so; and
Gianotto was his sponsor and named him Giovanni, and immediately caused
him by competent men to be completely instructed in our religion, which he at
once learned and became a good and worthy man and of a holy life.

THE STORY OF SALADIN AND THE JEW USURER

Page 222

Saladin, whose valor was so great that he not only became from an
insignificant man Sultan of Babylon, but also gained many victories over the
Saracen and Christian kings, having in many wars and in his great
magnificence spent all his treasure, and on account of some trouble having
need of a great quantity of money, nor seeing where he should get it quickly as
he had need to, was reminded of a rich Jew whose name was Melchisedech,
who loaned at interest at Alexandria; and thinking to make use of him if he
could, though he was so avaricious that of his own good-will he would do
nothing, the Sultan, not wishing to compel him, but driven by necessity, set
himself to devise means by which the Jew should satisfy him, and to find some
manner of compelling him to do so with a good pretext. Thus thinking, he
called him, and receiving him familiarly, said to him: "My good man, I hear
from many here that you are the wisest and in divine affairs the most profound
of men, and on that account I would like to know from you which of the three
good religions you consider the true one: the Jewish, the Saracenic, or the
Christian?" The Jew, who really was a wise man, saw too clearly that the
Sultan desired to catch him in his words in order to raise against him some
question, and decided not to praise any one of the religions more than the
other, so that the Sultan should not accomplish his purpose; on account of
which, as one who seemed to have need of a reply as to which there could not
be any reasoning, and his wits being sharpened, there quickly came to him
what he ought to say, and he said:--
"My lord, the question which you have put to me is important, and in order to
explain to you what I think, it is necessary to tell you a fable which you will
hear. If I do not mistake, I have heard tell many times of a great and rich man
who lived once, and who amongst other jewels had a beautiful and valuable
ring, the most precious in his treasury, which on account of its value and its
beauty he desired to honor and to leave in perpetuity to his descendants; and he
ordered that that one of his sons to whom this ring should be left, as it had
been to him, should be considered his heir and be by all the others honored and
reverenced. The one to whom this ring should be left should give a similar
order to his descendants, and do as had done his predecessor. In short, this ring
went from hand to hand to many successors, and finally came to the hands of
one who had three sons, honest men, virtuous and all obedient to their father,
on which account he loved all three equally; and the young men, who knew the
custom of the ring, as each one desired to be the most honored amongst them,
each one to the utmost of his power urged the father to leave the ring to him
when death should take him. The worthy man, who loved them all alike, not

Page 223

knowing himself how to choose to whom he should leave it, decided, having
promised each one, to satisfy all three: and secretly ordered from a good
workman two others, which were so similar to the first that he himself who
had made them could scarcely tell which was the true one; and death
approaching, he secretly gave to each one of his sons his ring. After the death
of the father, each one wishing to enjoy the heritage and denying it to the
others, each produced a ring in evidence of his rights, and finding them so
similar that no one could tell which was the true one, the question which was
the real heir of the father remained undecided, and it is still undecided. And so
I say to you, my lord, of the three religions given to the three people by God
the Father, concerning which you put me this question, that each one believes
that he has as his heritage the true law; but as it is with the three rings, the
question is still quite undecided."
Saladin, recognizing how this man had most cleverly escaped from the trap
which had been set before his feet, decided on that account to expose to him
his necessities and see if he was willing to help him; and so he did, saying that
which he had intended to say if the Jew had not replied so wisely as he had
done. The Jew freely accorded to Saladin whatever he asked, and Saladin gave
him entire security, and besides that he gave him great gifts and retained him
always as his friend, and kept him in excellent and honorable condition always
near to himself.

THE STORY OF GRISELDA

A long time ago, in the family of the Marquis Saluzzo, the head of the house
was a young man called Walter, who, having neither wife nor children, spent
his time entirely in hunting and hawking, and never troubled himself to marry
or to have a family,--on account of which he was considered very wise. This
thing not being pleasing to his retainers, they many times begged of him that
he should take a wife, in order that he should not be without an heir and they

Page 224

without a master, offering to find him one descended from such a father and
mother that he might hope to have successors and they be satisfied. To which
Walter replied:--"My friends, you urge me to what I have never been disposed
to do, considering how grave a matter it is to find a woman who adapts herself
to one's ways, and on the contrary how great are the burdens and how hard the
lives of those who happen on wives who do not suit them. And to say that you
know daughters from the fathers and mothers, and from that argue that you can
give me what will satisfy me, is a foolishness; since I do not know how you
can learn the fathers or know the secrets of the mothers of these girls, since
even knowing them oft-times we find the daughters very different from the
fathers and mothers: but since you desire to entangle me in these chains, I wish
to be satisfied; and in order that I should not have to suffer through others than
myself if any mistake should be made, I wish myself to be the finder, assuring
you that if I do not take this responsibility and the woman should not be
honorable, you would find out to your very great loss how much opposed to
my desire it was to have taken a wife at your supplication."
The good men were satisfied, so long as he would take a wife. For a long time
the ways of a poor young woman who belonged to a little house near his own
had attracted Walter, and as she was sufficiently beautiful, he considered that
with her he might have a life peaceful enough; and on that account, without
going any further, he proposed to marry this one, and calling upon her father,
who was very poor, arranged with him to marry her. This being arranged, he
convoked his friends and said to them: "My friends! it has pleased and pleases
you that I should dispose myself to marry, and I am so disposed more to please
you than for the desire that I should have a wife. You know what you promised
me,--that is, to be satisfied with and to honor as your lady whoever I should
select; and, for that the time has come that I should keep my promise to you,
and I wish you to keep yours to me, I have found very near here a young
woman according to my heart, whom I intend to take for my wife and to bring
her in a few days to my house; and for this you must think how the
entertainment of the day shall be attractive and how you will honorably receive
her, in order that I may show myself satisfied with the fulfillment of your
promise as you may consider yourselves with mine."
The good men, joyful, all replied that that gave them pleasure, and whoever it
might be, they would accept her for lady and would honor her in everything as
their lady. This being arranged, all set themselves to making a magnificent,
joyful, and splendid festa, which also did Walter. He prepared for the wedding

Page 225

festivities very abundantly and magnificently, and invited many of his friends,
great gentlemen, his relatives and others from all around. And beyond this he
had dresses cut and made up by the figure of a young woman who, he thought,
had the same figure as the woman he proposed to marry. And besides this, he
arranged girdles and rings and a rich and beautiful coronet, and everything that
a newly married bride should demand.
On the day settled for the wedding, Walter, about the third hour, mounted his
horse, as did all those who had come to honor him, and having arranged
everything conveniently, said, "Gentlemen, it is time to go to take the bride;"
and starting with his company he arrived at the little villa, and going to the
house of the father of the girl, and finding her returning in great haste with
water from the spring, in order to go with the other women to see the bride of
Walter, he called her by name,--that is, Griselda,--and asked her where her
father was, to which she modestly replied, "My lord, he is in the house." Then
Walter, dismounting and commanding his men that they should wait for them,
went along into the little house, where he found her father, whose name was
Giannucoli, and said to him, "I have come to marry Griselda, but I wish to
learn certain things in your presence." He then asked her if, should he take her
for his wife, she would do her best to please him, and at nothing that he should
do or say would she trouble herself, and if she would be obedient, and many
such-like questions, to all of which she replied "yes." Then Walter took her by
the hand, and in the presence of all his company and all the other persons had
her stripped naked, and calling for the dresses which he had had made,
immediately had her dressed and shod, and on her hair, disheveled as it was,
had the crown put; and all this being done while everybody marveled, Walter
said:--"Gentlemen, this is she whom I intend shall be my wife if she wishes me
for husband" and then, turning to her, who stood by herself abashed and
confused, said to her, "Griselda, will you take me for your husband?" To which
Griselda replied, "Yes, my lord;" and he said, "I desire her for my wife, and in
the presence of the assembly to marry her;" and mounting her on a palfrey he
led her, honorably accompanied, to his house. There the marriage ceremonies
were fine and great, and the festivities were not less than if he had married the
daughter of the king of France.

Page 226

The Decameron

This is a collection of 100 tales written by Boccaccio, and published in 1353.
Seven ladies and three gentlemen of Florence, during the plague of 1348, are
supposed to be enjoying themselves in a garden telling stories--ten each day
for ten days.

Photogravure from a Painting by Jacques Wagrez.

It seemed as if the young bride, in changing her vestments, changed her mind
and her manners. She was, as we have said, in figure and face beautiful; and as
she was beautiful she became so attractive, so delightful, and so accomplished,
that she did not seem to be the daughter of Giannucoli the keeper of sheep, but
of some noble lord, which made every man who had known her astonished;
and besides this, she was so obedient to her husband and so ready in service
that he was most contented and delighted; and similarly, toward the subjects of
her husband she was so gracious and so kind that there was no one who did not
love her more than himself; and gentlemen honored her with the best good-
will, and all prayed for her welfare and her health and advancement.

Page 227

Whereupon they who had been accustomed to say that Walter had done a
foolish thing in marrying her, now said that he was the wisest and the most far-
seeing man in the world, because no other than he would have been able to see
her great virtue hidden under the poor rags of a peasant's costume. In a short
time, not only in his own dominions but everywhere, she knew so well how to
comport herself that she made the people talk of his worth and of his good
conduct, and to turn to the contrary anything that was said against her husband
on account of his having married her.
She had not long dwelt with Walter when she bore a daughter, for which
Walter made great festivities; but a little afterwards, a new idea coming into
his mind, he wished with long experience and with intolerable proofs to try her
patience. First he began to annoy her with words, pretending to be disturbed,
and saying that his men were very discontented with her low condition, and
especially when they saw that she had children; and of the daughter, that she
was born most unfortunately; and he did nothing but grumble. But the lady,
hearing these words, without changing countenance or her demeanor in any
way, said, "My lord, do with me what you think your honor and your comfort
demand, and I shall be satisfied with everything, as I know that I am less than
they, and that I was not worthy of this honor to which you in your courtesy
called me." This reply pleased Walter much, knowing that she was not in any
arrogance raised on account of the honor which he or others had done her.
A little while afterwards, having often repeated to his wife that his subjects
could not endure this daughter born of her, he instructed one of his servants
and sent him to her, to whom with sorrowful face he said, "My lady, if I do not
wish to die, I am obliged to do what my lord commands me; he has
commanded that I should take your daughter and that I--" and here he stopped.
The lady, seeing the face of the servant and hearing the words that he said, and
the words said by her husband, bethinking herself, understood that this man
had been ordered to kill the child; upon which, immediately taking her from
the cradle, kissing her, and placing her as if in great sorrow to her heart,
without changing countenance she placed her in the arms of the servant and
said, "Take her and do exactly what your and my lord has imposed on you to
do, but do not leave her so that the beasts and the birds shall devour her, unless
he should have commanded you that." The servant having taken the child and
having repeated to Walter what his wife had said, he, marveling at her
constancy, sent him with her to Bologna to one of his relatives, beseeching him
that without ever saying whose daughter she might be, he should carefully rear

Page 228

her and teach her good manners. It happened that the lady again in due time
bore a son, who was very dear to Walter. But not being satisfied with what he
had done, with greater wounds he pierced his wife, and with a countenance of
feigned vexation one day he said to her, "My lady, since you have borne this
male child I have in no way been able to live with my people, so bitterly do
they regret that a grandchild of Giannucoli should after me remain their lord;
and I make no question that if I do not wish to be deposed, it will be necessary
to do what I did before, and in the end leave you and take another wife." The
lady with patience heard him, and only replied, "My lord! think of your own
content, and do your own pleasure, and have no thought of me; because
nothing is so agreeable to me as to see you satisfied." A little after, Walter, in
the same manner as he had sent for the daughter, sent for the son, and in the
same way feigned to have ordered it to be killed, and sent him to nurse in
Bologna as he had sent the daughter. On account of which thing the lady
behaved no otherwise and said no other word than she had done for the
daughter. At this Walter marveled greatly, and declared to himself that no other
woman could have done what she did; and had it not been that he found her
most affectionate to her children, as he saw her to be, he would have believed
that she could only do so because she did not care for them, although he knew
her to be very prudent. His subjects, believing that he had had the child killed,
blamed him greatly and considered him a most cruel man, and had great
compassion for the lady, who, with the women who came to condole with her
on the death of her children, never said other thing than that that pleased her
which pleased her lord who had begotten them.
But many years having passed since the birth of the daughter, it seemed time to
Walter to make the last proof of her patience; and so he said to many of his
people that in no way could he endure any longer to have Griselda for his wife,
and that he recognized that he had done badly and like a boy when he took her
for wife, and that on that account he intended to apply to the Pope for a
dispensation that he might take another wife and leave Griselda. On which
account he was much reproved by very good men, to which he replied in no
other wise than that it was convenient that he should do so. The lady, hearing
these things, and seeing that it was necessary for her to look forward to
returning to her father's house, and perhaps to watch the sheep as she had in
other times done, and to see that another should have him to whom she wished
nothing but good, suffered greatly in her own mind; but also, as with the other
injuries which she had endured from fortune, so with a firm countenance she
disposed herself to support even this. Not long afterwards, Walter had caused

Page 229

to be sent to him counterfeit letters from Rome, which he showed to all his
subjects to inform them that the Pope had given him the dispensation to take
another wife and leave Griselda. After which, having called her to him, in the
presence of many people he said:--"Lady, by the dispensation made to me by
the Pope I may take another wife and leave you; and because my ancestors
were great gentlemen and lords in this country, whereas yours have always
been workmen, I mean that you shall not longer be my wife, but that you shall
return to the house of your father with the dowry which you brought me, and
that I shall take another wife whom I have found more fitting for me." The
lady, hearing these words, not without great difficulty and contrary to the
nature of women kept back her tears, and replied:--"I knew always my low
condition not to suit in any way your nobility, and what I have done, by you
and by God will be recognized: nor have I ever acted or held it as given to me,
but simply always had it as a loan; it pleases you to take it back, and to me it
ought to give pleasure to return it to you. Here is your ring with which you
married me; take it. You command me to take back the dowry which I brought
you; to do which neither of you to pay it nor of me to receive it will demand
either a purse or a beast of burden, because it has escaped your mind that you
took me naked: and if you consider it honest that this body by which I have
borne the children begotten by you shall be seen by everybody, I will go away
naked; but I pray you in consideration of my virginity, which I brought to you
and which I cannot take away, that at least a single shirt more than my dowry it
will please you that I shall take." Walter, who had more desire to weep than
anything else, remained with a hard face and said, "You may take with you a
shirt." He was prayed by all who were about him that one garment more he
should give, that it should not be seen that she who had been his wife for
thirteen years or more should leave his house so poorly and shamefully as to
go away in her shirt; but in vain were the prayers made. On which account the
lady in her shirt, and barefoot, and without anything on her head, went out of
the house and returned to the house of her father with the tears and
lamentations of all who saw her.
Giannucoli, who had never been able to consider it a reality that Walter should
have taken his daughter for a wife, and expected every day this end, had kept
the clothes which had been taken from her that morning that Walter married
her; so that bringing them to her, she dressed herself in them and returned to
the little service of her father's house as she had been accustomed, supporting
with a strong mind these savage attacks of fortune. When Walter had done this,
he gave his people to understand that he had taken the daughter of one of the

Page 230

Counts of Panago for a wife, and having great preparations made for the
marriage, sent for Griselda that she should come; to whom, having come, he
said:--"I bring this lady whom I have now taken, and intend on her arrival to
honor her, and you know that I have not in the house women who know how to
arrange the chambers and to do many things that pertain to such festivities; on
which account you, who better than anybody else know the things in this
house, shall put in order whatever there is to be done, and cause to be invited
the ladies whom you see fit, as if you were mistress here; then, after the
marriage ceremony, you can go back to your house." Although these words
were like so many knives in the heart of Griselda, as she had not been able to
divest herself of the love which she bore him as she had of her good fortune,--
she replied, "My lord, I am ready and prepared;" and so entered with her
coarse peasant's clothing in the house from which she had shortly before gone
in her shirt, and began to sweep and put in order the rooms, the hangings and
carpets for the halls, and to put the kitchen in order, and in every respect as if
she had been a little servant in the house, did she put her hand. Nor did she
pause until she had put everything in order and arranged it as it was most
convenient. And having done this, and Walter at her indications having invited
all the ladies of the country, she began to arrange the festivities; and when the
day of the marriage came, with the apparel which she had on her back, but
with the mind and manner of a lady, received with a cheerful countenance all
the ladies who came. Walter, who had had his children educated carefully by a
relative in Bologna who had married into the house of the Counts of Panago,--
the girl being already of the age of twelve years and the most beautiful creature
that ever was seen, and the boy being of six,--had written to his relative at
Bologna, praying him that he would be kind enough to come with this his
daughter to Saluzzo, and to arrange to bring with him a fine and honorable
company, and to say to all that these things were brought for his wife, without
telling anything to anybody that it was otherwise. Having done what the
Marquis asked of him, the Count started on his way after several days with the
girl and her brother and with a noble company, and arrived at Saluzzo at the
hour of dinner, when all the peasants and many neighbors were present waiting
for the new bride of Walter; who being received by the ladies and going into
the hall where the tables were set, Griselda came forward joyfully to meet her,
saying, "Welcome, my lady." The ladies (who had much, but in vain, prayed
Walter that he would arrange that Griselda should remain in the chamber, or
that he would give her some one of the dresses which had been hers, in order
that she should not appear in this way before his strangers) were set at the table
and had begun to be served. The girl was looked at by every man, and

Page 231

everybody said that Walter had made a good exchange: but amongst the others
Griselda praised her most; both her and her little brother.
Walter, who seemed to have finally learned as much as he desired of the
patience of his lady, and seeing that the enduring of these things produced no
change in her, and being certain that this did not happen from hypocrisy,
because he knew that she was very wise, considered it time to lighten her of
the bitterness which he felt that she held hidden in her heart under her strong
self-control. Therefore, calling her in presence of all the company, and smiling,
he said, "What do you think of our bride?" "My lord," replied Griselda, "she
seems to me very good, and if she is as wise as she is beautiful, as I believe, I
do not doubt in the least that you will live with her the most comfortable
gentleman in the world. But I pray you as much as I can that these cruelties
which you bestowed on the other which was yours you will not give to this
one, because I believe that she could not support them; partly because she is
young, and again because she has been brought up delicately, while the other
has been always accustomed to hardships from a child." Walter, seeing that she
firmly believed that this one was his wife, nor on that account spoke otherwise
than well, made her sit down at his side and said:--"Griselda, it is time now
that you should feel the rewards of your long patience, and that those who
have considered me a cruel, wicked, and brutal man should know that that
which I have done was done for a purpose, wishing to teach you to be a wife,
and them to know how to take and to keep one, and for myself for the
establishment of unbroken quiet while I live with you. Because when I came to
take a wife I had great fear that this could not be the case, and on that account,
and to assure myself in all the ways which you know, I have tried to pain you.
And yet I have never perceived that either in thought or deed have you ever
contradicted my pleasure: convinced that I shall have from you that comfort
which I desire, I now intend to return to you all at once what I took from you
on several occasions; and with the greatest tenderness to heal the wounds
which I have given you; and so with a happy soul know this one whom you
believed to be my bride, and this one her brother, as your and my children;
they are those whom you and many others have long believed that I had
cruelly caused to be killed; and I am your husband who above all things loves
you, believing that I may boast that there is no other man who may be as well
satisfied with his wife as I am." And so saying he embraced her and kissed her,
and with her, who wept for joy, rising, went where the daughter sat stupefied,
hearing these things; and, embracing her tenderly and her brother as well,
undeceived her and as many as were there. The ladies, joyfully rising, went

Page 232

with Griselda to her chamber, and with the most joyful wishes dressed her as a
lady,--which even in her rags she had seemed,--and then brought her back to
the hall; and there, making with the children a wonderful festivity, every
person being most joyful over these things, the rejoicings and the festivities
were kept up for many days, and they all considered Walter the wisest of men,
as they had considered bitter and intolerable the proofs which he had imposed
on his wife; and especially they considered Griselda most discreet.
The Count of Panago returned after a few days to Bologna, and Walter, having
taken Giannucoli from his work, settled him in the condition of his father-in-
law, so that he lived with great honor and with great comfort and so finished
his old age. And Walter afterwards, having married his daughter excellently,
long and happily lived with Griselda, honoring her always as much as he
could. And here we may say that as in royal houses come those who are much
more worthy to keep the hogs than to have government over men, so even into
poor houses there sometimes come from Heaven divine spirits besides
Griselda, who could have been able to suffer with a countenance not merely
tearless but cheerful the severe, unheard-of proofs imposed on her by Walter;
to whom it would perhaps not have been unjust that he should have happened
on one who, when he turned her out of his house in her shirt, should have
become unfaithful with another, as his actions would have made fitting.

Page 233

FRIEDRICH MARTIN VON BODENSTEDT
(1819-1892)

odenstedt was born at Peine, Hanover, April 22d, 1819. From his earliest years
his poetic nature broke through the barriers of his prosaic surroundings; but in
spite of these significant manifestations, the young poet was educated to be a
merchant. He was sent to a commercial school in Brunswick, and then put to
serve an apprenticeship in business. His inclinations, however, were not to be
repressed; and he devoted all of his holidays and many hours of the night to
study and writing. At last he conquered his adverse fate, and at the age of
twenty-one entered the University. He studied at Göttingen, Munich, and
Berlin, and then through a fortunate chance went to Moscow as tutor in the
family of Prince Galitzin. Here he remained three years, during which time he
diligently studied the Slavonic languages and literature.
The first fruits of these studies were translations from
the poems of Kaslow, Pushkin, and Lermontoff
(1843); which were considered equal to the originals
in poetic merit. In Stuttgart, two years later, appeared
his 'Poetische Ukraine' (Poetical Ukraine). He went
to Tiflis in 1842 as instructor in Latin and French in
the Gymnasium. Here he studied the Tartar and
Bodenstedt. Persian languages, under the direction of the "wise
man" Mirza-Schaffy (Scribe Schaffy), and began to
translate Persian poems. "It was inevitable," he afterwards said, "that with such
occupations and influences many Persian strains crept into my own poetry."
Here he wrote his first poems in praise of wine. Later he became an extensive
traveler, and made long tours through the Caucasus and the East. The fruit of
these journeys was the book 'Die Völker des Caucasus und ihre
Freiheitskämpfe gegen die Russen' (The People of the Caucasus and their
Struggle for Freedom against the Russians), published in 1848. After his return
to Germany he settled in Münich to study political economy in the University.

Page 234

Two years later, in 1850, appeared his delightful book in prose and poetry,
'Tausend und ein Tag im Orient' (Thousand and One Days in the East), a
reminiscence of his Eastern wanderings and his sojourn at Tiflis, The central
figure is his Oriental friend Mirza-Schaffy. "It occurred to me," he says, "to
portray with poetic freedom the Caucasian philosopher as he lived in my
memory, with all his idiosyncrasies, and at the same time have him stand as the
type of an Eastern scholar and poet; in other words, to have him appear more
important than he really was, for he never was a true poet, and of all the songs
which he read to me as being his own, I could use only a single one, the little
rollicking song, 'Mullah, pure is the wine, and it's sin to despise it.' For his
other verse I substituted poems of my own, which were in keeping with his
character and the situations in which he appeared." The poems by themselves,
together with others written at different times and places, Bodenstedt published
in 1856 under the title 'Lieder des Mirza-Schaffy' (Songs of Mirza-Schaffy).
Quite unintentionally they have occasioned one of the most amusing of literary
mystifications. For a long time they were supposed to be real translations; and
even to-day, despite the poet's own words, the "Sage of Tiflis" is considered by
some a very great poet. A Tartar by birth, who had absorbed Persian culture, he
was a skillful versifier, and could with facility translate simple songs from the
Persian into the Tartar language. Bodenstedt put into Mirza-Schaffy's mouth
the songs which were written during his intercourse with the Eastern sage, to
give vividness to the picture of an Eastern divan of wisdom.
They portray Oriental life on its more sensuous, alluring side. In most musical,
caressing verse they sing of wine and love, of the charms of Zuleika and
Hafisa, of earthly bliss and the delights of living. Yet with all their warm
Eastern imagery and rich foreign dress they are essentially German in spirit,
and their prevailing note of joyousness is now and again tempered by more
serious strains.
The book was received with universal applause, and on it Bodenstedt's fame as
poet rests. It has been translated into all the European languages, even into
Hebrew and Tartar, and is now in its one hundred and forty-third German
edition. Twenty-four years later Bodenstedt followed it with a similar
collection, 'Aus dem Nachlass des Mirza-Schaffy' (From the Posthumous
Works of Mirza-Schaffy: 1874), where he shows the more serious, philosophic
aspect of Eastern life. Bodenstedt's poems and his translations of Persian
poetry are the culmination of the movement, begun by the Romantic School, to
bring Eastern thought and imagery home to the Western world. Other well-

Page 235

known examples are Goethe's 'West-Eastern Divan,' and the poems and
paraphrases of Rückert and others; but the 'Songs of Mirza-Schaffy' are the
only poems produced under exotic influences which have been thoroughly
acclimatized on German soil.
Bodenstedt was for a time director of the court theatre at Meiningen; and
though he held this difficult position for only a short time, he did much to lay
the foundation of the success which the Meininger, as the best German stock
company of actors, achieved later on their starring tours through the country.
He was ennobled in 1867, while in this position. He spent the last year of his
life at Wiesbaden, where he died in 1892.
Bodenstedt was a voluminous writer; his work includes poems, romances,
novels, and dramas. 'Vom Atlantischen zum Stillen Ocean' (From the Atlantic
to the Pacific Ocean: 1882) is a description of his lecturing tour to the United
States the year before. His autobiography, 'Erinnerungen aus Meinem Leben'
(Recollections of my Life), gives interesting glimpses into his eventful career.
His mind was more receptive than creative, and this, combined with his great
technical skill and his quick intuition, fitted him peculiarly to be a translator
and adapter. His translation of Shakespeare's works, in conjunction with Paul
Heyse, Kurz, and others (fifth edition, Leipzig, 1890), is especially
noteworthy, as also his rendering of Shakespeare's sonnets. But he will live in
German literature as the poet Mirza-Schaffy.

TWO

To one exalted aim we both are tending,
I and thou!
To one captivity we both are bending,
I and thou!
In my heart thee I close--thou me in thine;
In twofold life, yet one, we both are blending,
I and thou!
Thee my wit draws--and me thine eye of beauty;
Two fishes, from one bait we are depending,
I and thou!
Yet unlike fishes--through the air of Heaven,
Like two brave eagles, we are both ascending,
I and thou!

Page 236

WINE

In THE goblet's magic measure,
In the wine's all-powerful spirit,
Lieth poison and delight:
Lieth purest, basest pleasure,
E'en according to the merit
Of the drinker ye invite.

Lo, the fool in baseness sunken,
Having drunk till he is tired,
When he drinks, behold him drunken;
When we drink, we are inspired.

SONG

Down on the vast deep ocean
The sun his beams doth throw,
Till every wavelet trembles
Beneath their ruddy glow.

How like thou to those sunbeams
Upon my song's wild sea;
They tremble all and glitter,
Reflecting only thee.

UNCHANGING

In early days methought that all must last;
Then I beheld all changing, dying, fleeting;

Page 237

But though my soul now grieves for much that's past,
And changeful fortunes set my heart oft beating,
I yet believe in mind that all will last,
Because the old in new I still am meeting.

THE POETRY OF MIRZA-SCHAFFY

From the 'Thousand and One Days in the East'

ABBAS KULI KHAN was one of those gifted ambiguous natures who,
without inspiring confidence, always know how to work an imposing effect,
inasmuch as they hold to the principle of displeasing no one, as a first rule of
prudence.
It so happened then that even Mirza-Schaffy, bribed by the flattery which the
Khan of Baku, when he once surprised us in the Divan of Wisdom, lavished
upon him, declared him to be a great Wise Man.
The mutual praise, so overflowing in its abundance, which they bestowed on
one another put them both in a very happy humor. From the Koran, from
Saadi, Hafiz, and Fizuli, each authenticated the other to be the moving
embodiment of all the wisdom of earth.
A formal emulation in old and original songs took place between them; for
every piece of flattery was overlaid with a tuneful quotation. Unfortunately,
however, the entertainment flowed so swiftly that I was unable to note down
any coherent account of it.
Nevertheless, being unwilling to let the long session go by without any gain on
my part, I requested the Khan to write for me one of his artistic songs in
remembrance. He nodded with an approving look, and promised to write the
most beautiful song that ever the mouth of man had uttered; a song in praise of
his Fatima, playing on her stringed instrument.

Page 238

Whilst Mirza-Schaffy raised a questioning look on hearing the praise which
the Khan expended on himself, the latter took the kalem (reed-pen) and wrote
what follows:--

FATIMA PLAYING ON HER STRINGED INSTRUMENT

"O'er the strings thy fingers are straying,
O'er my heart stray the tones;
And it wanders obeying,
Far away from the zones;
Up tending,
Round thee bending,
Round thy heart to be growing
And clinging,
Round thee flinging,
Its glad mirth overflowing--
Oh! thou Spirit from me springing,
Life on me bestowing!
Dazzled, blinded, confounded,
I see in thy glances
The whole world and its rounded
Unbounded expanses;
And round us it dances
In drunken confusion,
Like floating illusion;
Around thee I'm reeling,
All round me is wheeling--
And Heaven and Ocean,
In flashing commotion,
Round us both as thou singest,
Roll reeling and rushing--
Thou Joy to me that wingest,
Thou Soul from me outgushing!"

Page 239

Fatima
Photogravure from a Painting by G.C. Saintpierre.

"O'er the strings thy fingers are straying,
O'er my heart stray the tones."
"On the following evening," said Mirza-Schaffy, "I appeared at the appointed
hour. During the day I had written a love song which none of womankind
could resist. I had sung it over about twenty times to myself, in order to be sure
of success. Then I had been into the bath, and had had my head shaved so
perfectly that it might have vied in whiteness with the lilies of the vale of
Senghi. The evening was calm and clear; from the garden-side where I stood, I
could distinctly see my Zuléikha; she was alone with Fatima on the roof, and
had her veil put a little back, as a sign of her favor. I took courage, and pushed
my cap down behind to show my white head, just fresh shaved, to the maiden's
eyes. Thou canst comprehend what an impression that would make on a
woman's heart! Alas! my head was much whiter then than it is now. But that is
more than ten years since!" he said sorrowfully, and would have continued in
this digression if I had not interposed the words:--

Page 240

"Thy head is quite white enough now to fascinate the most maidenly heart; but
thou hast not yet told me how thou sangest thy love song, and what impression
it made upon Zuléikha."
"I had folded the song," said the Mirza, "round a double almond kernel, and
thrown it on the roof, as a keepsake for the Beauty, before I began to sing it;
and then I began with clear voice:--

"What is the eye of wild gazelle, the slender pine's
unfolding,
Compared with thy delightful eyes, and thine ethereal
molding?
What is the scent from Shiraz' fields, wind-borne, that's
hither
straying,
Compared with richer scented breath from thy sweet
mouth
out-playing?

What is Ghazel and Rubajat, as Hafiz ere was singing,
Compared with one word's mellow tone, from thy
sweet mouth
outwinging?

What is the rosy-chaliced flower, where nightingales
are quaffing,
Compared with thy sweet rosy mouth, and thy lips'
rosy laughing?
What is the sun, and what the moon, and all heaven's
constellations?
Love-glancing far for thee they glow with trembling
scintillations!
And what am I myself, my heart, my songful
celebration,
But slaves of royal loveliness, bright beauty's
inspiration!"

"Allah, how beautiful!" I cried. "Mirza-Schaffy, thy words sound as sweet as
the songs of the Peris, in the world of spirits! What is Hafiz to thee? What is a

Page 241

drop to the ocean?"

MIRZA-SCHAFFY

From the 'Thousand and One Days in the East'

My first object in Georgia was to secure an instructor in Tartar, that I might
learn as quickly as possible a language so indispensably necessary in the
countries of the Caucasus. Accident favored my choice, for my learned teacher
Mirza-Schaffy, the Wise Man of Gjändsha, as he styles himself, is, according
to his own opinion, the wisest of men.
With the modesty peculiar to his nation, he only calls himself the first wise
man of the East; but as according to his estimation the children of the West are
yet living in darkness and unbelief, it is a matter of course with him that he
soars above us in wisdom and knowledge. Moreover, he indulges the hope
that, thanks to his endeavors, the illumination and wisdom of the East will
also, in the progress of years, actually spread amongst us. I am already the fifth
scholar, he tells me, who has made a pilgrimage to him for the purpose of
participating in his instructions. He argues from this that the need of traveling
to Tiflis and listening to Mirza-Schaffy's sayings of wisdom is ever becoming
more vividly felt by us. My four predecessors, he is further of opinion, have,
since their return into the West, promoted to the best of their ability the
extension of Oriental civilization amongst their races. But of me he formed
quite peculiar hopes; very likely because I paid him a silver ruble for each
lesson, which I understand is an unusually high premium for the Wise Man of
Gjändsha.
It was always most incomprehensible to him how we can call ourselves wise or
learned, and travel over the world with these titles, before we even understand
the sacred languages. Nevertheless he very readily excused these pretensions
in me, inasmuch as I was at least ardently endeavoring to acquire these
languages, but above all because I had made the lucky hit of choosing him for
my teacher.

Page 242

The advantages of this lucky hit he had his own peculiar way of making
intelligible to me. "I, Mirza-Schaffy," said he, "am the first wise man of the
East! consequently thou, as my disciple, art the second. But thou must not
misunderstand me: I have a friend, Omar-Effendi, a very wise man, who is
certainly not the third among the learned of the land. If I were not alive, and
Omar-Effendi were thy teacher, then he would be the first, and thou, as his
disciple, the second wise man!" After such an effusion, it was always the
custom of Mirza-Schaffy to point with his forefinger to his forehead, at the
same time giving me a sly look; whereupon, according to rule, I nodded
knowingly to him in mute reciprocation.
That the Wise Man of Gjändsha knew how to render his vast superiority in the
highest degree palpable to any one who might have any misgiving on the
point, he once showed me by a striking example.
Among the many learned rivals who envied the lessons of Mirza-Schaffy, the
most conspicuous was Mirza-Jussuf, the Wise Man of Bagdad. He named
himself after this city, because he had there pursued his studies in Arabic; from
which he inferred that he must possess more profound accomplishments than
Mirza-Schaffy, whom he told me he considered a "Fschekj," an ass among the
bearers of wisdom. "The fellow cannot even write decently," Jussuf informed
me of my reverend Mirza, "and he cannot sing at all! Now I ask thee: What is
knowledge without writing? What is wisdom without song? What is Mirza-
Schaffy in comparison with me?"
In this way he was continually plying me with perorations of confounding
force, wherein he gave especial prominence to the beauty of his name Jussuf,
which Moses of old had celebrated, and Hafiz sung of in lovely strains; he
exerted all his acuteness to evince to me that a name is not an empty sound,
but that the significance attached to a great or beautiful name is inherited in
more or less distinction by the latest bearers of this name. He, Jussuf, for
example, was a perfect model of the Jussuf of the land of Egypt, who walked
in chastity before Potiphar, and in wisdom before the Lord.

THE SCHOOL OF WISDOM

From the 'Thousand and One Days in the East'

Page 243

"Mirza-Schaffy!" I began, when we sat again assembled in the Divan of
Wisdom, "what wilt thou say when I tell thee that the wise men of the West
consider you as stupid as you do them?"
"What can I do but be amazed at their folly?" he replied. "What new thing can
I learn from them, when they only repeat mine?"
He ordered a fresh chibouk, mused awhile meditatingly before him, bade us
get ready the kalemdan (writing-stand), and then began to sing:--

"Shall I laughing, shall I weeping
Go, because men are so brute,
Always foreign sense repeating,
And in self-expression mute?

"No, the Maker's praise shall rise
For the foolish generation;
Else the wisdom of the wise
Would be lost from observation!"

"Mirza-Schaffy," said I, interrupting him again, "would it not be a prudent
beginning to clothe thy sayings in a Western dress, to the end that they might
be a mirror for the foolish, a rule of conduct for the erring, and a source of
high enjoyment for our wives and maidens, whose charm is as great as their
inclination to wisdom?"
"Women are everywhere wise," replied my reverend teacher, "and their power
is greater than fools imagine. Their eyes are the original seat of all true
devotion and wisdom, and he who inspires from them needs not wait for death
to enter upon the joys of Paradise. The smallest finger of woman overthrows
the mightiest edifice of faith, and the youngest maiden mars the oldest
institutions of the Church!"
"But thou hast not yet given me an answer to my question, O Mirza!"
"Thou speakest wisely. The seed of my words has taken root in thy heart.
Write; I will sing!"

Page 244

And now he sang to me a number of wonderful songs, part of which here
follow in an English dress.

MIRZA-SCHAFFY'S OPINION OF THE SHAH OF
PERSIA

A learnèd scribe once came to me from far:
"Mirza!" said he, "what think'st thou of the Shah?
Was wisdom really born in him with years?
And are his eyes as spacious as his ears?"

"He's just as wise as all who round them bind
Capuche and gown: he knows what an amount
Of stupid fear keeps all his people blind,
And how to turn it to his own account."

MIZA-SCHAFFY PRAISES THE CHARMS OF
ZULÉIKHA

Looking at thy tender little feet
Makes me always wonder, sweetest maiden,
How they so much beauty can be bearing!

Looking at thy lovely little hands
Makes me always wonder, sweetest maiden,
How they so to wound me can be daring!

Looking at thy rosy luring lips
Makes me always wonder, sweetest maiden,
How they of a kiss e'er can be sparing!

Looking at thy meaningful bright eyes
Makes me always wonder, sweetest maiden,
How for greater love they can be caring

Than I feel. Oh, look at me, and love!
Warmer than my heart, thou sweetest maiden,

Page 245

Heart in thy love never will be sharing.

Listen to this rapture-reaching song!
Fairer than my mouth, thou sweetest maiden,
Mouth thy praise will never be declaring!

AN EXCURSION INTO ARMENIA

From the 'Thousand and One Days in the East'

Now follow me into that blessed land wherein tradition places Paradise, and
wherein I also placed it, until I found that it lay in thine eyes, thou, mine
Edlitam!
Follow me to the banks of the Senghi and Araxes, rich in bloom, sacred in
tradition; where I sought for rest after long wandering in the mazes of a strange
land, until I knew that rest is nowhere to be found but in one's own bosom;
follow me into the gardens where Noah once planted the vine for his own
enjoyment and heart's delight, and for the gladness of all subsequent races of
toiling men; follow me through the steep mountain-paths overhung with
glaciers, to the arid table-lands of Ararat, where, clad in a garment red as
blood, on his steed of nimble thigh, the wild Kurd springs along, with flashing
glance and sunburnt face, in his broad girdle the sharp dagger and long pistols
of Damascus, and in his practiced hand the slender, death-slinging lance of
Bagdad--where the nomad pitches his black tent, and with wife and child
cowers round the fire that scares away the beasts of the wilderness--where
caravans of camels and dromedaries wend their way, laden with the treasures
of the Orient, and guided by watchful leaders in wide many-colored apparel--
where the Tartar, eager for spoil, houses in hidden rocks, or in half-
subterranean, rudely excavated huts; follow me into the fruitful valleys, where
the sons of Haïghk, like the children of Israel, far from the corruption of cities,
still live in primeval simplicity, plough their fields and tend their flocks, and
practice hospitality in Biblical pureness; follow me to Ararat, which still bears
the diluvian Ark upon his king-like, hoary head--follow me into the highlands
of Armenia!

Page 246

In Paradise we will be happy, and refresh our eyes with a glance at the fair
daughters of the land; and at the grave of Noah we will sit down, the drinking-
horn in our hand, a song on our lips, and joyous confidence in our hearts; for
the God who once when the whole world deserved hanging favored mankind
with a watery grave, and suffered only Noah to live because he cultivated the
vine and rejoiced in love and drinking, will also to us, who cherish like desires,
be as favorable as to the father of post-diluvian men.

MIRZA-JUSSUF

See Mirza-Jussuf now,
How critical a wight 'tis!
The day displeases him,
Because for him too bright 'tis.

He doesn't like the rose,--
Her thorn a sad affront is;
And doesn't like mankind,
Because its nose in front is.

On ev'rything he spies
His bitter bane he passes;
For naught escapes his eyes,
Except that he an ass is.

Thus, evermore at strife
With Art and Nature too,
By day and night he wanders
Through wastes of misty blue,

Mirza-Schaffy bemocks him
With sly and roguish eye,
And makes of all his bitterness
The sweetest melody.

Page 247

WISDOM AND KNOWLEDGE

Friend, wouldst know why as a rule
Bookish learning marks the fool?
'Tis because, though once befriended,
Learning's pact with wisdom's ended.
No philosophy e'er throve
In a nightcap by the stove.
Who the world would understand
In the world must bear a hand.
If you're not to wisdom wed,
Like the camel you're bested,
Which has treasures rich, to bear
Through the desert everywhere,
But the use must ever lack
Of the goods upon his back.

Page 248

JOHANN JAKOB BODMER
(1698-1783)

n the beginning of the eighteenth century, the political and intellectual life of
Germany showed no signs of its imminent awakening. French supremacy was
undisputed. French was spoken by polite society, and only the middle and
lower classes consented to use their mother tongue. French literature was alone
fashionable, and the few scientific works that appeared were published in
Latin. Life was hard and sordid. Thought and imagination languished. Such
writings as existed were empty, pompous, and pedantic. Yet from this dreary
waste-land was to spring that rich harvest of literature which, in a brief half-
century, made the German nation famous.
Klopstock, Wieland, Lessing, Herder, Goethe, and
Schiller--those were the great names that were soon to
shine like stars in the literary firmament. But the lesser
men who broke the ground and opened paths for their
brilliant followers are almost forgotten.
Toward the middle of the century, there lived in Zürich a
Johann Jakob Bodmer. modest professor of history, Johann Jakob Bodmer by
name (born July 19th, 1698), who spoke the first word for a national literature,
and who was the first writer to attempt a scientific criticism of contemporary
authors. His efforts were rude beginnings of a style that culminated in the
polished essays of Lessing. It was Bodmer whose independence of thought and
feeling first revolted from the slavish imitation of French culture that
enchained the German mind. In his youth he had been sent to Italy to study
commerce. This visit aroused his poetic and artistic nature. He forgot his
business in listening to street singers, in imitation of whom he wrote Italian
lyrics. He read French works on art, and wrote artificial French verses
according to French models. With equal versatility he composed German
poetry, copying Opitz, whom he esteemed a great poet. Nor did he hesitate to
try his skill at Latin hexameters.

Page 249

By chance a copy of Addison's Spectator fell into his hands. He turned at once
from French and Italian culture to admire English classics. The first German to
appreciate Milton and Shakespeare (the latter he called the English Sophocles),
he never wavered in his devotion to the English school. With his faithful
friend, Johann Jakob Breitinger, a conscientious scholar, he started in Zürich a
critical weekly paper on the plan of the Spectator. It was called Discoursen der
Mahlern (Discourses of the Painters), and its essays embody the first literary
effort of the Swiss as a nation. A little weekly coterie soon gathered about
Bodmer to discuss the conduct of the paper; but much of the spirit and
enthusiasm of these councils evaporated in print, the journal being subjected to
a rigid censorship. Not alone art and literature came under discussion, but
social subjects. All contributions were signed with the names of famous
painters, and dealt with mistakes in education, the evils of card-playing, the
duties of friendship, love and matrimony, logic, morality, pedantry,
imagination, self-consciousness, and the fear of death. These discourses were
chiefly written by Bodmer and his colleague Breitinger. The earlier papers,
awkwardly expressed, often in Swiss dialect, masqueraded as the work of
Holbein, Dürer, Raphael, or Michael Angelo. Although intended at first for
Swiss readers only, the little weekly soon captured a German public. Its
purpose was to kindle the imagination, and to suggest a parallel between the
art of painting and the art of literature. Bodmer only dimly outlined what an
infinitely greater mind defined with unerring precision some twenty years later
in the 'Laocoon.' But the service of the older man to literature is not therefore
to be undervalued. Bodmer created the function of analytic and psychological
criticism in Germany. Hitherto no writer had been called to account for any
literary offense whatever. Bodmer maintained that the man who demanded a
hearing from the public must show good cause for this demand.
After two years the Discourses were discontinued; but Bodmer had gained
great influence over the young writers of the time. He increased his reputation
by translating Milton's 'Paradise Lost,' which he considered "a masterpiece of
poetic genius, and the leading work of modern times." He deplores, however,
the low standard of public taste, which, delighting in inferior poets, cannot at
once rise to the greatest works. Already there existed in Leipzig a sort of
literary centre, where Gottsched was regarded as a dictator in matters of taste.
This literary autocrat praised Bodmer's translation of 'Paradise Lost' more than
the original poem, in which he condemned the rhymeless metre. A sharp
controversy soon divided the literary world into two hostile parties, known in
German literature as the "conflict between Leipzig and Zürich." Gottsched

Page 250

followed Voltaire in considering the English style rude and barbarous; whereas
Bodmer, with keener artistic perception and deeper insight, defended Milton
and Shakespeare. The quarrel, in which Zürich prevailed, called the attention
of Germany to the English literature, so closely affiliated to the German mind
and taste, and hastened its liberation from the French yoke. Besides these
services, Bodmer showed untiring zeal in rescuing from oblivion the beautiful
poems and epics of the Middle Ages. In his essay 'The Excellent Conditions
for Poetic Production under the Rule of the Swabian Emperors,' he directs
public attention to the exquisite lyrics of the Minnesänger. It was he who
revealed that hidden treasure of German literature, the Nibelungenlied. By his
studies and translations of Middle High German, he opened the vast and
important field of Germanic philology. To the end of his eighty-five years he
was occupied with preparing selections from the Minnesänger, and his joy was
unbounded when his half-century of work was crowned with success, and the
first volume of these poems was placed in his hands.
Notwithstanding his true appreciation of poetry, he could not write it. He
placed the religious above all other poetic productions, and valued the fable
highly.
His hospitable roof in Zürich had an ever cordial welcome for all writers, and
many were the poets who sojourned in the "Dichterherberge" (poets' inn);
among them Klopstock, Wieland, and Goethe. He held the esteem of the nation
long after his own writings had been crowded into forgetfulness by the new
men whose way he had prepared,--for the genius of Herder and Lessing may
be said to have completed the work that was so courageously begun by
Bodmer.

THE KINSHIP OF THE ARTS

From 'Rubens'

Page 251

When I consider the close relationship of the arts that are represented by the
pen, brush, and chisel, I am inclined to think that the manes of these excellent
painters and sculptors whose names our contributors have assumed would
probably not be displeased with the liberty we have taken. Provided these
departed spirits still feel a passionate interest in our worldly affairs, they might
wish to instruct these painting writers to follow nature as closely and skillfully
with their pens as they themselves had done with delicate brush or chisel.
Nature is indeed the one universal teacher of all artists. Painter, sculptor,
author, not one can succeed unless he hold counsel with her. The writer who
does not respect her is a falsifier, and the painter or sculptor who departs from
her is a dabbler. The highest place in art belongs to the writer, for his field
comprehends most. With one stroke of the pen he will describe more than a
painter can represent in a succession of pictures. On the other hand, the painter
appeals more to the imagination, and leaves a stronger impression than
description can possibly awaken.

POETRY AND PAINTING

From 'Holbein'

A true poet will try to paint pictures on the imagination, which at a man's birth
is devoid of impressions, I hold that the imagination is a vast plain, capable of
comprehending all that nature may bring forth, besides innumerable illusions,
fancies, and poetic figures. A writer's pen is his brush, and words are his
colors, which he must blend, heighten, or tone down, so that each object may
assume a natural living form. The best poet will so paint his pictures that his
readers will see the originals reflected as in a mirror. If his imagination be
vivid, words grow eloquent, he feels all that he sees: he is impelled onward
like a madman, and he must follow whither his madness leads. This frenzy
need not be inspired by any real object, but it must kindle his imagination to
arouse a real emotion. A new conception delights the fancy. The newest is the
most marvelous. To this must be given a semblance of probability, and to

Page 252

probability a touch of the marvelous. The poet must portray to the imagination
the struggles of passion and the emotions of the human heart. His diction must
be splendid and emphatic. Casting aside all earthly love, he must depict the
love that springs from the soul, the love felt by him whose thoughts soar
towards heaven, where God is the source of eternal beauty. The most artistic
ode is that in which art is concealed, and in which the poet, unfettered, is
driven by his own ardor.

A TRIBUTE TO TOBACCO

From 'Dürer'

Whoever excels in any direction desires to be considered an extraordinary
personage. Even the coquettish Phryne, fearing that the arts in which she really
excelled might be forgotten, offered to rebuild the walls of Thebes on
condition that the following inscription were cut thereon:--"The great
Alexander razed these walls, but the hetaira Phryne rebuilt them." Gentlemen,
I adore tobacco, and I appeal to the world for recognition. The floor of my
room is strewn with tobacco ashes, on which my footsteps fall like those of the
priests in the temple of Babylon. Pipes that I have buried in this tobacco desert
lift their bowls here and there like stones in a cemetery. I shall make a pyramid
of these relics, yellow, brown, and black, from which I shall reap renown as
others win it with trophies gained on the battle-field. Besides books, which I
love best after tobacco, my shelves and walls hold pipes collected from all
nations, and grouped as if they were guns or sabres. My favorite pipe I never
fill except on birthdays or festivals. A Frenchman who brought this from
Canada swore that it was an Iroquois pipe of peace. Certain people take me for
an alchemist, and my pipes for retorts with chimneys; but they do me wrong.
Not only do I draw smoke but food from my distilling apparatus. I should be
hailed rather as a philosopher, for while I watch the floating smoke I meditate
on the vanity of man and his fleeting occupations. The moral of my tale is
moderation; for my pipe is food and drink at once, and I know no better

Page 253

example of Nature's frugality than the fact that an ounce of tobacco provides
me with a meal. Women delight in tea even as men prize tobacco. This
difference in taste leads to friction of temper. Drinkers of tea inhale many a
disagreeable whiff of tobacco, and lovers of tobacco are driven to accept many
an unwelcome cup of tea. I, as a sufferer, would gladly set on foot a formal
league which should compel an armed neutrality, and protect the one
belligerent from the odor of the delicious pipe and the other from the
complaisance of the tyrannous tea-cup.
Breath is smoke, and reason is but a spark in our hearts. When the spark is
extinguished, our body perishes like smoldering ashes, and our breath floats
away like the smoke.

Page 254

BOËTIUS
(475-525)

nicius Manlius Severinus Boëtius was born about 475 A. D. His father was
Flavius Manlius Boëtius, a patrician of great wealth and influence, who was
trusted by the Emperor Odoacer and held the consulship in 487. The father
died before his son reached manhood; and the youth was left to the
guardianship of his kinsmen Festus and Symmachus, by whom he was
carefully educated. He was remarkable early in life for his scholarship, and
especially for his mastery of the Greek language, an accomplishment unusual
for a Roman of this period. He entered public life when about thirty years of
age, but duties of State were not permitted to put an end to his studies. He had
married Rusticiana, the daughter of his guardian Symmachus.
The Roman world was now ruled by Theodoric the
Ostrogoth. This leader had succeeded to the
headship of the Ostrogoths on the death of his father
Theodomir in 474. For a time he was a pensioner of
the Byzantine court, with the duty of defending the
lower Danube; but in 488 he determined to invade
Italy and become a sovereign subordinate to no one.
By the defeat of Odoacer in 489 he accomplished BOËTIUS
that end; and desiring to conciliate the Senatorial party at Rome, he called
Boëtius from his studious retirement, as one who by his position and wealth
could reconcile his countrymen to the rule of a barbarian chief.
In 510 Boëtius was made consul, and he continued in the public service till
after his sons Symmachus and Boëtius were elevated to the consulship in 522.
Thus far he had enjoyed the full confidence of Theodoric; but in 523 he was
thrown into prison in Pavia and his property confiscated, and the Senate
condemned him to death. Two years later he was executed. Unfortunately, the
only account we have of the causes which led to this downfall is Boëtius's own
in the 'Consolations.' According to this, he first incurred Theodoric's
displeasure by getting the province of Campania excepted from the operation
of an edict requiring the provincials to sell their corn to the government, and

Page 255

otherwise championing the people against oppression; was the victim of
various false accusations; and finally was held a traitor for defending Albinus,
chief of the Senate, from the accusation of holding treasonable correspondence
with the Emperor Justin at Constantinople. "If Albinus be criminal, I and the
whole Senate are equally guilty, Boëtius reports himself to have said. There is
no good reason to doubt his truthfulness in any of these matters; but he does
not tell the whole truth, except in a sentence he lets slip later. Theodoric's act
was no outbreak of barbarian suspicion and ferocity. Boëtius and the whole
Senate were really guilty of holding an utterly untenable political position,
which no sovereign on earth would endure: they wished to make the Emperor
at Constantinople a court of appeal from Theodoric, as though the latter were
still a subordinate prince. This may not have been technical treason, but it was
practical insubordination; and under any other barbarian ruler or any one of
fifty native ones, Rome would have flowed with blood. Theodoric contented
himself with executing the ringleader, and the following year put to death
Boëtius's father-in-law Symmachus in fear of his plotting revenge. Even so,
the executions were a bad political mistake: they must have enraged and
thoroughly alienated the Senatorial party,--that is, the chief Italian families,--
and made a fusion of the foreign and native elements definitively out of the
question. We need not blame Boëtius or the Senate for their very natural
aspiration to live under a civilized instead of a barbarian jurisdiction, even
though they had their own codes and courts; but the de facto governing power
had its rights also.
In 996 Boëtius's bones were removed to the church of St. Augustine, where his
tomb may still be seen. As time elapsed, his death was considered a
martyrdom, and he was canonized as St. Severinus.
Boëtius was a thorough student of Greek philosophy, and formed the plan of
translating all of Plato and Aristotle and reconciling their philosophies. This
work he never completed. He wrote a treatise on music which was used as a
text-book as late as the present century; and he translated the works of Ptolemy
on astronomy, of Nicomachus on arithmetic, of Euclid on geometry, and of
Archimedes on mechanics. His great work in this line was a translation of
Aristotle, which he supplemented by a commentary in thirty books. Among his
writings are a number of works on logic and a commentary on the 'Topica' of
Cicero. In addition to these, five theological tracts are ascribed to him, the
most important being a discussion of the doctrine of the Trinity.

Page 256

The work which has done most to perpetuate his name is the 'Consolations of
Philosophy,' in five books,--written during his imprisonment at Pavia,--which
has been called "the last work of Roman literature." It is written in alternate
prose and verse, and treats of his efforts to find solace in his misfortune. The
first book opens with a vision of a woman, holding a book and sceptre, who
comes to him with promises of comfort. She is his lifelong companion,
Philosophy. He tells her the story of his troubles. In the second book,
Philosophy tells him that Fortune has the right to take away what she has
bestowed, and that he still has wife and children, the most precious of her gifts;
his ambition to shine as statesman and philosopher is foolish, as no greatness is
enduring. The third book takes up the discussion of the Supreme Good,
showing that it consists not in riches, power, nor pleasure, but only in God. In
the fourth book the problems of the existence of evil in the world and the
freedom of the will are examined; and the latter subject continues through the
fifth book. During the Middle Ages this work was highly esteemed, and
numerous translations appeared. In the ninth century Alfred the Great gave to
his subjects an Anglo-Saxon version; and in the fourteenth century Chaucer
made an English translation, which was published by Caxton in 1480. Before
the sixteenth century it was translated into German, French, Italian, Spanish,
and Greek.
It is now perhaps best known for the place it occupies in the spiritual
development of Dante. He turned to it for comfort after the death of his
Beatrice in 1291. Inspired by its teachings, he gave himself up for a time to the
study of philosophy, with the result of his writing the 'Convito,' a book in
which he often refers to his favorite author. In his 'Divine Comedy' he places
Boëtius in the Heaven of the Sun, together with the Fathers of the Church and
the schoolmen.

OF THE GREATEST GOOD

From the 'Consolations of Philosophy'

Every mortal is troubled with many and various anxieties, and yet all desire,
through various paths, to arrive at one goal; that is, they strive by different

Page 257

means to attain one happiness: in a word, God. He is the beginning and the end
of every good, and he is the highest happiness. Then said the Mind:--This,
methinks, must be the highest good, so that men should neither need, nor
moreover be solicitous, about any other good besides it; since he possesses that
which is the roof of all other good, inasmuch as it includes all other good, and
has all other kinds within it. It would not be the highest good if any good were
external to it, because it would then have to desire some good which itself had
not. Then answered Reason, and said:--It is very evident that this is the highest
happiness, for it is both the roof and the floor of all good. What is that then but
the best happiness, which gathers the other felicities all within it, and includes
and holds them within it; and to it there is a deficiency of none, neither has it
need of any, but they come all from it and again all to it, as all waters come
from the sea and again all come to the sea? There is none in the little fountain,
which does not seek the sea, and again from the sea it returns into the earth,
and so it flows gradually through the earth, till it again comes to the same
fountain that it before flowed from, and so again to the sea.
Now, this is an example of the true good, which all mortal men desire to
obtain, though they by various ways think to arrive at it. For every man has a
natural good in himself, because every mind desires to obtain the true good;
but it is hindered by the transitory good, because it is more prone thereto. For
some men think that it is the best happiness that a man be so rich that he have
need of nothing more, and they choose their life accordingly. Some men think
that this is the highest good, that he be among his fellows the most honorable
of his fellows; and they with all diligence seek this. Some think that the
supreme good is in the highest power. These strive either themselves to rule, or
else to associate themselves to the friendship of rulers. Some persuade
themselves that it is best that a man be illustrious and celebrated and have
good fame; they therefore seek this both in peace and in war. Many reckon it
for the greatest good and for the greatest happiness that a man be always blithe
in this present life, and follow all his lusts. Some indeed who desire these
riches are desirous thereof because they would have the greater power, that
they may the more securely enjoy these worldly lusts, and also the riches.
Many there are who desire power because they would gather money; or again,
they are desirous to spread their name.
On account of such and other like frail and perishing advantages, the thought
of every human mind is troubled with anxiety and with care. It then imagines
that it has obtained some exalted good when it has won the flattery of the

Page 258

people; and to me it seems that it has bought a very false greatness. Some with
much anxiety seek wives, that thereby they may above all things have children,
and also live happily. True friends, then, I say, are the most precious things of
all these worldly felicities. They are not indeed to be reckoned as worldly
goods, but as divine; for deceitful fortune does not produce them, but God,
who naturally formed them as relations. For of every other thing in this world,
man is desirous, either that he may through it obtain power, or else some
worldly lust; except of the true friend, whom he loves sometimes for affection
and for fidelity, though he expect to himself no other rewards. Nature joins and
cements friends together with inseparable love. But with these worldly goods,
and with this present wealth, men make oftener enemies than friends. From
these, and from many such proofs, it may be evident to all men that all the
bodily goods are inferior to the faculties of the soul. We indeed think that a
man is the stronger, because he is great in his body. The fairness, moreover,
and the strength of the body, rejoices and invigorates the man, and health
makes him cheerful. In all these bodily felicities men seek one single
happiness, as it seems to them. For whatsoever every man chiefly loves above
all other things, that, he persuades himself, is best for him, and that is his
highest good. When therefore he has acquired that, he imagines that he may be
very happy. I do not deny that these goods and this happiness are the highest
good of this present life. For every man considers that thing best which he
chiefly loves above other things, and therefore he deems himself very happy if
he can obtain what he then most desires. Is not now clearly enough shown to
thee the form of the false goods; namely, riches, and dignity, and power, and
glory, and pleasure? Concerning pleasure, Epicurus the philosopher said, when
he inquired concerning all those other goods which we before mentioned: then
said he, that pleasure was the highest good, because all the other goods which
we before mentioned gratify the mind and delight it, but pleasure chiefly
gratifies the body.
But we will still speak concerning the nature of men, and concerning their
pursuits. Though, then, their mind and their nature be now obscured, and they
are by that descent fallen to evil and inclined thither, yet they are desirous, so
far as they can and may, of the highest good. As the drunken man knows that
he should go to his house and to his rest, and yet is not able to find the way
thither, so is it also with the mind, when it is weighed down by the anxieties of
this world. It is sometimes intoxicated and misled by them, so far that it cannot
rightly find out good. Nor yet does it appear to those men that they aught
mistake who are desirous to obtain this, namely, that they need labor after

Page 259

nothing more. But they think that they are able to collect together all these
goods, so that none may be excluded from the number....
Two things may dignity and power do, if they come to the unwise. It may
make him honorable and respectable to other unwise persons. But when he
quits the power, or the power him, then is he to the unwise neither honorable
nor respectable. Has power, then, the custom of exterminating and rooting out
vices from the minds of great men and planting therein virtues? I know,
however, that earthly power never sows the virtues, but collects and gathers
vices; and when it has gathered them, then it nevertheless shows and does not
conceal them. For the vices of great men many men see; because many know
them and many are with them. Therefore we always lament concerning power,
and also despise it, when we see that it comes to the worst, and to those who
are to us most unworthy.
Every virtue has its proper excellence; and the excellence and the dignity
which it has, it imparts immediately to every one who loves it. Thus, wisdom
is the highest virtue, and it has in it four other virtues; of which one is
prudence, another temperance, the third is fortitude, the fourth justice. Wisdom
makes its lovers wise, and prudent, and moderate, and patient, and just; and it
fills him who loves it with every good quality. This they who possess the
power of this world cannot do. They cannot impart any virtue to those who
love them, through their wealth, if they have it not in their nature. Hence it is
very evident that the rich in worldly wealth have no proper dignity; but the
wealth is, come to them from without, and they cannot from without have
aught of their own. Consider now, whether any man is the less honorable
because many men despise him. But if any man be the less honorable, then is
every foolish man the less honorable, the more authority he has, to every wise
man. Hence it is sufficiently clear that power and wealth cannot make its
possessor the more honorable. But it makes him the less honorable, when it
comes to him, if he were not before virtuous. So is also wealth and power the
worse, if he who possesses it be not virtuous. Each of them is the more
worthless, when they meet with each other.
But I can easily instruct you by an example, so that you may clearly enough
perceive that this present life is very like a shadow, and in that shadow no man
can attain the true good. If any very great man is driven from his country, or
goes on his lord's errand, and so comes to a foreign people, where no man
knows him, nor he any man, nor even knows the language, do you think his
greatness can make him honorable in that land? Of course it cannot. But if

Page 260

dignity were natural to wealth and were its own, or again if wealth were the
rich man's own, then it could not forsake him. Let the man who possessed
them be in whatsoever land he might, then his wealth and his dignity would be
with him. But because the wealth and the power are not his own, they forsake
him; and because they have no natural good in themselves, they go away like a
shadow or smoke. Yet the mistaken opinion and fancy of unwise men judge
that power is the highest good. It is entirely otherwise. When a great man is
either among foreigners, or among wise men in his own country, his wealth
counts nothing to either one when they learn that he was exalted for no virtue,
but through the applause of the ignorant. But if his power arose from any
personal merit, he would keep that even if he lost the power. He would not lose
the good that came from nature; that would always follow him and always
make him honorable, whatever land he was in....
Worthless and very false is the glory of this world! Concerning this a certain
poet formerly sung. When he contemned this present life, he said:--O glory of
this world! wherefore do erring men call thee, with false voice, glory, when
thou art none!--For man more frequently has great renown, and great glory,
and great honor, through the opinion of the unwise, than he has through his
deserts. But tell me now, what is more unmeet than this; or why men may not
rather be ashamed of themselves than rejoice, when they hear that any one
belies them. Though men even rightly praise any one of the good, he ought not
the sooner to rejoice immoderately at the people's words. But at this he ought
to rejoice, that they speak truth of him. Though he rejoice at this, that they
spread his name, it is not the sooner so extensively spread as he persuades
himself; for they cannot spread it over all the earth, though they may in some
land; for though it be to one known, yet it is to another unknown. Though he in
this land be celebrated, yet is he in another not celebrated. Therefore is the
people's favor to be held by every man for nothing; since it comes not to every
man according to his deserts, nor indeed remains always to any one. Consider
first concerning noble birth. If any one boast of it, how vain and how useless is
the boast; for every one knows that all men come from one father and from
one mother. Or again, concerning the people's favor, and concerning their
applause, I know not why we rejoice at it. Though they whom the vulgar
applaud be illustrious, yet are they more illustrious and more rightly to be
applauded who are dignified by virtues. For no man is really the greater or the
more praiseworthy for the excellence of another, or for his virtues, if he
himself has it not. Are you ever the fairer for another man's beauty? A man is
little the better though he have a good father, if he himself is incapable of

Page 261

anything. Therefore I advise that you rejoice in other men's good and their
nobility, but so far only that you ascribe it not to yourself as your own; because
every man's good, and his nobility, is more in the mind than in the flesh. This
only, indeed, I know of good in nobility: that it shames many a man if he is
worse than his ancestors were, and he therefore endeavors with all his power to
imitate the manners of some one of the best, and his virtues.

Page 262

NICHOLAS BOILEAU-DESPRÉAUX
(1636-1711)

he name of Louis XIV. suggests ultra-lavishness in life and taste; a time when
French society, surfeited with pleasure, demanded a stimulus of continual
novelty in current literature. The natural result was preciosité, hyperbole,
falsetto sentiment, which ranked the unusual above the natural, clever conceit
above careful workmanship. It was tainted with artificiality, and now seems
mawkish and superficial.
But Boileau changed all that. Perhaps no author unendowed with genius has
ever so influenced literature,
Aside from his work, the man and his life seem
essentially commonplace. Nicholas Boileau, who,
adding another name to his own,--quite a fashion
then,--was usually called Despréaux by his
contemporaries, was born in Paris, in the palace
court, nearly opposite the royal Sainte Chapelle. He
rarely went farther from the city than to the little
house at Auteuil, where he spent twenty summers. Boileau.
So he knew his Paris very intimately, and was limited too by knowing only her
life and thought. To his repressed youth, guarded by a strict father and a cross
servant,--for his mother died in his babyhood,--is sometimes attributed his lack
of emotional quality. But his was not an intense nature, and probably no
training could have made the didactic poet lyric or passionate. Sincerity and
common-sense were his predominating qualities, and he had the rare faculty of
obedience to his own instincts. He first studied for the priesthood, but anything
like mysticism was too repellent to his matter-of-fact mind. Then, as many of
his family had been lawyers, he naturally turned toward that career. But the
practice as taught him seemed senseless and arbitrary. Its rational basis upon a
logical theory only dawned upon him later. In spite of his literary tastes, there
was something extremely mundane about the pleasure-loving bachelor, so fond
of good eating and of jovial café revels with Racine, Furetière, Ninon de

Page 263

L'Enclos, and other witty Bohemians. With them he was much happier than in
the more fastidious society of the Hôtel Rambouillet, from which he retired
after reading aloud a satiric poem not favorably received. Neither was he
happy at court, in spite of the favor of Louis XIV., who, entertained by his
rough honesty, gave him a pension of two thousand francs. Later, when
appointed with Racine to write a history of the reign,--that unfortunate history
which was accidentally burned,--we find him an unwilling follower on royal
expeditions, his ungainly horsemanship the mock of high-bred courtiers. In
fact, he was bourgeois through and through, and not at ease with the
aristocrats. He was thrifty bourgeois too; so often called miserly as well as
malicious that it is pleasant to remember certain illustrations of his nobler side.
The man who offered to resign his own pension if that of old disfavored
Corneille might be continued, and when the latter was forced to sell his library,
paid him its full value and then left him in lifelong possession,--was generous
if he did love to save sous. His was a fine independence, which felt his art too
lofty for purchase, and would accept nothing from the booksellers.
He had always wished to be a poet. Feeble of body, asthmatic, and in later life
deaf and almost deprived of voice, he found in writing all the charm of a
brilliant and ingenious game. Then too he had something definite to say, as all
his work consistently testifies. Neither rich nor poor, without family cares, he
could give himself unreservedly to authorship. In 1660 he published a satire
upon the vices of Paris, which inaugurated his great success. Seven satires
appeared in 1666, and he afterward added five others. Their malicious wit,
their novel form, the harmonious swing of the couplet rhyme, forced
immediate attention. They held up contemporary literary weaknesses to scorn,
and indulged in the most merciless personalities, sparing not even his own
brother, the poet Gilles Boileau. All retorts upon himself the author bore with
complacent superiority which forced his adversaries to feel worsted.
From 1666 to 1774 most of the 'Epistles' were written; and also his best known
work, 'L'Art poétique' (The Art of Poetry). In the satires he had been
destructive, but he was too practical to be negative. The 'Art of Poetry,'
modeled after Horace's work of that name, offers the theory of poetic
composition. It is a work in four cantos of couplets: the first setting forth
general rules of metrical composition; the second a dissertation upon different
forms--ode, sonnet, pastoral, and others; the third treating tragedy, comedy,
and epic poetry; and the last consisting of general reflections and advice to
authors. Briefly stated, Boileau's desire was to establish literature upon a

Page 264

foundation of unchanging laws. Why did some works speedily die while others
endure through the centuries? Because works akin to the eternal classics did
not, like much contemporary writing, reflect the trivial and evanescent. They
contained what is perennially true of humanity; and stated this in a simple,
interesting, and reasonable way. Above all, Boileau demands truth in subject,
and the conscientious workmanship which finds the most suitable form of
expression. To see a word at the end of a couplet only because it rhymes with
the word above it, he finds inexcusable. Without a method resulting in unity,
clearness, and proportion, writing is not literature. Later, in his 'Reflections
upon Longinus,' Boileau repeated and emphasized these views.
His mock-heroic poem 'Le Lutrin' (The Reading-Desk), ridiculing clerical
pettinesses, was strong in realistic descriptions, and was perhaps his most
popular work.
A modern poet's definition of poetry as "the heat and height of sane emotion"
would have been unintelligible to Boileau. Deficient in imagination, he always
saw life on its material side, and was irritated by any display of emotion not
reducible to logic. So his poetry is sensible, clear argument in exquisitely
careful metre. His great strength lay in a taste which recognized harmony and
fitness instinctively. To us his quality is best translated by the dainty, perfect
couplets of his imitator Pope. His talent, essentially French in its love of effect
and classification, has strewn the language with clever saws, and his works
have been studied as authoritative models by generation after generation of
students.
But after all, it is less as a poet than as a critic, "the lawgiver of the French
Parnassus," that the world has always known Boileau, Before him the art of
criticism had hardly existed. Authors had received indiscriminate praise or
blame, usually founded upon interested motives or personal bias; but there had
been little comparison with an acknowledged standard. This "slashing reviewer
in verse," as Saintsbury calls him, was a severe pedagogue, but his public did
learn their lesson. He made mistakes, was neither broad-minded nor profound
in attainments, was occasionally unjust; but he showed readers why they
should praise or blame; taught them appreciation of his greater friends Molière
and Racine; and pointed out to authors what their purpose should be. With a
greater creative power seeking self-expression, he might have accomplished
less in literary reform.

Page 265

ADVICE TO AUTHORS

From 'The Art of Poetry'

There is a kind of writer pleased with sound,
Whose fustian head with clouds is compassed round--
No reason can disperse them with its light;
Learn then to think, ere you pretend to write
As your idea's clear, or else obscure,
The expression follows, perfect or impure;
What we conceive with ease we can express;
Words to the notions flow with readiness.

Observe the language well in all you write,
And swerve not from it in your loftiest flight.
The smoothest verse and the exactest sense
Displease if uncouth language give offense;
A barbarous phrase no reader can approve;
Nor bombast, noise, or affectation love.
In short, without pure language, what you write
Can never yield us profit or delight.

Take time for thinking; never work in haste;
And value not yourself for writing fast;
A rapid poem, with such fury writ,
Shows want of judgment, not abounding wit.
More pleased we are to see a river lead
His gentle streams along a flowery mead,
Than from high banks to hear loud torrents roar,
With foamy waters, on a muddy shore.
Gently make haste, of labor not afraid;
A hundred times consider what you've said;
Polish, repolish, every color lay,
And sometimes add, but oftener take away.

'Tis not enough, when swarming faults are writ,

Page 266

That here and there are scattered sparks of wit;
Each object must be fixed in the true place,
And differing parts have corresponding grace;
Till, by a curious art disposed, we find
One perfect whole of all the pieces joined.
Keep to your subject close in all you say,
Nor for a sounding sentence ever stray.

The public censure for your writings fear,
And to yourself be critic most' severe;
Fantastic wits their darling follies love,
But find you faithful friends that will reprove,
That on your works may look with careful eyes,
And of your faults be zealous enemies.
Lay by an author's pride and vanity,
And from a friend a flatterer descry,
Who seems to like, but means not what he says;
Embrace true counsel, but suspect false praise.

A sycophant will everything admire;
Each verse, each sentence, sets his soul on fire;
All is divine! there's not a word amiss!
He shakes with joy and weeps with tenderness;
He overpowers you with his mighty praise.

Truth never moves in those impetuous ways.
A faithful friend is careful of your fame,
And freely will your heedless errors blame;
He cannot pardon a neglected line,
But verse to rule and order will confine,
Reprove of words the too-affected sound,--
"Here the sense flags, and your expression's bound,
Your fancy tires, and your discourse grows vain;
Your term's improper;--make it just and plain."
Thus 'tis a faithful friend will freedom use.
But authors partial to their darling muse
Think to protect it they have just pretense,
And at your friendly counsel take offense.
"Said you of this, that the expression's flat?

Page 267

Your servant, sir, you must excuse me that,"
He answers you. "This word has here no grace,
Pray leave it out."--"That, sir, 's the properest place."

"This term I like not."--"'Tis approved by all."
Thus, resolute not from one fault to fall,
If there's a symbol as to which you doubt,
'Tis a sure reason not to blot it out.
Yet still he says you may his faults confute,
And over him your power is absolute.
But of his feigned humility take heed:
'Tis a bait laid to make you hear him read;
And when he leaves you, happy in his muse,
Restless he runs some other to abuse.

And often finds; for in our scribbling times
No fool can lack a fool to praise his rhymes;
The flattest work has here within the court
Met with some zealous ass for its support;
And in all times a forward scribbling fop
Has found some greater fool to cry him up.

THE PASTORAL, THE ELEGY, THE ODE, AND
THE EPIGRAM

From 'The Art of Poetry'

As A fair nymph, when rising from her bed,
With sparkling diamonds dresses not her head,
But without gold, or pearl, or costly scents,
Gathers from neighboring fields her ornaments:
Such, lovely in its dress, but plain withal,
Ought to appear a perfect Pastoral.
Its humble method nothing has of fierce,
But hates the rattling of a lofty verse;
There native beauty pleases and excites,

Page 268

And never with harsh sounds the ear affrights.

But in this style a poet, often spent
In rage, throws by his rural instrument,
And vainly, when disordered thoughts abound,
Amidst the eclogue makes the trumpet sound;
Pan flies alarmed into the neighboring woods,
And frighted nymphs dive down into the floods.

Opposed to this, another, low in style,
Makes shepherds speak a language low and vile;
His writings, flat and heavy, without sound,
Kissing the earth and creeping on the ground;
You'd swear that Randal, in his rustic strains,
Again was quavering to the country swains,
And changing, without care of sound or dress,
Strephon and Phyllis into Tom and Bess.

'Twixt these extremes 'tis hard to keep the right:
For guides take Virgil and read Theocrite;
Be their just writings, by the gods inspired,
Your constant pattern, practiced and admired.
By them alone you'll easy comprehend
How poets without shame may condescend
To sing of gardens, fields, of flowers and fruit,
To stir up shepherds and to tune the flute;

Of love's rewards to tell the happy hour,
Daphne a tree, Narcissus make a flower,
And by what means the eclogue yet has power
To make the woods worthy a conqueror;
This of their writings is the grace and flight;
Their risings lofty, yet not out of sight.

The Elegy, that loves a mournful style,
With unbound hair weeps at a funeral pile;
It paints the lover's torments and delights,
A mistress flatters, threatens, and invites;
But well these raptures if you'll make us see,

Page 269

You must know love as well as poetry.

I hate those lukewarm authors, whose forced fire
In a cold style describes a hot desire;
That sigh by rule, and raging in cold blood,
Their sluggish muse whip to an amorous mood.
Their transports feigned appear but flat and vain;
They always sigh, and always hug their chain,
Adore their prisons and their sufferings bless,
Make sense and reason quarrel as they please.
'Twas not of old in this affected tone
That smooth Tibullus made his amorous moan;
Nor Ovid, when, instructed from above,
By nature's rule he taught the art of love.
The heart in elegies forms the discourse.

The Ode is bolder and has greater force;
Mounting to heaven in her ambitious flight,
Amongst the gods and heroes takes delight;
Of Pisa's wrestlers tells the sinewy force,
And sings the lusty conqueror's glorious course;
To Simois's streams does fierce Achilles bring,
And makes the Ganges bow to Britain's king.
Sometimes she flies like an industrious bee,
And robs the flowers by nature's chemistry;
Describes the shepherd's dances, feasts, and bliss,
And boasts from Phyllis to surprise a kiss,
When gently she resists with feigned remorse,
That what she grants may seem to be by force.
Her generous style at random oft will part,
And by a brave disorder shows her art.

Unlike those fearful poets whose cold rime
In all their raptures keeps exactest time;
That sing the illustrious hero's mighty praise--
Lean writers!--by the terms of weeks and days,
And dare not from least circumstances part,
But take all towns by strictest rules of art.
Apollo drives those fops from his abode;

Page 270

And some have said that once the humorous god,
Resolving all such scribblers to confound,
For the short Sonnet ordered this strict bound,
Set rules for the just measure and the time,
The easy-running and alternate rime;
But above all, those licenses denied
Which in these writings the lame sense supplied,
Forbade a useless line should find a place,
Or a repeated word appear with grace.
A faultless sonnet, finished thus, would be
Worth tedious volumes of loose poetry.
A hundred scribbling authors, without ground,
Believe they have this only phoenix found,
When yet the exactest scarce have two or three,
Among whole tomes, from faults and censure free;
The rest, but little read, regarded less,
Are shoveled to the pastry from the press.
Closing the sense within the measured time,
'Tis hard to fit the reason to the rime.

The Epigram, with little art composed,
Is one good sentence in a distich closed.
These points, that by Italians first were prized,
Our ancient authors knew not, or despised;
The vulgar, dazzled with their glaring light,
To their false pleasures quickly they invite;
But public favor so increased their pride,
They overwhelmed Parnassus with their tide.

The Madrigal at first was overcome,
And the proud Sonnet fell by the same doom;
With these grave Tragedy adorned her flights,
And mournful Elegy her funeral rites,
A hero never failed them on the stage:
Without his point a lover durst not rage;
The amorous shepherds took more care to prove
True to his point, than faithful to their love.
Each word, like Janus, had a double face,
And prose, as well as verse, allowed it place;

Page 271

The lawyer with conceits adorned his speech,
The parson without quibbling could not preach.
At last affronted reason looked about,
And from all serious matters shut them out;
Declared that none should use them without shame,
Except a scattering, in the epigram--
Provided that by art, and in due time,
They turned upon the thought, and not the rime.
Thus in all parts disorders did abate;
Yet quibblers in the court had leave to prate,
Insipid jesters and unpleasant fools,
A corporation of dull, punning drolls.
'Tis not but that sometimes a dextrous muse
May with advantage a turned sense abuse,
And on a word may trifle with address;
But above all, avoid the fond excess,
And think not, when your verse and sense are lame,
With a dull point to tag your epigram.

TO MOLIÈRE

From 'The Satires'

Unequaled genius, whose warm fancy knows
No rhyming labor, no poetic throes;
To whom Apollo has unlocked his store;
Whose coin is struck from pure Parnassian ore;
Thou, dextrous master, teach thy skill to me,
And tell me, Molière, how to1 rhyme like thee!

You never falter when the close comes round,
Or leave the substance to preserve the sound;
You never wander after words that fly,
For all the words you need before you lie.
But I, who--smarting for my sins of late--
With itch of rhyme am visited by fate,

Page 272

Expend on air my unavailing force,
And, hunting sounds, am sweated like a horse.
In vain I often muse from dawn till night:
When I mean black, my stubborn verse says white;
If I should paint a coxcomb's flippant mien,
I scarcely can forbear to name the Dean;
If asked to tell the strains that purest flow,
My heart says Virgil, but my pen Quinault;
In short, whatever I attempt to say,
Mischance conducts me quite the other way.

At times, fatigued and fretted with the pain,
When every effort for relief is vain,
The fruitless chase I peevishly give o'er,
And swear a thousand times to write no more:
But, after thousand vows, perhaps by chance,
Before my careless eyes the couplets dance.
Then with new force my flame bursts out again,
Pleased I resume the paper and the pen;
And, all my anger and my oaths forgot,
I calmly muse and resolutely blot.

Yet, if my eager hand, in haste to rhyme,
Should tack an empty couplet at a time,
Great names who do the same I might adduce;
Nay, some who keep such hirelings for their use.
Need blooming Phyllis be described in prose
By any lover who has seen a rose?
Who can forget heaven's masterpiece, her eye,
Where, within call, the Loves and Graces lie?
Who can forget her smile, devoid of art,
Her heavenly sweetness and her frozen heart?
How easy thus forever to compound,
And ring new changes on recurring sound;
How easy, with a reasonable store
Of useful epithets repeated o'er,
Verb, substantive, and pronoun, to transpose,
And into tinkling metre hitch dull prose.
But I--who tremble o'er each word I use,

Page 273

And all that do not aid the sense refuse,
Who cannot bear those phrases out of place
Which rhymers stuff into a vacant space--Ponder
my scrupulous verses o'er and o'er,
And when I write five words, oft blot out four.

Plague on the fool who taught us to confine
The swelling thought within a measured line;
Who first in narrow thraldom fancy pent,
And chained in rhyme each pinioned sentiment.
Without this toil, contentment's soothing balm
Might lull my languid soul in listless calm:
Like the smooth prebend how might I recline,
And loiter life in mirth and song and wine!
Roused by no labor, with no care opprest,
Pass all my nights in sleep, my days in rest.
My passions and desires obey the rein;
No mad ambition fires my temperate vein;
The schemes of busy greatness I decline,
Nor kneel in palaces at Fortune's shrine.
In short, my life had been supremely blest
If envious rhyme had not disturbed my rest:
But since this freakish fiend began to roll
His idle vapors o'er my troubled soul,
Since first I longed in polished verse to please,
And wrote with labor to be read with ease,
Nailed to my chair, day after day I pore
On what I write and what I wrote before;
Retouch each line, each epithet review,
Or burn the paper and begin anew.
While thus my labors lengthen into years,
I envy all the race of sonneteers.

Hail, happy Scudére! whose prolific brain
Brings forth a monthly volume without pain;
What though thy works, offending every rule,
Proclaim their author an insipid fool;
Still have they found, whate'er the critic says,
Traders to buy and emptier fools to praise.

Page 274

And, truly, if in rhymes the couplets close,
What should it matter that the rest is prose?
Who stickles now for antiquated saws,
Or cramps his verses with pedantic laws?
The fool can welcome every word he meets,
With placid joy contemplating his feats;
And while each stanza swells his wondering breast
Admires them all, yet thinks the last the best.
But towering Genius, hopeless to attain
That unknown summit which he pants to gain,
Displeased himself, enchanting all beside,
Scorns each past effort that his strength supplied,
And filling every reader with delight,
Repents the hour when he began to write.

To you, who know how justly I complain,
To you I turn for medicine to my pain!
Grant me your talent, and impart your store,
Or teach me, Molière, how to rhyme no more.

Page 275

GASTON BOISSIER
(1823-)

arie Louis Gaston Boissier is known in Paris as one of the most prominent
professors of the Collège de France, and to the outside world as the author of a
number of scholarly books of essays, most of them on Roman subjects. Born at
Nîmes in 1823, his life has been devoted entirely to literature. Soon after his
graduation from the École Normale he was made professor of rhetoric at
Angoulême, and later held the same position at Nîmes. He has received the
degree of Doctor, and occupied a number of high positions, culminating in that
of professor of Latin poetry in the Collège de France, which he still holds. His
works have a high value in the world of scholars, and have won him the red
ribbon of the Legion of Honor, as well as a seat in the Académie Française,
which he entered in 1876. His best known works, 'Cicero et ses Amis' (Cicero
and His Friends), was crowned by the Académie; and 'Proménades
Archéologiques, Rome et Naples,' written in 1880, has been translated into
English, as has also his life of Madame de Sévigné, which contains many
charming bits of comment on the seventeenth century. As a biographer, and
also as a historian, he is quiet and accurate--never dry. He has great charm of
style, and writes with elegance, correctness, clearness, and originality. He
contributes largely, also, to the Revue des Deux Mondes and to scientific
publications.

Gaston Boissier. MADAME DE SÉVIGNÉ AS A LETTER-
WRITER

From the 'Life of Madame de Sévigné'

Page 276

The passages just cited appear so simple, and utter so naturally what we all
experience, that they are read the first time without surprise. There seems
nothing remarkable about them except this very simplicity and naturalness.
Now, these are not the qualities which attract attention. It is difficult to
appreciate them in works where they occur, and it is only by reading works
where they are lacking that we realize all their importance. But here, as soon as
we reflect, we are astonished to perceive that this great emotion is expressed in
language strong, confident, and correct, with no hesitation and no bungling.
The lively sequence of these complaints implies that they were poured forth all
at once, in a single outburst; and yet the perfection of the style seems
impossible of attainment without some study and some retouching. It is
sometimes said that a strong passion at once creates the language to express it.
I greatly doubt this. On the contrary, it seems to me that when the soul is
violently agitated, the words by which we try to express our feelings always
appear dull and cold; we are tempted to make use of exaggerated and far-
fetched expressions in order to rise to the level of our sorrow or joy. Hence
come sometimes excessive terms, discordant metaphors. We might be inclined
to regard these as thought out at leisure and in cold blood, while on the
contrary they are the product of the first impulse of the effort we instinctively
make to find an expression corresponding to the intensity of our passion. There
is nothing of this kind in Madame de Sévigné's letters; and however violent her
grief may be, it always speaks in accurate and fitting language. This is a
valuable quality, and one extremely rare. That we may not be surprised at
finding it so highly developed in her, we need only remember what has just
been said of the way in which she was unconsciously prepared to become a
great writer.
Another characteristic of Madame de Sévigné's letters, not less remarkable, is
that generally her most loving messages are cleverly expressed. I do not refer
merely to certain isolated phrases that have sometimes appeared rather
affected. "The north wind bound for Grignan makes me ache for your chest."
"My dear, how the burden within you weighs me down!" "I dare not read your
letters for fear of having read them." These are only occasional flashes; but
almost always, when on the point of giving way to all her emotion, she gives
her phrase an ingenious turn, she makes witty observations, is bright, pleasing,
elegant. All this seems to some readers to proceed from a mind quite self-

Page 277

possessed, and not so far affected by passion as to be inattentive to elegant
diction.
Just now I placed naturalness among Madame de Sévigné's leading qualities.
There are those who are not of this opinion, and contend that naturalness is just
the merit she most lacks; but we must define our meaning. Naturalness for
each one is what is conformable to his nature; and as each one of us has a
nature of his own very different from that of his neighbors, naturalness cannot
be exactly the same in every instance. Moreover, education and habit give us
each a second nature which often has more control over us than the original
one. In the society in which Madame de Sévigné lived, people made a point of
speaking wittily. The first few times one appeared in this society, it required a
little study and effort to assume the same tone as the rest. One had to be on the
watch for those pleasant repartees that, among the frequenters of the
Rambouillet and Richelieu houses, gave the new-comer a good reputation; but
after a while these happy sayings came unsought. To persons trained in such a
school, what might at first sight appear subtle and refined is ordinary and
natural. Whether they speak or write, their ideas take a certain form which is
not the usual one; and bright, witty, and dainty phrases, which would require
labor from others, occur to them spontaneously.
To be sure, I do not mean that Madame de Sévigné wrote well without
knowing it. This is a thing of which a witty woman always has an inkling; and
besides, her friends did not permit her to be ignorant of it. "Your letters are
delightful," they told her, "and you are like your letters." It was all the easier to
believe this, because she paid to herself in a whisper such compliments as
others addressed to her aloud. One day, when she had recently written to her
friend Dr. Bourdelot, she said to her daughter, "Brava! what a good answer I
sent him! That is a foolish thing to say, but I had a good, wide-awake pen that
day." It is very delightful to feel that one has wit, and we can understand how
Madame de Sévigné might sometimes have yielded to this feeling with some
satisfaction. In her most private correspondence, that in which she least
thought of the public, we might note certain passages in which she takes
pleasure in elaborating and decorating her thought, and in adding to it new
details more and more dainty and ingenious. This she does without effort, to
satisfy her own taste and to give herself the pleasure of expressing her thought
agreeably. It has been remarked that good talkers are not sensitive to the
praises of others only: they also wish to please themselves, independently of
the public around them; and like to hear themselves talk. It might be said in the

Page 278

same sense that Madame de Sévigné sometimes likes to see herself write. This
is one of those pretty artifices which in women do not exclude sincerity, and
which may be united with naturalness. Copyrighted by A.C. McClurg and
Company, Chicago.

FRENCH SOCIETY IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

From the (Life of Madame de Sévigné)

Studying the seventeenth century in the histories is one thing, and seeking to
become acquainted with it by reading contemporary letters is another and a far
different thing. The two procedures give rise to conflicting impressions.
Historians, taking a bird's-eye view of their subject, portray its most general
characteristics; they bring out only the prominent features, and sacrificing all
the rest, draw pictures whose precision and simplicity captivate our minds. We
finally get into the habit of seeing an epoch as they have painted it, and cannot
imagine there was anything in it besides the qualities they specify. But when
we read letters relating, without alteration or selection, events as they took
place, the opinions of men and things we have drawn from the historians are
greatly modified. We then perceive that good and evil are at all times mingled,
and even that the proportions of the mixture vary less than one would think.
Cousin says somewhere, "In a great age all is great." It is just the contrary that
is true: there is no age so great that there is not much littleness about it; and if
we undertake to study history we should expect this, so as not to reckon
without our host. No epoch has been more celebrated, more admired, than the
reign of Louis XIV.; there is danger lest the correspondence of Madame de
Sévigné may much abate the warmth of our admiration. She is constantly
telling strange stories that compel us to pause and reflect. When, in a society
represented as so noble, so delicate, so regular, we meet with so many
shameful disorders, so many ill-assorted households, so many persons whose
fortunes are sustained only by dishonest expedients, with great lords buying
and not paying, promising and not keeping their word, borrowing and never
returning, kneeling before ministers and ministers' mistresses, cheating at play
like M. de Cessac, living like Caderousse at the expense of a great lady,
surrendering like Soubise a wife to the king, or like Villarceaux a niece, or

Page 279

insisting with Bussy that "the chariest of their honor should be delighted when
such a good fortune befalls their family,"--it seems to me we have a right to
conclude that people then were hardly our superiors; that perhaps in some
points we are better than they were; and that in any case it is not worth while
to set them up as models to the disparagement of our own times.
In one respect, however, they were unlike us. In those days there were certain
subjects on which people were generally agreed, and these were precisely the
subjects that now give rise to the greatest divisions,--religion and politics. Not
that all were pious then,--far from it,--but almost all were believers, and almost
none contested the principle of royal authority. To-day, religious belief and
belief in monarchy are well-nigh extinct; and there are hardly any left of those
commonly received opinions, escaped by none, impregnating all, breathed in
like the air, and always found at the bottom of the heart on occasions of grave
need, despite all the inward changes that experience has wrought. Is this a
good or an evil? Should we rejoice at it or regret it? Each one will answer
according to his character and inclinations. Daring minds that feel strong
enough to form their own convictions are glad to be delivered from prejudices
interfering with independence of opinion, glad to have free scope. But the rest,
who form the vast majority, who are without such high aims, and whose life is
moreover taken up with other cares, are troubled, uncertain, ill at ease, when
they have to settle these great problems independently. They regret that they
can no longer find the solutions all worked out, and sadly repeat with Jocelyn:-
-

"Ah, why was I born in days stormy and dread,
When the pilgrim of life hath no rest for his head;
When the way disappears; when the spent human
mind,
Groping, doubting, still strives some new pathway to
find,
Unable to trust in the hopes of the Old
Or to strike out a New from its perishing mold!"

This sort of anguish of spirit was unknown in the seventeenth century, as
Madame de Sévigné's letters clearly show.

Page 280

HOW HORACE LIVED AT HIS COUNTRY HOUSE

From 'The Country of Horace and Virgil'

It is very annoying that Horace, who has described with so many details the
employment of his days while he remained in Rome, should not have thought
it necessary to tell us as clearly how he spent his life in the country. The only
thing we know with certainty is that he was very happy there: he for the first
time tasted the pleasure of being a proprietor. "I take my meals," said he,
"before household gods that are mine own" ("ante larem proprium vescor"). To
have a hearth and domestic gods, to fix his life in a dwelling of which he was
the master, was the greatest happiness that could befall a Roman. To enjoy it,
Horace had waited until he was more than thirty years of age. We have seen
that his domain, when he took possession of it, was very much neglected, and
that the house was falling into ruins. He first had to build and plant. Do not let
us pity him; these cares have their charms. One loves one's house when one
has built or repaired it, and the very trouble our land costs us attaches us to it.
He came to it as often as he could, and always with pleasure. Everything
served him as a pretext to leave Rome. It was too hot there, or too cold; the
Saturnalia were approaching--an unbearable time of the year, when all the
town was out of doors; it was the moment to finish a work which Mæcenas
had pressingly required. Well, how could anything good be done at Rome,
where the noises of the street, the bustle of intercourse, the troublesome people
one has to visit or receive, the bad verses one has to listen to, take up the best
part of your time? So he put Plato with Menander into his portmanteau, took
with him the work he had begun, promising to do wonders, and started for
Tibur. But when he was at home, his good resolutions did not hold out. He had
something to do quite different from shutting himself up in his study. He had to
chat with his farmer, and superintend his laborers. He went to see them at
work, and sometimes lent a hand himself. He dug the spade into the field, took
out the stones, etc., to the great amusement of the neighbors, who marveled
both at his ardor and his clumsiness:--

"Rident vicini glebas et saxa moventem."

Page 281

In the evening he received at his table a few of the neighboring proprietors.
They were honest folk, who did not speak ill of their neighbors, and who,
unlike the fops of Rome, had not for sole topic of conversation the races or the
theatre. They handled most serious questions, and their rustic wisdom found
ready expression in proverbs and apologues. What pleased Horace above all at
these country dinners was that etiquette was laughed at, that everything was
simple and frugal, that one did not feel constrained to obey those silly laws
which Varro had drawn up, and which had become the code of good company.
Nobody thought of electing a king of the feast, to fix for the guests the number
of cups that must be drained. Every one ate according to his hunger and drank
according to his thirst. "They were," said Horace, "divine repasts" ("O noctes
cenæque Deum").
Yet he did not always stay at home, however great the pleasure he felt in being
there. This steady-going, regular man thought it right from time to time to put
a little irregularity into one's life. Does not a Grecian sage--Aristotle, I think--
recommend that one excess per month be indulged in, in the interest of health?
It serves at least to break the round of habit. Such also was the opinion of
Horace. Although the most moderate of men, he found it pleasant to commit an
occasional wildness ("dulce est desipere in loco"). With age these outbursts
had become less frequent, yet he still loved to break the sage uniformity of his
existence by some pleasure jaunt. Then he returned to Præneste, to Baiæ, or to
Tarentum, which he had loved so much in his youth. Once he was unfaithful to
these old affections, and chose for the goal of his journey spots that were new
to him. The occasion of the change was this: Antonius Musa, a Greek
physician, had just cured Augustus of a dangerous illness, which it had been
thought must prove fatal, by means of cold water. Hydrotherapeutics at once
became fashionable. People deserted the thermal springs, formerly so much
sought after, to go off to Clusium, to Gabii, into the mountains, where springs
of icy water were found. Horace did like the rest. In the winter of the year 730,
instead of going as usual towards Baiæ, he turned his little steed towards
Salerno and Velia. This was the affair of a season. Next year Marullus, the
Emperor's son-in-law and heir, falling very ill, Antonius Musa was hastily sent
for, and applied his usual remedy. But the remedy no longer healed, and
hydrotherapeutics, which had saved Augustus, did not prevent Marullus from
dying. They were at once forsaken, and the sick again began following the
road to Baiæ.

Page 282

When Horace started on these extraordinary journeys, he took a change of diet.
"At home," said he, "I can put up with anything; my Sabine table wine seems
to me delicious; and I regale myself with vegetables from my garden seasoned
with a slice of bacon. But when I have once left my house, I become more
particular, and beans, beloved though they be of Pythagoras, no longer suffice
me." So before starting in the direction of Salerno, where he did not often go,
he takes the precaution to question one of his friends as to the resources of the
country; whether one can get fish, hares, and venison there, that he may come
back home again as fat as a Phæacian. Above all, he is anxious to know what is
drunk in those parts. He wants a generous wine to make him eloquent, and
"which will give him strength, and rejuvenate him in the eyes of his young
Lucanian sweetheart." We see he pushes precaution a considerable length. He
was not rich enough to possess a house of his own at Baiæ, Præneste, or
Salerno, the spots frequented by all the Roman fashionable world, but he had
his wonted lodgings ("deversoria nota"), where he used to put up. When
Seneca was at Baiæ, he lived above a public bath, and he has furnished us a
very amusing account of the sounds of all kinds that troubled his rest. Horace,
who liked his ease and wished to be quiet, could not make a very long stay in
those noisy places. His whim gratified, he returned as soon as possible to his
peaceful house amid the fields, and I can well imagine that those few fatiguing
weeks made it seem more pleasant and more sweet to him.
One cannot read his works carefully without noticing that his affection for his
country estate goes on constantly increasing. At first, when he had passed a
few weeks there, the memory of Rome used to re-awaken in his thoughts.
Those large towns, which we hate when we are forced to live in them, have
only to be left in order to be regretted! When Horace's slave, taking an unfair
advantage of the liberty of the Saturnalia, tells his master so many unpleasant
things, he reproaches him with never being pleased where he is:--

"Romæ rus optas, absentem villicus urbem
Tollis ad astra levis?"

He was himself very much vexed at his inconstancy, and accused himself of
"only loving Rome when he was at Tibur, and only thinking of Tibur from the
moment he found himself in Rome." However, he cured himself at last of this
levity, which annoyed him so much. To this he bears witness in his own favor
in the letter addressed to his farmer, where he strives to convince him that one
may be happy without having a public-house next door. "As for me," he tells

Page 283

him, "thou knowest that I am self-consistent, and that each time hated business
recalls me to Rome I leave this spot with sadness." He doubtless arranged
matters so as to live more and more at his country house. He looked forward to
a time when it would be possible for him scarcely ever to leave it, and counted
upon it to enable him to bear more lightly the weight of his closing years.
They are heavy, whatever one may do, and age never comes without bringing
many griefs. Firstly, the long-lived must needs leave many friends upon the
way. Horace lost some to whom he was very tenderly attached. He had the
misfortune to survive Virgil and Tibullus ten years. What regrets he must have
felt on the death of the great poet, of whom he said he "knew no soul more
bright, and had no better friend"! The great success of Virgil's posthumous
work could only have half consoled him for his loss, for he regretted in him the
man as well as the poet. He had also great cause to grieve for Mæcenas, whom
he so dearly loved. This favorite of the Emperor, this king of fashion, whose
fortune all men envied, finished by being very unhappy. It is all very well to
take every kind of precaution in order to insure one's happiness--to fly from
business, to seek pleasure, to amass wealth, to gather clever men about one, to
surround one's self with all the charms of existence; however one may try to
shut the door on them, troubles and sorrows find a way in. The saddest of it all
is that Mæcenas was first unhappy through his own fault. Somewhat late in life
this prudent, wise man had been foolish enough to marry a coquette, and to fall
deeply in love with her. He had rivals, and among them the Emperor himself,
of whom he dared not be jealous. He who had laughed so much at others
afforded the Romans a comedy at his own expense. His time was passed in
leaving Terentia and taking her back again. "He has been married more than a
hundred times," said Seneca, "although he has had but one wife." To these
domestic troubles illness was added. His health had never been good, and age
and sorrows made it worse. Pliny tells us that he passed three whole years
without being able to sleep. Enduring pain badly, he grieved his friends beyond
measure by his groans. Horace, with whom he continually conversed about his
approaching end, answered him in beautiful verses:--

"Thou, Mæcenas, die first! Thou, stay of my fortune,
adornment of my life! The gods will not allow it, and I
will not consent. Ah! if Fate, hastening its blows,
should tear from me part of myself in thee, what would
betide the other? What should I henceforth do, hateful
unto myself, and but half of myself surviving?"

Page 284

In the midst of these sorrows, Horace himself felt that he was growing old. The
hour when one finds one's self face to face with age is a serious one. Cicero,
when approaching it, tried to give himself courage in advance, and being
accustomed to console himself for everything by writing, he composed his 'De
Senectute,' a charming book in which he tries to deck the closing years of life
with certain beauties. He had not to make use of the consolations which he
prepared for himself, so we do not know whether he would have found them
sufficient when the moment came. That spirit, so young, so full of life, would I
fear have resigned itself with difficulty to the inevitable decadences of age.
Nor did Horace love old age, and in his 'Ars Poetica' he has drawn a somewhat
gloomy picture of it. He had all the more reason to detest it because it came to
him rather early. In one of those passages where he so willingly gives us the
description of his person, he tells us that his hair whitened quickly. As a climax
of misfortune he had grown very fat, and being short, his corpulence was very
unbecoming to him. Augustus, in a letter, compares him to one of those
measures of liquids which are broader than they are high. If, in spite of these
too evident signs which warned him of his age, he had tried to deceive himself,
there was no lack of persons to disabuse him. There was the porter of Neæra,
who no longer allowed his slave to enter; an affront which Horace was obliged
to put up with without complaining. "My hair whitening," said he, "warns me
not to quarrel. I should not have been so patient in the time of my boiling
youth, when Plancus was consul." Then it was Neæra herself who declined to
come when he summoned her, and again resigning himself with a good enough
grace, the poor poet found that after all she was right, and that it was natural
love should prefer youth to ripened age.

"Ahi,
Quo blandæ juvenum te revocant preces."

Fortunately he was not of a melancholy disposition, like his friends Tibullus
and Virgil. He even had opinions on the subject of melancholy which differ
widely from ours. Whereas, since Lamartine, we have assumed the habit of
regarding sadness as one of the essential elements of poetry, he thought on the
contrary that poetry has the privilege of preventing us from being sad. "A man
protected by the Muses," said he, "flings cares and sorrows to the winds to
bear away." His philosophy had taught him not to revolt against inevitable ills.
However painful they be, one makes them lighter by bearing them. So he
accepted old age because it cannot be eluded, and because no means have yet
been found of living long without growing old. Death itself did not frighten

Page 285

him. He was not of those who reconcile themselves to it as well as they can by
never thinking about it. On the contrary, he counsels us to have it always in
mind. "Think that the day which lights you is the last you have to live. The
morrow will have more charm for you if you have not hoped to see it:"--

"Omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum;
Grata superveniet quæ non sperabitur hora."

This is not, as might be supposed, one of those bravadoes of the timid, who
shout before Death in order to deaden the sound of his footsteps. Horace was
never more calm, more energetic, more master of his mind and of his soul,
than in the works of his ripe age. The last lines of his that remain to us are the
firmest and most serene he ever wrote.
Then, more than ever, must he have loved the little Sabine valley. When we
visit these beautiful tranquil spots, we tell ourselves that they appear made to
shelter the declining years of a sage. It seems as if with old servants, a few
faithful friends, and a stock of well-chosen books, the time must pass there
without sadness. But I must stop. Since Horace has not taken us into his
confidence respecting his last years, and nobody after him has told us of them,
we are reduced to form conjectures, and we should put as few of them as
possible into the life of a man who loved truth so well.
Copyrighted by G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York.

Page 286

GEORGE H. BOKER
(1823-1890)

r. Boker was a man of leisure by inheritance, and a scholar and author by
training and choice. His work is usually deliberate, careful, and polished: the
work of a man of solid culture, of much experience and knowledge of the
world; of a man of dignity and social position, not a Bohemian. It is
thoughtfully planned and carefully executed, but not written through
inspiration or prompted by passion. Yet it does not lack vigor, nor are his
puppets merely automata. His plays have life and force; and they are moreover
good acting dramas. 'Francesca da Rimini' especially, with Lawrence Barrett in
the role of Lanciotto, was decidedly successful on the stage. In keeping with
the character of his work, the scenes of his plays are all laid in foreign
countries and in other times: Portugal, England, Spain, and Italy are the fields
in which his characters play their parts. His personages have an individuality
of their own and are consistently drawn; the action is lively, the humor is
natural and a needful foil to the tragedy.
Mr. Boker was fond of the sonnet, as poets are apt to be
who have once yielded to its attraction, and he used it
with much effect. But chiefly his poems of the Civil War
will make his name remembered. His lyre responded
sympathetically to the heroic deeds which characterized
that conflict--not always with the smoothness and polish
of his more studied work, but worthily, and in the spirit
George H. Boker.of the time.

He was born in Philadelphia, October 6th, 1823, and died there January 2d,
1890. He was graduated from Princeton in 1842, and after studying law and
traveling for a number of years in Europe, settled down in his native city,
where most of his life was spent. He was Minister to Turkey from 1871 to
1875, and Minister to Russia from 1875 to 1879. His first volume, 'The Lesson
of Life and other Poems,' was published in 1847, and was followed by various
plays.--'Calaynos,' 'Anne Boleyn,' 'The Betrothal,' 'Leonor de Guzman,'

Page 287

'Francesca da Rimini,' etc., which, with some shorter pieces, were collected in
'Plays and Poems,' published in 1856. His 'Poems of the War' appeared in
1864, and still later a number of other volumes: 'Street Lyrics,' 'Our Heroic
Themes' (1865), 'Königsmark' (1869), 'The Book of the Dead' (1882), a very
close imitation of 'In Memoriam' in both matter and form, and 'Sonnets'
(1886).

THE BLACK REGIMENT

From 'Plays and Poems'

Port Hudson, May 27th, 1863.

Dark as the clouds of even,
Ranked in the western heaven,
Waiting the breath that lifts
All the dread mass, and drifts
Tempest and falling brand
Over a ruined land;--
So still and orderly,
Arm to arm, knee to knee,
Waiting the great event,
Stands the black regiment.

Down the long dusky line
Teeth gleam and eyeballs shine;
And the bright bayonet,
Bristling and firmly set,
Flashed with a purpose grand,
Long ere the sharp command
Of the fierce rolling drum
Told them their time had come,
Told them what work was sent
For the black regiment.

"Now," the flag-sergeant cried,

Page 288

"Though death and hell betide,
Let the whole nation see
If we are fit to be
Free in this land; or bound
Down, like the whining hound,--
Bound with red stripes of pain
In our old chains again!"
Oh, what a shout there went
From the black regiment!

"Charge!" Trump and drum awoke,
Onward the bondmen broke;
Bayonet and sabre-stroke
Vainly opposed their rush.
Through the wild battle's crush,
With but one thought aflush,
Driving their lords like chaff,
In the guns' mouths they laugh;
Or at the slippery brands
Leaping with open hands,
Down they tear man and horse,
Down in their awful course;
Trampling with bloody heel
Over the crashing steel,
All their eyes forward bent,
Rushed the black regiment.

"Freedom!" their battle-cry,--
Freedom! or leave to die!"
Ah! and they meant the word,--
Not as with us 'tis heard,
Not a mere party shout:
They gave their spirits out;
Trusted the end to God,
And on the gory sod
Rolled in triumphant blood.
Glad to strike one free blow,
Whether for weal or woe;
Glad to breathe one free breath,

Page 289

Though on the lips of death.

Praying--alas! in vain!--
That they might fall again,
So they could once more see
That bust to liberty!
This was what "freedom" lent
To the black regiment.

Hundreds on hundreds fell;
But they are resting well;
Scourges and shackles strong
Never shall do them wrong.
Oh, to the living few,
Soldiers, be just and true!

Hail them as comrades tried;
Fight with them side by side;
Never, in field or tent,
Scorn the black regiment!

Copyright: permission of George Boker, Esq.

THE SWORD-BEARER

From 'Poems of the War'

March 8th, 1862

Brave Morris saw the day was lost;
For nothing now remained,
On the wrecked and sinking Cumberland,
But to save the flag unstained.

So he swore an oath in the sight of Heaven,--
If he kept it the world can tell:--

Page 290

"Before I strike to a rebel flag,
I'll sink to the gates of hell!

"Here, take my sword; 'tis in my way;
I shall trip o'er the useless steel;
For I'll meet the lot that falls to all
With my shoulder at the wheel."

So the little negro took the sword;
And oh, with what reverent care,
Following his master step by step,
He bore it here and there!

A thought had crept through his sluggish brain,
And shone in his dusky face,
That somehow--he could not tell just how--
'Twas the sword of his trampled race.

And as Morris, great with his lion heart,
Rushed onward from gun to gun,
The little negro slid after him,
Like a shadow in the sun.

But something of pomp and of curious pride
The sable creature wore,
Which at any time but a time like that
Would have made the ship's crew roar.

Over the wounded, dying, and dead,
Like an usher of the rod,
The black page, full of his mighty trust,
With dainty caution trod.

No heed he gave to the flying ball,
No heed to the bursting shell;
His duty was something more than life,
And he strove to do it well.

Down, with our starry flag apeak,

Page 291

In the whirling sea we sank,
And captain and crew and the sword-bearer
Were washed from the bloody plank.

They picked us up from the hungry waves;--
Alas! not all!--"And where,
Where is the faithful negro lad?"--
"Back oars! avast! look there!"

We looked; and, as Heaven may save my soul,
I pledge you a sailor's word,
There, fathoms deep in the sea, he lay,
Still grasping the master's sword!

We drew him out; and many an hour
We wrought with his rigid form,
Ere the almost smothered spark of life
By slow degrees grew warm.

The first dull glance that his eyeballs rolled
Was down towards his shrunken hand;
And he smiled, and closed his eyes again
As they fell on the rescued brand.

And no one touched the sacred sword,
Till at length, when Morris came,
The little negro stretched it out,
With his eager eyes aflame.

And if Morris wrung the poor boy's hand,
And his words seemed hard to speak,
And tears ran down his manly cheeks,
What tongue shall call him weak?

This and the sonnets on next page are copyrighted, and used by permission of
George Boker, Esq.

Page 292

SONNETS

Either the sum of this sweet mutiny
Amongst thy features argues me some harm,
Or else they practice wicked treachery
Against themselves, thy heart, and hapless me.
For as I start aside with blank alarm,
Dreading the glitter which begins to arm
Thy clouded brows, lo! from thy lips I see
A smile come stealing, like a loaded bee,
Heavy with sweets and perfumes, all ablaze
With soft reflections from the flowery wall
Whereon it pauses. Yet I will not raise
One question more, let smile or frown befall,
Taxing thy love where I should only praise,
And asking changes that might change thee all.

Oh for some spirit, some magnetic spark,
That used nor word, nor rhyme, nor balanced pause
Of doubtful phrase, which so supinely draws
My barren verse, and blurs love's shining mark
With misty fancies!--Oh! to burst the dark
Of smothered feeling with some new-found laws,
Hidden in nature, that might bridge the flaws
Between two beings, end this endless cark,
And make hearts know what lips have never said!
Oh! for some spell, by which one soul might move
With echoes from another, and dispread
Contagious music through its chords, above
The touch of mimic art: that thou might'st tread
Beneath thy feet this wordy show of love!

Here let the motions of the world be still!--
Here let Time's fleet and tireless pinions stay
Their endless flight!--or to the present day
Bind my Love's life and mine. I have my fill

Page 293

Of earthly bliss: to move is to meet ill.
Though lavish fortune in my path might lay
Fame, power, and wealth,--the toys that make the play
Of earth's grown children,--I would rather till
The stubborn furrows of an arid land,
Toil with the brute, bear famine and disease,
Drink bitter bondage to the very lees,
Than break our union by love's tender band,
Or drop its glittering shackles from my hand,
To grasp at empty glories such as these.

Page 294

SAINT BONAVENTURA
(1221-1274)

BY THOMAS DAVIDSON

aint Bonaventura, whose original name was Giovanni di Fidenza, was born at
Bagnaréa in Tuscany in 1221. At the age of four he was attacked by a severe
illness, during which his mother appealed to St. Francis for his prayers,
promising that if the child recovered, he should be devoted to God and become
one of Francis's followers. When the child did recover, the saint, seeing him,
exclaimed "O bona ventura!" a name which clung to the boy ever afterwards,
and under which he entered religion and the order of St. Francis in 1243.
Soon after, he went to the then world-renowned university of Paris, where he
had for his teacher an Englishman, Alexander of Hales, the first of the
schoolmen who studied the whole of Aristotle's works, and attempted to
construct a Christian theology on the basis of them. Even at this time the
young Italian's life was so saintly that his master (so it is reported) said of him
that he seemed to have been born without the taint of original sin. He
graduated in the same year as Thomas Aquinas, and immediately afterward
began his career as a public teacher under the auspices of the Franciscan order,
while Thomas did the same under those of the Dominican. These two men, the
greatest of the schoolmen, and the sweetest and sanest of the mystics, were
bosom friends; and one can hardly imagine a loftier friendship.
In 1256, at the early age of thirty-five, he became general of his order, a post
which he held till his death. He did much to ennoble and purify the order, and
to bring it back to orthodoxy, from which then, as nearly always, it was
strongly inclined to swerve. In 1265 Clement V. nominated him to the see of
York; but Bonaventura, unwilling probably to face so rude a climate and
people, persuaded the Pope to withdraw the nomination. A few years later,
under Gregory X., he was raised to the cardinalate and appointed bishop of
Albano. In 1274 he attended the Council of Lyons, and must have been deeply

Page 295

affected when he learned that Thomas Aquinas had died on his way thither.
The success of the efforts of the council to come to terms with the Greeks was
mainly due to him.
This was Bonaventura's last work on earth. He died before the council was
over, and was honored with a funeral whose solemnity and magnificence have
seldom been equaled. It was attended by the Pope, the Eastern Emperor, the
King of Aragon, the patriarchs of Antioch and Constantinople, and a large
number of bishops and priests. His relics were preserved with much reverence
by the Lyonnese until the sixteenth century, when the Huguenots threw them
into the Saône. In 1482 he was canonized by Sixtus IV., and in 1588 declared a
doctor of the Church by Sixtus V. Dante places him in the Heaven of the Sun.
Bonaventura is the sweetest and tenderest of all the mediæval saints. His mode
of teaching was so inspiring that even in his lifetime he was known as the
"Seraphic Doctor." He was a voluminous writer, his works in the Lyons edition
of 1688 filling seven folio volumes. They consist largely of sermons, and
commentaries on the Scriptures and the 'Sentences' of Peter the Lombard.
Besides these, there is a number of 'Opuscula,' mostly of a mystic or
disciplinary tendency. Most famous among these are the 'Breviloquium,'
perhaps the best compend of mediæval Christian theology in existence; and the
'Itinerarium Mentis in Deum,' a complete manual of mysticism, such as was
aspired to by the noblest of the mystics; a work worthy to be placed beside the
'Imitation of Christ,' though of a different sort.
Bonaventura was above all things a mystic; that is, he belonged to that class of
men, numerous in many ages, who, setting small store by the world of
appearance open to science, and even by science itself, seek by asceticism,
meditation, and contemplation to attain a vision of the world of reality, and
finally of the supreme reality, God himself. Such mysticism is almost certainly
derived from the far East; but so far as Europe is concerned it owes its origin
mainly to Plato, and his notion of a world of ideas distinct from the real world,
lying outside of all mind, and attainable only by strict mental discipline. This
notion, simplified by Aristotle into the notion of a transcendent God, eternally
thinking himself, was developed into a hierarchic system of being by the Neo-
Platonists, Plotinus, Porphyry, etc., and from them passed into the Christian
Church, partly through Augustine and the Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita (q.v.),
and partly through the Muslim and Jewish thinkers of later times. Though at
first regarded with suspicion by the Western Church, it was too closely
interwoven with Latin Christianity, and too germane to the spirit of

Page 296

monasticism, not to become popular. Its influence was greatly strengthened by
the mighty personality of that prince of mystics, St. Bernard (1091-1153), from
whom it passed on to the monastery school of St. Victor in Paris, where it was
worthily represented by the two great names of Hugo (1096-1141) and Richard
(1100?-1173). From the writings of these, and from such works as the 'Liber de
Causis,' recently introduced into Europe through the Muslim, Bonaventura
derived that mystical system which he elaborated in his 'Itinerarium' and other
works.
A magnificent edition of his works is now being edited by the fathers of the
College of St. Bonaventura, at Quaracchi, near Florence (1882-). There is a
small, very handy edition of the 'Breviloquium' and 'Itinerarium' together, by
Hefele (Tübingen, 1861).

ON THE BEHOLDING OF GOD IN HIS FOOTSTEPS IN THIS
SENSIBLE WORLD

But since, as regards the mirror of sensible things, we may contemplate God
not only through them as through footprints, but also in them in so far as he is
in them by essence, power, and presence,--and this consideration is loftier than
the preceding; therefore this kind of consideration occupies the second place,
as the second grade of contemplation, whereby we must be guided to the
contemplation of God in all created things which enter our minds through the
bodily senses.
We must observe, therefore, that this sensible world, which is called the
macrocosm--that is, the long world--enters into our soul, which is called the
microcosm--that is, the little world--through the gates of the five senses, as
regards the apprehension, delectation, and distinction of these sensible things;
which is manifest in this way:--In the sensible world some things are generant,
others are generated, and others direct both these. Generant are the simple

Page 297

bodies; that is, the celestial bodies and the four elements. For out of the
elements, through the power of light, reconciling the contrariety of elements in
things mixed, are generated and produced whatever things are generated and
produced by the operation of natural power. Generated are the bodies
composed of the elements, as minerals, vegetables, sensible things, and human
bodies. Directing both these and those are the spiritual substances: whether
altogether conjunct, like the souls of the brutes; or separably conjunct, like
rational souls; or altogether separate, like the celestial spirits; which the
philosophers call Intelligences, we Angels. On these, according to the
philosophers, it devolves to move the heavenly bodies; and for this reason the
administration of the universe is ascribed to them, as receiving from the First
Cause--that is, God--that inflow of virtue which they pour forth again in
relation to the work of government, which has reference to the natural
consistence of things. But according to the theologians the direction of the
universe is ascribed to these same beings, as regards the works of redemption,
with respect to which they are called "ministering spirits, sent forth to do
service for the sake of them that shall inherit salvation."
Man, therefore, who is called the lesser world, has five senses, like five gates,
through which the knowledge of all the things that are in the sensible world
enters into his soul. For through sight there enter the sublime and luminous
bodies and all other colored things; through touch, solid and terrestrial bodies;
through the three intermediate senses, the intermediate bodies; through taste,
the aqueous; through hearing, the aërial; through smell, the vaporable, which
have something of the humid, something of the aërial, and something of the
fiery or hot, as is clear from the fumes that are liberated from spices. There
enter, therefore, through these doors not only the simple bodies, but also the
mixed bodies compounded of these. Seeing then that with sense we perceive
not only these particular sensibles--light, sound, odor, savor, and the four
primary qualities which touch apprehends--but also the common sensibles--
number, magnitude, figure, rest, and motion; and seeing that everything which
moves is moved by something else, and certain things move and rest of
themselves, as do the animals; in apprehending through these five senses the
motions of bodies, we are guided to the knowledge of spiritual motions, as by
an effect to the knowledge of causes.
In the three classes of things, therefore, the whole of this sensible world enters
the human soul through apprehension. These external sensible things are those
which first enter into the soul through the gates of the five senses. They enter, I

Page 298

say, not through their substances, but through their similitudes, generated first
in the medium, and from the medium in the external organ, and from the
external organ in the internal organ, and from this in the apprehensive power;
and thus generation in the medium, and from the medium in the organ, and the
direction of the apprehensive power upon it, produce the apprehension of all
those things which the soul apprehends externally.
This apprehension, if it is directed to a proper object, is followed by delight.
The sense delights in the object perceived through its abstract similitude, either
by reason of its beauty, as in vision, or by reason of its sweetness, as in smell
and hearing, or by reason of its healthfulness, as in taste and touch, properly
speaking. But all delight is by reason of proportion. But since species is the
ground of form, power, and action, according as it has reference to the
principle from which it emanates, the medium into which it passes, or the term
upon which it acts, therefore proportion is observed in three things. It is
observed in similitude, inasmuch as it forms the ground of species or form, and
so is called speciosity, because beauty is nothing but numerical equality, or a
certain disposition of parts accompanied with sweetness of color. It is observed
in so far as it forms the ground of power or virtue, and thus is called sweetness,
when the active virtue does not disproportionally exceed the recipient virtue,
because the sense is depressed by extremes, and delighted by means. It is
observed in so far as it forms the ground of efficacy and impression, which is
proportional when the agent, in impressing, satisfies the need of the patient,
and this is to preserve and nourish it, as appears chiefly in taste and touch. And
thus we see how, by pleasure, external delightful things enter through
similitude into the soul, according to the threefold method of delectation.
After this apprehension and delight there comes discernment, by which we not
only discern whether this thing be white or black (because this alone belongs
to the outer sense), and whether this thing be wholesome or hurtful (because
this belongs to the inner sense), but also discern why this delights and give a
reason therefor. And in this act we inquire into the reason of the delight which
is derived by the sense from the object. This happens when we inquire into the
reason of the beautiful, the sweet, and the wholesome, and discover that it is a
proportion of equality. But a ratio of equality is the same in great things and in
small. It is not extended by dimensions; it does not enter into succession, or
pass with passing things; it is not altered by motions. It abstracts therefore
from place, time, and motion; and for this reason it is immutable,
uncircumscribable, interminable, and altogether spiritual. Discernment, then, is

Page 299

an action which, by purifying and abstracting, makes the sensible species,
sensibly received through the senses, enter into the intellective power. And
thus the whole of this world enters into the human soul by the gates of the five
senses, according to the three aforesaid activities.
All these things are footprints, in which we may behold our God. For, since an
apprehended species is a similitude generated in a medium and then impressed
upon the organ, and through that impression leads to the knowledge of its
principle,--that is, of its object,--it manifestly implies that that eternal light
generates from itself a similitude or splendor co-equal, consubstantial, and co-
eternal; and that He who is the image and similitude of the invisible God, and
the splendor of the glory, and the figure of the substance which is everywhere,
generates by his first generation of himself his own similitude in the form of an
object in the entire medium, unites himself by the grace of union to the
individual of rational nature, as a species to a bodily organ, so that by this
union he may lead us back to the Father as the fontal principle and object. If
therefore all cognizable things generate species of themselves, they clearly
proclaim that in them, as in mirrors, may be seen the eternal generation of the
Word, the Image, and the Son, eternally emanating from God the Father....
Since therefore all things are beautiful, and in a certain way delightful, and
since beauty and delight are inseparable from proportion, and proportion is
primarily in numbers, all things must of necessity be full of number. For this
reason, number is the chief exemplar in the mind of the artificer, and in things
the chief footprint leading to wisdom. Since this is most manifest to all and
most close to God, it leads us most closely and by seven differences to God,
and makes him known in all things, corporeal and sensible. And while we
apprehend numerical things, we delight in numerical proportions, and judge
irrefragably by the laws of these....
For every creature is by nature an effigy and similitude of that eternal Wisdom:
but especially so is that creature which in the book of Scriptures was assumed
by the spirit of prophecy for the prefiguration of spiritual things; more
especially those creatures in whose effigy God was willing to appear for the
angelic ministry; and most especially that creature which he was willing to set
forth as a sign, and which plays the part not only of a sign, as that word is
commonly used, but also of a sacrament.

Page 300

Page 301

GEORGE BORROW
(1803-1881)

BY JULIAN HAWTHORNE

eorge Borrow lived eight-and-seventy years and published ten books. In his
veins was mingled the blood of Cornwall and of Normandy; but though proud
of this strain, he valued still more that personal independence which, together
with his love of strange tongues and his passion for outdoor life, molded his
career. His nature was mystical and eccentric, and he sometimes approached--
though he never crossed--the confines of insanity; yet his instincts were robust
and plain, he was an apostle of English ale and a master of the art of self-
defense, he was an uncompromising champion of the Church of England and
the savage foe of Papistry, he despised "kid-glove gentility" in life and
literature, and delighted to make his spear ring against the hollow shield of
social convention. A nature so complicated and individual, so outspoken and
aggressive, could not slip smoothly along the grooves of civilized existence; he
was soundly loved and hated, but seldom, or never understood. And the
obstinate pride which gave projection to most of his virtues was also at the
bottom of his faults: he better liked to perplex than to open himself to his
associates; he willfully repelled where he might have captivated, Some human
element was wanting in him: he was strong, masculine, subtle, persistent; of a
lofty and austere spirit; too proud even to be personally ambitious; gifted with
humor and insight; fearless and faithful;--but no tenderness, no gentleness, no
inviting human warmth ever appears in him; and though he could reverence
women, and admire them, and appreciate them also from the standpoint of the
senses, they had no determining sway over his life or thought. If there be any
man in English history whom such a summary of traits as this recalls, it is
Dean Swift. Nevertheless Borrow's differences from him are far greater than
the resemblances between them. Giant force was in both of them; both were
enigmas; but the deeper we penetrate into Borrow, the more we like him; not
so with the blue-eyed Dean. Borrow's depths are dark and tortuous, but never
miasmic; and as we grope our way through them, we may stumble upon
treasures, but never upon rottenness.

Page 302

A man who can be assigned to no recognized type--
who flocks by himself, as the saying is--cannot easily
be portrayed: we lose the main design in our struggle
with the details. Indeed, no two portraits of such a man
can be alike: they will vary according to the
temperament and limitations of the painter. It is safe to
assert, however, that insatiable curiosity was at the
George Borrow.
base both of his character and of his achievements.
Instincts he doubtless had in plenty, but no intuitions; everything must be
construed to him categorically. But his capacity keeps pace with his curiosity;
he promptly assimilates all he learns, and he can forget nothing. Probably this
investigating passion had its cause in his own unlikeness to the rest of us: he
was as a visitor from another planet, pledged to send home reports of all he
saw here. His success in finding strange things is prodigious: his strange eye
detects oddities and beauties to which we to the manner born were strange.
Adventures attend him everywhere, as the powers of earth and air on Prospero.
Here comes the King of the Vipers, the dry stubble crackling beneath his
outrageous belly; yonder the foredoomed sailor promptly fulfills his own
prediction, falling from the yard-arm into the Bay of Biscay; anon the ghastly
visage of Mrs. Herne, of the Hairy Ones, glares for a moment out of the
midnight hedge; again, a mysterious infatuation drives the wealthy idler from
his bed out into the inclement darkness, and up to the topmost bough of the
tree, which he must "touch" ere he can rest; and now, in the gloom of the
memorable dingle, the horror of fear falls upon the amateur tinker, the Evil
One grapples terribly with his soul, blots of foam fly from his lips, and he is
dashed against the trees and stones. An adventure, truly, fit to stand with any of
mediæval legend, and compared with which the tremendous combat with
Blazing Bosville, the Flaming Tinman, is almost a relief. But in what perilous
Faery Land forlorn do all these and a thousand more strange and moving
incidents take place?--Why, in the quiet lanes and byways of nineteenth-
century England, or perchance in priest-ridden Spain, where the ordinary
traveler can for the life of him discover nothing more startling than beef and
beer, garlic and crucifixes. Adventures are in the adventurer.
Man and nature were Borrow's study, but England was his love. In him exalted
patriotism touches its apogee. How nobly and uncompromisingly is he jealous
of her honor, her glory, and her independence! In what eloquent apostrophes
does he urge her to be true to her lofty traditions, to trample on base
expediency and cleave to the brave and true! In what resounding jeremiads

Page 303

does he denounce woe upon her traitors and seducers! With what savage
sarcasm and scorn does he dissect the soul of the "man in black"! No other
writing more powerful, picturesque, and idiomatic has been done in this
century. He will advocate no policy less austere than purity, courage, and truth.
There is in his zeal a narrowness that augments its strength, yet lessens its
effect so far as practical issues are concerned. He is an idealist: but surely no
young man can read his stern, throbbing pages without a kindling of the soul,
and a resolve to be high in deed and aim; and there is no gauging the final
influence of such spiritual stimulus. England and mankind must be better for
this lonely, indignant voice.
England, and England's religion, and the Bible in its integrity,--these are the
controlling strings of Borrow's harp. Yet he had his youthful period of religious
doubt and philosophic sophism: has he not told how walls and ceilings rang
with the "Hey!" of the man with the face of a lion, when the gray-haired boy
intimated his skepticism? But vicissitudes of soul and body, aided by the
itinerant Welsh preacher, cleansed him of these errors, and he undertook and
carried through the famous crusade recorded in 'The Bible in Spain'--a
narrative of adventure and devotion which fascinated and astonished England,
and sets its author abreast of the great writers of his time. It is as irresistible to-
day as it was fifty years ago: it stands alone; only Trelawny's 'Adventures of a
Younger Son' can be compared with it as narrative, and Trelawny's book lacks
the grand central feature which gives dignity and unity to Borrow's. Being a
story of fact, 'The Bible in Spain' lacks much of the literary art and felicity, as
well as the imaginative charm, of 'Lavengro'; but within its own scope it is
great, and nothing can supersede it.
Gipsydom in all its aspects, though logically a side-issue with Borrow, was
nevertheless the most noticeable thing relating to him: it engaged and colored
him on the side of his temperament; and in the picture we form of a man,
temperament tells far more than intellect because it is more individual. Later
pundits have called in question the academic accuracy of Borrow's researches
in the Romany language: but such frettings are beside the mark; Borrow is the
only genuine expounder of Gipsyness that ever lived. He laid hold of their
vitals, and they of his; his act of brotherhood with Mr. Jasper Petulengro is but
a symbol of his mystical alliance with the race. This is not to say that he
fathomed the heart of their mystery; the gipsies themselves cannot do that: but
he comprehended whatever in them is open to comprehension, and his undying
interest in them is due not only to his sympathy with their way of life, but to

Page 304

the fact that his curiosity about them could never be quite satisfied. Other
mysteries come and go, but the gipsy mystery stays with us, and was to
Borrow a source of endless content. For after sharpening his wits on the
ethnological riddle, he could refresh himself with the psychical aspect of the
matter, discovering in them the incarnation of one essential human quality,
incompletely present in all men. They are the perfect vagabonds; but the germ
of vagabondage inheres in mankind at large, and is the source of the changes
that have resulted in what we call civilization. Borrow's nature comprised the
gipsy, but the gipsy by no means comprised him; he wandered like them, but
the object of his wanderings was something more than to tell dukkeripens,
poison pigs, mend kettles, or deal in horseflesh. Therefore he puzzled them
more than they did him.
'The Gipsies of Spain' (1841) was his first book about them; 'Lavengro' came
ten years later, and 'Romany Rye' six years after that. In 1874 he returns to the
subject in 'Roman Lavo-lil,' a sort of dictionary and phrase-book of the
language, but unlike any other dictionary and phrase-book ever conceived: it is
well worth reading as a piece of entertaining literature. His other books are
translations of Norse and Welsh poetry, and a book of travels in 'Wild Wales,'
published in 1862. All these works are more than readable: the translations,
though rugged and unmusical, have about them a frank sensuousness and a
primitive force that are amusing and attractive. But after all, Borrow is never
thoroughly himself in literature unless the gipsies are close at hand; and of all
his gipsy books 'Lavengro' is by far the best. Indeed, it is so much the best and
broadest thing that he produced, that the reader who would know Borrow need
never go beyond these pages. In 'Lavengro' we get the culmination of both the
author and the man; it is his book in the full sense, and may afford profitable
study to any competent reader for a lifetime.
'Lavengro,' in fact, is like nothing else in either biography or fiction--and it is
both fictitious and biographical. It is the gradual revelation of a strange, unique
being. But the revelation does not proceed in an orderly and chronological
fashion: it is not begun in the first chapter, and still less is it completed in the
last. After a careful perusal of the book, you will admit that though it has
fascinated and impressed you, you have quite failed to understand it. Why is
the author so whimsical? Wherefore these hinted but unconfessed secrets?
Why does he stop short on the brink of an important disclosure, and diverge
under cover of a line of asterisks into another subject?--But Borrow in
'Lavengro' is not constructing a book, he is creating one. He has the reserves of

Page 305

a man who respects his own nature, yet he treats the reader fairly. If you are
worthy to be his friend, by-and-by you will see his heart,--look again, and yet
again! That passage in a former chapter was incomplete; but look ahead a
hundred pages and consider a paragraph there: by itself it seems to say little;
but gradually you recognize in it a part of the inwoven strand which disappears
in one part of the knot and emerges in another. Though you cannot solve the
genial riddle to-day, you may to-morrow. The only clue is sympathy. This man
hides his heart for him who has the mate to it; and beneath the whimsical,
indifferent, proud, and cold exterior, how it heaves and fears and loves and
wonders! This is a wild, unprecedented, eloquent, mysterious, artistic yet
artless book; it is alive; it tells of an existence apart, yet in contact with the
deep things of all human experience. No other man ever lived as Borrow did,
and yet his book is an epitome of life. The magic of his personal quality
beguiles us on every page; but deeper still lie the large, immutable traits that
make all men men, and avouch the unity of mankind.
'Romany Rye' is the continuation of 'Lavengro,' but scarcely repeats its charm;
its most remarkable feature is an 'Appendix,' in which Borrow expounds his
views upon things in general, including critics and politics. It is a marvelously
trenchant piece of writing, and from the literary point of view delightful; but it
must have hurt a good many people's feelings at the time it was published, and
even now shows the author on his harsh side only. We may agree with all he
says, and yet wish he had uttered it in a less rasping tone.
Like nearly all great writers, Borrow, in order to get his best effects, must have
room for his imagination. Mere fact would not rouse him fully, and abstract
argument still less. In 'Lavengro' he hit upon his right vein, and he worked it in
the fresh maturity of his power. The style is Borrow's own, peculiar to him:
eloquent, rugged, full of liturgical repetitions, shunning all soft assonances and
refinements, and yet with remote sea-like cadences, and unhackneyed felicities
that rejoice the jaded soul. Writing with him was spontaneous, but never
heedless or unconsidered; it was always the outcome of deep thought and
vehement feeling. Other writers and their books may be twain, but Borrow and
his books are one. Perhaps they might be improved in art, or arrangement, or
subject; but we should no longer care for them then, because they would cease
to be Borrow. Borrow may not have been a beauty or a saint; but a man he
was; and good or bad, we would not alter a hair of him.
Nothing like an adequate biography of Borrow has ever been published: a few
dates, and some more or less intelligent opinions about his character and work,

Page 306

are the sum of what we know of him--outside his own books. Some of the
dates are probably guess-work; most of the opinions are incompetent: it is time
that some adequate mind assembled all available materials and digested them
into a satisfactory book. It is hardly worth while to review the few meagre
details. Borrow was born in 1803 and died in 1881; his father, a soldier, failed
to make a solicitor of him, and the youth, at his father's death, came up to
London to live or die by literature. After much hardship (of which the chapters
in 'Lavengro' describing the production of 'Joseph Sell' convey a hint), he set
out on a wandering pilgrimage over England, Europe, and the East. As agent
for the British and Foreign Bible Society he traversed Spain and Portugal,
sending to the Morning Herald letters descriptive of his adventures, which
afterwards were made the substance of his books. He married at thirty-seven,
and lived at Outton Broad nearly all his life after. His wife died a dozen years
before him, in 1869. She left no children.
His first book, a translation of Klinger's 'Faust,' appeared in 1825; his last, 'The
Gipsy Dictionary,' in 1874; a volume called 'Penquite and Pentyre,' on
Cornwall, was announced in 1857, but seems never to have been published,
'Targum,' a collection of translations from thirty languages and dialects, was a
tour de force belonging to the year 1835. On the whole, Borrow was not a
voluminous writer; but what he wrote tells.

AT THE HORSE-FAIR

From 'Lavengro'

Page 307

"What horse is that?" said I to a very old fellow, the counterpart of the old man
on the pony, save that the last wore a faded suit of velveteen, and this one was
dressed in a white frock.
"The best in mother England," said the very old man, taking a knobbed stick
from his mouth, and looking me in the face, at first carelessly, but presently
with something like interest; "he is old like myself, but can still trot his twenty
miles an hour. You won't live long, my swain; tall and overgrown ones like
thee never do: yet, if you should chance to reach my years, you may boast to
thy great-grand-boys, thou hast seen Marshland Shales."
Amain I did for the horse what I would neither do for earl or baron, doffed my
hat; yes! I doffed my hat to the wondrous horse, the fast trotter, the best in
mother England; and I too drew a deep ah! and repeated the words of the old
fellows around. "Such a horse as this we shall never see again: a pity that he is
so old."
Now, during all this time I had a kind of consciousness that I had been the
object of some person's observation; that eyes were fastened upon me from
somewhere in the crowd. Sometimes I thought myself watched from before,
sometimes from behind; and occasionally methought that if I just turned my
head to the right or left, I should meet a peering and inquiring glance; and
indeed, once or twice I did turn, expecting to see somebody whom I knew, yet
always without success; though it appeared to me that I was but a moment too
late, and that some one had just slipped away from the direction to which I
turned, like the figure in a magic lantern. Once I was quite sure that there were
a pair of eyes glaring over my right shoulder; my attention, however, was so
fully occupied with the objects which I have attempted to describe, that I
thought very little of this coming and going, this flitting and dodging of I knew
not whom or what. It was after all a matter of sheer indifference to me who
was looking at me. I could only wish whomsoever it might be to be more
profitably employed, so I continued enjoying what I saw; and now there was a
change in the scene: the wondrous old horse departed with his aged guardian;
other objects of interest are at hand. Two or three men on horseback are
hurrying through the crowd; they are widely different in their appearance from
the other people of the fair--not so much in dress, for they are clad something
after the fashion of rustic jockeys, but in their look: no light-brown hair have
they, no ruddy cheeks, no blue quiet glances belong to them; their features are
dark, the locks long, black, and shining, and their eyes are wild; they are
admirable horsemen, but they do not sit the saddle in the manner of common

Page 308

jockeys, they seem to float or hover upon it like gulls upon the waves; two of
them are mere striplings, but the third is a very tall man with a countenance
heroically beautiful, but wild, wild, wild. As they rush along, the crowd give
way on all sides, and now a kind of ring or circus is formed, within which the
strange men exhibit their horsemanship, rushing past each other, in and out,
after the manner of a reel, the tall man occasionally balancing himself upon the
saddle, and standing erect on one foot. He had just regained his seat after the
latter feat, and was about to push his horse to a gallop, when a figure started
forward close from beside me, and laying his hand on his neck, and pulling
him gently downward, appeared to whisper something into his ear; presently
the tall man raised his head, and scanning the crowd for a moment in the
direction in which I was standing, fixed his eyes full upon me; and anon the
countenance of the whisperer was turned, but only in part, and the side-glance
of another pair of wild eyes was directed towards my face; but the entire
visage of the big black man, half-stooping as he was, was turned full upon
mine.
But now, with a nod to the figure who had stopped him, and with another
inquiring glance at myself, the big man once more put his steed into motion,
and after riding round the ring a few more times, darted through a lane in the
crowd, and followed by his two companions, disappeared; whereupon the
figure who had whispered to him, and had subsequently remained in the
middle of the space, came towards me, and cracking a whip which he held in
his hand so loudly that the report was nearly equal to that of a pocket-pistol, he
cried in a strange tone:--
"What! the sap-engro? Lor! the sap-engro upon the hill!"
"I remember that word," said I, "and I almost think I remember you. You can't
be--"
"Jasper, your pal! Truth, and no lie, brother."
"It is strange that you should have known me," said I. "I am certain, but for the
word you used, I should never have recognized you."
"Not so strange as you may think, brother: there is something in your face
which would prevent people from forgetting you, even though they might wish
it; and your face is not much altered since the time you wot of, though you are
so much grown. I thought it was you, but to make sure I dodged about,
inspecting you. I believe you felt me, though I never touched you; a sign,

Page 309

brother, that we are akin, that we are dui palor--two relations. Your blood beat
when mine was near, as mine always does at the coming of a brother; and we
became brothers in that lane."
"And where are you staying?" said I: "in this town?"
"Not in the town; the like of us don't find it exactly wholesome to stay in
towns: we keep abroad. But I have little to do here--come with me, and I'll
show you where we stay."
We descended the hill in the direction of the north, and passing along the
suburb reached the old Norman bridge, which we crossed; the chalk precipice,
with the ruin on its top, was now before us; but turning to the left we walked
swiftly along, and presently came to some rising ground, which ascending, we
found ourselves upon a wild moor or heath.
"You are one of them," said I, "whom people call--"
"Just so," said Jasper; "but never mind what people call us."
"And that tall handsome man on the hill, whom you whispered: I suppose he's
one of ye. What is his name?"
"Tawno Chikno," said Jasper, "which means the small one; we call him such
because he is the biggest man of all our nation. You say he is handsome--that is
not the word, brother; he's the beauty of the world. Women run wild at the
sight of Tawno. An earl's daughter, near London--a fine young lady with
diamonds round her neck--fell in love with Tawno. I have seen that lass on a
heath, as this may be, kneel down to Tawno, clasp his feet, begging to be his
wife--or anything else--if she might go with him. But Tawno would have
nothing to do with her: 'I have a wife of my own,' said he, 'a lawful Romany
wife, whom I love better than the whole world, jealous though she sometimes
be.'"
"And is she very beautiful?" said I.
"Why, you know, brother, beauty is frequently a matter of taste; however, as
you ask my opinion, I should say not quite so beautiful as himself."
We had now arrived at a small valley between two hills, or downs, the sides of
which were covered with furze; in the midst of this valley were various carts
and low tents forming a rude kind of encampment; several dark children were

Page 310

playing about, who took no manner of notice of us. As we passed one of the
tents, however, a canvas screen was lifted up, and a woman supported upon a
crutch hobbled out. She was about the middle age, and besides being lame,
was bitterly ugly; she was very slovenly dressed, and on her swarthy features
ill-nature was most visibly stamped. She did not deign me a look, but
addressing Jasper in a tongue which I did not understand, appeared to put some
eager questions to him.
"He's coming," said Jasper, and passed on. "Poor fellow," said he to me, "he
has scarcely been gone an hour, and she is jealous already. Well," he continued,
"what do you think of her? you have seen her now, and can judge for yourself--
that 'ere woman is Tawno Chikno's wife!"
We went to the farthest of the tents, which stood at a slight distance from the
rest, and which exactly resembled the one which I have described on a former
occasion; we went in and sat down, one on each side of a small fire which was
smoldering on the ground; there was no one else in the tent but a tall tawny
woman of middle age, who was busily knitting. "Brother," said Jasper, "I wish
to hold some pleasant discourse with you."
"As much as you please," said I, "provided you can find anything pleasant to
talk about."
"Never fear," said Jasper; "and first of all we will talk of yourself. Where have
you been all this long time?"
"Here and there," said I, "and far and near, going about with the soldiers; but
there is no soldiering now, so we have sat down, father and family, in the town
there."
"And do you still hunt snakes?" said Jasper.
"No," said I, "I have given up that long ago; I do better now: read books and
learn languages."
"Well, I am sorry you have given up your snake-hunting; many's the strange
talk I have had with our people about your snake and yourself, and how you
frightened my father and mother in the lane."
"And where are your father and mother?"
"Where I shall never see them, brother; at least, I hope so."

Page 311

"Not dead?"
"No, not dead; they are bitchadey pawdel."
"What's that?"
"Sent across--banished."
"Ah! I understand; I am sorry for them. And so you are here alone?"
"Not quite alone, brother."
"No, not alone; but with the rest--Tawno Chikno takes care of you."
"Takes care of me, brother!"
"Yes, stands to you in the place of a father--keeps you out of harm's way."
"What do you take me for, brother?"
"For about three years older than myself."
"Perhaps; but you are of the gorgios, and I am a Romany Chal. Tawno Chikno
take care of Jasper Petulengro!"
"Is that your name?"
"Don't you like it?"
"Very much, I never heard a sweeter; it is something like what you call me."
"The horseshoe master and the snake-fellow--I am the first."
"Who gave you that name?"
"Ask Pharaoh."
"I would if he were here, but I do not see him."
"I am Pharaoh."
"Then you are a king."
"Chachipen Pal."
"I do not understand you."

Page 312

"Where are your languages? you want two things, brother: mother-sense, and
gentle Romany."
"What makes you think that I want sense?"
"That being so old, you can't yet guide yourself!"
"I can read Dante, Jasper."
"Anan, brother."
"I can charm snakes, Jasper."
"I know you can, brother."
"Yes, and horses too; bring me the most vicious in the land, if I whisper he'll
be tame."
"Then the more shame for you--a snake-fellow--a horse-witch--and a lil-
reader--yet you can't shift for yourself. I laugh at you, brother!"
"Then you can shift for yourself?"
"For myself and for others, brother."
"And what does Chikno?"
"Sells me horses, when I bid him. Those horses on the chong were mine."
"And has he none of his own?"
"Sometimes he has; but he is not so well off as myself. When my father and
mother were bitchadey pawdel, which, to tell you the truth, they were for
chiving wafodo dloovu, they left me all they had, which was not a little, and I
became the head of our family, which was not a small one. I was not older than
you when that happened; yet our people said they had never a better krallis to
contrive and plan for them, and to keep them in order. And this is so well
known, that many Romany Chals, not of our family, come and join themselves
to us, living with us for a time, in order to better themselves, more especially
those of the poorer sort, who have little of their own. Tawno is one of these."
"Is that fine fellow poor?"

Page 313

"One of the poorest, brother. Handsome as he is, he has not a horse of his own
to ride on. Perhaps we may put it down to his wife, who cannot move about,
being a cripple, as you saw."
"And you are what is called a Gipsy King?"
"Ay, ay; a Romany Chal."
"Are there other kings?"
"Those who call themselves so; but the true Pharaoh is Petulengro."
"Did Pharaoh make horse-shoes?"
"The first who ever did, brother."
"Pharaoh lived in Egypt."
"So did we once, brother."
"And you left it?"
"My fathers did, brother."
"And why did they come here?"
"They had their reasons, brother."
"And you are not English?"
"We are not gorgios."
"And you have a language of your own?"
"Avali."
"This is wonderful."
"Ha, ha!" cried the woman who had hitherto sat knitting at the farther end of
the tent without saying a word, though not inattentive to our conversation, as I
could perceive by certain glances which she occasionally cast upon us both.
"Ha, ha!" she screamed, fixing upon me two eyes which shone like burning
coals, and which were filled with an expression both of scorn and malignity,--
"it is wonderful, is it, that we should have a language of our own? What, you
grudge the poor people the speech they talk among themselves? That's just like

Page 314

you gorgios: you would have everybody stupid single-tongued idiots like
yourselves. We are taken before the Poknees of the gav, myself and sister, to
give an account of ourselves. So I says to my sister's little boy, speaking
Romany, I says to the little boy who is with us, 'Run to my son Jasper and the
rest, and tell them to be off: there are hawks abroad.' So the Poknees questions
us, and lets us go, not being able to make anything of us; but as we are going,
he calls us back. 'Good woman,' says the Poknees, 'what was that I heard you
say just now to the little boy?' 'I was telling him, your worship, to go and see
the time of day, and to save trouble I said it in our language.' 'Where did you
get that language?' says the Poknees. ''Tis our own language, sir,' I tells him:
'we did not steal it.' 'Shall I tell you what it is, my good woman?' says the
Poknees. 'I would thank you, sir,' says I, 'for 'tis often we are asked about it.'
'Well, then,' says the Poknees, 'it is no language at all, merely a made-up
gibberish.' 'Oh, bless your wisdom,' says I with a curtsey, 'you can tell us what
our language is without understanding it!' Another time we meet a parson.
'Good woman,' says he, 'what's that you are talking? Is it broken language?' 'Of
course, your reverence,' says I, 'we are broken people; give a shilling, your
reverence, to the poor broken woman.' Oh, these gorgios! they grudge us our
very language!"
"She called you her son, Jasper?"
"I am her son, brother."
"I thought you said your parents were ..."
"Bitchadey pawdel; you thought right, brother. This is my wife's mother."
"Then you are married, Jasper?"
"Ay, truly; I am husband and father, You will see wife and chabó anon."
"Where are they now?"
"In the gav, penning dukkerin."
"We were talking of languages, Jasper."
"True, brother."
"Yours must be a rum one."
"'Tis called Romany."

Page 315

"I would gladly know it."
"You need it sorely."
"Would you teach it me?"
"None sooner."
"Suppose we begin now?"
"Suppose we do, brother."
"Not whilst I am here," said the woman, flinging her knitting down, and
starting upon her feet; "not whilst I am here shall this gorgio learn Romany. A
pretty manoeuvre, truly; and what would be the end of it? I goes to the farming
ker with my sister, to tell a fortune, and earn a few sixpences for the chabés. I
sees a jolly pig in the yard, and I says to my sister, speaking Romany, 'Do so
and so,' says I; which the farming man hearing, asks what we are talking about.
'Nothing at all, master,' says I; 'something about the weather,'--when who
should start up from behind a pale, where he has been listening, but this ugly
gorgio, crying out, 'They are after poisoning your pigs, neighbor,' so that we
are glad to run, I and my sister, with perhaps the farm-engro shouting after us.
Says my sister to me, when we have got fairly off, 'How came that ugly one to
know what you said to me?' Whereupon I answers, 'It all comes of my son
Jasper, who brings the gorgio to our fire, and must needs be teaching him.'
'Who was fool there?' says my sister. 'Who indeed but my son Jasper,' I
answers. And here should I be a greater fool to sit still and suffer it; which I
will not do. I do not like the look of him; he looks over-gorgeous. An ill day to
the Romans when he masters Romany; and when I says that, I pens a true
dukkerin."
"What do you call God, Jasper?"
"You had better be jawing," said the woman, raising her voice to a terrible
scream; "you had better be moving off, my gorgio; hang you for a keen one,
sitting there by the fire, and stealing my language before my face. Do you
know whom you have to deal with? Do you know that I am dangerous? My
name is Herne, and I comes of the Hairy Ones!"
And a hairy one she looked! She wore her hair clubbed upon her head,
fastened with many strings and ligatures; but now, tearing these off, her locks,
originally jet black, but now partially grizzled with age, fell down on every

Page 316

side of her, covering her face and back as far down as her knees. No she-bear
of Lapland ever looked more fierce and hairy than did that woman, as standing
in the open part of the tent, with her head bent down and her shoulders drawn
up, seemingly about to precipitate herself upon me, she repeated again and
again--
"My name is Herne, and I comes of the Hairy Ones!"--
"I call God Duvel, brother."
"It sounds very like Devil."
"It doth, brother, it doth."
"And what do you call divine, I mean godly?"
"Oh! I call that duvelskoe."
"I am thinking of something, Jasper."
"What are you thinking of, brother?"
"Would it not be a rum thing if divine and devilish were originally one and the
same word?"
"It would, brother, it would."
From this time I had frequent interviews with Jasper, sometimes in his tent,
sometimes on the heath, about which we would roam for hours, discoursing on
various matters. Sometimes mounted on one of his horses, of which he had
several, I would accompany him to various fairs and markets in the
neighborhood, to which he went on his own affairs, or those of his tribe. I soon
found that I had become acquainted with a most singular people, whose habits
and pursuits awakened within me the highest interest. Of all connected with
them, however, their language was doubtless that which exercised the greatest
influence over my imagination. I had at first some suspicion that it would
prove a mere made-up gibberish; but I was soon undeceived. Broken,
corrupted, and half in ruins as it was, it was not long before I found that it was
an original speech; far more so indeed than one or two others of high name and
celebrity, which up to that time I had been in the habit of regarding with
respect and veneration. Indeed, many obscure points connected with the
vocabulary of these languages, and to which neither classic nor modern lore

Page 317

afforded any clue, I thought I could now clear up by means of this strange
broken tongue, spoken by people who dwelt amongst thickets and furze
bushes, in tents as tawny as their faces, and whom the generality of mankind
designated, and with much semblance of justice, as thieves and vagabonds. But
where did this speech come from, and who were they who spoke it? These
were questions which I could not solve, and which Jasper himself, when
pressed, confessed his inability to answer. "But whoever we be, brother," said
he, "we are an old people, and not what folks in general imagine, broken
gorgios; and if we are not Egyptians, we are at any rate Romany Chals!"

A MEETING

From 'The Bible in Spain'

It was at this town of Badajoz, the capital of Estremadura, that I first fell in
with those singular people, the Zincali, Gitanos, or Spanish gipsies. It was here
I met with the wild Paco, the man with the withered arm, who wielded the
cachas with his left hand; his shrewd wife, Antonia, skilled in hokkano baro,
or the great trick; the fierce gipsy, Antonio Lopez, their father-in-law; and
many other almost equally singular individuals of the Errate, or gipsy blood. It
was here that I first preached the gospel to the gipsy people, and commenced
that translation of the New Testament in the Spanish gipsy tongue, a portion of
which I subsequently printed at Madrid.
After a stay of three weeks at Badajoz, I prepared to depart for Madrid. Late
one afternoon, as I was arranging my scanty baggage, the gipsy Antonio
entered my apartment, dressed in his zamarra and high-peaked Andalusian hat.
Antonio--Good evening, brother; they tell me that on the callicaste you intend
to set out for Madrilati.
Myself--Such is my intention; I can stay here no longer.

Page 318

Antonio--The way is far to Madrilati; there are, moreover, wars in the land, and
many chories walk about; are you not afraid to journey?
Myself--I have no fears; every man must accomplish his destiny: what befalls
my body or soul was written in a gabicote a thousand years before the
foundation of the world.
Antonio--I have no fears myself, brother: the dark night is the same to me as
the fair day, and the wild carrascal as the market-place or the chardi; I have
got the bar lachí in my bosom, the precious stone to which sticks the needle.
Myself--You mean the loadstone, I suppose. Do you believe that a lifeless stone
can preserve you from the dangers which occasionally threaten your life?
Antonio--Brother, I am fifty years old, and you see me standing before you in
life and strength; how could that be unless the bar lachí had power? I have
been soldier and contrabandista, and I have likewise slain and robbed the
Busné. The bullets of the Gabiné and of the jara canallis have hissed about my
ears without injuring me, for I carried the bar lachí. I have twenty times done
that which by Busné law should have brought me to the filimicha, yet my neck
has never yet been squeezed by the cold garrote. Brother, I trust in the bar
lachí like the Caloré of old: were I in the midst of the gulf of Bombardó
without a plank to float upon, I should feel no fear; for if I carried the precious
stone, it would bring me safe to shore. The bar lachí has power, brother.
Myself--I shall not dispute the matter with you, more especially as I am about
to depart from Badajoz: I must speedily bid you farewell, and we shall see
each other no more.
Antonio--Brother, do you know what brings me hither?
Myself--I cannot tell, unless it be to wish me a happy journey: I am not gipsy
enough to interpret the thoughts of other people.
Antonio--All last night I lay awake, thinking of the affairs of Egypt; and when
I arose in the morning I took the bar lachí from my bosom, and scraping it
with a knife, swallowed some of the dust in aguardiente, as I am in the habit of
doing when I have made up my mind; and I said to myself, I am wanted on the
frontiers of Castumba on a certain matter. The strange Caloró is about to
proceed to Madrilati; the journey is long, and he may fall into evil hands,
peradventure into those of his own blood; for let me tell you, brother, the Calés

Page 319

are leaving their towns and villages, and forming themselves into troops to
plunder the Busné, for there is now but little law in the land, and now or never
is the time for the Caloré to become once more what they were in former
times. So I said, the strange Caloró may fall into the hands of his own blood
and be ill-treated by them, which were shame: I will therefore go with him
through the Chim del Manró as far as the frontiers of Castumba, and upon the
frontiers of Castumba I will leave the London Caloró to find his own way to
Madrilati, for there is less danger in Castumba than in the Chim del Manró,
and I will then betake me to the affairs of Egypt which call me from hence.
Myself--This is a very hopeful plan of yours, my friend: and in what manner do
you propose that we shall travel?
Antonio--I will tell you, brother. I have a gras in the stall, even the one which I
purchased at Olivenças, as I told you on a former occasion; it is good and fleet,
and cost me, who am a gipsy, fifty chulé: upon that gras you shall ride. As for
myself, I will journey upon the macho.
Myself--Before I answer you, I shall wish you to inform me what business it is
which renders your presence necessary in Castumba: your son-in-law Paco
told me that it was no longer the custom of the gipsies to wander.
Antonio--It is an affair of Egypt, brother, and I shall not acquaint you with it;
peradventure it relates to a horse or an ass, or peradventure it relates to a mule
or a macho; it does not relate to yourself, therefore I advise you not to inquire
about it--Dosta. With respect to my offer, you are free to decline it; there is a
drungruje between here and Madrilati, and you call travel it in the birdoche, or
with the dromalis; but I tell you, as a brother, that there are chories upon the
drun, and some of them are of the Errate.
--Certainly few people in my situation would have accepted the offer of this
singular gipsy. It was not, however, without its allurements for me; I was fond
of adventure, and what more ready means of gratifying my love of it than by
putting myself under the hands of such a guide? There are many who would
have been afraid of treachery, but I had no fears on this point, as I did not
believe that the fellow harbored the slightest ill-intention towards me; I saw
that he was fully convinced that I was one of the Errate, and his affection for
his own race, and his hatred for the Busné, were his strongest characteristics. I
wished moreover to lay hold of every opportunity of making myself
acquainted with the ways of the Spanish gipsies, and an excellent one here

Page 320

presented itself on my first entrance into Spain. In a word, I determined to
accompany the gipsy. "I will go with you," I exclaimed; "as for my baggage, I
will dispatch it to Madrid by the birdoche." "Do so, brother," he replied, "and
the gras will go lighter. Baggage, indeed!--what need of baggage have you?
How the Busné on the road would laugh if they saw two Calés with baggage
behind them!"
During my stay at Badajoz I had but little intercourse with the Spaniards, my
time being chiefly devoted to the gipsies: with whom, from long intercourse
with various sections of their race in different parts of the world, I felt myself
much more at home than with the silent, reserved men of Spain, with whom a
foreigner might mingle for half a century without having half a dozen words
addressed to him, unless he himself made the first advances to intimacy, which
after all might be rejected with a shrug and a no entiendo; for among the many
deeply rooted prejudices of these people is the strange idea that no foreigner
can speak their language, an idea to which they will still cling though they hear
him conversing with perfect ease; for in that case the utmost that they will
concede to his attainments is, "Habla quatro palabras y nada mas." (He can
speak four words, and no more.)
Early one morning, before sunrise, I found myself at the house of Antonio; it
was a small mean building, situated in a dirty street. The morning was quite
dark; the street, however, was partially illumined by a heap of lighted straw,
round which two or three men were busily engaged, apparently holding an
object over the flames. Presently the gipsy's door opened, and Antonio made
his appearance; and casting his eye in the direction of the light, exclaimed,
"The swine have killed their brother; would that every Busnó was served as
yonder hog is. Come in, brother, and we will eat the heart of that hog." I
scarcely understood his words, but following him, he led me into a low room,
in which was a brasero, or small pan full of lighted charcoal; beside it was a
rude table, spread with a coarse linen cloth, upon which was bread and a large
pipkin full of a mess which emitted no disagreeable savor. "The heart of the
balichó is in that puchera," said Antonio; "eat, brother." We both sat down and
ate--Antonio voraciously. When we had concluded he arose. "Have you got
your li?" he demanded. "Here it is," said I, showing him my passport. "Good,"
said he; "you may want it, I want none: my passport is the bar lachí. Now for a
glass of repañi, and then for the road."
We left the room, the door of which he locked, hiding the key beneath a loose
brick in a corner of the passage. "Go into the street, brother, whilst I fetch the

Page 321

caballerias from the stable." I obeyed him. The sun had not yet risen, and the
air was piercingly cold; the gray light, however, of dawn enabled me to
distinguish objects with tolerable accuracy; I soon heard the clattering of the
animal's feet, and Antonio presently stepped forth, leading the horse by the
bridle; the macho followed behind. I looked at the horse, and shrugged my
shoulders. As far as I could scan it, it appeared the most uncouth animal I had
ever beheld. It was of a spectral white, short in the body, but with remarkably
long legs. I observed that it was particularly high in the cruz, or withers. "You
are looking at the grasti," said Antonio: "it is eighteen years old, but it is the
very best in the Chim del Manró; I have long had my eye upon it; I bought it
for my own use for the affairs of Egypt. Mount, brother, mount, and let us
leave the foros--the gate is about being opened."
He locked the door, and deposited the key in his faja. In less than a quarter of
an hour we had left the town behind us. "This does not appear to be a very
good horse," said I to Antonio, as we proceeded over the plain: "it is with
difficulty that I can make him move."
"He is the swiftest horse in the Chim del Manró, brother," said Antonio; "at the
gallop and at the speedy trot, there is no one to match him. But he is eighteen
years old, and his joints are stiff, especially of a morning; but let him once
become heated, and the genio del viejo comes upon him, and there is no
holding him in with bit or bridle. I bought that horse for the affairs of Egypt,
brother."
About noon we arrived at a small village in the neighborhood of a high lumpy
hill. "There is no Caló house in this place," said Antonio: "we will therefore go
to the posada of the Busné and refresh ourselves, man and beast." We entered
the kitchen and sat down at the board, calling for wine and bread. There were
two ill-looking fellows in the kitchen smoking cigars. I said something to
Antonio in the Caló language.
"What is that I hear?" said one of the fellows, who was distinguished by an
immense pair of mustaches. "What is that I hear? Is it in Caló that you are
speaking before me, and I a chalan and national? Accursed gipsy, how dare
you enter this posada and speak before me in that speech? Is it not forbidden
by the law of the land in which we are, even as it is forbidden for a gipsy to
enter the mercado? I tell you what, friend, if I hear another word of Caló come
from your mouth, I will cudgel your bones and send you flying over the house-
tops with a kick of my foot."

Page 322

"You would do right," said his companion; "the insolence of these gipsies is no
longer to be borne. When I am at Merida or Badajoz I go to the mercado, and
there in a corner stand the accursed gipsies, jabbering to each other in a speech
which I understand not. 'Gipsy gentleman,' say I to one of them, 'what will you
have for that donkey?' 'I will have ten dollars for it, Caballero national,' says
the gipsy: 'it is the best donkey in all Spain.' 'I should like to see its paces,' say
I. 'That you shall, most valorous!' says the gipsy, and jumping upon its back,
he puts it to its paces, first of all whispering something into its ear in Caló; and
truly the paces of the donkey are most wonderful, such as I have never seen
before. I think it will just suit me; and after looking at it awhile, I take out the
money and pay for it. 'I shall go to my house,' says the gipsy; and off he runs. 'I
shall go to my village,' say I, and I mount the donkey, 'Vamonos,' say I, but the
donkey won't move. I give him a switch, but I don't get on the better for that.
What happens then, brother? The wizard no sooner feels the prick than he
bucks down, and flings me over his head into the mire. I get up and look about
me; there stands the donkey staring at me, and there stand the whole gipsy
canaille squinting at me with their filmy eyes. 'Where is the scamp who has
sold me this piece of furniture?' I shout. 'He is gone to Granada, valorous,' says
one. 'He is gone to see his kindred among the Moors,' says another. 'I just saw
him running over the field, in the direction of ----, with the devil close behind
him,' says a third. In a word, I am tricked. I wish to dispose of the donkey: no
one, however, will buy him; he is a Caló donkey, and every person avoids him.
At last the gipsies offer thirty reals for him; and after much chaffering I am
glad to get rid of him at two dollars. It is all a trick, however; he returns to his
master, and the brotherhood share the spoil amongst them: all which villainy
would be prevented, in my opinion, were the Caló language not spoken; for
what but the word of Caló could have induced the donkey to behave in such an
unaccountable manner?"
Both seemed perfectly satisfied with the justness of this conclusion, and
continued smoking till their cigars were burnt to stumps, when they arose,
twitched their whiskers, looked at us with fierce disdain, and dashing the
tobacco-ends to the ground, strode out of the apartment.
"Those people seem no friends to the gipsies," said I to Antonio, when the two
bullies had departed; "nor to the Caló language either."
"May evil glanders seize their nostrils," said Antonio: "they have been
jonjabadoed by our people. However, brother, you did wrong to speak to me in
Caló, in a posada like this: it is a forbidden language; for, as I have often told

Page 323

you, the king has destroyed the law of the Calés. Let us away, brother, or those
juntunes may set the justicia upon us."
Towards evening we drew near to a large town or village. "That is Merida,"
said Antonio, "formerly, as the Busné say, a mighty city of the Corahai. We
shall stay here to-night, and perhaps for a day or two, for I have some business
of Egypt to transact in this place. Now, brother, step aside with the horse, and
wait for me beneath yonder wall. I must go before and see in what condition
matters stand."
I dismounted from the horse, and sat down on a stone beneath the ruined wall
to which Antonio had motioned me. The sun went down, and the air was
exceedingly keen; I drew close around me an old tattered gipsy cloak with
which my companion had provided me, and being somewhat fatigued, fell into
a doze which lasted for nearly an hour.
"Is your worship the London Caloró?" said a strange voice close beside me.
I started, and beheld the face of a woman peering under my hat.
Notwithstanding the dusk, I could see that the features were hideously ugly
and almost black; they belonged, in fact, to a gipsy crone at least seventy years
of age, leaning upon a staff.
"Is your worship the London Caloró?" repeated she.
"I am he whom you seek," said I; "where is Antonio?"
"Curelando, curelando; baribustres curelós terela," said the crone. "Come with
me, Caloró of my garlochin, come with me to my little ker; he will be there
anon."
I followed the crone, who led the way into the town, which was ruinous and
seemingly half deserted; we went up the street, from which she turned into a
narrow and dark lane, and presently opened the gate of a large dilapidated
house. "Come in," said she.
"And the gras?" I demanded.
"Bring the gras in too, my chabó, bring the gras in too; there is room for the
gras in my little stable." We entered a large court, across which we proceeded
till we came to a wide doorway. "Go in, my child of Egypt," said the hag; "go
in, that is my little stable."

Page 324

"The place is as dark as pitch," said I, "and may be a well for what I know;
bring a light, or I will not enter."
"Give me the solabarri," said the hag, "and I will lead your horse in, my chabó
of Egypt--yes, and tether him to my little manger."
She led the horse through the doorway, and I heard her busy in the darkness;
presently the horse shook himself. "Grasti terelamos," said the hag, who now
made her appearance with the bridle in her hand; "the horse has shaken
himself, he is not harmed by his day's journey; now let us go in, my Caloró,
into my little room."
We entered the house, and found ourselves in a vast room, which would have
been quite dark but for a faint glow which appeared at the farther end: it
proceeded from a brasero, beside which were squatted two dusky figures.
"These are Callées," said the hag; "one is my daughter and the other is her
chabi. Sit down, my London Caloró, and let us hear you speak."
I looked about for a chair, but could see none: at a short distance, however, I
perceived the end of a broken pillar lying on the floor; this I rolled to the
brasero, and sat down upon it.
"This is a fine house, mother of the gipsies," said I to the hag, willing to gratify
the desire she had expressed of hearing me speak; "a fine house is this of
yours, rather cold and damp, though; it appears large enough to be a barrack
for hundunares."
"Plenty of houses in this foros, plenty of houses in Merida, my London Caloró,
some of them just as they were left by the Corahanós. Ah! a fine people are the
Corahanós; I often wish myself in their chim once more."
"How is this, mother?" said I; "have you been in the land of the Moors?"
"Twice have I been in their country, my Caloró--twice have I been in the land
of the Corahai. The first time is more than fifty years ago; I was then with the
Sesé, for my husband was a soldier of the Crallis of Spain, and Oran at that
time belonged to Spain."
"You were not then with the real Moors," said I, "but only with the Spaniards
who occupied part of their country."

Page 325

"I have been with the real Moors, my London Caloró. Who knows more of the
real Moors than myself? About forty years ago I was with my ro in Ceuta, for
he was still a soldier of the king; and he said to me one day, 'I am tired of this
place, where there is no bread and less water; I will escape and turn Corahanó;
this night I will kill my sergeant, and flee to the camp of the Moor,' 'Do so,'
said I, 'my chabó, and as soon as may be I will follow you and become a
Corahani.' That same night he killed his sergeant, who five years before had
called him Caló and cursed him; then running to the wall he dropped from it,
and amidst many shots he escaped to the land of the Corahai. As for myself, I
remained in the presidio of Ceuta as a sutler, selling wine and repañí to the
soldiers. Two years passed by, and I neither saw nor heard from my ro. One
day there came a strange man to my cachimani; he was dressed like a
Corahanó, and yet he did not look like one; he looked more like a callardó,
and yet he was not a callardó either, though he was almost black; and as I
looked upon him, I thought he looked something like the Errate; and he said to
me, 'Zincali, chachipé!' and then he whispered to me in queer language, which
I could scarcely understand, 'Your ro is waiting; come with me, my little sister,
and I will take you unto him.' 'Where is he?' said I, and he pointed to the west,
to the land of the Corahai, and said, 'He is yonder away; come with me, little
sister, the ro is waiting.' For a moment I was afraid, but I bethought me of my
husband, and I wished to be amongst the Corahai; so I took the little parné I
had, and locking up the cachimani, went with the strange man. The sentinel
challenged us at the gate, but I gave him repañí, and he let us pass; in a
moment we were in the land of the Corahai. About a league from the town,
beneath a hill, we found four people, men and women, all very black like the
strange man, and we joined ourselves with them, and they all saluted me, 'little
sister.' That was all I understood of their discourse, which was very crabbed;
and they took away my dress and gave me other clothes, and I looked like a
Corahani; and away we marched for many days amidst deserts and small
villages, and more than once it seemed to me that I was amongst the Errate, for
their ways were the same. The men would hokkawar with mules and asses, and
the women told baji, and after many days we came before a large town, and
the black man said, 'Go in there, little sister, and there you will find your ro;'
and I went to the gate, and an armed Corahanó stood within the gate, and I
looked in his face, and lo! it was my ro.
"Oh, what a strange town it was that I found myself in, full of people who had
once been Candoré, but had renegaded and become Corahai! There were Sesé
and Laloré, and men of other nations, and amongst them were some of the

Page 326

Errate from my own country; all were now soldiers of the Crallis of the
Corahai, and followed him to his wars; and in that town I remained with my ro
a long time, occasionally going out to him to the wars; and I often asked him
about the black men who had brought me thither, and he told me that he had
had dealings with them, and that he believed them to be of the Errate. Well,
brother, to be short, my ro was killed in the wars, before a town to which the
king of the Corahai laid siege, and I became a piuli, and I returned to the
village of the renegades, as it was called, and supported myself as well as I
could; and one day, as I was sitting weeping, the black man, whom I had never
seen since the day he brought me to my ro, again stood before me, and he said,
'Come with me, little sister, come with me; the ro is at hand;' and I went with
him, and beyond the gate in the desert was the same party of black men and
women which I had seen before. 'Where is my ro?' said I. 'Here he is, little
sister,' said the black man, 'here he is; from this day I am the ro and you are the
romi. Come, let us go, for there is business to be done.'
"And I went with him, and he was my ro, and we lived amongst the deserts,
and hokkawar'd and choried and told baji; and I said to myself, 'This is good;
sure, I am amongst the Errate in a better chim than my own.' And I often said
that they were of the Errate, and then they would laugh and say that it might be
so, and that they were not Corahai, but they could give no account of
themselves.
"Well, things went on in this way for years, and I had three chai by the black
man; two of them died, but the youngest, who is the Calli who sits by the
brasero, was spared. So we roamed about and choried and told baji; and it
came to pass that once in the winter time our company attempted to pass a
wide and deep river, of which there are many in the Chim del Corahai, and the
boat overset with the rapidity of the current, and all our people were drowned,
all but myself and my chabi, whom I bore in my bosom. I had no friends
amongst the Corahai, and I wandered about the despoblados howling and
lamenting till I became half lili, and in this manner I found my way to the
coast, where I made friends with the captain of a ship, and returned to this land
of Spain. And now I am here, I often wish myself back again amongst the
Corahai."
Here she commenced laughing loud and long; and when she had ceased, her
daughter and grandchild took up the laugh, which they continued so long that I
concluded they were all lunatics.

Page 327

Hour succeeded hour, and still we sat crouching over the brasero, from which,
by this time, all warmth had departed; the glow had long since disappeared,
and only a few dying sparks were to be distinguished. The room or hall was
now involved in utter darkness; the women were motionless and still; I
shivered and began to feel uneasy. "Will Antonio be here to-night?" at length I
demanded.
"No tenga usted cuidado, my London Caloró," said the gipsy mother in an
unearthly tone; "Pepindorio has been here some time."
I was about to rise from my seat and attempt to escape from the house, when I
felt a hand laid upon my shoulder, and in a moment I heard the voice of
Antonio:--
"Be not afraid; 'tis I, brother. We will have a light anon, and then supper."
The supper was rude enough, consisting of bread, cheese, and olives; Antonio,
however, produced a leathern bottle of excellent wine. We dispatched these
viands by the light of an earthen lamp, which was placed upon the floor.
"Now," said Antonio to the youngest female, "bring me the pajandi, and I will
sing a gachapla."
The girl brought the guitar, which with some difficulty the gipsy tuned, and
then, strumming it vigorously, he sang:--

"I stole a plump and bonny fowl,
But ere I well had dined,
The master came with scowl and growl,
And me would captive bind.

"My hat and mantle off I threw,
And scoured across the lea;
Then cried the beng with loud halloo,
'Where does the gipsy flee?'"

He continued playing and singing for a considerable time, the two younger
females dancing in the meanwhile with unwearied diligence, whilst the aged
mother occasionally snapped her fingers or beat time on the ground with her
stick. At last Antonio suddenly laid down the instrument, exclaiming:--

Page 328

"I see the London Caloró is weary; enough, enough, to-morrow more thereof.
We will now to the charipé."
"With all my heart," said I: "where are we to sleep?"
"In the stable," said he, "in the manger; however cold the stable may be, we
shall be warm enough in the bufa."
We remained three days at the gipsies' house, Antonio departing early every
morning on his mule, and returning late at night. The house was large and
ruinous, the only habitable part of it with the exception of the stable being the
hall, where we had supped; and there the gipsy females slept at night, on some
mats and mattresses in a corner.
"A strange house is this," said I to Antonio, one morning as he was on the point
of saddling his mule, and departing, as I supposed, on the affairs of Egypt; "a
strange house and strange people. That gipsy grandmother has all the
appearance of a sowanee."
"All the appearance of one!" said Antonio; "and is she not really one? She
knows more crabbed things and crabbed words than all the Errate betwixt here
and Catalonia. She has been amongst the wild Moors, and can make more
draos, poisons, and philtres than any one alive. She once made a kind of paste,
and persuaded me to taste, and shortly after I had done so my soul departed
from my body, and wandered through horrid forests and mountains, amidst
monsters and duendes, during one entire night. She learned many things
amidst the Corahai which I should be glad to know."
"Have you been long acquainted with her?" said I. "You appear to be quite at
home in this house."
"Acquainted with her!" said Antonio. "Did not my own brother marry the
black Calli, her daughter, who bore him the chabí, sixteen years ago, just
before he was hanged by the Busné?"
In the afternoon I was seated with the gipsy mother in the hall; the two Callées
were absent telling fortunes about the town and neighborhood, which was their
principal occupation.
"Are you married, my London Caloró?" said the old woman to me. "Are you a
ro?"

Page 329

Myself--Wherefore do you ask, O Dai de los Calés?
Gipsy Mother--It is high time that the lacha of the chabi were taken from her,
and that she had a ro. You can do no better than take her for romi, my London
Caloró.
Myself--I am a stranger in this land, O mother of the gipsies, and scarcely
know how to provide for myself, much less for a romi.
Gipsy Mother--She wants no one to provide for her, my London Caloró: she
can at any time provide for herself and her ro. She can hokkawar, tell baji, and
there are few to equal her at stealing à pastesas. Were she once at Madrilati,
where they tell me you are going, she would make much treasure; therefore
take her thither, for in this foros she is nahi, as it were, for there is nothing to
be gained: but in the foros baro it would be another matter; she would go
dressed in lachipé and sonacai, whilst you would ride about on your black-
tailed gra; and when you had got much treasure, you might return hither and
live like a Crallis, and all the Errate of the Chim del Manró should bow down
their heads to you. What say you, my London Caloró; what say you to my
plan?
Myself--Your plan is a plausible one, mother, or at least some people would
think so; but I am, as you are aware, of another chim, and have no inclination
to pass my life in this country.
Gipsy Mother--Then return to your own country, my Caloró; the chabí can
cross the paní. Would she not do business in London with the rest of the
Caloré? Or why not go to the land of the Corahai? In which case I would
accompany you; I and my daughter, the mother of the chabí.
Myself--And what should we do in the land of the Corahai? It is a poor and
wild country, I believe.
Gipsy Mother--The London Caloró asks me what we could do in the land of
the Corahai! Aromali! I almost think that I am speaking to a lilipendi. Are there
not horses to chore? Yes, I trow there are, and better ones than in this land, and
asses, and mules. In the land of the Corahai you must hokkawar and chore
even as you must here, or in your own country, or else you are no Caloró. Can
you not join yourselves with the black people who live in the despoblados?
Yes, surely; and glad they would be to have among them the Errate from Spain
and London. I am seventy years of age, but I wish not to die in this chim, but

Page 330

yonder, far away, where both my roms are sleeping. Take the chabí, therefore,
and go to Madrilati to win the parné; and when you have got it, return, and we
will give a banquet to all the Busné in Merida, and in their food I will mix
drao, and they shall eat and burst like poisoned sheep.... And when they have
eaten we will leave them, and away to the land of the Moor, my London
Caloró.
During the whole time that I remained at Merida I stirred not once from the
house; following the advice of Antonio, who informed me that it would not be
convenient. My time lay rather heavily on my hands, my only source of
amusement consisting in the conversation of the women, and in that of
Antonio when he made his appearance at night. In these tertulias the
grandmother was the principal spokeswoman, and astonished my ears with
wonderful tales of the land of the Moors, prison escapes, thievish feats, and
one or two poisoning adventures, in which she had been engaged, as she
informed me, in her early youth.
There was occasionally something very wild in her gestures, and demeanor;
more than once I observed her, in the midst of much declamation, to stop short,
stare in vacancy, and thrust out her palms as if endeavoring to push away some
invisible substance; she goggled frightfully with her eyes, and once sank back
in convulsions, of which her children took no further notice than observing
that she was only lili, and would soon come to herself.

Page 331

Page 332

JUAN BOSCAN
(1493-?1540)

he reign of Juan the Second of Spain (1406-1454), characterized as it was by a
succession of conspiracies and internal commotions, represents also one of the
most important epochs in the history of Spanish poetry, which up to that period
had found expression almost exclusively in the crude though spirited historical
and romantic ballads of anonymous origin: Iliads without a Homer, as Lope de
Vega called them. The first to attempt a reform in Castilian verse was the
Marquis of Villena (died 1434), who introduced the allegory and a tendency to
imitate classical models; and although he himself left nothing of consequence,
his influence is plainly revealed in the works of his far greater pupils and
successors, the Marquis of Santillana and Juan de Mena. Strangely enough, the
reigns of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of the Austrian Charles the Fifth,
covering the most brilliant and momentous period in Spanish history, are yet
marked by comparative stagnation in letters until after the first quarter of the
sixteenth century. During the greater part of this period the increasing pomp
and formality of the court rendered the poetry correspondingly artificial and
insincere. It was not in fact until after many years of constant intercourse with
Rome, Naples, and Florence, while the bulk of the noble youth of Spain
resorted to the universities of those cities for higher education, that a wide-
spread and profound admiration for Italian culture and refinement began to
pave the way for another and more important revolution in Castilian poetry
than that inaugurated by Villena.
Juan Boscan Almogaver, who was the first of his nation to compose verses
after the manner of Petrarch, and whose successors in the sixteenth century
include some of the most brilliant and inspired lyrists of Spain, was born in
1493 at Barcelona, a city which had witnessed the recent triumphs of the
Provencal Troubadours. Boscan, however, from the beginning of his career,
preferred to write in Castilian rather than in the Limosin dialect. Of patrician
descent, and possessed of ample means, he entered the army like the majority
of the young nobles of his age. After a brief but honorable service as a soldier
he traveled extensively abroad, which led to his becoming deeply interested in

Page 333

the literature and art of Italy. Meanwhile he had produced verses in the ancient
lyric style, but with only a moderate measure of success.
The year 1526 found Boscan at Granada, where Andrea Navagiero,
Ambassador from Venice to the Court of Charles the Fifth, was then in
residence. A common love of letters drew the two young men into closest
intimacy with each other. "Being with Navagiero there one day," says Boscan
in his 'Letter to the Duquesa de Soma,' "and discoursing with him about
matters of wit and letters, and especially about the different forms they take in
different languages, he asked me why I did not make an experiment in
Castilian of sonnets and the other forms of verse used by good Italian authors;
and not only spoke to me of it thus slightly, but urged me to do it.... And thus I
began to try this kind of verse. At first I found it somewhat difficult; for it is of
a very artful construction, and in many particulars different from ours. But
afterwards it seemed to me--perhaps from the love we naturally bear to what is
our own--that I began to succeed very well; and so I went on little by little with
increasing zeal." Little dreamed the Venetian diplomat that, owing to his
friendly advice, a school was destined to arise shortly in the poetry of Spain
which would by no means have ceased to exist after the lapse of nearly four
centuries. From that day Boscan devoted himself to the exclusive composition
of verses in the Italian measure, undeterred by the bitter opposition of the
partisans of the old school. The incomparable Garcilaso de la Vega, then
scarcely past his majority, warmly supported the innovation of his beloved
friend, and soon far surpassed Boscan himself as a writer of sonnets and
canzones.
The Barcelonese poet spent the remainder of his life in comparative retirement,
although he appeared occasionally at court, and at one time superintended the
education of the young Duke of Alva, whose name afterwards became one of
such terror in the annals of the Netherlands. Boscan's death took place at
Perpignan about 1540.
An edition of Boscan's poems, together with those of his friend Garcilaso, was
published at Barcelona in 1543. The collection is divided into four books, three
of which are devoted to the productions of the elder poet. The first consists of
his early efforts in the old style, songs and ballads--'Canciones y Coplas.' The
second and third books contain ninety-three sonnets and canzones; a long
poem on Hero and Leander in blank verse; an elegy and two didactic epistles
in terza rima, and a half-narrative, half-allegorical poem in one hundred and
thirty-five octavo stanzas. The sonnets and canzones are obvious imitations of

Page 334

Petrarch; yet at the same time they are stamped with a spirit essentially
Spanish, and occasionally evince a deep passion and melody of their own,
although they may lack the subtle fascination of their exquisite models. The
'Allegory,' with its cleverly contrasted courts of Love and Jealousy, suggests
the airy, graceful humor of Ariosto, and is perhaps the most agreeable and
original of all Boscan's works. The 'Epistle to Mendoza' is conceived in the
manner of Horace, and amidst a fund of genial philosophic comment, contains
a charming picture of the poet's domestic happiness. He also left a number of
translations from the classics.
While in no sense a great poet, Boscan united simplicity, dignity, and classical
taste in a remarkable degree; and, inclined as he seemed to entirely banish the
ancient form of verse, he yet beyond question introduced a kind of poetry
which was developed to a high degree of perfection in the Castilian tongue,
and which may be studied with keen delight at this day in some of the noblest
poetical monuments of Spanish literature.
The best modern edition of Boscan's works is published under the title of 'Las
Obras de Juan Boscan' (Madrid, 1875).

ON THE DEATH OF GARCILASO

Tell me, dear Garcilaso,--thou
Who ever aim'dst at Good,
And in the spirit of thy vow,
So swift her course pursued
That thy few steps sufficed to place
The angel in thy loved embrace,
Won instant, soon as wooed,--
Why took'st thou not, when winged to flee
From this dark world, Boscan with thee?

Why, when ascending to the star
Where now thou sitt'st enshrined,
Left'st thou thy weeping friend afar,
Alas! so far behind?

Page 335

Oh, I do think, had it remained
With thee to alter aught ordained
By the Eternal Mind,
Thou wouldst not on this desert spot
Have left thy other self forgot!

For if through life thy love was such
As still to take a pride
In having me so oft and much
Close to thy envied side,--
I cannot doubt, I must believe,
Thou wouldst at least have taken leave
Of me; or, if denied,
Have come back afterwards, unblest
Till I too shared thy heavenly rest.

Translation of Wipfen.

Domestic Happiness

Page 336

Photogravure from a Painting by Eugen Klimsch.

A PICTURE OF DOMESTIC HAPPINESS

From 'Epistle to Mendoza'

This peace that makes a happy life,--
And that is mine through my sweet wife;
Beginning of my soul, and end,
I've gained new being through this friend;--
She fills each thought and each desire,
Up to the height I would aspire.
This bliss is never found by ranging;
Regret still springs from saddest changing;
Such loves, and their beguiling pleasures,
Are falser still than magic treasures,
Which gleam at eve with golden color,
And change to ashes ere the morrow.

But now each good that I possess,
Rooted in truth and faithfulness,
Imparts delight to every sense;
For erst they were a mere pretense,
And long before enjoyed they were,
They changed their smiles to grisly care.
Now pleasures please; love being single,
Evils with its delights ne'er mingle.

And thus, by moderation bounded,
I live by my own goods surrounded,
Among my friends, my table spread
With viands we may eat nor dread;
And at my side my sweetest wife,

Page 337

Whose gentleness admits no strife,--

Except of jealousy the fear,
Whose soft reproaches more endear;
Our darling children round us gather,--
Children who will make me grandfather.
And thus we pass in town our days,
Till the confinement something weighs;
Then to our village haunt we fly,
Taking some pleasant company,--
While those we love not never come
Anear our rustic, leafy home.

For better 'tis to philosophize,
And learn a lesson truly wise
From lowing herd and bleating flock,
Than from some men of vulgar stock;
And rustics, as they hold the plough,
May often good advice bestow.
Of love, too, we may have the joy:
For Phoebus as a shepherd-boy
Wandered once among the clover,
Of some fair shepherdess the lover;
And Venus wept, in rustic bower,
Adonis turned to purple flower.
And Bacchus 'midst the mountains drear
Forgot the pangs of jealous fear;

And nymphs that in the water play
('Tis thus that ancient fables say),
And Dryads fair among the trees,
Fain the sprightly Fauns would please.
So in their footsteps follow we,--
My wife and I,--as fond and free,
Love in our thoughts and in our talk;
Direct we slow our sauntering walk
To some near murmuring rivulet,
Where 'neath a shady beech we sit,
Hand clasped in hand, and side by side,--

Page 338

With some sweet kisses, too, beside,--
Contending there, in combat kind,
Which best can love with constant mind.

Thus our village life we live,
And day by day such joys receive;
Till, to change the homely scene,
Lest it pall while too serene,
To the gay city we remove,
Where other things there are to love;
And graced by novelty, we find
The city's concourse to our mind;
While our new coming gives a joy
Which ever staying might destroy.
We spare all tedious compliment;
Yet courtesy with kind intent,
Which savage tongues alone abuse,
Will often the same language use.

And Monleon, our dearest guest,
Will raise our mirth by many a jest;
For while his laughter rings again,
Can we to echo it refrain?
And other merriment is ours,
To gild with joy the lightsome hours.
But all too trivial would it look,
Written down gravely in a book:
And it is time to say adieu,
Though more I have to write to you.
Another letter this shall tell:
So now, my dearest friend, farewell.

Page 339

Page 340

JACQUES BÉNIGNE BOSSUET
(1627-1704)

BY ADOLPHE COHN

aques Bénigne Bossuet, sacred orator, historian, theologian, and
controversialist, was born in Dijon, capital of the then Burgundy, on
September 27th, 1627. There is no question but he is the greatest Catholic
divine whom France ever knew, and one of the greatest, some say the greatest,
of prose writers and orators of that country. His importance in the literary
history of France is due, moreover, not simply to the high excellence of his
productions, but fully as much to their representative character. The power that
was wielded with absolute authority by Louis XIV. found in Bossuet the
theorist who gave it a philosophical basis, and justified to the Frenchmen of
the seventeenth century the conditions under which they lived.
The future educator of Louis XIV.'s son sprang, like
most of the great Frenchmen of that time, from the
upper ranks of the bourgeoisie. The Bossuet family
had been for a long time honorably connected with
the legal profession and the judiciary: the father of
Jacques Bénigne was in 1627 a counselor practicing
before the "Parlement de Dijon," where his own Bossuet.
father had sat as "Conseiller," or Associate Justice.
Later in life he was himself called to a seat on the bench, when a new
Parlement was organized in the city of Metz for the province of Lorraine
(1638). Ten years later (January 24th, 1648) Bossuet, who had received his
education partly from the Jesuits of Dijon, partly in the celebrated Collège de
Navarre in Paris, and who had been shriven for the Catholic priesthood when
only eight years of age, made what may be called his first public appearance
when he defended his first thesis in theology. With this important event of his
life we find connected the name of the most brilliant Frenchman of that time,
the celebrated Prince de Condé,--famous already by many victories, though

Page 341

hardly twenty-six years of age,--who attended the disputation and had allowed
the young theologian to dedicate his thesis to him. Thirty-nine years later, after
a long period of close friendship, their names were again associated when the
illustrious Bishop of Meaux delivered the funeral oration of the great warrior,
and announced, at the close of a magnificent eulogy, that this would be the last
occasion on which he would devote his oratory to the praises of any man; a
promise which he kept, though he outlived his friend for no less than seventeen
years.
Bossuet's period of study lasted until the year 1652, when at the age of twenty-
five he was appointed Archdeacon of Sarrebourg. By virtue of his position he
thenceforward, for no less than seven years, resided in Metz, a city whose
peculiar position, especially in religious matters, exerted a powerful influence
over the direction of his whole intellectual life. He found there what was very
rare then in France, representatives of three religions. In addition to the
Catholics to whom he was to minister, there were in Metz numerous
Protestants,--both Lutherans, and Calvinists or Presbyterians,--and a not
inconsiderable number of Jews; and the city was used to continuous
theological controversy between minister, rabbi, and priest. The Protestants of
Metz received the teachings of two brilliant ministers, David Ancillon and Paul
Ferri, the latter of whom soon published a Catechism which was considered by
the whole body of French Protestantism the clearest exposition of its doctrines.
The Catholic clergy of France had then not yet renounced the hope of bringing
all the inhabitants of the country to place themselves voluntarily under the
spiritual guidance of Rome; and the conversions that were announced from
time to time from the upper ranks both of Protestantism and Judaism to a
certain degree justified such a hope.
Bossuet, while constantly improving his knowledge of the writings of the
Fathers, especially of St. Augustine, threw himself into the contest with
characteristic energy. As against the Jews he tried to demonstrate that the
coming of Christ is clearly foretold in the Prophecies. He thus became more
familiar with the Old Testament than any other Catholic theologian of his time,
and so far molded his style on that of the Bible that it soon became difficult to
distinguish in his productions that which came out of the sacred writings from
the utterances which belonged only to him. This was done, however, strange to
say, without any knowledge of the Hebrew language. Bossuet never read the
Bible except in Greek or Latin. There was no good French version of the
Bible; and it may be stated here that there is none to the present day which

Page 342

occupies in the French language anything like the position held in English by
the Bible of King James, or in German by Luther's version.
His attitude in regard to the Protestants is more interesting, because more
characteristic of the time in which he lived. France in the seventeenth century
had become convinced that harmony, unity, fixedness, are the clearest
manifestations of truth, the best guarantees of peace, happiness, and
prosperity; that variety and change are signs of error and harbingers of disaster.
Bossuet's whole effort in his controversy with Protestantism was directed
towards demonstrating that Protestantism lacks and that Catholicism possesses
the traits which were considered by his contemporaries to clearly belong to
truth; and as his opponents were not unwilling to follow him on his chosen
ground, as they never for a moment denied his main proposition,--his
statement of the characteristics of truth,--as he even managed during the
controversy to bring about a number of conversions to Catholicism, he left
Metz fully convinced that he was waging a successful warfare upon
unassailable ground.
He had been in Paris less than a year when an event happened which made him
doubly sure of the soundness of his position, and tenfold increased his belief in
the ultimate victory of his Church over all other denominations. The
Commonwealth of England collapsed, and Charles II. was called to the throne
from which his father had been hurled by Oliver Cromwell. Nothing can give
any idea of the shock experienced by France on hearing of the development
and success of the Great Rebellion in England. No Frenchman at that time
understood what the English Constitution was. The course of French history
had led the people of France to put all the strength they possessed in the hands
of their kings, and to treat as a public enemy any one who resisted, or even
attempted to limit in any way, the royal authority. To people holding such
opinions the English nation after the month of January, 1649, appeared as a
nation of parricides. And the feeling was intensified by the fact that the wife of
the beheaded king, Henrietta Maria, was a sister of the King of France, a
daughter of the beloved Henry IV., whose death by Ravaillac's dagger was still
mourned by every French patriot. The triumph of Cromwell, the proud position
which England occupied in Europe during his protectorate, left however hardly
any hope that the rebellious nation would ever acknowledge the errors of her
ways; and lo! in a moment, without any effort on his part, without any
struggle, the dead king's son resumed his rights, and every one who had been
in arms against him lay prostrate at his feet. The same nation that had rebelled

Page 343

against the levying of the "ship money" and the proceedings of the Star
Chamber allowed Charles II. almost as absolute an authority as ever the King
of France possessed. Once cured of her political errors, was England not to be
soon cured of her theological errors? After repenting her rebellion against the
King, was she not to repent her rebellion against the Pope? Such were the
questions which Bossuet, which the whole of France, began to ask. Or rather,
these were to them no longer questions: the people of France began to look
across the Channel with confident expectation of a religious counter-
revolution. The collapse of the Commonwealth could not but be followed by
the collapse of the Reformation.
When Louis XIV., after Cardinal Mazarin's death, took in his own hands the
management of the affairs of the State; when the marriage of the brilliant
Henrietta of England with the Duke of Orleans made the sister of the English
King a sister-in-law to the King of France; when triumph after triumph on the
field of war, of diplomacy, of literature, of art, added to the power and glory of
France, which had never swerved in her allegiance either to King or Church,--
the feeling grew that only in unity of Faith, Law, and King were truth and
prosperity to be found by nations. The saying "Une foi, une loi, un roi" (one
faith, one law, one king), which may be said to sum up Bossuet's religious,
social, and political beliefs, seemed to all an incontrovertible and self-evident
axiom.
These were the times when Bossuet's utterances grew in power and
magnificence. He was heard in a number of Parisian churches; he was heard at
court, where he several times was appointed preacher either for Advent or
Lent; he delivered panegyrics of saints, and was called upon to eulogize in
death those who had held the highest rank in life. He had just delivered the
most splendid and the most touching of his funeral orations, those on Henrietta
of France, widow of Charles I. of England (November 16th, 1669), and less
than a year later, on her unfortunate daughter, Henrietta of England, Duchess
of Orleans (August 21st, 1670), when the King, at the request of the upright
Duke de Montausier, called him to court from the bishopric of Condom to
which he had been raised, and intrusted to him the education of his son and
heir-apparent, the Dauphin of France.
Bossuet's royal pupil never reigned. He died in 1711, four years before his
father's death: and it must be admitted that during the thirty-one years that
elapsed between the moment when he came out of Bossuet's hands and the end
of his life, he gave no evidence of being anything except a very commonplace

Page 344

sort of a man. No such halo surrounds him as surrounds his unfortunate son,
the Duke of Burgundy, whose death two years after that of the Dauphin was
mourned as a public calamity. Whether Bossuet's failure to make a great prince
out of the Dauphin was due to a faulty system of education or to the
unresponsive nature of the pupil, can hardly be considered to-day a matter of
great interest. But French literature was certainly the gainer by the
appointment of Bossuet to the post of tutor to the Prince. Three of his most
remarkable works--his 'Discourse upon Universal History,' his 'Policy
according to the Holy Writ,' and his 'Treatise on the Knowledge of God and
Man'--were written especially for the Dauphin, and read by him as textbooks a
long time before their publication. The opening sentence of the 'Discourse' tells
us clearly the author's purpose: "Were history useless to other men, it would
still be necessary to have it studied by princes."
In 1680 Bossuet left the Dauphin, who then married a Bavarian princess, and
one year later he was called to the bishopric of Meaux. Louis XIV. was then
taking steps leading to the important and fatal venture by which three years
later he repealed the Edict of Nantes, and forbade the existence in France of
the Protestant religion. No one can deny Bossuet's share in determining the
king to follow a policy so fatal to the interests of France, but at the same time
so much in accord with the views of Rome. A natural outcome would have
been the raising of Bossuet, who was certainly then the greatest orator, the
greatest writer, and the greatest theologian in the Catholic clergy, to the
Cardinalate. Still Bossuet was never a cardinal.
The explanation lies in Bossuet's conduct in the year 1682. The King of France
in that year called together a General Assembly of the clergy of France, a kind
of National Council. His object was to have the clergy assert its national
character, and to state that in civil matters it was subject not to the Pope, but to
the King. The various statements to that effect constitute what is known as
'The Liberties of the Gallican Church.' The statements were adopted after
being drafted by Bossuet, who had at the opening of the sessions delivered
before the Assembly his celebrated 'Sermon on the Unity of the Church,' the
main part of which is an eloquent defense of the above-stated views. France
was too powerful then for the see of Rome not to yield, but no favors were
thenceforth to be expected for the spokesman of the French national clergy.
Still the great divine continued his efforts, and in 1688 he put forth the most
complete and masterly exposition of his beliefs, his 'History of the Variations
of the Protestant Churches.' The Revolution of 1688-89 in England did not in

Page 345

the least, sad though it seemed, weaken his faith in the ultimate triumph of
Catholicism. In France at that time the English revolution was not considered
an assertion by the people of political and religious rights, but the carrying out
of a detestable family conspiracy of a daughter and son-in-law with their
father's enemy. This better than anything else explains the hatred which was
harbored against William III., and which found expression in the works even
of as free-minded a writer as La Bruyère. It is during the period of the fiercest
struggle between Louis XIV. and William III. that Bossuet carried on with the
German philosopher Leibnitz a series of negotiations, the object of which was
the return to Catholicism of Protestant Germany. We need hardly state that the
negotiations utterly failed.
In another controversy which occupied Bossuet's last years he was entirely
successful. The most eloquent of his disciples, Fénélon, then Archbishop of
Cambrai, seemed to him to have fallen into dangerous errors. He had adopted
the mystic doctrine of Quietism, which had been made known to him first by
an erratic woman, Madame Guyon. Bossuet determined that the eloquent
archbishop must be compelled to recant. A number of works were published by
him in support of his position, the most important one being his 'Relation on
Quietism'; and he did not rest until the Pope had condemned his rival, and
Fénélon had submitted to censure in his own cathedral at Cambrai. Some
accuse Bossuet of too much harshness in the contest. The Pope himself was
reported to have said, "The Archbishop of Cambrai sinned by too much love of
God, the Bishop of Meaux by too little love of his fellow-man."
Bossuet was then a very old man, but neither growing age nor the care that he
took of what he considered the general interests of Catholic Christianity ever
kept him from giving the closest attention to the spiritual government of his
flock. He was a model bishop. He died April 12th, 1704, aged seventy-six
years, six months, and sixteen days.
Bossuet was a very prolific writer. In the best edition, that of Abbé Caron,
begun in Versailles in 1815, his writings fill not less than forty-one volumes.
But it must be stated at once that a great deal of this production belongs
decidedly more to theology than to French literature. Some of it is not even in
French, but in Latin; for instance, Bossuet's letter to the Pope on the subject of
the education of the Dauphin. Although in French, such works as the 'Treatise
on Communion' or the 'Explanation of John the Baptist's Revelation' are
decidedly outside the pale of literature, as the word is usually understood. We
shall mention here only those works of Bossuet which, by virtue of their

Page 346

perfect form and the accessibility of the subject to the general reader, are to
this day more or less familiar to the best educated people in France.
The first to be mentioned among these are the 'Sermons,' the 'Funeral
Orations,' and the 'Discourse upon Universal History.'
Bossuet's sermons undoubtedly were among his most perfect productions. He
was a born orator; his majestic bearing, his melodious and powerful voice, his
noble gestures, made the magnificent sentences, the beautiful and striking
imagery of his speeches, doubly impressive. Unfortunately, with only a few
exceptions Bossuet's sermons have reached us in a very imperfect form. He did
not, as a rule, fully write them, and the art of taking down verbatim the
utterances of public speakers had not yet been invented. The sermon 'On the
Unity of the Church' we possess because Bossuet had committed it to writing
before delivering it; other impressive sermons, those on 'Death,' on the
'Conversion of the Sinner,' on 'Providence,' on the 'Duties of Kings,' etc., have
reached us in a sufficiently correct form to give us an idea of Bossuet's
eloquence: but the reader who really wishes to know the great sacred orator of
Louis XIV.'s reign had better turn at once to the 'Funeral Orations.'
Bossuet's funeral orations were prepared with great care. They were delivered
as a rule several months after the death of the person to be eulogized, as part of
a religious ceremony in which a mass was said for the repose of his soul.
Bossuet delivered eleven funeral orations, one of which--that of Anne of
Austria, widow of Louis XIII. and mother of Louis XIV,--is lost. Of the other
ten, four are youthful productions and deal with people of comparatively small
importance. Six remain that are known as the great funeral orations, and they
were delivered between November 16th, 1669, and March 10th, 1687. They
are those on Henrietta of France, Queen of England; Henrietta of England,
Duchess of Orleans; Maria Theresa of Spain, Queen of France; Anne of
Gonzaga and Clèves, Princess of the Palatinate; Michel Le Tellier, High
Chancellor of France; and Louis de Bourbon, Prince of Condé.
The most remarkable of these are the first two and the last one. In the funeral
oration on Henrietta of France, Bossuet had just the kind of subject which he
was best fitted to treat, and it must be considered his masterpiece. It presents in
magnificent style, in pompous development, a complete exposition of his
historical and political theories, together with a strikingly vivid account of the
great English rebellion. His portraits of Charles I. and Oliver Cromwell--the

Page 347

one, of course, altogether too enthusiastic, the other too severe--stand out in as
bold relief as the paintings of Van Dyck or Velasquez. His theory of
revolutions, which he considers the punishments inflicted by God upon
sovereigns for violations of His law, is presented with a wealth of illustrations
which was simply overwhelming for the audience that listened to it. It remains
to this day one of the most plausible, as it will remain forever one of the most
eloquent pieces of historical and theological reasoning.
In the funeral oration on Henrietta of England we find little of history, still less
of politics. Here we have a domestic catastrophe of appalling suddenness: a
brilliant woman, the worshiped centre of the most brilliant court, one to whom
the speaker himself was most tenderly attached, so abruptly snatched away by
death that the suspicion of foul play at once arose and has not to this day been
entirely dispelled. Nowhere has Bossuet, nor perhaps any other orator, so
powerfully depicted the uncertainty of everything human. The closeness with
which he treated his subjects is well illustrated by an anecdote that is
connected with this oration. Only two or three hours before her death, when
already conscious of her desperate position, the unfortunate princess had
directed that an emerald ring of hers should be after her death handed to the
great preacher. "What a pity," he was told, "that such an incident cannot find
place in a funeral oration!"--"Why not" he answered. When he delivered the
oration, the emerald ring was on one of the fingers of his right hand; and when
speaking of the princess's virtues and charming qualities, he alluded to the art
of giving, in which she signally excelled. "And this art," he went on, "never
deserted her, not even, I know it, in the throes of death," at the same time
raising his right hand and placing the precious jewel in full view of the
audience.
The funeral oration on the Prince de Condé shows us how he triumphed over
difficulties. He was a warm friend and ardent admirer of the Prince, and at the
same time a devoted subject of the King, rebellion against whom he
considered a very grievous sin. Yet the Prince had for years been a rebel
against the King during the wars of the Fronde, and had continued in the ranks
of the hostile Spaniards even after all the other rebels had submitted to the
royal authority. After conducting his narrative down to the time when the
Prince, still a faithful subject, was unjustly imprisoned by order of Cardinal
Mazarin,--"And," he goes on, "since I have to speak of these things over which
I would fain keep eternally silent, until this fatal imprisonment he had not even
dreamed that anything could be attempted against the State.... This is what

Page 348

made him say (I certainly can repeat here, before these altars, the words I
received from his lips, since they so clearly show the bottom of his heart)--he
said then, speaking of this unfortunate prison, that he had entered it the most
innocent, and had left it the guiltiest of men." Nearly the whole of this oration
is devoted to history; it teems with brilliant passages, the most famous of
which is the narrative of the Prince's first victory, the battle of Rocroi, in 1643.
Thoughtful readers seldom pass by the funeral oration on Anne of Gonzaga. It
forms a curious incident in Bossuet's life. The great preacher's most striking
fault was a lack of energy in his dealings with royal characters. "He lacks
bones," some one said of him: and thus when his enemies so intrigued as to
have him required to eulogize from the pulpit the erratic princess, who had
been a political intriguer and the heroine of many scandals before repentance
took hold of her, he lacked the courage to decline the doubtful honor. But in
the pulpit, or whenever the priest had to appear, and not simply the man, his
better manhood, pure and commanding, at once took the upper hand; and so,
facing his critics,--"My discourse," he said, "which perhaps you think you are
to judge, will judge you when the last day comes; and if you do not depart
hence better Christians, you will depart hence guiltier men!"
With the funeral orations one might mention another series of religious
discourses not strikingly different from them,--the panegyrics of saints, of
which twenty have been preserved, that of Saint Paul being indisputably the
best.
The 'Discourse upon Universal History,' which was originally written for the
Dauphin, is a masterly attempt to give a philosophical explanation of the facts
of history, beginning with the Biblical account of the Creation, and ending
with the assumption by Charlemagne of the imperial crown in 800 A.D. It is
divided into three parts: The Epochs; Religion; the Empires. The first part
contains the significance of twelve events considered by Bossuet as epoch-
making: the Creation, the Flood, the calling of Abraham, Moses and the giving
of the Law, the taking of Troy, the building of the Temple of Solomon, the
foundation of Rome, Cyrus and the re-establishment of Hebrew nationality, the
defeat of Carthage, the birth of Christ, the triumph of the Church under
Constantine, the re-establishment of the Empire with Charlemagne.
The second part, which contains thirty-one chapters, has a twofold object: to
demonstrate that the coming of Christ is clearly foretold in the Old Testament,
and that the Roman Catholic Church is the only faithful representative of true

Page 349

Christianity. The third part is less theological. It is an attempt to explain the
facts of history, at least partially, by a study of the various influences to which
the different nations have been subjected. The general purpose of the whole
work is best explained by the last chapter of this third part, the title of which
is: Conclusion of the whole Discourse, in which is shown that all events must
be ascribed to a Divine Providence.
Next to the above works we must mention the 'History of the Variations of the
Protestant Churches,' partly a work of theological controversy, but partly also a
brilliant exposition, from a strictly Catholic point of view, of the history of the
Reformation. It contains a portrait of Luther which is almost worthy to be
compared with that of Cromwell in the funeral oration on Henrietta of France.
The only other works of Bossuet that we would mention here are two
admirable devotional works, the 'Meditations upon the Gospel,' and the
'Contemplations on the Mysteries of the Catholic Religion,' the latter a clear
and concise but now superannuated treatise on philosophy; the 'Treatise on the
Knowledge of God and Man,' a very curious and eloquent and at the same time
thoroughly Biblical treatise on theocratic policy; 'Policy according to the Holy
Writ'; and finally his 'Relation on Quietism,' which shows what hard blows he
could, when thoroughly aroused, deal to a somewhat disingenuous opponent.

FROM THE SERMON 'UPON THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH'

When the time had come at which the Roman Empire of the West was to
collapse and Gaul was to become France, God did not allow such a noble part
of Christendom to remain long under idolatrous princes; and wishing to hand
over to the kings of the French the keeping of his Church, which he had
formerly intrusted to the emperors, he gave not to France only, but to the
whole Western world, a new Constantine in the person of Clovis. The
miraculous victory which he sent from heaven to each of these two princes in

Page 350

their wars was a pledge of his love, and the glorious inducement which
attracted them to Christianity. Faith triumphed, and the warlike nation of the
Franks knew that the God of Clotilda was the true God of armies.
Then Saint Remi saw that by placing the kings of France and their people in
the bosom of Jesus Christ, he had given to the Church a set of invincible
protectors. This great saint, this new Samuel called to anoint the kings,
anointed these, in his own words, "to be the perpetual defender of the Church
and the poor": a worthy object for royalty to pursue. After teaching them how
to make churches flourish and populations thrive (believe ye that he himself is
now speaking to you, as I only recite the fatherly words of this apostle of the
French), day and night he prayed to God that they should persevere in His faith
and reign according to the rules he had given them; assuring them at the same
time that in enlarging their kingdom they would enlarge the kingdom of Christ,
and that if they faithfully kept the laws he prescribed in the name of God, the
empire of Rome would be given to them, so that from the kings of France
would issue Emperors worthy of that title, through whom Christ would reign.
Such were the blessings which a thousand and a thousand times the great Saint
Remi poured upon the French and their kings, whom he always called his dear
children; unceasingly praising God for his kindness, because, with a view to
strengthen the incipient faith of this God-blessed nation, he had deigned,
through his own sinner's hands (these are his own words), to repeat, before the
eyes of all the French and of their king, the miracles which had burst upon the
world in the early foundation of Christian churches. All the saints then living
rejoiced; and in this decline of the Roman Empire, it seemed to them that there
appeared in the kings of France "a new Light for the whole West." "In occiduis
partibus novi jubaris lumen effulgurat;" and not for the West alone, but for all
the Church, to which this new kingdom promised new advances. This is what
was said by Saint Avitus, the learned and holy bishop of Vienne, the weighty
and eloquent advocate of the Church of Rome, who was directed by his
colleagues, the revered bishops of Gaul, to recommend to the Romans in the
cause of Pope Symmachus the common cause of the whole episcopacy;
"because," so said that great man, "when the Pope, the chief of all the bishops,
is assailed, then not one bishop alone, but the whole episcopacy is in danger."

Page 351

OPENING OF THE FUNERAL ORATION ON HENRIETTA OF
FRANCE

My Lord[4]:

[4] This oration was delivered in the presence of the
Duke of Orleans, son-in-law of Henrietta of France; it
is he whom Bossuet addresses in beginning his speech.

He who reigns in heaven and who is the Lord of all the empires, to whom
alone majesty, glory, and independence belong, is also the only one who
glories in dictating laws to kings, and in giving them, when it so pleases him,
great and terrible lessons. Whether he raises or lowers thrones; whether he
communicates his own power to princes, or reclaims it all and leaves them
nothing but their own weakness, he teaches them their duties in a manner both
sovereign and worthy of him; for when giving them his power, he commands
them to use it, as he does, for the good of the world; and he shows them in
withdrawing it that all their majesty is borrowed, and that, though seated on
the throne, they are nevertheless under his hand and supreme authority. Thus
does he teach princes, not only by words but by deeds and examples. "Et nunc,
reges, intelligite; erudimini, qui judicatis terram."
Christians, ye who have been called from all sides to this ceremony by the
memory of a great Queen,--daughter, wife, mother of powerful kings and of
sovereigns of three kingdoms,--this speech will bring before you one of those
conspicuous examples which spread before the eyes of the world its absolute
vanity. You will see in a single life all the extremes of human affairs:
boundless felicity and boundless misery; a long and peaceful possession of one
of the world's noblest crowns; all that can be given of the glories of birth and
rank gathered upon a head which is afterwards exposed to all the insults of
fortune; the good cause at first rewarded by success, then met by sudden turns
and unheard-of changes; rebellion long restrained, at last over-riding
everything; unbridled licentiousness; the destruction of all laws; royal majesty
insulted by crimes before unknown; usurpation and tyranny under the name of

Page 352

liberty; a queen pursued by her enemies, and finding no refuge in either of her
kingdoms; her own native land become a melancholy place of exile; many
voyages across the sea undertaken by a princess, in spite of the tempest; the
ocean surprised at being crossed so often, in such different ways, and for so
different causes; a throne shamefully destroyed and miraculously restored.
Those are the lessons which are given by God to the kings; thus does He show
to the world the emptiness of its pomps and splendors. If I lack words, if
expression is unable to do justice to a subject of such magnitude and loftiness,
things alone will speak sufficiently; the heart[5] of a great queen, formerly
raised by long years of prosperity and suddenly plunged into an abyss of
bitterness, will speak loudly enough; and if private characters are not allowed
to give lessons to princes upon such strange occurrences, a king lends me his
voice to tell them. "Et nunc, reges, intelligite; erudimini, qui judicatis terram:"
Understand now, ye kings of the earth; learn, ye who judge the world.

[5] The Queen's heart was kept in the church where
Bossuet was speaking.

But the wise and religious Princess who is the subject of this discourse was not
simply a spectacle presented to them that they may study therein the counsels
of Divine Providence and the fatal revolutions of monasteries: she was her
own instructor, while God instructed all princes through her example. I have
said already that the Divine Lord teaches them both by giving and by taking
away their power. The Queen of whom I speak understood one of these lessons
as well as the other, contrary as they are, which means that in good as well as
in evil fortune she behaved as a Christian. In the one she was charitable, in the
other invincible. While prosperous she made her power felt by the world
through infinite blessings; when fortune forsook her, she enlarged her own
treasure of virtues, so that she lost for her own good this royal power which
she had had for the good of others. And if her subjects, if her allies, if the
Church Universal were the gainers by her greatness, she gained by her
misfortunes and humiliations more than she had done by all her glory.

THE GREAT REBELLION
I confess, on entering upon my undertaking, that I realize its difficulty more
than ever. When I fasten my eyes upon the unheard-of misfortunes of such a
great queen, I fail to find words; and my mind, revolted by so many

Page 353

undeserved hardships inflicted upon majesty and virtue, would never consent
to rush into such a maze of horrors, if the admirable constancy with which this
princess bore her reverses had not risen far above the crimes by which they
were caused. But at the same time, Christians, I labor under another solicitude:
what I meditate upon is no human work; I am not here a historian, about to
unravel to you the mysteries of cabinets, or the order of battles, or the interests
of parties; I must rise above man in order that every creature should tremble
under the judgments of God. "I shall enter with David into the powers of the
Lord," and I have to show you the wonders of his hand and of his resolutions:
resolutions of deserved punishment for England, resolutions of compassion for
the Queen's salvation; but resolutions stamped by the finger of God, whose
imprint is so striking and manifest in the events of which I have to treat, that
no one can fail to be dazzled by his light.
When we go back in time, no matter how far, and investigate in the histories
the instances of great revolutions, we find that hitherto they have been caused
by the licentiousness or violence of princes. For when princes, ceasing to study
their civil and military affairs, make hunting their only labor, or as was said by
one historian, find all their glory in their splendor, and put all their mind to the
invention of new pleasures; or when, carried away by their violent natures,
they cease to respect the laws and to know any bounds, and thus lose both the
respect and the fear of their subjects, because the ills those subjects are bearing
seem more unendurable than those they only fear,--then, either excessive
licentiousness or patience driven to extremity is full of menace to reigning
houses.
Charles I., King of England, was just, moderate, magnanimous, very well
informed in regard to his affairs and to the arts of government; never was there
a prince more able to make royalty not only venerable and holy, but also loved
and cherished by his people. What fault can be found with him, save
clemency? I am willing to say of him what a celebrated writer said of Cæsar,
that he was so clement as to be compelled to repent it. ("Cæsari proprium et
peculiare sit elementiæ insigne qua usque ad poenitentiam omnes superavit.")
Let this be, then, if you will, the illustrious fault of Charles as well as of
Caesar; but if any one wishes to believe that misfortune and defeat are always
associated with weakness, do not let him think, for all that, he can persuade us
that either strength was wanting in Charles's courage or energy in his
resolutions. When pursued to the very last extremities by Fortune's implacable
malignity, and betrayed by all his people, he never deserted his own cause; in

Page 354

spite of the ill success of his unfortunate arms, though conquered he was not
subdued; and just as he never when victorious refused that which was
reasonable, when captive he always rejected that which was weak and unjust. I
can hardly behold his great heart in his last trials: but certainly he showed that
no rebels can deprive of his majesty a king who really knows himself; and
those who saw with what visage he appeared in Westminster Hall and in
Whitehall Square can easily judge how intrepid he was at the head of his
armies, how august and imposing in the middle of his palace and court. Great
Queen, I satisfy your tenderest desires when I celebrate this monarch; and this
heart, which never lived but for him, wakes up from its dust and resumes
sentiment, even under this funeral drapery, at the name of such a beloved
husband, whom his enemies themselves will call wise and just, and whom
posterity will name among great princes, provided his history finds readers
whose judgment does not allow itself to be swayed by events and by fortune.
Those who are informed in regard to the facts, being compelled to admit that
the king's conduct had given no reason and not even a pretext for the
sacrilegious excesses the memory of which is abhorred by us, ascribe them to
the unconquerable haughtiness of the nation; and I own that the hatred of
parricides is apt to throw our minds into such an opinion: but when we more
closely consider the history of this great kingdom, especially during the last
reigns, in which not simply adult kings, but even children under guardianship
and queens themselves have wielded a power so absolute, and inspired so
much terror; when we see the incredible facility with which the true Religion
was by turns upset and restored by Henry, Edward, Mary, Elizabeth, we do not
find either the nation so prone to rebel nor its Parliaments so proud and
factious. Rather we are compelled to reproach these people with too much
docility, since they placed under the yoke even their faith and conscience. Do
not let us then make blind accusations against the inhabitants of the most
celebrated island in the world, who according to the most reliable histories
trace their origin back to Gaul; and do not let us believe that the Mercians, the
Danes, and the Saxons have so far corrupted in them the good blood which
they had received from our ancestors as to lead them to such barbarous
proceedings, if some other causes had not intervened. What is it, then, that
drove them on? What force, what transport, what disturbance of the elements
stirred these agitations, these violences? There is no doubt, Christians, that
false religions, infidelity, the thirst of disputing on things divine without end,
without rule, without submission, carried away their hearts. Those are the

Page 355

enemies against which the Queen had to fight, and which neither her prudence,
her leniency, nor her firmness could conquer.
A man appeared, of a mind incredibly deep, a consummate dissembler and at
the same time a powerful statesman, capable of undertaking everything and of
concealing everything, no less active and indefatigable in peace than in war;
who left nothing to fortune of that which he could take from it by wisdom or
foresight, but withal so vigilant, so well prepared for everything, that he never
failed to improve any opportunity: in short, one of those restless and audacious
minds which seem to have been born in order to transform the world. How
dangerous the fate of such minds, and how many appear in history who were
ruined by their very boldness! But at the same time, what do they not achieve
when it pleases God to make use of them! To this one it was given to deceive
the people and to prevail against the kings. For as he had discovered that in
this infinite medley of sects, which no longer had any fixed rules, the pleasure
of dogmatic arguing without any fear of being reprimanded or restrained by
any authority, either ecclesiastical or secular, was the spell that charmed their
minds, he so well managed to conciliate them thereby that out of this
monstrous medley he created a formidable unit. When a man has once found a
way of seducing the multitude with the bait of freedom, they afterwards
blindly follow, provided they still hear the beloved word. These, occupied with
the object that had first transported them, were still going on without noticing
that they were going to servitude; and their subtle leader--who while fighting
and arguing, while uniting in himself a thousand different characters, while
acting as theologian and prophet as well as soldier and captain, saw that he had
so bewitched the world that he was looked upon by the whole army as a chief
sent by God for the protection of independence--began to perceive that he
could drive them still further. I shall not relate to you the story of his too
prosperous undertakings nor his famous victories which made virtue indignant,
nor his long tranquillity which astonished the world. It was God's purpose to
instruct the kings not to desert his Church. He wished to reveal by one great
example all that heresy can do, how indocile and independent it naturally is,
how fatal to royalty and to any legitimate authority. Moreover, when this great
God has chosen any one for the instrument of his designs nothing can stop his
course: he either chains or blinds or subdues all that is capable of resistance. "I
am the Lord," he says through the lips of Jeremiah; "I am he who made the
earth, with the men and animals; and I place it in the hands of whomsoever
pleases me; and now I wished to submit these lands to Nebuchadnezzar, King
of Babylon, my servant." He calls him his servant, although an infidel, because

Page 356

he selected him for enforcing his decrees. "And I order," he goes on, "that
everything be obedient unto him, even the animals;" thus it is that everything
bends and becomes flexible when God so commands! But listen to the rest of
the prophecy:--"I order that these people shall obey him, and shall obey his son
also, until the time of the one and the other do come." See, ye Christians, how
clearly marked the times are, how numbered the generations: God determines
how long the sleep of the world shall be, and also when the awakening is to
come.

God held twelve years, without relaxing, without any consolation from men,
our unfortunate Queen (let us loudly call her by this title, which she made a
cause for thanksgiving), making her learn under his hand such hard but useful
lessons. At last, softened by her prayers and her humble patience, he restored
the royal house; Charles II. is recognized and the injury of the kings is
avenged. Those whom arms could not conquer, nor reasoning convince, came
back suddenly of their own accord: disappointed in their freedom, they at last
came to detest its excesses, ashamed that they had had so much power, and
horrified at their own success. We know that this magnanimous prince might
have hastened things by making use of the hands of those who offered to
destroy tyranny at one blow: but his great soul disdained these low agencies;
he believed that whatever were the conditions of kings, it behoved their
majesty to act only by the laws or by arms. These laws, which he defended,
restored him almost by themselves; he reigns, peaceful and glorious, on his
ancestors' throne, and with and through him also reign justice, wisdom, and
mercy.

FROM THE 'DISCOURSE UPON UNIVERSAL HISTORY'

INTRODUCTION

Even were history useless to other men, it would still be necessary to have it
read by princes. There is no better way of making them discover what can be

Page 357

brought about by passions and interests, by times and circumstances, by good
and bad advice. The books of historians are filled with the actions that occupy
them, and everything therein seems to have been done for their use. If
experience is necessary to them for acquiring that prudence which enables
them to become good rulers, nothing is more useful to their instruction than to
add to the example of past centuries the experiences with which they meet
every day. While usually they learn to judge of the dangerous circumstances
that surround them, only at the expense of their subjects and of their own
glory, by the help of history they form their judgment upon the events of the
past without risking anything. When they see even the most completely hidden
vices of princes exposed to the eyes of all men, in spite of the insincere praise
which they received while alive, they feel ashamed of the empty joy which
flattery gives them, and they acknowledge that true glory cannot obtain
without real merit.
Moreover, it would be disgraceful,--I do not say for a prince, but in general for
any educated man,--not to know the human kind and the memorable changes
which took place in the world through the lapse of ages. If we do not learn
from history to distinguish the times, we shall represent men under the law of
nature, or under the civil law, the same as under the sway of the gospel; we
shall speak of the Persians conquered under Alexander in the same way as of
the Persians victorious under Cyrus; we shall represent Greece as free in the
time of Philip as in the time of Themistocles or Miltiades; the Roman people
as proud under the Emperors as under the Consuls; the Church as quiet under
Diocletian as under Constantine; and France, disturbed by civil wars under
Charles IX. and Henri III., as powerful as in the time of Louis XIV., when,
united under such a great King, alone she triumphs over the whole of Europe.

PUBLIC SPIRIT IN ROME

Page 358

He who can put into the minds of the people patience in labor, a feeling for
glory and the nation's greatness, and love of their country, can boast of having
framed the political constitution best fitted for the production of great men. It
is undoubtedly to great men that the strength of an empire is due. Nature never
fails to bring forth in all countries lofty minds and hearts; but we must assist it
in forming them. What forms and perfects them consists of strong feelings and
noble impressions which spread through all minds and invisibly pass from one
to another. What is it that makes our nobility so proud in battle, so bold in its
undertakings? It is the opinion received from childhood and established by the
unanimous sentiment of the nation, that a nobleman without valor degrades
himself and is no longer worthy to see the light of day. All the Romans were
nurtured in these sentiments, and the common people vied with the aristocracy
as to who would in action be most faithful to these vigorous maxims.... The
fathers who did not bring their children up in these maxims, and in the manner
necessary to enable them to serve the State, were called into court before the
magistrates and there adjudged guilty of a crime against the public. When such
a course has been entered upon, great men produce great men to succeed them;
and if Rome has had such men in greater number than any other city, it is
nowise due to chance; it is because the Roman State, constituted in the manner
which we have described, possessed as it were the very nature that must needs
be most prolific of heroes.

Page 359

JAMES BOSWELL
(1740-1795)

BY CHARLES F. JOHNSON

ames Boswell was born in Ayrshire, Scotland. His family was of ancient origin
and some social pretension, but the name derives its real distinction from him.
He attended the University of Edinburgh and was admitted to the Scotch bar.
He was, however, of a socially excitable and adventurous spirit, which
impelled him out of the humdrum life of a petty Scotch laird into the broad
currents of the world, and led him to attach himself to men of intellectual
distinction. He was introduced to Dr. Johnson in 1763, and scrupulously
sought his society till Johnson's death, making at least nine journeys to London
for the purpose, and recording his conversation with painstaking assiduity. To
this enthusiastic industry we owe the 'Life,' published in 1791, a book allowed
on all hands to fulfill the purpose of a biography, in giving an exact and lively
picture of the central figure and of his environment better than any other ever
written. Previous to this, Boswell had spent some time on the Continent, and,
driven by the peculiar form of hero-worship which was his overmastering
impulse, he visited Corsica and became intimate with Pascal Paoli, the patriot
who freed the island from the Genoese, but was subsequently conquered by the
French, In 1768 Boswell published 'An Account of Corsica, Memoirs of Pascal
Paoli, and a Journal of a Tour to the Island.' Of this Johnson said, "The history
is like other histories, but the journal is in a high degree delightful and
curious." Gray said the journal was "a dialogue between a green goose and a
hero."
In 1793 Boswell was admitted a member of the famous "Literary Club," and
soon after persuaded Dr. Johnson to make a tour of the Hebrides, a journey at
that time presenting almost as many difficulties as a trip to Labrador does now.
His journal, a book quite as entertaining as the 'Life,' was not published till
1786, two years after Johnson's death. As stated before, Boswell's great book,

Page 360

the 'Life,' was published in 1791. The author also
published a number of minor works which are not
worth enumerating.
The position of James Boswell as a classic author is
as well established as it is unique. It depends entirely
on the two books mentioned: 'The Life of Dr.
Samuel Johnson' and the 'Journal of a Tour to the James Boswell.
Hebrides,' which may be considered as one, and
indeed were amalgamated into one in Croker's edition. Further, the interest of
these books depends more on the subject-matter than on the style. No books
are better known than these, and none are buried deeper in oblivion than his
other productions, with the possible exception of the Corsican journal. One is
as obscure as the other is immortal, though from the artistic standpoint they do
not differ greatly in literary merit. But it is not just to say that the value of
Boswell's 'Life of Johnson' depends entirely on the subject-matter. It depends
rather on a happy relation or co-ordination between the subject and the author.
In consequence, it is hardly possible to consider Boswell as a writer without
some reference to Samuel Johnson. Not only is Johnson the central figure in
the book, but in a sense he is a joint author of it. About one-third of the book is
in Johnson's words, and this third is decidedly the best part. Boswell's
reputation as a great writer is unique in that it depends upon greatness as an
interviewer and reporter.
Macaulay says, "If Boswell had not been a great fool he never would have
been a great writer." This is one of those paradoxical statements to which
Macaulay likes to give a glittering plausibility. It is true that Boswell wrote a
great book, and it is also true that in some regards he was what we are
accustomed to designate as a fool; but to connect the two as cause and effect is
like saying that a man was a great athlete because he was lame, or that Lord
Byron had a beautiful face because he had a club-foot, or that Demosthenes
was a great orator because he stammered. Men have been made by their
foibles, but in those cases weakness in some directions has been more than
compensated for by strength in others. Boswell lacked some of the great
literary powers, but he possessed others, and those that he did possess
happened to be precisely the ones necessary to the writer of the life of Samuel
Johnson. Boswell had no imagination, no moral elevation, no decided wit or
power of phrase, no deep insight, no invention. But he had one power which
lies behind all great realistic literary work; and that is, observation. Johnson

Page 361

furnished the power of phrase, in which he was as eminent as any Englishman
between Shakespeare and Charles Lamb. The higher powers are not needed in
a transcript of fact. Boswell possessed too an eye for the externals which
indicate character, and--a quality rare in the eighteenth century--absolute
accuracy. Sir Joshua Reynolds said, "Every word of the 'Life' might be
depended on as if it were given on oath."
It was this habit of painstaking accuracy, rather than good taste, which led him
to avoid the vice of rhetorical amplification. It also prevented him from
missing the point of a joke of which he was unconscious. As a rule, his
'Johnsoniana' are better than those of Sir John Hawkins or Mrs. Piozzi, because
they are more literal. In one or two instances an embellishment which
improved a story was rejected by him because it was not true. These powers--
observation, scrupulous accuracy and industry, and enthusiastic admiration of
his hero--were all that he needed for the production of a great book; for Dr.
Johnson was so unaffected, so outspoken, and so entertaining a man, and every
sentence he uttered was so characteristic, that realism was a far better method
for his biographer than analysis. Perhaps it is always better when the subject is
strongly marked. That Dr. Johnson was a good subject is so evident that the
mere statement is sufficient. Mrs. Thrale-Piozzi's and even Sir John Hawkins's
books are entertaining simply because they are about him.
The eighteenth-century man presents a number of excellent features for literary
portraiture, because he is a compound of formality and explosiveness. The
formal manners and dress and ponderous courtesy of the eighteenth century,
combined with an outspoken way of calling things by their right names and a
boyish petulance and quickness of temper, make a contrast that is essentially
humorous, and more attractive than the philosophic and broad-minded temper
of earlier times or the reticence and indifference of our own day. Dr. Johnson
was a typical eighteenth-century man, and epitomized these contrasts.
Personally, too, he was a man for whom we must feel the most profound
regard and respect. He represents the normal Englishman, a compound of
moral integrity, rooted prejudice, and hatred of shams, with a mind which
works mechanically and a kind heart. We instinctively recognize this
compound as the ancestral type of our race, and are drawn to it. The real power
of our race depends upon the simplicity and solid humanity of this central type,
the heavy-armed and disciplined infantry about which are grouped the more
gifted and erratic types, the scouts and light-horse of civilization. For these
general reasons Samuel Johnson seems to us the best sitter for a literary

Page 362

portrait that ever fell into the hands of a literary painter, and the excellence of
his biography to depend quite as much upon the fact that it is a life of Samuel
Johnson as upon the fact that it is a life by James Boswell.
Boswell's private character is outside the question in a consideration of his
writings. Macaulay calls him a drunkard. If this be true, it seems a little severe
to call a Scotchman to account for being intoxicated one hundred years ago.
He also speaks of him as a toady; but he was a friend of Johnson, whose
detestation of sycophancy was a positive principle. Hume speaks of him as a
"friend of mine, very good-humored, very agreeable, and very mad."
Macaulay's and Carlyle's essays may be considered as mutually corrective. The
truth is that Boswell was absolutely frank, and if a man is frank about himself
on paper he must write himself down a fool, unless he belongs to a higher type
than Boswell or his critics.

AN ACCOUNT OF CORSICA

Having said so much of the genius and character of the Corsicans, I must beg
leave to present my readers with a very distinguished Corsican character, that
of Signor Clemente de' Paoli, brother of the General.
This gentleman is the eldest son of the old General Giacinto Paoli. He is about
fifty years of age, of a middle size and dark complexion; his eyes are quick and
piercing, and he has something in the form of his mouth which renders his
appearance very particular. His understanding is of the first rate, and he has by
no means suffered it to lie neglected. He was married, and has an only
daughter, the wife of Signor Barbaggi, one of the first men in the island.

Page 363

For these many years past, Signor Clemente, being in a state of widowhood,
has resided at Rostino, from whence the family of Paoli comes. He lives there
in a very retired manner. He is of a saturnine disposition, and his notions of
religion are rather gloomy and severe. He spends his whole time in study,
except what he passes at his devotions. These generally take up six or eight
hours every day; during all which time he is in church, and before the altar, in
a fixed posture, with his hands and eyes lifted up to heaven with solemn fervor.
He prescribes to himself an abstemious, rigid course of life, as if he had taken
the vows of some of the religious orders. He is much with the Franciscans,
who have a convent at Rostino. He wears the common coarse dress of the
country, and it is difficult to distinguish him from one of the lowest of the
people.
When he is in company he seldom speaks, and except upon important
occasions, never goes into public, or even to visit his brother at Corte. When
danger calls, however, he is the first to appear in the defense of his country. He
is then foremost in the ranks, and exposes himself to the hottest action; for
religious fear is perfectly consistent with the greatest bravery, according to the
famous line of the pious Racine,--

"I fear my God, and know no other fear."

In the beginning of an engagement he is generally calm; and will frequently
offer up a prayer to heaven for the person at whom he is going to fire; saying
he is sorry to be under the necessity of depriving him of life, but that he is an
enemy to Corsica, and Providence has sent him in his way in order that he may
be prevented from doing any further mischief; that he hopes God will pardon
his crimes and take him to Himself. After he has seen two or three of his
countrymen fall at his side, the case alters. His eyes flame with grief and
indignation, and he becomes like one furious, dealing vengeance everywhere
around him. His authority in the council is not less than his valor in the field.
His strength of judgment and extent of knowledge, joined to the singular
sanctity of his character, give him great weight in all the public consultations;
and his influence is of considerable service to his brother the General.

A TOUR TO CORSICA

Page 364

While I stopped to refresh my mules at a little village, the inhabitants came
crowding about me as an ambassador going to their General. When they were
informed of my country, a strong black fellow among them said, "English!
they are barbarians; they don't believe in the great God." I told him, "Excuse
me, sir. We do believe in God, and Jesus Christ, too."--"And in the Pope?"--
"No."--"And why?" This was a puzzling question in these circumstances; for
there was a great audience to the controversy. I thought I would try a method
of my own, and very gravely replied, "Because we are too far off,"--a very new
argument against the universal infallibility of the Pope. It took, however; for
my opponent mused a while, and then said, "Too far off! Why, Sicily is as far
off as England. Yet in Sicily they believe in the Pope."--"Oh," said I, "we are
ten times further off than Sicily."--"Aha!" said he; and seemed quite satisfied.
In this manner I got off very well. I question much whether any of the learned
reasonings of our Protestant divines would have had so good an effect.

THE LIFE OF SAMUEL JOHNSON

It seems to me in my moments of self-complacency that this extensive
biographical Work, however inferior in its nature, may in one respect be
assimilated to the 'Odyssey.' Amidst a thousand entertaining and instructive
episodes the Hero is never long out of sight; for they are all in some degree
connected with him; and He, in the whole course of the History, is exhibited by
the author for the best advantage of his readers:--

"Quid Virtus et quid sapientia possit,
Utile proposuit nobis exemplar Ulyssen."

(What may by virtue be done, and what by wisdom accomplished, Homer
affords in Ulysses for us a helpful example.)

Page 365

Should there be any cold-blooded and morose mortals who really dislike this
book, I will give them a story to apply. When the great Duke of Marlborough,
accompanied by Lord Cadogan, was one day reconnoitring the army in
Flanders, a heavy rain came on, and they both called for their cloaks. Lord
Cadogan's servant, a good-humored, alert lad, brought his Lordship's in a
minute. The Duke's servant, a lazy, sulky dog, was so sluggish that his Grace,
being wet to the skin, reproved him, and had for answer with a grunt, "I came
as fast as I could;" upon which the Duke calmly said, "Cadogan, I would not
for a thousand pounds have that fellow's temper."
Mr. Thomas Davies the actor, who then kept a bookseller's shop in Russel-
street, Covent Garden, told me that Johnson was very much his friend, and
came frequently to his house, where he more than once invited me to meet
him; but by some unlucky accident or other he was prevented from coming to
us.
Mr. Thomas Davies was a man of good understanding and talents, with the
advantage of a liberal education. Though somewhat pompous, he was an
entertaining companion; and his literary performances have no inconsiderable
share of merit. He was a friendly and very hospitable man. Both he and his
wife (who has been celebrated for her beauty), though upon the stage for many
years, maintained a uniform decency of character; and Johnson esteemed them,
and lived in as easy an intimacy with them as with any family which he used to
visit. Mr. Davies recollected several of Johnson's remarkable sayings, and was
one of the best of the many imitators of his voice and manner, while relating
them. He increased my impatience more and more to see the extraordinary
man whose works I highly valued, and whose conversation was reported to be
so peculiarly excellent.
At last, on Monday the 16th of May, when I was sitting in Mr. Davies' back-
parlor, after having drunk tea with him and Mrs. Davies, Johnson unexpectedly
came into the shop; and Mr. Davies having perceived him through the glass-
door in the room in which we were sitting, advancing toward us, he announced
his awful approach to me, somewhat in the manner of an actor in the part of
Horatio, when he addresses Hamlet on the appearance of his father's ghost,--
"Look, my lord, it comes." I found that I had a very perfect idea of Johnson's
figure from the portrait of him painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds soon after he
had published his Dictionary, in the attitude of sitting in his easy-chair in deep
meditation; which was the first picture his friend did for him, which Sir Joshua
very kindly presented to me, and from which an engraving has been made for

Page 366

this work. Mr. Davies mentioned my name, and respectfully introduced me to
him. I was much agitated, and recollecting his prejudice against the Scotch, of
which I had heard much, I said to Davies, "Don't tell where I came from."--
"From Scotland," cried Davies, roguishly. "Mr. Johnson" (said I), "I do indeed
come from Scotland, but I cannot help it." I am willing to flatter myself that I
meant this as light pleasantry to soothe and conciliate him, and not as an
humiliating abasement at the expense of my country. But however that might
be, this speech was somewhat unlucky; for with that quickness of wit for
which he was so remarkable, he seized the expression "come from Scotland,"
which I used in the sense of being of that country; and as if I had said that I
had come away from it, or left it, retorted, "That, sir, I find, is what a very
great many of your countrymen cannot help." This stroke stunned me a good
deal; and when he had sat down, I felt myself not a little embarrassed, and
apprehensive of what might come next. He then addressed himself to Davies:--
"What do you think of Garrick? He has refused me an order for the play of
Miss Williams, because he knows the house will be full, and that an order
would be worth three shillings." Eager to take any opening to get into
conversation with him, I ventured to say, "Oh, sir, I cannot think Mr. Garrick
would grudge such a trifle to you." "Sir," (said he, with a stern look) "I have
known David Garrick longer than you have done; and I know no right you
have to talk to me on the subject." Perhaps I deserved this check; for it was
rather presumptuous in me, an entire stranger, to express any doubt of the
justice of his animadversion upon his old acquaintance and pupil. I now felt
myself much mortified, and began to think that the hope which I had long
indulged of obtaining his acquaintance was blasted. And in truth, had not my
ardor been uncommonly strong, and my resolution uncommonly persevering,
so rough a reception might have deterred me for ever from making any further
attempts. Fortunately, however, I remained upon the field not wholly
discomfited; and was soon rewarded by hearing some of his conversation, of
which I preserved the following short minute, without marking the questions
and observations by which it was produced.
"People" (he remarked) "may be taken in once, who imagine that an author is
greater in private life than other men. Uncommon parts require uncommon
opportunities for their exertion."
"In barbarous society, superiority of parts is of real consequence. Great
strength or great wisdom is of much value to an individual. But in more
polished times there are people to do everything for money; and then there are

Page 367

a number of other superiorities, such as those of birth and fortune and rank,
that dissipate men's attention and leave no extraordinary share of respect for
personal and intellectual superiority. This is wisely ordered by Providence, to
preserve some equality among mankind."
"Sir, this book" ('The Elements of Criticism,' which he had taken up) "is a
pretty essay, and deserves to be held in some estimation, though much of it is
chimerical."
Speaking of one who with more than ordinary boldness attacked public
measures and the royal family, he said, "I think he is safe from the law, but he
is an abusive scoundrel; and instead of applying to my Lord Chief Justice to
punish him, I would send half a dozen footmen and have him well ducked."
"The notion of liberty amuses the people of England, and helps to keep off the
tædium vitæ. When a butcher tells you that 'his heart bleeds for his country,' he
has in fact no uneasy feeling."
"Sheridan will not succeed at Bath with his oratory. Ridicule has gone down
before him, and I doubt Derrick is his enemy."
"Derrick may do very well, as long as he can outrun his character; but the
moment his character gets up with him, it is all over."
It is, however, but just to record that some years afterwards, when I reminded
him of this sarcasm, he said, "Well, but Derrick has now got a character that he
need not run away from."
I was highly pleased with the extraordinary vigor of his conversation, and
regretted that I was drawn away from it by an engagement at another place. I
had for a part of the evening been left alone with him, and had ventured to
make an observation now and then, which he received very civilly; so that I
was satisfied that though there was a roughness in his manner, there was no ill-
nature in his disposition. Davies followed me to the door, and when I
complained to him a little of the hard blows which the great man had given
me, he kindly took upon him to console me by saying, "Don't be uneasy. I can
see he likes you very well."
A few days afterwards I called on Davies, and asked him if he thought I might
take the liberty of waiting on Mr. Johnson at his chambers in the Temple. He
said I certainly might, and that Mr. Johnson would take it as a compliment. So

Page 368

on Tuesday the 24th of May, after having been enlivened by the witty sallies of
Messieurs Thornton, Wilkes, Churchill, and Lloyd, with whom I had passed
the morning, I boldly repaired to Johnson. His chambers were on the first floor
of No. 1, Inner-Temple-lane, and I entered them with an impression given me
by the Reverend Dr. Blair, of Edinburgh, who had been introduced to him not
long before, and described his having "found the giant in his den"; an
expression which, when I came to be pretty well acquainted with Johnson, I
repeated to him, and he was diverted at this picturesque account of himself. Dr.
Blair had been presented to him by Dr. James Fordyce. At this time the
controversy concerning the pieces published by Mr. James Macpherson as
translations of Ossian was at its height. Johnson had all along denied their
authenticity; and what was still more provoking to their admirers, maintained
that they had no merit. The subject having been introduced by Dr. Fordyce, Dr.
Blair, relying on the internal evidence of their antiquity, asked Dr. Johnson
whether he thought any man of a modern age could have written such poems.
Johnson replied, "Yes, sir, many men, many women, and many children."
Johnson, at this time, did not know that Dr. Blair had just published a
Dissertation, not only defending their authenticity, but seriously ranking them
with the poems of Homer and Virgil; and when he was afterwards informed of
this circumstance, he expressed some displeasure at Dr. Fordyce's having
suggested the topic, and said, "I am not sorry that they got thus much for their
pains. Sir, it was like leading one to talk of a book when the author is
concealed behind the door."
He received me very courteously; but it must be confessed that his apartment
and furniture and morning dress were sufficiently uncouth. His brown suit of
clothes looked very rusty; he had on a little shriveled unpowdered wig, which
was too small for his head; his shirt-neck and the knees of his breeches were
loose; his black worsted stockings ill drawn up; and he had a pair of unbuckled
shoes by way of slippers. But all these slovenly particularities were forgotten
the moment that he began to talk. Some gentlemen, whom I do not recollect,
were sitting with him; and when they went away, I also rose; but he said to me,
"Nay, don't go."--"Sir" (said I), "I am afraid that I intrude upon you. It is
benevolent to allow me to sit and hear you." He seemed pleased with this
compliment, which I sincerely paid him, and answered, "Sir, I am obliged to
any man who visits me."

Page 369

In February, 1767, there happened one of the most remarkable incidents of
Johnson's life, which gratified his monarchical enthusiasm, and which he loved
to relate with all its circumstances, when requested by his friends. This was his
being honored by a private conversation with his Majesty, in the library at the
Queen's house. He had frequently visited those splendid rooms and noble
collection of books, which he used to say was more numerous and curious than
he supposed any person could have made in the time which the King had
employed. Mr. Barnard, the librarian, took care that he should have every
accommodation that could contribute to his ease and convenience, while
indulging his literary taste in that place; so that he had here a very agreeable
resource at leisure hours.
His Majesty, having been informed of his occasional visits, was pleased to
signify a desire that he should be told when Dr. Johnson came next to the
library. Accordingly, the next time that Johnson did come, as soon as he was
fairly engaged with the book, on which, while he sat by the fire, he seemed
quite intent, Mr. Barnard stole round to the apartment where the King was, and
in obedience to his Majesty's commands mentioned that Dr. Johnson was then
in the library. His Majesty said that he was at leisure, and would go to him;
upon which Mr. Barnard took one of the candles that stood on the King's table
and lighted his Majesty through a suite of rooms, till they came to a private
door into the library of which his Majesty had the key. Being entered, Mr.
Barnard stepped forward hastily to Dr. Johnson, who was still in a profound
study, and whispered him, "Sir, here is the King." Johnson started up, and
stood still. His Majesty approached him, and at once was courteously easy.
His Majesty began by observing that he understood he came sometimes to the
library; and then mentioned his having heard that the Doctor had been lately at
Oxford, and asked him if he was not fond of going thither. To which Johnson
answered that he was indeed fond of going to Oxford sometimes, but was
likewise glad to come back again. The King then asked him what they were
doing at Oxford. Johnson answered, he could not much commend their
diligence, but that in some respect they were mended, for they had put their
press under better regulations, and at that time were printing Polybius. He was
then asked whether there were better libraries at Oxford or Cambridge. He
answered, he believed the Bodleian was larger than any they had at
Cambridge; at the same time adding, "I hope, whether we have more books or
not than they have at Cambridge, we shall make as good use of them as they
do." Being asked whether All-Souls or Christ-Church library was the largest,

Page 370

he answered, "All-Souls library is the largest we have, except the Bodleian."
"Ay" (said the King), "that is the public library."
His Majesty inquired if he was then writing anything. He answered he was not,
for he had pretty well told the world what he knew, and must now read to
acquire more knowledge. The King, as it should seem with a view to urge him
to rely on his own stores as an original writer, and to continue his labors, then
said, "I do not think you borrow much from anybody."
Johnson said he thought he had already done his part as a writer. "I should
have thought so too" (said the King), "if you had not written so well."--
Johnson observed to me, upon this, that "No man could have paid a handsomer
compliment; and it was fit for a King to pay. It was decisive." When asked by
another friend, at Sir Joshua Reynolds's, whether he made any reply to this
high compliment, he answered, "No, sir. When the King had said it, it was to
be so. It was not for me to bandy civilities with my Sovereign." Perhaps no
man who had spent his whole life in courts could have shown a more nice and
dignified sense of true politeness than Johnson did in this instance.
His Majesty having observed to him that he supposed he must have read a
good deal, Johnson answered that he thought more than he read; that he had
read a great deal in the early part of his life, but having fallen into ill health, he
had not been able to read much compared with others: for instance, he said, he
had not read much compared with Dr. Warburton. Upon which the King said
that he heard Dr. Warburton was a man of much general knowledge; that you
could scarce talk with him on any subject on which he was not qualified to
speak: and that his learning resembled Garrick's acting in its universality. His
Majesty then talked of the controversy between Warburton and Lowth, which
he seemed to have read, and asked Johnson what he thought of it. Johnson
answered, "Warburton has the most general, most scholastic learning; Lowth is
the more correct scholar. I do not know which of them calls names best." The
King was pleased to say he was of the same opinion: adding, "You do not think
then, Dr. Johnson, that there was much argument in the case?" Johnson said he
did not think there was. "Why, truly" (said the King), "when once it comes to
calling names, argument is pretty well at an end."
His Majesty then asked him what he thought of Lord Lyttelton's history, which
was just then published. Johnson said he thought his style pretty good, but that
he had blamed Henry the Second rather too much. "Why" (said the King),
"they seldom do these things by halves." "No, sir" (answered Johnson), "not to

Page 371

kings." But fearing to be misunderstood, he proceeded to explain himself; and
immediately subjoined, "That for those who spoke worse of kings than they
deserved, he could find no excuse; but that he could more easily conceive how
some one might speak better of them than they deserved, without any ill
intention: for as kings had much in their power to give, those who were
favored by them would frequently, from gratitude, exaggerate their praises;
and as this proceeded from a good motive, it was certainly excusable as far as
error could be excusable."
The King then asked him what he thought of Dr. Hill. Johnson answered that
he was an ingenious man, but had no veracity; and immediately mentioned as
an instance of it an assertion of that writer, that he had seen objects magnified
to a much greater degree by using three or four microscopes at a time than by
using one. "Now" (added Johnson), "every one acquainted with microscopes
knows that the more of them he looks through, the less the object will appear."
"Why" (replied the King), "this is not only telling an untruth, but telling it
clumsily; for if that be the case, every one who can look through a microscope
will be able to detect him."
"I now" (said Johnson to his friends, when relating what had passed) "began to
consider that I was depreciating this man in the estimation of his Sovereign,
and thought it was time for me to say something that might be more
favorable." He added, therefore, that Dr. Hill was notwithstanding a very
curious observer; and if he would have been contented to tell the world no
more than he knew, he might have been a very considerable man, and needed
not to have recourse to such mean expedients to raise his reputation.
The King then talked of literary journals, mentioned particularly the Journal
des Savants, and asked Johnson if it was well done. Johnson said it was
formerly very well done, and gave some account of the persons who began it,
and carried it on for some years; enlarging at the same time on the nature and
use of such works. The King asked him if it was well done now. Johnson
answered he had no reason to think that it was. The King then asked him if
there were any other literary journals published in this kingdom except the
Monthly and Critical Reviews; and on being answered there was no other, his
Majesty asked which of them was the best. Johnson answered that the Monthly
Review was done with most care, the Critical upon the best principles; adding
that the authors of the Monthly Review were enemies to the Church. This the
King said he was sorry to hear.

Page 372

The conversation next turned on the Philosophical Transactions, when Johnson
observed that they had now a better method of arranging their materials than
formerly. "Ay" (said the King), "they are obliged to Dr. Johnson for that;" for
his Majesty had heard and remembered the circumstance, which Johnson
himself had forgot.
His Majesty expressed a desire to have the literary biography of this country
ably executed, and proposed to Dr. Johnson to undertake it. Johnson signified
his readiness to comply with his Majesty's wishes.
During the whole of this interview, Johnson talked to his Majesty with
profound respect, but still in his firm, manly manner, with a sonorous voice,
and never in that subdued tone which is commonly used at the levee and in the
drawing-room. After the King withdrew, Johnson showed himself highly
pleased with his Majesty's conversation and gracious behavior. He said to Mr.
Barnard, "Sir, they may talk of the King as they will; but he is the finest
gentleman that I have ever seen." And he afterwards observed to Mr. Langton,
"Sir, his manners are those of as fine a gentleman as we may suppose Lewis
the Fourteenth or Charles the Second."
At Sir Joshua Reynolds's, where a circle of Johnson's friends were collected
round him to hear his account of this memorable conversation, Dr. Joseph
Warton, in his frank and lively manner, was very active in pressing him to
mention the particulars. "Come now, sir, this is an interesting matter; do favor
us with it." Johnson, with great good humor, complied.
He told them:--"I found his Majesty wished I should talk, and I made it my
business to talk. I find it does a man good to be talked to by his Sovereign. In
the first place, a man cannot be in a passion--" Here some question interrupted
him; which is to be regretted, as he certainly would have pointed out and
illustrated many circumstances of advantage, from being in a situation where
the powers of the mind are at once excited to vigorous exertion and tempered
by reverential awe.
Mr. Macpherson little knew the character of Dr. Johnson if he supposed that he
could be easily intimidated; for no man was ever more remarkable for personal
courage. He had indeed an awful dread of death, or rather "of something after
death"; and what rational man, who seriously thinks of quitting all that he has
ever known and going into a new and unknown state of being, can be without
that dread? But his fear was from reflection; his courage natural. His fear, in

Page 373

that one instance, was the result of philosophical and religious consideration.
He feared death, but he feared nothing else, not even what might occasion
death. Many instances of his resolution may be mentioned. One day, at Mr.
Beauclerk's house in the country, when two large dogs were fighting, he went
up to them and beat them till they separated; and at another time, when told of
the danger there was that a gun might burst if charged with many balls, he put
in six or seven and fired it off against a wall. Mr. Langton told me that when
they were swimming together near Oxford, he cautioned Dr. Johnson against a
pool which was reckoned particularly dangerous; upon which Johnson directly
swam into it. He told me himself that one night he was attacked in the street by
four men, to whom he would not yield, but kept them all at bay till the watch
came up and carried both him and them to the round-house. In the play-house
at Lichfield, as Mr. Garrick informed me, Johnson having for a moment
quitted a chair which was placed for him between the side-scenes, a gentleman
took possession of it, and when Johnson on his return civilly demanded his
seat, rudely refused to give it up; upon which Johnson laid hold of it and tossed
him and the chair into the pit. Foote, who so successfully revived the old
comedy by exhibiting living characters, had resolved to imitate Johnson on the
stage, expecting great profits from his ridicule of so celebrated a man. Johnson
being informed of his intention, and being at dinner at Mr. Thomas Davies's
the bookseller, from whom I had the story, he asked Mr. Davies "what was the
common price of an oak stick"; and being answered sixpence, "Why then, sir"
(said he), "give me leave to send your servant to purchase a shilling one. I'll
have a double quantity; for I am told Foote means to take me off, as he calls it,
and I am determined the fellow shall not do it with impunity." Davies took care
to acquaint Foote of this, which effectually checked the wantonness of the
mimic. Mr. Macpherson's menaces made Johnson provide himself with the
same implement of defense; and had he been attacked, I have no doubt that,
old as he was, he would have made his corporal prowess be felt as much as his
intellectual.
Mr. Hector was so good as to accompany me to see the great works of Mr.
Bolton [Boulton], at a place which he has called Soho, about two miles from
Birmingham, which the very ingenious proprietor showed me himself to the
best advantage. I wished Johnson had been with us; for it was a scene which I
should have been glad to contemplate by his light. The vastness and the
contrivance of some of the machinery would have "matched his mighty mind."
I shall never forget Mr. Bolton's expression to me, "I sell here, sir, what all the
world desires to have--power." He had about seven hundred people at work. I

Page 374

contemplated him as an iron chieftain, and he seemed to be a father to his
tribe. One of them came to him, complaining grievously of his landlord for
having distrained his goods. "Your landlord is in the right, Smith" (said
Bolton). "But I'll tell you what: find you a friend who will lay down one-half
of your rent, and I'll lay down the other half; and you shall have your goods
again."
From Mr. Hector I now learned many particulars of Dr. Johnson's early life,
which, with others that he gave me at different times since, have contributed to
the formation of this work.
Dr. Johnson said to me in the morning, "You will see, sir, at Mr. Hector's, his
sister Mrs. Careless, a clergyman's widow. She was the first woman with
whom I was in love. It dropped out of my head imperceptibly; but she and I
will always have a kindness for each other." He laughed at the notion that a
man can never really be in love but once, and considered it as a mere romantic
fancy.
On our return from Mr. Bolton's, Mr. Hector took me to his house, where we
found Johnson sitting placidly at tea with his first love; who, though now
advanced in years, was a genteel woman, very agreeable and well-bred.
Johnson lamented to Mr. Hector the state of one of their schoolfellows, Mr.
Charles Congreve, a clergyman, which he thus described:--"He obtained, I
believe, considerable preferment in Ireland, but now lives in London, quite as
a valetudinarian, afraid to go into any house but his own. He takes a short
airing in his post-chaise every day. He has an elderly woman, whom he calls
cousin, who lives with him, and jogs his elbow when his glass has stood too
long empty, and encourages him in drinking, in which he is very willing to be
encouraged; not that he gets drunk, for he is a very pious man, but he is always
muddy. He confesses to one bottle of port every day, and he probably drinks
more. He is quite unsocial; his conversation is quite monosyllabical; and when
at my last visit I asked him what o'clock it was, that signal of my departure had
so pleasing an effect upon him that he sprung up to look at his watch like a
greyhound bounding at a hare." When Johnson took leave of Mr. Hector, he
said, "Don't grow like Congreve; nor let me grow like him, when you are near
me."
When he talked again of Mrs. Careless to-night, he seemed to have had his
affection revived; for he said, "If I had married her, it might have been as

Page 375

happy for me."
Boswell--Pray, sir, do you not suppose that there are fifty women in the world,
with any one of whom a man may be as happy as with any one woman in
particular?
Johnson--Ay, sir, fifty thousand.
Boswell--Then, sir, you are not of opinion with some that imagine that certain
men and certain women are made for each other; and that they cannot be
happy if they miss their counterparts.
Johnson--To be sure not, sir. I believe marriages would in general be as happy,
and often more so, if they were all made by the Lord Chancellor, upon a due
consideration of the characters and circumstances, without the parties having
any choice in the matter.
I am now to record a very curious incident in Dr. Johnson's life which fell
under my own observation; of which pars magna fui, and which I am
persuaded will, with the liberal-minded, be much to his credit.
My desire of being acquainted with celebrated men of every description had
made me, much about the same time, obtain an introduction to Dr. Samuel
Johnson and to John Wilkes, Esq. Two men more different could perhaps not
be selected out of all mankind. They had even attacked one another with some
asperity in their writings; yet I lived in habits of friendship with both. I could
fully relish the excellence of each; for I have ever delighted in that intellectual
chymistry which can separate good qualities from evil in the same person.
Sir John Pringle, "mine own friend and my father's friend," between whom and
Dr. Johnson I in vain wished to establish an acquaintance, as I respected and
lived in intimacy with both of them, observed to me once very ingeniously, "It
is not in friendship as in mathematics, where two things, each equal to a third,
are equal between themselves. You agree with Johnson as a middle quality, and
you agree with me as a middle quality; but Johnson and I should not agree."
Sir John was not sufficiently flexible, so I desisted: knowing indeed that the
repulsion was equally strong on the part of Johnson; who, I know not from
what cause unless his being a Scotchman, had formed a very erroneous
opinion of Sir John. But I conceived an irresistible wish, if possible, to bring
Dr. Johnson and Mr. Wilkes together. How to manage it, was a nice and
difficult matter.

Page 376

My worthy booksellers and friends, Messieurs Dilly in the Poultry, at whose
hospitable and well-covered table I have seen a greater number of literary men
than at any other except that of Sir Joshua Reynolds, had invited me to meet
Mr. Wilkes and some more gentlemen on Wednesday, May 15th. "Pray" (said
I), "let us have Dr. Johnson."--"What, with Mr. Wilkes? not for the world"
(said Mr. Edward Dilly): "Dr. Johnson would never forgive me."--"Come"
(said I), "if you'll let me negotiate for you, I will be answerable that all shall go
well."
Dilly--Nay, if you will take it upon you, I am sure I shall be very happy to see
them both here.
Notwithstanding the high veneration which I entertained for Dr. Johnson, I was
sensible that he was sometimes a little actuated by the spirit of contradiction,
and by means of that I hoped I should gain my point. I was persuaded that if I
had come upon him with a direct proposal, "Sir, will you dine in company with
Jack Wilkes?" he would have flown into a passion, and would probably have
answered, "Dine with Jack Wilkes, sir! I'd as soon dine with Jack Ketch." I
therefore, while we were sitting quietly by ourselves at his house in an
evening, took occasion to open my plan thus:--
"Mr. Dilly, sir, sends his respectful compliments to you, and would be happy if
you would do him the honor to dine with him on Wednesday next along with
me, as I must soon go to Scotland."
Johnson--Sir, I am obliged to Mr. Dilly. I will wait upon him--
Boswell--Provided, sir, I suppose, that the company which he is to have is
agreeable to you.
Johnson--What do you mean, sir? What do you take me for? Do you think I
am so ignorant of the world as to imagine that I am to prescribe to a gentleman
what company he is to have at his table?
Boswell--I beg your pardon, sir, for wishing to prevent you from meeting
people whom you might not like. Perhaps he may have some of what he calls
his patriotic friends with him.
Johnson--Well, sir, and what then? What care I for his patriotic friends? Poh!
Boswell--I should not be surprised to find Jack Wilkes there.

Page 377

Johnson--And if Jack Wilkes should be there, what is that to me, sir? My dear
friend, let us have no more of this. I am sorry to be angry with you; but really
it is treating me strangely to talk to me as if I could not meet any company
whatever, occasionally.
Boswell--Pray forgive me, sir: I meant well. But you shall meet whoever
comes, for me.
Thus I secured him, and told Dilly that he would find him very well pleased to
be one of his guests on the day appointed.
Upon the much-expected Wednesday I called on him about half an hour before
dinner, as I often did when we were to dine out together, to see that he was
ready in time, and to accompany him. I found him buffeting his books, as upon
a former occasion, covered with dust, and making no preparation for going
abroad. "How is this, sir?" (said I). "Don't you recollect that you are to dine at
Mr. Dilly's?"
Johnson--Sir, I did not think of going to Dilly's: it went out of my head. I have
ordered dinner at home with Mrs. Williams.
Boswell--But, my dear sir, you know you were engaged to Mr. Dilly, and I told
him so. He will expect you, and will be much disappointed if you don't come.
Johnson--You must talk to Mrs. Williams about this.
Here was a sad dilemma. I feared that what I was so confident I had secured,
would yet be frustrated. He had accustomed himself to show Mrs. Williams
such a degree of humane attention as frequently imposed some restraint upon
him; and I knew that if she should be obstinate, he would not stir. I hastened
down-stairs to the blind lady's room, and told her I was in great uneasiness, for
Dr. Johnson had engaged to me to dine this day at Mr. Dilly's, but that he had
told me he had forgotten his engagement, and had ordered dinner at home.
"Yes, sir" (said she, pretty peevishly), "Dr. Johnson is to dine at home."
"Madam" (said I), "his respect for you is such that I know he will not leave
you, unless you absolutely desire it. But as you have so much of his company,
I hope you will be good enough to forego it for a day; as Mr. Dilly is a very
worthy man, has frequently had agreeable parties at his house for Dr. Johnson,
and will be vexed if the Doctor neglects him to-day. And then, madam, be
pleased to consider my situation: I carried the message, and I assured Mr. Dilly
that Dr. Johnson was to come; and no doubt he has made a dinner, and invited

Page 378

a company, and boasted of the honor he expected to have. I shall be quite
disgraced if the Doctor is not there."
She gradually softened to my solicitations, which were certainly as earnest as
most entreaties to ladies upon any occasion, and was graciously pleased to
empower me to tell Dr. Johnson "that, all things considered, she thought he
should certainly go." I flew back to him, still in dust, and careless of what
should be the event, "indifferent in his choice to go or stay;" but as soon as I
had announced to him Mrs. Williams's consent, he roared, "Frank, a clean
shirt," and was very soon dressed. When I had him fairly seated in a hackney-
coach with me, I exulted as much as a fortune-hunter who has got an heiress
into a post-chaise with him to set out for Gretna Green.
When we entered Mr. Dilly's drawing-room, he found himself in the midst of a
company he did not know. I kept myself snug and silent, watching how he
would conduct himself. I observed him whispering to Mr. Dilly, "Who is that
gentleman, sir?" "Mr. Arthur Lee." Johnson--"Too, too, too" (under his breath),
which was one of his habitual mutterings. Mr. Arthur Lee could not but be very
obnoxious to Johnson, for he was not only a patriot but an American. He was
afterwards minister from the United States at the court of Madrid. "And who is
the gentleman in lace?" "Mr. Wilkes, sir." This information confounded him
still more; he had some difficulty to restrain himself, and taking up a book, sat
down upon a window-seat and read, or at least kept his eye upon it intently for
some time, till he composed himself. His feelings, I dare say, were awkward
enough. But he no doubt recollected his having rated me for supposing that he
could be at all disconcerted by any company, and he therefore resolutely set
himself to behave quite as an easy man of the world, who could adapt himself
at once to the disposition and manners of those whom he might chance to
meet.
The cheering sound of "Dinner is upon the table" dissolved his reverie, and we
all sat down without any symptom of ill-humor. There were present, besides
Mr. Wilkes, and Mr. Arthur Lee, who was an old companion of mine when he
studied physics at Edinburgh, Mr. (now Sir John) Miller, Dr. Lettson, and Mr.
Slater the druggist. Mr. Wilkes placed himself next to Dr. Johnson, and
behaved to him with so much attention and politeness that he gained upon him
insensibly. No man eat more heartily than Johnson, or loved better what was
nice and delicate. Mr. Wilkes was very assiduous in helping him to some fine
veal. "Pray give me leave, sir--It is better here--A little of the brown--Some fat,
sir--A little of the stuffing--Some gravy--Let me have the pleasure of giving

Page 379

you some butter--Allow me to recommend a squeeze of this orange; or the
lemon, perhaps, may have more zest" "Sir, sir, I am obliged to you, sir," cried
Johnson, bowing, and turning his head to him with a look for some time of
"surly virtue," but in a short while of complacency.
Sir William Forbes writes to me thus:--"I inclose the 'Round Robin.' This jeu
d'esprit took its rise one day at dinner at our friend Sir Joshua Reynolds's. All
the company present except myself were friends and acquaintances of Dr.
Goldsmith. The Epitaph written for him by Dr. Johnson became the subject of
conversation, and various emendations were suggested, which it was agreed
should be suggested to the Doctor's consideration.--But the question was, who
should have the courage to propose them to him? At last it was hinted that
there could be no way so good as that of a 'Round Robin,' as the sailors call it,
which they make use of when they enter into a conspiracy, so as not to let it be
known who puts his name first or last to the paper. This proposition was
instantly assented to; and Dr. Barnard, Dean of Derry, now Bishop of Killahoe,
drew up an address to Dr. Johnson on the occasion, replete with wit and
humor, but which it was feared the Doctor might think treated the subject with
too much levity. Mr. Burke then proposed the address as it stands in the paper
in writing, to which I had the honor to officiate as clerk.
"Sir Joshua agreed to carry it to Dr. Johnson, who received it with much good
humor, and desired Sir Joshua to tell the gentlemen that he would alter the
Epitaph in any manner they pleased, as to the sense of it; but he would never
consent to disgrace the walls of Westminster Abbey with an English
inscription.
"I consider this 'Round Robin' as a species of literary curiosity worth
preserving, as it marks in a certain degree Dr. Johnson's character."...
Sir William Forbes's observation is very just. The anecdote now related proves
in the strongest manner the reverence and awe with which Johnson was
regarded by some of the most eminent men of his time, in various departments,
and even by such of them as lived most with him; while it also confirms what I
have again and again inculcated, that he was by no means of that ferocious and
irascible character which has been ignorantly imagined.
This hasty composition is also one to be remarked as one of the thousand
instances which evince the extraordinary promptitude of Mr. Burke; who,
while he is equal to the greatest things, can adorn the least; can with equal

Page 380

facility embrace the vast and complicated speculations of politics or the
ingenious topics of literary investigation.
The character of Samuel Johnson has, I trust, been so developed in the course
of this work that they who have honored it with a perusal may be considered as
well acquainted with him. As, however, it may be expected that I should
collect into one view the capital and distinguishing features of this
extraordinary man, I shall endeavor to acquit myself of that part of my
biographical undertaking, however difficult it may be to do that which many of
my readers will do better for themselves.
His figure was large and well formed, and his countenance of the cast of an
ancient statue; yet his appearance was rendered strange and somewhat uncouth
by convulsive cramps, by the scars of that distemper which it was once
imagined the royal touch could cure, and by a slovenly mode of dress. He had
the use only of one eye; yet so much does mind govern and even supply the
deficiency of organs, that his visual perceptions, as far as they extended, were
uncommonly quick and accurate. So morbid was his temperament that he
never knew the natural joy of a free and vigorous use of his limbs; when he
walked, it was like the struggling gait of one in fetters; when he rode, he had
no command or direction of his horse, but was carried as if in a balloon. That
with his constitution and habits of life he should have lived seventy-five years,
is a proof that an inherent vivida vis is a powerful preservative of the human
frame.
Man is in general made up of contradictory qualities: and these will ever show
themselves in strange succession where a consistency in appearance at least, if
not in reality, has not been attained by long habits of philosophical discipline.
In proportion to the native vigor of the mind, the contradictory qualities will be
the more prominent, and more difficult to be adjusted; and therefore we are not
to wonder that Johnson exhibited an eminent example of this remark which I
have made upon human nature.
At different times he seemed a different man in some respects; not, however, in
any great or essential article, upon which he had fully employed his mind and
settled certain principles of duty, but only in his manners, and in the display of
argument and fancy in his talk. He was prone to superstition, but not to
credulity. Though his imagination might incline him to a belief of the
marvelous and the mysterious, his vigorous reason examined the evidence with
jealousy. He was a sincere and zealous Christian, of high Church-of-England

Page 381

and monarchical principles, which he would not tamely suffer to be
questioned; and had perhaps at an early period narrowed his mind somewhat
too much, both as to religion and politics. His being impressed with the danger
of extreme latitude in either, though he was of a very independent spirit,
occasioned his appearing somewhat unfavorable to the prevalence of that
noble freedom of sentiment which is the best possession of man. Nor can it be
denied that he had many prejudices; which, however, frequently suggested
many of his pointed sayings, that rather show a playfulness of fancy than any
settled malignity. He was steady and inflexible in maintaining the obligations
of religion and morality, both from a regard for the order of society, and from a
veneration for the Great Source of all order: correct--nay, stern--in his taste;
hard to please, and easily offended; impetuous and irritable in his temper, but
of a most humane and benevolent heart, which showed itself not only in a most
liberal charity, as far as his circumstances would allow, but in a thousand
instances of active benevolence. He was afflicted with a bodily disease which
made him often restless and fretful; and with a constitutional melancholy, the
clouds of which darkened the brightness of his fancy, and gave a gloomy cast
to his whole course of thinking. We therefore ought not to wonder at his sallies
of impatience and passion at any time, especially when provoked by obtrusive
ignorance or presuming petulance; and allowance must be made for his
uttering hasty and satirical sallies even against his best friends. And surely,
when it is considered that "amidst sickness and sorrow" he exerted his faculties
in so many works for the benefit of mankind, and particularly that he achieved
the great and admirable Dictionary of our language, we must be astonished at
his resolution.
The solemn text, "Of him to whom much is given, much is expected," seems to
have been ever present to his mind in a rigorous sense, and to have made him
dissatisfied with his labors and acts of goodness, however comparatively great;
so that the unavoidable consciousness of his superiority was in that respect a
cause of disquiet. He suffered so much from this, and from the gloom which
perpetually haunted him and made solitude frightful, that it may be said of
him, "If in this life only he had hope, he was of all men most miserable." He
loved praise when it was brought to him, but was too proud to seek for it. He
was somewhat susceptible of flattery. As he was general and unconfined in his
studies, he cannot be considered as master of any one particular science; but he
had accumulated a vast and various collection of learning and knowledge,
which was so arranged in his mind as to be ever in readiness to be brought
forth. But his superiority over other learned men consisted chiefly in what may

Page 382

be called the art of thinking, the art of using his mind; a certain continual
power of seizing the useful substance of all that he knew, and exhibiting it in a
clear and forcible manner; so that knowledge which we often see to be no
better than lumber in men of dull understanding, was in him true, evident, and
actual wisdom. His moral precepts are practical, for they are drawn from an
intimate acquaintance with human nature. His maxims carry conviction, for
they are founded on the basis of common-sense and a very attentive and
minute survey of real life. His mind was so full of imagery that he might have
been perpetually a poet; yet it is remarkable that however rich his prose is in
this respect, his poetical pieces, in general, have not much of that splendor, but
are rather distinguished by strong sentiment and an acute observation,
conveyed in harmonious and energetic verse, particularly in heroic couplets.
Though usually grave and even awful in his deportment, he possessed
uncommon and peculiar powers of wit and humor; he frequently indulged
himself in colloquial pleasantry; and the heartiest merriment was often enjoyed
in his company, with this great advantage, that as it was entirely free from any
poisonous tincture of vice or impiety, it was salutary to those who shared in it.
He had accustomed himself to such accuracy in his common conversation, that
he at all times expressed his thoughts with great force and an elegant choice of
language, the effect of which was aided by his having a loud voice and a slow
deliberate utterance. In him were united a most logical head with a most fertile
imagination, which gave him a most extraordinary advantage in arguing; for he
could reason close or wide, as he saw best for the moment. Exulting in his
intellectual strength and dexterity, he could when he pleased be the greatest
sophist that ever contended in the lists of declamation; and from a spirit of
contradiction, and a delight in showing his powers, he would often maintain
the wrong side with equal warmth and ingenuity: so that when there was an
audience, his real opinions could seldom be gathered from his talk; though
when he was in company with a single friend, he would discuss a subject with
genuine fairness; but he was too conscientious to make error permanent and
pernicious by deliberately writing it; and in all his numerous works he
earnestly inculcated what appeared to him to be the truth, his piety being
constant and the ruling principle of all his conduct.
Such was Samuel Johnson; a man whose talents, acquirements, and virtues
were so extraordinary, that the more his character is considered, the more he
will be regarded by the present age and by posterity with admiration and
reverence.

Page 383

Page 384

PAUL BOURGET
(1852-)

rench by birth, born at Amiens of a Russian father and an English mother, Paul
Bourget inherited Anglo-Saxon as well as Gallic intuitions. He is very proud of
the cosmopolitan spirit which exempts him from the usual French
provincialism, and has sought to develop it by travel and study. He endeavors
to know intimately the phases of life which he wishes to describe, and then to
treat them in the light of a large knowledge of many peoples. Yet he feels a
somewhat bitter realization that so general a view as his own has necessarily
an element of weakness. He lacks convictions and prejudices to express with
whole-hearted strength, and hence is always a dilettante.
His student life was passed at the Lycée of Clermont, and
later at the Collège de Sainte-Barbe at Paris, where his
scholarship was rewarded by several prizes. But his
voracious reading of French and English poetry, fiction,
and philosophy has probably done more for him than
scholastic training. Like so many other novelists, he began
his literary life with journalism; and in 1872 became
Paul Bourget.
collaborator on the Renaissance, living frugally meantime,
and studying Paris from her cafés and boulevards as any poor man may.
His first book, 'La Vie Inquiète' 'Restless Life', a collection of poems sad in
tone, dainty in touch, echoed the French verses which he loved best, but
offered nothing very original. They show a tinge of Baudelaire's fantastic love
of morbid phases of life and beauty, and also of Leconte de Lisle's exquisite
phrasing. But Bourget lacks poetic ardor, and in metre is always a little
artificial. Although he went on writing poetry for some years, he found few
readers until he turned to prose. When the 'Essais de Psychologie
Contemporaine' appeared in 1883, the public were delighted with their original
charm. Taking five authors whom he knew and loved particularly,--Baudelaire,
Renan, Flaubert, Taine, and Stendhal,--he wrote a brilliant, profoundly
psychologic exposition of their minds and temperaments. The scientific

Page 385

explanation was fervid with his own emotion over these strong influences in
his life, and thus comes indirectly as an interpretation of himself. These
studies, which he calls "a few notes made to help the historian of the modern
moral life in France during the latter half of the nineteenth century," stand, as
criticism, between Brunetière's formal structure and Lemaître's appreciations.
They have been very popular, and Bourget has since written another volume of
'Nouveaux Essais de Psychologie Contemporaine,' and other books of critical
sketches called 'Études et Portraits.'
Certain qualities of his talent show forcibly in 'Sensations d'Italie,' a delightful
appreciation of beauty and sensuous charm. The reader feels the author's joy in
close analysis, and his sensitive discriminations. In 'Outre-Mer,' especially
interesting to Americans as a study of the United States, which he visited in
1894, he shows the same receptivity to new feelings and new ideas. The book
is often ludicrously inaccurate, and fundamentally incomplete in that it ignores
the great middle class of our people, yet it is full of suggestive comments on
American character.
Most people know Bourget best as a novelist. As in criticism, his method is
psychologic dissection. Taking a set of men and women who are individually
interesting, he draws their environment with careful detail and shows the
reactions of their characters upon each other. His subtlety of analysis comes
out strongly in his pictures of women, whose contradictory moods and
emotional intuitions offer him the refined complexities he loves. His first
novel, 'L'Irréparable,' lacks movement and is sometimes tedious in its over-
elaboration. In 'Une Cruelle Énigme' his strength is more evident. It is the story
of a young and high-minded man who discovers that the woman he loves is
unworthy, yet finds that he loves her notwithstanding. "Why this love?" asks
the author at the end of the book. "Why and whence does it come? The
question is without an answer, and like the falsity of woman, like the weakness
of man, like life itself, a cruel, cruel riddle." 'Une Crime d'Amour,' one of his
most popular novels, deals with a woman who, being married to an
uncongenial husband, falls in love with a brilliant, heartless society man, with
the usual result. The crime is the hero's inability to understand the meaning of
genuine love. 'Mensonges' (Lies) is a striking picture of the endless falsities of
a Parisian woman of innocent Madonna-like beauty. It was dramatized and
played at the Vaudeville in 1889, but without much success. 'Le Disciple' is an
elaborate attempt to prove that present scientific theories tend to corrupt
manners and to encourage pessimism. In 'Cosmopolis,' a study of foreign life

Page 386

in Italy, Bourget shows that the same passions dominate men, whatever their
training.
From Dumas fils Bourget has learned to be a moralist with a conscious wish to
present society with object lessons. He himself says, "A writer worthy to hold
a pen has, as his first and last requirement, to be a moralist. The moralist is the
man who shows life as it is, with its profound lessons of secret expiation which
are everywhere imprinted. To have shown the rancor of vice is to have been a
moralist."
Like most French novelists, he lacks humor. In their search for happiness his
characters suffer a great deal and know only temporary ecstasy. They are often
witty, but never genial.
His critics have said that his genius proves its own limitation, for his analytic
curiosity is apt to desert what is primitive and broadly human in search of
stimulus from the abnormal and out-of-the-way, and there is lack of synthesis
in his wealth of detail. His literary brethren are fond too of deriding his ardent
appreciation of luxury and wealth. He dwells upon niceties of toilet or the
decorations of a dinner-table with positive enjoyment. All social refinements
are very dear to him, and the moral struggles of fashionable men and women
far more interesting than the heart-aches of the working classes.
He is often called a pessimist, for his "heavy sadness of disillusion"; but he is
never bitter. Finding the universe incomprehensible, he stands baffled and
passive, with a tender sympathy, almost an envy, for those who still have faith.
He is above all interesting as a sane and characteristic product of the latest
social conditions. His is the tolerant, somewhat negative point of view of the
man who has found no new creed, yet disbelieves the old. Clarens says that
Bourget suffers from "the atrocious modern uneasiness which is caused by
regret that one can no longer believe, and dread of the moral void."

THE AMERICAN FAMILY

Page 387

From 'Outre-Mer'

As the American marriage appears to be above all a partnership, so the
American family appears to be more than anything else an association,--a sort
of social camp, the ties of which are more or less strong according to
individual sympathies, such as might exist between people not of the same
blood. I am certain, not from anecdotes but from experience, that the
friendship of brother and brother, or sister and sister, is entirely elective. So it
is with the relations between father and son, mother and daughter. A young
Frenchman much in love with a New York girl said to me, in one of those
moments when the coldness of the woman you love drives you to be cruelly
frank:--
"She has so little heart that she went to the theatre five weeks after her
mother's death, and no one resented it."
I knew that he was telling the truth. But what did it prove? What do the
inequalities permitted by the laws of inheritance prove? Nothing, if not that
our natural characteristics, instincts, sensibilities, are not the same as those of
the people of this country. They have much less power of self-giving, much
more of personal reaction; and especially a much stronger will. Their will rules
their hearts as well as their minds. This seems to us less tender. But are we
good judges?
We must continually keep in mind this general want of association in family
life if we would in any degree understand the sort of soul-celibacy, if we may
use the term, which the American woman keeps all through her married life.
No more in this second period of her life than in the first does love bear that
preponderating part which seems to us Frenchmen an essential characteristic of
the lot of woman. When a Parisian woman of forty reviews her life, the story
that memory tells her is the story of her emotions. To an American woman of
the same age it is more often the story of her actions,--of what she calls, by a
word I have before cited, her experiences. She gained, between the ages of
eighteen and twenty-five, a conception of her own self which was imposed
upon her neither by her traditions--she has none; nor by the instructions of her
parents--they never gave her any; nor even by her own nature--for it is
characteristic of these easily "adaptable" minds that their first instincts are
chaotic and undetermined. They are like a blank check, which the will
undertakes to fill out. But whatever the will writes upon it, is written in letters

Page 388

that will never be effaced. Action, action, always action,--this is the
remorseless but unchanging device of such a woman. Whether she seeks for a
place in society, or is ambitious for artistic culture, or addicts herself to sport,
or organizes "classes," as they say, for reading Browning, Emerson, or
Shakespeare, with her friends; whether she travels to Europe, India, or Japan,
or gives an "at home" to have some young girl among her friends "pour" tea
for her, be sure that she will be always and incessantly active, indefatigably
active, either in the lines of "refinement" or of "excitement."
With what impressiveness these women utter both these words! which we must
not weary of returning to; for they perhaps sum up the entire American soul.
They are bandied about in conversation like two formulae, in which are
revealed the persistence of this creature, who, born of a stern race, and feeling
herself fine, wills to become finer and ever finer; who, reared amid democratic
surroundings, wills to become distinguished and ever more distinguished; who,
daughter of a land of enterprise, loves to excite continually in herself the
sensation of over-strained nerves.
When you see ten, fifteen, thirty, fifty like this, the character of eccentricity,
which you first found in them by comparison with the women of Europe,
disappears. A new type of feminine attractiveness is revealed to you, less
affecting than irritating, enigmatic and slightly ambiguous by its indefinable
blending of supple grace and virile firmness, by the alliance of culture and
vigor, by the most thrilling nervous sensitiveness and the sturdiest health. The
true place of such a creature in this society appears to you also, and the
profound reason why these men, themselves all action, leave these women free
thus to act with total independence. If it is permitted to apply an old legal term
to creatures so subtle, so delicate, these women are the delegates to luxury in
this utilitarian civilization. Their mission is to bring into it that which the
American has not time to create, and which he desires to have:--the flower of
elegance, something of beauty, and in a word, of aristocracy. They are the
nobility in this land of business, a nobility developed by the very development
of business; since the money which is made in the offices comes at last to
them, and manipulated by their fingers, is transfigured, blossoming into
precious decorations, made intellectual in plays of fancy,--in fact, unutilized. A
great artist, foremost of this epoch by the ardor of his efforts, the
conscientiousness of his study, and the sincerity of his vision,--John Sargent,--
has shown what I have tried to express, in a portrait I saw in an exhibition; that
of a woman whose name I do not know. It is a portrait such as the fifteenth-

Page 389

century masters painted, who back of the individual found the real, and back of
the model a whole social order. The canvas might be called 'The American
Idol,' so representative is it.
The woman is standing, her feet side by side, her knees close together, in an
almost hieratic pose. Her body, rendered supple by exercise, is sheathed--you
might say molded--in a tight-fitting black dress. Rubies, like drops of blood,
sparkle on her shoes. Her slender waist is encircled by a girdle of enormous
pearls, and from this dress, which makes an intensely dark background for the
stony brilliance of the jewels, the arms and shoulders shine out with another
brilliance, that of a flower-like flesh,--fine, white flesh, through which flows
blood perpetually invigorated by the air of the country and the ocean. The
head, intellectual and daring, with a countenance as of one who has understood
everything, has for a sort of aureole the vaguely gilded design of one of those
Renaissance stuffs which the Venetians call soprarisso. The rounded arms, in
which the muscles can hardly be seen, are joined by the clasped hands,--firm
hands, the thumb almost too long, which might guide four horses with the
precision of an English coachman. It is the picture of an energy at once
delicate and invincible, momentarily in repose; and all the Byzantine Madonna
is in that face with its wide-open eyes.
Yes, this woman is an idol, for whose service man labors, which he has decked
with the jewels of a queen, behind each one of whose whims lie days and days
spent in the ardent battle of Wall Street. Frenzy of speculations in land, cities
undertaken and built by sheer force of millions, trains launched at full speed
over bridges built on a Babel-like sweep of arch, the creaking of cable cars, the
quivering of electric cars, sliding along their wires with a crackle and a spark,
the dizzy ascent of elevators, in buildings twenty stories high, immense wheat-
fields of the West, its ranches, mines, colossal slaughter-houses,--all the
formidable traffic of this country of effort and struggle, all its labor,--these are
what have made possible this woman, this living orchid, unexpected
masterpiece of this civilization.
Did not the very painter consecrate to her his intense toil? To be capable of
such a picture, he must have absorbed some of the ardor of the Spanish
masters, caught the subtlety of the great Italians, understood and practiced the
curiosities of impressionism, dreamed before the pictures in basilicas like
Ravenna, and read and thought. Ah, how much of culture, of reflection, before
one could fathom the secret depths of one's own race! He has expressed one of
the most essential characteristics of the race,--the deification of woman,

Page 390

considered not as a Beatrice as in Florence, nor as a courtesan as at Milan, but
as a supreme glory of the national spirit.
This woman can do without being loved. She has no need of being loved.
What she symbolizes is neither sensuality nor tenderness. She is like a living
object of art, the last fine work of human skill, attesting that the Yankee, but
yesterday despairing, vanquished by the Old World, has been able to draw
from this savage world upon which fate has cast him a wholly new civilization,
incarnated in this woman, her luxury and her pride. Everything is illuminated
by this civilization, at the gaze of these fathomless eyes, in the expression of
which the painter has succeeded in putting all the idealism of this country
which has no ideal; all that which perhaps will one day be its destruction, but
up to the present time is still its greatness,--a faith in the human Will, absolute,
unique, systematic, and indomitable.
Copyrighted by Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.

THE ARISTOCRATIC VISION OF M. RENAN

From the 'Study of M. Renan'

The sentiments I have tried to analyze are evidently of a rare order, and
presuppose an exceptional culture. Delicate flowers will not grow in the winds
and fitful sunshine of the public road. Their perfumed corollas expand only in
the mellowed air of hot-houses. Science is a kind of hot-house which guards
superior minds from the brutalities of real life. The author of 'Dialogues
philosophiques' is an exceptional person. He is a superior man, to me a term
very strong in its simplicity; one might say almost that he is the superior man.
Moreover, a certain air of imperceptible irony and transcendental disdain
shows that he is conscious of this superiority. Disregard of vulgar opinion is
very evident in his pages. The reserved elegance of a style which never
emphasizes any special intention; the subtle arguments which never take the
imperative tone; a strength of feelings, none of which are exaggerated for the

Page 391

sake of sympathy,--all would reveal his aristocratic ideal, even if he had not
often declared that there is one domain for the initiated and another for the
simple. His political work on 'Reforme intellectuelle et morale' contains the
strongest argument of the last hundred years against the very principle of
democracy, natural equality. His two symbolic dramas--'Caliban' and 'Eau de
Jouvence'--may be summed up in this reflection of the prior of Chartreux,
seated in his stall while the organ plays alone, and the crowd presses around
the crowned Caliban: "A11 civilization is the work of aristocrats." This truth
the demagogue Caliban himself recognizes, since as soon as possessed of the
palace and power of Prospero, he assumes aristocratic ways; and M. Renan,
always desirous of correcting by a smile even his dearest affirmations,
carefully adds that the monster of the island became a very fair prince.
Prospero proclaims that material work is the slave of spiritual work.
Everything must aid him who prays,--that is, who thinks. Democratic minds,
which do not admit individual subordination to a general achievement,
consider this a monstrous doctrine.
Finally, the 'Dialogues philosophiques,' in the part entitled 'Dreams,' contain a
complete plan for the subjection of the greatest number by a chosen few.... Is it
bold to consider his feeling for his native soil the germ of his aristocratic ideal?
Other determining circumstances unite with it, all of which may be summed up
in the term "superior man," which seems simple enough, but which may be
decomposed into a series of complex characters. The superior man differs from
the man of genius, who may be unintelligent enough, and from the man of
talent, who is often a mere specialist, in an ability to form general ideas about
everything. If this power of generalizing is not combined with equal creative
power, the superior man remains a critic. But if he possesses both, he is an
exceptional being and the highest conceivable type, that of conscious genius.
Caesar is an example of this in politics; Da Vinci in painting; and the great
Goethe in literature. Even if he does not reach these heights, the superior man
is one of the most useful instruments of society. For universal comprehension
usually includes a universal aptitude. Is not this demonstrated in England,
where favorable conditions have developed many examples? What are great
political characters like Disraeli and Macaulay, who could apply an ever-ready
intelligence to literary composition and parliamentary struggles, to financial
interests and diplomatic difficulties, but superior men?
Conceive such a one thrown into the democratic current by chances of birth,
and you will realize the contrasts of environment and character which have led

Page 392

M. Renan to the conception of an ideal so unusual. Democracy seems at a first
glance very favorable to talent, for it opens all doors to all efforts. But at the
same time it strengthens the hard law of competition. Therefore it requires a
greater specialization. Then, democracy is founded upon equality, of which the
logical consequence is universal suffrage. It needs little analysis to know that
universal suffrage is hostile to the superior man. The mental attitudes resulting
from advanced study are usually--multiplicity of points of view; a taste for
nice distinctions; a disdain for absolute statement; and search for intricate
solutions;--all of which are refinements antagonistic to the popular love of
positive assertion. Therefore a superior man finds the morals of a democracy
unfavorable to his development, while its laws hold him back from public
affairs. So, many distinguished minds in France to-day are excluded from
government; or if they have triumphed over the ostracism to which their
divorce from common passions condemns them, it is because they disguise this
divorce under professions which are void of intellectual impartiality. The
superior man exiled in what Sainte-Beuve calls "the ivory tower" watches the
drama of national life as one who sees its future possibilities. Is it necessary to
recall that one of this class of élite has shown a veritable gift of prophecy? To
cite only one example, were not the disasters of 1870 predicted with surprising
exactness in the 'France nouvelle' of Prévost-Paradol, victim like Renan of
universal suffrage? It is evident that a strange melancholy oppresses these lofty
minds, weighed down under the conviction of their ideal strength and their real
weakness. The insolent triumph of the mediocre adds to this sadness. But it is
not quite without sweetness. It has something of the pleasure extolled by
Lucretius in the famous verses on those temples of the calm faith from which
the sage regards the wild struggle of the passions. But the superior man of to-
day will never know the full enjoyment which the nervous systems of the
ancients permitted them. The mind can do a great deal, but it is powerless to
remodel our native faculties. Whether we hate or venerate the democracy, we
are its sons and inherit its imperious need of combat. The obscure and
revolutionary nineteenth century is in our blood, and prohibits the inner
immobility, the mental quiet, celebrated by the Epicureans of Greece and
Rome. There is agitation in our serenities, as in our submissions. Catholics or
atheists, monarchists or republicans, all the offspring of this age of anguish
have the anxious look, the quaking heart, the trembling hands of the great
battle of the time. Even those who try to stand aloof share the common anxiety.
They too are revolutionists like the others, but they oppose human stupidity,
and their mute rebellion is called disdain.

Page 393

It would be interesting to study among contemporary scholars the different
forms of this disdain. Does not the exaggeration of technical beauties, which is
a feature of the school of poets ironically called Parnassians, proceed from this
sentiment of Odi profanum vulgus? Did not Gustave Flaubert compose
'Bouvard et Péchuchet' under this inspiration? Would Taine have undertaken
his 'Histoire des origines de la France contemporaine' if he had not been
tormented by a longing to understand the democratic tide which was sweeping
him away? But no writer has felt more strongly than M. Renan the antithesis of
the superior man and democracy. One must read and re-read those pages of the
'Dialogues' where Theoctiste imagines the victory of a future oligarchy, to
appreciate the intensity of passion employed in the examination of these
problems. He conceives that the learned will secure formidable destructive
agents, requiring the most delicate calculations and much abstract knowledge.
Then, exulting in their power, the dreamer exclaims:--"Thus the forces of
humanity would some day be held in a few hands, and would be possessed by
a league which could rule the existence of the planet and terrorize the whole
world. If those most endowed with reason had ability to destroy the planet,
their sovereignty would be established. The privileged class would reign by
absolute terror, since they would have the existence of all in their hands. They
would be almost gods, and then would be realized the theological state
dreamed by the poet for primitive humanity: 'Primus in orbe Deos fecit timor.'"
We must not attach more reality to this tragic fancy than the author intended,
but it shows an incurably wounded heart; and proves that the scholar who drew
this gloomy picture has no great tenderness for the favorite Utopias of the age.
An open break is possible between democracy and science, the two great
forces of modern society. Certainly while the tendency of the first is to level,
that of the second is to create differences. "Knowledge is power," said the
inductive philosopher. To know ten times as much as another is to be ten times
as capable; and as intellectual inequality forbids a uniform degree of
information, there is increasing opposition between democratic tendencies and
the social results of science. There are several solutions, as in nearly all the
complicated problems as to the future. In formulating the hypothesis of the
'Dialogues,' M. Renan indicates one of them. Another may be simply an
application of science to the organization of societies. An unprejudiced
consideration of the principles upon which our nineteenth-century society is
founded proves their Cartesian character, very different already from modern
philosophy. But there is a secret movement of minds. The conceptions of
Darwin and Herbert Spencer permeate the new ones. We must have faith in the

Page 394

worth of the doctrines which will eventually overthrow politics, as well as
natural science and literature. A time is coming when a society will not seem to
the philosophers of evolution as it did to the last inheritors of the classic spirit.
It will appear, not the operation of a logical contract, but the action of a
confederation of organisms of which the cell is the unit. This is very different
from the reigning idea. It is exclusive of any difference between democrat and
aristocrat, for such difference means an arbitrary classification of the different
social elements. If this consoling vision is not a simple chimera, it may be
remembered that the great scorners like M. Renan are active workmen for its
accomplishment, in that they formulate it very exactly, and face the coming
conflict with sorrowfully keen relief.
These summary notes upon one of our most remarkable men only indicate the
three or four states of conscience which he represents to the young people who
read his books and meditate upon their eloquent, disquieting pages. No other
author offers more that is fresh in thought and feeling, for no other employs
greater sincerity in thought and in exposition of sentiment. Whoever studies
the springs of moral life in the rising generation, meets everywhere his
influence. Not before a hundred years hence can his achievement be measured.
If there are any who do not worship sincerity and reverence, they should
devote themselves to the books of M. Renan; for no one has practiced these
qualities with greater constancy than he, who on the first page of his 'Vie de
Jésus' invokes the pure spirit of the venerated Dead, and who prayed to him in
a melancholy petition to the unattainable--"O good Genius, reveal to me whom
you love, the truths which govern death, keep one from fearing and make one
almost love it!"

Page 395

Page 396

SIR JOHN BOWRING
(1792-1872)

t will be the height of my ambition," once wrote Sir John Bowring to a friend,
"to do something which may connect my name with the literature of the age."
This desire was accomplished; for the distinguished
linguist, scholar, and diplomat of England rendered
genuine service to literature by his translations of
Slavonic and Oriental verses into the English
tongue. These were more than translations: they
were studies of the national song. Bowring was one
of the first scholars to appreciate the beauty, the
importance, and the charm of the traditional ballad Sir John Bowring
and lyric; those faithful records of the joys, sorrows, superstitions, and history
of a people. In the various East-European languages wherein Bowring's
researches bore such valuable fruit,--embracing Bohemian, Polish, Russian,
Hungarian, Servian, and Bulgarian,--the race-soul of these nations is
preserved: their wild mythology, their bizarre Oriental color, their impassioned
thought, their affections and traditions, and often the sorrows and ideals
learned during centuries of vain wanderings and heavy oppressions. In this rich
and romantic field, which has been assiduously cultivated since his time,
Bowring was a pioneer.
John Bowring, born on October 17th, 1792, came of an old Puritan family,
long identified with the woolen trade. "In the early days," he tells us, "the
Exeter merchants were mostly traveled men with a practical knowledge of
other tongues, and the quay at Exeter was crowded with the ships of all
nations." Thus his imagination was kindled by the visible links to far-away
countries, and from intercourse with the emigrants of various nations he
acquired the foundation of his brilliant linguistic attainments.
In 1811 he went to London as clerk to a commercial house, which sent him to
Spain in 1813, and subsequently to France, Belgium, Holland, Russia, and

Page 397

Sweden. Immediately on his return to London he published the first of his
translations, "Specimens of the Russian Poets" (1820). In 1822 he published a
second volume of Russian verse and a translation of Chamisso's whimsical tale
'Peter Schlemihl'; and when in 1824 his friend Jeremy Bentham founded the
Westminster Review, Bowring became one of its editors. He contributed to it
numerous essays on political and literary topics, one of which, on the literature
of Finland, published in 1827, first brought the poetry of that country into
notice. In 1849 he was sent on a mission to China; in 1854 was made
plenipotentiary and knighted, and remained in China during the Taeping
insurrection, being made governor of Hong Kong. In 1859 he resigned the
post.
With the exception of negotiating commercial treaties for England between the
Hawaiian court and various European States, the remainder of his life was
spent quietly in the pursuit of literary pleasures. Even in his old age he
translated fugitive poetry, wrote essays on political, literary, and social
questions of the hour, and frequently delivered lectures. He died November
23d, 1872, in Exeter, within sight of his birthplace under the shadows of the
massive cathedral. "In my travels," he said, "I have never been very ambitious
of the society of my countrymen, but have always sought that of the natives;
and there are few men, I believe, who can bear a stronger or a wider testimony
to the general kindness and hospitality of the human family when the means of
intercourse exist. My experiences of foreign lands are everywhere connected
with the most pleasing and the most grateful remembrances." In 1873 Lady
Bowring published a 'Memorial Volume of Sacred Poetry,' containing many of
his popular hymns; and in 1877 his 'Autobiographical Recollections' were
published, with a memoir by his son.
Sir John Bowring was a natural linguist of the first order. He knew and spoke
over a hundred languages, and affirmed that he often dreamed in foreign
tongues. His friend Tom Hood humorously referred to his gifts in the following
verse:--

"To Bowring! man of many tongues,
(All over tongues, like rumor)
This tributary verse belongs
To paint his learned humor.
All kinds of gab he knows, I wis,
From Latin down to Scottish--

Page 398

As fluent as a parrot is,
But far more Polly-glottish.
No grammar too abstruse he meets,
However dark and verby;
He gossips Greek about the streets
And often Russ--in urbe.
Strange tongues--whate'er you do them call;
In short, the man is able
To tell you what o'clock in all
The dialects of Babel.
Take him on Change--in Portuguese,
The Moorish and the Spanish,
Polish, Hungarian, Tyrolese,
The Swedish and the Danish:
Try him with these, and fifty such,
His skill will ne'er diminish;
Although you should begin in Dutch,
And end (like me) in Finnish."

Bowring was a member of many learned societies, and had honors and
decorations without stint, including the Order of the White Elephant, the
Swedish Order of the Northern Star, and the Order of Kamehameha I. His
publications are a 'Russian Anthology,' 'Matins and Vespers,' 'Batavian
Anthology,' 'Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain,' 'Peter Schlemihl,'
'Servian Popular Poetry,' 'Specimens of the Polish Poets,' 'Sketch of the
Language and Literature of Holland,' 'Poetry of the Magyars,' 'Cheskian
Anthology,' 'Minor Morals,' 'Observations on Oriental Plague and
Quarantines,' Manuscript of the Queen's Court: a Collection of Old Bohemian
Lyrico-Epic Songs,' 'Kingdom and People of Siam,' 'A Visit to the Philippine
Islands,' 'Translations from Petöfi,' 'The Flowery Scroll' (translation of a
Chinese novel), and 'The Oak' (a collection of original tales and sketches). He
also edited the works of Jeremy Bentham. Of his translations, the 'Servian
Anthology' has been the most admired for the skill and ease with which the
wild beauty of the poems, and their national spirit, has been preserved. At the
time of its publication, the collection of Servian popular poetry called 'Narodne
srpske pjesme' had just appeared, and was the first attempt to put into literary
form the ballads and lyric songs sung by the wandering minstrels and the
people.

Page 399

THE CROSS OF CHRIST

In the Cross of Christ I glory,
Tow'ring o'er the wrecks of time;
All the light of sacred story
Gathers round its head sublime.

When the woes of life o'ertake me,
Hopes deceive and fears annoy,
Never shall the Cross forsake me--
Lo! it glows with peace and joy.

When the sun of bliss is beaming
Light and love upon my way,
From the Cross the radiance streaming
Adds more lustre to the day.

Bane and blessing, pain and pleasure,
By the Cross are sanctified;
Peace is there that knows no measure,
Joys that through all time abide.

In the Cross of Christ I glory,
Tow'ring o'er the wrecks of time;
All the light of sacred story
Gathers round its head sublime.

WATCHMAN! WHAT OF THE NIGHT?

Watchman! tell us of the night,
What its signs of promise are:
Traveler! o'er yon mountain's height
See that glory-beaming star!

Page 400

Watchman! doth its beauteous ray
Aught of hope or joy foretell?
Traveler! yes, it brings the day,
Promised day of Israel.

Watchman! tell us of the night;
Higher yet that star ascends:
Traveler! blessedness and light,
Peace and truth, its course portends.
Watchman! will its beams alone
Gild the spot that gave them birth?
Traveler! ages are its own,
And it bursts o'er all the earth.

Watchman! tell us of the night,
For the morning seems to dawn:
Traveler! darkness takes its flight,
Doubt and terror are withdrawn.
Watchman! let thy wanderings cease;
Hie thee to thy quiet home:
Traveler! lo! the Prince of Peace,
Lo! the Son of God is come!

HYMN

From the recesses of a lowly spirit
My humble prayer ascends--O Father! hear it!
Upsoaring on the wings of fear and meekness,
Forgive its weakness.

I know, I feel, how mean and how unworthy
The trembling sacrifice I pour before Thee;
What can I offer in Thy presence holy,
But sin and folly?

For in Thy sight who every bosom viewest,

Page 401

Cold are our warmest vows, and vain our truest;
Thoughts of a harrying hour, our lips repeat them,
Our hearts forget them.

We see Thy hand--it leads us, it supports us;
We hear Thy voice--it counsels and it courts us;
And then we turn away--and still thy kindness
Pardons our blindness.

And still Thy rain descends, Thy sun is glowing,
Fruits ripen round, flowers are beneath us blowing,
And, as if man were some deserving creature,
Joys cover nature.

Oh, how long-suffering, Lord!--but Thou delightest
To win with love the wandering; Thou invitest
By smiles of mercy, not by frowns or terrors,
Man from his errors.

Who can resist Thy gentle call--appealing
To every generous thought and grateful feeling?
That voice paternal--whispering, watching ever:
My bosom?--never.

Father and Savior! plant within that bosom
These seeds of holiness, and bid them blossom
In fragrance and in beauty bright and vernal,
And spring eternal.

Then place them in those everlasting gardens
Where angels walk, and seraphs are the wardens;
Where every flower that creeps through death's dark
portal
Becomes immortal.

Page 402

FROM LUIS DE GONGORA--NOT ALL
NIGHTINGALES

They are not all sweet nightingales,
That fill with songs the flowery vales;
But they are little silver bells,
Touched by the winds in smiling dells;
Magic bells of gold in the grove,
Forming a chorus for her I love.

Think not the voices in the air
Are from the winged Sirens fair,
Playing among the dewy trees,
Chanting their morning mysteries;
Oh! if you listen, delighted there,
To their music scattered o'er the dales,
They are not all sweet nightingales,
That fill with songs the flowery vales;
But they are the little silver bells
Touched by the winds in the smiling dells;
Magic bells of gold in the grove,
Forming a chorus for her I love.

Oh! 'twas a lovely song--of art
To charm--of nature to touch the heart;
Sure 'twas some Shepherd's pipe, which, played
By passion, fills the forest shade:
No! 'tis music's diviner part
Which o'er the yielding spirit prevails.
They are not all sweet nightingales,
That fill with songs the flowery vales;
But they are the little silver bells
Touched by the winds in the smiling dells;
Magic bells of gold in the grove,
Forming a chorus for her I love.

In the eye of love, which all things sees,
The fragrance-breathing jasmine trees--
And the golden flowers--and the sloping hill--

Page 403

And the ever-melancholy rill--
Are full of holiest sympathies,
And tell of love a thousand tales.
They are not all sweet nightingales,
That fill with songs the flowery vales,
But they are the little silver bells
Touched by the winds in the smiling dells;
Magic bells of gold in the grove,
Forming a chorus for her I love.

From 'Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain.'

FROM JOHN KOLLAR--SONNET

There came three minstrels in the days of old
To the Avaric savage--in their hands
Their own Slavonian citharas they hold:
"And who are ye!" the haughty Khan demands,
Frowning from his barbaric throne; "and where--
Say where your warriors--where your sisters be."
"We are Slavonians, monarch! and come here
From the far borders of the Baltic sea:
We know no wars--no arms to us belong--
We cannot swell your ranks--'tis our employ
Alone to sing the dear domestic song."
And then they touched their harps in doubtful joy.
"Slaves!" said the tyrant--"these to prison lead.
For they are precious hostages indeed!"

From the 'Cheskian Anthology.'

FROM BOGDANOVICH (OLD RUSSIAN)--
SONG

Page 404

What to the maiden has happened?
What to the gem of the village?
Ah! to the gem of the village.

Seated alone in her cottage,
Tremblingly turned to the window;
Ah! ever turned to the window.

Like the sweet bird in its prison,
Pining and panting for freedom;
Ah! how 'tis pining for freedom!

Crowds of her youthful companions
Come to console the loved maiden;
Ah! to console the loved maiden.

"Smile then, our sister, be joyful;
Clouds of dust cover the valley;
Ah! see, they cover the valley.

"Smile then, our sister, be joyful;
List to the hoof-beat of horses;
Oh! to the hoof-beat of horses."

Then the maid looked through the window.
Saw the dust-clouds in the valley;
Oh! the dust-clouds in the valley.

Heard the hoof-beat of the horses,
Hurried away from the cottage;
Oh! to the valley she hurries.

"Welcome, O welcome! thou loved one."
See, she has sunk on his bosom;
Oh! she has sunk on his bosom.

Now all her grief has departed:
She has forgotten the window;

Page 405

Oh! quite forgotten the window.

Now her eye looks on her loved one,
Beaming with brightness and beauty;
Oh! 'tis all brightness and beauty.

From 'Specimens of the Russian Poets.'

FROM BOBROV--THE GOLDEN PALACE

[Sung at midnight in the Greek churches the last week
before Easter.]

The golden palace of my God
Tow'ring above the clouds I see
Beyond the cherubs' bright abode,
Higher than angels' thoughts can be:
How can I in those courts appear
Without a wedding garment on?
Conduct me, Thou life-giver, there;
Conduct me to Thy glorious throne:
And clothe me with thy robes of light,
And lead me through sin's darksome night,
My Savior and my God!

From 'Specimens of the Russian Poets.'

FROM DMITRIEV--THE DOVE AND THE
STRANGER

STRANGER

Why mourning there so sad, thou gentle dove?

Page 406

DOVE

I mourn, unceasing mourn, my vanished love.

STRANGER

What, has thy love then fled, or faithless proved?

DOVE

Ah no! the sportsman murdered him I loved!

STRANGER

Unhappy one! beware! that sportsman's nigh!

DOVE

Oh, let him come--or else of grief I die.

From 'Specimens of the Russian Poets.'

FROM SARBIEWSKI--SAPPHICS TO A ROSE

[Intended to be used in the garlands for decorating the
head of the Virgin Mary.]

Rose of the morning, in thy glowing beauty
Bright as the stars, and delicate and lovely,
Lift up thy head above thy earthly dwelling,
Daughter of heaven!

Wake! for the watery clouds are all dispersing;
Zephyr invites thee.--frosts and snows of winter
All are departed, and Favonian breezes

Page 407

Welcome thee smiling.

Rise in thy beauty;--wilt thou form a garland
Round the fair brow of some belovèd maiden?
Pure though she be, unhallowed temple never,
Flow'ret! shall wear thee.

Thou shouldst be wreathed in coronal immortal--
Thou shouldst be flung upon a shrine eternal--
Thou shouldst be twined among the golden ringlets
Of the pure Virgin.

From 'Specimens of the Polish Poets.'

Page 408

HJALMAR HJORTH BOYESEN
(1848-1895)

oyesen had thoroughly assimilated the spirit of his native Norway before he
left it. In the small southern seaport of Friedricksværn he had lived the happy
adventurous boyhood depicted in those loving reminiscences 'Boyhood in
Norway.' He knew the rugged little land and the sparkling fiords; his
imagination had delighted in Necken and Hulder and trolls, and all the
charming fantastic sprites of the Northland. So when he was far away, during
his bread-winning struggles in America, they grew clearer and dearer in
perspective; and in 'Gunnar,' 'A Norseman's Pilgrimage,' 'Ilka on the Hilltop,'
and other delightful books, he bequeathed these memories to his adopted land.
He came of well-to-do people, and received a liberal
education at the gymnasium of Christiania, the
University of Leipsic, and the University of Norway. His
father, professor of mathematics at the Naval Academy,
had made several trips to the United States and had been
impressed by the opportunities offered there to energetic
young men. Upon his urgent advice, Hjalmar when
Hjalmar H. Boyesen.
about twenty-one came to America, and soon obtained a
position upon a Norwegian newspaper, the Fremad of Chicago.
From childhood he had longed to write, but had been discouraged by his
father, who expatiated upon the limitations of their native tongue, and assured
him that to succeed in literature he must be able to write in another language as
readily as in his own. Even in his school days he had shown a remarkable
aptitude for languages; not only for understanding and speaking them, but for a
sympathetic comprehension of foreign literatures, and that sensitiveness to
shades of expression which so rarely comes to any but a native. He now
worked with all his energy to acquire English, not only as a necessary tool, but
as the best medium for conveying his own thought.

Page 409

This whole-souled devotion to an adopted tongue was soon rewarded by a
more spontaneous ease of expression than he possessed even in his native
Norwegian. No one could guess from his poems that he was foreign to the
speech in which he wrote them; few even among those born and bred to its use
have had such mastery of its capacities.
He soon left the Fremad and began teaching Greek and Latin at the small
Urbana University, in Ohio. Thence he was called to Cornell University in
1874 as professor of German, and in 1880 to Columbia College, where later he
became professor of German languages and literatures. He was a teacher of
rare stimulus and charm. He had an attractive vigor of personality; his
treatment of subjects was at once keenly analytic and very sympathetic, while
his individual point of view was impressed in an easy and vivid style.
The same qualities won for Boyesen a distinguished place in the lecture-field,
where he gave his audiences an exceptional combination of solid learning and
graceful and lucid expression. A series on the Norse sagas, at the Lowell
Institute in Boston, are still valued as 'Scandinavian Studies.'
In critical work, of which these studies form a part, Professor Boyesen made
his chief mark, as was natural, on the literature and legends of his native land.
The best commentary on Ibsen yet published in English is his introduction to
Ibsen's works; he manages to compress within the space of a very few pages
the pith of the great anarch's social ideas and the character of his dramatic
work. His 'Goethe and Schiller' is also excellent.
In pure letters, his earliest poems collected into 'Idyls of Norway,' and his early
stories of Norse life, of which 'Gunnar' was first and best, were never
surpassed by him in later life, if indeed they were equaled. The best powers of
his mind were gradually drawn into fields which solidified and broadened his
intellect, but checked the free inspiration and romantic feeling of youth. In
gauging his merit as a creative artist, we must set aside all but the work of
these few enthusiastic years. An important part of this change must be credited
to the influence of the Russian novelists and their American disciples.
Whatever may be the final verdict on Turgénieff and Tolstoy, their tremendous
effect on American literature is one of the most striking facts in our recent
literary history; its value is a more dubious matter, according to the point of
view. Boyesen met Turgénieff in Paris, and was deeply impressed by him; he
also became intimate with W.D. Howells, and through the influence of the
latter became an ardent disciple of Tolstoy. The result was to transform the

Page 410

romanticist of 'Gunnar'--steeped in the legends of old Norway, creating a fairy-
land atmosphere about him and delighting to live in the ideal,--into a so-called
realist, setting himself to the task of brushing away all illusions and painting
life as sterile and unpicturesque as it is in its meanest, most commonplace
conditions. To do this, he claimed, was the stern function of the author. To help
his readers to self-knowledge, although it might lessen their happiness, was the
greatest service he could render them.
He succeeded. The best comment on the theory and the practice alike is that
'Gunnar' lives and its realistic successors do not, and indeed never did; and that
much the same may be said of the corresponding epochs of other American
novelists' work, with a few exceptions where native genius was too strong to
be spoiled even by a vicious artistic principle. 'The Mammon of
Unrighteousness' and 'The Golden Calf' belong to the second half of Boyesen's
work.
A high place must be given, however, to his stories for boys in the children's
magazines, principally on Norwegian themes. These are among the best of
their kind,--spirited, wholesome, strong in plot and workmanship, and
containing some examples of his most perfect style. Even the more slender
juvenile tales have passages of the finest poetic spirit, and a charm scarcely
equaled in his more ambitious work. He won some laurels as a dramatist:
'Alpine Roses' was successfully acted in New York in 1883, and 'Ilka on the
Hilltop' (taken from his story of that name) in 1884.
Although he was in complete sympathy with the American life and character
and wished to make them his own, Professor Boyesen was never quite an
American. His descriptions of life in the United States are therefore always the
result of a foreigner's observation. His generous humanity appeals to all races,
however, and his books have been successfully translated into German,
Russian, and Norwegian. For years he had been collecting matter for an
extensive history of Scandinavian literature,--a task for which his nationality,
his scholarship, and his mastery of the English language especially fitted him.
His sudden death at forty-seven prevented its accomplishment, and perhaps
deprived him of a still wider and solider fame.

Page 411

A NORWEGIAN DANCE

From 'Gunnar'

They all hurried back to the hall. Gudrun might well wish to ask questions, but
she dared not; for she felt the truth, but was afraid of it. They could not help
seeing, when they entered the hall, that many curious glances were directed
toward them. But this rather roused in both a spirit of defiance. Therefore,
when Gunnar was requested to begin the stev he chose Ragnhild for his
partner, and she accepted. True, he was a houseman's son, but he was not
afraid. There was a giggling and a whispering all round, as hand in hand they
stepped out on the floor. Young and old, lads and maidens, thronged eagerly
about them. Had she not been so happy, perhaps she would not have been so
fair. But as she stood there in the warm flush of the torchlight, with her rich
blond hair waving down over her shoulders, and with that veiled brightness in
her eyes, her beauty sprang upon you like a sudden wonder, and her presence
was inspiration. And Gunnar saw her; she loved him: what cared he for all the
world beside? Proudly he raised his head and sang:--
Gunnar--There standeth a birch in the lightsome lea,

Ragnhild--In the lightsome lea;

Gunnar--So fair she stands in the sunlight free,

Ragnhild--In the sunlight free;

Both--So fair she stands in the sunlight free.

Ragnhild--High up on the mountain there standeth a pine,

Gunnar--There standeth a pine;

Ragnhild--So stanchly grown and so tall and fine,

Page 412

Gunnar--So tall and fine;

Both--So stanchly grown and so tall and fine.

Gunnar--A maiden I know as fair as the day,

Ragnhild--As fair as the day;

Gunnar--She shines like the birch in the sunlight's play,

Ragnhild--In the sunlight's play;

Both--She shines like the birch in the sunlight's play.

Ragnhild--I know a lad in the spring's glad light,

Gunnar--In the spring's glad light;

Ragnhild--Far-seen as the pine on the mountain-height,

Gunnar-- On the mountain-height;

Both-- Far-seen as the pine on the mountain-height.

Gunnar--So bright and blue are the starry skies,

Ragnhild-- The starry skies;

Gunnar--But brighter and bluer that maiden's eyes,

Ragnhild-- That maiden's eyes;

Both--But brighter and bluer that maiden's eyes.

Ragnhild--And his have a depth like the fjord, I know,

Page 413

Gunnar-- The fjord, I know;

Ragnhild--Wherein the heavens their beauty show,

Gunnar-- Their beauty show;

Both--Wherein the heavens their beauty show.

Gunnar--The birds each morn seek the forest glade,

Ragnhild-- The forest glade;

Gunnar--So flock my thoughts to that lily maid,

Ragnhild-- That lily maid;

Both-- So flock my thoughts to that lily maid.

Ragnhild--The moss it clingeth so fast to the stone,
Gunnar-- So fast to the stone;

Ragnhild--So clingeth my Soul to him alone,
Gunnar-- To him alone;

Both--So clingeth my soul to him alone.

Gunnar--Each brook sings its song, but forever the same,

Ragnhild-- Forever the same;

Gunnar--Forever my heart beats that maiden's name,

Ragnhild-- That maiden's name;

Both--Forever my heart beats that maiden's name.

Ragnhild--The plover hath but an only tone,

Gunnar-- An only tone;

Page 414

Ragnhild--My life hath its love, and its love alone,

Gunnar-- Its love alone;

Both--My life hath its love, and its love alone.

Gunnar--The rivers all to the fjord they go,
Ragnhild-- To the fjord they go;

Gunnar-- So may our lives then together flow,
Ragnhild-- Together flow;

Both--Oh, may our lives then together flow!
Here Gunnar stopped, made a leap toward Ragnhild, caught her round the
waist, and again danced off with her, while a storm of voices joined in the last
refrain, and loud shouts of admiration followed them. For this was a stev that
was good for something; long time it was since so fine a stev had been heard
on this side of the mountains. Soon the dance became general, and lasted till
after midnight. Then the sleigh-bells and the stamping of hoofs from without
reminded the merry guests that night was waning. There stood the well-known
swan-shaped sleigh from Henjum, and the man on the box was Atle himself.
Ragnhild and Gudrun were hurried into it, the whip cracked, and the sleigh
shot down over the star-illumined fields of snow.
The splendor of the night was almost dazzling as Gunnar came out from the
crowded hall and again stood under the open sky. A host of struggling thoughts
and sensations thronged upon him. He was happy, oh, so happy!--at least he
tried to persuade himself that he was; but strange to say, he did not fully
succeed. Was it not toward this day his yearnings had pointed, and about which
his hopes had been clustering from year to year, ever since he had been old
enough to know what yearning was? Was it not this day which had been
beckoning him from afar, and had shed light upon his way like a star, and had
he not followed its guidance as faithfully and as trustingly as those wise men
of old? "Folly and nonsense," muttered he; "the night breeds nightly thoughts!"
With an effort he again brought Ragnhild's image before his mind, jumped
upon his skees, and darted down over the glittering snow. It bore him toward
the fjord. A sharp, chill wind swept up the hillside, and rushed against him.

Page 415

"Houseman's son!" cried the wind. Onward he hastened. "Houseman's son!"
howled the wind after him. Soon he reached the fjord, hurried on up toward the
river-mouth, and coming to the Henjum boat-house, stopped, and walked out
to the end of the pier, which stretched from the headland some twenty to thirty
feet out into the water. The fjord lay sombre and restless before him. There was
evidently a storm raging in the ocean, for the tide was unusually high, and the
sky was darkening from the west eastward. The mountain-peaks stood there,
stern and lofty as ever, with their heads wrapped in hoods of cloud. Gunnar sat
down at the outer edge of the pier, with his feet hanging listlessly over the
water, which, in slow and monotonous plashing, beat against the timbers. Far
out in the distance he could hear the breakers roar among the rocky reefs; first
the long, booming roll, then the slowly waning moan, and the great hush, in
which the billows pause to listen to themselves. It is the heavy deep-drawn
breath of the ocean. It was cold, but Gunnar hardly felt it.
He again stepped into his skees and followed the narrow road, as it wound its
way from the fjord up along the river. Down near the mouth, between Henjum
and Rimul, the river was frozen, and could be crossed on the ice. Up at
Henjumhei it was too swift to freeze. It was near daylight when he reached the
cottage. How small and poor it looked! Never had he seen it so before;--very
different from Rimul. And how dark and narrow it was all around it! At Rimul
they had always sunshine. Truly, the track is steep from Henjumhei to Rimul;
the river runs deep between.

Page 416

MARY ELIZABETH BRADDON
(1837-)

hatever objections may be made to the sensational character of many of Miss
Braddon's earlier novels, her place is certainly in the ranks of the "born" story-
tellers. Although still in the prime of life, she has been before the public for
thirty-seven years. Her books have been produced in amazingly rapid and
continuous succession. She was born in London in 1837, wrote little stories in
her early teens, and was fond of entertaining her companions with startling
original tales.
When a young girl she conceived a passion for the stage, and a dramatic--or
melodramatic--element is conspicuous in most of her novels. She was barely
twenty-one when she had completed a comedietta, 'The Lover of Arcadia,'
which, after many alterations and revisions, was put on the stage of the Strand
Theatre in 1860, with--naturally--but moderate success. Her disappointment
was extreme. She gave up the hope of becoming a successful dramatist. Her
next venture, like that of most young authors, was a small volume of poems, of
which Garibaldi was the chief theme. About this time she also wrote a number
of highly colored, much strained tales in the Temple Bar and St. James'
magazines. These tales drew attention, and awoke an echo which neither the
comedietta nor the poems had done, making it clear to her that in narrative
fiction lay her strength. She was ambitious, she wanted money even more than
reputation, and she has followed narrative fiction most diligently ever since,
with widening and indisputable success.
In 1862 appeared her first full-fledged novel, 'Lady Audley's Secret.' It
achieved instantaneous distinction and an enormous sale, six editions being
disposed of in as many weeks. She had finally hit the mark, though not by
accident. She had carefully thought out a new scheme, and had corrected
literary mistakes by her late experience. She knew that the first desire of novel
readers is for novelty, a characteristic usually preferred to originality, which is
often much more slowly recognized. Mrs. Gore's fashionable novels, correct in
portraiture and upholstery, clever but monotonous, had had their day; Mrs.

Page 417

Trollope's coarse and caustic delineations; G.P.R. James's combats, adventures,
skirmishes, disguises, trials, and escapes, and Bulwer's sentimental and
grandiloquent romances, had begun to pall upon the public taste. Miss
Braddon perceived that the time had come for something new, so 'Lady
Audley's Secret' was a striking innovation.
Hitherto, wickedness had been ugly. She endued it with grace and beauty. She
invented a mystery of crime surrounded by everyday circumstances, yet
avoiding the "detective novel" mechanism. A new story, 'Aurora Floyd,'
repeated the immense success of 'Lady Audley.' Novel after novel followed,
full of momentous incidents, of surprises leading to new surprises. All the time
Miss Braddon was observing much, correcting much in her methods and ideas.
She studied manners closely; drew ingenious inferences; suggested dramatic
and startling conclusions. She has, too, introduced into modern fiction the
beguiling female fiend, who, like the Italian duchess of the Middle Ages,
betrays with a smile, and with one arm about her lover beckons to the hired
bravo to do his bloody work. Her plots, though sometimes forced, are
ingenious and exciting. The movement of her stories is swift, and the scenes
and personages contribute to the appointed end. As the author has grown in
literary stature, a finer and often admirable effort is made to analyze or to
develop character, as an element subservient to the exigencies of the stirring
catastrophe.
Her style and treatment have matured with practice and with years, and her
later novels display artistic form and finish. Her 'Mohawks' is in many respects
a superb study of fashionable life, with several historical portraits introduced,
of London in the time of Pope, St. John, Walpole, and Chesterfield--a tableau
of great movement and accuracy of composition. In thirty-five years she has
written more than sixty stories, the best of them being perhaps this fine semi-
historical melodrama. Several of her earlier fictions have been successfully
dramatized. An exquisite little tale for Christmas-tide, 'The Christmas
Hirelings,' is an evidence of her lightness of touch and refinement of
conception in a trifle. In 1874 Miss Braddon married John Maxwell, a well-
known London publisher.

THE ADVENT OF THE 'HIRELINGS'

Page 418

From 'The Christmas Hirelings': copyrighted by Harper and Brothers

Everything had been made ready for the little strangers. There were fires
blazing in two large bedrooms overhead--rooms with a door of
communication. In one there were still the two little white beds in which Lilian
and Sibyl had slept when they were children; poor Lilian, whose bed was in
the English cemetery at Florence, under a white marble monument erected by
her sorrowing husband, and whose sorrowing husband had taken to himself a
second wife five years ago. Every one knew where Lilian was lying, but no
one at Penlyon Castle knew where Sibyl's head had found rest. All that people
knew about the disobedient daughter was that her husband had died within
three or four years of her marriage, worn to death in some foreign mission. Of
his luckless widow no one at Penlyon had heard anything, but it was surmised
that her father made her an allowance. He could hardly let his only daughter
starve, people said, however badly she might have treated him. Lady
Lurgrave's early death had been a crushing blow to his love and to his pride.
She had died childless.

Sir John had heard the carriage stop, and the opening of the hall door; and
although he pretended to go on reading his paper by the lamp placed close at
his elbow, the pretense was a poor one, and anybody might have seen that he
was listening with all his might.
The footman had opened the hall door as the wheels drew near; it was wide
open when the carriage stopped. The red light from the hall fire streamed out
upon the evening gray, and three little silvery voices were heard exclaiming:--
"Oh, what a pretty house!"
"Oh, what a big house!"
And then the smallest voice of the three with amazing distinctness:--
"What an exceedingly red fire."
The carriage door flew open, and two little girls all in red from top to toe, and
one little boy in gray, rolled out in a heap, or seemed to roll out, like puppies
out of a basket, scrambled on to their feet and ran up the steps,--Mr. Danby,
slim and jaunty as usual, following them.

Page 419

"Good gracious, how tiny they are!" cried Adela, stooping down to kiss the
smaller girl, a round red bundle, with a round little face, and large dark gray
eyes shining in the firelight.
The tiny thing accepted the kiss somewhat shrinkingly, and looked about her,
awed by the grandeur of the hall, the large fireplace and blazing logs, the men
in armor, or the suits of armor standing up and pretending to be men.
"I don't like them," said the tiny girl, clinging to Danby and pointing at one of
these mailed warriors with a muffled red hand: "they're not alive, are they,
Uncle Tom?"
"No, no, no, Moppet, they're as dead as door-nails."
"Are they? I don't like dead people."
"Come, come, Moppet, suppose they're not people at all--no more than a
rocking-horse is a real live horse. We'll pull one of them down to-morrow and
look inside him, and then you'll be satisfied."
The larger scarlet mite, larger by about an inch, older by a year, was standing
before the fire, gravely warming her hands, spreading them out before the
blaze as much as hands so tiny could spread themselves. The boy was skipping
about the hall, looking at everything, the armed warriors especially, and not at
all afraid.
"They're soldiers, aren't they?" he asked.
"Yes, Laddie."
"I should like to be dressed like that, and go into a battle and kill lots of
people. I couldn't be killed myself, could I, if I had that stuff all over me?"
"Perhaps not, Laddie; but I don't think it would answer. You'd be an
anachronism."
"I wouldn't mind being a nackerism if it saved me from being killed," said
Laddie.
"Come, little ones, come and be presented to your host," said Mr. Danby, as the
footman opened the library door; and they all poured in--Danby, Adela, and the
children--the smallest running in first, her sister and the boy following,
considerably in advance of the grown-ups.

Page 420

Moppet ran right into the middle of the room as fast as her little red legs could
carry her; then seeing Sir John sitting where the bright lamplight shown full
upon his pale elderly face, with its strongly marked features, black eyebrows,
and silvery-gray hair, she stopped suddenly as if she had beheld a Gorgon, and
began to back slowly till she brought herself up against the silken skirt of
Adela Hawberk's gown; and in that soft drapery she in a manner absorbed
herself, till there was nothing to be seen of the little neatly rounded figure
except the tip of a bright red cap and the toes of two bright red gaiters.
The elder mite had advanced less boldly, and had not to beat so ignominious a
retreat. She was near enough to Mr. Danby to clutch his hand, and holding by
that she was hardly at all frightened.
The boy, older, bolder, and less sensitive than either of the girls, went skipping
around the library as he had skipped about the hall, looking at things and
apparently unconscious of Sir John Penlyon's existence.
"How d'ye do, Danby?" said Sir John, holding out his hand as his old friend
advanced to the fire, the little red girl hanging on to his left hand, while he
gave his right to his host. "Upon my word, I began to think you were never
coming back. You've been an unconscionable time. One would suppose you
had to fetch the children from the world's end."
"I had to bring them to the world's end, you might say. Boscastle is something
more than a day's journey from London in the depth of winter."
"And are these the children? Good heavens, Danby! what could you be
thinking about to bring us such morsels of humanity?"
"We wanted children," said Danby, "not hobbledehoys"
"Hobbledehoys! no, but there is reason in everything. You couldn't suppose I
wanted infants like these--look at that little scrap hidden in Adela's frock. It's
positively dreadful to contemplate! They will be getting under my feet. I shall
be treading upon them, and hurting them seriously."
"No you won't, Jack; I'll answer for that."
"Why not, pray?"
"Because of their individuality. They are small, but they are people. When
Moppet comes into a room everybody knows she is there. She is a little scared

Page 421

now; but she will be as bold as brass in a quarter of an hour."
Sir John Penlyon put on his spectacles and looked at the little hirelings more
critically. Their youth and diminutive size had been a shock to him. He had
expected bouncing children with rosy faces, long auburn hair, and a good deal
of well-developed leg showing beneath a short frock. These, measured against
his expectations, were positively microscopic.
Their cheeks were pale rather than rosy. Their hair was neither auburn nor
long. It was dark hair, and it was cropped close to the neat little heads, showing
every bump in the broad, clever-looking foreheads. Sir John's disapproving
eyes showed him that the children were more intelligent than the common run
of children; but for the moment he was not disposed to accept intelligence
instead of size.
"They are preposterously small," he said--"not at all the kind of thing I
expected. They will get lost under chairs or buried alive in waste-paper
baskets. I wash my hands of them, Take them away, Adela. Let them be fed
and put to bed." Then turning to Mr. Danby as if to dismiss the subject,
"Anything stirring in London when you were there, Tom?"
Before Danby could answer, Moppet emerged from her shelter, advanced
deliberately, and planted herself in front of Sir John Penlyon, looking him
straight in the face.
"I'm sorry you don't like us, Mr. Old Gentleman," she said. Every syllable
came with clear precision from those infantine lips. Moppet's strong point was
her power of speech. Firm, decisive, correct as to intonation came every
sentence from the lips of this small personage. Ponderous polysyllables were
no trouble to Moppet. There was only an occasional consonant that baffled her.
"Who says I don't like you?" said Sir John, taken aback, and lifting the
animated bundle of red cloth on to his knee.
He found there was something very substantial inside the wooly cloak and
gaiters: a pair of round plump arms and sturdy little legs, a compact little
figure which perched firmly on his knee. "You said so," retorted Moppet, with
her large gray eyes very wide open, and looking full into his. "You don't like us
because we are so very small. Everybody says we are small, but everybody
doesn't mind. Why do you mind?"

Page 422

"I didn't say anything about not liking you, little one. I was only afraid you
were too small to go out visiting."
"I went out to tea when I was two, and nobody said I was too small. I have real
tea at parties, not milk-and-water. And I have been out to tea often and often--
haven't I, Lassie?"
"Not so many times as I have," replied the elder red thing, with dignity.
She was standing in front of the wide old fireplace, warming her hands, and
she was to Sir John's eye somewhat suggestive of a robin-redbreast that had
fluttered in and lighted there.
"Of course not, because you're older," said Moppet, disgusted at this
superfluous self-assertion on her sister's part. "I am always good at parties--
ain't I, Uncle Tom?" turning an appealing face to Mr. Danby.
"So these Lilliputians are your nieces, Danby!" exclaimed Sir John.
"Well, no, they are not exactly nieces, though they are very near and dear. I am
only a jury uncle."
"A jury uncle!" cried Moppet, throwing her head back and laughing at the
unknown word.
"A jury uncle!" echoed the other two, and the three laughed prodigiously; not
because they attached any meaning to the word, but only because they didn't
know what it meant. That was where the joke lay.
"You know that in Cornwall and in Sicily all the elderly men are uncles, and
all the old women aunts--everybody's uncles and aunts," concluded Mr. Danby.
Moppet still occupied Sir John's knee. She felt somehow that it was a post of
honor, and she had no inclination to surrender it. Her tiny fingers had
possessed themselves of his watch-chain.
"Please show me your watch," she said.
Sir John drew out a big hunter.
Moppet approached her little rosy mouth to the hinge and blew violently.

Page 423

"Why don't it open as Uncle Tom's watch does when I blow?" she asked. "Is it
broken?"
"Blow again, and we'll see about that," said Sir John, understanding the
manoeuvre.
The big bright case flew open as Moppet blew.
"Take care it doesn't bite your nose off."
"How big and bright it is--much bigger and brighter than Uncle Tom's."
"Uncle Tom's is a lady's watch, and Uncle Tom's a lady's man," said Sir John,
and the triple peal of childish laughter which greeted this remark made him
fancy himself a wit.
Small as they were, these children were easily amused, and that was a point in
their favor, he thought.
"Tea is ready in the breakfast-room," said Adela.
"Tea in the breakfast-room. Oh, how funny!" And again they all laughed.
At any rate, they were not doleful children--no long faces, no homesick airs,
no bilious headaches--so far.
"I dare say they will all start measles or whooping-cough before we have done
with them," thought Sir John, determined not to be hopeful.
"Oh, we are to come to tea, are we?" he said, cheerily, and he actually carried
Moppet all the way to the breakfast-room, almost at the other end of the
rambling old house, and planted her in a chair by his side at the tea-table. She
nestled up close beside him.
"You like us now, don't you? she asked.
"I like you."
"And you'll like her," pointing to her sister with a small distinct finger, "and
him," pointing to her brother, "to-morrow morning. You'll know us all to-
morrow morning."
"To-morrow will be Christmas," said Laddie, as if giving a piece of useful
information to the company in general.

Page 424

"Christmas!" cried Danby; "so it will. I mustn't forget to hang up my stocking."
This provoked a burst of mirth. Uncle Tom's stocking! Uncle Tom hoping to
get anything from Santa Claus!
"You needn't laugh," said Mr. Danby, seriously. "I mean to hang up one of my
big Inverness stockings. It will hold a lot."
"What do you expect to get?" asked Laddie, intensely amused. "Toys?"
"No: chocolates, butter-scotch, hardbake, alecompane."
"Oh, what's alecompane?"
The name of this old-fashioned sweetmeat was received with derision.
"Why, what an old sweet-tooth you must be!" exclaimed Moppet; "but I don't
believe you a bit. I shall come in the middle of the night to see if your stocking
is there."
"You won't find my room. You'll go into the wrong room most likely, and find
one of the three bears."
Moppet laughed at the notion of those familiar beasts.
"There never were three bears that lived in a house, and had beds and chairs
and knives and forks and things," she said. "I used to believe it once when I
was very little"--she said "veway little"--"but now I know it isn't true."
She looked round the table with a solemn air, with her lips pursed up,
challenging contradiction. Her quaint little face, in which the forehead
somewhat overbalanced the tiny features below it, was all aglow with mind.
One could not imagine more mind in any living creature than was compressed
within this quaint scrap of humanity.
Sir John watched her curiously. He had no experience of children of that early
age. His own daughters had been some years older before he began to notice
them. He could but wonder at this quick and eager brain animating so
infinitesimal a body.
Moppet looked round the table; and what a table it was! She had never seen
anything like it. Cornwall, like Scotland, has a prodigious reputation for
breakfasts; but Cornwall, on occasion, can almost rival Yorkshire in the matter

Page 425

of tea. Laddie and Lassie had set to work already, one on each side of Miss
Hawberk, who was engaged with urn and teapot. Moppet was less intent upon
food, and had more time to wonder and scrutinize. Her big mind was hungrier
than her little body.
"Oh, what a lot of candles!" she cried. "You must be very rich, Mr. Old
Gentleman."
Eight tall candles in two heavy old silver candelabra lighted the large round
table, and on the dazzling white cloth was spread such a feast as little children
love: cakes of many kinds, jams and marmalade, buns, muffins, and crisp
biscuits fresh from the oven, scones both white and brown, and the rich
golden-yellow clotted cream, in the preparation of which Cornwall pretends to
surpass her sister Devon, as in her cider and perry and smoked pig. It is only
natural that Cornwall, in her stately seclusion at the end of Western England,
should look down upon Devonshire as sophisticated and almost cockney.
Cornwall is to Devon as the real Scottish Highlands are to the Trosachs.
Besides the cakes and jams and cream-bowl there were flowers: Christmas
roses, and real roses, yellow and red--such flowers as only grow in rich men's
greenhouses; and there was a big silver urn in which Laddie and Lassie could
see their faces, red and broad and shining, as they squeezed themselves each
against one of Adela's elbows.
"O Uncle Tom," suddenly exclaimed Lassie, in a rapturous voice, "we shall
never die here!"
"Not for want of food, certainly, Lassie."
The children had eaten nothing since a very early dinner in Plymouth, and on
being pressed to eat by Miss Hawberk and Mr. Danby, showed themselves
frankly greedy. Sir John did nothing but look on and wonder at them. They
showed him a new phase of humanity. Did life begin so soon? Was the mind so
fully awakened while the body was still so tiny? "How old are you, Mistress
Moppet?" he asked, when Moppet had finished her first slice of saffron-cake.
"Four and a quarter."
Not five years old. She had lived in the world less than five years. She talked
of what she had thought and believed when she was little, and she seemed to
know as much about life as he did at sixty-five.

Page 426

"You are a wonderful little woman, not to be afraid of going out visiting
without your nurse."
"Nurse!" echoed Moppet, staring at him with her big gray eyes. "What's a
nurse?"
"She doesn't know," explained Laddie: "we never had a nurse. It's a woman
like the one Julie has to take care of her, Moppet," he explained,
condescendingly, "a bonne we call her. But we've never had a bonne" he
added, with a superior air.
"Indeed?" exclaimed Sir John, "then pray who has taken care of you, put you
to bed at night, and washed and dressed you of a morning, taken you out for
walks, or wheeled you in a perambulator?"
"Mother," cried the boy. "Mother does all that--except for me. I dress myself--I
take my own bath. Mother says I'm growing quite inde--in-de--"
"Pendent!" screamed Moppet across the table. "What a silly boy you are: you
always forget the names of things."
Moppet was getting excited. The small cheeks were flushed, and the big eyes
were getting bigger, and Moppet was inclined to gesticulate a good deal when
she talked, and to pat the table-*cloth with two little hands to give point to her
speech.
"Moppet," said Mr. Danby, "the hot cakes are getting into your head. I propose
an adjournment to Bedfordshire."
"No! no! NO! Uncle Tom. We ain't to go yet, is we?" pleaded the child,
snuggling close up to Sir John's waistcoat, with a settled conviction that he was
the higher authority. The lapse in grammar was the momentary result of
excitement. In a general way Moppet's tenses and persons were as correct as if
she had been twenty.
"I think you ought to be tired, after your long journey," said the baronet.
"But it wasn't a long journey. We had dinner first, and in the morning we
walked on the Hoe. Isn't that a funny name for a place? And we saw the sea,
and Uncle Tom told us of the--"

Page 427

"Spanish Arcadia," interrupted Laddie, who felt it was his turn now, "and how
Drake and the other captains were playing bowls on the Hoe, just where we
were standing that very minute, when the news of the Spanish ships came and
they went off to meet them; and there was a storm, and there was no fighting
wanted, for the storm smashed all the ships and they went back to King Philip
without any masts, and Queen Elizabeth went on horseback to Tilbury, and that
was the end of the Arcadia."
"For an historical synopsis I don't call that bad," said Mr. Danby;
"nevertheless, I recommend Bedfordshire if our little friends have finished
their tea."
"I have," said Lassie, with a contented yawn.
Moppet did not want to go to bed. She had eaten less than the other two, but
she had talked more, and had slapped the table, and had made faces, while
Lassie and Laddie had been models of good manners.
"I wish you wouldn't call it Bedfordshire," she said, shaking her head
vindictively at Mr. Danby. "It makes it worse to go to bed when people make
jokes about it!"
Mr. Danby came around to where she sat, and took her up in his arms as if she
had been a big doll instead of a small child.
"Say good-night to Sir John," he said.
Moppet stooped her face down to the baronet's, and pursed up her red lips in
the prettiest little kiss, which was returned quite heartily.
"Take her away, Danby: she is much too excited, and she is the funniest little
thing I ever saw. Good-night, my dears," he said to the others, as he rose and
walked toward the door. "I hope you will spend a happy Christmas at Place.
Adela, be sure the little things are comfortable, and that Nurse Danby's
instructions are obeyed."
The children laughed at this rude mention of Mr. Danby, and went off to bed
repeating the phrase "Nurse Danby" with much chuckling and giggling.

Sir John Penlyon had just seated himself on the great oaken settle in the
chimney-corner, after somewhat languidly performing his duty as host.

Page 428

Moppet walked straight to him, clambered on his knee, and nestled her head in
his waistcoat, gazing up at him with very much the same dumb devotion he
had seen in the topaz eyes of a favorite Clumber spaniel.
"Why, Moppet, are you tired of your new little friends?" he asked kindly.
"I don't like children: they are so silly," answered Moppet, with decision. "I
like you much better."
"Do you really, now! I wonder how much you like me. As well as you like
junket?"
"Oh, what a silly question! As if one could care for any nice thing to eat as
well as one cares for a live person."
"Couldn't one! I believe there are little boys in Boscastle who are fonder of
plum-pudding than of all their relations."
"They must be horrid little boys. Laddie is greedy, but he is not so greedy as
that. I shouldn't like to live in the same house with him if he were."
"For fear he should turn cannibal and eat you?"
"What is a camomile, and does it really eat people?"
"Never mind, Moppet; there are none in our part of the world," said Sir John,
hastily, feeling that he had made a faux pas, and might set Moppet dreaming of
cannibals if he explained their nature and attributes.
He had been warned by his friend Danby that Moppet was given to dreaming
at night of anything that had moved her wonder or her fear in the day, and that
she would awaken from such dreams in a cold perspiration, with wild eyes and
clinched hands. Her sleep had been haunted by goblins, and made hideous by
men who had sold their shadows, and by wolves who were hungry for little
girls in red cloaks. It had been found perilous to tell her the old familiar fairy
tales which most children have been told, and from which many children have
suffered in the dim early years, before the restrictions of space and climate are
understood, and wolves, bears, and lions located in their own peculiar
latitudes.
Sir John looked down at the little dark head which was pressed so lovingly
against his waistcoat, and at the long dark lashes that veiled the deep-set eyes.

Page 429

"And so you really like me?" said he.
"I really love you; not so much as mother, but veway, veway much."
"As much as Danby--as Uncle Tom?"
"Better than Uncle Tom! but please don't tell him so. It might make him
unhappy."
"I dare say it would. Uncle Tom has a jealous disposition. He might shut you
up in a brazen tower."
Another faux pas. Moppet would be dreaming of brazen towers. Imagination,
assisted by plum-pudding, would run readily into tormenting visions.
Happily, Moppet made no remark upon the tower. She was thinking--thinking
deeply; and presently she looked up at Sir John with grave gray eyes and said:-
-
"I believe I love you better than Uncle Tom, because you are a grander
gentleman," she said musingly, "and because you have this beautiful big house.
It is yours, isn't it--your veway, veway own?"
"My very, very own. And so you like my house, Moppet? And will you be
sorry to go away?"
"Oh no, because I shall be going to mother."
"Then you like your own home better than this big house?"
"No I don't. I should be very silly if I did. Home is a funny little house, in a
funny little sloping garden on the side of a hill. Uncle Tom says it is very
healthy. There is a tiny salon, and a tiny dining-room, and a dear little kitchen
where the bonne a tout faire lives, and four tiny bedrooms. It was a.
fisherman's cottage once, and then an English lady--an old lady--bought it, and
made new rooms, and had it all made pretty, and then she died; and then Uncle
Tom happened to see it, and took it for mother."
"And was my little Moppet born there?"
"No; I was born a long, long way off--up in the hills."
"What hills?"

Page 430

"The northwest provinces. It's an awful long way off--but I can't tell you
anything about it," added Moppet, with a solemn shake of her cropped head,
"for I was born before I can remember. Laddie says we all came over the sea--
but we mustn't talk to mother about that time, and Laddie's very stupid--he
may have told me all wrong."
"And doesn't Lassie remember coming home in the ship?"
"She remembers a gentleman who gave her goodies."
"But not the ship?"
"No, not the ship; but she thinks there must have been a ship, for the wind
blew very hard, and the gentleman went up and down as if he was in a swing.
Laddie pretends to remember all the sailors' names, but I don't think he really
can."
"And the only house you can remember is the house on the cliff?"
"Where mother is now--yes, that's the only one, and I'm very fond of it. Are
you fond of this house?"
"Yes, Moppet: one is always fond of the house in which one was born. I was
born here."
Moppet looked up at him wonderingly.
"Is that very surprising?" he asked, smiling down at her.
"It seems rather surprising you should ever have been born," replied Moppet,
frankly: "you are so veway old."
"Yes; but one has to begin, you see, Moppet."
"It must have been a twemendously long time ago when you and Uncle Tom
began."
The explosion of a cracker startled Moppet from the meditative mood. It was
the signal for the rifling of the Christmas tree. The crackers--the gold and
silver and sapphire and ruby and emerald crackers--were being distributed, and
were exploding in every direction before Moppet could run to the tree and hold
up two tiny hands, crying excitedly, "Me, me, me!"

Page 431

"HOW BRIGHT SHE WAS, HOW LOVELY DID SHE SHOW"

From 'Mohawks'

To be a fashionable beauty, with a reputation for intelligence, nay, even for that
much rarer quality, wit; to have been born in the purple; to have been just
enough talked about to be interesting as a woman with a history; to have a fine
house in Soho Square, and a mediaeval abbey in Hampshire; to ride, dance,
sing, play, and speak French and Italian better than any other woman in
society; to have the finest diamonds in London; to be followed, flattered,
serenaded, lampooned, written about and talked about, and to be on the
sunward side of thirty; surely to be and to have all these good things should fill
the cup of contentment for any of Eve's daughters.
Lady Judith Topsparkle had all these blessings, and flashed gayety and
brightness upon the world in which her lot was cast; and yet there were those
among her intimates, those who sipped their chocolate with her of a morning
before her hair was powdered or her patches put on, who declared that she was
not altogether happy.
The diamonds, the spacious house in Soho Square, with its Turkey carpets and
Boule furniture, its plenitude of massive plate and Italian pictures, its air of
regal luxury and splendor; the abbey near Ringwood, with its tapestries,
pictures, curios, and secret passages, were burdened with a certain condition
which for Lady Judith reduced their value to a minimum.
All these good things came to her through her husband. Of her own right she
was only the genteelest pauper at the court end of London. Her blood was of
the bluest. She was a younger daughter of one of the oldest earls; but Job
himself, after the advent of the messengers, was not poorer than that
distinguished nobleman. Lady Judith had brought Mr. Topsparkle nothing but
her beauty, her quality, and her pride. Love she never pretended to bring him,
nor liking, nor even respect. His father had made his fortune in trade; and the

Page 432

idea of a tradesman's son was almost as repulsive to Lady Judith as that of a
blackamoor. She married him because her father made her marry him, and in
her own phraseology "the matter was not worth fighting about." She had
broken just two years before with the only man she had ever loved, had
renounced him in a fit of pique and passion on account of some scandal about
a French dancing-girl; and from that hour she had assumed an air of
recklessness: she had danced, flirted, talked, and carried on in a manner that
delighted the multitude and shocked the prudes. Bath and Tunbridge Wells had
rung with her sayings and doings; and finally she surrendered herself, not
altogether unwillingly, to the highest bidder.
She was burdened with debt, never knew what it was to have a crown piece of
ready money. At cards she had to borrow first of one admirer and then of
another. She had been able to get plenty of credit for gowns and trinketry from
a harpy class of West End tradespeople, who speculated in Lady Judith's
beauty as they might have done in some hazardous but hopeful stock; counting
it almost a certainty that she would make a splendid match and recoup them
all.
Mr. Topsparkle saw her in the zenith of her audacious charms. He met her at a
masquerade at Bath, followed and intrigued with her all the evening, and at
last, alone in an alcove with her after supper, induced her to take off her mask.
Her beauty dazzled those experienced eyes of his, and he fell madly in love
with her at first sight of that radiant loveliness: starriest eyes of violet hue, a
dainty little Greek nose, a complexion of lilies and blush-roses, and the most
perfect mouth and teeth in Christendom. No one had ever seen anything more
beautiful than the tender curves of those classic lips, or more delicate than their
faint carmine tinge. In an epoch when almost every woman of fashion
plastered herself with bismuth and ceruse, Lord Bramber's daughter could
afford to exhibit the complexion nature had given her, and might defy paint to
match it. Lady Judith laughed at her conquest when she was told about it by
half a dozen different admirers at the Rooms next morning.
"What, that Topsparkle man!" she exclaimed--"the traveled Cit who has been
exploring all sorts of savage places in Spain and Italy, and writing would-be
witty letters about his travels. They say he is richer than any nabob in
Hindostan. Yes, I plagued him vastly, I believe, before I consented to unmask;
and then he pretended to be dumbfounded at my charms, for-sooth; dazzled by
this sun into which you gentlemen look without flinching, like young eagles."

Page 433

"My dear Lady Judith, the man is captivated--your slave forever. You had
better put a ring in his nose and lead him about with you, instead of that little
black boy for whom you sighed the other day, and that his Lordship denied
you. He is quite the richest man in London, three or four times a millionaire,
and he is on the point of buying Lord Ringwood's place in Hampshire--a
genuine mediaeval abbey, with half a mile of cloisters and a fish-pond in the
kitchen."
"I care neither for cloisters nor kitchen."
"Ay, but you have a weakness for diamonds," urged Mr. Mordaunt, an old
admirer, who was very much au courant as to the fair Judith's history and
habits, had lent her money when she was losing at basset, and had
diplomatized with her creditors for her. "Witness that cross the Jew sold you
the other day."
Lady Judith reddened angrily. The same Jew dealer who sold her the jewel had
insisted upon having it back from her when he discovered her inability to pay
for it, threatening to prosecute her for obtaining goods under false pretenses.
"Mr. Topsparkle's diamonds--they belonged to his mother--are historical. His
maternal grandfather was an Amsterdam Jew, and the greatest diamond
merchant of his time. He had mills where the gems were ground as corn is
ground in our country, and seem to have been as plentiful as corn. Egad, Lady
Judith, how you would blaze in the Topsparkle diamonds!"
"Mr. Topsparkle must be sixty years of age!" exclaimed, the lady, with
sovereign contempt.
"Nobody supposes you would marry him for his youth or his personal
attractions. Yet he is by no means a bad-looking man, and he has had plenty of
adventures in his day, I can assure your Ladyship. Il a vécu, as our neighbors
say: Topsparkle is no simpleton. When he set out upon the grand tour nearly
forty years ago, he carried with him about as scandalous a reputation as a
gentleman of fashion could enjoy. He had been cut by all the strait-laced
people; and it is only the fact of his incalculable wealth which has opened the
doors of decent houses for him since his return."
"I thank you for the compliment implied in your recommendation of him to me
as a husband," said Lady Judith, drawing herself up with that Juno-like air
which made her seem half a head taller, and which accentuated every curve of

Page 434

her superb torso. "He is apparently a gentleman whom it would be a disgrace
to know,"
"Oh, your Ladyship must be aware that a reformed rake makes the best
husband. And since Topsparkle went on the Continent he has acquired a new
reputation as a wit and a man of letters. He wrote an Assyrian story in the
Italian language, about which the town raved a few years ago--a sort of demon
story, ever so much cleverer than Voltaire's fanciful novels. Everybody was
reading or pretending to read it."
"Oh, was that his?" exclaimed Judith, who read everything. "It was mighty
clever. I begin to think better of your Topsparkle personage."
Five minutes afterwards, strolling languidly amid the crowd, with a plain
cousin at her elbow for foil and duenna, Lady Judith met Mr. Topsparkle
walking with no less a person than her father.
Lord Bramber enjoyed the privilege of an antique hereditary gout, and came to
Bath every season for the waters. He was a man of imposing figure, at once
tall and bulky, but he carried his vast proportions with dignity and ease. He
was said to have been the handsomest man of his day, and had been admired
even by an age which could boast of "Hervey the Handsome," John Churchill,
Duke of Marlborough, and the irresistible Henry St. John. Basking in that
broad sunshine of popularity which is the portion of a man of high birth,
graceful manners, and good looks, Lord Bramber had squandered a handsome
fortune right royally, and now, at five-and-fifty, was as near insolvency as a
gentleman dare be. His house in Pulteney Street was a kind of haven, to which
he brought his family when London creditors began to be implacable. He had
even thoughts of emigrating to Holland or Belgium, or to some old Roman
town in the sunny South of France, where he might live upon his wife's pin-
money, which happily was protected by stringent settlements and incorruptible
trustees.
He had married two out of three daughters well, but not brilliantly. Judith was
the youngest of the three, and she was the flower of the flock. She had been
foolish, very foolish, about Lord Lavendale, and a faint cloud of scandal had
hung over her name ever since her affair with that too notorious rake. Admirers
she had by the score, but since the Lavendale entanglement there had been no
serious advances from any suitor of mark.

Page 435

But now Mr. Topsparkle, one of the wealthiest commoners in Great Britain,
was obviously smitten with Lady Judith's perfections, and had a keen air which
seemed to mean business, Lord Bramber thought. He had obtained an
introduction to the earl within the last half-hour, and had not concealed his
admiration for the earl's daughter. He had entreated the honor of a formal
introduction to the exquisite creature with whom he had conversed on sportive
terms last night at the Assembly Rooms.
Lady Judith acknowledged the introduction with the air of a queen to whom
courtiers and compliments were as the gadflies of summer. She fanned herself
listlessly, and stared about her while Mr. Topsparkle was talking.
"I vow, there is Mrs. Margetson," she exclaimed, recognizing an acquaintance
across the crowd: "I have not seen her for a century. Heavens, how old and
yellow she is looking--yellower even than you, Mattie!" this last by way of
aside to her plain cousin.
"I hope you bear me no malice for my pertinacity last night, Lady Judith,"
murmured Topsparkle, insinuatingly.
"Malice, my good sir! I protest I never bear malice. To be malicious, one's
feelings must be engaged; and you would hardly expect mine to be concerned
in the mystifications of a dancing-room."
She looked over his head as she talked to him, still on the watch for familiar
faces among the crowd, smiling at one, bowing at another. Mr. Topsparkle was
savage at not being able to engage her attention. At Venice, whence he had
come lately, all the women had courted him, hanging upon his words, adoring
him as the keenest wit of his day.
He was an attenuated and rather effeminate person, exquisitely dressed and
powdered, and not without a suspicion of rouge upon his hollow cheeks or of
Vandyke brown upon his delicately penciled eyebrows. He, like Lord Bramber,
presented the wreck of manly beauty; but whereas Bramber suggested a three-
master of goodly bulk and tonnage, battered but still weather-proof and
seaworthy, Topsparkle had the air of a delicate pinnace which time and tempest
had worn to a mere phantasmal bark that the first storm would scatter into ruin.
He had hardly the air of a gentleman, Judith thought, watching him keenly all
the while she seemed to ignore his existence. He was too fine, too highly
trained for the genuine article; he lacked that easy inborn grace of the man in

Page 436

whom good manners are hereditary. There was nothing of the Cit about him;
but there was the exaggerated elegance, the exotic grace, of a man who has too
studiously cultivated the art of being a fine gentleman; who has learned his
manners in dubious paths, from petites maîtresses and prime donne, rather than
from statesmen and princes.
On this, and on many a subsequent meeting, Lady Judith was just uncivil
enough to fan the flame of Vivian Topsparkle's passion. He had begun in a
somewhat philandering spirit, not quite determined whether Lord Bramber's
daughter were worthy of him; but her hauteur made him her slave. Had she
been civil he would have given more account to those old stories about
Lavendale, and would have been inclined to draw back before finally
committing himself. But a woman who could afford to be rude to the best
match in England must needs be above all suspicion. Had her reputation been
seriously damaged she would have caught at the chance of rehabilitating
herself by a rich marriage. Had she been civil to him Mr. Topsparkle would
have haggled and bargained about settlements; but his ever-present fear of
losing her made him accede to Lord Bramber's exactions with a more than
princely generosity, since but few princes could afford to be so liberal. He had
set his heart upon having this woman for his wife--firstly, because she was the
handsomest and most fashionable woman in London, and secondly, because so
far as burnt-out embers can glow with new fire, Mr. Topsparkle's battered old
heart was aflame with a very serious passion for this new deity.
So there was a grand wedding from the earl's house in Leicester Fields; not a
crowded assembly, for only the very élite of the modish world were invited.
The Duke, meaning his Grace of York, honored the company with his royal
presence, and there were the great Sir Robert and a bevy of Cabinet ministers,
and Mr. Topsparkle felt that he had canceled any old half-forgotten scandals as
to his past life, and established himself in the highest social sphere by this
alliance. As Vivian Topsparkle the half-foreign eccentric, he was a man to be
stared at and talked about; but as the husband of Lord Bramber's daughter he
had a footing--by right of alliance--in some of the noblest houses in England.
His name and reputation were hooked on to old family trees; and those great
people whose kinswoman he had married could not afford to have him
maligned or slighted. In a word, Mr. Topsparkle felt that he had good value for
his magnificent settlements.
Was Lady Judith Topsparkle happy, with all her blessings? She was gay; and
with the polite world gayety ranks as happiness, and commands the envy of the

Page 437

crowd. Nobody envies the quiet matron whose domestic life flows onward
with the placidity of a sluggish stream. It is the butterfly queen of the hour
whom people admire and envy. Lady Judith, blazing in diamonds at a court
ball, beautiful, daring, insolent, had half the town for her slaves and courtiers.
Even women flattered and fawned upon her, delighted to be acknowledged as
her acquaintance, proud to be invited to her parties or to dance attendance
upon her in public assemblies.

Page 438

GEORG BRANDES
(1842-)

BY WILLIAM MORTON PAYNE

he man of letters who devotes himself chiefly or wholly to criticism is an
essentially modern type. Although the critical art has been practiced in all
literary periods, it has not until the present century enlisted anything like the
exclusive attention of writers of the highest order of attainment, but has rather
played a subordinate part beside the constructive or creative work to the
performance of which such men have given their best energies.
In the case of some writers, such as Voltaire and
Samuel Johnson, we recognize the critical spirit that
informs the bulk of their work, yet are compelled on
the whole to classify them as poets, or historians, or
philosophers. Even Coleridge, who wrote no
inconsiderable amount of the best literary criticism in
existence, is chiefly remembered as a poet; even
Georg Brandes.
Lessing, one of the fountain-heads of authoritative
critical doctrine, owes to his plays the major part of his great reputation. As for
such men as Ben Jonson and Dryden, Lamb and Shelley, Goethe and Heine,
their critical utterances, precious and profound as they frequently are, figure
but incidentally among their writings, and we read these men mainly for other
reasons than that of learning their opinions about other people's productions.
For examples of the man of letters considered primarily as critic, we must then
look to our own century, and we find the type best illustrated by such men as
Sainte-Beuve, Taine, Brunetière, and the subject of the present sketch.
It is indeed a rather remarkable fact that the most conspicuous figure in literary
Denmark at the present time should be not a poet or a novelist, but a critic pure
and simple; for that is the title which must be given to Georg Brandes. Not
only is his attitude consistently critical throughout the long series of his

Page 439

writings, but his form and matter are also avowedly critical; so much so that
hardly one of his score or more of published volumes calls for classification in
any other than the critical category. Even when he takes us with him upon his
travels to France or Russia with the best intentions in the world as to the
avoidance of "shop," he finds himself in the end talking about the literature
and the politics of those countries. One of his latest books, 'Udenlandske Egne
og Personligheder' (Foreign Parts and Personalities) has a preface with the
following opening paragraph:--

"One gets tired of talking about books all the time.
Even the man whose business it is to express himself
in black and white has eyes like other people, and with
them he perceives and observes the variegated visible
world: its landscapes, cities, plain and cultivated men,
plastic art. For him too does Nature exist; he too is
moved at sight of such simple happenings as the fall of
the leaves in October; he too is stirred as he gazes upon
a waterfall, a mountain region, a sunlit glacier, a Dutch
lake, and an Italian olive grove. He too has been in
Arcadia."

Yet half the contents of the volume thus introduced must be described as the
work of the critic. Not only are the set papers upon such men as Taine, Renan,
and Maupassant deliberate critical studies, but the sketches of travel likewise
are sure to get around to the art and literature of the countries visited.
The life of criticism, in the larger sense, comes from wide observation and a
cultivation of the cosmopolitan spirit. And it must be said of Brandes that he is
a critic in this large sense, that he has taken for his province the modern spirit
in all its varied manifestations. The very title of his chief work--'Main Currents
in the Literature of the Nineteenth Century'--shows him to be concerned with
the broad movements of thought rather than with matters of narrow technique
or the literary activity of any one country--least of all his own. It was
peculiarly fortunate for Denmark that a critic of this type should have arisen
within her borders a quarter-century ago. The Scandinavian countries lie so far
apart from the chief centres of European thought that they are always in danger
of lapsing into a narrow self-sufficiency so far as intellectual ideals are
concerned. Danish literature has been made what it is chiefly by the mediation
of a few powerful minds who have kept it in touch with modern progress: by

Page 440

Holberg, who may almost be said to have brought humanism into Denmark; by
Oehlenschläger, who made the romantic movement as powerful an influence in
Denmark as it was in Germany; by Brandes, who, beginning his career just
after the war in which Denmark lost her provinces and became as embittered
toward Germany as France was to become a few years later, strove to prevent
the political breach from extending into the intellectual sphere, and helped his
fellow-countrymen to understand that thought and progress are one and have a
common aim, although nations may be many and antagonistic. There is much
significance in the fact that the name of 'Emigrant Literature' is given to the
first section of his greatest work. He thus styles the French literature of a
century ago,--the work of such writers as Chateaubriand, Senancour, Constant,
and Madame de Staël,--because it received a vivifying impulse from the
emigration,--from the contact, forced or voluntary, of the French mind with the
ideals of German and English civilization. It has been the chief function of
Brandes, during the whole of his brilliant career, to supply points of contact
between the intellectual life of Denmark and that of the rest of Europe, to bring
his own country into the federal republic of letters.
A glance at the course of his life, and at the subjects of his books, will serve to
outline the nature of the work to which his energies have been devoted. A Jew
by race, Georg Morris Cohen Brandes was born February 4th, 1842. He went
through his academic training with brilliant success, studied law for a brief
period, and then drifted into journalism and literature. A long visit to Paris
(1866-7) gave him breadth of view and the materials for his first books,
'Æsthetiske Studier' (Æsthetic Studies), 'Den Franske Æsthetik' (French
Æsthetics), and a volume of 'Kritiker og Portraiter' (Criticisms and Portraits).
A later visit to foreign parts (1870-1) brought him into contact with Taine,
Renan, and Mill, all of whom influenced him profoundly. In 1871 he began to
lecture on literary subjects, chiefly in Copenhagen, and out of these lectures
grew his 'Hovedströmninger i det Nittende Aarhundredes Litteratur' (Main
Currents in the Literature of the Nineteenth Century), a work that in the course
of about ten years extended to six volumes, and must be considered not only
the author's capital critical achievement, but also one of the greatest works of
literary history and criticism that the nineteenth century has produced. The
division of the subject is as follows:--1. 'Emigrant Literature'; 2. 'The Romantic
School in Germany'; 3. 'The Reaction in France'; 4. 'Naturalism in England'; 5.
'The Romantic School in France'; 6. 'Young Germany.'

Page 441

In spite of the growing fame that came to him from these masterly studies,
Brandes felt the need of a larger audience than the Scandinavian countries
could offer him, and in 1877 changed his residence from Copenhagen to
Berlin, a step to which he was in part urged by the violent antagonism
engendered at home by the radical and uncompromising character of many of
his utterances. It was not until 1883 that he again took up residence in his own
country, upon a guarantee of four thousand kroner (about $1000) annually for
ten years, secured by some of his friends, the condition being that he should
give courses of public lectures in Copenhagen during that period.
Among the works not yet named, mention should be made of his volumes
upon Holberg, Tegnér, Kierkegaard, Ferdinand Lassalle, and the Earl of
Beaconsfield. These brilliant monographs are remarkable for their insight into
the diverse types of character with which they deal, for their breadth of view,
felicity of phrase, and originality of treatment. There are also several
collections of miscellaneous essays, with such titles as 'Danske Digtere'
(Danish Poets), 'Danske Personligheder' (Danish Personalities), 'Det Moderne
Gjennembruds Mænd' (Men of the Modern Awakening), and 'Udenlandske
Egne og Personligheder' (Foreign Parts and Personalities). The latest
publication of Brandes is a careful study of Shakespeare, a work of remarkable
vigor, freshness, and sympathy.
As a critic, Brandes belongs distinctly to the class of those who speak with
authority, and has little in common with the writers who are content to explore
the recesses of their own subjectivity, and record their personal impressions of
literature. Criticism is for him a matter of science, not of opinion, and he holds
it subject to a definite method and body of principles. A few sentences from
the second volume of his 'Hovedströmninger' will illustrate what he conceives
that method to be:--

"First and foremost, I endeavor everywhere to bring
literature back to life. You will already have observed
that while the older controversies in our literature--for
example, that between Heiberg and Hauch, and even
the famous controversy between Baggesen and
Oehlenschläger--have been maintained in an
exclusively literary domain and have become disputes
about literary principles alone, the controversy aroused
by my lectures, not merely by reason of the

Page 442

misapprehension of the opposition, but quite as much
by reason of the very nature of my writing, has come
to touch upon a swarm of religious, social, and moral
problems.... It follows from my conception of the
relation of literature to life that the history of literature
I teach is not a history of literature for the drawing-
room. I seize hold of actual life with all the strength I
may, and show how the feelings that find their
expression in literature spring up in the human heart.
Now the human heart is no stagnant pool or idyllic
woodland lake. It is an ocean with submarine
vegetation and frightful inhabitants. The literary
history and the poetry of the drawing-room see in the
life of man a salon, a decorated ball-room, the men and
the furnishings polished alike, in which no dark
corners escape illumination. Let him who will, look at
matters from this point of view; but it is no affair of
mine."

The boldness and even the ruthlessness which characterize much of the
author's work were plainly foreshadowed in this outspoken introduction; and
he has grown more rather than less uncompromising during the quarter-century
that has elapsed since they were spoken. Matthew Arnold would have
applauded the envisagement of literature as "criticism of life," but would have
deplored the sacrifice of sweetness to gain increased intensity of light. Brandes
came back from contact with the European world full of enthusiasm for the
new men and the new ideas,--for Comte and Taine, for Renan and Mill and
Spencer,--and wanted his recalcitrant fellow-countrymen to accept them all at
once. They were naturally taken aback by so imperious a demand, and their
opposition created the atmosphere of controversy in which Brandes has ever
since for the most part lived--with slight effort to soften its asperities, but, it
must be added, with the ever-increasing respect of those not of his own way of
thinking. On the whole, his work has been healthful and stimulating; it has
stirred the sluggish to a renewed mental activity, and has made its author
himself one of the most conspicuous figures of what he calls "det Moderne
Gjennembrud"--the Modern Awakening.

Page 443

BJÖRNSON

From 'Eminent Authors of the Nineteenth Century': Translated by Professor
Rasmus B. Anderson

It is only necessary to bestow a single glance upon Björnson to be convinced
how admirably he is equipped by nature for the hot strife a literary career
brings with it in most lands, and especially in the combat-loving North.
Shoulders as broad as his are not often seen, nor do we often behold so
vigorous a form, one that seems as though created to be chiseled in granite.
There is perhaps no labor that so completely excites all the vital forces,
exhausts the nerves, refines and enervates the feelings, as that of literary
production. There has never been the slightest danger, however, that the
exertions of Björnson's poetic productiveness would affect his lungs as in the
case of Schiller, or his spine as in the case of Heine; there has been no cause to
fear that inimical articles in the public journals would ever give him his death-
blow, as they did Halvdan, the hero of his drama 'Redaktören' (The Editor); or
that he would yield, as so many modern poets have yielded, to the temptation
of resorting to pernicious stimulants or to dissipation as antidotes for the
overwrought or depleted state of the nervous system occasioned by creative
activity. Nothing has injured Björnson's spine; his lungs are without blemish; a
cough is unknown to him; and his shoulders were fashioned to bear without
discomposure the rude thrusts which the world gives, and to return them. He is
perhaps the only important writer of our day of whom this may be said. As an
author he is never nervous, not when he displays his greatest delicacy, not even
when he evinces his most marked sensibility.
Strong as the beast of prey whose name [Björn=Bear] occurs twice in his;
muscular, without the slightest trace of corpulence, of athletic build, he looms
up majestically in my mind, with his massive head, his firmly compressed lips,
and his sharp, penetrating gaze from behind his spectacles. It would be
impossible for literary hostilities to overthrow this man, and for him there

Page 444

never existed that greatest danger to authors (a danger which for a long time
menaced his great rival Henrik Ibsen), namely, that of having his name
shrouded in silence. Even as a very young author, as a theatrical critic and
political writer, he had entered the field of literature with such an eagerness for
combat that a rumbling noise arose about him wherever he appeared. Like his
own Thorbjörn in 'Synnöve Solbakken,' he displayed in early youth the
combative tendency of the athlete; but like his Sigurd in 'Sigurd Slembe,' he
fought not merely to practice his strength, but from genuine though often
mistaken love of truth and justice. At all events, he understood thoroughly who
to attract attention.
An author may possess great and rare gifts, and yet, through lack of harmony
between his own personal endowments and the national characteristics or the
degree of development of his people, may long be prevented from attaining a
brilliant success. Many of the world's greatest minds have suffered from this
cause. Many, like Byron, Heine, and Henrik Ibsen, have left their native land;
many more who have remained at home have felt forsaken by their
compatriots. With Björnson the case is quite different. He has never, it is true,
been peacefully recognized by the entire Norwegian people; at first, because
the form he used was too new and unfamiliar; later, because his ideas were of
too challenging a nature for the ruling, conservative, and highly orthodox
circles of the land; even at the present time he is pursued by the press of the
Norwegian government and by the leading official society with a fury which is
as little choice in its selection of means as the bitterness which pursues the
champions of thrones and altars in other countries. In spite of all this,
Björnstjerne Björnson has his people behind him and about him as perhaps no
other poet has, unless it be Victor Hugo. When his name is mentioned it is
equivalent to hoisting the flag of Norway. In his noble qualities and in his
faults, in his genius and in his weak points, he as thoroughly bears the stamp of
Norway as Voltaire bore that of France. His boldness and his naïveté, his open-
heartedness as a man and the terseness of his style as an artist, the highly
wrought and sensitive Norwegian popular sentiment, and the lively
consciousness of the one-sidedness and the intellectual needs of his fellow-
countrymen that has driven him to Scandinavianism, Pan-Teutonism, and
cosmopolitanism--all this in its peculiar combination in him is so markedly
national that his personality may be said to offer a résumé of the entire people.
None of his contemporaries so fully represent this people's love of home and
of freedom, its self-consciousness, rectitude, and fresh energy. Indeed, just

Page 445

now he also exemplifies on a large scale the people's tendency to self-
criticism; not that scourging criticism which chastises with scorpions, and
whose representative in Norway is Ibsen, in Russia Turgénieff, but the sharp
bold expression of opinion begotten of love. He never calls attention to an evil
in whose improvement and cure he does not believe, or to a vice which he
despairs of seeing out-rooted. For he has implicit faith in the good in humanity,
and possesses entire the invincible optimism of a large, genial, sanguine
nature.
As to his character, he is half chieftain, half poet. He unites in his own person
the two forms most prominent in ancient Norway--those of the warrior and of
the scald. In his intellectual constitution he is partly a tribune of the people,
partly a lay preacher; in other words, he combines in his public demeanor the
political and religious pathos of his Norwegian contemporaries, and this
became far more apparent after he broke loose from orthodoxy than it was
before. Since his so-called apostasy he has in fact been a missionary and a
reformer to a greater degree than ever.
He could have been the product of no other land than Norway, and far less than
other authors could he thrive in any but his native soil. In the year 1880, when
the rumor spread through the German press that Björnson, weary of continual
wrangling at home, was about to settle in Germany, he wrote to me:--"In
Norway will I live, in Norway will I lash and be lashed, in Norway will I sing
and die."
To hold such intimate relations with one's fatherland is most fortunate for a
person who is sympathetically comprehended by that fatherland. And this is
the case with Björnson. It is a matter dependent on conditions deeply rooted in
his nature. He who cherishes so profound an enthusiasm for the reserved,
solitary Michelangelo, and who feels constrained, as a matter of course, to
place him above Raphael, is himself a man of a totally different temperament:
one who is never lonely, even when most alone (as he has been since 1873 on
his gård in remote Gausdal), but who is social to the core, or, more strictly
speaking, a thoroughly national character. He admires Michelangelo because
he reveres and understands the elements of greatness, of profound earnestness,
of mighty ruggedness in the human heart and in style; but he has nothing in
common with the great Florentine's melancholy sense of isolation. He was
born to be the founder of a party, and was therefore early attracted to
enthusiastic and popular party leaders, such as the Dane Grundtvig and the
Norwegian Wergeland, although wholly unlike either in his plastic, creative

Page 446

power. He is a man who needs to feel himself the centre, or rather the focus of
sympathy, and insensibly he forms a circle about him, because his own nature
is the résumé of a social union.
Copyrighted by T.Y. Crowell and Company, New York.

THE HISTORICAL MOVEMENT IN MODERN LITERATURE

From the Introduction to 'Main Currents in the Literature of the Nineteenth
Century'

What I shall portray for you is a historical movement, having very completely
the form and the character of a drama. The six distinct literary groups that I
intend to present to you are entirely like the six acts of a great play. In the first
group, the French emigrant-literature inspired by Rousseau, the reaction has
already begun, but the reactionary currents are everywhere blended with the
revolutionary. In the second group, the half-Catholic romantic school of
Germany, the reaction is growing; it goes further, and holds itself more aloof
from the contemporary movement towards freedom and progress. The third
group, finally, formed of such writers as Joseph de Maistre, Lamennais in his
orthodox period, Lamartine and Victor Hugo under the Restoration, when they
were still firm supporters of the legitimist and clerical parties, stands for the
reaction, impetuous and triumphant.
Byron and his associates make up the fourth group. This one man reverses the
action of the great drama. The Greek war of liberation breaks out, a current of
fresh air sweeps over Europe, Byron falls as a hero of the Greek cause, and his
heroic death makes a deep impression upon all the writers of the Continent.
Just before the July Revolution all the great French writers turn about, forming
the fifth group, the French romantic school, and the new liberal movement is
marked by the names of Lamennais, Hugo, Lamartine, De Musset, George
Sand, and many others. And when the movement spreads from France into
Germany, liberal ideas triumph in that land also, and the sixth and last group of
authors I shall portray became inspired by the ideas of the July Revolution and
the War of Liberation, seeing, like the French poets, in Byron's great shade the

Page 447

leader of the movement towards freedom. The most important of these young
writers are of Jewish origin, as Heine, Börne, and later, Auerbach.
I believe that from this great drama we may get a lesson for our own
instruction. We are now, as usual, forty years behind the rest of Europe. In the
literatures of those great countries the revolutionary stream long ago united
with its tributaries, burst the dikes that were set to impede its course, and has
been distributed into thousands of channels. We are still endeavoring to check
it and hold it dammed up in the swamps of the reaction, but we have succeeded
only in checking our literature itself.
It would hardly be difficult to secure unanimous consent to the proposition that
Danish literature has at no time during the present century found itself
languishing as in our own days. Poetical production is almost completely
checked, and no problem of a general human or social character awakens
interest or evokes any more serious discussion than that of the daily press or
other ephemeral publication. Our productivity has never been strongly
original, and we now utterly fail to appropriate the spiritual life of other lands,
and our spiritual deafness has brought upon us the speechlessness of the deaf-
mutes.
The proof that a literature in our days is alive is to be found in the fact that it
brings problems up for debate. Thus George Sand brings marriage up for
debate, Voltaire, Byron, and Feuerbach religion, Proudhon property, Alexander
Dumas fils the relations of the sexes, and Emile Augier social relations in
general. For a literature to bring nothing up for debate is the same thing as to
lose all its significance. The people that produce such a literature may believe
as firmly as they please that the salvation of the world will come from it, but
their expectations will be doomed to disappointment; such a people can no
more influence the development of civilization in the direction of progress
than did the fly who thought he was urging the carriage onward by now and
then giving the four horses an insignificant prick.
Many virtues--as for example warlike courage--may be preserved in such a
society, but these virtues cannot sustain literature when intellectual courage has
sunk and disappeared. All stagnant reaction is tyrannical; and when a
community has by degrees so developed itself that it wears the features of
tyranny beneath the mask of freedom, when every outspoken utterance that
gives uncompromising expression to free thought is frowned upon by society,
by the respectable part of the press, and by many officials of the State, very

Page 448

unusual conditions will be needed to call forth characters and talents of the sort
upon which progress in any society depends. Should such a community
develop a kind of poetry, we need not wonder overmuch if its essential
tendency be to scorn the age and put it to shame. Such poetry will again and
again describe the men of the time as wretches; and it may well happen that
the books which are the most famous and the most sought after (Ibsen's
'Brand,' for example) will be those in which the reader is made to feel--at first
with a sort of horror, and afterwards with a sort of satisfaction--what a worm
he is, how miserable and how cowardly. It may happen, too, that for such a
people the word Will becomes a sort of catchword, that it may cry aloud with
dramas of the Will and philosophies of the Will. Men demand that which they
do not possess; they call for that of which they most bitterly feel the lack; they
call for that which there is the keenest inquiry for. Yet one would be mistaken
were he pessimistically to assume that in such a people there is less courage,
resolution, enthusiasm, and will than in the average of others. There is quite as
much courage and freedom of thought, but still more is needed. For when the
reaction in a literature forces the new ideas into the background, and when a
community has daily heard itself blamed, derided, and even cursed for its
hypocrisy and its conventionality, yet has remained convinced of its openness
of mind, daily swinging censers before its own nostrils in praise thereof,--it
requires unusual ability and unusual force of will to bring new blood into its
literature. A soldier needs no uncommon courage to fire upon the enemy from
the shelter of an earthwork; but if he has been led so ill that he finds no shelter
at hand, we need not wonder if his courage forsakes him.
Various causes have contributed to the result that our literature has
accomplished less than the greater ones in the service of progress. The very
circumstances that have favored the development of our poetry have stood in
our way. I may in the first place mention a certain childishness in the character
of our people. We owe to this quality the almost unique naïveté of our poetry.
Naïveté is an eminently poetical quality, and we find it in nearly all of our
poets, from Oehlenschläger through Ingemann and Andersen to Hostrup. But
naïveté does not imply the revolutionary propensity. I may further mention the
abstract idealism so strongly marked in our literature. It deals with our dreams,
not with our life....
It sometimes happens to the Dane on his travels that a foreigner, after some
desultory talk about Denmark, asks him this question: How may one learn
what are the aspirations of your country? Has your contemporary literature

Page 449

developed any type that is palpable and easily grasped? The Dane is
embarrassed in his reply. They all know of what class were the types that the
eighteenth century bequeathed to the nineteenth. Let us name one or two
representative types in the case of a single country, Germany. There is 'Nathan
the Wise,' the ideal of the period of enlightenment; that is, the period of
tolerance, noble humanity, and thorough-going rationalism. We can hardly say
that we have held fast to this ideal or carried it on to further development, as it
was carried on by Schleiermacher and many others in Germany. Mynster was
our Schleiermacher, and we know how far his orthodoxy stands removed from
Schleiermacher's liberalism. Instead of adopting rationalism and carrying it on,
we have stepped farther and farther away from it. Clausen was once its
advocate, but he is so no more. Heiberg is followed by Martensen, and
Martensen's 'Speculative Dogmatic' is succeeded by his 'Christian Dogmatic.'
In Oehlenschläger's poetry there is still the breath of rationalism, but the
generation of Oehlenschläger and Örsted is followed by that of Kierkegaard
and Paludan-Müller.
The German literature of the eighteenth century bequeathed to us many other
poetic ideals. There is Werther, the ideal of the "storm and stress" period, of the
struggle of nature and passion with the customary order of society; then there
is Faust, the very spirit of the new age with its new knowledge, who, still
unsatisfied with what the period of enlightenment has won, foresees a higher
truth, a higher happiness, and a thousandfold higher power; and there is
Wilhelm Meister, the type of humanized culture, who goes through the school
of life and from apprentice becomes master, who begins with the pursuit of
ideals that soar above life and who ends by discerning the ideal in the real, for
whom these two expressions finally melt into one. There is Goethe's
Prometheus, who, chained to his rock, gives utterance to the philosophy of
Spinoza in the sublime rhythms of enthusiasm. Last of all, there is the Marquis
von Posa, the true incarnation of the revolution, the apostle and prophet of
liberty, the type of a generation that would, by means of the uprising against all
condemned traditions, make progress possible and bring happiness to
mankind.
With such types in the past our Danish literature begins. Does it develop them
further? We may not say that it does. For what is the test of progress? It is what
happens afterward. It has not been printed in this shape, but I will tell you
about it. One fine day, when Werther was going about as usual, dreaming
despairingly of Lotte, it occurred to him that the bond between her and Albert

Page 450

was of slight consequence, and he won her from Albert. One fine day the
Marquis von Posa wearied of preaching freedom to deaf ears at the court of
Philip the Second, and drove a sword through the king's body--and Prometheus
rose from his rock and overthrew Olympus, and Faust, who had knelt abjectly
before the Earth-Spirit, took possession of his earth, and subdued it by means
of steam, and electricity, and methodical investigation.
Translation of W.M. Payne.

Page 451

SEBASTIAN BRANDT
(1458-1521)

n 1494, shortly after the invention of printing, there appeared in Basle a book
entitled 'Das Narrenschiff' (The Ship of Fools). Its success was most
extraordinary; it was immediately translated into various languages, and
remained a favorite with the reading world throughout the sixteenth century.
The secret of its popularity lay in its mixture of satire and allegory, which was
exactly in accord with the spirit of the age. 'The Ship of Fools' was not only
read by the cultivated classes who could appreciate the subtle flavor of the
work, but--especially in Germany--it was a book for the people, relished by
burgher and artisan as well as by courtier and scholar. Contemporary works
contain many allusions to it; it was in fact so familiar to every one that monks
preached upon texts drawn from it. This unique and powerful book carried the
spirit of the Reformation where the words of Luther would have been
unheeded, and it is supposed to have suggested to Erasmus his famous 'Praise
of Folly.'
In its way, it was as important a production as
Bunyan's 'Pilgrim's Progress.' The 'Narrenschiff' was
like a glass in which every man saw the reflection of
his neighbor; for the old weather-beaten vessel was
filled with a crew of fools, who impersonate the
universal weaknesses of human nature. In his
prologue Brandt says:--
Sebastian Brandt.
"We well may call it Folly's mirror,
Since every fool there sees his error:
His proper worth would each man know,
The glass of Fools the truth will show.
Who meets his image on the page
May learn to deem himself no sage,
Nor shrink his nothingness to see,

Page 452

Since naught that lives from fault is free;
And who in conscience dare be sworn
That cap and bells he ne'er hath worn?
He who his foolishness decries
Alone deserves to rank as wise.
He who doth wisdom's airs rehearse
May stand godfather to my verse!

"For jest and earnest, use and sport,
Here fools abound, of every sort.
The sage may here find Wisdom's rules,
And Folly learn the ways of fools.
Dolts rich and poor my verse doth strike;
The bad finds badness, like finds like;
A cap on many a one I fit
Who fain to wear it would omit.
Were I to mention it by name,
'I know you not,' he would exclaim."

Sebastian Brandt represented all that was best in mediæval Germany. He was a
man of affairs, a diplomat, a scholar, an artist, and a citizen highly esteemed
and reverenced for his judgment and knowledge. Naturally enough, he held
important civic offices in Basle as well as in Strassburg, where he was born in
1458. His father, a wealthy burgher, sent him to the University of Basle to
study philosophy and jurisprudence and to become filled with the political
ideals of the day. He took his degree in law in 1484 at Basle, and practiced his
profession, gaining in reputation every day.
In early youth he dedicated a number of works in prose and verse to the
Emperor Maximilian, who made him Chancellor of the Empire, and frequently
summoned him to his camp to take part in the negotiations regarding the Holy
See. He was universally admired, and Erasmus, who saw him in Strassburg,
spoke of him as the "incomparable Brandt." His portrait represents the
polished Italian rather than the sturdy middle-class German citizen. His
features are delicately cut, his nose long and thin, his face smooth, and his fur-
bordered cap and brocade robes suggest aristocratic surroundings. No doubt he

Page 453

graced, by his appearance and bearing as well as by his richly stored mind, the
dignity of Count Palatine, to which rank the Emperor raised him. He died in
Strassburg in 1521, and lies in the great cathedral.
In addition to the pictures in the 'Ship of Fools' (some of which he drew, while
others he designed and superintended), he illustrated 'Terence' (1496); the
'Quadragesimale, or Sermons on the Prodigal Son' (1495); 'Boëtius' (1501),
and 'Virgil' (1502), all of which are interesting to the artist and engraver. In the
original edition of the 'Ship of Fools,' written in the Swabian dialect, every
folly is accompanied with marginal notes giving the classical or Biblical
prototype of the person satirized.

"Brandt's satires," says Max Müller in his 'Chips from
a German Workshop,' "are not very powerful, nor
pungent, nor original. But his style is free and easy. He
writes in short chapters, and mixes his fools in such a
manner that we always meet with a variety of new
faces. To account for his popularity we must remember
the time in which he wrote. What had the poor people
of Germany to read toward the end of the fifteenth
century? Printing had been invented, and books were
published and sold with great rapidity. People were not
only fond, but proud, of reading. This entertainment
was fashionable, and the first fool who enters Brandt's
ship is the man who buys books. But what were the
wares that were offered for sale? We find among the
early prints of the fifteenth century religious,
theological, and classical works in great abundance,
and we know that the respectable and wealthy burghers
of Augsburg and Strassburg were proud to fill their
shelves with these portly volumes. But then German
aldermen had wives and daughters and sons, and what
were they to read during the long winter evenings?...
There was room therefore at that time for a work like
the 'Ship of Fools.' It was the first printed book that
treated of contemporary events and living persons,
instead of old German battles and French knights.

"People are always fond of reading the history of their

Page 454

own times. If the good qualities of the age are brought
out, they think of themselves or their friends; if the
dark features of their contemporaries are exhibited,
they think of their neighbors and enemies. The 'Ship of
Fools' is the sort of satire which ordinary people would
read, and read with pleasure. They might feel a slight
twinge now and then, but they would put down the
book at the end, and thank God that they were not like
other men. There is a chapter on Misers,--and who
would not gladly give a penny to a beggar? There is a
chapter on Gluttony,--and who was ever more than a
little exhilarated after dinner? There is a chapter on
Church-goers,--and who ever went to church for
respectability's sake, or to show off a gaudy dress, or a
fine dog, or a new hawk? There is a chapter on
Dancing,--and who ever danced except for the sake of
exercise?... We sometimes wish that Brandt's satire had
been a little more searching, and that, instead of his
many allusions to classical fools, ... he had given us a
little more of the scandalous gossip of his own time.
But he was too good a man to do this, and his
contemporaries no doubt were grateful to him for his
forbearance."

From a line in his poem saying that the Narrenschiff was to be found in the
neighborhood of Aix, it is supposed that Brandt received his idea from an old
chronicle which describes a ship built near Aix-la-Chapelle in the twelfth
century, and which was borne through the country as the centre-piece for a
carnival, and followed by a suite of men and women dressed in gay costume,
singing and dancing to the sound of instruments. The old monk calls it "pagan
worship," and denounces it severely; but Brandt saw great possibilities in it for
pointing a moral, according to the fashion of his time. The illustrations
contributed not a little to the popularity of the book, for he put all his humor
into the pictures and all his sermons and exhortations into his text.
Just as Brandt in his literary qualities has been compared to Rabelais, so his
satirical pencil has been likened to Hogarth's. Boldness, drollery, dramatic
spirit, force, and spontaneous satire characterize both artists. He does not
mount a pulpit and speak to the erring masses with sanctimonious self-

Page 455

righteousness; but he enters the Ship himself to lead the babbling folk in
motley to the land of wisdom. His own folly is that of the student, and he
therefore begins caricaturing himself.
To open the 'Ship of Fools' is to witness a masquerade of the fifteenth century.
The frontispiece shows a large galley with high poop and prow and disordered
rigging. Confusion reigns. Every one wears the livery of Folly,--the fantastic
hood with two peaks like asses' ears, and decorated with tiny jingling bells.
One man on the prow gesticulates wildly to a little boat, and cries to the
passengers, "Zu schyff, zu schyff, brüder: ess gat, ess gat!" (On board, on
board, brothers; it goes, it goes!)
In these pages every type of society is seen, "from beardless youth to crooked
age," as the author asserts. Men and women of all classes and conditions, high
and low, rich and poor, learned and unlearned: ladies in long trains and furred
gowns; knights with long peaked shoes, carrying falcons upon their wrists;
cooks and butlers busy in the kitchen; women gazing into mirrors; monks
preaching in pulpits; merchants selling goods; gluttons at the table; drunkards
in the tavern; alchemists in their laboratories; gamesters playing cards and
rattling dice; lovers in shady groves--all and each wear Folly's cap and bells.
Another class of fools is seen engaged in ridiculous occupations, such as
pouring water into wells; bearing the world on their shoulders; measuring the
globe; or weighing heaven and earth in the balance. Still others despoil their
fellows. Wine merchants introducing salt-petre, bones, mustard, and sulphur
into barrels, the horse-dealer padding the foot of a lame horse, men selling
inferior skins for good fur, and other cheats with false weights, short measure,
and light money, prove that the vices of the modern age are not novelties.
Other allegorical pictures and verses describe the mutability of fortune, where
a wheel, guided by a gigantic hand outstretched from the sky, is adorned with
three asses, wearing of course the cap and bells.
The best German editions of this book are by Zarneke (Leipsic, 1854), and
Goedecke (1872). It was translated into Latin by Locker in 1497, into English
by Henry Watson as 'The Grete Shyppe of Fooles of the Worlde' (1517); and
by Alexander Barclay in 1509. The best edition of Barclay's adaptation, from
which the extracts below are drawn, was published by T.H. Jamieson
(Edinburgh, 1874).

Page 456

THE UNIVERSAL SHYP

Come to, Companyons: ren: tyme it is to rowe:
Our Carake fletis[6]: the se is large and wyde
And depe Inough: a pleasaunt wynde doth blowe.
Prolonge no tyme, our Carake doth you byde,
Our felawes tary for you on every syde.
Hast hyther, I say, ye folys[7] naturall,
Howe oft shall I you unto my Navy call?

Ye have one confort, ye shall nat be alone:
Your company almoste is infynyte;
For nowe alyve ar men but fewe or none
That of my shyp can red hym selfe out quyte[8].
A fole in felawes hath pleasour and delyte.
Here can none want, for our proclamacion
Extendyth farre: and to many a straunge nacyon.

Both yonge and olde, pore man, and estate:
The folysshe moder: hir doughter by hir syde,
Ren to our Navy, ferynge to come to[o] late.
No maner of degre is in the worlde wyde,
But that for all theyr statelynes and pryde
As many as from the way of wysdome tryp
Shall have a rowme and place within my shyp.

My folysshe felawes therfore I you exort
Hast to our Navy, for tyme it is to rowe:
Nowe must we leve eche sympyll[9] haven and
porte,
And sayle to that londe where folys abound and
flow;
For whether we aryve at London or Bristowe,
Or any other Haven within this our londe,

Page 457

We folys ynowe[10] shall fynde alway at honde....

Our frayle bodyes wandreth in care and payne
And lyke to botes troubled with tempest sore
From rocke to rocke cast in this se mundayne,
Before our iyen beholde we ever more
The deth of them that passed are before.
Alas mysfortune us causeth oft to rue
Whan to vayne thoughtis our bodyes we subdue.

We wander in more dout than mortall man can
thynke.
And oft by our foly and wylfull neglygence
Our shyp is in great peryll for to synke.
So sore ar we overcharged with offence
We see the daunger before our owne presence
Of straytis, rockis, and bankis of sonde full hye,
Yet we procede to wylfull jeopardye.

We dyvers Monsters within the se beholde
Redy to abuse or to devour mankynde,
As Dolphyns, whallys, and wonders many folde,
And oft the Marmaydes songe dullyth our mynde
That to all goodnes we ar made dull and blynde;
The wolves of these oft do us moche care,
Yet we of them can never well beware....

About we wander in tempest and Tourment;
What place is sure, where Foles may remayne
And fyx theyr dwellynge sure and parmanent?
None certainly: The cause thereof is playne.
We wander in the se for pleasour, bydynge payne,
And though the haven of helth be in our syght
Alas we fle from it with all our myght.

[6] Floats.

Page 458

[7] Fools.

[8] Quite rid himself of.

[9] Single.

[10] Enough.

OF HYM THAT TOGYDER WYLL SERVE
TWO MAYSTERS

A fole he is and voyde of reason
Whiche with one hounde tendyth to take
Two harys in one instant and season;
Rightso is he that wolde undertake
Hym to two lordes a servaunt to make;
For whether that he be lefe or lothe,
The one he shall displease, or els bothe.

A fole also he is withouten doute,
And in his porpose sothly blyndyd sore,
Which doth entende labour or go aboute
To serve god, and also his wretchyd store
Of worldly ryches: for as I sayde before,
He that togyder will two maysters serve
Shall one displease and nat his love deserve.

For he that with one hounde wol take also
Two harys togyther in one instant
For the moste parte doth the both two forgo,
And if he one have: harde it is and skant
And that blynd fole mad and ignorant
That draweth thre boltis atons[11] in one bowe
At one marke shall shote to[o] high or to[o] lowe....

Page 459

He that his mynde settyth god truly to serve
And his sayntes: this worlde settynge at nought
Shall for rewarde everlastynge joy deserve,
But in this worlde he that settyth his thought
All men to please, and in favour to be brought
Must lout and lurke, flater, laude, and lye:
And cloke in knavys counseyll, though it fals be.

If any do hym wronge or injury
He must it suffer and pacyently endure
A double tunge with wordes like hony;
And of his offycis if he wyll be sure
He must be sober and colde of his langage,
More to a knave, than to one of hye lynage.

Oft must he stoupe his bonet in his honde,
His maysters back he must oft shrape and clawe,
His brest anoyntynge, his mynde to understonde,
But be it gode or bad therafter must he drawe.
Without he can Jest he is nat worth a strawe,
But in the mean tyme beware that he none checke;
For than layth malyce a mylstone in his necke.

He that in court wyll love and favour have
A fole must hym fayne, if he were none afore,
And be as felow to every boy and knave,
And to please his lorde he must styll laboure sore.
His many folde charge maketh hym coveyt more
That he had lever[12] serve a man in myserye
Than serve his maker in tranquylyte.

But yet when he hath done his dylygence
His lorde to serve, as I before have sayde,
For one small faute or neglygent offence
Suche a displeasoure agaynst hym may be layde
That out is he cast bare and unpurvayde[13],

Page 460

Whether he be gentyll, yeman[14] grome or page;
Thus worldly servyse is no sure herytage.

Wherfore I may prove by these examples playne
That it is better more godly and plesant
To leve this mondayne casualte and payne
And to thy maker one god to be servaunt,
Which whyle thou lyvest shall nat let the want
That thou desyrest justly, for thy syrvyce,
And than after gyve the, the joyes of Paradyse.

[11] Three bolts at once.

[12] Rather.

[13] Unprovided.

[14] Yeoman.

OF TO[O] MOCHE SPEKYNGE OR
BABLYNGE

He that his tunge can temper and refrayne
And asswage the foly of hasty langage
Shall kepe his mynde from trouble, sadnes and
payne,
And fynde therby great ease and avauntage;
Where as a hasty speker falleth in great domage
Peryll and losse, in lyke wyse as the pye
Betrays hir byrdes by hir chatrynge and crye....

Is it not better for one his tunge to kepe
Where as he myght (perchaunce) with honestee,
Than wordes to speke whiche make hym after wepe

Page 461

For great losse folowynge wo and adversyte?
A worde ones spokyn revoked can not be,
Therfore thy fynger lay before thy types,
For a wyse mannys tunge without advysement
trypes.

He that wyll answere of his owne folysshe brayne
Before that any requyreth his counsayle
Shewith him selfe and his hasty foly playne,
Wherby men knowe his wordes of none avayle.
Some have delyted in mad blaborynge and frayle
Whiche after have supped bytter punysshement
For their wordes spoken without advysement....

Many have ben whiche sholde have be counted wyse
Sad and discrete, and right well sene[15] in
scyence;
But all they have defyled with this one vyse
Of moche spekynge: o cursyd synne and offence
Ryte it is that so great inconvenience
So great shame, contempt rebuke and vylany
Sholde by one small member came to the hole body.

Let suche take example by the chatrynge pye,
Whiche doth hyr nest and byrdes also betraye
By hyr grete chatterynge, clamoure dyn and crye,
Ryght so these folys theyr owne foly bewraye.
But touchynge wymen of them I wyll nought say,
They can not speke, but ar as coy and styll
As the horle wynde or clapper of a mylle.

[15] Well seen--well versed.

End of Volume V.

Page 462

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIBRARY OF THE
WORLD'S BEST LITERATURE, ANCIENT AND MODERN —
VOLUME 05 ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright royalties.
Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license,
apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic
works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and
trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not
be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of
the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project
Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may
use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative
works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks
may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically
ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S.
copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license,
especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

Page 463

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG™ LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or
any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing
Project Gutenberg electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg electronic
work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept
all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg electronic works in your possession. If
you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg
electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this
agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom
you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people
who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg electronic
works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the

Page 464

collection of Project Gutenberg electronic works. Nearly all the
individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the
United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in
the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg mission of promoting free
access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg works
in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project
Gutenberg name associated with the work. You can easily comply with
the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format
with its attached full Project Gutenberg License when you share it
without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg work (any work on which
the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase
“Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed,
viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere
in the United States and most other parts of the
world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or

Page 465

re-use it under the terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License included with this eBook
or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not
located in the United States, you will have to
check the laws of the country where you are
located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is derived
from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a
notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright
holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United
States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or
providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”
associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with
the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain
permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg License for all works posted
with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of
this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including

Page 466

any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide
access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of
obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg electronic works provided
that:

• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the
use of Project Gutenberg works calculated using the method you
already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the
owner of the Project Gutenberg trademark, but he has agreed to donate
royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days
following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to
prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly
marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about
donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does
not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You
must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works
possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all
access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

Page 467

• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
receipt of the work.

• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth
in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the
Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the
Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in
Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend
considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and
proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the
Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be
stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete,
inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES -
Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in
paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation,
the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party
distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this
agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and
expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO
REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH
OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE

Page 468

FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY
DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT,
CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES
EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you
discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it,
you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by
sending a written explanation to the person you received the work
from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return
the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that
provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a
replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work
electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to
give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu
of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a
refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in
paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED,
INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF
MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If
any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law
of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the
Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the
Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any

Page 469

volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability,
costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly
from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a)
distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg work, (b) alteration,
modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg work,
and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project
Gutenberg

Project Gutenberg is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg’s goals
and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg collection will remain freely
available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and
permanent future for Project Gutenberg and future generations. To
learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and
the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state
of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue
Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is
64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S.
federal laws and your state’s laws.

Page 470

The Foundation’s business office is located at 41 Watchung Plaza
#516, Montclair NJ 07042, USA, +1 (862) 621-9288. Email contact
links and up to date contact information can be found at the
Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without
widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small
donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax
exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States.
Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable
effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these
requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have
not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other

Page 471

ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg
electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility:
www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg, including
how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Page 472

Page 473

back

Page 474

back

Page 475

Page 476

back

Page 477

Page 478

back

Page 479

Page 480

back

Page 481

back

Page 482

Page 483

back

Page 484

Page 485

back

Page 486

PDF language

简体中文 https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=zh Translating…
Español https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=es Translating…
Français https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=fr Translating…
Deutsch https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=de Translating…
日本語 https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=ja Translating…
한국어 https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=ko Translating…
Português https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=pt Translating…
Русский https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=ru Translating…
العربية https://pdftoflip.com/view.php?t=0e41c18d3374a5e12bf2825ee7ecaa43&bl=ar Translating…