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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Ancient States and Empires
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Title: Ancient States and Empires

Author: John Lord

Release date: November 1, 2008 [eBook #27114]

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/27114

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANCIENT
STATES AND EMPIRES ***

Page 4

Ancient States and Empires

For Colleges And Schools

By

John Lord LL.D.
Author of the “Old Roman World”

“Modern History” &c.

New York

Charles Scribner & Company

1869

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Contents

PREFACE.
BOOK I. ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS.
CHAPTER I. THE ANTEDILUVIAN WORLD.
CHAPTER II. POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY TO THE CALL OF
ABRAHAM.—THE PATRIARCHAL CONSTITUTION, AND THE
DIVISION OF NATIONS.
CHAPTER III. THE HEBREW RACE FROM ABRAHAM TO THE
SALE OF JOSEPH.
CHAPTER IV. EGYPT AND THE PHARAOHS.
CHAPTER V. THE JEWS UNTIL THE CONQUEST OF CANAAN.
CHAPTER VI. THE CONQUEST OF CANAAN TO THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF DAVID.
CHAPTER VII. THE JEWISH MONARCHY.
CHAPTER VIII. THE OLD CHALDEAN AND ASSYRIAN
MONARCHIES.
CHAPTER IX. THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS.
CHAPTER X. ASIA MINOR AND PHŒNICIA.
CHAPTER XI. JEWISH HISTORY FROM THE BABYLONIAN
CAPTIVITY TO THE BIRTH OF CHRIST.—THE HIGH PRIESTS
AND THE ASMONEAN AND IDUMEAN KINGS.
CHAPTER XII. THE ROMAN GOVERNORS.
BOOK II. THE GRECIAN STATES.
CHAPTER XIII. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT GREECE AND
ITS EARLY INHABITANTS.
CHAPTER XIV. THE LEGENDS OF ANCIENT GREECE.
CHAPTER XV. THE GRECIAN STATES AND COLONIES TO THE
PERSIAN WARS.
CHAPTER XVI. GRECIAN CIVILIZATION BEFORE THE
PERSIAN WARS.
CHAPTER XVII. THE PERSIAN WAR.
CHAPTER XVIII. THE AGE OF PERICLES.
CHAPTER XIX. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR.

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CHAPTER XX. MARCH OF CYRUS AND RETREAT OF THE TEN
THOUSAND GREEKS.
CHAPTER XXI. THE LACEDÆMONIAN EMPIRE.
CHAPTER XXII. THE REPUBLIC OF THEBES.
CHAPTER XXIII. DIONYSIUS AND SICILY.
CHAPTER XXIV. PHILIP OF MACEDON.
CHAPTER XXV. ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
BOOK III. THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
CHAPTER XXVI. ROME IN ITS INFANCY, UNDER KINGS.
CHAPTER XXVII. THE ROMAN REPUBLIC TILL THE
INVASION OF THE GAULS.
CHAPTER XXVIII. THE CONQUEST OF ITALY.
CHAPTER XXIX. THE FIRST PUNIC WAR.
CHAPTER XXX. THE SECOND PUNIC OR HANNIBALIC WAR.
CHAPTER XXXI. THE MACEDONIAN AND ASIATIC WARS.
CHAPTER XXXII. THE THIRD PUNIC WAR.
CHAPTER XXXIII. ROMAN CONQUESTS FROM THE FALL OF
CARTHAGE TO THE TIMES OF THE GRACCHI.
CHAPTER XXXIV. ROMAN CIVILIZATION AT THE CLOSE OF
THE THIRD PUNIC WAR, AND THE FALL OF GREECE.
CHAPTER XXXV. THE REFORM MOVEMENT OF THE
GRACCHI.
CHAPTER XXXVI. THE WARS WITH JUGURTHA AND THE
CIMBRI.—MARIUS.
CHAPTER XXXVII. THE REVOLT OF ITALY, AND THE SOCIAL
WAR.—MARIUS AND SULLA.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. THE MITHRIDATIC AND CIVIL WARS.—
MARIUS AND SULLA.
CHAPTER XXXIX. ROME FROM THE DEATH OF SULLA TO
THE GREAT CIVIL WARS OF CÆSAR AND POMPEY.—CICERO,
POMPEY, AND CÆSAR.
CHAPTER XL. THE CIVIL WARS BETWEEN CÆSAR AND
POMPEY.
CHAPTER XLI. THE CIVIL WARS FOLLOWING THE DEATH OF
CÆSAR.—ANTONIUS.—AUGUSTUS.
CHAPTER XLII. THE ROMAN EMPIRE ON THE ACCESSION OF
AUGUSTUS.

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CHAPTER XLIII. THE SIX CÆSARS OF THE JULIAN LINE.
CHAPTER XLIV. THE CLIMAX OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
CHAPTER XLV. THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE.
CHAPTER XLVI. THE FALL OF THE EMPIRE.
Advertisements.
Footnotes

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[pg 003]

PREFACE.

This work is designed chiefly for educational purposes, since there is still
felt the need of some book, which, within moderate limits, shall give a
connected history of the ancient world.

The author lays no claim to original investigation in so broad a field. He
simply has aimed to present the salient points—the most important events
and characters of four thousand years, in a connected narrative, without
theories or comments, and without encumbering the book with details of
comparatively little interest. Most of the ancient histories for schools, have
omitted to notice those great movements to which the Scriptures refer; but
these are here briefly presented, since their connection with the Oriental
world is intimate and impressive, and ought not to be [pg 004] omitted,
even on secular grounds. What is history without a Divine Providence?

In the preparation of this work, the author has been contented with the last
standard authorities, which he has merely simplified, abridged, and
condensed, being most indebted to Rawlinson, Grote, Thirlwall, Niebuhr,

Page 9

Mommsen, and Merivale,—following out the general plan of Philip Smith,
whose admirable digest, in three large octavos, is too extensive for schools.

Although the author has felt warranted in making a free use of his materials,
it will be seen that the style, arrangement, and reflections are his own. If the
book prove useful, his object will be attained.

Stamford October, 1869.

[pg 013]

Page 10

BOOK I.

ANCIENT ORIENTAL NATIONS.

Page 11

CHAPTER I.

Page 12

THE ANTEDILUVIAN WORLD.

The history of this world begins, according to the chronology of
Archbishop Ussher, which is generally received as convenient
The rather than probable, in the year 4004 before Christ. In six days
Creation. God created light and darkness, day and night, the firmament and
the continents in the midst of the waters, fruits, grain, and herbs,
moon and stars, fowl and fish, living creatures upon the face of the
earth, and finally man, with dominion “over the fish of the sea, and the
fowls of the air, and cattle, and all the earth, and every creeping thing that
creepeth upon the earth.” He created man in his own image, and blessed
him with universal dominion. He formed him from the dust of the ground,
and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life. On the seventh day, God
rested from this vast work of creation, and blessed the seventh day and
sanctified it, as we suppose, for a day of solemn observance for all
generations.

He there planted a garden eastward in Eden, with every tree
pleasant to the sight and good for food, and there placed man to
The dress and keep it. The original occupation of man, and his destined
garden ofhappiness, were thus centered in agricultural labor.
Eden.
[pg 014]

But man was alone; so God caused a deep sleep to fall upon him,
and took one of his ribs and made a woman. And Adam said, “this
Adam andwoman,” which the Lord had brought unto him, “is bone of my
Eve. bone, and flesh of my flesh; therefore shall a man leave his father
and mother, and shall cleave unto his wife: and they shall be one
flesh.” Thus marriage was instituted. We observe three divine
institutions while man yet remained in a state of innocence and bliss—the
Sabbath; agricultural employment; and marriage.

Page 13

Adam and his wife lived, we know not how long, in the garden of
Eden, with perfect innocence, bliss, and dominion. They did not
Primeval even know what sin was. There were no other conditions imposed
Paradise. upon them than they were not to eat of the fruit of the tree of
knowledge of good and evil, which was in the midst of the garden
—a preeminently goodly tree, “pleasant to the eyes, and one to be
desired.”

Where was this garden—this paradise—located? This is a mooted
question—difficult to be answered. It lay, thus far as we know, at
Situation the head waters of four rivers, two of which were the Euphrates and
of Eden. the Tigris. We infer thence, that it was situated among the
mountains of Armenia, south of the Caucasus, subsequently the
cradle of the noblest races of men,—a temperate region, in the
latitude of Greece and Italy.

We suppose that the garden was beautiful and fruitful, beyond all
subsequent experience—watered by mists from the earth, and not
Glory ofby rains from the clouds, ever fresh and green, while its two noble
Eden. occupants lived upon its produce, directly communing with God, in
whose image they were made, moral and spiritual—free from all
sin and misery, and, as we may conjecture, conversant with truth in
its loftiest forms.

But sin entered into the beautiful world that was made, and death by sin.
This is the first recorded fact in human history, next to primeval innocence
and happiness.

[pg 015]

The progenitors of the race were tempted, and did not resist the
temptation. The form of it may have been allegorical and symbolic;
The but, as recorded by Moses, was yet a stupendous reality, especially
temptation in view of its consequences.
.
The tempter was the devil—the antagonist of God—the
evil power of the world—the principle of evil—a Satanic
The Devil. agency which Scripture, and all nations, in some form,

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have recognized. When rebellion against God began, we do not know; but it
certainly existed when Adam was placed in Eden.

The form which Satanic power assumed was a serpent—then the
most subtle of the beasts of the field, and we may reasonably
His suppose, not merely subtle, but attractive, graceful, beautiful,
assumptio bewitching.
n of the
form of a The first to feel its evil fascination was the woman, and she
serpent. was induced to disobey what she knew to be a direct
The command, by the desire of knowledge as well as
disobedien enjoyment of the appetite. She put trust in the serpent. She
ce of Eve. believed a lie. She was beguiled.

The man was not directly beguiled by the serpent.
Why the serpent assailed woman rather than man,
The Fall ofthe Scriptures do not say. The man yielded to his
Adam. wife. “She gave him the fruit, and he did eat.”

Immediately a great change came over
both. Their eyes were opened. They felt
The effect. shame and remorse, for they had sinned.
They hid themselves from the presence of
the Lord, and were afraid.

God pronounced the penalty—unto the woman, the pains and
sorrows attending childbirth, and subserviency to her husband; unto
The the man labor, toil, sorrow—the curse of the ground which he was
penalty. to till—thorns and thistles—no rest, and food obtained only by the
sweat of the brow; and all these pains and labors were inflicted
upon both until they should return to the dust from whence they
were taken—an eternal decree, never abrogated, to last as long as man
should till the earth, or woman bring forth children.

[pg 016]

Thus came sin into the world, through the temptations of introduction Satan
and the weakness of man, with the penalty of labour, pain, sorrow, and

Page 15

death.

Introductio Man was expelled from Paradise, and precluded from re-
n of sin. entering it by the flaming sword of cherubim, until the
Expulsion locality of Eden, by thorns and briars, and the deluge, was
from obliterated forever. And man and woman were sent out into
paradise. the world to reap the fruit of their folly and sin, and to gain
their subsistence in severe toil, and amid, the accumulated
evils which sin introduced.

The only mitigation of the sentence was the eternal enmity between
the seed of the woman and the seed of the Serpent, in which the
The final victory should be given to the former. The rite of sacrifice was
mitigation introduced as a type of the satisfaction for sin by the death of a
of thesubstitute for the sinner; and thus a hope of final forgiveness held
punishmen out for sin, Meanwhile the miseries of life were alleviated by the
t. fruits of labor, by industry.

Industry, then, became, on the expulsion from Eden, one of
the final laws of human happiness on earth, while the
Industry— sacrifice held out hopes of eternal life by the substitution
one of thewhich the sacrifice typified—the Saviour who was in due
fundament time to appear.
al
conditions With the expulsion from Eden came the sad conflicts of the
of life. race—conflicts with external wickedness—conflicts with
the earth—conflicts with evil passions in a man's own soul.

The first conflict was between Cain, the husbandman, and Abel, the
shepherd; the representatives of two great divisions of the human
Cain andfamily in the early ages. Cain killed Abel because the offering of
Abel. the latter was preferred to that of the former. The virtue of Abel was
faith: the sin of Cain was jealousy, pride, resentment, and despair.
The punishment of Cain was expulsion from his father's house, the
further curse of the land for him, and the hatred of the human family. He
relinquished his occupation, became a wanderer, and gained a precarious
support, while his descendants invented arts and built cities.

Page 16

[pg 017]

Eve bear another son—Seth, among whose descendants the
worship of God was preserved for a long time; but the descendants
The of Seth intermarried finally with the descendants of Cain, from
descendant whom sprung a race of lawless men, so that the earth was filled
s of Cain. with violence. The material civilization which the descendants of
Cain introduced did not preserve them from moral degeneracy. So
great was the increasing wickedness, with the growth of the race,
that “it repented the Lord that he had made man,” and he resolved to
destroy the whole race, with the exception of one religious family, and
change the whole surface of the earth by a mighty flood, which should
involve in destruction all animals and fowls of the air—all the antediluvian
works of man.

It is of no consequence to inquire whether the Deluge was universal
or partial—whether it covered the whole earth or the existing
The habitations of men. All were destroyed by it, except Noah, and his
deluge. wife, and his three sons, with their wives. The authenticity of the
fact rests with Moses, and with him we are willing to leave it.

This dreadful catastrophe took place in the 600th year of Noah's
life, and 2349 years before Christ, when world was 1655 years old,
The according to Usshur, but much older according to Hale and other
probable authorities—when more time had elapsed than from the Deluge to
condition the reign of Solomon. And hence there were more people
of thedestroyed, in all probability, than existed on the earth in the time of
antediluvia Solomon. And as men lived longer in those primeval times than
n world. subsequently, and were larger and stronger, “for there were giants
in those days,” and early invented tents, the harp, the organ, and
were artificers in brass and iron, and built cities—as they were full
of inventions as well as imaginations, it is not unreasonable to infer, though
we can not know with certainty, that the antediluvian world was more
splendid and luxurious than the world in the time of Solomon and Homer—
the era of the Pyramids of Egypt.

[pg 018]

Page 17

The art of building was certainly then carried to considerable
perfection, for the ark, which Noah built, was four hundred and
The ark. fifty feet long, seventy-five wide, and forty-five deep; and was
constructed so curiously as to hold specimens of all known animals
and birds, with provisions for them for more than ten months.

This sacred ark or ship, built of gopher wood, floated on the world's
waves, until, in the seventh month, it rested upon the mountains of
The Ararat. It was nearly a year before Noah ventured from the ark. His
Divine first act, after he issued forth, was to build an altar and offer
covenant sacrifice to the God who had preserved him and his family alone,
with Noah. of the human race. And the Lord was well pleased, and made a
covenant with him that he would never again send a like
destruction upon the earth, and as a sign and seal of the covenant
which he made with all flesh, he set his bow in the cloud. We hence infer
that the primeval world was watered by mists from the earth, like the
garden of Eden, and not by rains.

“The memory of the Deluge is preserved in the traditions of nearly
all nations, as well as in the narrative of Moses; and most heathen
The mythologies have some kind of sacred ark.” Moreover, there are
tradition ofvarious geological phenomena in all parts of the world, which can
the deluge. not be accounted for on any other ground than some violent
disruption produced by a universal Deluge. The Deluge itself can
not be explained, although there are many ingenious theories to
show it might be in accordance with natural causes. The Scriptures allude to
it as a supernatural event, for an express end. When the supernatural power
of God can be disproved, then it will be time to explain the Deluge by
natural causes, or deny it altogether. The Christian world now accepts it as
Moses narrates it.

[pg 019]

Page 18

Page 19

CHAPTER II.

Page 20

POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY TO THE CALL OF
ABRAHAM.—THE PATRIARCHAL
CONSTITUTION, AND THE DIVISION OF
NATIONS.

When Noah and his family issued from the ark, they were blessed
by God. They were promised a vast posterity, dominion over
The nature, and all animals for food, as well as the fruits of the earth.
Noachic But new laws were imposed, against murder, and against the eating
Code. of blood. An authority was given to the magistrate to punish
murder. “Whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood
be shed.” This was not merely a penalty, but a prediction. The
sacredness of life, and the punishment for murder are equally asserted, and
asserted with peculiar emphasis. This may be said to be the Noachic Code,
afterward extended by Moses. From that day to this, murder has been
accounted the greatest human crime, and has been the most severely
punished. On the whole, this crime has been the rarest in the subsequent
history of the world, although committed with awful frequency, but seldom
till other crimes are exhausted. The sacredness of life is the greatest of
human privileges.

The government was patriarchal. The head of a family had almost
unlimited power. And this government was religious as well as
Patriarchal civil. The head of the family was both priest and king. He erected
constitutio altars and divided inheritances. He ruled his sons, even if they had
ns. wives and children. And as the old patriarchs lived to a great age,
their authority extended over several generations and great numbers
of people.

[pg 020]

Page 21

Noah pursued the life of a husbandman, and planted vines, probably like the
antediluvians. Nor did he escape the shame of drunkenness, though we have
no evidence it was an habitual sin.

From this sin and shame great consequences followed. Noah was
indecently exposed. The second son made light of it; the two others
Consequen covered up the nakedness of their father. For this levity Ham was
ces of thecursed in his children. Canaan, his son, was decreed to be a servant
sin ofof servants—the ancestor of the races afterward exterminated by
Noah. the Jews. To Shem, for his piety, was given a special religious
blessing. Through him all the nations of the earth were blessed. To
Japhet was promised especial temporal prosperity, and a
participation of the blessing of Shem, The European races are now reaping
this prosperity, and the religious privileges of Christianity.

Four generations passed without any signal event. They all spoke
the same language, and pursued the same avocations. They lived in
Settlement Armenia, but gradually spread over the surrounding countries and
s of hisespecially toward the west and south. They journeyed to the land of
descendant Shinar, and dwelt on its fertile plains. This was the great level of
s. Lower Mesopotamia, or Chaldea, watered by the Euphrates.

Here they built a city, and aspired to build a tower which
should reach unto the heavens. It was vanity and pride
The Towerwhich incited them,—also fear lest they should be
of Babel. scattered.

We read that Nimrod—one of the descendants of
Ham—a mighty hunter, had migrated to this plain,
Nimrod. and set up a kingdom at Babel—perhaps a revolt
against patriarchal authority. Here was a great
settlement—perhaps the central seat of the
descendants of Noah, where Nimrod—the strongest man of his times—
usurped dominion. Under his auspices the city was built—a stronghold
from which he would defy all other powers. Perhaps here he [pg 021]
instituted idolatry, since a tower was also a temple. But, whether fear or
ambition or idolatry prompted the building of Babel, it displeased the Lord.

Page 22

The punishment which he inflicted upon the builders was confusion
of tongues. The people could not understand each other, and were
The obliged to disperse. The tower was left unfinished. The Lord
Confusion “scattered the people abroad upon the face of all the earth.”
of tongues. Probably some remained at Babel, on the Euphrates—the
forefathers of the Israelites when they dwelt in Chaldea. It is not
probable that every man spoke a different language, but that there
was a great division of language, corresponding with the great division of
families, so that the posterity of Shem took one course, that of Japhet
another, and that of Ham the third—dividing themselves into three separate
nations, each speaking substantially the same tongue, afterward divided into
different dialects from their peculiar circumstances.

Much learning and ingenuity have been expended in tracing the
different races and languages of the earth to the grand confusion of
Dispersion Babel. But the subject is too complicated, and in the present state of
of nations. science, too unsatisfactory to make it expedient to pursue
ethnological and philological inquiries in a work so limited as this.
We refer students to Max Muller, and other authorities.

But that there was a great tripartite division of the human family
can not be doubted. The descendants of Japhet occupied a great
The zone running from the high lands of Armenia to the southeast, into
settlement the table-lands of Iran, and to Northern India, and to the west into
s of theThrace, the Grecian peninsula, and Western Europe. And all the
children ofnations which subsequently sprung from the children of Japhet,
Japhet. spoke languages the roots of which bear a striking affinity. This can
be proved. The descendants of Japhet, supposed to be the oldest son
of Noah, possessed the fairest lands of the world—most favorable
to development and progress—most favorable to ultimate supremacy. They
[pg 022] composed the great Caucasian race, which spread over Northern
and Western Asia, and over Europe—superior to other races in personal
beauty and strength, and also intellectual force. From the times of the Greek
and Romans this race has held the supremacy of the world, as was predicted
to Noah. “God shall enlarge Japhet, and he shall dwell in the tents of Shem,
and Canaan shall be his servant.” The conquest of the descendants of Ham
by the Greeks and Romans, and their slavery, attest the truth of Scripture.

Page 23

The descendants of Shem occupied another belt or zone. It
extended from the southeastern part of Asia Minor to the Persian
The Gulf and the peninsula of Arabia. The people lived in tents, were
settlement not ambitious of conquest, were religious and contemplative. The
s of thegreat theogonies of the East came from this people. They studied
descendant the stars. They meditated on God and theological questions. They
s of Shem. were a chosen race with whom sacred history dwells. They had,
compared with other races, a small territory between the
possessions of Japhet on the north, and that of Ham on the south.
Their destiny was not to spread over the world, but to exhibit the dealings
of God's providence. From this race came the Jews and the Messiah. The
most enterprising of the descendants of Shem were the Phœnicians, who
pursued commerce on a narrow strip of the eastern shore of the
Mediterranean, and who colonized Carthage and North Africa, but were not
powerful enough to contend successfully with the Romans in political
power.

The most powerful of the posterity of Noah were the descendants
of Ham, for more than two thousand years, since they erected great
The monarchies, and were warlike, aggressive, and unscrupulous. They
descendant lived in Egypt, Ethiopia, Palestine, and the countries around the
s of Ham. Red Sea. They commenced their empire in Babel, on the great plain
of Babylonia, and extended it northward into the land of Asshur
(Assyria). They built the great cities of Antioch, Rehoboth, Calah
and Resen. Their empire was the oldest in the world—that established by a
Cushite [pg 023] dynasty on the plains of Babylon, and in the highlands of
Persia. They cast off the patriarchal law, and indulged in a restless passion
for dominion. And they were the most civilized of the ancient nations in arts
and material life. They built cities and monuments of power. These temples,
their palaces, their pyramids were the wonders of the ancient world. Their
grand and somber architecture lasted for centuries. They were the wickedest
of the nations of the earth, and effeminacy, pride and sensuality followed
naturally from their material civilization unhallowed by high religious
ideas. They were hateful conquerors and tyrants, and yet slaves. They were
permitted to prosper until their vices wrought out their own destruction, and
they became finally subservient to the posterity of Japhet. But among some
of the descendants of Ham civilization never advanced. The negro race of

Page 24

Africa ever has been degraded and enslaved. It has done nothing to advance
human society. None of these races, even the most successful, have left
durable monuments of intellect or virtue: they have left gloomy monuments
of tyrannical and physical power. The Babylonians and Egyptians laid the
foundation of some of the sciences and arts, but nothing remains at the
present day which civilization values.

How impressive and august the ancient prophecy to Noah! How strikingly
have all the predictions been fulfilled! These give to history an imperishable
interest and grandeur.

[pg 024]

Page 25

CHAPTER III.

Page 26

THE HEBREW RACE FROM ABRAHAM TO THE
SALE OF JOSEPH.

We postpone the narrative of the settlements and empires which
grew up on the banks of the Euphrates and the Nile, the oldest
Abram. monarchies, until we have contemplated the early history of the
Jews—descended from one of the children of Shem. This is not in
chronological order, but in accordance with the inimitable history
of Moses. The Jews did not become a nation until four hundred and thirty
years after the call of Abram—and Abram was of the tenth generation from
Noah. When he was born, great cities existed in Babylon, Canaan, and
Egypt, and the descendants of Ham were the great potentates of earth. The
children of Shem were quietly living in tents, occupied with agriculture and
the raising of cattle. Those of Japhet were exploring all countries with
zealous enterprise, and founding distant settlements—adventurers in quest
of genial climates and fruitful fields.

Abram was born in Ur, a city of the Chaldeans, in the year 1996 before
Christ—supposed by some to be the Edessa of the Greeks, and by others to
be a great maritime city on the right bank of the Euphrates near its
confluence with the Tigris.

From this city his father Terah removed with his children and kindred to
Haran, and dwelt there. It was in Mesopotamia—a rich district, fruitful in
pasturage. Here Abram remained until he was 75, and had become rich.

While sojourning in this fruitful plain the Lord said unto him, “get
thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's
The house, unto a land which I will show [pg 025] thee.” “And I will
wandering make thee a great nation, and will bless thee, and make thy name
s andgreat, and thou shalt be a blessing. And I will bless them that bless
settlement thee, and curse him that curseth thee. And in thee shall all the

Page 27

s offamilies of the earth be blessed.” So Abram departed with Lot, his
Abraham. nephew, and Sarai, his wife, with all his cattle and substance, to the
land of Canaan, then occupied by that Hamite race which had
probably proved unfriendly to his family in Chaldea. We do not
know by what route he passed the Syrian desert, but he halted at Shechem,
situated in a fruitful valley, one of the passes of the hills from Damascus to
Canaan. He then built an altar to the Lord, probably among an idolatrous
people. From want of pasturage, or some cause not explained, he removed
from thence into a mountain on the east of Bethel, between that city and
Hai, or Ai, when he again erected an altar, and called upon the living God.
But here he did not long remain, being driven by a famine to the fertile land
of Egypt, then ruled by the Pharaohs, whose unscrupulous character he
feared, and which tempted him to practice an unworthy deception, yet in
accordance with profound worldly sagacity. It was the dictate of expediency
rather than faith. He pretended that Sarai was his sister, and was well treated
on her account by the princes of Egypt, and not killed, as he feared he
would be if she was known to be his wife. The king, afflicted by great
plagues in consequence of his attentions to this beautiful woman, sent
Abram away, after a stern rebuke for the story he had told, with all his
possessions.

The patriarch returned to Canaan, enriched by the princes of Egypt,
and resumed his old encampment near Bethel. But there was not
The enough pasturage for his flocks, united with those of Lot. So, with
separation magnanimous generosity, disinclined to strife or greed, he gave his
of nephew the choice of lands, but insisted on a division. “Is not the
Abraham whole land before thee,” said he: “Separate thyself, I pray thee: if
and Lot. thou wilt take the left hand, I will go to the right, and if thou depart
to the right [pg 026] hand, then I will go to the left.” The children
of Ham and of Japhet would have quarreled, and one would have
got the ascendency over the other. Not so with the just and generous
Shemite—the reproachless model of all oriental virtues, if we may forget
the eclipse of his fair name in Egypt.

Lot chose, as was natural, the lower valley of the Jordan, a fertile
and well-watered plain, but near the wicked cities of the
The Canaanites, which lay in the track of the commerce between
settlement

Page 28

Arabia, Syria, Egypt, and the East. The worst vices of antiquity
s of Lot.
prevailed among them, and Lot subsequently realized, by a painful
experience, the folly of seeking, for immediate good, such an
accursed neighborhood.

Abram was contented with less advantages among the hills, and after a
renewed blessing from the Lord, removed his tents to the plain of Mamre,
near Hebron, one of the oldest cities of the world.

The first battle that we read of in history was fought between the
Chaldean monarch and the kings of the five cities of Canaan, near
The firstto the plain which Lot had selected. The kings were vanquished,
recorded and, in the spoliation which ensued, Lot himself and his cattle were
battle incarried away by Chederlaomer.
history.
The news reached Abram in time for him to pursue the
Chaldean king with his trained servants, three hundred and
The eighteen in number. In a midnight attack the Chaldeans
victory ofwere routed, since a panic was created, and Lot was
Abraham. rescued, with all his goods, from which we infer that
Abram was a powerful chieftain, and was also assisted
directly by God, as Joshua subsequently was in his unequal
contest with the Canaanites.

The king of Sodom, in gratitude, went out to meet him on his return
from the successful encounter, and also the king of Salem,
Melchized Melchizedek, with bread and wine. This latter was probably of the
ek. posterity of Shem, since he was also a priest of the most high God,
He blessed Abram, and gave him tithes, which Abram accepted.

[pg 027]

But Abram would accept nothing from the king of Sodom—not
even to a shoe-latchet—from patriarchal pride, or disinclination to
The pridehave any intercourse with idolators. But he did not prevent his
of young warriors from eating his bread in their hunger. It was not the
Abraham. Sodomites he wished to rescue, but Lot, his kinsman and friend.

Page 29

Abram, now a powerful chieftain and a rich man, well advanced in
years, had no children, in spite of the promise of God that he
His should be the father of nations. His apparent heir was his chief
prospects. servant, or steward, Elizur, of Damascus. He then reminds the Lord
of the promise, and the Lord renewed the covenant, and Abram
rested in faith.

Not so his wife Sarai. Skeptical that from herself should come the
promised seed, she besought Abram to make a concubine or wife of
Hagar. her Egyptian maid, Hagar. Abram listens to her, and grants her
request. Sarai is then despised by the woman, and lays her
complaint before her husband. Abram delivers the concubine into
the hands of the jealous and offended wife, who dealt hardly with her, so
that she fled to the wilderness. Thirsty and miserable, she was found by an
angel, near to a fountain of water, who encouraged her by the promise that
her child should be the father of a numerous nation, but counseled her to
return to Sarai, and submit herself to her rule. In due time the child was
born, and was called Ishmael—destined to be a wild man, with whom the
world should be at enmity. Abram was now eighty-six years of age.

Fourteen years later the Lord again renewed his covenant that he
should be the father of many nations, who should possess forever
The the land of Canaan. His name was changed to Abraham (father of a
renewed multitude), and Sarai's was changed to Sarah. The Lord promised
Covenant that from Sarah should come the predicted blessing. The patriarch
with is still incredulous, and laughs within himself; but God renews the
Abraham. promise, and henceforth Abraham believes, [pg 028] and, as a test
of his faith, he institutes, by divine direction, the rite of
circumcision to Ishmael and all the servants and slaves of his
family—even those “bought with money of the stranger.”

In due time, according to prediction, Sarah gave birth to Isaac, who
was circumcised on the eighth day, when Abraham was 100 years
The birthold. Ishmael, now a boy of fifteen, made a mockery of the event,
of Isaac. whereupon Sarah demanded that the son of the bondwoman, her
slave, should be expelled from the house, with his mother.
Abraham was grieved also, and, by divine counsel, they were both

Page 30

sent away, with some bread and a bottle of water. The water was soon
expended in the wilderness of Beersheba, and Hagar sat down in despair
and wept. God heard her lamentations, and she opened her eyes and saw
that she was seated near a well. The child was preserved, and dwelt in the
wilderness of Paran, pursuing the occupation of an archer, or huntsman, and
his mother found for him a wife out of the land of Egypt. He is the ancestor
of the twelve tribes of Bedouin Arabs, among whom the Hamite blood
predominated.

Meanwhile, as Abraham dwelt on the plains of Mamre, the
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah took place, because not ten
The righteous persons could be found therein. But Lot was rescued by
destruction angels, and afterward dwelt in a cave, for fear, his wife being
of Sodom. turned into a pillar of salt for daring to look back on the burning
cities. He lived with his two daughters, who became the guilty
mothers of the Moabites and the Ammonites, who settled on the
hills to the east of Jordan and the Dead Sea.

Before the birth of Isaac, Abraham removed to the South, and dwelt
in Gerah, a city of the Philistines, and probably for the same reason
The that he had before sought the land of Egypt. But here the same
duplicity difficulty occurred as in Egypt. The king, Abimelech, sent and took
of Sarah, supposing she was merely Abraham's sister; and Abraham
Abraham. equivocated and deceived in this instance to save [pg 029] his own
life. But the king, warned by God in a dream, restored unto
Abraham his wife, and gave him sheep, oxen, men servants and
women servants, and one thousand pieces of silver, for he knew he was a
prophet. In return Abraham prayed for him, and removed from him and his
house all impediments for the growth of his family. The king, seeing how
Abraham was prospered, made a covenant with him, so that the patriarch
lived long among the Philistines, worshiping “the everlasting God.”

Then followed the great trial of his faith, when requested to
sacrifice Isaac. And when he was obedient to the call, and did not
The Trialwithhold his son, his only son, from the sacrificial knife, having
of faith that his seed should still possess the land of Canaan, he was
Abraham.

Page 31

again blessed, and in the most emphatic language. After this he dwelt in
Beersheba.

At the age of 120 Sarah died at Hebron, and Abraham purchased of
Ephron the Hittite, the cave of Machpelah, with a field near
Death ofMamre, for four hundred shekels of silver, in which he buried his
Sarah. wife.

Shortly after, he sought a wife for Isaac. But he would not
accept any of the daughters of the Canaanites, among
The whom he dwelt, but sent his eldest and most trusted servant
marriage to Mesopotamia, with ten loaded camels, to secure one of
of Isaac. his own people. Rebekah, the grand-daughter of Nahor, the
brother of Abraham, was the favored damsel whom the
Lord provided. Her father and brother accepted the
proposal of Abraham's servant, and loaded with presents, jewels of silver
and jewels of gold, and raiment, the Mesopotamian lady departed from her
country and her father's house, with the benediction of the whole family.
“Be thou the mother of thousands of millions, and let thy seed possess the
gate of those which hate them.” Thus was “Isaac comforted after his
mother's death.”

Abraham married again, and had five sons by Keturah; but, in his
life-time, he gave all he had unto Isaac, except [pg 030] some gifts
Second to his other children, whom he sent away, that they might not
marriage dispute the inheritance with Isaac. He died at a good old age, 175
of years, and was buried by his sons, Isaac and Ishmael, in the cave of
Abraham. Machpelah, which had been purchased of the sons of Heth. Isaac
thus became the head of the house, with princely possessions,
living near a well.

But a famine arose, as in the days of his father, and he went to
Gerar, and not to Egypt. He, however, was afraid to call Rebekah
He his wife, for the same reason that Abraham called Sarah his sister.
deceives But the king happening from his window to see Isaac “sporting
the with Rebekah,” knew he had been deceived, yet abstained from
Philistines. taking her, and even loaded Isaac with new favors, so that he
became very great and rich—so much so that the Philistines envied

Page 32

him, and maliciously filled up the wells which Abraham had dug. Here
again he was befriended by Abimelech, who saw that the Lord was with
him, and a solemn covenant of peace was made between them, and new
wells were dug.

Isaac, it seems, led a quiet and peaceful life—averse to all strife
with the Canaanites, and gradually grew very rich. He gave no
The evidence of remarkable strength of mind, and was easily deceived.
affliction His greatest affliction was the marriage of his eldest and favorite
of Isaac. son Esau with a Hittite woman, and it was probably this mistake
and folly which confirmed the superior fortunes of Jacob.

Esau was a hunter. On returning one day from hunting he was faint
from hunger, and cast a greedy eye on some pottage that Jacob had
Jacob andprepared. But Jacob would not give his hungry brother the food
Esau. until he had promised, by a solemn oath, to surrender his birthright
to him. The clever man of enterprise, impulsive and passionate,
thought more, for the moment, of the pangs of hunger than of his
future prospects, and the quiet, plain, and cunning man of tents availed
himself of his brother's rashness.

[pg 031]

But the birthright was not secure to Jacob without his father's
blessing. So he, with his mother's contrivance, for he was her
Jacob favorite, deceived his father, and appeared to be Esau. Isaac, old
obtains theand dim and credulous, supposing that Jacob, clothed in Esau's
birthright. vestments as a hunter, and his hands covered with skins, was his
The eldest son, blessed him. The old man still had doubts, but Jacob
despair offalsely declared that he was Esau, and obtained what he wanted.
Esau. When Esau returned from the hunt he saw what Jacob had done,
and his grief was bitter and profound. He cried out in his agony,
“Bless me even me, also, O my father.” And Isaac said: “Thy
brother came with subtilty, and hath taken away thy blessing.” And Esau
said, “Is he not rightly named Jacob—that is, a supplanter—for he hath
supplanted me these two times: he took away my birthright, and behold
now he hath taken away my blessing.” “And he lifted up his voice and
wept.” Isaac, then moved, declared that his dwelling should be the fatness

Page 33

of the earth, even though he should serve his brother,—that he should live
by the sword, and finally break the yoke from off his neck. This was all
Esau could wring from his father. He hated Jacob with ill-concealed
resentment, as was to be expected, and threatened to kill him on his father's
death. Rebekah advised Jacob to flee to his uncle, giving as an excuse to
Isaac, that he sought a wife in Mesopotamia. This pleased Isaac, who
regarded a marriage with a Canaanite as the greatest calamity. So he again
gave him his blessing, and advised him to select one of the daughters of
Laban for his wife. And Jacob departed from his father's house, and escaped
the wrath of Esau. But Esau, seeing that his Hittite wife was offensive to his
father, married also one of the daughters of Ishmael, his cousin.

Jacob meanwhile pursued his journey. Arriving at a certain place
after sunset, he lay down to sleep, with stones for his pillow, and he
Jacob's dreamed that a ladder set up on the earth reached the heavens, on
wandering which the angels of God ascended [pg 032] and descended, and
s. above it was the Lord himself, the God of his father, who renewed
all the promises that had been made to Abraham of the future
prosperity of his house. He then continued his journey till he
arrived in Haran, by the side of a well. Thither Rachel, the daughter of
Laban, came to draw water for the sheep she tended. Jacob rolled away the
stone from the mouth of the well, and watered her flock, and kissed her, and
wept, for he had found in his cousin his bride. He then told her who he was,
and she ran and told her father that his nephew had come, Isaac's son, and
Laban was filled with joy, and kissed Jacob and brought him to his house,
where he dwelt a month as a guest.

An agreement was then made that Jacob should serve Laban seven
years, and receive in return for his services his youngest daughter
He servedRachel, whom he loved. But Laban deceived him, and gave him
Laban. Leah instead, and Jacob was compelled to serve another seven
years before he obtained her. Thus he had two wives, the one
tender-eyed, the other beautiful. But he loved Rachel and hated
Leah.

Jacob continued to serve Laban until he was the father of eleven sons and a
daughter, and then desired to return to his own country. But Laban,

Page 34

unwilling to lose so profitable a son-in-law, raised obstacles. Jacob,
in the mean time, became rich, although his flocks and herds were
The obtained by a sharp bargain, which he turned to his own account.
quarrel The envy of Laban's sons was the result. Laban also was alienated,
with whereupon Jacob fled, with his wives and children and cattle.
Laban. Laban pursued, overtook him, and after an angry altercation, in
which Jacob recounted his wrongs during twenty years of
servitude, and Laban claimed every thing as his—daughters,
children and cattle, they made a covenant on a heap of stones not to pass
either across it for the other's harm, and Laban returned to his home and
Jacob went on his way.

But Esau, apprised of the return of his brother, came out [pg 033]
of Edom against him with four hundred men. Jacob was afraid, and
Meeting ofsought to approach Esau with presents. The brothers met, but
Esau andwhether from fraternal impulse or by the aid of God, they met
Jacob. affectionately, and fell into each other's arms and wept. Jacob
offered his presents, which Esau at first magnanimously refused to
take, but finally accepted: peace was restored, and Jacob continued
his journey till he arrived in Thalcom—a city of Shechem, in the land of
Canaan, where he pitched his tent and erected an altar.

Here he was soon brought into collision with the people of Shechem, whose
prince had inflicted a great wrong. Levi and Simeon avenged it, and the city
was spoiled.

Jacob, perhaps in fear of the other Amorites, retreated to Bethel,
purged his household of all idolatry, and built an altar, and God
Jacob inagain appeared to him, blessed him and changed his name to Israel.
Bethel.
Soon after, Rachel died, on the birth of her son, Benjamin,
and Jacob came to see his father in Mamre, now 180 years
Death ofof age, and about to die. Esau and Jacob buried him in the
Rachel. cave of Machpelah.

Esau dwelt in Edom, the progenitor of a long line of dukes
or princes. The seat of his sovereignty was Mount Seir.

Page 35

Jacob continued to live in Hebron—a patriarchal prince, rich in
cattle, and feared by his neighbors. His favorite son was Joseph,
The sale ofand his father's partiality excited the envy of the other sons. They
Joseph. conspired to kill him, but changed their purpose through the
influence of Reuben, and cast him into a pit in the wilderness.
While he lay there, a troop of Ishmaelites appeared, and to them, at
the advice of Judah, they sold him as a slave, but pretended to their father
that he was slain by wild beasts, and produced, in attestation, his lacerated
coat of colors. The Ishmaelites carried Joseph to Egypt, and sold him to
Potaphar, captain of Pharaoh's guard. Before we follow his fortunes, we will
turn our attention to the land whence he was carried.

[pg 034]

Page 36

CHAPTER IV.

Page 37

EGYPT AND THE PHARAOHS.

The first country to which Moses refers, in connection with the
Hebrew history, is Egypt. This favored land was the seat of one of
The the oldest monarchies of the world. Although it would seem that
original Assyria was first peopled, historians claim for Egypt a more remote
inhabitants antiquity. Whether this claim can be substantiated or not, it is
of Egypt. certain that Egypt was one of the primeval seats of the race of Ham.
Mizraim, the Scripture name for the country, indicates that it was
settled by a son of Ham. But if this is true even, the tide of
emigration from Armenia probably passed to the southeast through Syria
and Palestine, and hence the descendants of Ham had probably occupied the
land of Canaan before they crossed the desert between the Red Sea and the
Mediterranean. I doubt if Egypt had older cities than Damascus, Hebron,
Zoar, and Tyre.

But Egypt certainly was a more powerful monarchy than any existing on
the earth in the time of Abraham.

Its language, traditions, and monuments alike point to a high
antiquity. It was probably inhabited by a mixed race, Shemitic as
Their well as Hamite; though the latter had the supremacy. The
peculiariti distinction of castes indicates a mixed population, so that the
es. ancients doubted whether Egypt belonged to Asia or Africa. The
people were not black, but of a reddish color, with thick lips,
straight black hair, and elongated eye, and sunk in the degraded
superstitions of the African race.

[pg 035]

The geographical position indicates not only a high antiquity, but a state
favorable to great national wealth and power. The river Nile, issuing from a
great lake under the equator, runs 3,000 miles nearly due north to the

Page 38

Mediterranean. Its annual inundations covered the valley with a
rich soil brought down from the mountains of Abyssinia, making it
The the most fertile in the world. The country, thus so favored by a
fertility ofgreat river, with its rich alluvial deposits, is about 500 miles in
Egypt. length, with an area of 115,000 square miles, of which 9,600 are
subject to the fertilizing inundation. But, in ancient times, a great
part of the country was irrigated, and abounded in orchards,
gardens, and vineyards. Every kind of vegetable was cultivated, and grain
was raised in the greatest abundance, so that the people lived in luxury and
plenty while other nations were subject to occasional famines.

Among the fruits, were dates, grapes, figs, pomegranates, apricots,
peaches, oranges, citrons, lemons, limes, bananas, melons,
The mulberries, olives. Among vegetables, if we infer from what exist
production at present, were beans, peas, lentils, luprins, spinach, leeks, onions,
s of Egypt. garlic, celery, chiccory, radishes, carrots, turnips, lettuce, cabbage,
fennel, gourds, cucumbers, tomatoes, egg-plant. What a variety for
the sustenance of man, to say nothing of the various kinds of grain,
—barley, oats, maize, rice, and especially wheat, which grows to the
greatest perfection.

In old times the horses were famous, as well as cattle, and sheep, and
poultry. Quails were abundant, while the marshes afforded every kind of
web-footed fowl. Fish, too, abounded in the Nile, and in the lakes. Bees
were kept, and honey was produced, though inferior to that of Greece.

The climate also of this fruitful land was salubrious without being
enervating. The soil was capable of supporting a large population,
The casteswhich amounted, in the time of Herodotus, to seven millions. On
of Egypt. the banks of the Nile were great cities, whose ruins still astonish
travelers. The land, except that owned by the priests, belonged [pg
036] to the king, who was supreme and unlimited in power. The
people were divided into castes, the highest being priests, and the lowest
husbandmen. The kings were hereditary, but belonged to the priesthood,
and their duties and labors were arduous. The priests were the real
governing body, and were treated with the most respectful homage. They

Page 39

were councilors of the king, judges of the land, and guardians of all great
interests. The soldiers were also numerous, and formed a distinct caste.

When Abram visited Egypt, impelled by the famine in Canaan, it
was already a powerful monarchy. This was about 1921 years
Egyptian before Christ, according to the received chronology, when the kings
dynasties. of the 15th dynasty reigned. These dynasties of ancient kings are
difficult to be settled, and rest upon traditions rather than well
defined historical grounds,—or rather on the authority of Manetho,
an Egyptian priest, who lived nearly 300 years before Christ. His list of
dynasties has been confirmed, to a great extent, by the hieroglyphic
inscriptions which are still to be found on ancient monuments, but they give
us only a barren catalogue of names without any vital historical truths.
Therefore these old dynasties, before Abraham, are only interesting to
antiquarians, and not satisfactory to them, since so little is known or can be
known. These, if correct, would give a much greater antiquity to Egypt than
can be reconciled with Mosaic history. But all authorities agree in ascribing
to Menes the commencement of the first dynasty, 2712 years before Christ,
according to Hales, but 3893 according to Lepsius, and 2700 according to
Lane. Neither Menes nor his successors of the first dynasty left any
monuments. It is probable, however, that Memphis was built by them, and
possibly hieroglyphics were invented during their reigns.

But here a chronological difficulty arises. The Scriptures ascribe ten
generations from Shem to Abram. Either the generations were made longer
than in our times, or the seventeen dynasties, usually supposed to have
reigned when [pg 037] Abram came to Egypt, could not have existed; for,
according to the received chronology, he was born 1996, B.C., and the
Deluge took place 2349, before Christ, leaving but 353 years from the
Deluge to the birth of Abraham. How could seventeen dynasties have
reigned in Egypt in that time, even supposing that Egypt was settled
immediately after the Flood, unless either more than ten generations existed
from Noah to Abram, or that these generations extended over seven or eight
hundred years? Until science shall reconcile the various chronologies with
the one usually received, there is but little satisfaction in the study of
Egyptian history prior to Abram. Nor is it easy to settle when the Pyramids
were constructed. If they existed in the time of Abram a most rapid advance

Page 40

had been made in the arts, unless a much longer period elapsed from Noah
to Abraham than Scripture seems to represent.

Nothing of interest occurs in Egyptian history until the fourth
dynasty of kings, when the pyramids of Ghizeh, were supposed to
The have been built—a period more remote than Scripture ascribes to
Pyramids. the Flood itself, according to our received chronology. These were
the tombs of the Memphian kings, who believed in the immortality
of the soul, and its final reunion with the body after various forms
of transmigration. Hence the solicitude to preserve the body in some
enduring monument, and by elaborate embalment. What more durable
monument than these great masses of granite, built to defy the ravages of
time, and the spoliations of conquerors! The largest of these pyramids,
towering above other pyramids, and the lesser sepulchres of the rich, was
built upon a square of 756 feet, and the height of it was 489 feet 9 inches,
covering an area of 571,536 feet, or more than thirteen acres. The whole
mass contained 90,000,000 cubic feet of masonry, weighing 6,316,000 tons.
Nearly in the centre of this pile of stone, reached by a narrow passage, were
the chambers where the royal sarcophagi were deposited. At whatever
period these vast monuments were actually [pg 038] built, they at least go
back into remote antiquity, and probably before the time of Abram.

The first great name of the early Egyptian kings was Sesertesen, or
Osirtasin I., the founder of the twelfth dynasty of kings, B.C. 2080.
Thebes. He was a great conqueror, and tradition confounds him with the
Sesostris of the Greeks, which gathered up stories about him as the
Middle Ages did of Charlemagne and his paladins. The real
Sesostris was Ramenes the Great, of the nineteenth dynasty. By the kings of
this dynasty (the twelfth) Ethiopia was conquered, the Labyrinth was built,
and Lake Moevis dug, to control the inundations. Under them Thebes
became a great city. The dynasty lasted 100 years, but became subject to the
Shepherd kings. These early Egyptian monarchs wore fond of peace, and
their subjects enjoyed repose and prosperity.

The Shepherd kings, who ruled 400 years, were supposed by
Manetho to be Arabs, but leaves us to infer that they were
The Phœnicians—as is probable—a roving body of conquerors, who
shepherd

Page 41

kings. easily subdued the peaceful Egyptians. They have left no
monumental history. They were alien to the conquered race in
language and habits, and probably settled in Lower Egypt where
the land was most fertile, and where conquests would be most easily
retained.

It was under their rule that Abram probably visited Egypt when driven by a
famine from Canaan. And they were not expelled till the time of Joseph, by
the first of the eighteenth dynasty. The descendants of the old kings, we
suppose, lived in Thebes, and were tributary princes for 400 years, but
gained sufficient strength, finally, to expel the Shemite invaders, even as the
Gothic nations of Spain, in the Middle Ages, expelled their conquerors, the
Moors.

But it was under the Shepherd kings that the relations between
Egypt and the Hebrew patriarchs took place. We infer this fact from
Friendly the friendly intercourse and absence of national prejudices. The
relations Phœnicians belonged to the same Shemitic stock [pg 039] from
of thewhich Abraham came. They built no temples. They did not advance
Hebrews a material civilization. They loaded Abram and Joseph with
with thepresents, and accepted the latter as a minister and governor. We
Shepherd read of no great repulsion of races, and see a great similarity in
Kings. pursuits.

Meanwhile, the older dynasties under whom Thebes was
built, probably B.C. 2200, gathered strength in misfortune
Expulsion and subjection. They reigned, during five dynasties, in a
of thesubordinate relation, tributary and oppressed. The first king
Shepherd of the eighteenth dynasty seems to have been a remarkable
kings. man—the deliverer of his nation. His name was Aah-mes,
or Amo-sis, and he expelled the shepherds from the greater
part of Egypt, B.C. 1525. In his reign we see on the
monuments chariots and horses. He built temples both in Thebes and
Memphis, and established a navy. This was probably the king who knew not
Joseph. His successors continued the work of conquest, and extended their
dominion from Ethiopia to Mesopotamia, and obtained that part of Western

Page 42

Asia formerly held by the Chaldeans. They built the temple of Karnak, the
“Vocal Memnon,” and the avenue of Sphinxes in Thebes.

The grandest period of Egyptian history begins with the nineteenth
dynasty, founded by Sethee I., or Sethos, B.C. 1340. He built the
Greatness famous “Hall of Columns,” in the temple of Karnak, and the finest
of Ramesisof the tombs of the Theban kings. On the walls of this great temple
II. Hisare depicted his conquests, especially over the Hittites. But the
architectur glories of the monarchy, now decidedly military, culminated in
al works. Ramesis II.—the Sesostris of the Greeks. He extended his
dominion as far as Scythia and Thrace, while his naval expeditions
penetrated to the Erythræan Sea. The captives which he brought
from his wars were employed in digging canals, which intersected the
country, for purposes of irrigation, and especially that great canal which
united the Mediterranean with the Red Sea. He added to the temple of
Karnak, built the Memnonium on the western side of the Nile, opposite [pg
040] to Thebes, and enlarged the temple of Ptah, at Memphis, which he
adorned by a beautiful colossal statue, the fist of which is (now in the
British Museum) thirty inches wide across the knuckles. But the
Rameseum, or Memnonium, was his greatest architectural work,
approached by an avenue of sphinxes and obelisks, in the centre of which
was the great statue of Ramesis himself, sixty feet high, carved from a
single stone of the red granite of Syene.

The twentieth dynasty was founded by Sethee II., B.C. 1220 (or
1232 B.C., according to Wilkinson), when Gideon ruled the
Decline ofIsraelites and Theseus reigned at Athens and Priam at Troy. The
Thebes. third king of this dynasty—Ramesis III.—built palaces and tombs
scarcely inferior to any of the Theban kings, but under his
successors the Theban power declined. Under the twenty-first
dynasty, which began B.C. 1085, Lower Egypt had a new capital, Zoan, and
gradually extended its power over Upper Egypt. It had a strong Shemetic
element in its population, and strengthened itself by alliances with the
Assyrians.

The twenty-second dynasty was probably Assyrian, and began about 1009
B.C. It was hostile to the Jews, and took and sacked Jerusalem.

Page 43

From this period the history of Egypt is obscure. Ruled by
Assyrians, and then by Ethiopians, the grandeur of the old Theban
Obscurity monarchy had passed away. On the rise of the Babylonian
of kingdom, over the ruins of the old Assyrian Empire, Egypt was
Egyptian greatly prostrated as a military power. Babylon became the great
history. monarchy of the East, and gained possession of all the territories of
the Theban kings, from the Euphrates to the Nile.

Leaving, then, the obscure and uninteresting history of Egypt, which
presents nothing of especial interest until its conquest by Alexander, B.C.
332, with no great kings even, with the exception of Necho, of the twenty-
sixth dynasty, B.C. 611, we will present briefly the religion, manners,
customs, and attainments of the ancient Egyptians.

[pg 041]

Their religion was idolatrous. They worshiped various divinities:
Num, the soul of the universe; Amen, the generative principle;
Religion Khom, by whom the productiveness of nature was emblematized;
of thePtah, or the creator of the universe; Ra, the sun; Thoth, the patron
Egyptians. of letters; Athor, the goddess of beauty; Mu, physical light; Mat,
moral light; Munt, the god of war; Osiris, the personification of
good; Isis, who presided over funeral rites; Set, the personification
of evil; Anup, who judged the souls of the departed.

These were principal deities, and were worshiped through sacred
animals, as emblems of divinity. Among them were the bulls, Apis,
The at Memphis, and Muenis, at Heliopolis, both sacred to Osiris. The
Deities. crocodile was sacred to Lebak, whose offices are unknown; the asp
to Num; the cat to Pasht, whose offices were also unknown; the
beetle to Ptah. The worship of these and of other animals was
conducted with great ceremony, and sacrifices were made to them of other
animals, fruits and vegetables.

Man was held accountable for his actions, and to be judged, according to
them. He was to be brought before Osiris, and receive from him future
rewards or punishments.

Page 44

The penal laws of the Egyptians were severe. Murder was punished
with death. Adultery was punished by the man being beaten with a
Laws ofthousand rods. The woman had her nose cut off. Theft was
the punished with less severity—with a beating by a stick. Usury was
Egyptians. not permitted beyond double of the debt, and the debtor was not
imprisoned.

The government was a monarchy, only limited by the priesthood,
into whose order he was received, and was administered by men
Governme appointed by the king. On the whole, it was mild and paternal, and
nt. exercised for the good of the people.

Polygamy was not common, though concubines were
allowed. In the upper classes women were treated with
Habits ofgreat respect, and were regarded as the equals [pg 042] of
the people. men. They ruled their households. The rich were
hospitable, and delighted to give feasts, at which were
dancers and musicians. They possessed chariots and
horses, and were indolent and pleasure-seeking. The poor people toiled,
with scanty clothing and poor fare.

Hieroglyphic writing prevailed from a remote antiquity. The
papyrus was also used for hieratic writing, and numerous papyri
Literary have been discovered, which show some advance in literature.
culture. Astronomy was cultivated by the priests, and was carried to the
highest point it could attain without modern instruments. Geometry
also reached considerable perfection. Mechanics must have been
carried to a great extent, when we remember that vast blocks of stone were
transported 500 miles and elevated to enormous heights. Chemistry was
made subservient to many arts, such as the working of metals and the
tempering of steel. But architecture was the great art in which the Egyptians
excelled, as we infer from the ruins of temples and palaces; and these
wonderful fabrics were ornamented with paintings which have preserved
their color to this day. Architecture was massive, grand, and imposing.
Magical arts were in high estimation, and chiefly exercised by the priests.
The industrial arts reached great excellence, especially in the weaving of
linen, pottery, and household furniture. The Egyptians were great

Page 45

musicians, using harps, flutes, cymbals, and drums. They were also great
gardeners. In their dress they were simple, frugal in diet, though given to
occasional excess; fond of war, but not cruel like the Assyrians; hospitable
among themselves, shy of strangers, patriotic in feeling, and contemplative
in character.

[pg 043]

Page 46

CHAPTER V.

Page 47

THE JEWS UNTIL THE CONQUEST OF
CANAAN.

When Joseph was sold by the Midianites to Potiphar, Egypt was
probably ruled by the Shepherd kings, who were called Pharaoh,
Potiphar like all the other kings, by the Jewish writers. Pitiphar (Pet-Pha,
and dedicated to the sun) was probably the second person in the
Joseph. kingdom. Joseph, the Hebrew slave, found favor in his sight, and
Elevation was gradually promoted to the oversight of his great household.
of Joseph. Cast into prison, from the intrigues of Potiphar's wife, whose
disgraceful overtures he had virtuously and honorably rejected, he
found favor with the keeper of the prison, who intrusted him with
the sole care of the prisoners, although himself a prisoner,—a striking proof
of his transparent virtue. In process of time two other high officers of the
king, having offended him, were cast into the same prison. They had
strange dreams. Joseph interpreted them, indicating the speedy return of the
one to favor, and of the other to as sudden an execution. These things came
to pass. After two years the king himself had a singular dream, and none of
the professional magicians or priests of Egypt could interpret it. It then
occurred to the chief butler that Joseph, whom he had forgotten and
neglected, could interpret the royal dream which troubled him. He told the
king of his own dream in prison, and the explanation of it by the Hebrew
slave. Whereupon Joseph was sent for, shaven and washed, and clothed
with clean raiment to appear in the royal palace, and he interpreted the
king's dream, which not only led to his promotion to be governor over
Egypt, with the State chariots [pg 044] for his use, and all the emblems of
sovereignty about his person—a viceroy whose power was limited only by
that of the king—but he was also instrumental in rescuing Egypt from the
evils of that terrible famine which for seven years afflicted Western Asia.
He was then thirty years of age, 1715 B.C., and his elevation had been
earned by the noblest qualities—fidelity to his trusts, patience, and high
principle—all of which had doubtless been recounted to the king.

Page 48

The course which Joseph pursued toward the Egyptians was
apparently hard. The hoarded grain of seven years' unexampled
His rule asplenty was at first sold to the famishing people, and when they had
Viceroy. no longer money to buy it, it was only obtained by the surrender of
their cattle, and then by the alienation of their land, so that the king
became possessed of all the property of the realm, personal as well
as real, except that of the priests. But he surrendered the land back again to
the people subsequently, on condition of the payment of one-fifth of the
produce annually (which remained to the time of Moses)—a large tax, but
not so great as was exacted of the peasantry of France by their feudal and
royal lords. This proceeding undoubtedly strengthened the power of the
Shepherd kings, and prevented insurrections.

The severity of the famine compels the brothers of Joseph to seek
corn in Egypt. Their arrival of course, is known to the governor,
The who has unlimited rule. They appear before him, and bowed
famine inthemselves before him, as was predicted by Joseph's dreams. But
Egypt. clothed in the vesture of princes, with a gold chain around his neck,
and surrounded by the pomp of power, they did not know him,
while he knows them. He speaks to them, through an interpreter,
harshly and proudly, accuses them of being spies, obtains all the
information he wanted, and learns that his father and Benjamin are alive.
He even imprisons them for three days. He releases them on the condition
that they verify their statement; as a proof of which, he demands the
appearance of Benjamin himself.

[pg 045]

They return to Canaan with their sacks filled with corn, and the
money which they had brought to purchase it, secretly restored,
Benjamin leaving Simeon as surety for the appearance of Benjamin. To this
and hisJacob will not assent. But starvation drives them again to Egypt,
brothers. the next year, and Jacob, reluctantly is compelled to allow
Moses asBenjamin to go with them. The unexpected feast which Joseph
an made for them, sitting himself at another table—the greater
historian. portions given to Benjamin, the deception played upon them by the
secretion of Joseph's silver cup in Benjamin's sack, as if he were a

Page 49

thief, the distress of all the sons of Jacob, the eloquent pleadings of Judah,
the restrained tears of Joseph, the discovery of himself to them, the
generosity of Pharaoh, the return of Jacob's children laden not only with
corn but presents, the final migration of the whole family, to the land of
Goshen, in the royal chariots, and the consummation of Joseph's triumphs,
and happiness of Jacob—all these facts and incidents are told by Moses in
the most fascinating and affecting narrative ever penned by man. It is
absolutely transcendent, showing not only the highest dramatic skill, but
revealing the Providence of God—that overruling power which causes good
to come from evil, which is the most impressive lesson of all history, in
every age. That single episode is worth more to civilization than all the
glories of ancient Egypt; nor is there anything in the history of the ancient
monarchies so valuable to all generations as the record by Moses of the
early relations between God and his chosen people. And that is the reason
why I propose to give them, in this work, their proper place, even if it be
not after the fashion with historians. The supposed familiarity with Jewish
history ought not to preclude the narration of these great events, and the
substitution for them of the less important and obscure annals of the Pagans.

Joseph remained the favored viceroy of Egypt until he died, having
the supreme satisfaction of seeing the prosperity of his father's
Prosperity house, and their rapid increase in the land of [pg 046] Goshen, on
of thethe eastern frontier of the Delta of the Nile,—a land favorable for
Hebrews. herds and flocks. The capital of this district was On—afterward
Their Heliopolis, the sacred City of the Sun, a place with which Joseph
subsequent was especially connected by his marriage with the daughter of the
miseries. high priest of On. Separated from the Egyptians by their position as
shepherds, the children of Jacob retained their patriarchal
constitution. In 215 years, they became exceedingly numerous, but
were doomed, on the change of dynasty which placed Ramesis on the
throne, to oppressive labors. Joseph died at the age of 110—eighty years
after he had become governor of Egypt. In his latter years the change in the
Egyptian dynasty took place. The oppression of his people lasted eighty
years; and this was consummated by the cruel edict which doomed to death
the infants of Israel; made, probably, in fear and jealousy from the rapid
increase of the Israelites. The great crimes of our world, it would seem, are

Page 50

instigated by these passions, rather than hatred and malignity, like the
massacre of St. Bartholomew and the atrocities of the French Revolution.

But a deliverer was raised up by God in the person of Moses, the
greatest man in human annals, when we consider his marvelous
Moses. intellectual gifts, his great work of legislation, his heroic qualities,
his moral excellence, and his executive talents. His genius is more
powerfully stamped upon civilization than that of any other one
man—not merely on the Jews, but even Christian nations. He was born
B.C. 1571, sixty-four years after the death of Joseph. Hidden in his birth, to
escape the sanguinary decree of Pharaoh he was adopted by the daughter of
the king, and taught by the priests in all the learning of the Egyptians. He
was also a great warrior, and gained great victories over the Ethiopians. But
seeing the afflictions of his brethren, he preferred to share their lot than
enjoy all the advantages of his elevated rank in the palace of the king—an
act of self-renunciation unparalleled in history. Seeing an Egyptian [pg 047]
smite a Hebrew, he slew him in a burst of indignation, and was compelled
to fly. He fled to Jethro, an Arab chieftain, among the Midianites. He was
now forty years of age, in the prime of his life, and in the full maturity of
his powers. The next forty years were devoted to a life of contemplation,
the best preparation for his future duties. In the most secret places of the
wilderness of Sinai, at Horeb, he communed with God, who appeared in the
burning bush, and revealed the magnificent mission which he was destined
to fulfill. He was called to deliver his brethren from bondage; but forty
years of quiet contemplation, while tending the flocks of Jethro, whose
daughter he married, had made him timid and modest. God renewed the
covenant made to Abraham and Jacob, and Moses returned to Egypt to
fulfill his mission. He joined himself with Aaron, his brother, and the two
went and gathered together all the elders of the children of Israel, and after
securing their confidence by signs and wonders, revealed their mission.

They then went to Pharaoh, a new king, and entreated of him
permission to allow the people of Israel to go into the wilderness
The and hold a feast in obedience to the command of God. But Pharaoh
slavery ofsaid, who is the Lord that I should obey his voice. I know not the
the Lord—your God. The result was, the anger of the king and the
Israelites.

Page 51

increased burdens of the Israelites, which tended to make them indifferent
to the voice of Moses, from the excess of their anguish.

Then followed the ten plagues which afflicted the Egyptians, and
the obstinacy of the monarch, resolved to suffer any evil rather than
The tenpermit the Israelites to go free. But the last plague was greater than
plagues. the king could bear—the destruction of all the first-born in his land
The —and he hastily summoned Moses and Aaron in the night, under
deliveranc the impulse of a mighty fear, and bade them to depart with all their
e of thehosts and all their possessions. The Egyptians seconded the
Israelites. command, anxious to be relieved from further evils, and the
Israelites, after spoiling the Egyptians, departed [pg 048] in the
night—“a night to be much observed” for all generations, marching
by the line of the ancient canal from Rameses, not far from Heliopolis,
toward the southern frontier of Palestine. But Moses, instructed not to
conduct his people at once to a conflict with the warlike inhabitants of
Canaan, for which they were unprepared, having just issued from slavery,
brought them round by a sudden turn to the south and east, upon an arm or
gulf of the Red Sea. To the eyes of the Egyptians, who repented that they
had suffered them to depart, and who now pursued them with a great army,
they were caught in a trap. Their miraculous deliverance, one of the great
events of their history, and the ruin of the Egyptian hosts, and their three
months' march and countermarch in the wilderness need not be enlarged
upon.

The exodus took place 430 years from the call of Abraham, after a
sojourn in Egypt of 215 years, the greater part of which had been
The passed in abject slavery and misery. There were 600,000 men,
exodus. besides women and children and strangers.

It was during their various wanderings in the wilderness of
Sinai—forty years of discipline—that Moses gave to the
Hebrew Hebrews the rules they were to observe during all their
jurisprude generations, until a new dispensation should come. These
nce. form that great system of original jurisprudence that has
entered, more or less, into the codes of all nations, and by

Page 52

which the genius of the lawgiver is especially manifested; although it is not
to be forgotten he framed his laws by divine direction.

Let us examine briefly the nature and character of these laws. They have
been ably expounded by Bishop Warburton, Prof. Wines and others.

The great fundamental principle of the Jewish code was to establish
the doctrine of the unity of God. Idolatry had crept into the
The religious system of all the other nations of the world, and a
principles degrading polytheism was everywhere prevalent. The Israelites had
of thenot [pg 049] probably escaped the contagion of bad example, and
Jewish the suggestions of evil powers. The most necessary truth to impress
code. upon the nation was the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob.
Jehovah was made the supreme head of the Jewish state, whom the
Hebrews were required, first and last, to recognize, and whose laws
they were required to obey. And this right to give laws to the Hebrews was
deduced, not only because he was the supreme creator and preserver, but
because he had also signally and especially laid the foundation of the state
by signs and miracles. He had spoken to the patriarchs, he had brought them
into the land of Egypt, he had delivered them when oppressed. Hence, they
were to have no other gods than this God of Abraham—this supreme,
personal, benevolent God. The violation of this fundamental law was to be
attended with the severest penalties. Hence Moses institutes the worship of
the Supreme Deity. It was indeed ritualistic, and blended with sacrifices and
ceremonies; but the idea—the spiritual idea of God as the supreme object of
all obedience and faith, was impressed first of all upon the minds of the
Israelites, and engraven on the tables of stone—“Thou shalt have no other
gods before me.”

Having established the idea and the worship of God, Moses then instituted
the various rites of the service, and laid down the principles of civil
government, as the dictation of this Supreme Deity, under whose supreme
guidance they were to be ruled.

But before the details of the laws were given to guide the Israelites
in their civil polity, or to regulate the worship of Jehovah, Moses, it
The Tenwould seem, first spake the word of God, amid the thunders and
Command lightnings of Sinai, to the assembled people, and delivered the ten

Page 53

ments. fundamental commandments which were to bind them and all
succeeding generations. Whether these were those which were
afterward written on the two tables of stone, or not, we do not
know. We know only that these great obligations were declared soon after
the Israelites had encamped around Sinai, and to the whole people orally.

[pg 050]
And, with these, God directed Moses more particularly to declare also the
laws relating to man-servants, and to manslaughter, to injury to women, to
stealing, to damage, to the treatment of strangers, to usury, to slander, to the
observance of the Sabbath, to the reverence due to magistrates, and sundry
other things, which seem to be included in the ten commandments.

After this, if we rightly interpret the book of Exodus, Moses went
up into the mountain of Sinai, and there abode forty days and forty
Moses onnights, receiving the commandments of God. Then followed the
Mount directions respecting the ark, and the tabernacle, and the mercy-
Sinai. seat, and the cherubim. And then were ordained the priesthood of
Aaron and his vestments, and the garments for Aaron's sons, and
the ceremonies which pertained to the consecration of priests, and
the altar of incense, and the brazen laver.

After renewed injunctions to observe the Sabbath, Moses received
of the Lord the two tables of stone, “written with the finger of
The tablesGod.” But as he descended the mountain with these tables, after
of stone. forty days, and came near the camp, he perceived the golden calf
which Aaron had made of the Egyptian ear-rings and jewelry,—
made to please the murmuring people, so soon did they forget the
true God who brought them out of Egypt. And Moses in anger, cast down
the tables and brake them, and destroyed the calf, and caused the slaughter
of three thousand of the people by the hands of the children of Levi.

But God forgave the iniquity and renewed the tables, and made a
new covenant with Moses, enjoining upon him the utter destruction
The of the Canaanites, and the complete extirpation of idolatry. He
idolatry ofagain gathered together the people of Israel, and renewed the
the Jews. injunction to observe the Sabbath, and then prepared for the
building of the tabernacle, as the Lord directed, and also for the

Page 54

making of the sacred vessels and holy garments, and the various ritualistic
form of worship. He then established the sacrificial [pg 051] rites,
consecrated Aaron and his sons as priests, laid down the law for them in
their sacred functions, and made other divers laws for the nation, in their
social and political relations.

The substance of these civil laws was the political equality of the
people; the distribution of the public domains among the free
The citizens which were to remain inalienable and perpetual in the
Mosaic families to which they were given, thus making absolute poverty or
legislation. overgrown riches impossible; the establishment of a year of jubilee,
once every fifty years, when there should be a release of all
servitude, and all debts, and all the social inequalities which half a
century produced; a magistracy chosen by the people, and its responsibility
to the people; a speedy and impartial administration of justice; the absence
of a standing army and the prohibition of cavalry, thus indicating a peaceful
policy, and the preservation of political equality; the establishment of
agriculture as the basis of national prosperity; universal industry,
inviolability of private property, and the sacredness of family relations.
These were fundamental principles. Moses also renewed the Noahmic ideas
of the sacredness of human life. He further instituted rules for the education
of the people, that “sons may be as plants grown up in their youth, and
daughters as corner stones polished after the similitude of a palace.” Such
were the elemental ideas of the Hebrew commonwealth, which have
entered, more or less, into all Christian civilizations. I can not enter upon a
minute detail of these primary laws. Each of the tribes formed a separate
state, and had a local administration of justice, but all alike recognized the
theocracy as the supreme and organic law. To the tribe of Levi were
assigned the duties of the priesthood, and the general oversight of education
and the laws. The members of this favored tribe were thus priests, lawyers,
teachers, and popular orators—a literary aristocracy devoted to the
cultivation of the sciences. The chief magistrate of the united tribes was not
prescribed, but Moses remained the highest magistrate until his death, when
the command was given to [pg 052] Joshua. Both Moses and Joshua
convened the states general, presided over their deliberations, commanded
the army, and decided all appeals in civil questions. The office of chief
magistrate was elective, and was held for life, no salary was attached to it,

Page 55

no revenues were appropriated to it, no tribute was raised for it. The chief
ruler had no outward badges of authority; he did not wear a diadem; he was
not surrounded with a court. His power was great as commander of the
armies and president of the assemblies, but he did not make laws or impose
taxes. He was assisted by a body of seventy elders—a council or senate,
whose decisions, however, were submitted to the congregation, or general
body of citizens, for confirmation. These senators were elected; the office
was not hereditary; neither was a salary attached to it.

The great congregation—or assembly of the people, in which lay
the supreme power, so far as any human power could be supreme in
The a theocracy,—was probably a delegated body chosen by the people
Jewish in their tribes. They were representatives of the people, acting for
theocracy. the general good, without receiving instructions from their
constituents. It was impossible for the elders, or for Moses, to
address two million of people. They spoke to a select assembly. It
was this assembly which made or ratified the laws, and which the
executioner carried out into execution.

The oracle of Jehovah formed an essential part of the constitution,
since it was God who ruled the nation. The oracle, in the form of a
The pillar of cloud, directed the wanderings of the people in the
Oracle. wilderness. This appeared amid the thunders of Sinai. This oracle
decided all final questions and difficult points of justice. It could
not be interrogated by private persons, only by the High Priest
himself, clad in his pontifical vestments, and with the sacred insignia of his
office, by “urim and thummim.” Within the most sacred recesses of the
tabernacle, in the Holy of Holies, the Deity made known his will to the
most sacred personage of the nation, in order that no rash resolution of the
people, or senate, or judge might be executed. And this response, [pg 053]
given in an audible voice, was final and supreme, and not like the Grecian
oracles, venal and mendacious. This oracle of the Hebrew God “was a wise
provision to preserve a continual sense of the principal design of their
constitution—to keep the Hebrews from idolatry, and to the worship of the
only true God as their immediate protector; and that their security and
prosperity rested upon adhering to his counsels and commands.”

Page 56

The designation and institution of high priest belonged not to the
council of priests—although he was of the tribe of Levi, but to the
The Senate, and received the confirmation of the people through their
Priesthood deputies. “But the priests belonged to the tribe of Levi, which was
. set apart to God—the king of the commonwealth.” “They were
thus, not merely a sacerdotal body, appointed to the service of the
altar, but also a temporal magistracy having important civil and
political functions, especially to teach the people the laws.” The high priest,
as head of the hierarchy, and supreme interpreter of the laws, had his seat in
the capital of the nation, while the priests of his tribe were scattered among
the other tribes, and were hereditary. The Hebrew priests simply interpreted
the laws; the priests of Egypt made them. Their power was chiefly judicial.
They had no means of usurpation, neither from property, nor military
command. They were simply the expositors of laws which they did not
make, which they could not change, and which they themselves were bound
to obey. The income of a Levite was about five times as great as an ordinary
man, and this, of course, was derived from the tithes. But a greater part of
the soil paid no tithes. The taxes to the leading class, as the Levites were,
can not be called ruinous when compared with what the Egyptian
priesthood received, especially when we remember that all the expenses
connected with sacrifice and worship were taken from the tithes. The
treasures which flowed into the sacerdotal treasury belonged to the Lord,
and of these the priests were trustees rather than possessors.

[pg 054]

Such, in general terms, briefly presented, was the Hebrew
constitution framed by Moses, by the direction of God. It was
The eminently republican in spirit, and the power of the people through
Hebrew their representatives, was great and controlling. The rights of
Constitutio property were most sacredly guarded, and crime was severely and
n. rigidly punished. Every citizen was eligible to the highest offices.
That the people were the source of all power is proven by their
voluntary change of government, against the advice of Samuel,
against the oracle, and against the council of elders. We look in vain to the
ancient constitutions of Greece and Rome for the wisdom we see in the
Mosaic code. Under no ancient government were men so free or the laws so

Page 57

just. It is not easy to say how much the Puritans derived from the Hebrew
constitution in erecting their new empire, but in many aspects there is a
striking resemblance between the republican organization of New England
and the Jewish commonwealth.

The Mosaic code was framed in the first year after the exodus, while the
Israelites were encamped near Sinai. When the Tabernacle was erected, the
camp was broken up, and the wandering in the desert recommenced. This
was continued for forty years—not as a punishment, but as a discipline, to
enable the Jews to become indoctrinated into the principles of their
constitution, and to gain strength and organization, so as more successfully
to contend with the people they were commanded to expel from Canaan. In
this wilderness they had few enemies, and some friends, and these were
wandering Arab tribes.

We can not point out all the details of the wanderings under the
leadership of Moses, guided by the pillar of fire and the cloud.
The After forty years, they reached the broad valley which runs from
wandering the eastern gulf of the Red Sea, along the foot of Mount Seir, to the
s of thevalley of the Dead Sea. Diverted from a direct entrance into Canaan
Israelites. by hostile Edomites, they marched to the hilly country to the east of
Jordan, inhabited by the Amorites. [pg 055] In a conflict with this
nation, they gained possession of their whole territory, from Mount
Hermon to the river Anton, which runs into the Dead Sea. The hills south of
this river were inhabited by pastoral Moabites—descendants of Lot, and
beyond them to the Great Desert were the Ammonites, also descendants of
Lot. That nation formed an alliance with the Midianites, hoping to expel the
invaders then encamped on the plains of Moab. Here Moses delivered his
farewell instructions, appointed his successor, and passed away on Mount
Pisgah, from which he could see the promised land, but which he was not
permitted to conquer. That task was reserved for Joshua, but the complete
conquest of the Canaanites did not take place till the reign of David.

[pg 056]

Page 58

Page 59

CHAPTER VI.

Page 60

THE CONQUEST OF CANAAN TO THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF
DAVID.

The only survivors of the generation that had escaped from Egypt were
Caleb and Joshua. All the rest had offended God by murmurings, rebellion,
idolatries, and sundry offenses, by which they were not deemed worthy to
enter the promised land. Even Moses and Aaron had sinned against the
Lord.

So after forty years' wanderings, and the children of Israel were
encamped on the plains of Moab, Moses finally addressed them,
Non- forbidding all intercourse with Jews with other nations, enjoining
intercourse obedience to God, requiring the utter extirpation of idolatry, and
of therehearsing in general, the laws which he had previously given
Jews withthem, and which form the substance of the Jewish code, all of
other which he also committed to writing, and then ascended to the top of
nations. Pisgah, over against Jericho, from which he surveyed, all the land
Death ofof Judah and Napthali, and Manasseh and Gilead unto Dan—the
Moses. greater part of the land promised unto Abraham. He then died, at
the age of 120, B.C. 1451 and no man knew the place of his burial.

The Lord then encouraged Joshua his successor, and the conquest
of the country began—by the passage over the Jordan and the fall
Joshua. of Jericho. The manna, with which the Israelites for forty years had
been miraculously fed, now was no longer to be had, and supplies
of food were obtained from the enemy's country. None of the
inhabitants of Jericho were spared except Rahab the harlot, and her father's
household, in reward for [pg 057] her secretion of the spy which Joshua had
sent into the city. At the city of Ai, the three thousand men sent to take it
were repulsed, in punishment for the sin of Achan, who had taken at the
spoil of Jericho, a Babylonian garment and three hundred sheckels of silver

Page 61

and a wedge of gold. After he had expiated this crime, the city of Ai was
taken, and all its inhabitants were put to death. The spoil of the city was
reserved for the nation.

The fall of these two cities alarmed the Hamite nations of Palestine
west of the Jordan, and five kings of the Amorites entered into a
His confederation to resist the invaders. The Gibeonites made a
victories. separate peace with the Israelites. Their lives were consequently
spared, but they were made slaves forever. Thus was fulfilled the
prophecy that Canaan should serve Shem.

Meantime the confederate kings—more incensed with the Gibeonites than
with the Israelites, since they were traitors to the general cause, marched
against Gibeon, one of the strongest cities of the land. It invoked the aid of
Joshua, who came up from Gilgal, and a great battle was fought, and
resulted in the total discomfiture of the five Canaanite kings. The cities of
Makkedah, Libnah, Gizu, Eglon, Hebron, successively fell into the hands of
Joshua, as the result of their victory.

The following year a confederation of the Northern kings, a vast
host with horses and chariots, was arrayed against the Israelites; but
Combinati the forces of the Canaanites were defeated at the “Waters of
on of theMerom,” a small lake, formerly the Upper Jordan. This victory was
Canaanites followed by the fall of Hazor, and the conquest of the whole land
against from Mount Halak to the Valley of Lebanon. Thirty-one kings were
Joshua. smitten “in the mountains, in the plains, in the wilderness, in the
south country: the Hittites, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the
Perizites, the Hivites, and the Jebusites.” There only remained the
Philistines, whose power was formidable. The conquered country was
divided among the different tribes, half of which were settled on the [pg
058] west of Jordan. The tabernacle was now removed to Shiloh, in the
central hill country between Jordan and the Mediterranean, which had been
assigned, to the tribe of Ephraim. Jacob had prophetically declared the
ultimate settlements of the twelve tribes in the various sections of the
conquered country. The pre-eminence was given to Judah, whose territory
was the most considerable, including Jerusalem, the future capital, then in
the hands of the Jebusites. The hilly country first fell into the hands of the

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invaders, while the low lands were held tenaciously by the old inhabitants
where their cavalry and war chariots were of most avail.

The Israelites then entered, by conquest, into a fruitful land, well
irrigated, whose material civilization was already established, with
Conquest orchards and vineyards, and a cultivated face of nature, with strong
of Canaan. cities and fortifications.

Joshua, the great captain of the nation, died about the year
1426 B.C., and Shechem, the old abode of Abraham and
Death ofJacob, remained the chief city until the fall of Jerusalem.
Joshua. Here the bones of Joseph were deposited, with those of his
ancestors.

The nation was ruled by Judges from the death of Joshua for about
330 years—a period of turbulence and of conquest. The theocracy
The was in full force, administered by the high priests and the council
Judges. of elders. The people, however, were not perfectly cured of the sin
of idolatry, and paid religious veneration to the gods of Phœnicia
and Moab. The tribes enjoyed a virtual independence, and central
authority was weak. In consequence, there were frequent dissensions and
jealousies and encroachments.

The most powerful external enemies of this period were the kings
of Mesopotamia, of Moab, and of Hazor, the Midianites, the
Their Amalekites, the Ammonites, and the Philistines. The great heroes
wars. of the Israelites in their contests with these people were Othnie,
Ehud, Barak, Gideon, Jepthna, and Samson. After the victories of
Gideon over the Midianites, and of Jepthna over the [pg 059]
Ammonites, the northern and eastern tribes enjoyed comparative repose,
and when tranquillity was restored Eli seems to have exercised the office of
high priest with extraordinary dignity, but his sons were a disgrace and
scandal, whose profligacy led the way to the temporary subjection of the
Israelites for forty years to the Philistines, who obtained possession of the
sacred ark.

A deliverer of the country was raised up in the person of Samuel, the
prophet, who obtained an ascendancy over the nation by his purity and

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moral wisdom. He founded the “School of the Prophets” in Kamah,
and to him the people came for advice. He seems to have exercised
Samuel. the office of judge. Under his guidance the Israelites recovered
their sacred ark, which the Philistines, grievously tormented by
God, sent back in an impulse of superstitious fear. Moreover, these
people were so completely overthrown by the Israelites that they troubled
them no longer for many years.

Samuel, when old, made his sons judges, but their rule was venal
and corrupt. In disgust, the people of Israel then desired a king.
The Samuel warned them of the consequences of such a step, and
Israelites foretold the oppression to which they would be necessarily subject;
demand abut they were bent on having a king, like other nations—a man
King. who should lead them on to conquest and dominion. Samuel then,
by divine command, granted their request, and selected Saul, of the
tribe of Benjamin, as a fit captain to lead the people against the
Philistines—the most powerful foe which had afflicted Israel.

After he had anointed the future king he assembled the whole
nation together, through their deputies, at Mizpeh, who confirmed
Anointme the divine appointment. Saul, who appeared reluctant to accept the
nt of Saul. high dignity, was fair and tall, and noble in appearance, patriotic,
warlike, generous, affectionate—the type of an ancient hero, but
vacillating, jealous, moody, and passionate. He was a man to make
conquests, but not to elevate the dignity of the [pg 060] nation. Samuel
retired into private life, and Saul reigned over the whole people.

His first care was to select a chosen band of experienced warriors,
and there was need, for the Philistines gathered together a great
His warsarmy, with 30,000 chariots and 6,000 horsemen, and encamped at
with theMichmash. The Israelites, in view of this overwhelming force, hid
Philistine. themselves from fear, in caves and amid the rocks of the mountain
fastnesses. In their trouble it was found necessary to offer burnt
sacrifices; but Saul, impulsive and assuming, would not wait to
have the rites performed according to the divine direction, but offered the
sacrifices himself. By this act he disobeyed the fundamental laws which
Moses had given, violated, as it were, the constitution; and, as a penalty for

Page 64

this foolish and rash act, Samuel pronounced his future deposition; but God
confounded, nevertheless, the armies of the Philistines, and they were
routed and scattered. Saul then turned against the Amalekites, and took their
king, whom he spared in an impulse of generosity, even though he utterly
destroyed his people. Samuel reproved him for this leniency against the
divine command, Saul attempted to justify himself by the sacrifice of all the
enemies' goods and oxen, to which Samuel said, “Hath the Lord as great
delight in burnt sacrifices and offerings as in obeying the voice of the Lord?
Behold! to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams;
for rebellion is as the sin of witchcraft, and stubbornness as iniquity and
idolatry.” Most memorable words! thus setting virtue and obedience over all
rites and ceremonies—a final answer to all ritualism and phariseeism.

The remainder of the life of Saul was embittered by the
consciousness that the kingdom would depart from his house; and
The by his jealousy of David, and his unmanly persecution of him; in
unhappine whom he saw his successor. He was slain, with three of his sons, at
ss of Saul. the battle of Gilboa, when the Philistines gained a great victory—
B.C. 1056.

[pg 061]

David, meanwhile had been secretly anointed by Samuel as king
over Israel. Nothing could exceed his grief when he heard of the
David. death of Saul, and of Jonathan, whom he loved, and who returned
his love with a love passing that of women, and who had protected
him against the wrath and enmity of his father.

David, of the tribe of Judah, after his encounter with Goliath, was
the favorite of the people, and was rewarded by a marriage with the
The daughter of Saul—Michal, who admired his gallantry and heroism.
enmity ofSaul too had dissembled his jealousy, and heaped honors on the
Saul. man he was determined to destroy. By the aid of his wife, and of
Jonathan, and especially protected by God, the young warrior
escaped all the snares laid for his destruction, and even spared the
life of Saul when he was in his power in the cave of Engedi. He continued
loyal to his king, patiently waiting for his future exaltation.

Page 65

On the death of Saul, he was anointed king over Judah, at Hebron;
but the other tribes still adhered to the house of Saul. A civil war
The ensued, during which Abner, the captain-general of the late king,
elevation was treacherously murdered, and also Ishboseth, the feeble
of David. successor of Saul. The war lasted seven and a half years, when all
the tribes gave their allegiance to David, who then fixed his seat at
Jerusalem, which he had wrested from the Jebusites, and his
illustrious reign began, when he was thirty years of age, B.C. 1048, after
several years of adversity and trial.

[pg 062]

Page 66

CHAPTER VII.

Page 67

THE JEWISH MONARCHY.

We can not enter upon a detail of the conquests of David, the
greatest warrior that his nation has produced. In successive
The reigncampaigns, extending over thirty years, he reduced the various
of David. Canaanite nations that remained unconquered—the Amalekites, the
Moabites, the Philistines, the Edomites, and the Syrians of Tobah.
Hiram, king of Tyre, was his ally. His kingdom extended from the
borders of Egypt to the Euphrates, and from the valley of Cœlo-Syria to the
eastern gulf of the Red Sea. But his reign, if glorious and successful, was
marked by troubles. He was continually at war; his kingdom was afflicted
with a plague as the punishment for his vanity in numbering the people; his
son Amnon disgraced him; Absalom, his favorite son, revolted and was
slain; he himself was expelled for a time from his capital.

But David is memorable for his character, and his poetry, his
romantic vicissitudes of life, and as the founder of a dynasty rather
Character than for his conquests over the neighboring nations. His
of David. magnificent virtues blended with faults; his piety in spite of his
sins, his allegiance to God, and his faith in his promises invest his
character with singular interest. In his Psalms he lives through all
the generations of men. He reigned thirty-three years at Jerusalem, and
seven at Hebron, and transmitted his throne to Solomon—his youngest
child, a youth ten years of age, precocious in wisdom and culture.

The reign of Solomon is most distinguished for the magnificent
Temple he erected in Jerusalem, after the designs furnished by his
The reignfather, aided by the [pg 063] friendship of the Phœnicians. This
of edifice, “beautiful for situation—the joy of the whole earth,” was
Solomon. the wonder of those times, and though small compared with
His subsequent Grecian temples, was probably more profusely
architectur ornamented with gold, silver, and precious woods, than any
al works. building of ancient times. We have no means of knowing its

Page 68

architectural appearance, in the absence of all plans and all ruins, and much
ingenuity has been expended in conjectures, which are far from satisfactory.
It most probably resembled an Egyptian temple, modified by Phœnician
artists. It had an outer court for worshipers and their sacrifices, and an inner
court for the ark and the throne of Jehovah, into which the high priest alone
entered, and only once a year. It was erected upon a solid platform of stone,
having a resemblance to the temples of Paestum. The portico, as rebuilt, in
the time of Herod, was 180 feet high, and the temple itself was entered by
nine gates thickly coated with silver and gold. The inner sanctuary was
covered on all sides by plates of gold, and was dazzling to the eye. It was
connected with various courts and porticoes which gave to it an imposing
appearance. Its consecration by Solomon, amid the cloud of glories in
which Jehovah took possession of it, and the immense body of musicians
and singers, was probably the grandest religious service ever performed.
That 30,000 men were employed by Solomon, in hewing timber on Mount
Lebanon, and 70,000 more in hewing stones, would indicate a very
extensive and costly edifice. The stones which composed the foundation
were of extraordinary size, and rivaled the greatest works of the Egyptians.
The whole temple was overlaid with gold—a proof of its extraordinary
splendor, and it took seven years to build it.

The palace of Solomon must also have been of great magnificence,
on which the resources of his kingdom were employed for thirteen
The years. He moreover built a palace for his wife, the daughter of
palace. Pharaoh, composed of costly stones, the foundation-stones of
which were fifteen feet [pg 064] in length, surrounded with
beautiful columns. But these palaces did not include all his works,
for the courts of the temple were ornamented with brazen pillars, with
elaborate capitals, brazen seas standing upon bronze oxen, brazen bases
ornamented with figures of various animals, brazen layers, one of which
contained forty baths, altars of gold, tables, candelabras, basins, censers and
other sacred vessels of pure gold,—all of which together were of enormous
expense and great beauty.

During the execution of these splendid works, which occupied
thirteen years or more, Solomon gave extraordinary indications of
The wisdom, as well as signs of great temporal prosperity. His kingdom
Wisdom of

Page 69

Solomon. was the most powerful of Western Asia, and he enjoyed peace with
other nations. His fame spread through the East, and the Queen of
Sheba, among others, came to visit him, and witness his wealth and
prosperity. She was amazed and astonished at the splendor of his life, the
magnificence of his court, and the brilliancy of his conversation, and she
burst out in the most unbounded panegyrics. “The half was not told me.”
She departed leaving a present of one hundred and twenty talents of gold,
besides spices and precious stones; and he gave, in return, all she asked. We
may judge of the wealth of Solomon from the fact that in one year six
hundred and sixty-six talents of gold flowed into his treasury, besides the
spices, and the precious stones, and ivory, and rare curiosities which were
brought to him from Arabia and India. The voyages of his ships occupied
three years, and it is supposed that they doubled the Cape of Good Hope.
All his banqueting cups and dishes were of pure gold, and “he exceeded all
the kings of the earth for riches and wisdom,” who made their contributions
with royal munificence. In his army were 1,400 chariots and 12,000 horses,
which it would seem were purchased in Egypt.

Intoxicated by this splendor, and enervated by luxury, Solomon
forgot his higher duties, and yielded to the fascination of oriental
His courts. In his harem [pg 065] were 700 wives, princesses, and 300
apostasy. concubines, who turned his heart to idolatry. In punishment for his
apostasy, God declared that his kingdom should be divided, and
that his son should reign only over the single tribe of Judah, which
was spared him for the sake of his father David. In his latter days he was
disturbed in his delusions by various adversaries who rose up against him—
by Hadad, a prince of Edom, and Rezon, king of Damascus, and Jeroboam,
one of his principal officers, who afterward became king of the ten revolted
tribes. Solomon continued, however, to reign over the united tribes for forty
years, when he was gathered to his fathers.

The apostasy of Solomon is the most mournful fall recorded in
history, thereby showing that no intellectual power can rescue a
His latterman from the indulgence of his passions and the sins of pride and
days. vainglory. How immeasurably superior to him in self-control was
Marcus Aurelius, who had the whole world at his feet! It was
women who had estranged him from allegiance to God—the

Page 70

princesses of idolatrous nations. Although no mention is made of his
repentance, the heart of the world will not accept his final impenitence; and
we infer from the book of Ecclesiastes, written when all his delusions were
dispelled—that sad and bitter and cynical composition,—that he was at
least finally persuaded that the fear of the Lord constitutes the beginning
and the end of all wisdom in this probationary state. And we can not but
feel that he who urged this wisdom upon the young with so much reason
and eloquence at last was made to feel its power upon his own soul.

The government of Solomon, nevertheless had proved arbitrary,
and his public works oppressive. The monarch whom he most
The resembled, in his taste for magnificence, in the splendor of his
rebellion reign, and in the vexations and humiliations of his latter days, was
of Louis XIV. of France, who sowed the seeds of future revolutions.
Jeroboam. So Solomon prepared the way for rebellion, by his grievous
exactions. Under his son Rehoboam, a vain and frivolous, and
obstinate young man, who ascended the throne B.C. 975, [pg 066]
the revolt took place. He would not listen to his father's councillors, and
increased rather than mitigated the burdens of the people. And this revolt
was successful: ten tribes joined the standard of Jeroboam, with 800,000
fighting men. Judah remained faithful to Rehoboam, and the tribe of
Benjamin subsequently joined it, and from its geographical situation, it
remained nearly as powerful as the other tribes, having 500,000 fighting
men. But the area of territory was only quarter as large.

The Jewish nation is now divided. The descendants of David reign
at Jerusalem; the usurper and rebel Jeroboam reigns over the ten
Division tribes, at Shechem.
of the
Nation. For the sake of clearness of representation we will first present the
fortunes of the legitimate kings who reigned over the tribe of
Judah.

Rehoboam reigned forty-one years at Jerusalem, but did evil in the
sight of the Lord. In the fifth year of his reign his capital was rifled
The reignby the king of Egypt, who took away the treasures which Solomon
of had accumulated. He was also at war with Jeroboam all his days.
Rheoboam He was succeeded by his son Abijam, whose reign was evil and

Page 71

. Hisunfortunate, during which the country was afflicted with wars
successors.which lasted for ninety years between Judah and Israel. But his
reign was short, lasting only three years, and he was succeeded by
Asa, his son, an upright and warlike prince, who removed the idols
which his father had set up. He also formed a league with Ben-Hadad, king
of Syria, and, with a large bribe, induced him to break with Baasha, king of
Israel. His reign lasted forty years, and he was succeeded by his son
Jehoshaphat, B.C. 954. Under this prince the long wars between Judah and
Israel terminated, probably on account of the marriage of Jehoram, son of
Jehoshaphat, with the daughter of Ahab, king of Israel—an unfortunate
alliance on moral, if not political grounds. Jehoshaphat reigned thirty-five
years, prosperously and virtuously, and his ships visited Ophir for gold as in
the time of [pg 067] Solomon, being in alliance with the Phœnicians. His
son Jehoram succeeded him, and reigned eight years, but was disgraced by
the idolatries which Ahab encouraged. It was about this time that Elijah and
Elisha were prophets of the Lord, whose field of duties lay chiefly among
the idolatrous people of the ten tribes. During the reign of Jehoram, Edom
revolted from Judah, and succeeded in maintaining its independence,
according to the predictions made to Esau, that his posterity, after serving
Israel, should finally break their yoke.

His son Ahaziah succeeded him at Jerusalem B.C. 885, but formed
an alliance with Jehoram, king of Israel, and after a brief and
The wicked reign of one year, he was slain by Jehu, the great instrument
Princes ofof divine vengeance on the idolaters. Of his numerous sons, the
Judah atinfant Joash alone was spared by Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab
Jerusalem. and Jezebel, who usurped authority in the name of the infant king,
until she was overthrown by the high priest Jehoiada. The
usurpations of this queen have furnished a subject for one of the
finest tragedies of Racine. Jehoiada restored the temple worship, and
instituted many other reforms, having supreme power, like Dunstan over the
Saxon kings, when they were ruled by priests. His death left Judah under
the dominion of the patriarchal rulers (the princes of Judah), who opposed
all reforms, and even slew the son of Jehoida, Zechariah the prophet,
between the altar and the temple. It would seem that Joash ruled wisely and
benignantly during the life of Jehoiada, by whom he was influenced—a
venerable old man of 130 years of age when he died. After his death Joash

Page 72

gave occasion for reproach, by permitting or commanding the assassination
of Zechariah, who had reproved the people for their sins, and his country
was invaded by the Syrians under Hazaal, and they sent the spoil of
Jerusalem to Damascus. Joash reigned in all forty years, and was
assassinated by his servants.

His son Amaziah succeeded him B.C. 839, and reigned twenty-nine
years. He was on the whole a good and able [pg 068] prince, and
The reigngained great victories over the Edomites whom he attempted to
of reconquer. He punished also the murderers of his father, and spared
Amiaziah. their sons, according to the merciful provision of the laws of
Moses. But he worshiped the gods of the Edomites, and was filled
with vainglory from his successes over them. It was then he rashly
challenged the king of Israel, who replied haughtily: “The thistle that was in
Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Lebanon, saying, give thy daughter to
my son to wife, and there passed by a wild beast that was in Lebanon, and
trode down the thistle.” “So thou hast smitten the Edomites, and thine heart
lifteth thee up to boast. Abide now at home; why shouldst thou meddle to
thine hurt, that thou shouldst fall, even thou and Judah with thee.” But
Amaziah would not heed, and the two kings encountered each other in
battle, and Judah suffered a disastrous defeat, and Joash, the king of Israel,
came to Jerusalem and took all the gold and silver and all the sacred vessels
of the temple and the treasures of the royal palace, and returned to Samaria.
After this humiliation Amaziah reigned, probably wisely, more than fifteen
years, until falling into evil courses, he was slain in a conspiracy, B.C. 810,
and his son Uzziah or Azariah, a boy of sixteen, was made king by the
people of Judah.

This monarch enjoyed a long and prosperous reign of fifty-two
years. He reorganized the army and refortified his capital. He
Uzziah. conquered the Philistines, and also the Arabs, on his borders:
His received tribute from the Ammonites, and spread his name unto
prosperity. Egypt. During his reign the kingdom of Judah and Benjamin had
great prosperity and power. The army numbered 307,500 men well
equipped and armed, with military engines to shoot arrows and
stones from the towers and walls. He also built castles in the desert, and
digged wells for his troops stationed there. He developed the resources of

Page 73

his country, and devoted himself especially to the arts of agriculture and the
cultivation of the vine, and the raising of cattle. But he could not stand
prosperity, and in his presumption, attempted even to force [pg 069] himself
in the sacred part of the temple to offer sacrifices, which was permitted to
the priests alone; for which violation of the sacred laws of the realm, he was
smitten with leprosy—the most loathsome of all the diseases which afflict
the East. As a leper, he remained isolated the rest of his life, not even being
permitted by the laws to enter the precincts of the temple to worship, or
administer his kingdom. It was during his reign that the Assyrians laid
Samaria under contribution.

He was succeeded by Jotham, his son, B.C. 758, who carried on his
father's reforms and wars, and was therefore prospered. It is worthy
Jotham. of notice that the kings of Judah, who were good, and abstained
from idolatry, enjoyed great temporal prosperity. Jotham reigned
sixteen years, receiving tribute from the Ammonites, and was
succeeded by Ahaz, who walked in the ways of the kings of Israel, and
restored idolatrous and superstitious rites. Besieged in Jerusalem by the
forces of Rezin, king of Syria, and Pekah, king of Israel, and afflicted by the
Edomites and Philistines, he invoked the aid of Tiglath-pileser, king of
Assyria, offering him the treasure of the temple and his royal palace. The
Assyrian monarch responded, and took Damascus, and slew its king. Ahaz,
in his distress, yet sinned still more against the Lord by sacrificing to the
gods of Damascus whither he went to meet the Assyrian king. He died in
the year B.C. 726, after a reign of sixteen years, and Hezekiah, his son,
reigned in his stead.

This prince was one of the best and greatest of the kings of Judah.
He carried his zeal against idolatry so far as to break in pieces the
Hezekiah. brazen serpent of Moses, which had become an object of
superstitious homage. He proclaimed a solemn passover, which was
held in Jerusalem with extraordinary ceremony, and at which 2,000
bullocks and 17,000 sheep were slaughtered. No such day of national
jubilee had been seen since the reign of Solomon. He cut down the groves
in which idolatrous priests performed their mysterious rites, and overthrew
their altars [pg 070] throughout the land. The temple was purified, and the
courses of the priests were restored. Under his encouragement the people

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brought in joyfully their tithes to the priests and levites, and offerings for
the temple.

In all his reforms he was ably supported by Isaiah, the most
remarkable of all the prophets who flourished during the latter days
His wars. of the Hebrew monarchy. Under his direction he made war
successfully against the Philistines, and sought to recover the
independence of Judah. In the fourteenth year of his reign,
Sennacherib invaded Palestine. Hezekiah purchased his favor by a present
of three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold, which stripped
his palace and the temple of all their treasure. But whether he neglected to
pay further tribute or not, he offended the king of Assyria, who marched
upon Jerusalem, but was arrested in his purpose by the miraculous
destruction of his army, which caused him to retreat with shame into his
own country. After this his reign was peaceful and splendid, and he
accumulated treasures greater than had been seen in Jerusalem since the
time of Solomon. He also built cities, and diverted the course of the river
Gihar to the western side of his capital, and made pools and conduits. It was
in these years of prosperity that he received the embassadors of the king of
Babylon, and showed unto them his riches, which led to his rebuke by
Isaiah, and the prophecy of the future captivity of his people.

He was succeeded by his son, Manasseh, B.C. 698, who reigned
fifty-five years; but he did not follow out the policy of his father, or
Manasseh. imitate his virtues. He restored idolatry, and “worshiped all the
hosts of heaven,” and built altars to them, as Ahab had done in
Samaria. He was also cruel and tyrannical, and shed much innocent
blood; wherefore, for these and other infamous sins, the Lord, through the
mouth of the prophets, declared that “he would wipe Jerusalem as a man
wipeth a dish,” and would deliver the people into the hands of their
enemies.

[pg 071]

His son, Amon, followed in the steps of his father, but after a brief
reign of two years, was killed by his servants, B.C. 639, and was
Amon. buried in the sepulchre of his family, in the garden of Uzza.

Page 75

Then followed the noble reign of Josiah—the last independent king
of Judah—whose piety and zeal in destroying idolatry, and great
Josiah. Hisreforms, have made him the most memorable of all the successors
noble of David. He repaired the temple, and utterly destroyed every
reign. vestige of idolatry, assisted by the high priest Hilkiah, who seems
to have been his prime minister. He kept the great feast of the
passover with more grandeur than had ever been known, either in
the days of the judges, or of the kings, his ancestors; nor did any king ever
equal him in his fidelity to the laws of Moses. But notwithstanding all his
piety and zeal, God was not to be turned from chastising Judah for the sins
of Manasseh, and the repeated idolatries of his people; and all that Josiah
could secure was a promise from the Lord that the calamities of his country
should not happen in his day.

In the thirty-first year of his reign, Necho, the king of Egypt, made
war against the king of Babylon, who had now established his
His death. empire on the banks of the Euphrates, over the ruins of the old
Assyrian monarchy. Josiah rashly embarked in the contest, either
with a view of giving his aid to the king of Babylon, or to prevent
the march of Necho, which lay through the great plain of Esdrælon. Josiah,
heedless of all warnings, ventured in person against the Egyptian army,
though in disguise, and was slain by an arrow. His dead body was brought
to Jerusalem, and was buried in one of the sepulchres of his fathers; and all
Judah and Israel mourned for the loss of one of the greatest, and certainly
the best of their kings.

The prophet Jeremiah pronounced his eulogy, and led the lamentations of
the people for this great calamity, B.C. 608.

[pg 072]

The people proclaimed one of his sons, Shallum, to be king, under
the name of Jehoahaz, but the Egyptian conqueror deposed him and
His set up his brother Jehoiakim as a tributary vassal. He reigned
successor. ingloriously for eleven years—an idolator and a tyrant.

In his days Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, came up against
him, having driven the Egyptians out of Palestine. Jehoiakim made his

Page 76

submission to the conqueror of Egypt, who now reigned over the
whole Assyrian empire, but did not escape captivity in Babylon,
Nebuchad with many other of the first men of the nation, including Daniel,
nezzar and the spoil of Jerusalem. He was restored to the throne, on
wars promise of paying a large tribute. He served the king of Babylon
against three years and then rebelled, hoping to secure the assistance of
Judah. TheEgypt. But he leaned on a broken reed. A Chaldean army laid siege
fall ofto Jerusalem, and Jehoiakim was killed in a sally, B.C. 597. His son
Jerusalem. Jehoiachin had reigned only three months when Nebuchadnezzar, a
Captivity great general, came to carry on the siege in person. The city fell,
of thethe king was carried into captivity, with 10,000 of his subjects,
Jews. among whom were Ezekiel and Mordecai, and only the poorer
Jeremiah. class remained behind. Over these people Nebuchadnezzar set up
Zedekiah, the youngest son of Josiah, as tributary king. Yet even in
this state of degradation and humiliation the Jews, wrought upon by
false prophets, expected deliverance, against the solemn warnings of
Jeremiah, who remained at Jerusalem. Zedekiah, encouraged by the partial
successes of the Egyptians, rebelled, upon which the king of Babylon
resolved upon the complete conquest and utter ruin of the country.
Jerusalem fell into his hands, by assault, and was leveled with the ground,
and the temple was destroyed. Zedekiah, in attempting to escape, was taken,
had his eyes put out, and was carried captive to Babylon, together with the
whole nation, and the country was reduced to utter desolation. It was not,
however, repeopled by heathen settlers, as was Samaria. The [pg 073] small
remnant that remained, under the guidance of Jeremiah, recovered some
civil rights, and supported themselves by the cultivation of the land, and in
their bitter misery learned those lessons which prepared them for a renewed
prosperity after the seventy years captivity. Never afterward was idolatry
practiced by the Jews. But no nation was ever more signally humiliated and
prostrated. Can we hence wonder at the mournful strains of Jeremiah, or the
bitter tears which the captive Jews, now slaves, shed by the rivers of
Babylon when they remembered the old prosperity of Zion.

The Jewish monarchy ended by the capture of Zedekiah. The
kingdom of the ten tribes had already fallen to the same foes, and
The even more disastrously, because the kings of Israel were uniformly
character wicked, without a single exception, and were hopelessly sunk into

Page 77

of theidolatry; whereas the kings of Judah were good as well as evil, and
kings ofsome of them were illustrious for virtues and talents. The
Judah. descendants of David reigned in Jerusalem in an unbroken dynasty
for more than 500 years, while the monarchs of Samaria were a
succession of usurpers. The degenerate kings were frequently
succeeded by the captains of their guards, who in turn gave way for other
usurpers, all of whom were bad. The dynasty of David was uninterrupted to
the captivity of the nation. And the kingdom of Judah was also more
powerful and prosperous than that of the ten tribes, in spite of their superior
numbers.

But it is time to consider these ten tribes which revolted under
Jeroboam. Their history is uninteresting, and, were it not for the
The tenbeautiful episodes which relate to the prophets who were sent to
tribes. reclaim the people from idolatry, would be without significance
other than that which is drawn from the lives of wicked and
idolatrous kings.

Jeroboam commenced his reign B.C. 975, by setting up for worship
two golden calves in Bethel and Dan, and thus inaugurated
Jeroboam. idolatry: for which his dynasty was short. His [pg 074] son Nadah
His was murdered in a military revolution, B.C. 953, and the usurper of
wicked his throne, Baasha, destroyed his whole house. He, too, was a
reign. wicked prince, and his son Elah was slain by Zimri, captain of his
guard, who now reigned over Israel, after exterminating the whole
family of Elah, but was in his turn assassinated after a reign of
seven years, B.C. 929. Omri, the captain of the guard, was now raised by
the voice of the people to the throne; but he had a rival in Tibni, whom he
succeeded in conquering. Omri reigned twelve years, and bought the hill of
Samaria, on which he built the capital of his kingdom. But he exceeded all
his predecessors in iniquity, and was succeeded by his son Ahab, who
reigned twenty-two years. He was the most infamous of all the kings of
Israel, both for cruelty and idolatry, and his queen, Jezebel, was also unique
in crime—the Messalina and Fredigonde of her age. It was through her
influence that the worship of Baal became the established religion, thus
showing that the general influence of woman on man is evil whenever she

Page 78

is not Christian. And this is perhaps the reason that the ancients represented
women as worse than men.

It was during the reign of this wicked king that God raised up the
greatest of the ancient prophets—Elijah, and sent him to Ahab with
Elijah. the stern intelligence that there should be no rain until the prophet
Ahab. himself should invoke it. After three years of grievous famine,
during which he sought to destroy the man who prophesied so
much evil, but who was miraculously fed in his flight by the
ravens, Ahab allowed Elijah to do his will.

Thereupon he caused the king to assemble together the whole
people of Israel, through their representatives, upon Mount Carmel,
The together with the four hundred and fifty priests of Baal, and the
destruction four hundred false prophets of the grove, whom Jezebel supported.
of theHe then invoked the people, who, it seems, vacillated in their
priests ofopinions in respect to Jehovah and Baal, to choose finally, [pg 075]
Baal. of these two deities, the God whom they would worship. Having
discomfited the priests of Baal in the trial of sacrifices, and mocked
them with the fiercest irony, thereby showing to the people how
they had been imposed upon, Elijah incited them to the slaughter of these
false prophets and foreign priests, and then set up an altar to the true God.
But all the people had not fallen into idolatry; there still had remained seven
thousand who had not bowed unto Baal.

Rain descended almost immediately, and Ahab departed, and told
Jezebel what had transpired. Hereupon, she was transported with
Wrath ofrage and fury, and sought the life of the prophet. He again escaped,
Jezebel. and by divine command went to the wilderness of Damascus and
anointed Hazael to be king over Syria, and Jehu to be king over
Israel, and Elisha to be his successor as prophet.

Soon after this, Benhadad, the king of Syria, came from Damascus
with a vast army and thirty-two allied kings, to besiege Samaria.
War withDefeated in a battle with Ahab, the king of Syria fled, but returned
Damascus. the following year with a still larger army for the conquest of
Curse Samaria. But he was again defeated, with the loss of one hundred
thousand men in a single day, and sought to make peace with the

Page 79

upon king of Israel. Ahab made a treaty with him, instead of taking his
Ahab. life, for which the prophet of the Lord predicted evil upon him and
his people. But the anger of God was still further increased by the
slaughter of Naboth, through the wiles of Jezebel, and the unjust
possession of the vineyard which Ahab had coveted. Elijah, after this
outrage on all the fundamental laws of the Jews, met the king for the last
time, and pronounced a dreadful penalty—that his own royal blood should
be licked up by dogs in the very place where Naboth was slain, and that his
posterity should be cut off from reigning over Israel; also, that his wicked
queen should be eaten by dogs.

In three years after, while attempting to recover Ramoth, in Gilead,
from Benhadad, he lost his life, and was brought in his chariot to
Ahaziah. Samaria to be buried. And the dogs came [pg 076] and licked the
blood from the chariot where it was washed. He was succeeded by
Ahaziah, his son, B.C. 913, who renewed the worship of Baal, and
died after a short and inglorious reign, B.C. 896, without leaving any son,
and Jehoram, his brother, succeeded him. In reference to this king the
Scripture accounts are obscure, and he is sometimes confounded with
Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, who married a daughter of
Ahab. This accounts for the alliance between Jehoshaphat and Ahab, and
also between the two Jehorams, since they were brothers-in-law, which
brought to an end the long wars of seventy years, which had wasted both
Israel and Judah.

Jehoram did evil in the sight of the Lord, but was not disgraced by idolatry.
In his reign the Moabites, who paid a tribute of one hundred thousand sheep
and one hundred thousand lambs, revolted. Jehoram, assisted by the kings
of Judah, and of Edom, marched against them, and routed them, and
destroyed their cities, and filled up their wells, and felled all their good
trees, and covered their good land with stones.

Meanwhile, it happened that there was a grievous famine in
Samaria, so that an ass's head sold for eighty pieces of silver.
Famine inBenhadad, in this time of national distress, came with mighty host
Samaria. and besieged the city; but in the night, in his camp was heard a
mighty sound of chariots and horses, and a panic ensued, and the

Page 80

Syrians fled, leaving every thing behind them. The spoil of their camp
furnished the starving Samaritans with food.

After this, Jehoram was engaged in war with the Syrians, now ruled
by Hazael, one of the generals of Benhadad, who had murdered his
Wars withmaster. In this war, Jehoram, or Joram, was wounded, and went to
the be healed of his wounds at Jezreel, where he was visited by his
Syrians. kinsman, Ahaziah, who had succeeded to the throne of Judah.
While he lay sick in this place, Jehu, one of his generals, conspired
against him, and drew a bow against him, and the arrow pierced
him so that he died, and his [pg 077] body was cast into Naboth's vineyard.
Thus was the sin against Naboth again avenged. Jehu prosecuted the work
of vengeance assigned to him, and slew Ahaziah, the king of Judah, also,
and then caused Jezebel, the queen mother, to be thrown from a window,
and the dogs devoured her body. He then slew the seventy sons of Ahab,
and all his great men, and his kinsfolk, and his priests, so that none
remained of the house of Ahab, as Elijah had predicted. His zeal did not
stop here, but he collected together, by artifice, all the priests of Baal, and
smote them, and brake their images.

But Jehu, now king of Israel, though he had destroyed the priests of
Baal, fell into the idolatry of Jehoram, and was therefore inflicted
Jehu. with another invasion of the Syrians, who devastated his country,
and decimated his people. He died, after a reign of twenty-eight
years, B.C. 856, and was succeeded by his son, Jehoahaz.

This king also did evil in the sight of the Lord, so that he was made
subject to Hazael, king of Syria, all his days, who ground down and
His oppressed Israel, as the prophet had predicted. He reigned
successors.seventeen years, in sorrow and humiliation, and was succeeded by
his son Johash, who followed the wicked course of his
predecessors. His reign lasted sixteen years, during which Elisha
died. There is nothing in the Scriptures more impressive than the stern
messages which this prophet, as well as Elijah, sent to the kings of Israel,
and the bold rebukes with which he reproached them. Nor is anything more
beautiful than those episodes which pertain to the cure of Naaman, the
Syrian, and the restoration to life of the son of the Shunamite woman, in

Page 81

reward for her hospitality, and the interview with Hazael before he became
king. All his predictions came to pass. He seems to have lived an isolated
and ascetic life, though he had great influence with the people and the king,
like other prophets of the Lord.

Jeroboam II. succeeded Johash, B.C. 825, and reigned successfully,
and received all the territory which the Syrians had gained, but he
Their shortdid not depart from [pg 078] the idolatry of the golden calves. His
reigns. son and successor, Zachariah, followed his evil courses, and was
slain by Shallum, after a brief reign of six mouths, and the dynasty
of Jehu came to an end, B.C. 772.

Shallum was murdered one month afterward by Menahem, who
reigned ingloriously ten years. It was during his reign that Pul, king
Fall ofof Assyria, invaded his territories, but was induced to retire for a
Samaria. sum of one thousand talents of silver, which he exacted from his
subjects. He was succeeded by Pekaiah, a bad prince, who was
assassinated at the end of two years by Pekah, one of his captains,
who seized his throne. During his reign, which lasted twenty years, Tiglath-
Pilaser, king of Assyria, made war against him, by invitation of Ahaz, and
took his principal cities, and carried their inhabitants captive to Nineveh. He
was assassinated by Hosea, who reigned in his stead. He also was a bad
prince, and became subject to Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, who came up
against him. In the ninth year of his reign, having proved treacherous to
Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria besieged Samaria, and carried him captive
to his own capital. Thus ended the kingdom of the ten tribes, who were now
carried into captivity beyond the Euphrates, and who settled in the eastern
provinces of Assyria, and probably relapsed hopelessly into idolatry,
without ever revisiting their native laud. In all probability most of them
were absorbed among the nations which composed the Assyrian empire,
B.C. 721.

Nineteen sovereigns thus reigned over the children of Israel in
Samaria—a period of two hundred and fifty-four years; not one of
The kingsthem was obedient to the laws of God, and most of whom perished
of Israel. by assassination, or in battle. There is no record in history of more
inglorious kings. There was not a great man nor a good man among

Page 82

them all. They were, with one or two exceptions, disgraced by the idolatry
of Jeroboam, in whose steps they followed. Nor was their kingdom ever
raised to any considerable height of political power. The history of the
revolted [pg 079] and idolatrous tribes is gloomy and disgraceful, only
relieved by the stern lives of Elijah and Elisha, the only men of note who
remained true to the God of their fathers, and who sought to turn the people
from their sins. “Whereupon the Lord was very angry with Israel, and
removed them out of his sight.”

[pg 080]

Page 83

Page 84

CHAPTER VIII.

Page 85

THE OLD CHALDEAN AND ASSYRIAN
MONARCHIES.

On a great plain, four hundred miles in length and one hundred
miles in width, forming the valley of the Euphrates, bounded on the
The plainsnorth by Mesopotamia, on the east by the Tigris, on the south by
of the Persian Gulf, and on the west by the Syrian Desert, was
Babylon. established, at a very early period, the Babylonian monarchy. This
plain, or valley, contains about twenty-three thousand square miles,
equal to the Grecian territories. It was destitute of all striking
natural features—furnishing an unbroken horizon. The only interruptions to
the view on this level plain were sand-hills and the embankments of the
river. The river, like the Nile, is subject to inundations, though less regular
than the Nile, and this, of course, deposits a rich alluvial soil. The climate in
summer is intensely hot, and in winter mild and genial. Wheat here is
indigenous, and the vine and other fruits abound in rich luxuriance. The
land was as rich as the valley of the Nile, and was favorable to flocks and
herds. The river was stocked with fish, and every means of an easy
subsistence was afforded.

Into this goodly land a migration from Armenia—the primeval seat
of man—came at a period when history begins. Nimrod and his
The Towerhunters then gained an ascendency over the old settlers, and
of Babel. supplanted them—Cushites, of the family of Ham, and not the
descendants of Shem. The beginning of the kingdom of Nimrod
was Babel, a tower, or temple, modeled after the one which was left
unfinished, or was destroyed. This was erected, probably, B.C. 2334. It was
square, and arose with [pg 081] successive stories, each one smaller than
the one below, presenting an analogy to the pyramidical form. The highest
stage supported the sacred ark. The temple was built of burnt brick. Thus
the race of Ham led the way in the arts in Chaldea as in Egypt, and soon fell
into idolatry. We know nothing, with certainty, of this ancient monarchy,

Page 86

which lasted, it is supposed, two hundred and fifty-eight years, from B.C.
2234 to 1976. It was not established until after the dispersion of the races.
The dynasty of which Nimrod was the founder came to an end during the
early years of Abraham.

The first king of the new dynasty is supposed to be Chedorlaomer,
though Josephus represents him as a general of the Chaldean king
The who extended the Chaldean conquests to Palestine. His encounters
foundation with the kings of Sodom, Gomorrah, and others in the vale of
of theSiddim, tributary princes, and his slaughter by Abraham's servants,
Assyrian are recounted in the fourteenth chapter of Genesis, and put an end
monarchy. to Chaldean conquests beyond the Syrian desert. From his alliance,
however, with the Tidal, king of nations; Amrapher, king of Shinar;
and Arioch, king of Ellasar, we infer that other races, besides the
Hamite, composed the population of Chaldea, of which the subjects of
Chedorlaomer were pre-eminent.

His empire was subverted by Arabs from the desert, B.C. 1518; and an
Arabian dynasty is supposed to have reigned for two hundred and forty-five
years.

This came to an end in consequence of a grand irruption of
Assyrians—of Semitic origin. “Asshur (Gen. 10, 11), the son of
Extension Shem, built Nineveh,” which was on the Tigris. The name Assyria
of thecame to be extended to the whole of Upper Mesopotamia, from the
kingdom. Euphrates to the Tagros mountains. This country consisted of
undulating pastures, diversified by woodlands, and watered by
streams running into the Tigris. Its valleys were rich, its hills were
beautiful, and its climate was cooler than the Chaldean plain.

[pg 082]

It would seem from the traditions preserved by the Greeks, that
Nineveh was ruled by a viceroy of the Babylonian king. This
Nineveh. corresponds with the book of Genesis, which makes the dynasty
Chaldean, while the people were Semitic, since the kingdom of
Asshur was derived from that of Nimrod. “Ninus, the viceroy,”
says Smith, “having revolted from the king of Babylon, overruns Armenia,

Page 87

Asia Minor, and the shores of the Euxine, as far as Tanais, subdues the
Medes and Persians, and makes war upon the Bactrians. Semiramis, the
wife of one of the chief nobles, coming to the camp before Bactria, takes
the city by a bold stroke. Her courage wins the love of Ninus, and she
becomes his wife. On his death she succeeds to the throne, and undertakes
the conquest of India, but is defeated.” These two sovereigns built Nineveh
on a grand scale, as well as added to the edifices of Babylon.

This king was the founder of the northwest palace of Nineveh, three
hundred and sixty feet long and three hundred wide, standing on a raised
platform overlooking the Tigris, with a grand facade to the north fronting
the town, and another to the west commanding the river. It was built of
hewn stone, and its central hall was one hundred and twenty feet long and
ninety wide. The ceilings were of cedar brought from Lebanon. The walls
were paneled with slabs of marble ornamented with bas-reliefs. The floors
were paved with stone. (See Rawlinson's Herodotus.)

All this is tradition, but recent discoveries in cuneiform literature
shed light upon it. From these, compared with the fragments of
The Berosus, a priest of Babylon in the third century before Christ, and
palaces. the scattered notices of Scripture history, we infer that the dynasty
Assyrian which Belus founded reigned more than five hundred years, from
kings. 1272 to 747 before Christ. Of these kings, Sardanapalus, the most
famous, added Babylonia to the Assyrian empire, and built vast
architectural works. He employed three hundred and sixty thousand
men in the construction of this palace, some of whom were employed in
making brick, and others in [pg 083] cutting timber on Mount Hermon. It
covered an area of eight acres. The palaces of Nineveh were of great
splendor, and the scenes portrayed on the walls, as discovered by Mr.
Layard, lately disinterred from the mounds of earth, represent the king as of
colossal stature, fighting battles, and clothed with symbolic attributes. He
appears as a great warrior, leading captives, and storming cities, and also in
the chase, piercing the lion, and pursuing the wild ass. This monarch should
not be confounded with the Sardanapalus of the Greeks, the last of the
preceding dynasty. His son, Shalmanezer, was also a great prince, and
added to the dominion of the Assyrian empire. Distant nations paid tribute
to him, the Phœnicians, the Syrians, the Jews, and the Medians beyond the

Page 88

Tagros mountains. He defeated Benhadad and routed Hazael. His reign
ended, it is supposed, B.C. 850. Two other kings succeeded him, who
extended their conquests to the west, the last of whom is identified by
Smith with Pul, the reigning monarch when Jonah visited Nineveh, B.C.
770.

The next dynasty commences with Tiglath-Pileser II., who carried on wars
against Babylon and Syria and Israel. This was in the time of Ahaz, B.C.
729.

His son, Shalmanezer, made Hosea, king of Israel, his vassal, and
reduced the country of the ten tribes to a province of his empire,
Conquests and carried the people away into captivity. Hezekiah was also, for a
of time, his vassal. He was succeeded by Sargon, B.C. 721, according
Shalmanez to Smith, but 715 B.C., according to others. He reigned, as
er. Geseneus thinks, but two or three years; but fifteen according to
Rawlinson, and built that splendid palace, the ruins of which, at
Khorsabad, have supplied the Louvre with its choicest remains of
Assyrian antiquity. He was one of the greatest of the Assyrian conquerors.
He invaded Babylon and drove away its kings; he defeated the Philistines,
took Ashdod and Tyre, received tribute from the Greeks at Cyprus, invaded
even Egypt, whose king paid him tribute, and conquered Media.

[pg 084]

His son, Sennacherib, who came to the throne, B.C. 702, is an
interesting historical personage, and under him the Assyrian empire
Sennacheri reached its culminating point. He added to the palace of Nineveh,
b. and built one which exceeded all that had existed before him. No
Culminati monarch surpassed this one in the magnificence of his buildings.
on of theHe erected no less than thirty temples, shining with silver and gold.
power ofOne of the halls of his palace was two hundred and twenty feet
Nineveh. long, and one hundred and one wide. He made use of Syrian,
Greek, and Phœnician artists. It is from the ruins of this palace at
Koyunjik that Mr. Layard made those valuable discoveries which
have enriched the British Museum. He subdued Babylonia, Upper
Mesopotamia, Syria, Phœnicia, Philistia, Idumaen, and a part of Egypt,
which, with Media, a part of Armenia, and the old Assyrian territory,

Page 89

formed his vast empire—by far greater than the Egyptian monarchy at any
period. He chastised also the Jews for encouraging a revolt among the
Philistines, and carried away captive two hundred thousand people, and
only abstained from laying siege to Jerusalem by a present from Hezekiah
of three hundred talents of silver and thirty of gold. The destruction of his
host, as recorded by Scripture, is thought by some to have occurred in a
subsequent invasion of Judea, when it was in alliance with Egypt. That “he
returned to Nineveh and dwelt there” is asserted by Scripture, but only to be
assassinated by his sons, B.C. 680.

His son Esar-Haddon succeeded him, a warlike monarch, who fought the
Egyptians, and colonized Samaria with Babylonian settlers. He also built
the palace of Nimrod, and cultivated art.

The civilization of the Assyrians shows a laborious and patient
people. Its chief glory was in architecture. Sculpture was imitated
Assyrian from nature, but had neither the grace nor the ideality of the
civilisation Greeks. War was the grand business of kings, and hunting their
. pleasure. The people were ground down by the double tyranny of
[pg 085] kings and priests. There is little of interest in the Assyrian
annals, and what little we know of their life and manners is chiefly
drawn by inductions from the monuments excavated by Botta and Layard.
The learned treatise of Rawlinson sheds a light on the annals of the
monarchy, which, before the discoveries of Layard, were exceedingly
obscure, and this treatise has been most judiciously abridged, by Smith,
whom I have followed. It would be interesting to consider the mythology of
the Assyrians, but it is too complicated for a work like this.

Under his successors, the empire rapidly declined. Though it
nominally included the whole of Western Asia, from the
Decline ofMediterranean to the desert of Iran, and from the Caspian Sea and
the the mountains of Armenia to the Persian Gulf, it was wanting in
monarchy. unity. It embraced various kingdoms, and cities, and tribes, which
simply paid tribute, limited by the power of the king to enforce it.
The Assyrian armies, which committed so great devastations, did
not occupy the country they chastised, as the Romans and Greeks did. Their
conquests were like those of Tamerlane. As the monarchs became

Page 90

effeminated, new powers sprung up, especially Media, which ultimately
completed the ruin of Assyria, under Cyaxares. The last of the monarchs
was probably the Sardanapalus of the Greeks.

The decline of this great monarchy was so rapid and complete, that
even Nineveh, the capital city, was blotted out of existence. No
Destructio traces of it remained in the time of Herodotus, and it is only from
n ofrecent excavations that its site is known. Still, it must have been a
Nineveh. great city. The eastern wall of it, as it now appears from the
Its excavations, is fifteen thousand nine hundred feet (about three
remains. miles); but the city probably included vast suburbs, with fortified
towers, so as to have been equal to four hundred and eighty stadias
in circumference, or sixty miles—the three days' journey of Jonah.
It is supposed, with the suburbs, to have contained five hundred thousand
[pg 086] people. The palaces of the great were large and magnificent; but
the dwellings of the people were mean, built of brick dried in the sun. The
palaces consisted of a large number of chambers around a central hall, open
to the sky, since no pillars are found necessary to support a roof. No traces
of windows are found in the walls, which were lined with slabs of coarse
marble, with cuneiform inscriptions. The façade of the palaces we know
little about, except that the entrances to them were lined by groups of
colossal bulls. These are sculptured with considerable spirit, but art, in the
sense that the Greeks understood it, did not exist. In the ordinary appliances
of life the Assyrians were probably on a par with the Egyptians; but they
were debased by savage passions and degrading superstitions. They have
left nothing for subsequent ages to use. Nothing which has contributed to
civilization remains of their existence. They have furnished no models of
literature, art, or government.

While Nineveh was rising to greatness, Babylon was under an
eclipse, and thus lasted six hundred and fifty years. It was in the
Growth ofyear 1273 that this eclipse began. But a great change took place in
Babylon. the era of Narbonassar, B.C. 747, when Babylon threatened to
secure its independence, and which subsequently compelled Esar-
Haddon, the Assyrian monarch, to assume, in his own person, the
government of Babylon, B.C. 680.

Page 91

In 625 B.C. the old Chaldeans recovered their political importance,
probably by an alliance with the Medes, and Nabopolassar obtained
The undisputed possession of Babylon, and founded a short but brilliant
Chaldean dynasty. He obtained a share of the captives of Nineveh, and
monarchy. increased the population of his capital. His son, Nebuchadnezzar,
was sent as general against the Egyptians, and defeated their king,
Neko, reconquered all the lands bordering on Egypt, and received
the submission of Jehoiakim, of Jerusalem. The death of Nabopolassar
recalled his son to Babylon, and his great reign began B.C. 604.

[pg 087]

It was he who enlarged the capital to so great an extent that he may
almost be said to have built it. It was in the form of a square, on
Nebuchad both banks of the Euphrates, forty-eight miles in circuit, according
nezzar. to Herodotus, with an area of two hundred square miles—large
Magnifice enough to support a considerable population by agriculture alone.
nce ofThe walls of this city, if we accept the testimony of Herodotus,
Babylon. were three hundred and fifty feet high, and eighty-seven feet thick,
and were strengthened by two hundred and fifty towers, and
pierced with one hundred gates of brass. The river was lined by
quays, and the two parts of the city were united by a stone bridge, at each
end of which was a fortified palace. The greatest work of the royal architect
was the new palace, with the adjoining hanging garden—a series of terraces
to resemble hills, to please his Median queen. This palace, with the garden,
was eight miles in circumference, and splendidly decorated with statues of
men and animals. Here the mighty monarch, after his great military
expeditions, solaced himself, and dreamed of omnipotence, until a sudden
stroke of madness—that form which causes a man to mistake himself for a
brute animal—sent him from his luxurious halls into the gardens he had
planted. His madness lasted seven years, and he died, after a reign of forty-
three years, B.C. 561, and Evil-Merodach, his son, reigned in his stead.

He was put to death two years after, for lawlessness and
intemperance, and was succeeded by his brother-in-law and
Fall of themurderer, Neriglissar. So rapid was the decline of the monarchy,
Monarchy. that after a few brief reigns Babylon was entered by the army of

Page 92

Cyrus, and the last king, Bil-shar-utzur, or Bilshassar, associated with his
father Nabonadius, was slain, B.C. 538. Thus ended the Chaldean
monarchy, seventeen hundred and ninety-six years after the building of
Babel by Nimrod, according to the chronology it is most convenient to
assume.

[pg 088]

Page 93

CHAPTER IX.

Page 94

THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES AND PERSIANS.

The third of the great Oriental monarchies brought in contact with
the Jews was that of the Medes and Persians, which arose on the
The dissolution of the Assyrian and Babylonian empires. The nations
country ofwe have hitherto alluded to were either Hamite or Shemite. But our
the Medesattention is now directed to a different race, the descendants of
and Japhet. Madai, the third son of Japhet, was the progenitor of the
Persians. Medes, whose territory extended from the Caspian Sea on the
The north, to the mountains of Persia on the south, and from the
martial highlands of Armenia and the chain of Tagros on the west, to the
character great desert of Iran on the east. It comprised a great variety of
of theclimate, and was intersected by mountains whose valleys were
people. fruitful in corn and fruits. “The finest part of the country is an
Early elevated region inclosed by the offshoots of the Armenian
kings ofmountains, and surrounding the basin of the great lake Urumizu,
Media. four thousand two hundred feet above the sea, and the valleys of
the ancient Mardus and the Araxes, the northern boundary of the
land. In this mountain region stands Tabris, the delightful summer
seat of the modern Persian shahs. The slopes of the Tagros furnish excellent
pasture; and here were reared the famous horses which the ancients called
Nisæan. The eastern districts are flat and pestilential, where they sink down
to the shores of the Caspian Sea; rugged and sterile where they adjoin the
desert of Iran.” The people who inhabited this country were hardy and bold,
and were remarkable for their horsemanship. They were the greatest
warriors [pg 089] of the ancient world, until the time of the Greeks. They
were called Aryans by Herodotus. They had spread over the highlands of
Western Asia in the primeval ages, and formed various tribes. The first
notice of this Aryan (or Arian) race, appears in the inscriptions on the black
obelisk of Nimrod, B.C. 880, from which it would appear that this was
about the period of the immigration into Media, and they were then exposed
to the aggressions of the Assyrians. “The first king who menaced their
independence was the monarch whose victories are recorded on the black

Page 95

obelisk in the British Museum.” He made a raid into, rather than a conquest
of, the Median country. Sargon, the third monarch of the Lower Empire,
effected something like a conquest, and peopled the cities which he founded
with Jewish captives from Samaria, B.C. 710. Media thus became the most
eastern province of his empire, but the conquest of it was doubtless
incomplete. The Median princes paid tribute to the kings of Nineveh, or
withheld it, according to their circumstances.

According to Ctesias, the Median monarchy commenced B.C. 875;
but Herodotus, with greater probable accuracy, places the
Deioces. beginning of it B.C. 708. The revolt of Media from Assyria was
followed by the election of Deioces, who reigned fifty-three years.
The history of this king is drawn through Grecian sources, and can
not much be depended upon. According to the legends, the seven tribes of
the Medes, scattered over separate villages, suffered all the evils of anarchy,
till the reputation of Deioces made him the arbiter of their disputes. He then
retired into private life; anarchy returned, a king was called for, and Deioces
was elected. He organized a despotic power, which had its central seat in
Ecbatana, which he made his capital, built upon a hill, on the summit of
which was the royal palace, where the king reigned in seclusion, transacting
all business through spies, informers, petitions, and decrees. Such is the
account which Rawlinson gives, and which Smith follows.

[pg 090]

The great Median kingdom really began with Cyaxares, about the
year B.C. 633, when the Assyrian empire was waning. He emerges
Cyaxares. from the obscurity like Attila and Gengis Khan, and other eastern
conquerors, at the head of irresistible hordes, sweeps all away
before him, and builds up an enormous power. This period was
distinguished by a great movement among the Turanian races
(Cimmerians), living north of the Danube, which, according to Herodotus,
made a great irruption into Asia Minor, where some of the tribes effected a
permanent settlement; while the Scythians, from Central Asia, overran
Media, crossed the Zagros mountains, entered Mesopotamia, passed
through Syria to Egypt, and held the dominion of Western Asia, till expelled
by Cyaxares. He only established his new kingdom after a severe conflict

Page 96

between the Scythian and Aryan races, which had hitherto shared the
possession of the tablelands of Media.

From age to age the Turanian races have pressed forward to occupy
the South, and it was one of these great movements which
The Cyaxares opposed, and opposed successfully—the first recorded in
irruption history. These nomads of Tartary, or Scythian tribes, which overran
of theWestern Asia in the seventh century before Christ, under the new
Turanian names of Huns, Avari, Bulgarians, Magyars, Turks, Mongols,
races. devastated Europe and Asia for fifteen successive centuries. They
have been the scourge of the race, and they commenced their
incursions before Grecian history begins.

Learning from these Scythian invaders many arts, not before
practiced in war, such as archery and cavalry movements, Cyaxares
Conquests was prepared to extend his empire to the west over Armenia and
of Asia Minor, as far as the river Halys. He made war in Lydia with
Cyaxares. the father of Crœsus. But before these conquests were made, he
probably captured Nineveh and destroyed it, B.C. 625. He was here
assisted by the whole force of the Babylonians, under
Nabopolassar, an old general of the Assyrians, but who had rebelled. In
reward he obtained for his son, Nebuchadnezzar, [pg 091] the hand of the
daughter of Cyaxares. The last of the Assyrian monarchs, whom the Greeks
have called Sardanapalus, burned himself in his palace rather than fall into
the hands of the Median conqueror.

The fall of Nineveh led to the independence of Babylon, and its
wonderful growth, and also to the conquests of the Medes as far as
War withLydia to the west. The war with Lydia lasted six years, and was
Lydia. carried on with various success, until peace was restored by the
mediation of a Babylonian prince. The reason that peace was made
was an eclipse of the sun, which happened in the midst of a great
battle, which struck both armies with superstitious fears. On the conclusion
of peace, the son of the Median king, Astyages, married the daughter of the
Lydian monarch, Alyattes, and an alliance was formed between Media and
Lydia.

Page 97

At this time Lydia comprised nearly all of Asia Minor, west of the
Halys. The early history of this country is involved in obscurity.
The The dynasty on the throne, when invaded by the Medes, was
Lydian founded by Gyges, B.C. 724, who began those aggressions on the
monarchy. Grecian colonies which were consummated by Crœsus. Under the
reign of Ardys, his successor, Asia Minor was devastated by the
Cimmerians, a people who came from the regions north of the
Black Sea, between the Danube and the Sea of Azov, being driven away by
an inundation of Scythians, like that which afterward desolated Media.
These Cimmerians, having burned the great temple of Diana, at Ephesus,
and destroyed the capital city of Sardis, were expelled from Lydia by
Alyattes, the monarch against whom Cyaxares had made war.

Cyaxares reigned forty years, and was succeeded by Astyages, B.C.
593, whose history is a total blank, till near the close of his long
Astyages. reign of thirty-five years, when the Persians under Cyrus arose to
power. He seems to have resigned himself to the ordinary condition
of Oriental kings—to effeminacy and luxury—brought [pg 092]
about by the prosperity which he inherited. He was contemporary with
Crœsus, the famous king of Lydia, whose life has been invested with so
much romantic interest by Herodotus—the first of the Asiatic kings who
commenced hostile aggression on the Greeks. After making himself master
of all the Greek States of Asia Minor, he combated a power which was
destined to overturn the older monarchies of the East—that of the Persians
—a race closely connected with the Medes in race, language, and religion.

The Persians first appear in history as a hardy, warlike people,
simple in manners and scornful of luxury. They were uncultivated
The earlyin art and science, but possessed great wit, and a poetical
history ofimagination. They lived in the mountainous region on the
the southwest of Iran, where the great plain descends to the Persian
Persians. Gulf. The sea-coast is hot and arid, as well as the eastern region
where the mountains pass into the table-land of Iran. Between these
tracts, resembling the Arabian desert, lie the high lands at the
extremity of the Zagros chain. These rugged regions, rich in fruitful valleys,
are favorable to the cultivation of corn, of the grape, and fruits, and afford
excellent pasturage for flocks. In the northern part is the beautiful plain of

Page 98

Shiraz, which forms the favorite residence of the modern shahs. In the
valley of Bend-amir was the old capital of Persepolis, whose ruins attest the
magnificent palaces of Darius and Xerxes. Persia proper was a small
country, three hundred miles from north to south, and two hundred and
eighty from east to west, inhabited by an Aryan race, who brought with
them, from the country beyond the Indus, a distinctive religion, language,
and political institutions. Their language was closely connected with the
Aryan dialects of India, and the tongues of modern Europe. Hence the
Persians were noble types of the great Indo-European family, whose
civilization has spread throughout the world. Their religion was the least
corrupted of the ancient races, and was marked by a keen desire to arrive at
truth, and entered, in the time of the Gnostics, into the [pg 093] speculations
of the Christian fathers, of whom Origen was the type. Their teachers were
the Magi, a wise and learned caste, some of whom came to Jerusalem in the
time of Herod, guided by the star in the East, to institute inquiries as to the
birth of Christ. They attempted to solve the mysteries of creation, but their
elemental principle of religion was worship of all the elements, especially
of fire. But the Persians also believed in the two principles of good and evil,
which were called the principle of dualism, and which they brought from
India. It is thought by Rawlinson that the Persians differed in their religion
from the primeval people of India, whose Vedas, or sacred books, were
based on monotheism, in its spiritual and personal form, and that, for the
heresy of “dualism,” they were compelled to migrate to the West. The
Medes, with whom they subsequently became associated, were inclined to
the old elemental worship of nature, which they learned from the Turanian
or Scythic population.

The great man among the Persians was Zoroaster—or Zerdusht,
born, probably, B.C. 589. He is immortal, not from his personal
Zoroaster. history, the details of which we are ignorant, but from his ideas,
His which became the basis of the faith of the Persians. He stamped his
religion. mind on the nation, as Mohammed subsequently did upon Arabia.
His central principle was “dualism”—the two powers of good and
evil—the former of which was destined ultimately to conquer. But
with this dualistic creed of the old Persian, he also blended a reformed
Magian worship of the elements, which had gained a footing among the
Chaldean priests, and which originally came from the Scythic invaders.

Page 99

Magism could not have come from the Semitic races, whose original
religion was theism, like that of Melchisedek and Abraham; nor from the
Japhetic races, or Indo-European, whose worship was polytheism—that of
personal gods under distinct names, like Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. The
first to yield to this Magism were the Medes, who adopted the religion of
older settlers,—the Scythic tribes, [pg 094] their subjects,—and which faith
superseded the old Aryan religion.

The Persians, the flower of the Aryan races, were peculiarly
military in all their habits and aspirations. Their nobles, mounted
Character on a famous breed of horses, composed the finest cavalry in the
of theworld. Nor was their infantry inferior, armed with lances, shields,
Persians. and bows. Their military spirit was kept alive by their mountain life
and simple habits and strict discipline.

Astyages, we have seen, was the last of the Median kings. He
married his daughter, according to Herodotus, to Cambyses, a
Rise ofPersian noble, preferring him to a higher alliance among the
Cyrus. Median princes, in order that a dream might not be fulfilled that her
offspring should conquer Asia. On the return of the dream he
sought to destroy the child she was about to bear, but it was
preserved by a herdsman; and when the child was ten years of age he was
chosen by his playfellows on the mountains to be their king. As such he
caused the son of a noble Median to be scourged for disobedience, who
carried his complaint to Astyages. The Median monarch finds out his
pedigree from the herdsman, and his officer, Harpagns, to whom he had
intrusted the commission for his destruction. He invites, in suppressed
anger, this noble to a feast, at which he serves up the flesh of his own son.
Harpagus, in revenge, conspires with some discontented nobles, and invites
Cyrus, this boy-king, now the bravest of the youths of his age and country,
to a revolt. Cyrus leads his troops against Astyages, and gains a victory, and
also the person of the sovereign, and his great reign began, B.C. 558.

The dethronement of Astyages caused a war between Lydia and
Persia. Crœsus hastens to attack the usurper and defend his father-
His wars. in-law. He forms a league with Babylonia and Egypt. Thus the
three most powerful monarchs of the world are arrayed against

Page 100

Cyrus, who is prepared to meet the confederation. Crœsus is defeated, and
retreats to his capital, Sardis; and the next [pg 095] spring, while
summoning his allies, is attacked unexpectedly by Cyrus, and is again
defeated. He now retires to Sardia, which is strongly fortified, and the city
is besieged, by the Persians, and falls after a brief siege. Crœsus himself is
spared, and in his adversity gives wise counsel to his conqueror.

Cyrus leaves a Lydian in command of the captured city, and departs
for home. A revolt ensues, which leads to a collision between
His greatPersia and the Greek colonies, and the subjection of the Grecian
empire. cities by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus. Then followed the
conquest of Asia Minor, which required several years, and was
conducted by the generals of Cyrus. He was required in Media, to
consolidate his power. He then extended his conquests to the East, and
subdued the whole plateau of Iran, to the mountains which divided it from
the Indus. Thus fifteen years of splendid military successes passed before he
laid siege to Babylon, B.C. 538.

On the fall of that great city Cyrus took up his residence in it, as the
imperial capital of his vast dominion. Here he issued his decree for
He makesthe return of the Jews to their ancient territory, and for the
Babylon rebuilding of their temple, after seventy years' captivity. This
his capital. decree was dictated by the sound military policy of maintaining the
frontier territory of Palestine against his enemies in Asia Minor,
which he knew the Jews would do their best to preserve, and this
policy he carried out with noble generosity, and returned to the Jews the
captured vessels of silver and gold which Nebuchadnezzar had carried
away; and for more than two centuries Persia had no warmer friends and
allies than the obedient and loyal subjects of Judea.

Cyrus fell in battle while fighting a tribe of Scythians at the east of
the Caspian Sea, B.C. 529, He was the greatest general that the
Greatness Oriental world ever produced, and well may rank with Alexander
of thehimself. His reign of twenty-nine years was one constant
reign ofsuccession of wars, in which he was uniformly successful, and in
Cyrus. which [pg 096] success was only equaled by his magnanimity. His

Page 101

empire extended from the Indus to the Hellespont and the Syrian coast, far
greater than that of either Assyria or Babylonia.

The result of the Persian conquest on the conquerors themselves
was to produce habits of excessive luxury, a wide and vast
Degenerac departure from their original mode of life, which enfeebled the
y of theempire, and prepared the way for a rapid decline.
Persian
conquerors Cambyses, however, the son and successor of Cyrus,
. carried out his policy and conquests. He was, unlike his
Cambyses. father, a tyrant and a sensualist, but possessed considerable
military genius. He conquered Phœnicia, and thus became
master of the sea as well as of the land. He then quarreled
with Amasis, the king of Egypt, and subdued his kingdom.

Like an eastern despot, he had, while in Egypt, in an hour of
madness and caprice, killed his brother, Smerdis. It happened there
His follies. was a Magian who bore a striking resemblance to the murdered
prince. With the help of his brother, whom the king had left
governor of his household, this Magian usurped the throne of
Persia, while Cambyses was absent, the death of the true Smerdis having
been carefully concealed.

The news of the usurpation reached Cambyses while returning
from an expedition to Syria. An accidental wound from the point of
Usurpation his sword proved mortal, B.C. 522. But Cambyses, about to die,
of thecalled his nobles around him, and revealed the murder of his
Magians. brother, and exhorted them to prevent the kingdom falling into the
hands of the Medes. He left no children.

The usurper proved a tyrant. A conspiracy of Persians followed,
headed by the descendants of Cyrus; and Darius, the chief of these
Darius. —the son of Hystaspes, became king of Persia, after Smerdis had
reigned seven months. But this reign, brief as it was, had restored
the old Magian priests to power, who had, by their magical arts, [pg
097] great popularity with the people, not only Medes, but Persians.

Page 102

Darius restored the temples and the worship which the Magian
priests had overthrown, and established the religion of Zoroaster.
His The early years of his reign were disturbed by rebellions in
conquests. Babylonia and Media, but these were suppressed, and Darius
prosecuted the conquests which Cyrus had begun. He invaded both
India and Scythia, while his general, Megabazus, subdued Thrace
and the Greek cities of the Hellespont.

The king of Macedonia acknowledged the supremacy of the great
monarch of Asia, and gave the customary present of earth and
His water. Darius returned at length to Susa to enjoy the fruit of his
greatness. victories, and the pleasures which his great empire afforded. For
twenty years his glories were unparalleled in the East, and his life
was tranquil.

But in the year B.C. 500, a great revolt of the Ionian cities took
place. It was suppressed, at first, but the Atticans, at Marathon,
The revoltdefeated the Persian warriors, B.C. 490, and the great victory
of thechanged the whole course of Asiatic conquest. Darius made vast
Ionian preparations for a new invasion of Greece, but died before they
cities. were completed, after a reign of thirty-six years, B.C. 485, leaving
a name greater than that of any Oriental sovereign, except Cyrus.

Unfortunately for him and his dynasty, he challenged the spirit of
western liberty, then at its height among the cities of Greece. His
Xerxes. successor, Xerxes, inherited his power, but not his genius, and
rashly provoked Europe by new invasions, while he lived
ingloriously in his seraglio. He was murdered in his palace, the fate
of the great tyrants of eastern monarchies, for in no other way than by the
assassin's dagger could a change of administration take place—a poor
remedy, perhaps, but not worse than the disease itself. This tyrant was the
Ahasuerus of the Scriptures.

[pg 098]

We need not follow the fortunes of the imbecile princes who succeeded
Xerxes, for the Persian monarchy was now degenerate and weakened, and

Page 103

easily fell under the dominion of Alexander, who finally overthrew
the power of Persia, B.C. 330.
Fate of the
Persian And this was well. The Persian monarchy was an absolute
empire. despotism, like that of Turkey, and the monarch not only
Its controlled the actions of his subjects, but was the owner
characteris even of their soil. He delegated his power to satraps, who
tics. ruled during his pleasure, but whose rule was disgraced by
every form of extortion—sometimes punished, however,
when it became outrageous and notorious. The satraps, like
pashas, were virtually independent princes, and exercised all the rights of
sovereigns so long as they secured the confidence of the supreme monarch,
and regularly remitted to him the tribute which was imposed. The satrapies
were generally given to members of the royal family, or to great nobles
connected with it by marriage. The monarch governed by no council, and
the laws centered in the principle that the will of the king was supreme. The
only check which he feared was assassination, and he generally spent his
life in the retirement of his seraglio, at Susa, Babylon, or Ecbatana.

The Persian empire was the last of the great monarchies of the Oriental
world, and these flourished for a period of two thousand years. When
nations became wicked or extended over a large territory, the patriarchal
rule of the primitive ages no longer proved an efficient government. Men
must be ruled, however, in some way, and the irresponsible despotism of the
East, over all the different races, Semitic, Hamite, and Japhetic, was the
government which Providence provided, in a state of general rudeness, or
pastoral simplicity, or oligarchal usurpations. The last great monarchy was
the best; it was that which was exercised by the descendants of Japhet,
according to the prediction that he should dwell in the tents of Shem, and
Canaan should be his servant.

[pg 099]
Before we follow the progress of the descendants of Japhet in Greece,
among whom a new civilization arose, designed to improve the condition of
society by the free agency displayed in art, science, literature, and
government—the rise, in short, of free institutions—we will glance at the

Page 104

nations in Asia Minor which were brought in contact with the powers we
have so briefly considered.

[pg 100]

Page 105

CHAPTER X.

Page 106

ASIA MINOR AND PHŒNICIA.

Concerning the original inhabitants of Asia Minor our information
is very scanty. The works of Strabo shed an indefinite light, and the
Original author of the Iliad seems to have been but imperfectly acquainted
inhabitants with either the geography or the people of that extensive country.
of AsiaAccording to Herodotus, the river Halys was the most important
Minor. geographical limit; nor does he mention the great chain of Taurus,
which begins from the southern coast of Lycia, and strikes
northeastward as far as Armenia—the most important boundary
line in the time of the Romans. Northward of Mount Taurus, on the upper
portion of the river Halys, was situated the spacious plain of Asia Minor.
The northeast and south of this plain was mountainous, and was bounded by
the Euxine, the Ægean, and the Pamphylian seas. The northwestern part
included the mountainous region of Ida, Temnus, and Olympus. The
peninsula was fruitful in grains, wine, fruit, cattle, and oil.

Along the western shores of this great peninsula were Pelasgians,
Mysians, Bythinians, Phrygians, Lydians, and other nations, before
Its variousthe Greeks established their colonies. Further eastward were
nations. Lycians, Pisidians, Phrygians, Cappadocians, Paphlagonians, and
others. The Phrygians, Mysians, and Teucrians were on the
northwest. These various nations were not formed into large
kingdoms or confederacies, nor even into large cities, but were
inconsiderable tribes, that presented no formidable resistance to external
enemies. The most powerful people were the Lydians, whose capital was
Sardis, who were ruled by [pg 101] Gyges, 700 B.C. This monarchy
extinguished the independence of the Greek cities on the coast, without
impeding their development in wealth and civilization. All the nations west
of the river Halys were kindred in language and habits. East of the Halys
dwelt Semitic races, Assyrians, Syrians, Cappadocians, and Cilicians. Along
the coast of the Euxine dwelt Bythinians, Marandynians, and Paphlagonians
—branches of the Thracian race. Along the southern coast of the Propontis

Page 107

were the Doliones and Pelasgians. In the region of Mount Ida were the
Teucrians and Mysians. All these races had a certain affinity with the
Thracians, and all modified the institutions of the Greeks who settled on the
coast for purposes of traffic or colonization. The music of the Greeks was
borrowed from the Phrygians and Lydians. The flute is known to have been
invented, or used by the Phrygians, and from them to have passed to Greek
composers.

The ancient Phrygians were celebrated chiefly for their flocks and
agricultural produce, while the Lydians, dwelling in cities,
The possessed much gold and and silver. But there are few great
Phrygians historical facts connected with either nation. There is an interesting
legend connected with the Phrygian town of Gordium. The
primitive king, Gordius, was originally a poor husbandman, upon
the yoke of whose team, as he tilled the field, an eagle perched. He
consulted the augurs to explain the curious portent, and was told that the
kingdom was destined for his family. His son was Midas, offspring of a
maiden of prophetic family. Soon after, dissensions breaking out among the
Phrygians, they were directed by an oracle to choose a king, whom they
should first see approaching in a wagon. Gordius and his son Midas were
the first they saw approaching the town, and the crown was conferred upon
them. The wagon was consecrated, and became celebrated for a knot which
no one could untie. Whosoever should untie that knot was promised the
kingdom of Asia. It remained untied until Alexander the Great cut it with
his sword.

[pg 102]

The Lydians became celebrated for their music, of which the chief
instruments were the flute and the harp. Their capital, Sardis, was
The situated on a precipitous rock, and was deemed impregnable.
Lydians. Among their kings was Crœsus, whose great wealth was derived
Gyges. from the gold found in the sands of the river Pactolus, which
flowed toward the Hermus from Mount Tmolus, and also from the
industry of his subjects. They were the first on record to coin gold
and silver. The antiquity of the Lydian monarchy is very great, and was
traced to Heracles. The Heracleid dynasty lasted five hundred and five

Page 108

years, and ended with Myrsus, or Kandaules. His wife was of exceeding
beauty, and the vanity of her husband led him to expose her person to
Gyges, commander of his guard. The affronted wife, in revenge, caused her
husband to be assassinated, and married Gyges. A strong party opposed his
ascent to the throne, and a civil war ensued, which was terminated by a
consultation of the oracle, which decided in favor of Gyges, the first
historical king of Lydia, about the year 715 B.C.

With this king commenced the aggressions from Sardis on the
Asiatic Greeks, which ended in their subjection. How far the
His Lydian kingdom of Sardis extended during the reign of Gyges is
prosperous not known, but probably over the whole Troad, to Abydus, on the
reign. Hellespont. Gyges reigned thirty-eight years, and was succeeded by
his son Ardys, during whose reign was an extensive invasion of the
Cimmerians, and a collision between the inhabitants of Lydia and
those of Upper Asia, under the Median kings, who first acquired importance
about the year 656 B.C. under a king called, by the Greeks, Phraortes, son
of Deioces, who built the city of Ecbatana.

Phraortes greatly extended the empire of the Medes, and conquered
the Persians, but was defeated and slain by the Assyrians of
Alliance ofNineveh. His son, Cyaxares (636-595 B.C.) continued the Median
Lydia withconquests to the river Halys, which was the boundary between the
Persia. [pg 103] Lydian and Median kingdoms. A war between these two
powers was terminated by the marriage of the daughter of the
Lydian king with the son of the Median monarch, Cyaxares, who
shortly after laid siege to Nineveh, but was obliged to desist by a sudden
inroad of Scythians.

This inroad of the Scythians in Media took place about the same
time that the Cimmerians invaded Lydia, a nomad race which
Scythian probably inhabited the Tauric Chersonessus (Crimea), and had once
inroads. before desolated Asia Minor before the time of Homer. The
Their Cimmerians may have been urged forward into Asia Minor by an
characteris invasion of the Scythians themselves, a nomadic people who
tics. neither planted nor reaped, but lived on food derived from animals
—prototypes of the Huns, and also progenitors—a formidable race

Page 109

of barbarians, in the northern section of Central Asia, east of the Caspian
Sea. The Cimmerians fled before this more warlike race, abandoned their
country on the northern coast of the Euxine, and invaded Asia Minor. They
occupied Sardis, and threatened Ephesus, and finally were overwhelmed in
the mountainous regions of Cilicia. Some, however, effected a settlement in
the territory where the Greek city of Sinope was afterward built.

Ardys was succeeded by his son Tadyattes, who reigned twelve
years; and his son and successor, Alyattes, expelled the Cimmerians
Scythian from Asia Minor. But the Scythians, who invaded Media, defeated
conquests. the king, Cyaxares, and became masters of the country, and spread
as far as Palestine, and enjoyed their dominion twenty-eight years,
until they were finally driven away by Cyaxares. These nomadic
tribes from Tartary were the precursors of Huns, Avars, Bulgarians,
Magyars, Turks, Mongols, and Tartars, who, at different periods, invaded
the civilized portions of Asia and Europe, and established a dominion more
or less durable.

Cyaxares, after the expulsion of the Scythians, took Nineveh, and
reduced the Assyrian empire, while Alyattes, the king of Lydia,
Crœsus. after the Cimmerians were subdued, made [pg 104] war on the
Greet city of Miletus, and reduced the Milesians to great distress,
and also took Smyrna. He reigned fifty-seven years with great
prosperity, and transmitted his kingdom to Crœsus, his son by an Ionian
wife. His tomb was one of the architectural wonders of that day, and only
surpassed by the edifices of Egypt and Babylon.

Crœsus made war on the Asiatic Greeks, and as the twelve Ionian
cities did not co-operate with any effect, they were subdued. He
His extended his conquests over Asia Minor, until he had conquered the
prosperity. Phrygians, Mysians, and other nations, and created a great empire,
of which Sardia was the capital. The treasures lie amassed
exceeded any thing before known to the Greeks, though inferior to
the treasures accumulated at Susa and other Persian capitals when
Alexander conquered the East.

But the Lydian monarchy under Crœsus was soon absorbed in the Persian
empire, together with the cities of the Ionian Greeks, as has been narrated.

Page 110

But there was another power intimately connected with the
kingdom of Judea,—the Phœnician, which furnished Solomon
The artists and timber for his famous temple. We close this chapter with
Phœnician a brief notice of the greatest merchants of the ancient world, the
s. Phœnicians.

They belonged, as well as the Assyrians, to the Semitic or
Syro-Arabian family, comprising, besides, the Syrians,
Their Jews, Arabians, and in part the Abyssinians. They were at a
Semitic very early period a trading and mercantile nation, and the
origin. variegated robes and golden ornaments fabricated at Sidon
were prized by the Homeric heroes. They habitually
traversed the Ægean Sea, and formed settlements on its
islands.

The Phœnician towns occupied a narrow slip of the coast of Syria
and Palestine, about one hundred and twenty miles in length, and
The generally about twenty in breadth—between Mount Libanus and
country. the sea, Aradus was the northernmost, and Tyre the southernmost
city. Between these were situated Sidon, Berytus, Tripolis, and
Byblus. Within this [pg 105] confined territory was concentrated a
greater degree of commercial wealth and enterprise, also of manufacturing
skill, than could be found in the other parts of the world at the time. Each
town was an independent community, having its own surrounding territory,
and political constitution and hereditary prince. Tyre was a sort of presiding
city, having a controlling political power over the other cities. Mount
Libanus, or Lebanon, touched the sea along the Phœnician coast, and
furnished abundant supplies for ship-building.

The great Phœnician deity was Melkarth, whom the Greeks called
Hercules, to whom a splendid temple was erected at Tyre, coeval,
Phœnician perhaps, with the foundation of the city two thousand three hundred
cities. years before the time of Herodotus. In the year 700 B.C., the
Phœnicians seemed to have reached their culminating power, and
they had colonies in Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain. Carthage,
Utica, and Gades were all flourishing cities before the first Olympiad. The
commerce of the Phœnicians extended through the Red Sea and the coast of

Page 111

Arabia in the time of Solomon. They furnished the Egyptians, Assyrians,
and Persians with the varied productions of other countries at a very remote
period.

The most ancient colonies were Utica and Carthage, built in what is
now called the gulf of Tunis; and Cades, now Cadiz, was
Phœnician prosperous one thousand years before the Christian era. The
colonies. enterprising mariners of Tyre coasted beyond the pillars of
Hercules without ever losing sight of land. The extreme
productiveness of the southern region of Spain in the precious
metals tempted the merchants to that distant country. But Carthage was by
far the most important centre for Tyrian trade, and became the mistress of a
large number of dependent cities.

When Psammetichus relaxed the jealous exclusion of ships from the mouth
of the Nile, the incitements to traffic were greatly increased, and the
Phœnicians, as well as Ionian merchants, visited Egypt. But the Phœnicians
were [pg 106] jealous of rivals in profitable commerce, and concealed their
tracks, and magnified the dangers of the sea. About the year 600 B.C., they
had circumnavigated Africa, starting from the Red Sea, and going round the
Cape of Good Hope to Gades, and from thence returning by the Nile.

It would seem that Nechos, king of Egypt, anxious to procure a
water communication between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean,
Voyage ofbegan digging a canal from one to the other. In the prosecution of
the this project he dispatched Phœnicians on an experimental voyage
Phœnician round Libya, which was accomplished, in three years. The mariners
s. landed in the autumn, and remained long enough to plant corn and
raise a crop for their supplies. They reached Egypt through the
Straits of Gibraltar, and recounted a tale, which, says Herodotus,
“others may believe it if they choose, but I can not believe, that in sailing
round Libya, they had the sun on their right and—to the north.” In going
round Africa they had no occasion to lose sight of land, and their vessels
were amply stored. The voyage, however, was regarded as desperate and
unprofitable, and was not repeated.

Besides the trade which the Phœnicians carried on along the coasts, they
had an extensive commerce in the interior of Asia. But we do not read of

Page 112

any great characters who arrested the attention of their own age or
succeeding ages, Phœnician history is barren in political changes and great
historical characters, as is that of Carthage till the Roman wars.

Between the years 700 and 530 B.C., there was a great decline of
Phœnician power, which was succeeded by the rise of the Greek
Decline ofmaritime cities. Nebuchadnezzar reduced the Phœnician cities to
Phœnician the same dependence that the Ionian cities were reduced by Crœsus
power. and Cyrus. The opening of the Nile to the Grecian commerce
contributed to the decline of Phœnicia. But to this country the
Greeks owed the alphabet and the first standard of weights and
measures.

[pg 107]

Carthage, founded 819 B.C., by Dido, had a flourishing commerce
in the sixth century before Christ, and also commenced, at this
Carthage. time, their encroachments in Sicily, which led to wars for two
hundred and fifty years with the Greek settlements. It contained, it
is said, at one time, seven hundred thousand people. But a further
notice of their great city is reserved until allusion is made to the Punic wars
which the Romans waged with this powerful State.

[pg 108]

Page 113

CHAPTER XI.

Page 114

JEWISH HISTORY FROM THE BABYLONIAN
CAPTIVITY TO THE BIRTH OF CHRIST.—THE
HIGH PRIESTS AND THE ASMONEAN AND
IDUMEAN KINGS.

We have seen how the ten tribes were carried captive to Assyria, on
the fall of Samaria, by Shalmanezer, B.C., 721. From that time
Absorptio history loses sight of the ten tribes, as a distinct people. They were
n of theprobably absorbed with the nations among whom they settled,
ten tribes. although imagination has loved to follow them into inaccessible
regions where they await their final restoration. But there are no
reliable facts which justify this conclusion. They may have been the
ancestors of the Christian converts afterward found among the Nestorians.
They may have retained in the East, to a certain extent, some of their old
institutions. But nothing is known with certainty. All is vain conjecture
respecting their ultimate fortunes.

The Jews of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin never entirely
departed from their ancient faith, and their monarchs reigned in
The Jewsregular succession till the captivity of the family of David. They
at were not carried to Babylon for one hundred and twenty-three years
Babylon. after the dispersion of the ten tribes, B.C. 598.

During the captivity, the Jews still remained a separate
people, governed by their own law and religion. It is
Daniel. supposed that they were rather colonists than captives, and
were allowed to dwell together in considerable bodies—
that they were not sold as slaves, and by degrees became
possessed of considerable wealth. What region, from time immemorial, has
not witnessed their thrift and their love of money? Well may a Jew say, as
well as a Greek, “Quæ [pg 109] regio in terris nostri non plena laboris.”

Page 115

Taking the advice of Jeremiah they built houses, planted gardens, and
submitted to their fate, even if they bewailed it “by the rivers of Babylon,”
in such sad contrast to their old mountain homes. They had the free
enjoyment of their religion, and were subjected to no general and grievous
religious persecutions. And some of their noble youth, like Daniel, were
treated with great distinction during the captivity. Daniel had been
transported to Babylon before Jerusalem fell, as a hostage, among others, of
the fidelity of their king. These young men, from the highest Jewish
families, were educated in all the knowledge of the Babylonians, as Joseph
had been in Egyptian wisdom. They were the equals of the Chaldean priests
in knowledge of astronomy, divination, and the interpretation of dreams.
And though these young hostages were maintained at the public expense,
and perhaps in the royal palaces, they remembered their distressed
countrymen, and lived on the simplest fare. It was as an interpreter of
dreams that Daniel maintained his influence in the Babylonian court. Twice
was he summoned by Nebuchadnezzar, and once by Belshazzar to interpret
the handwriting on the wall. And under the Persian monarch, when Babylon
fell, Daniel became a vizier, or satrap, with great dignity and power.

When the seventy years' captivity, which Jeremiah had predicted,
came to an end, the empire of the Medes and Persians was in the
His hands of Cyrus, under whose sway he enjoyed the same favor and
beautiful rank that he did under Darius, or any of the Babylonian princes.
character. The miraculous deliverance of this great man from the lion's den,
into which he had been thrown from the intrigues of his enemies
and the unalterable law of the Medes, resulted in a renewed
exaltation. Josephus ascribes to Daniel one of the noblest and most
interesting characters in Jewish history, a great skill in architecture, and it is
to him that the splendid mausoleum at Ecbatana is attributed. But Daniel,
with all his honors, was not corrupted, and it was probably [pg 110] through
his influence, as a grand vizier, that the exiled Jews obtained from Cyrus the
decree which restored them to their beloved land.

The number of the returned Jews, under Zerubbabel, a descendant
of the kings of Judah, were forty-two thousand three hundred and
Return ofsixty men—a great and joyful caravan—but small in number
the Jews. compared with the Israelites who departed from Egypt with Moses.

Page 116

On their arrival in their native land, they were joined by great numbers of
the common people who had remained. They bore with them the sacred
vessels of the temple, which Cyrus generously restored. They arrived in the
spring of the year B.C. 536, and immediately made preparations for the
restoration of the temple; not under those circumstances which enabled
Solomon to concentrate the wealth of Western Asia, but under great
discouragements and the pressure of poverty. The temple was built on the
old foundation, but was not completed till the sixth year of Darius
Hystaspes, B.C. 515, and then without the ancient splendor.

It was dedicated with great joy and magnificence, but the sacrifice
of one hundred bullocks, two hundred rams, four hundred lambs,
Dedication and twelve goats, formed a sad contrast to the hecatombs which
of theSolomon had offered.
Temple.
Nothing else of importance marked the history of the dependent,
impoverished, and humiliated Jews, who had returned to the
country of their ancestors during the reign of Darius Hystaspes.

It was under his successor, Xerxes, he who commanded the
Hellespont to be scourged—that mad, luxurious, effeminated
Mordecai monarch, who is called in Scripture Ahasuerus,—that Mordecai
and figured in the court of Persia, and Esther was exalted to the throne
Ahasuerus.itself. It was in the seventh year of his reign that this inglorious
The storyking returned, discomfited, from the invasion of Greece.
of Esther. Abandoning himself to the pleasures of his harem, he marries the
Jewess [pg 111] maiden, who is the instrument, under Providence,
of averting the greatest calamity with which the Jews were ever
threatened. Haman, a descendant of the Amalekitish kings, is the favorite
minister and grand vizier of the Persian monarch. Offended with Mordecai,
his rival in imperial favor, the cousin of the queen, he intrigues for the
wholesale slaughter of the Jews wherever they were to be found, promising
the king ten thousand talents of silver from the confiscation of Jewish
property, and which the king needed, impoverished by his unsuccessful
expedition into Greece. He thus obtains a decree from Ahasuerus for the
general massacre of the Jewish nation, in all the provinces of the empire, of
which Judea was one. The Jews are in the utmost consternation, and look to

Page 117

Mordecai. His hope is based on Esther, the queen, who might soften, by her
fascinations, the heart of the king. She assumes the responsibility of saving
her nation at the peril of her own life—a deed of not extraordinary self-
devotion, but requiring extraordinary tact. What anxiety must have pressed
the soul of that Jewish woman in the task she undertook! What a
responsibility on her unaided shoulders? But she dissembles her grief, her
fear, her anxiety, and appears before the king radiant in beauty and
loveliness. The golden sceptre is extended to her by her weak and cruel
husband, though arrayed in the pomp and power of an Oriental monarch,
before whom all bent the knee, and to whom, even in his folly, he appears
as demigod. She does not venture to tell the king her wishes. The stake is
too great. She merely invites him to a grand banquet, with his minister
Haman. Both king and minister are ensnared by the cautious queen, and the
result is the disgrace of Haman, the elevation of Mordecai, and the
deliverance of the Jews from the fatal sentence—not a perfect deliverance,
for the decree could not be changed, but the Jews were warned and allowed
to defend themselves, and they slew seventy-five thousand of their enemies.
The act of vengeance was followed by the execution of [pg 112] the ten
sons of Haman, and Mordecai became the real governor of Persia. We see in
this story the caprice which governed the actions, in general, of Oriental
kings, and their own slavery to their favorite wives. The charms of a woman
effect, for evil or good, what conscience, and reason, and policy, and
wisdom united can not do. Esther is justly a favorite with the Christian and
Jewish world; but Vashti, the proud queen who, with true woman's dignity,
refuses to grace with her presence the saturnalia of an intoxicated monarch,
is also entitled to our esteem, although she paid the penalty of disobedience;
and the foolish edict which the king promulgated, that all women should
implicitly obey their husbands, seems to indicate that unconditional
obedience was not the custom of the Persian women.

The reign of Artaxerxes, the successor of Xerxes, was favorable to
the Jews, for Judea was a province of the Persian empire. In the
Return toseventh year of his reign, B.C. 458, a new migration of Jews from
Palestine Babylonia took place, headed by Ezra, a man of high rank at the
of JewsPersian court. He was empowered to make a collection among the
under Jews of Babylonia for the adornment of the temple, and he came to
Ezra. Jerusalem laden with treasures. He was, however, affected by the

Page 118

sight of a custom which had grown up, of intermarriage of the Jews with
adjacent tribes. He succeeded in causing the foreign wives to be repudiated,
and the old laws to be enforced which separated the Jews from all other
nations. And it is probably this stern law, which prevents the Jews from
marriage with foreigners, that has preserved their nationality, in all their
wanderings and misfortunes, more than any other one cause.

A renewed commission granted to Nehemiah, B.C. 445, resulted in
a fresh immigration of Jews to Palestine, in spite of all the
Nehemiah. opposition which the Samaritan and other nations made. Nehemiah
Rebuilding was cup-bearer to the Persian king, and devoted to the Persian
of interests. At that time Persia had suffered a fatal blow at the battle
Jerusalem. [pg 113] of Cindus, and among the humiliating articles of peace
Revival ofwith the Athenian admiral was the stipulation that the Persians
ancient should not advance within three days' journey of the sea. Jerusalem
laws. being at this distance, was an important post to hold, and the
Persian court saw the wisdom of intrusting its defense to faithful
allies. In spite of all obstacles, Nehemiah succeeded, in fifty-two
days, in restoring the old walls and fortifications; the whole population, of
every rank and order having devoted themselves to the work. Moreover,
contributions for the temple continued to flow into the treasury of a once
opulent, but now impoverished and decimated people. After providing for
the security of the capital and the adornment of the temple, the leaders of
the nation turned their attention to the compilation of the sacred books and
the restoration of religion. Many important literary works had been lost
during their captivity, including the work of Solomon on national history,
and the ancient book of Jasher. But the books on the law, the historical
books, the prophetic writings, the Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the
Songs of Solomon, were collected and copied. The law, revised and
corrected, was publicly read by Ezra; the Feast of Tabernacles was
celebrated with considerable splendor; and a renewed covenant was made
by the people to keep the law, to observe the Sabbath, to avoid idolatry, and
abstain from intermarriage with strangers. The Jewish constitution was
restored, and Nehemiah, a Persian satrap in reality, lived in a state of
considerable magnificence, entertaining the chief leaders of the nation, and
reforming all disorders. Jerusalem gradually regained political importance,

Page 119

while the country of the ten tribes, though filled with people, continued to
be the seat of idolaters.

On the death of Nehemiah, B.C. 415, the history of the Jews
becomes obscure, and we catch only scattered glimpses of the state
Obscurity of the country, till the accession of Antiochus Epiphanes, B.C. 175,
of Jewishwhen the Syrian monarch had erected a new kingdom on the ruins
history of the Persian empire. For more [pg 114] than two centuries, when
after the Greeks and Romans flourished, Jewish history is a blank, with
Nehemiah. here and there some scattered notices and traditions which
Josephus has recorded. The Jews, living in vassalage to the
successors of Alexander during this interval, had become animated
by a martial spirit, and the Maccabaic wars elevated them into sufficient
importance to become allies of Rome—the new conquering power, destined
to subdue the world. During this period the Jewish character assumed the
hard, stubborn, exclusive cast which it has ever since maintained—an
intense hostility to polytheism and all Gentile influences. The Jewish
Scriptures took their present shape, and the Apocryphal books came to light.
The sects of the Jews arose, like Pharisees and Sadducees, and religious and
political parties exhibited an unwonted fierceness and intolerance. While
the Greeks and Romans were absorbed in wars, the Jews perfected their
peculiar economy, and grew again into political importance. The country,
by means of irrigation and cultivation, became populous and fertile, and
poetry and the arts regained their sway. The people took but little interest in
the political convulsions of neighboring nations, and devoted themselves
quietly to the development of their own resources. The captivity had cured
them of war, of idolatry, and warlike expeditions.

During this two hundred years of obscurity, but real growth,
unnoticed and unknown by other nations, a new capital had arisen
Obscurity in Egypt; Alexandria became a great mart of commerce, and the
and seat of revived Grecian learning. The sway of the Ptolemaic kings,
growth ofGrecian in origin, was favorable to letters, and to arts. The Jews
the Jews. settled in their magnificent city, translated their Scriptures into
Greek, and cultivated the Greek philosophy.

Page 120

Meanwhile the internal government of the Jews fell into the hands
of the high priests—the Persian governors exercising only a general
The superintendence. At length the country, once again favored, was
ascendenc subjected to the invasion of Alexander. After the fall of Tyre, the
y of theconqueror advanced to [pg 115] Gaza, and totally destroyed it. He
high then approached Jerusalem, in fealty to Persia. The high priest
priests. made no resistance, but went forth in his pontifical robes, followed
by the people in white garments, to meet the mighty warrior.
Alexander, probably encouraged by the prophesies of Daniel, as
explained by the high priest, did no harm to the city or nation, but offered
gifts, and, as tradition asserts, even worshiped the God of the Jews. On the
conquest of Persia, Judea came into the possession of Laomedon, one of the
generals of Alexander, B.C. 321. On his defeat by Ptolemy, another general,
to whom Egypt had fallen as his share, one hundred thousand Jews were
carried captive to Alexandria, where they settled and learned the Greek
language. The country continued to be convulsed by the wars between the
generals of Alexander, and fell into the hands, alternately, of the Syrian and
Egyptian kings—successors of the generals of the great conqueror.

On the establishment of the Syro-Grecian kingdom by Seleucus,
Antioch, the capital, became a great city, and the rival of
Persecutio Alexandria. Syria, no longer a satrapy of Persia, became a powerful
n of themonarchy, and Judea became a prey to the armies of this ambitious
Jews byState in its warfare with Egypt, and was alternately the vassal of
Antiochus. each—Syria and Egypt. Under the government of the first three
Ptolemies—those enlightened and magnificent princes, Soter,
Philadelphus, and Evergetes, the Jews were protected, both at home
and in Alexandria, and their country enjoyed peace and prosperity, until the
ambition of Antiochus the Great again plunged the nation in difficulties. He
had seized Judea, which was then a province of the Egyptian kings, but was
defeated by Ptolemy Philopator. This monarch made sumptuous presents to
the temple, and even ventured to enter the sanctuary, but was prevented by
the high priest. Although filled with fear in view of the tumult which this
act provoked, he henceforth hated and persecuted the Jews. Under his
successor, Judea was again invaded by Antiochus, and again was Jerusalem
wrested [pg 116] from his grasp by Scopas, the Egyptian general. Defeated,
however, near the source of the Jordan, the country fell into the hands of

Page 121

Antiochus, who was regarded as a deliverer. And it continued to be subject
to the kings of Syria, until, with Jerusalem, it suffered calamities scarcely
inferior to those inflicted by the Babylonians.

It is difficult to trace, with any satisfaction, the internal government
of the Jews during the two hundred years when the chief power was
The reignin the hands of the high priests—this period marked by the wars
of the highbetween Syria and Egypt, or rather between the successors of the
priests. generals of Alexander. The government of the high priests at
Their Jerusalem was not exempt from those disgraceful outrages which
turbulent occasionally have marked all the governments of the world—
reigns. whether in the hands of kings, or in an oligarchy of nobles and
Popular priests. Nehemiah had expelled from Jerusalem, Manasseh, the son
tumults. of Jehoiada, who succeeded Eliashib in the high priesthood, on
Misery ofaccount of his unlawful marriage with a stranger. Manasseh, invited
the Jews. to Samaria by the father of the woman he had married, became
high priest of the temple on Mount Gerizim, and thus perpetuated
the schism between the two nations. Before the conquests of
Alexander, while the country was under the dominion of Persia, a high
priest by the name of John murdered his brother Jesus within the precincts
of the sanctuary, which crime was punished by the Persian governor, by a
heavy fine imposed upon the whole nation. Jaddua was the high priest in
the time of Alexander, and by his dignity and tact won over the conqueror
of Asia. Onias succeeded Jaddua, and ruled for twenty-one years, and he
was succeeded by Simon the Just, a pontiff on whose administration Jewish
tradition dwells with delight. Simon was succeeded by his uncles, Eleazar
and Manasseh, and they by Onias II., son of Simon, through whose
misconduct, or indolence, in omitting the customary tribute to the Egyptian
king, came near involving the country in fresh calamities—averted,
however, by his nephew Joseph, who pacified the [pg 117] Egyptian court,
and obtained the former generalship of the revenues of Judea, Samaria, and
Phœnicia, which he enjoyed to the time of Antiochus the Great. Onias II.
was succeeded by his son Simon, under whose pontificate the Egyptian
monarch was prevented from entering the temple, and he by Onias III.,
under whose rule a feud took place with the sons of Joseph, disgraced by
murders, which called for the interposition of the Syrian king, who then
possessed Judea. Joshua, or Jason, by bribery, obtained the pontificate, but

Page 122

he allowed the temple worship to fall into disuse, and was even alienated
from the Jewish faith by his intimacy with the Syrian court. He was
outbidden in his high office by Onias, his brother, who was disgraced by
savage passions, and who robbed the temple of its golden vessels. The
people, indignant, rose in a tumult, and slew his brother, Lysimachus.
Meanwhile, Jason, the dispossessed high priest, recovered his authority, and
shut up Onias, or Menelaus, as he called himself, in a castle. This was
interpreted by Antiochus as an insurrection, and he visited on Jerusalem a
terrible penalty—slaughtering forty thousand of the people, and seizing as
many more for slaves. He then abolished the temple services, seized all the
sacred vessels, collected spoil to the amount of eighteen hundred talents,
defiled the altar by the sacrifice of a sow, and suppressed every sign of
Jewish independence. He meditated the complete extirpation of the Jewish
religion, dismantled the capitol, harassed the country people, and inflicted
unprecedented barbarities. The temple itself was dedicated to Jupiter
Olympius, and the reluctant and miserable Jews were forced to join in all
the rites of pagan worship, including the bacchanalia, which mocked the
virtue of the older Romans.

From this degradation and slavery the Jews were rescued by a line
of heroes whom God raised up—the Asmoneans, or Maccabees.
The The head of this heroic family was Mattathias, a man of priestly
Maccabees origin, living in the town of Modin, commanding a view of the sea
. —an old man of wealth and influence who refused to depart from
Mattathias.the faith [pg 118] of his fathers, while most of the nation had
His relapsed into the paganism of the Greeks. He slew with his own
successes. hand an apostate Jew, who offered sacrifice to a pagan deity, and
then killed the royal commissioner, Apelles, whom Antiochus had
sent to enforce his edicts. The heroic old man, who resembled
William Tell, in his mission and character, summoned his countrymen, who
adhered to the old faith, and intrenched himself in the mountains, and
headed a vigorous revolt against the Syrian power, even fighting on the
Sabbath day. The ranks of the insurrectionists were gradually filled with
those who were still zealous for the law, or inspired with patriotic desires
for independence. Mattathias was prospered, making successful raids from
his mountain fastnesses, destroying heathen altars, and punishing apostate
Jews. Two sects joined his standard with peculiar ardor—the Zadikim, who

Page 123

observed the written law of Moses, from whom the Sadducees of later times
sprang, and the more zealous and austere Chasidim, who added to the law
the traditions of the elders, from whom the Pharisees came.

Old men are ill suited to conduct military expeditions when great fatigue
and privation are required, and the aged Mattathias sank under the weight
which he had so nobly supported, and bequeathed his power to Judas, the
most valiant of his sons.

This remarkable man, scarcely inferior to Joshua and David in
military genius and heroic qualities, added prudence and discretion
His sonto personal bravery. When his followers had gained experience and
Judas. Hiscourage by various gallant adventures, he led them openly against
heroic his enemies. The governor of Samaria, Apollonius, was the first
deeds. whom he encountered, and whom he routed and slew. Seron, the
deputy governor of Cœlesyria, sought to redeem the disgrace of the
Syrian arms; but he also was defeated at the pass of Bethoron. At
the urgent solicitation of Philip, governor of Jerusalem, Antiochus then sent
a strong force of forty thousand foot and seven thousand horse to [pg 119]
subdue the insurgents, under the command of Ptolemy Macron. Judas, to
resist these forces, had six thousand men; but he relied on the God of Israel,
as his fathers had done in the early ages of Jewish history, and in a sudden
attack he totally routed a large detachment of the main army, under Gorgias,
and spoiled their camp. He then defeated another force beyond the Jordan,
and the general fled in the disguise of a slave, to Antioch. Thus closed a
triumphant campaign.

The next year, Lysias, the lieutenant-general of Antiochus, invaded
Judea with a large force of sixty-five thousand men. Judas met it
Syria with ten thousand, and gained a brilliant victory, which proved
invades decisive, and which led to the re-establishment of the Jewish power
Palestine. at Jerusalem. Judas fortified the city and the temple, and assumed
the offensive, and recovered, one after another, the cities which had
fallen under the dominion of Syria. In the mean time, Antiochus,
the bitterest enemy which the Jews ever had, died miserably in Persia—the
most powerful of all the Syrian kings.

Page 124

On the accession of Antiochus Eupater, Lysias again attempted the
subjugation of Judea, This time he advanced with one hundred
Another thousand foot, twenty thousand horse, and thirty-two elephants. But
unsuccessf this large force wasted away in an unsuccessful attack on
ul Jerusalem, harassed by the soldiers of the Maccabees. A treaty of
invasion. peace was concluded, by which full liberty of worship was granted
to the Jews, with permission to be ruled by their own laws.

Demetrius, the lawful heir of Antiochus the Great, had been
detained at Rome as a hostage, in consequence of which Antiochus
Continued Eupater had usurped his throne. Escaping from Rome, he
hostilities overpowered his enemies and recovered his kingdom. But he was
between even more hostile to the Jews than his predecessor, and succeeded
Syria andin imposing a high priest on the nation friendly to his interests. His
Palestine. cruelties and crimes once more aroused [pg 120] the Jews to
resistance, and Judas gained another decisive victory, and Nicanor,
the Syrian general, was slain.

Judas then adopted a policy which was pregnant with important
consequences. He formed a league with the Romans, then bent on
The Jewsthe conquest of the East. The Roman senate readily entered into a
force ancoalition with the weaker State, in accordance with its uniform
alliance custom of protecting those whom they ultimately absorbed in their
with thevast empire: but scarcely was the treaty ratified when the gallant
Romans. Judas died, leaving the defense of his country to his brothers, B.C.
161.

Jonathan, on whom the leadership fell, found the forces under his
control disheartened by the tyranny of the high priest, Alcimus,
Jonathan whom the nation had accepted. Leagued with Bacchides, the Syrian
Maccabeu general, the high priest had every thing his own way, until
s master ofJonathan, emerging from his retreat, delivered his countrymen once
Judea. Hisagain, and another peace was made. Several years then passed in
rule. Johntranquillity, Jonathan being master of Judea. A revolution in Syria
Hyrcanus added to his power, and his brother Simon was made captain-
as highgeneral of all the country from Tyre to Egypt. Jonathan,
priest. unfortunately, was taken in siege, and the leadership of the nation

Page 125

devolved upon Simon, the last of this heroic family. He ruled with great
wisdom, consolidated his power, strengthened his alliance with Rome,
repaired Jerusalem, and restored the peace of the country. He was, on a
present of one thousand pounds of gold to the Romans, decreed to be prince
of Judea, and taken under the protection of his powerful ally. But the peace
with Syria, from the new complications to which that kingdom was
subjected from rival aspirants to the throne, was broken in the old age of
Simon, and he was treacherously murdered, with his oldest son, Judas, at a
banquet in Jerusalem. The youngest son, John Hyrcanus, inherited the vigor
of his family, and was declared high priest, and sought to revenge the
murder of his father and brother. Still, a Syrian army [pg 121] overran the
country, and John Hyrcanus, shut up in Jerusalem, was reduced to great
extremities. A peace was finally made between him and the Syrian
monarch, Antiochus, by which Judea submitted to vassalage to the king of
Syria. An unfortunate expedition of Antiochus into Parthia enabled
Hyrcanus once again to throw off the Syrian yoke, and Judea regained its
independence, which it maintained until compelled to acknowledge the
Roman power. Hyrcanus was prospered in his reign, and destroyed the rival
temple on Mount Gerizim, while the temple of Jerusalem resumed its
ancient dignity and splendor.

At this period the Jews, who had settled in Alexandria, devoted
themselves to literature and philosophy in that liberal and elegant
The Jewscity, and were allowed liberty of worship. But they became
in entangled in the mazes of Grecian speculation, and lost much of
Alexandria their ancient spirit. By compliance with the opinions and customs
. of the Greeks, they reached great honors and distinction, and even
high posts in the army.

Hyrcanus, supreme in Judea, now reduced Samaria and Idumea,
and was only troubled by the conflicting parties of Pharisees and
The rule ofSadducees, whose quarrels agitated the State. He joined the party of
John the Sadducees, who asserted free will, and denied the more
Hyrcanus. orthodox doctrines of the Pharisees, a kind of epicureans, opposed
to severities and the authority of traditions. It is one proof of the
advance of the Hebrew mind over the simplicity of former ages,

Page 126

that the State could be agitated by theological and philosophical questions,
like the States of Greece in their highest development.

Hyrcanus reigned twenty-nine years, and was succeeded by his son,
Aristobulus, B.C. 106. His brief and inglorious reign was disgraced
Succeeded by his starving to death his mother in a dungeon, and imprisoning
by his son. his three brothers, and assassinating a fourth, Antigonus, who was a
victorious general. This prince died in an agony of remorse and
horror on the spot where his brother was assassinated.

[pg 122]
Alexander Jannaus succeeded to the throne of the Asmonean princes, who
possessed the whole region of Palestine, except the port of Ptolemais, and
the city of Gaza. In an attempt to recover the former he was signally
defeated, and came near losing his throne. He was more successful in his
attack on Gaza, which finally surrendered, after Alexander had incurred
immense losses.

While this priest-king was celebrating the Feast of Tabernacles, a
meeting, incited by the Pharisaic party, broke out, which resulted in
Turbulent the slaughter of ten thousand people. While invading the country to
reign ofthe east of the Jordan, the rebellion was renewed, and the nation,
Alexander. for six years, suffered all the evils of civil war. Routed in a battle
with the Syrian monarch, whose aid the insurgents had invoked, he
was obliged to flee to the mountains; but recovering his authority,
at the head of sixty thousand men,—which shows the power of Judea at this
period,—he marched upon Jerusalem, and inflicted a terrible vengeance,
eight hundred men being publicly crucified, and eight thousand more forced
to abandon the city. Under his iron sway, the country recovered its political
importance, for his kingdom comprised the greater part of Palestine. He
died, after a turbulent reign of twenty-seven years, B.C. 77, invoking his
queen to throw herself into the arms of the Pharisaic party, which advice
she followed, as it was the most powerful and popular.

The high priesthood devolved on his eldest son, Hyrcanus II., while
the reins of government were held by his queen, Alexandra. She
Queen reigned vigorously and prosperously for nine years, punishing the
Alexandra. murderers of the eight hundred Pharisees who had been executed.

Page 127

Hyrcanus was not equal to his task amid the bitterness of party strife. His
brother Aristobulus, belonging to the party of the Sadducees, and who had
taken Damascus, was popular with the people, and compelled his elder
brother to abdicate in his favor, and an end came to Pharisaic rule.

But now another family appears upon the stage, which [pg 123]
ultimately wrested the crown from the Asmodean princes.
The Antipater, a noble Idumean, was the chief minister of the feeble
Idumean Hyrcanus. He incited, from motives of ambition, the deposed
family. prince to reassert his rights, and influenced by his counsels, he fled
to Aretas, the king of Arabia, whose capital, Petra, had become a
great commercial emporium. Aretas, Antipater, and Hyrcanus,
marched with an army of fifty thousand men against Aristobulus, who was
defeated, and fled to Jerusalem.

At this time Pompey was pursuing his career of conquests in the
East, and both parties invoked his interference, and both offered
All partiesenormous bribes. This powerful Roman was then at Damascus,
invoke thereceiving the homage and tribute of Oriental kings. The Egyptian
aid ofmonarch sent as a present a crown worth four thousand pieces of
Pompey. gold. Aristobulus, in command of the riches of the temple, sent a
golden vine worth five hundred talents. Pompey, intent on the
conquest of Arabia, made no decision; but, having succeeded in his
object, assumed a tone of haughtiness irreconcilable with the independence
of Judea. Aristobulus, patriotic yet vacillating,—“too high-minded to yield,
too weak to resist,”—fled to Jerusalem and prepared for resistance.

Pompey approached the capital, weakened by those everlasting
divisions to which the latter Jews were subjected by the zeal of
Jerusalem their religious disputes. The city fell, after a brave defense of three
falls intomonths, and might not have fallen had the Jews been willing to
the handsabate from the rigid observance of the Sabbath, during which the
of Romans prepared for assault. Pompey demolished the fortifications
Pompey. of the city, and exacted tribute, but spared the treasures of the
temple which he profaned by his heathen presence. He nominated
Hyrcanus to the priesthood, but withheld the royal diadem, and

Page 128

limited the dominions of Hyrcanus to Judea. He took Aristobulus to Rome
to grace his triumph.

But he contrived to escape, and, with his son Alexander, again
renewed the civil strife; but taken prisoner, he was [pg 124] again
Reorganiz sent as a captive to the “eternal city.” Gabinius, the Roman general
ation of—for Hyrcanus had invoked the aid of the Romans—now deprived
the the high priest of the royal authority, and reorganized the whole
governme government of Judea; establishing five independent Sanhedrims in
nt. the principal cities, after the form of the great Sanhedrim, which
had existed since the captivity. This form lasted until Julius Cæsar
reinvested Hyrcanus with the supreme dignity.

Jerusalem was now exposed to the rapacity of the Roman generals
who really governed the country. Crassus plundered all that
Jerusalem Pompey spared. He took from the temple ten thousand talents—
governed about ten million dollars when gold and silver had vastly greater
by Romanvalue than in our times. These vast sums had been accumulated
generals. from the contributions of Jews scattered over the world—some of
whom were immensely wealthy.

Aristobulus and his son Alexander were assassinated during the
great civil war between the partisans of Cæsar and Pompey. After
Herod the fall of the latter. Cæsar confirmed Hyrcanus in the high
governor priesthood, and allowed him to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. But
of Galilee. Antipater, presuming on the incapacity of Hyrcanus, renewed his
ambitious intrigues, and contrived to make his son, Phasael,
governor of Jerusalem, and Herod, a second son, governor of
Galilee.

Herod developed great talents, and waited for his time. After the
battle of Philippi Herod made acceptable offerings to the
Receives conquering party, and received the crown of Judea, which had been
the crownrecently ravaged by the Parthians, through the intrigues of
of Judea.Antigonas, the surviving son of Aristobulus. By his marriage with
And reignsMariamne, of the royal line of the Asmoneans, he cemented the
tyrannicall power he had won by the sword and the favor of Rome. He was the
y. Hislast of the independent sovereigns of Palestine. He reigned

Page 129

miserable tyrannically, and was guilty of great crimes, having caused the
life. death of the aged Hyrcanus, and the imprisonment [pg 125] and
execution of his wife on a foul suspicion. He paid the same court to
Augustus that he did to Antony, and was confirmed in the
possession of his kingdom. The last of the line of the Asmonæans had
perished on the scaffold, beautiful, innocent, and proud, the object of a
boundless passion to a tyrant who sacrificed her to a still greater one—
suspicion. Alternating between his love and resentment, Herod sank into a
violent fit of remorse, for he had more or less concern in the murder of the
father, the grandfather, the brother, and the uncle of his beautiful and
imperious wife. At all times, even amid the glories of his palace, he was
haunted with the image of the wife he had destroyed, and loved with
passionate ardor. He burst forth in tears, he tried every diversion, banquets
and revels, solitude and labor—still the murdered Mariamne is ever present
to his excited imagination. He settles down in a fixed and indelible gloom,
and his stern nature sought cruelty and bloodshed. His public administration
was, on the whole, favorable to the peace and happiness of the country,
although he introduced the games and the theatres in which the Romans
sought their greatest pleasures. For these innovations he was exposed to
incessant dangers; but he surmounted them all by his vigilance and energy.
He rebuilt Samaria, and erected palaces. But his greatest work was the
building of Cæsarea—a city of palaces and theatres. His policy of reducing
Judea to a mere province of Rome was not pleasing to his subjects, and he
was suspected of a design of heathenizing the nation. Neither his
munificence nor severities could suppress the murmurs of an indignant
people. The undisguised hostility of the nation prompted him to an act of
policy by which he hoped to conciliate it forever. The pride and glory of the
Jews was their temple. This Herod determined to rebuild with extraordinary
splendor, so as to approach its magnificence in the time of Solomon. He
removed the old structure, dilapidated by the sieges, and violence, and wear
of five hundred years; and the new edifice gradually arose, glittering with
gold, and imposing with marble pinnacles.

[pg 126]

But in spite of all his magnificent public works, whether to gratify the pride
of his people, or his own vanity—in spite of his efforts to develop the

Page 130

resources of the country over which he ruled by the favor of Rome
—in spite of his talents and energies—one of the most able of the
The hatredmonarchs who had sat on the throne of Judea, he was obnoxious to
in whichhis subjects for his cruelties, and his sympathy with paganism, and
he washe was visited in his latter days by a terrible disorder which racked
held. Hishis body with pain, and inflamed his soul with suspicions, while his
death. court was distracted with cabals from his own family, which
poisoned his life, and led him to perpetrate unnatural cruelties. He
had already executed two favorite sons, by Mariamne whom he
loved, all from court intrigues and jealousy, and he then executed his son
and heir, by Doris, his first wife, whom he had divorced to marry
Mariamne, and under circumstances so cruel that Augustus remarked that
he had rather be one of his swine than one of his sons. Among other
atrocities, he had ordered the massacre of the Innocents to prevent any one
to be born “as king of the Jews.” His last act was to give the fatal mandate
for the execution of his son Antipater, whom he hoped to make his heir, and
then almost immediately expired in agonies, detested by the nation, and
leaving a name as infamous as that of Ahab, B.C. 4.

Herod had married ten wives, and left a numerous family. By his
will, he designated the sons of Malthace, his sixth wife, and a
His Samaritan, as his successors. These were Archelaus, Antipas, and
kingdom isOlympias. The first inherited Idumea, Samaria, and Judea; to the
divided second were assigned Galilee and Peræa. Archelaus at once
among hisassumed the government at Jerusalem; and after he had given his
sons. Thefather a magnificent funeral, and the people a funeral banquet, he
claims ofentered the temple, seated himself on a golden throne, and made, as
the rivalis usual with monarchs, a conciliatory speech, promising reform
princes. and alleviations from taxes and oppression. But even this did not
prevent one of those disgraceful seditions which have ever marked
the people of [pg 127] Jerusalem, in which three thousand were
slain, caused by religious animosities. After quelling the tumult by the
military, he set out for Rome, to secure his confirmation to the throne. He
encountered opposition from various intrigues by his own family, and the
caprice of the emperor. His younger brother, Antipas, also went to Rome to
support his claim to the throne by virtue of a former will. While the cause of
the royal litigants was being settled in the supreme tribunal of the civilized

Page 131

world, new disturbances broke out in Judea, caused by the rapacities of
Sabinus, the Roman procurator of Syria. The whole country was in a state
of anarchy, and adventurers flocked from all quarters to assert their claims
in a nation that ardently looked forward to national independence, or the
rise of some conqueror who should restore the predicted glory of the land
now rent with civil feuds, and stained with fratricidal blood. Varus, the
prefect of Syria, attempted to restore order, and crucified some two
thousand ringleaders of the tumults. Five hundred Jews went to Rome to
petition for the restoration of their ancient constitution, and the abolition of
kingly rule.

At length the imperial edict confirmed the will of Herod, and
Archelaus was appointed to the sovereignty of Jerusalem, Idumea,
The and Samaria, under the title of ethnarch; Herod Antipas obtained
Romans Galilee and Peræa; Philip, the son of Herod and Cleopatra of
confirm Jerusalem, was made tetrarch of Ituræa. Archelaus governed his
the will ofdominions with such injustice and cruelty, that he was deposed by
Herod. the emperor, and Judea became a Roman province. The sceptre
departed finally from the family of David, of the Asmonæans, and
of Herod, and the kingdom sank into a district dependent on the
prefecture of Syria, though administered by a Roman governor.

[pg 128]

Page 132

CHAPTER XII.

Page 133

THE ROMAN GOVERNORS.

The history of the Jews after the death of Herod is marked by the
greatest event in human annals. In four years after he expired in
Birth ofagonies of pain and remorse, Jesus Christ was born in Bethlehem,
Christ. whose teachings have changed the whole condition of the world,
and will continue to change all institutions and governments until
the seed of the woman shall have completely triumphed over all the
wiles of the serpent. We can not, however, enter upon the life or mission of
the Saviour, or the feeble beginnings of the early and persecuted Church
which he founded, and which is destined to go on from conquering to
conquer. We return to the more direct history of the Jewish nation until their
capital fell into the hands of Titus, and their political existence was
annihilated.

They were now to be ruled by Roman governors—or by mere
vassal kings whom the Romans tolerated and protected. The first of
The rule ofthese rulers was P. Sulpicius Quirinus—a man of consular rank,
Roman who, as proconsul of Syria, was responsible for the government of
governors. Judea, which was intrusted to Coponius. He was succeeded by M.
Ambivius, and he again by Annius Rufus. A rapid succession of
governors took place till Tiberius appointed Valerius Gratus, who
was kept in power eleven years, on the principle that a rapid succession of
rulers increased the oppression of the people, since every new governor
sought to be enriched. Tiberius was a tyrant, but a wise emperor, and the
affairs of the Roman world were never better administered than during his
reign. These provincial governors, like the [pg 129] Herodian kings,
appointed and removed the high priests, and left the internal management of
the city of Jerusalem to them. They generally resided themselves at
Cæsarea, to avoid the disputes of the Jewish sects, and the tumults of the
people.

Page 134

Pontius Pilate succeeded Gratus A.D. 27,—under whose
memorable rule Jesus Christ was crucified and slain—a man cruel,
Pontius stern, and reckless of human life, but regardful of the peace and
Pilate. tranquillity of the province. He sought to transfer the innocent
criminal to the tribunal of Herod, to whose jurisdiction he belonged
as a Galilean, but yielded to the importunities of the people, and
left him at the mercy of the Jewish priesthood.

The vigilant jealousy of popular commotion, and the reckless disregard of
human life, led to the recall of Pilate; but during the forty years which had
elapsed since the death of Herod, his sons had quietly reigned over their
respective provinces. Antipas at Sepphoris, the capital of Galilee, and Philip
beyond the Jordan. The latter prince was humane and just, and died without
issue, and his territory was annexed to Syria.

Herod Antipas was a different man. He seduced and married his
niece Herodias, wife of Herod Philip, daughter of Aristobolus, and
Herod granddaughter of Mariamne, whom Herod the Great had sacrificed
Antipas. in jealousy—the last scion of the Asmonæan princes. It was for her
that John the Baptist was put to death. But this marriage proved
unfortunate, since it involved him in difficulties with Aretas, king
of Arabia, father of his first and repudiated wife. He ended his days in exile
at Lyons, having provoked the jealousy or enmity of Caligula, the Roman
emperor, through the intrigues of Herod Agrippa, the brother of Herodias,
and consequently, a grandson of Herod the Great and Mariamne. The
Herodian family, of Idumean origin, never was free from disgraceful
quarrels and jealousies and rivalries.

The dominions of Herod Antipas were transferred to Herod
Agrippa, who had already obtained from Caligula the tetrarchate of
Herod Ituræa, on the death of Philip, with the title [pg 130] of king. The
Agrippa. fortunes of this prince, in whose veins flowed the blood of the
Asmonæans and the Herodians, surpassed in romance and
vicissitude any recorded of Eastern princes; alternately a fugitive
and a favorite, a vagabond and a courtier, a pauper and a spendthrift—
according to the varied hatred and favor of the imperial family at Rome. He
had the good luck to be a friend of Caligula before the death of Tiberius.

Page 135

When he ascended the throne of the Roman world, he took his friend from
prison and disgrace, and gave him a royal title and part of the dominions of
his ancestors.

Agrippa did all he could to avert the mad designs of Caligula of
securing religious worship as a deity from the Jews, and he was
His moderate in his government and policy. On the death of the Roman
brilliant tyrant, he received from his successor Claudius the investiture of
reign. all the dominions which belonged to Herod the Great. He reigned
in great splendor, respecting the national religion, observing the
Mosaic law with great exactness, and aiming at the favor of the
people. He inherited the taste of his great progenitor for palace building,
and theatrical representations. He greatly improved Jerusalem, and
strengthened its fortifications, and yet he was only a vassal king. He reigned
by the favor of Rome, on whom he was dependent, and whom he feared,
like other kings and princes of the earth, for the emperor was alone
supreme.

Agrippa sullied his fair fame by being a persecutor of the
Christians, and died in the forty-fourth year of his age, having
Persecutes reigned seven years over part of his dominions, and three over the
the whole of Palestine. He died in extreme agony from internal pains,
Christians. being “eaten of worms.” He left one son, Agrippa, and three
daughters, Drusilla, Berenice, and Mariamne, the two first of whom
married princes.

On his death Judea relapsed into a Roman province, his son,
Agrippa, being only seventeen years of age, and too young to
Judea amanage such a turbulent, unreasonable, and stiff-necked people as
Roman the Jews, rent [pg 131] by perpetual feuds and party animosities,
province. and which seem to have characterized them ever since the captivity,
when they renounced idolatry forever.

What were these parties? For their opinions and struggles and
quarrels form no inconsiderable part of the internal history of the
Jewish Jews, both under the Asmonæan and Idumean dynasties.
parties.

Page 136

The most powerful and numerous were the Pharisees, and most
popular with the nation. The origin of this famous sect is involved
The in obscurity, but probably arose not long after the captivity. They
Pharisees. were the orthodox party. They clung to the Law of Moses in its
Their most minute observances, and to all the traditions of their religion.
doctrines They were earnest, fierce, intolerant, and proud. They believed in
and angels, and in immortality. They were bold and heroic in war, and
character. intractable and domineering in peace. They were great zealots,
devoted to proselytism. They were austere in life, and despised all
who were not. They were learned and decorous, and pragmatical.
Their dogmatism knew no respite or palliation. They were predestinarians,
and believed in the servitude of the will. They were seen in public with
ostentatious piety. They made long prayers, fasted with rigor, scrupulously
observed the Sabbath, and paid tithes to the cheapest herbs. They assumed
superiority in social circles, and always took the uppermost seats in the
synagogue. They displayed on their foreheads and the hem of their
garments, slips of parchment inscribed with sentences from the law. They
were regarded as models of virtue and excellence, but were hypocrites in
the observance of the weightier matters of justice and equity. They were, of
course, the most bitter adversaries of the faith which Christ revealed, and
were ever in the ranks of persecution. They resembled the most austere of
the Dominican monks in the Middle Ages. They were the favorite teachers
and guides of the people, whom they incited in their various seditions. They
were theologians who stood at the summit of legal Judaism. “They fenced
round their [pg 132] law hedges whereby its precepts were guarded against
any possible infringement.” And they contrived, by an artful and technical
interpretation, to find statutes which favored their ends. They wrought out
asceticism into a system, and observed the most painful ceremonials—the
ancestors of rigid monks; and they united a specious casuistry, not unlike
the Jesuits, to excuse the violation of the spirit of the law. They were a
hierarchical caste, whose ambition was to govern, and to govern by legal
technicalities. They were utterly deficient in the virtues of humility and
toleration, and as such, peculiarly offensive to the Great Teacher when he
propounded the higher code of love and forgiveness. Outwardly, however,
they were the most respectable as well as honorable men of the nation—
dignified, decorous, and studious of appearances.

Page 137

The next great party was that of the Sadducees, who aimed to
restore the original Mosaic religion in its purity, and expunge every
The thing which had been added by tradition. But they were deficient in
Sadducees.a profound sense of religion, denied the doctrine of immortality,
and hence all punishment in a future life. They made up for their
denial of the future by a rigid punishment of all crimes. They
inculcated a belief of Divine Providence by whom all crime was supposed
to be avenged in this world. The party was not so popular as that of their
rivals, but embraced men of high rank. In common with the Pharisees, they
maintained the strictness of the Jewish code, and professed great
uprightness of morals. They had, however, no true, deep religious life, and
were cold and heartless in their dispositions. They were mostly men of ease
and wealth, and satisfied with earthly enjoyments, and inclined to the
epicureanism which marked many of the Greek philosophers. Nor did they
escape the hypocrisy which disgraced the Pharisees, and their bitter
opposition to the truths of Christianity.

In addition to these two great parties which controlled the people,
were the Essenes. But they lived apart from men, in the deserts
The round the Dead Sea, and [pg 133] dreaded cities as nurseries of
Essenes. vice. They allowed no women to come within their settlements.
They were recruited by strangers and proselytes, who thought all
pleasure to be a sin. They established a community of goods, and
prosecuted the desire of riches. They were clothed in white garments which
they never changed, and regulated their lives by the severest forms. They
abstained from animal food, and lived on roots and bread. They worked and
ate in silence, and observed the Sabbath with great precision. They were
great students, and were rigid in morals, and believed in immortality. They
abhorred oaths, and slavery, and idolatry. They embraced the philosophy of
the Orientals, and supposed that matter was evil, and that mind was divine.
They were mystics who reveled in the pleasures of abstract contemplation.
Their theosophy was sublime, but Brahminical. Practically they were
industrious, ascetic, and devout—the precursors of those monks who fled
from the abodes of man, and filled the solitudes of Upper Egypt and Arabia
and Palestine, the loftiest and most misguided of the Christian sects in the
second and third centuries, But the Essenes had no direct influence over the

Page 138

people of Judea like the Pharisees and Sadducees, except in encouraging
obedience and charity.

All these sects were in a flourishing state on the death of Agrippa.
Judea was henceforth to be ruled directly by Roman governors.
State ofCuspius Fadus, Tiberius Alexander, Ventidius Cumanus, Felix
the Portius, Festus Albinus, and Gessius Florus successively
country. administered the affairs of a discontented province. Their brief
Miserable administrations were marked by famines and tumults. King
condition Agrippa, meanwhile, with mere nominal power, resided in
of theJerusalem, in the palace of the Asmonæan princes, which stood on
Jews. Mount Zion, toward the temple. Robbers infested the country, and
Popular murders and robbery were of constant occurrence. High priests
Commotio were set up, and dethroned. The people were oppressed by taxation
ns. Warsand irritated by pillage. Prodigies, wild and awful, filled the land
and with dread of [pg 134] approaching calamities. Fanatics alarmed
rumors ofthe people. The Christians predicted the ruin of the State. Never
wars. was a population of three millions of people more discontented and
oppressed. Outrage, and injustice, and tumults, and insurrections,
marked the doomed people. The governors were insulted, and
massacred the people in retaliation. Florus, at one time, destroyed three
thousand six hundred people, A.D. 66. Open war was apparent to the more
discerning, Agrippa in vain counseled moderation and reconciliation,
showing the people how vain resistance would be to the overwhelming
power of Rome, which had subdued the world; and that the refusal of
tribute, and the demolition of Roman fortifications, were overt acts of war.
But he talked to people doomed. Every day new causes of discord arose.
Some of the higher orders were disposed to be prudent, but the people
generally were filled with bigotry and fanaticism. Some of the boldest of
the war party one day seized the fortress of Masada, near the Dead Sea,
built by Jonathan the Maccabean, and fortified by Herod. The Roman
garrison was put to the sword, and the banner of revolt was unfolded. In the
city of Jerusalem, the blinded people refused to receive, as was customary,
the gifts and sacrifices of foreign potentates offered in the temple to the
God of the Jews. This was an insult and a declaration of war, which the
chief priests and Pharisees attempted in vain to prevent. The insurgents,
urged by zealots and assassins, even set fire to the palace of the high priest

Page 139

and of Agrippa and Berenice, and also to the public archives, where the
bonds of creditors were deposited, which destroyed the power of the rich.
They then carried the important citadel of Antonia, and stormed the palace.
A fanatic, by the name of Manahem, son of Judas of Galilee, openly
proclaimed the doctrine that it was impious to own any king but God, and
treason to pay tribute to Cæsar. He became the leader of the war party
because he was the most unscrupulous and zealous, as is always the case in
times of excitement and passion. He entered the city, in the pomp of a [pg
135] conqueror, and became the captain of the forces, which took the palace
and killed the defenders. The high priest, Ananias, striving to secure order,
was stoned. Then followed dissensions between the insurgents themselves,
during which Manahem was killed. Eleazar, another chieftain, pressed the
siege of the towers, defended by Roman soldiers, which were taken, and the
defenders massacred. Meanwhile, twenty thousand Jews were slain by the
Greeks in Cæsarea, which drove the nation to madness, and led to a general
insurrection in Syria, and a bloody strife between the Greco-Syrians and
Jews, There were commotions in all quarters—wars and rumors of wars, so
that men fled to the mountains, Wherever the Jews had settled were
commotions and massacres, especially at Alexandria, when fifty thousand
bodies were heaped up for burial.

Nero was now on the imperial throne, and stringent measures were
adopted to suppress the revolt of the Jews, now goaded to
Incipient desperation by the remembrance of their oppressions, and the
rebellion. conviction that every man's hand was against them. Certius, the
prefect of Syria, advanced with ten thousand Roman troops and
thirteen hundred allies, and desperate war seemed now inevitable.
Agrippa, knowing how fatal it would be to the Jewish nation, attempted to
avert it. He argued to infatuated men. Certius undertook to storm Jerusalem,
the head-quarters of the insurrection, but failed, and was obliged to retreat,
with loss of a great part of his army—a defeat such as the Romans had not
received since Varus was overpowered in the forests of Germany.

Judea was now in open rebellion against the whole power of Rome
—a mad and desperate revolt, which could not end but in the
Open political ruin of the nation. Great preparations were made for the
rebellion approaching contest, in which the Jews were to fight single-handed
of Judea.

Page 140

and unassisted by allies. The fortified posts were in the hands of the
insurgents, but they had no organized and disciplined forces, and were
divided among themselves. Agrippa, the representative [pg 136] of the
Herodian kings, openly espoused the cause of Rome. The only hope of the
Jews was in their stern fanaticism, their stubborn patience, and their daring
valor. They were to be justified for their insurrection by all those principles
which animate oppressed people striving to be free, and they had glorious
precedents in the victories of the Maccabees; but it was their misfortune to
contend against the armies of the masters of the world. They were not
strong enough for revolt.

The news of the insurrection, and the defeat of a Roman prefect,
made a profound sensation at Rome. Although Nero affected to
Sensation treat the affair with levity, he selected, however, the ablest general
at Rome.of the empire, Vespasian, and sent him to Syria. The storm broke
Roman out in Galilee, whose mountain fastnesses were intrusted by the
preparatio Jews to Joseph, the son of Matthias—lineally descended from an
ns for war. illustrious priestly family, with the blood of the Asmonæan running
in his veins—a man of culture and learning—a Pharisee who had at
first opposed the insurrection, but drawn into it after the defeat of
Certius. He is better known to us as the historian Josephus. His measures of
defence were prudent and vigorous, and he endeavored to unite the various
parties in the contest which he knew was desperate. He raised an army of
one hundred thousand men, and introduced the Roman discipline, but was
impeded in his measures by party dissensions and by treachery. In the city
of Jerusalem, Ananias, the high priest, took the lead, but had to contend
with fanatics and secret enemies.

The first memorable event of the war was the unsuccessful
expedition against Ascalon, sixty-five miles from Jerusalem, in
Expedition which Roman discipline prevailed against numbers. This was soon
against followed by the advance of Vespasian to Ptolemais, while Titus, his
Ascalon. lieutenant and son, sailed from Alexandria to join him. Vespasian
Fall ofhad an army of sixty thousand veterans. Josephus could not openly
Jotaphata. contend against this force, but strengthened his fortified [pg 137]
cities. Vespasian advanced cautiously in battle array, and halted on
the frontiers of Galilee. The Jews, under Josephus, fled in despair.

Page 141

Gabaia was the first city which fell, and its inhabitants were put to the
sword—a stern vengeance which the Romans often exercised, to awe their
insurgent enemies. Josephus retired to Tiberius, hopeless and discouraged,
and exhorted the people of Jerusalem either to re-enforce him with a
powerful army, or make submission to the Romans. They did neither. He
then threw himself into Jotaphata, where the strongest of the Galilean
warriors had intrenched themselves. Vespasian advanced against the city
with his whole army, and drew a line of circumvallation around it, and then
commenced the attack. The city stood on the top of a lofty hill, and was
difficult of access, and well supplied with provisions. As the works of the
Romans arose around the city, its walls were raised thirty-five feet by the
defenders, while they issued out in sallies and fought with the courage of
despair. The city could not be taken by assault, and the siege was converted
into a blockade. The besieged, supplied with provisions, issued out from
behind their fortifications, and destroyed the works of the Romans. The
fearful battering-rams of the besiegers were destroyed by the arts and
inventions of the besieged. The catapults and scorpions swept the walls, and
the huge stones began to tell upon the turrets and the towers. The whole city
was surrounded by triple lines of heavy armed soldiers, ready for assault.
The Jews resorted to all kinds of expedients, even to the pouring of boiling
oil on the heads of their assailants. The Roman general was exasperated at
the obstinate resistance, and proceeded by more cautious measures. He
raised the embankments, and fortified them with towers, in which he placed
slingers and archers, whose missiles told with terrible effect on those who
defended the walls. Forty-seven days did the gallant defenders resist all the
resources of Vespasian, But they were at length exhausted, and their ranks
were thinned, Once again a furious assault was made by the whole army,
and Titus scaled the walls. The city fell [pg 138] with the loss of forty
thousand men on both sides, and Josephus surrendered to the will of God,
but was himself spared by the victors by adroit flatteries, in which he
predicted the elevation of Vespasian to the throne of Nero.

It would be interesting to detail the progress of the war, but our
limits forbid. The reader is referred to Josephus. City after city
Fall ofgradually fell into the hands of Vespasian, who now established
Joppa. himself in Cæsarea. Joppa shared the fate of Jotaphata; the city was
razed, but the citadel was fortified by the Romans.

Page 142

The intelligence of these disasters filled Jerusalem with
consternation and mourning, for scarcely a family had not to
Fall ofdeplore the loss of some of its members. Tiberius and Tarichea, on
Gamala. the banks of the beautiful lake of Galilee, were the next which fell,
followed by atrocious massacres, after the fashion of war in those
days. Galilee stood appalled, and all its cities but three surrendered.
Of these Gamala, the capital, was the strongest, and more inaccessible than
Jotaphata. It was built upon a precipice, and was crowded with fugitives,
and well provisioned. But it was finally taken, as well as Gischala and
Itabyriun, and all Galilee was in the hands of the Romans.

Jerusalem, meanwhile, was the scene of factions and dissensions. It
might have re-enforced the strongholds of Galilee, but gave itself
Factions atup to party animosities, which weakened its strength. Had the Jews
Jerusalem. been united, they might have offered a more successful resistance.
But their fate was sealed. I can not describe the various intrigues
and factions which paralyzed the national arm, and forewarned the
inhabitants of their doom.

Meanwhile, Nero was assassinated, and Vespasian was elevated to the
imperial throne. He sent his son Titus to complete the subjugation which
had hitherto resisted his conquering legions.

Jerusalem, in those days of danger and anxiety, was still rent by
factions, and neglected her last chance of organizing her forces to
Infatuation resist the common enemy. Never was a city [pg 139] more
of the city.insensible of its doom. Three distinct parties were at war with each
Its other, shedding each others' blood, reckless of all consequences,
fortificatio callous, fierce, desperate. At length the army of Titus advanced to
ns. Thethe siege of the sacred city, still strong and well provisioned. Four
temple. legions, with mercenary troops and allies, burning to avenge the
past, encamped beneath the walls, destroying the orchards and
olive-grounds and gardens which everywhere gladdened the
beautiful environs. The city was fortified with three walls where not
surrounded by impassable ravines, not one within the other, but inclosing
distinct quarters; and these were of great strength, the stones of which were
in some parts thirty-five feet long, and so thick that even the heaviest

Page 143

battering-rams could make no impression. One hundred and sixty-four
towers surmounted these heavy walls, one of which was one hundred and
forty feet high, and forty-three feet square; another, of white marble,
seventy-six feet in height, was built of stones thirty-five feet long, and
seventeen and a half wide, and eight and a half high, joined together with
the most perfect masonry. Within these walls and towers was the royal
palace, surrounded by walls and towers of equal strength. The fortress of
Antonia, seventy feet high, stood on a rock of ninety feet elevation, with
precipitous sides. High above all these towers and hills, and fortresses,
stood the temple, on an esplanade covering a square of a furlong on each
side. The walls which surrounded this fortress-temple were built of vast
stones, and were of great height; and within these walls, on each side, was a
spacious double portico fifty-two and a half feet broad, with a ceiling of
cedar exquisitely carved, supported by marble columns forty-three and
three-quarters feet high, hewn out of single stones. There were one hundred
and sixty-two of these beautiful columns. Within this quadrangle was an
inner wall, seventy feet in height, inclosing the inner court, around which,
in the interior, was another still more splendid portico, entered by brazen
gates adorned with gold. These doors, or gates, [pg 140] were fifty-two and
a half feet high and twenty-six and a quarter wide. Each gateway had two
lofty pillars, twenty-one feet in circumference. The gate called Beautiful
was eighty-seven and a half feet high, made of Corinthian brass, and plated
with gold. The quadrangle, entered by nine of these gates, inclosed still
another, within which was the temple itself, with its glittering façade. This
third and inner quadrangle was entered by a gateway tower one hundred
and thirty-two and a half feet high and forty-three and a half wide. “At a
distance the temple looked like a mountain of snow fretted with golden
pinnacles.” With what emotions Titus must have surveyed this glorious
edifice, as the sun rising above Mount Moriah gilded its gates and pinnacles
—soon to be so utterly demolished that not one stone should be left upon
another.

Around the devoted city Titus erected towers which overlooked the
walls, from which he discharged his destructive missiles, while the
The siege. battering-rams played against the walls, where they were weakest.
The first wall was soon abandoned, and five days after the second

Page 144

was penetrated, after a furious combat, and Titus took possession of the
lower city, where most of the people lived.

The precipitous heights of Zion, the tower of Antonia and the temple still
remained, and although the cause was hopeless, the Jews would hear of no
terms of surrender. Titus used every means. So did Josephus, who
harangued the people at a safe distance. The most obstinate fury was added
to presumptuous, vain confidence, perhaps allied with utter distrust of the
promises of enemies whom they had offended past forgiveness.

At length famine pressed. No grain was to be bought. The wealthy
secreted their food. All kind feelings were lost in the general
Famine inmisery. Wives snatched the last morsel from their family and weary
the city. husbands, and children from their parents. The houses were full of
dying and the dead, a heavy silence oppressed every one, yet no
complaints were made. They suffered in sullen gloom, and [pg 141]
despair. From the 14th of April to the 19th of July, A.D. 70, from one
hundred thousand to five hundred thousand, according to different
estimates, were buried or thrown from the walls. A measure of wheat sold
for a talent, and the dunghills were raked for subsistence.

When all was ready, the assault on the places which remained
commenced. On the 5th of July the fortress of Antonia was taken,
The and the siege of the temple was pressed. Titus made one more
assault ofattempt to persuade its defenders to surrender, wishing to save the
Jerusalem. sacred edifice, but they were deaf and obstinate. They continued to
The fall. fight, inch by inch, exhausted by famine, and reduced to despair.
They gnawed their leathern belts, and ate their very children. On
the 8th of August the wall inclosing the portico, or cloisters, was
scaled. On the 10th the temple itself, a powerful fortress, fell, with all its
treasures, into the hands of the victors. The soldiers gazed with admiration
on the plates of gold, and the curious workmanship of the sacred vessels.
All that could be destroyed by fire was burned, and all who guarded the
precincts were killed.

Still the palace and the upper city held out. Titus promised to spare the lives
of the defenders if they would instantly surrender. But they still demanded
terms. Titus, in a fury, swore that the whole surviving population should be

Page 145

exterminated. It was not till the 7th of September that this last
bulwark was captured, so obstinately did the starving Jews defend
The siegethemselves. A miscellaneous slaughter commenced, till the Romans
and sackwere weary of their work of vengeance. During the whole siege one
of the city. million one hundred thousand were killed, and ninety-seven
thousand made prisoners, since a large part of the population of
Judea had taken refuge within the walls. During the whole war one
million three hundred and fifty-six thousand were killed.

Thus fell Jerusalem, after a siege of five months, the most desperate defense
of a capital in the history of war. It fell never to rise again as a Jewish
metropolis. Never had a [pg 142] city greater misfortunes. Never was
heroism accompanied with greater fanaticism. Never was a prophecy more
signally fulfilled.

The fall of Jerusalem was succeeded by bloody combats before the
whole country was finally subdued. With the final conquest the
Consequen Jews were dispersed among the nations, and their nationality was at
ces of thean end. Their political existence was annihilated. The capital was
fall ofdestroyed, the temple demolished, and the royal house
Jerusalem. extinguished, and the high priesthood buried amid the ruins of the
sacred places.

With the occupation of Palestine by strangers, and the final dispersion of the
Jews over all nations, who, without a country, and without friends,
maintained their institutions, their religion, their name, their peculiarities,
and their associations, we leave the subject—so full of mournful interest,
and of impressive lessons. The student of history should see in their
prosperity and misfortunes the overruling Providence vindicating his
promises, and the awful majesty of eternal laws.

Page 146

[pg 143]

Page 147

BOOK II.

THE GRECIAN STATES.

Page 148

CHAPTER XIII.

Page 149

THE GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT GREECE AND
ITS EARLY INHABITANTS.

We have seen that the Oriental-world, so favored by nature, so rich
in fields, in flocks, and fruits, failed to realize the higher destiny of
Degenerac man. In spite of all the advantages of nature, he was degraded by
y of thedebasing superstitions, and by the degeneracy which wealth and
oriental ease produced. He was enslaved by vices and by despots. The
states. Assyrian and Babylonian kingdom, that “head of gold,” as seen in
Nebuchadnezzar's dream, became inferior to the “breast and arms
of silver,” as represented by the Persian Empire, and this, in turn,
became subject to the Grecian States, “the belly and the thighs of brass.” It
is the nobler Hellenic race, with its original genius, its enterprise, its stern
and rugged nature, strengthened by toil, and enterprise, and war, that we are
now to contemplate. It is Greece—the land of song, of art, of philosophy—
the land of heroes and freemen, to which we now turn our eyes—the most
interesting, and the most famous of the countries of antiquity.

Let us first survey that country in all its stern ruggedness and
picturesque beauty. It was small compared with Assyria or Persia.
Boundarie Its original name was Hellas, designated by a little district of
s ofThessaly, which lay on the southeast verge of Europe, and extended
Greece. in length from the thirty-sixth to the fortieth degree of latitude. It
[pg 144] contained, with its islands, only twenty-one thousand two
hundred and ninety square miles—less than Portugal or Ireland, but
its coasts exceeded the whole Pyrenean peninsula. Hellas is itself a
peninsula, bounded on the north by the Cambunian and Ceraunian
mountains, which separated it from Macedonia; on the east by the Ægean
Sea, (Archipelago), which separated it from Asia Minor; on the south by the
Cretan Sea, and on the west by the Ionian Sea.

Page 150

The northern part of this country of the Hellenes is traversed by a
range of mountains, commencing at Acra Ceraunia, on the Adriatic,
The and tending southeast above Dodona, in Epirus, till they join the
mountains Cambunian mountains, near Mount Olympus, which run along the
of Greece.coast of the Ægean till they terminate in the southeastern part of
Between Thessaly, under the names of Ossa, Pelion, and Tisæus. The great
Ossa andrange of Pindus enters Greece at the sources of the Peneus, where it
Olympus crosses the Cambunian mountains, and extends at first south, and
is thethen east to the sea, nearly inclosing Thessaly, and dividing it from
famous the rest of Greece. After throwing out the various spurs of Othrys,
vale ofŒta, and Corax, it loses itself in those famous haunts of the Muses
Tempe. —the heights of Parnassus and Helicon, in Phocis and Bœotia, In
the southern part of Greece are the mountains which intersect the
Peloponnesus in almost every part, the principal of which are
Scollis, Aroanii, and Taygetus. We can not enumerate the names of all these
mountains; it is enough to say that no part of Europe, except Switzerland, is
so covered with mountains as Greece, some of which attain the altitude of
perpetual snow. Only a small part of the country is level.

The rivers, again, are numerous, but more famous for associations
than for navigable importance. The Peneus which empties itself
The rivers. into the Ægean, a little below Tempe; the Achelous, which flows
into the Ionian Sea; the Alpheus, flowing into the Ionian Sea; and
the Eurotas, which enters the Laconican Gulf, are among the most
considerable. The lakes are numerous, but not large. The coasts are lined
[pg 145] by bays and promontories, favorable to navigation in its infancy,
and for fishing. The adjacent seas are full of islands, memorable in Grecian
history, some of which are of considerable size.

Thus intersected in all parts with mountains, and deeply indented
by the sea, Greece was both mountainous and maritime. The
Natural mountains, the rivers, the valleys, the sea, the islands contributed to
advantages make the people enterprising and poetical, and as each State was
for divided from every other State by mountains, or valleys, or gulfs,
political political liberty was engendered. The difficulties of cultivating a
independe barren soil on the highlands inured the inhabitants to industry and
nce. economy, as in Scotland and New England, while the configuration

Page 151

of the country strengthened the powers of defense, and shut the people up
from those invasions which have so often subjugated a plain and level
country. These natural divisions also kept the States from political union,
and fostered a principle of repulsion, and led to an indefinite multiplication
of self-governing towns, and to great individuality of character.

Situated in the same parallels of latitude as Asia Minor, and the
south of Italy and Spain, Greece produced wheat, barley, flax, wine,
Natural oil, in the earliest times. The cultivation of the vine and the olive
production was peculiarly careful. Barley cakes were more eaten than wheaten.
s. All vegetables and fish were abundant and cheap. But little fresh
meat was eaten. Corn also was imported in considerable quantities
by the maritime States in exchange for figs, olives, and oil. The
climate, clear and beautiful to modern Europeans, was less genial than that
of Asia Minor, but more bracing and variable. It also varied in various
sections.

These various sections, or provinces, or states, into which Greece was
divided, claim a short notice.

The largest and most northerly State was Epirus, containing four
thousand two hundred and sixty square miles, bounded on the north
Epirus. by Macedonia, on the east by Thessaly, on the south by Acarnania,
and on [pg 146] the west by the Ionian Sea. Though mountainous,
it was fertile, and produced excellent cattle and horses. Of the
interesting places of Epirus, memorable in history, ranks first Dodona,
celebrated for its oracle, the most ancient in Greece, and only inferior to
that of Delphi. It was founded by the Pelasgi before the Trojan war and was
dedicated to Jupiter. The temple was surrounded by a grove of oak, but the
oracles were latterly delivered by the murmuring of fountains. On the west
of Epirus is the island of Corcyra (Corfu), famous for the shipwreck of
Ulysses, and for the gardens of Aleinous, and for having given rise to the
Peloponnesian war. Epirus is also distinguished as the country over which
Pyrrhus ruled. The Acheron, supposed to communicate with the infernal
regions, was one of its rivers.

West of Epirus was Thessaly, and next to it in size, containing four thousand
two hundred and sixty square miles. It was a plain inclosed by mountains;

Page 152

next to Bœotia, the most fertile of all the States of Greece,
abounding in oil, wine, and corn, and yet one of the weakest and
Thessaly. most insignificant politically. The people were rich, but perfidious.
The river Peneus flowed through the entire extent of the country,
and near its mouth was the vale of Tempe, the most beautiful valley
in Greece, guarded by four strong fortresses.

At some distance from the mouth of the Peneus was Larissa, the
city of Achilles, and the general capital of the Pelasgi. At the
The southern extremity of the lake Cælas, the largest in Thessaly, was
famous Pheræ, one of the most ancient cities in Greece, and near it was the
places. fountain of Hyperia. In the southern part of Thessaly was Pharsalia,
the battle-ground between Cæsar and Pompey, and near it was
Pyrrha, formerly called Hellas, where was the tomb of Hellen, son
of Deucalion, whose descendants, Æolus, Dorus and Ion, are said to have
given name to the three nations, Æolians, Dorians, and Ionians, Still further
south, between the inaccessible cliffs of Mount Œta and the marshes [pg
147] which skirt the Maliaeus Bay, were the defiles of Thermopylæ, where
Leonidas and three hundred heroes died defending the pass, against the
army of Xerxes, and which in one place was only twenty-five feet wide, so
that, in so narrow a defile, the Spartans were able to withstand for three
days the whole power of Persia. In this famous pass the Amphictyonic
council met annually to deliberate on the common affairs of all the States.

South of Epirus, on the Ionian Sea, and west of Ætolia, was
Acarnania, occupied by a barbarous people before the Pelasgi
Acarnania. settled in it. It had no historic fame, except as furnishing on its
waters a place for the decisive battle which Augustus gained over
Antony, at Actium, and for the islands on the coast, one of which,
Ithaca, a rugged and mountainous island, was the residence of Ulysses.

Ætolia, to the east of Acarnania, and south of Thessaly, and
separated from Achaia by the Corinthian Gulf, contained nine
Ætolia. hundred and thirty square miles. Its principal city was Thermon,
considered impregnable, at which were held splendid games and
festivals. The Ætolians were little known in the palmy days of
Athens and Sparta, except as a hardy race, but covetous and faithless.

Page 153

Doris was a small tract to the east of Ætolia, inhabited by one of
the most ancient of the Greek tribes—the Dorians, called so from
Doris. Dorus, son of Deucalion, and originally inhabited that part of
Thessaly in which were the mountains of Olympus and Ossa. From
this section they were driven by the Cadmeans. Doris was the
abode of the Heraclidæ when exiled from the Peloponnesus, and which was
given to Hyllas, the son of Hercules, in gratitude by Ægiminius, the king,
who was reinstated by the hero in his dispossessed dominion.

Locri Ozolæ was another small State, south of Doris, from which it
is separated by the range of the Parnassus situated on the
Locri Corinthian Gulf, the most important city of which was Salona,
Ozolæ. surrounded on all sides by hills. Naupactus was also a considerable
place, known [pg 148] in the Middle Ages as Lepanto, where was
fought one of the decisive naval battles of the world, in which the
Turks were defeated by the Venetians. It contained three hundred and fifty
square miles.

Phocis was directly to the east, bounded on the north by Doris and
the Locri Epicnemidii, and south by the Corinthian Gulf. This State
Phocis. embraced six hundred and ten square miles. The Phocians are
known in history from the sacred or Phocian war, which broke out
in 357 B.C., in consequence of refusing to pay a fine imposed by
the Amphictyonic council. The Thebans and Locrians carried on this war
successfully, joined by Philip of Macedon, who thus paved the way for the
sovereignty of Greece. One among the most noted places was Crissa, famed
for the Pythian games, and Delphi, renowned for its oracle sacred to Apollo.
The priestess, Pythia, sat on a sacred tripod over the mouth of a cave, and
pronounced her oracles in verse or prose. Those who consulted her made
rich presents, from which Delphi became vastly enriched. Above Delphi
towers Parnassus, the highest mountain in central Greece, near whose
summit was the supposed residence of Deucalion.

Bœotia was the richest State in Greece, so far as fertility of soil can
make a State rich. It was bounded on the north by the territory of
Bœotia. the Locri, on the west by Phocis, on the south by Attica, and on the
east by the Eubœan Sea. It contained about one thousand square

Page 154

miles. Its inhabitants were famed for their stolidity, and yet it furnished
Hesiod, Pindar, Corinna, and Plutarch to the immortal catalogue of names.
Its men, if stupid, were brave, and its women were handsome. It was
originally inhabited by barbarous tribes, all connected with the Leleges. In
its southwestern part was the famous Helicon, famed as the seat of Apollo
and the Muses, and on the southern border was Mount Cithæron, to the
north of which was Platea, where the Persians were defeated by the
confederate Greeks under Pausanias. Bœotia contained the largest lake in
Greece—Copaias, famed for eels. On the borders of this lake was [pg 149]
Coronea, where the Thebans were defeated by the Spartans. To the north of
Coronea was Chæronea, where was fought the great battle with Philip,
which subverted the liberties of Greece. To the north of the river Æsopus, a
sluggish stream, was Thebes, the capital of Bœotia, founded by Cadmus,
whose great generals, Epaminondas and Pelopidas, made it, for a time, one
of the great powers of Greece.

The most famous province of Greece was Attica, bounded on the
north by the mountains Cithæron and Parnes, on the west by the
Attica. bay of Saronicus, on the east by the Myrtoum Sea. It contained but
seven hundred square miles. It derived its name from Atthis, a
daughter of Cranaus; but its earliest name was Cecropia, from its
king, Cecrops. It was divided, in the time of Cecrops, into four tribes. On its
western extremity, on the shores of the Saronic Gulf, stood Eleusis, the
scene of the Eleusinian mysteries, the most famous of all the religious
ceremonials of Greece, sacred to Ceres, and celebrated every four years,
and lasting for nine days. Opposite to Eleusis was Salamis, the birthplace of
Ajax, Teucer, and Solon. There the Persian fleet of Xerxes was defeated by
the Athenians. The capital, Athens, founded by Cecrops, 1556 B.C.,
received its name from the goddess Neith, an Egyptian deity, known by the
Greeks as Athena, or Minerva. Its population, in the time of Pericles, was
one hundred and twenty thousand. The southernmost point of Attica was
Sunium, sacred to Minerva; Marathon, the scene of the most brilliant
victory which the Athenians ever fought, was in the eastern part of Attica.
To the southeast of Athens was Mount Hymettus, celebrated for its flowers
and honey. Between Hymettus and Marathon was Mount Pentelicus, famed
for its marbles.

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Megaris, another small State, was at the west of Attica, between the
Corinthian and the Saronican gulfs. Its chief city, Megara, was a
Megaris. considerable place, defended by two citadels on the hills above it. It
was celebrated as the seat of the Megaric school of philosophy,
founded by Euclid.

[pg 150]

The largest of the Grecian States was the famous peninsula known
as the Peloponnesus, entirely surrounded by water, except the
The isthmus of Corinth, four geographical miles wide. On the west was
Peloponne the Ionian Sea; on the east the Saronic Gulf and the Myrtoum Sea;
sus and itson the north the Corinthian Gulf. It contained six thousand seven
states. hundred and forty-five square miles. It was divided into several
States. It was said to be left by Hercules on his death to the
Heraclidæ, which they, with the assistance of the Dorians,
ultimately succeeded in regaining, about eighty years after the Trojan war.

Of the six States into which the Peloponnesus was divided, Achaia was the
northernmost, and was celebrated for the Achæan league, composed of its
principal cities, as well us Corinth, Sicyon, Phlius, Arcadia, Argolis,
Laconia, Megaris, and other cities and States.

Southwest of Achaia was Elis, on the Ionian Sea, in which stood
Olympia, where the Olympic games were celebrated every four
Elis. years, instituted by Hercules.

Arcadia occupied the centre of the Peloponnesus,
surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains—a rich and
Arcadia. pastoral country, producing fine horses and asses. It was
the favorite residence of Pan, the god of shepherds, and its
people were famed for their love of liberty and music.

Argolis was the eastern portion of the Peloponnesus, watered by the
Saronic Gulf, whose original inhabitants were Pelasgi. It boasted of
Argolis. the cities of Argos and Mycenæ, the former of which was the oldest
city of Greece. Agamemnon reigned at Mycenæ, the most powerful
of the kings of Greece during the Trojan war.

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Laconia, at the southeastern extremity of the peninsula, was the
largest and most important of the States of the Peloponnesus. It was
Laconia. rugged and mountainous, but its people were brave and noble. Its
largest city, Sparta, for several generations controlled the fortune of
Greece, the most warlike of the Grecian cities.

[pg 151]

Messenia was the southwestern part of the peninsula—
mountainous, but well watered, and abounding in pasture. It was
Messenia. early coveted by the Lacedæmonians, inhabitants of Laconia, and
was subjugated in a series of famous wars, called the Messenian.

Such were the principal States of Greece. But in connection with these were
the islands in the seas which surrounded it, and these are nearly as famous
as the States on the main land.

The most important of these was Crete, at the southern extremity of
the Ægean Sea. It was the fabled birthplace of Jupiter. To the south
Crete. of Thrace were Thasos, remarkable for fertility, and for mines of
gold and silver; Samothrace, celebrated for the mysteries of
Cybele; Imbros, sacred to Ceres and Mercury. Lemnos, in latitude
forty, equidistant from Mount Athos and the Hellespont, rendered infamous
by the massacre of all the male inhabitants of the island by the women. The
island of Eubœa stretched along the coast of Attica, Locris, and Bœotia, and
was exceedingly fertile, and from this island the Athenians drew large
supplies of corn—the largest island in the Archipelago, next to Crete. Its
principal city was Chalcis, one of the strongest in Greece.

To the southeast of Eubœa are the Cyclades—a group of islands of
which Delos, Andros, Tenos, Myeonos, Naxos, Paros, Olearos,
The Siphnos, Melos, and Syros, were the most important. All these
Cyclades. islands are famous for temples and the birthplace of celebrated
men.

The islands called the Sporades lie to the south and east of the Cyclades,
among which are Amorgo, Ios, Sicinos, Thera, and Anaphe—some of which
are barren, and others favorable to the vine.

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Besides these islands, which belong to the continent of
Europe, are those which belong to Asia—Tenedos, small
The Lesbos, but fertile; Lesbos, celebrated for wine, the fourth in size
Sporades. and otherof all the islands of the Ægean; Chios, also famed for wine;
islands. Samos, famous for the worship of Juno, and [pg 152] the
birthplace of Pythagoras; Patmos, used as a place of
banishment; Cos, the birthplace of Apelles and
Hippocrates, exceedingly fertile; and south of all, Rhodes, the largest island
of the Ægean, after Crete and Eubœa. It was famous for the brazen and
colossal statue of the sun, seventy cubits high. Its people were great
navigators, and their maritime laws were ultimately adopted by all the
Greeks and Romans. It was also famous for its schools of art.

Such were the States and islands of Greece, mountainous, in many parts
sterile, but filled with a hardy, bold, and adventurous race, whose exploits
and arts were the glory of the ancient world.

The various tribes and nations all belonged to that branch of the
Indo-European race to which ethnographers have given the name of
Origin ofPelasgian. They were a people of savage manners, but sufficiently
the civilised to till the earth, and build walled cities. Their religion was
Grecian polytheistic—a personification of the elemental powers and the
nations. heavenly bodies. The Pelasgians occupied insulated points, but
The were generally diffused throughout Greece; and they were probably
Pelasgians.a wandering people before they settled in Greece. The Greek
traditions about their migration rests on no certain ground. Besides
this race, concerning which we have no authentic history, were the
Leleges and Carians. But all of them were barbarous, and have left no
written records. Argos and Sicyon are said to be Pelasgian cities, founded as
far back as one thousand eight hundred and fifty-six years before Christ. It
is also thought that Oriental elements entered into the early population of
Greece. Cecrops imported into Attica Egyptian arts. Cadmus, the
Phœnician, colonized Bœotia, and introduced weights and measures.
Danaus, driven out of Egypt, gave his name to the warlike Danai, and
instructed the Pelasgian women of Argos in the mystic rites of Demetus.
Pelope is supposed to have passed from Asia into Greece, with great
treasures, and his descendants occupied the throne of Argos.

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At a period before written history commences, the early [pg 153]
inhabitants of Greece, whatever may have been their origin, which
The is involved in obscurity, were driven from their settlements by a
Hellenes. warlike race, akin, however, to the Pelasgians. These conquerors
The were the Hellenes, who were believed to have issued from the
Æolians. district of Thessaly, north of Mount Othrys. They gave their name
The ultimately to the whole country. Divided into small settlements,
Achæans. they yet were bound together by language and customs, and
cherished the idea of national unity. There were four chief divisions
of this nation, the Dorians, Æolians, Achæans, and Ionians,
traditionally supposed to be descended from the three sons of Hellen, the
son of Deucalion, Dorus, Æolus, and Xuthus, the last the father of Achæus,
and Jon. So the Greek poets represented the origin of the Hellenes—a
people fond of adventure, and endowed by nature with vast capacities,
subsequently developed by education.

Of these four divisions of the Hellenic race, the Æolians spread
over northern Greece, and also occupied the western coast of the
The Peloponnesus and the Ionian islands. It continued, to the latest
Dorians times, to occupy the greater part of Greece. The Achæans were the
and most celebrated in epic poetry, their name being used by Homer to
Ionians. denote all the Hellenic tribes which fought at Troy. They were the
dominant people of the Peloponnesus, occupying the south and
east, and the Arcadians the centre. The Dorians and Ionians were of
later celebrity; the former occupying a small patch of territory on the slopes
of Mount Œta, north of Delphi; the latter living on a narrow slip of the
country along the northern coast of the Peloponnesus, and extending
eastward into Attica.

The principal settlements of the Æolians lay around the Pagasæan
Gulf, and were blended with the Minyans, a race of Pelasgian
Settlement adventurers known in the Argonautic expedition, under Æolian
s of theleaders. In the north of Bœotia arose the city of Orchomenus,
Æolians. whose treasures were compared by Homer to those of the Egyptian
[pg 154] Thebes. Another seat of the Æolians was Ephyra,
afterward known as Corinth, where the “wily Sisyphus” ruled. He
was the father of Phocus, who gave his name to Phocis. The descendants of

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Æolus led also a colony to Elis, and another to Pylus. In general, the
Æolians sought maritime settlements in northern Greece, and the western
side of the Peloponnesus.

The Achæans were the dominant race, in very early times, of the
south of Thessaly, and the eastern side of the Peloponnesus, whose
Of thechief seats were Phthia, where Achilles reigned, and Argolis.
Achæans. Thirlwall seems to think they were a Pelasgian, rather than an
Hellenic people. The ancient traditions represent the sons of
Achæus as migrating to Argos, where they married the daughters of
Danaus the king, but did not mount the throne.

The early fortunes of the Dorians are involved in great obscurity,
nor is there much that is satisfactory in the early history of any of
Of thethe Hellenic tribes. Our information is chiefly traditional, derived
Dorians. from the poets. Dorus, the son of Deucalion, occupied the country
over against Peloponnesus, on the opposite side of the Corinthian
Gulf, comprising Ætolia, Phocis, and the Ozolian Locrians. Nor
can the conquests of the Dorians on the Peloponnesus be reconciled upon
any other ground than that they occupied a considerable tract of country.

The early history of the Ionians is still more obscure. Ion, the son
of Xuthus, is supposed to have led his followers from Thessaly to
Of theAttica, and to have conquered the Pelasgians, or effected peaceable
Ionians. settlements with them. Then follows a series of legends which have
more poetical than historical interest, but which will be briefly
noticed in the next chapter.

[pg 155]

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CHAPTER XIV.

Page 162

THE LEGENDS OF ANCIENT GREECE.

The Greeks possessed no authentic written history of that period
which included the first appearance of the Hellenes in Thessaly to
The heroicthe first Olympiad, B.C. 776. This is called the heroic age, and is
ages ofknown to us only by legends and traditions, called myths. They
Greece. pertain both to gods and men, and are connected with what we call
mythology, which possesses no historical importance, although it is
full of interest for its poetic life. And as mythology is interwoven
with the literature and the art of the ancients, furnishing inexhaustible
subjects for poets, painters, and sculptors, it can not be omitted wholly in
the history of that classic people, whose songs and arts have been the
admiration of the world.

We have space, however, only for those legends which are of
universal interest, and will first allude to those which pertain to
The gods, such as appear most prominent in the poems of Hesiod and
legends. Homer.

Zeus, or Jupiter, is the most important personage in the
mythology of Greece. Although, chronologically, he comes
Zeus. after Kronos and Uranos, he was called the “father of gods
and men,” whose power it was impossible to resist, and
which power was universal. He was supposed to be the
superintending providence, whose seat was on Mount Olympus, enthroned
in majesty and might, to whom the lesser deities were obedient. With his
two brothers, Poseidon, or Neptune, and Hades, or Pluto, he reigned over
the heavens, the earth, the sea, and hell. Mythology represents him as born
in Crete; and when he had gained sufficient [pg 156] mental and bodily
force, he summoned the gods to Mount Olympus, and resolved to wrest the
supreme power from his father, Kronos, and the Titans. Ten years were
spent in the mighty combat, in which all nature was convulsed, before
victory was obtained, and the Titans hurled into Tartarus. With Zeus now

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began a different order of beings. He is represented as having many wives
and a numerous offspring. From his own head came Athene, fully armed,
the goddess of wisdom, the patron deity of Athens. By Themis he begat the
Horæ; by Eurynome, the three Graces; by Mnemosyne, the Muses; by Leto
(Latona), Apollo, and Artemis (Diana); by Demeter (Ceres), Persephone; by
Here (Juno), Hebe, Ares (Mars), and Eileithyia; by Maia, Hermes
(Mercury).

Under the presidency of Zeus were the twelve great gods and
goddesses of Olympus—Poseidon (Neptune), who presided over
The otherthe sea; Apollo, who was the patron of art; Ares, the god of war;
deities. Hephaestos (Vulcan), who forged the thunderbolts; Hermes, who
was the messenger of omnipotence and the protector of merchants;
Here, the queen of heaven, and general protector of the female sex;
Athene (Minerva), the goddess of wisdom and letters; Artemis (Diana), the
protectress of hunters and shepherds; Aphrodite (Venus), the goddess of
beauty and love; Hertia (Vesta), the goddess of the hearth and altar, whose
fire never went out; Demeter (Ceres), mother earth, the goddess of
agriculture.

Scarcely inferior to these Olympian deities were Hades (Pluto), who
presided over the infernal regions; Helios, the sun; Hecate, the goddess of
expiation; Dionysus (Bacchus), the god of the vine; Leto (Latona), the
goddess of the concealed powers; Eos (Aurora), goddess of the morn;
Nemesis, god of vengeance; Æolus, the god of winds; Harmonia; the
Graces, the Muses, the Nymphs, the Nereids, marine nymphs—these were
all invested with great power and dignity.

Besides these were deities who performed special services to the greater
gods, like the Horæ; and monsters, offspring of [pg 157] gods, like the
gorgons, chimera, the dragon of the Hesperides, the Lernæan hydra, the
Nemean lion, Scylla and Charybdis, the centaurs, the sphinx, and others.

It will be seen that these gods and goddesses represent the powers
of nature, and the great attributes of wisdom, purity, courage,
Who fidelity, truth, which belong to man's higher nature, and which are
represent associated with the divine. It was these powers and attributes which
were worshiped—superhuman and adorable. Homer and Hesiod are

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the powersthe great authorities of the theogonies of the pagan world, and we
of Nature. can not tell how much of this was of their invention, and how much
was implanted in the common mind of the Greeks, at an age earlier
than 700 B.C. The Orphic theogony belongs to a later date, but
acquired even greater popular veneration than the Hesiodic.

The worship of these divinities was attended by rites more or less
elevated, but sometimes by impurities and follies, like those of
The Bacchus and Venus. Sometimes this worship was veiled in
worship ofmysteries, like those of Eleusis. To all these deities temples were
these erected, and offerings made, sometimes of fruits and flowers, and
deities. then of animals. Of all these deities there were legends—sometimes
absurd, and these were interwoven with literature and religious
solemnities. The details of these fill many a large dictionary, and
are to be read in dictionaries, or in poems. Those which pertain to Ceres, to
Apollo, to Juno, to Venus, to Minerva, to Mercury, are full of poetic beauty
and fascination. They arose in an age of fertile imagination and ardent
feeling, and became the faith of the people.

Besides the legends pertaining to gods and goddesses, are those
which relate the heroic actions of men. Grote describes the different
Legends races of men as they appear in the Hesiodic theogony—the
which offspring of gods. First, the golden race: first created, good and
pertain tohappy, like the gods themselves, and honored after death by being
heroes. made the unseen guardians of men—“terrestrial demons.” Second,
the silver race, inferior in body and mind, was next created, and
being [pg 158] disobedient, are buried in the earth. Third, the
brazen race, hard, pugnacious, terrible, strong, which was continually at
war, and ultimately destroyed itself, and descended into Hades, unhonored
and without privilege. Fourth, the race of heroes, or demigods, such as
fought at Thebes and Troy, virtuous but warlike, which also perished in
battle, but were removed to a happier state. And finally, the iron race,
doomed to perpetual guilt, care, toil, suffering—unjust, dishonest,
ungrateful, thoughtless—such is the present race of men, with a small
admixture of good, which will also end in due time. Such are the races
which Hesiod describes in his poem of the “Works and Days,”—penetrated
with a profound sense of the wickedness and degeneracy of human life, yet

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of the ultimate rewards of virtue and truth. His demons are not gods, nor
men, but intermediate agents, essentially good—angels, whose province
was to guard and to benefit the world. But the notions of demons gradually
changed, until they were regarded as both good and bad, as viewed by
Plato, and finally they were regarded as the causes of evil, as in the time of
the Christian writers. Hesiod, who lived, it is supposed, four hundred years
before Herodotus, is a great ethical poet, and embodied the views of his age
respecting the great mysteries of nature and life.

The legends which Hesiod, Homer, and other poets made so attractive by
their genius, have a perpetual interest, since they are invested with all the
fascinations of song and romance. We will not enter upon those which relate
to gods, but confine ourselves to those which relate to men—the early
heroes of the classic land and age; nor can we allude to all—only a few—
those which are most memorable and impressive.

Among the most ancient was the legend relating to the Danaides,
which invest the early history of Argos with peculiar interest.
The Inachus, who reigned 1986 B.C., according to ancient chronology,
Danaides. is also the name of the river flowing beneath the walls of the
ancient city, situated in the eastern part of the Peloponnesus. In the
reign of [pg 159] Krotopos, one of his descendants, Danaus came
with his fifty daughters from Egypt to Argos in a vessel of fifty oars, in
order to escape the solicitations of the fifty sons of Ægyptos, his brother,
who wished to make them their wives. Ægyptos and the sons followed in
pursuit, and Danaus was compelled to assent to their desires, but furnished
each of his daughters with a dagger, on the wedding night, who thus slew
their husbands, except one, whose husband, Lynceus, ultimately became
king of Argos. From Danaus was derived the name of Danai, applied to the
people of the Argeian territory, and to the Homeric Greeks generally. We
hence infer that Argos—one of the oldest cities of Greece, was settled in
part by Egyptians, probably in the era of the shepherd kings, who
introduced not only the arts, but the religious rites of that ancient country.
Among the regal descendants of Lynceus was Danae, whose son Perseus
performed marvelous deeds, by the special favor of Athene, among which
he brought from Libya the terrific head of the Gorgon Medusa, which had
the marvelous property of turning every one to stone who looked at her.

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Stung with remorse for the accidental murder of his grandfather, the king,
he retired from Argos, and founded the city of Mycenæ, the ruins of whose
massive walls are still to be seen—Cyclopean works, which seem to show
that the old Pelasgians derived their architectural ideas from the Egyptian
Danauns. The Perseids of Mycenæ thus boasted of an illustrious descent,
which continued down to the last sovereign of Sparta.

The grand-daughter of Perseus was Alcmena, whom mythology
represents as the mother of Hercules by Jupiter. The labors of
Hercules. Hercules are among the most interesting legends of pagan antiquity,
since they are types of the endless toils of a noble soul, doomed to
labor for others, and obey the commands of worthless persecutors.
But the hero is finally rewarded by admission to the family of the gods, and
his descendants are ultimately restored to the inheritance from which they
were deprived by the wrath and jealousy of Juno. A younger branch of the
Perseid [pg 160] family reigned in Lacedæmon—Eurystheus, to whom
Hercules was subject; but he, with all his sons, lost their lives in battle, so
that the Perseid family was represented only by the sons of Hercules—the
Heracleids, or Heraclidæ. They endeavored to regain their possessions, and
invaded the Peloponnesus, from which they had been expelled. Hyllos, the
oldest son, proposed to the army of Ionians, Achæans, and Arcadians, which
met them in defense, that the combat should be decided between himself
and any champion of the invading army, and that, if he were victorious, the
Heracleids should be restored to their sovereignty, but if defeated, should
forego their claim for three generations. Hyllos was vanquished, and the
Heracleids retired and resided with the Dorians. When the stipulated period
had ended, they, assisted by the Dorians, gained possession of the
Peloponnesus. Hence the great Dorian settlement of Argos, Sparta, and
Messenia, effected by the return of the Heracleids.

Another important legend is that which relates to Deucalion and the
deluge, as it is supposed to shed light on the different races that
Deucalion. colonized Greece. The wickedness of the world induced Zeus to
punish it by a deluge; a terrible rain laid the whole of Greece under
water, except a few mountain tops. Deucalion was saved in an ark,
or chest, which he had been forewarned to construct. After floating nine
days, he landed on the summit of Mount Parnassus. Issuing from his ark, he

Page 167

found no inhabitants, they having been destroyed by the deluge. Instructed,
however, by Zeus, he and his wife, Pyrrha, threw stones over their heads,
and those which he threw became men, and those thrown by his wife
became women. Thus does mythology account for the new settlement of the
country—a tradition doubtless derived from the remote ages through the
children of Japhet, from whom the Greeks descended, and who, after many
wanderings and migrations, settled in Greece.

Deucalion and Pyrrha had two sons, Hellen and Amphictyon. The
eldest, Hellen, by a nymph was the father of Dorus, Æolus, and
Hellen andXuthus, and he gave [pg 161] his name to the nation—Hellenas. In
Pyrrha. dividing the country among his sons, Æolus received Thessaly;
Xuthus, Peloponnesus; and Dorus, the country lying opposite, on
the northern side of the Corinthian Gulf, as has been already
mentioned in the preceding chapter. Substitute Deucalion for Noah, Greece
for Armenia, and Dorus, Æolus, and Xuthus for Shem, Ham, and Japhet,
and we see a reproduction of the Mosaic account of the second settlement
of mankind.

As it is natural for men to trace their origin to illustrious progenitors, so the
Greeks, in their various settlements, cherished the legends which
represented themselves as sprung from gods and heroes—those great
benefactors, whose exploits occupy the heroic ages. As Hercules was the
Argine hero of the Peloponnesus, so Æolus was the father of heroes sacred
in the history of the Æolians, who inhabited the largest part of Greece.
Æolus reigned in Thessaly, the original seat of the Hellenes.

Among his sons was Salmoneus, whose daughter, Tyro, became
enamored of the river Eneipus, and frequenting its banks, the god
Pelias andPoseidon fell in love with her. The fruits of this alliance were the
Neleus. twin brothers, Pelias and Neleus, who quarreled respecting the
possession of Iolchos, situated at the foot of Mount Pelion,
celebrated afterward as the residence of Jason. Pelias prevailed, and
Neleus returned into Peloponnesus and founded the kingdom of Pylos. His
beautiful daughter, Pero, was sought in marriage by princes from all the
neighboring countries, but he refused to entertain the pretensions of any of
them, declaring that she should only wed the man who brought him the

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famous oxen of Iphiklos, in Thessaly. Melampus, the nephew of Neleus,
obtained the oxen for his brother Bias, who thus obtained the hand of Pero.
Of the twelve sons of Neleus, Nestor was the most celebrated. It was he
who assembled the various chieftains for the siege of Troy, and was pre-
eminent over all for wisdom.

Another descendant of Æolus was the subject of a beautiful legend.
Admetus, who married a daughter of Pelias, and [pg 162] whose
Admetus. horses were tended by Apollo, for a time incarnated as a slave in
punishment for the murder of the Cyclopes. Apollo, in gratitude,
obtained from the Fates the privilege that the life of Admetus
should be prolonged if any one could be found to die voluntarily for him.
His wife, Alkestes, made the sacrifice, but was released from the grasp of
death (Thanatos) by Hercules, the ancient friend of Admetus.

But a still more beautiful legend is associated with Jason, a great
grandson of Æolus. Pelias, still reigning at Iolchos, was informed
Jason andby the oracle to beware of the man who should appear before him
the with only one sandal. He was celebrating a festival in honor of
Argonauts. Poseidon when Jason appeared, having lost one of his sandals in
crossing a river. As a means of averting the danger, he imposed
upon Jason the task, deemed desperate, of bringing back to Iolchos
the “Golden Fleece.” The result was the memorable Argonautic expedition
of the ship Argo, to the distant land of Colchis, on the eastern coast of the
Black Sea. Jason invited the noblest youth of Greece to join him in this
voyage of danger and glory. Fifty illustrious persons joined him, including
Hercules and Theseus, Castor and Pollux, Mopsus, and Orpheus. They
proceeded along the coast of Thrace, up the Hellespont, past the southern
coast of the Propontis, through the Bosphorus, onward past Bithynia and
Pontus, and arrived at the river Phasis, south of the Caucasian mountains,
where dwelt Æetes, whom they sought. But he refused to surrender the
golden fleece except on conditions which were almost impossible. Medea,
however, his daughter, fell in love with Jason, and by her means, assisted by
Hecate, he succeeded in yoking the ferocious bulls and plowing the field,
and sowing it with dragons' teeth. Still Æetes refused the reward, and
meditated the murder of the Argonauts; but Medea lulled to sleep the
dragon which guarded the fleece, and fled with her lover and his

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companions on board the Argo. The adventurers returned to Iolchos in
safety, after innumerable perils, and by courses irreconcilable [pg 163] with
all geographical truths. But Jason could avenge himself on Pelias only
through the stratagem of his wife, and by her magical arts she induced the
daughters of Pelias to cut up their father, and to cast his limbs into a
cauldron, believing that by this method he would be restored to the vigor of
youth, and Jason was thus revenged, and obtained possession of the
kingdom, which he surrendered to a son of Pelias, and retired with his wife
to Corinth. Here he lived ten years in prosperity, but repudiated Medea in
order to marry Glance, the daughter of the king of Corinth; Medea avenged
the insult by the poisoned robe she sent to Glance as a marriage present,
while Jason perished, while asleep, from a fragment of his ship Argo, which
fell upon him. Such is the legend of the Argonauts, which is typical of the
naval adventures of the maritime Greeks, and their restless enterprises.

The legend of Sisyphus is connected with the early history of
Corinth. Sisyphus was the son of Æolus, and founded this wealthy
Sisyphus. city. He was distinguished for cunning and deceit. He detected
Antolycus, the son of Hermes, by marking his sheep under the foot,
so that the arch-thief was obliged to acknowledge the superior craft
of the Æolid, and restore the plunder. He discovered the amour of Zeus with
the nymph Ægina, and told her mother where she was carried, which so
incensed the “father of gods and men,” that he doomed Sisyphus, in Hades,
to the perpetual punishment of rolling up a hill a heavy stone, which, as
soon as it reached the summit, rolled back again in spite of all his efforts.
This legend illustrates the never ending toils and disappointments of men.

Sisyphus was the grandfather of Bellerophon, whose beauty made
him the object of a violent passion on the part of Antea, the wife of
Belleropho a king of Argos. He rejected her advances, and became as violently
n. hated. She made false accusations, and persuaded her husband to
kill him. Not wishing to commit the murder directly, he sent him to
his son-in-law, the king of Sykia, in Asia Minor, with a folded
tablet full of destructive symbols, which required [pg 164] him to perform
perilous undertakings, which he successfully performed. He was then
recognized as the son of a god, and married the daughter of the king. This
legend reminds us of Joseph in Egypt.

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We are compelled to omit other interesting legends of the Æolids,
the sons and daughters of Æolus, among which are those which
Æolus. record the feats of Atalanta, and turn to those which relate to the
Pelopids, who gave to the Peloponnesus its early poetic interest. Of
this remarkable race were Tantalus, Pelops, Atreus, Thyestes,
Agamemnon, Menelaus, Helen, and Hermione, all of whom figured in the
ancient legendary genealogies.

Tantalus resided, at a remote antiquity, near Mount Sipylus, in
Lydia, and was a man of immense wealth, and pre-eminently
Tantalus. favored both by gods and men. Intoxicated by prosperity, he stole
nectar and ambrosia from the table of the gods, and revealed their
secrets, for which he was punished in the under world by perpetual
hunger and thirst, yet placed with fruit and water near him, which eluded
his grasp when he attempted to touch them. He had two children, Pelops
and Niobe. The latter was blessed with seven sons and seven daughters,
which so inflamed her with pride that she claimed equality with the
goddesses Latona and Diana, who favored her by their friendship. This
presumption so incensed the goddesses, that they killed all her children, and
Niobe wept herself to death, and was turned into a stone, a striking image of
excessive grief.

Pelops was a Lydian king, but was expelled from Asia by Ilus, king
of Troy, for his impieties. He came to Greece, and beat
Pelops. Hippodamenia, whose father was king of Pisa, near Olympia, in
Elis, in a chariot race, when death was the penalty of failure. He
succeeded by the favor of Poseidon, and married the princess, and
became king of Pisa. He gave his name to the whole peninsula, which he
was enabled to do from the great wealth he brought from Lydia, thus
connecting the early settlements of the Peloponnesus with Asia Minor. He
had numerous children, who [pg 165] became the sovereigns of different
cities and states in Argos, Elis, Laconia, and Arcadia. One of them, Atreus,
was king of Mycenæ, who inherited the sceptre of Zeus, and whose wealth
was proverbial. The sceptre was made by Hephæstus (Vulcan) and given to
Zeus; he gave it to Hermes; Hermes presented it to Pelops; and Pelops gave
it to Atreus, the ruler of men. Atreus and his brother, Thyestes, bequeathed
it to Agamemnon, who ruled at Mycenæ, while his brother, Menelaus,

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reigned at Sparta. It was the wife of Menelaus, Helen, who was carried
away by Paris, which occasioned the Trojan war. Agamemnon was killed on
his return from Troy, through the treachery of his wife Clytemnestra, who
was seduced by Ægisthus, the son of Thyestes. His only son, Orestes,
afterward avenged the murder, and recovered Mycenæ. Hermione, the only
daughter of Menelaus and Helen, was given in marriage to the son of
Achilles, Neoptolemas, who reigned in Thessaly. Mycenæ maintained its
independence to the Persian invasion, and is rendered immortal by the Iliad
and Odyssey. On the subsequent ascendency of Sparta, the bones of Orestes
were brought from Tegea, where they had reposed for generations, in a
coffin seven cubits long.

The other States of the Peloponnesus, have also their genealogical legends,
which trace their ancestors to gods and goddesses, which I omit, and turn to
those which belong to Attica.

The great Deucalian deluge, according to legend, happened during
the reign of Ogyges, 1796 years B.C., and 1020 before the first
The Olympiad. After a long interval, Cecrops, half man and half
Deucalian serpent, became king of the country. By some he is represented as a
deluge. Pelasgian, by others, as an Egyptian. He introduced the first
elements of civilized life—marriage, the twelve political divisions
of Attica, and a new form of worship, abolishing the bloody
sacrifices to Zeus. He gave to the country the name of Cecropia. During his
reign there ensued a dispute between Athenæ and Poseidon, respecting the
possession of the Acropolis. [pg 166] Poseidon struck the rocks with his
trident, and produced a well of salt water; Athenæ planted an olive tree. The
twelve Olympian gods decided the dispute, and awarded to Athenæ the
coveted possession, and she ever afterward remained the protecting deity of
Athens.

Among his descendants was Theseus, the great legendary hero of
Attica, who was one of the Argonauts, and also one of those who
Theseus. hunted the Calidomian boar. He freed Attica from robbers and wild
beasts, conquered the celebrated Minotaur of Crete, and escaped
from the labyrinth by the aid of Ariadne, whom he carried off and
abandoned. In the Iliad he is represented as fighting against the centaurs,

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and in the Hesiodic poems he is an amorous knight-errant, misguided by the
beautiful Ægle. Among his other feats, inferior only to those of Hercules, he
vanquished the Amazons—a nation of courageous and hardy women, who
came from the country about Caucasus, and whose principal seats were near
the modern Trezibond. They invaded Thrace, Asia Minor, Greece, Syria,
Egypt, and the islands of the Ægean. The foundation of several towns in
Asia Minor is ascribed to them. In the time of Theseus, this semi-mythical
and semi-historical race of female warriors invaded Attica, and even
penetrated to Athens, but were conquered by the hero king. Allusion is
made to their defeat throughout the literature of Athens. Although Theseus
was a purely legendary personage, the Athenians were accustomed to regard
him as a great political reformer and legislator, who consolidated the
Athenian commonwealth, distributing the people into three classes.

The legends pertaining to Thebes occupy a prominent place in
Grecian mythology. Cadmus, the son of Agenor, king of Phœnicia,
Theban leaves his country in search of his sister Europa, with whom Zeus,
legends. in the form of a bull, had fallen in love, and carried on his back to
Cadmus. Crete. He first goes to Thrace, and thence to Delphi, to learn tidings
Œdipus. of Europa, but the god directs him not to prosecute his search; he is
to follow the guidance of a cow, and to found a [pg 167] city where
the animal should lie down. The cow stops at the site of Thebes. He
marries Harmonia, the daughter of Ares and Aphrodite, after having killed
the dragons which guarded the fountain Allia, and sowed their teeth. From
these armed men sprang up, who killed each other, except five. From these
arose the five great families of Thebes, called Sparti. One of the Sparti
marries a daughter of Cadmus, whose issue was Pentheus, who became
king. It was in his reign that Dionysus appears as a god in Bœotia, the giver
of the vine, and obtains divine honors in Thebes. Among the descendants of
Cadmus was Laius. He is forewarned by an oracle that any son he should
beget would destroy him, and hence he caused the infant Œdipus to be
exposed on Mount Cithanon. Here the herdsmen of Polybus, king of
Corinth, find him, and convey him to their lord who brings him up as his
own child. Distressed by the taunts of companions as to his unknown
parentage, he goes to Delphi, to inquire the name of his real father. He is
told not to return to his own country, for it was his destiny to kill his father
and become the husband of his mother. Knowing no country but Corinth, he

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pursues his way to Bœotia, and meets Laius in a chariot drawn by mules. A
quarrel ensues from the insolence of attendants, and Œdipus kills Laius.
The brother of Laius, Creon, succeeds to the throne of Thebes. The country
around is vexed with a terrible monster, with the face of a woman, the
wings of a bird, and the tail of a lion, called the Sphinx, who has learned
from the Muses a riddle, which she proposed to the Thebans, and on every
failure to resolve it one of them was devoured. But no person can solve the
riddle. The king offers his crown and his sister Jocasta, wife of Laius, in
marriage to any one who would explain the riddle. Œdipus solves it, and is
made king of Thebes, and marries Jocasta. A fatal curse rests upon him.
Jocasta, informed by the gods of her relationship, hangs herself in agony.
Œdipus endures great miseries, as well as his children, whom he curses, and
who quarrel about their inheritance, which quarrel leads to [pg 168] the
siege of Thebes by Adrastus, king of Argos, who seeks to restore Polynices
—one of the sons of Œdipus, to the throne of which he was dispossessed.
The Argetan chieftains readily enter into the enterprise, assisted by
numerous auxiliaries from Arcadia and Messenia. The Cadmeans, assisted
by the Phocians, march out to resist the invaders, who are repulsed, in
consequence of the magnanimity of a generous youth, who offers himself a
victim to Ares. Eteocles then proposed to his brother, Polynices, the rival
claimants, to decide the quarrel by single combat. It resulted in the death of
both, and then in the renewal of the general contest, and the destruction of
the Argeian chiefs, and Adrastus's return to Argos in shame and woe.

But Creon, the father of the self-sacrificing Menæceus, succeeds on
the death of the rival brothers, to the administration of Thebes. A
Creon. second siege takes place, conducted by Adrastus, and the sons of
those who had been slain. Thebes now falls, and Thereander, the
son of Polynices, is made king. The legends of Thebes have
furnished the great tragedians Sophocles and Euripides, with their finest
subjects. In the fable of the Sphinx we trace a connection between Thebes
and ancient Egypt.

But all the legends of ancient Greece yield in interest to that of Troy, which
Homer chose as the subject of his immortal epic.

Page 174

Dardanus, a son of Zeus, is the primitive ancestor of the Trojan
kings, whose seat of power was Mount Ida. His son, Erichthonius,
Dardanus. became the richest of mankind, and had in his pastures three
thousand mares. His son, Tros, was the father of Ilus, Assarcus, and
Ganymede. The latter was stolen by Zeus to be his cup-bearer.

Ilus was the father of Laomedon, under whom Apollo and
Poseidon, in mortal form, went through a temporary servitude—the
Ilus. former tending his flocks, the latter building the walls of Ilium.
Laomedon was killed by Hercules, in punishment for his perfidy in
giving him mortal horses for his destruction of a sea monster,
instead of the immortal [pg 169] horses, as he had promised, the gift of
Zeus to Tros.

Among the sons of Laomedon was Priam, who was placed upon the
throne. He was the father of illustrious sons, among whom were
Priam. Hector and Paris. The latter was exposed on Mount Ida, to avoid
Helen. the fulfillment of an evil prophecy, but grew up beautiful and active
among the flocks and herds. It was to him that the three goddesses,
Here, Athenæ, and Aphrodite (Juno, Minerva, and Venus),
presented their respective claims to beauty, which he awarded to Aphrodite,
and by whom he was promised, in recompense, Helen, wife of the Spartan
king, Menelaus, and daughter of Zeus. Aphrodite caused ships to be built
for him, and he safely arrived in Sparta, and was hospitably entertained by
the unsuspecting monarch. In the absence of Menelaus in Crete, Paris
carries away to Troy both Helen, and a large sum of money belonging to the
king. Menelaus hastens home, informed of the perfidy, and consults his
brother, Agamemnon, and the venerable Nestor. They interest the Argeian
chieftains, who resolve to recover Helen. Ten years are spent in
preparations, consisting of one thousand one hundred and eighty-six ships,
and one hundred thousand men, comprised of heroes from all parts of
Greece, among whom are Ajax, Diomedes, Achilles, and Odysseus. The
heroes set sail from Aulis, and after various mistakes, reach Asia.

Meanwhile the Trojans assemble, with a large body of allies, to
resist the invaders, who demand the redress of a great wrong. The
The TrojanTrojans are routed in battle, and return within their walls. After
war.

Page 175

various fortunes, the city is taken, at the end of ten years, by stratagem, and
the Grecian chieftains who were not killed seek to return to their own
country, with Helen among the spoils. They meet with many misfortunes,
from the anger of the gods, for not having spared the altars of Troy. Their
chieftains quarrel among themselves, and even Agamemnon and Menelaus
lose their fraternal friendship. After long wanderings, and [pg 170] bitter
disappointments, and protracted hopes, the heroes return to their homes—
such as war had spared—to recount their adventures and sufferings, and
reconstruct their shattered States, and mend their broken fortunes—a type
of war in all the ages, calamitous even to conquerors. The wanderings of
Ulysses have a peculiar fascination, since they form the subject of the
Odyssey, one of the noblest poems of antiquity. Nor are the adventures of
Æneas scarcely less interesting, as presented by Virgil, who traces the first
Settlement of Latium to the Trojan exiles. We should like to dwell on the
siege of Troy, and its great results, but the subject is too extensive and
complicated. The student of the great event, whether historical or mystical,
must read the detailed accounts in the immortal epics of Homer. We have
only space for the grand outlines, which can be scarcely more than
allusions.

Scarcely inferior to the legend of Troy, is that which recounts the
return of the descendants of Hercules to the ancient inheritance on
The legendthe Peloponnesus, which, it is supposed, took place three or four
of thehundred years before authentic history begins, or eighty years after
Heraclidæ. the Trojan war.

We have briefly described the geographical position of the most
important part of ancient Greece—the Peloponnesus—almost an island,
separated from the continent only by a narrow gulf, resembling in shape a
palm-tree, indented on all sides by bays, and intersected with mountains,
and inhabited by a simple and warlike race.

We have seen that the descendants of Perseus, who was a descendant of
Danaus, reigned at Mycenæ in Argolis—among whom was Amphitryon,
who fled to Thebes, on the murder of his uncle, with Alemena his wife.
Then Hercules, to whom the throne of Mycenæ legitimately belonged, was
born, but deprived of his inheritance by Eurystheus—a younger branch of

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the Perseids—in consequence of the anger and jealousy of Juno, and to
whom, by the fates, Hercules was made subject. We have seen how the sons
of Hercules, [pg 171] under Hyllos, attempted to regain their kingdom, but
were defeated, and retreated among the Dorians.

After three generations, the Heraclidæ set out to regain their
inheritance, assisted by the Dorians. They at length, after five
Their expeditions, gained possession of the country, and divided it,
settlement among the various chieftains, who established their dominion in
in Sparta. Argos, Mycenæ, and Sparta, which, at the time of the Trojan war,
was ruled by Agamemnon and Menelaus, descendants of Pelops. In
the next generation, Corinth was conquered by the Dorians, under
an Heraclide prince.

The Achæans, thus expelled by the Dorians from the south and east
of the Peloponnesus, fell back upon the northwest coast, and drove
The away the Ionians, and formed a confederacy of twelve cities, which
wandering in later times became of considerable importance. The dispossessed
s of theIonians joined their brethren of the same race in Attica, but the
dispossess rugged peninsula was unequal to support the increased population,
ed and a great migration took place to the Cyclades and the coasts of
Achæans. Lydia. The colonists there built twelve cities, about one hundred
and forty years after the Trojan war. Another body of Achæans,
driven out of the Peloponnesus by the Dorians, first settled in
Bœotia, and afterward, with Æolians, sailed to the isle of Lesbos, where
they founded six cities, and then to the opposite mainland. At the foot of
Mount Ida they founded the twelve Æolian cities, of which Smyrna was the
principal.

Crete was founded by a body of Dorians and conquered Achæans.
Rhodes received a similar colony. So did the island of Cos. The
Crete. cities of Lindus, Ialysus, Camirus, Cos, with Cnidus and
Halicarnassus, on the mainland, formed the Dorian Hexapolis of
Caria, inferior, however, to the Ionian and Æolian colonies.

At the beginning of the mythical age the dominant Hellenic races were the
Achæans and Æolians; at the close, the Ionians and Dorians were
predominant. The Ionians extended their maritime possessions [pg 172]

Page 177

from Attica to the Asiatic colonies across the Ægean, and gradually
took the lead of the Asiatic Æolians, and formed a great maritime
The empire under the supremacy of Athens. The Hellenic world
Dorians ultimately was divided and convulsed by the great contest for
and supremacy between the Dorians and Ionians, until the common
Ionians danger from the Persian invasion united them together for a time.
become
the leading Thus far we have only legend to guide us in the early
tribes. history of Greece. The historical period begins with the
First First Olympiad, B.C. 776. Before this all is uncertain, yet
Olympiad, as probable as the events of English history in the mythical
the era ofperiod between the departure of the Romans and the
the historicestablishment of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom. The history is
period. not all myth; neither is it clearly authenticated.

The various Hellenic tribes, though separated by
political ambition, were yet kindred in language
Grecian and institutions. They formed great leagues, or
leagues. associations, of neighboring cities, for the
performance of religious rites. The Amphictyonic
Council, which became subsequently so famous,
was made up of Thessalians, Bœotians, Dorians, Ionians, Achæans,
Locrians, and Phocians—all Hellenic in race. Their great centre was the
temple of Apollo at Delphi. The different tribes or nations also came
together regularly to take part in the four great religious festivals or games
—the Olympic, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemæan—the two former of which
were celebrated every four years.

In the Homeric age the dominant State was Achæa, whose capital
was Mycenæ. The next in power was Lacedæmon. After the Dorian
Early conquest, Argos was the first, Sparta the second, and Messenia the
dominant third State in importance. Argos, at the head of a large confederacy
states. of cities on the northeast of the Peloponnesus, was governed by
Phidon—an irresponsible ruler, a descendant of Hercules, to whom
is inscribed the coinage of silver and copper money, and the
introduction of weights and measures. He flourished B.C. 747.

[pg 173]

Page 178

All these various legends, though unsupported by history, have a
great ethical importance, as well as poetic interest. The passions,
Interest tohabits, and adventures of a primitive and warlike race are presented
be by the poets with transcendent effect, and we read lessons of
attached tohuman nature as in the dramas of Shakespeare. Hence, one of the
the most learned and dignified of the English historians deems it
legends ofworthy of his pen to devote to these myths a volume of his noble
Greece. work. Nor is it misplaced labor. These legends furnished subjects to
the tragic and epic poets of antiquity, as well as to painters and
sculptors, in all the ages of art. They are identified with the
development of Grecian genius, and are as imperishable as history itself.
They were to the Greeks realities, and represent all that is vital in their
associations and worship. They stimulated the poetic faculty, and taught
lessons of moral wisdom which all nations respect and venerate. They
contributed to enrich both literature and art. They make Æschylus,
Euripides, Pindar, Homer, and Hesiod great monumental pillars of the
progress of the human race. Therefore, we will not willingly let those
legends die in our memories or hearts.

They are particularly important as shedding light on the manners,
customs, and institutions of the ancient Greeks, although they give
Their no reliable historical facts. They are memorials of the first state of
historical Grecian society, essentially different from the Oriental world. We
importanc see in them the germs of political constitutions—the rise of liberty
e. —the pre-eminence of families which forms the foundation for
oligarchy, or the ascendency of nobles. We see also the first
beginnings of democratic influence—the voice of the people
asserting a claim to be heard in the market-place. We see again the
existence of slavery—captives taken in war doomed to attendance in
princely palaces, and ultimately to menial labor on the land. In those
primitive times a State was often nothing but a city, with the lands
surrounding it, and therefore it was possible for all the inhabitants to
assemble in the agora with the king and nobles. We find, in [pg 174] the
early condition of Greece, kings, nobles, citizens, and slaves.

The king was seldom distinguished by any impassable barrier between
himself and subjects. He was rather the chief among his nobles, and his

Page 179

supremacy was based on descent from illustrious ancestors. It
passed generally to the eldest son. In war he was a leader; in peace,
The earlya protector. He offered up prayers and sacrifices for his people to
governme the gods in whom they all alike believed. He possessed an ample
nt of thedomain, and the produce of his lands was devoted to a generous but
Hellenes. rude hospitality. He had a large share of the plunder taken from an
The king. enemy, and the most alluring of the female captives. It was,
however, difficult for him to retain ascendency without great
personal gifts and virtues, and especially bravery on the field of
battle, and wisdom in council. To the noblest of these kings the legends
ascribe great bodily strength and activity.

The kings were assisted by a great council of chieftains or nobles,
whose functions were deliberation and consultation; and after
The having talked over their intentions with the chiefs, they announced
councils. them to the people, who assembled in the market-place, and who
were generally submissive to the royal authority, although they
were regarded as the source of power. Then the king, and
sometimes his nobles, administered justice and heard complaints. Public
speaking was favorable to eloquence, and stimulated intellectual
development, and gave dignity to tho people to whom the speeches were
addressed.

In those primitive times there was a strong religious feeling, great
reverence for the gods, whose anger was deprecated, and whose
Religious favor was sought. The ties of families were strong. Paternal
and socialauthority was recognized and revered. Marriage was a sacred
life. institution. The wife occupied a position of great dignity and
influence. Women were not secluded in a harem, as were the
Asiatics, but employed in useful labors. Children were obedient,
and brothers, [pg 175] sisters, and cousins were united together by strong
attachments. Hospitality was a cherished virtue, and the stranger was ever
cordially welcome, nor questioned even until refreshed by the bath and the
banquet. Feasts were free from extravagance and luxury, and those who
shared in them enlivened the company by a recital of the adventures of gods
and men. But passions were unrestrained, and homicide was common. The
murderer was not punished by the State, but was left to the vengeance of

Page 180

kindred and friends, appeased sometimes by costly gifts, as among the
ancient Jews.

There was a rude civilization among the ancient Greeks, reminding
us of the Teutonic tribes, but it was higher than theirs. We observe
Early the division of the people into various trades and occupations—
forms ofcarpenters, smiths, leather-dressers, leeches, prophets, bards, and
civilizatio fishermen, although the main business was agriculture. Cattle were
n. the great staple of wealth, and the largest part of the land was
devoted to pasture. The land was tilled chiefly by slaves, and
women of the servile class were doomed to severe labor and
privations. They brought the water, and they turned the mills. Spinning and
weaving were, however, the occupations of all, and garments for men and
women were alike made at home. There was only a limited commerce,
which was then monopolized by the Phœnicians, who exaggerated the
dangers of the sea. There were walled cities, palaces, and temples. Armor
was curiously wrought, and arms were well made. Rich garments were
worn by princes, and their palaces glittered with the precious metals.
Copper was hardened so as to be employed in weapons of war. The warriors
had chariots and horses, and were armed with sword, dagger, and spear, and
were protected by helmets, breastplates, and greaves. Fortified cities were
built on rocky elevations, although the people generally lived in unfortified
villages. The means of defense were superior to those of offense, which
enabled men to preserve their acquisitions, for the ancient chieftains
resembled the feudal barons [pg 176] of the Middle Ages in the passion for
robbery and adventure. We do not read of coined money nor the art of
writing, nor sculpture, nor ornamental architecture among the Homeric
Greeks; but they were fond of music and poetry. Before history commences,
they had their epics, which, sung by the bards and minstrels, furnished
Homer and Hesiod with materials for their noble productions. It is supposed
by Grote that the Homeric poems were composed eight hundred and fifty
years before Christ, and preserved two hundred years without the aid of
writing—of all poems the most popular and natural, and addressed to
unlettered minds.

Such were the heroic ages with their myths, their heroes, their simple
manners, their credulity, their religious faith, their rude civilization. We

Page 181

have now to trace their progress through the historical epoch.

[pg 177]

Page 182

CHAPTER XV.

Page 183

THE GRECIAN STATES AND COLONIES TO
THE PERSIAN WARS.

We come now to consider those States which grew into importance about
the middle of the eighth century before Christ, at the close of the legendary
period.

The most important of these was Sparta, which was the leading
State. We have seen how it was conquered by Dorians, under
Lycurgus. Heraclic princes. Its first great historic name was Lycurgus, whom
some historians, however, regard as a mythical personage.

Sparta was in a state of anarchy in consequence of the Dorian
conquest, a contest between the kings, aiming at absolute power,
His and the people, desirous of democratic liberty. At this juncture the
legislation. king, Polydectes, died, leaving Lycurgus, his brother, guardian of
the realm, and of the infant heir to the throne. The future lawgiver
then set out on his travels, visiting the other States of Greece, Asia
Minor, Egypt, and other countries, and returned to Sparta about the period
of the first Olympiad, B.C. 776, with a rich store of wisdom and
knowledge. The State was full of disorders, but he instituted great reforms,
aided by the authority of the Delphic oracle, and a strong party of
influential men. His great object was to convert the citizens of Sparta into
warriors united by the strongest bonds, and trained to the severest
discipline, governed by an oligarchy under the form of the ancient
monarchy. In other words, his object was to secure the ascendency of the
small body of Dorian invaders that had conquered Laconia.

The descendants of these invaders, the Spartans, alone possessed
the citizenship, and were equal in political rights. [pg 178] They
Spartan were the proprietors of the soil, which was tilled by Helots. The
citizens. Spartans disdained any occupation but war and government. They

Page 184

lived within their city, which was a fortified camp, and ate in common at
public tables, and on the simplest fare. Every virtue and energy were
concentrated on self-discipline and sacrifice, in order to fan the fires of
heroism and self-devotion. They were a sort of stoics—hard, severe, proud,
despotic, and overbearing. They cared nothing for literature, or art, or
philosophy. Even eloquence was disdained, and the only poetry or music
they cultivated were religions hymns and heroic war songs. Commerce was
forbidden by the constitution, and all the luxuries to which it leads. Only
iron was allowed for money, and the precious metals were prohibited. Every
exercise, every motive, every law, contributed to make the Spartans
soldiers, and nothing but soldiers. Their discipline was the severest known
to the ancients. Their habits of life were austere and rigid. They were
trained to suffer any hardship without complaint.

Besides these Spartan citizens were the Periœci—remnants of the
old Achæan population, but mixed with an inferior class of
The oldDorians. They had no political power, but possessed personal
Achæan freedom. They were landed proprietors, and engaged in commerce
population and manufactures.
.
Below this class were the Helots—pure Greeks, but
reduced to dependence by conquest. They were bound to
The the soil, like serfs, but dwelt with their families on the
Helots. farms they tilled. They were not bought and sold as slaves.
They were the body servants of the Spartan citizens, and
were regarded as the property of the State. They were
treated with great haughtiness and injustice by their masters, which bred at
last an intense hatred.

All political power was in the hands of the citizen warriors, only
about nine thousand in number in the time of Lycurgus. From them
The emanated all delegated authority, except that of kings. This
Ecclesia. assembly, or ecclesia, of Spartans over thirty years of age, met at
stated intervals to decide [pg 179] on all important matters
submitted to them, but they had no right of amendment—only a
simple approval or rejection.

Page 185

The body to which the people, it would seem, delegated
considerable power, was the Senate, composed of thirty members,
The not under sixty years of age, and elected for life. They were a
Senate. deliberative body, and judges in all capital charges against
Spartans. They were not chosen for noble birth or property
qualifications, but for merit and wisdom.

At the head of the State, at least nominally, were two kings, who
were numbered with the thirty senators. They had scarcely more
The kings. power than the Roman consuls; they commanded the armies, and
offered the public sacrifices, and were revered as the descendants
of Hercules.

The persons of most importance were the ephors, chosen annually
by the people, who exercised the chief executive power, and
The without responsibility. They could even arrest kings, and bring
Ephors. them to trial before the Senate. Two of the five ephors accompanied
the king in war, and were a check on his authority.

It would thus seem that the government of Sparta was a republic of
an aristocratic type. There were no others nobler than citizens, but
Aristocrati these citizens composed but a small part of the population. They
c form ofwere Spartans—a handful of conquerors, in the midst of hostile
governme people—a body of lords among slaves and subjects. They
nt. Thesympathized with law and order, and detested the democratical
citizen lostturbulence of Athens. They were trained, by their military
in theeducation, to subordination, obedience, and self-sacrifice. They, as
State. citizens or as soldiers, existed only for the State, and to the State
every thing was subordinate. In our times, the State is made for the
people; in Sparta, the people for the State. This generated an
intense patriotism and self-denial. It also permitted a greater interference of
the State in personal matters than would now be tolerated in any despotism
in Europe. It made the citizens submissive to a division of property, which
if not [pg 180] a perfect community of goods, was fatal to all private
fortunes. But the property which the citizens thus shared was virtually
created by the Helots, who alone tilled the ground. The wealth of nations is
in the earth, and it is its cultivation which is the ordinary source of property.

Page 186

The State, not individual masters, owned the Helots; and they toiled for the
citizens. In the modern sense of liberty, there was very little in Sparta,
except that which was possessed by the aristocratic citizens—the
conquerors of the country—men, whose very occupation was war and
government, and whose very amusement were those which fostered warlike
habits. The Roman citizens did not disdain husbandry, nor the Puritan
settlers of New England, but the Spartan citizens despised both this and all
trade and manufacture. Never was a haughtier class of men than these
Spartan soldiers. They exceeded in pride the feudal chieftain.

Such an exclusive body of citizens, however, jealous of their
political privileges, constantly declined in numbers, so that, in the
Number oftime of Aristotle, there were only one thousand Spartan citizens;
citizens. and this decline continued in spite of all the laws by which the
citizens were compelled to marry, and those customs, so abhorrent
to our Christian notions, which permitted the invasion of marital
rights for the sake of healthy children.

As it was to war that the best energies of the Spartans were
directed, so their armies were the admiration of the ancient world
Spartan for discipline and effectiveness. They were the first who reduced
armies. war to a science. The general type of their military organization
was the phalanx, a body of troops in close array, armed with a long
spear and short sword. The strength of an army was in the heavy
armed infantry; and this body was composed almost entirely of citizens,
with a small mixture of Periœci. From the age of twenty to sixty, every
Spartan was liable to military service; and all the citizens formed an army,
whether congregated at Sparta, or absent on foreign service.

Such, in general, were the social, civil, and military institutions [pg 181] of
Sparta, and not peculiar to her alone, but to all the Dorians, even in Crete;
from which we infer that it was not Lycurgus who shaped them, but that
they existed independent of his authority. He may have re-established the
old regulations, and gave his aid to preserve the State from corruption and
decay. And when we remember that the constitution which he re-established
resisted both the usurpations of tyrants and the advances of democracy, by

Page 187

which other States were revolutionized, we can not sufficiently admire the
wisdom which so early animated the Dorian legislators.

The Spartans became masters of the country after a long struggle,
and it was henceforth called Laconia. The more obstinate Achæans
The became Helots. After the conquest, the first memorable event in
Spartans Spartan history was the reduction of Messenia, for which it took
obtain thetwo great wars.
ascendenc
y on the Messenia has already been mentioned as the southwestern
Peninsula. part of the Peloponnesus, and resembling Laconia in its
Messenia. general aspects. The river Parnisus flows through its entire
The warlength, as Eurotas does in Laconia, forming fertile valleys
with and plains, and producing various kinds of cereals and
Sparta. fruits, even as it now produces oil, silk, figs, wheat, maize,
cotton, wine, and honey. The area of Messenia is one
thousand one hundred and ninety-two square miles, not so
large as one of our counties. The early inhabitants had been conquered by
the Dorians, and it was against the descendants of these conquerors that the
Spartans made war. The murder of a Spartan king, Teleclus, at a temple on
the confines of Laconia and Messenia, where sacrifices were offered in
common, gave occasion for the first war, which lasted nineteen years, B.C.
743. Other States were involved in the quarrel—Corinth on the side of
Sparta, and Sicyon and Arcadia on the part of the Messenians. The Spartans
having the superiority in the field, the Messenians retreated to their
stronghold of Ithome, where they defended themselves fifteen years. But at
[pg 182] last they were compelled to abandon it, and the fortress was razed
to the ground. The conquered were reduced to the condition of Helots—
compelled to cultivate the land and pay half of its produce to their new
masters. The Spartan citizens became the absolute owners of the whole soil
of Messenia.

After thirty-nine years of servitude, a hero arose among the
conquered Messenians, Aristomenes, like Judas Maccabeus, or
Aristomen William Wallace, who incited his countrymen to revolt. The whole
es. of the Peloponnesus became involved in the new war, and only
Conquest Corinth became the ally of Sparta; the remaining States of Argos,

Page 188

of Sicyon, Arcadia, and Pisa, sided with the Messenians. The Athenian
Messenia. poet, Tyrtæus, stimulated the Spartans by his war-songs. In the first
great battle, the Spartans were worsted; in the second, they gained a
signal victory, so that the Messenians were obliged to leave the
open country and retire to the fortress on Mount Ira. Here they maintained
themselves eleven years, the Spartans being unused to sieges, and trained
only to conflict in the open field. The fortress was finally taken by
treachery, and the hero who sought to revive the martial glories of his State
fled to Rhodes. Messenia became now, B.C. 668, a part of Laconia, and it
was three hundred years before it appeared again in history.

The Spartans, after the conquest of Messenia, turned their eyes
upon Arcadia—that land of shepherds, free and simple and brave
Aggrandiz like themselves. The city of Tegea long withstood the arms of the
ement ofSpartans, but finally yielded to superior strength, and became a
Sparta. subject ally, B.C. 560. Sparta was further increased by a part of
Argos, and a great battle, B.C. 547, between the Argives and
Spartans, resulted in the complete ascendency of Sparta in the
southern part of the Peloponnesus, about the time that Cyrus overthrew the
Lydian empire. The Ionian Greeks of Asia Minor invoked their aid against
the Persian power, and Sparta proudly rallied in their defense.

[pg 183]

Meanwhile, a great political revolution was going on in the other
States of Greece, in no condition to resist the pre-eminence of
Political Sparta, The patriarchal monarchies of the heroic ages had gradually
changes. been subverted by the rising importance of the nobility, enriched by
The age ofconquered lands. Every conquest, every step to national
Tyrants. advancement, brought the nobles nearer to the crown, and the
government passed into the hands of those nobles who had
formerly composed the council of the king. With the growing
power of nobles was a corresponding growth of the political power of the
people or citizens, in consequence of increased wealth and intelligence. The
political changes were rapid. As the nobles had usurped the power of the
kings, so the citizens usurped the power of the nobles. The everlasting war
of classes, where the people are intelligent and free, was signally illustrated

Page 189

in the Grecian States, and democracy succeeded to the oligarchy which had
prostrated kings. Then, when the people had gained the ascendency,
ambitious and factious demagogues in turn, got the control, and these
adventurers, now called Tyrants, assumed arbitrary powers. Their power
was only maintained by cruelty, injustice, and unscrupulous means, which
caused them finally to be so detested that they were removed by
assassination. These natural changes, from a monarchy, primitive and just
and limited, to an oligarchy of nobles, and the gradual subversion of their
power by wealthy and enlightened citizens, and then the rise of
demagogues, who became tyrants, have been illustrated in all ages of the
world. But the rapidity of these changes in the Grecian States, with the
progress of wealth and corruption, make their history impressive on all
generations. It is these rapid and natural revolutions which give to the
political history of Greece its permanent interest and value. The age of the
Tyrants is generally fixed from B.C. 650 to B.C. 500—about one hundred
and fifty years.

No State passed through these changes of government more
signally than Corinthia, which, with Megaris, formed the isthmus
Corinthia. [pg 184] which connected the Peloponnesus with Greece Proper. It
was a small territory, covered with the ridges and the spurs of the
Geranean and and Oneian mountains, and useless for purposes of
agriculture. Its principal city was Corinth; was favorably situated for
commerce, and rapidly grew in population and wealth. It also commanded
the great roads which led from Greece Proper through the defiles of the
mountains into the Peloponnesus. It rapidly monopolized the commerce of
the Ægean Sea, and the East through the Saronic Gulf; and through the
Corinthian Gulf it commanded the trade of the Ionian and Sicilian seas.

Corinth, by some, is supposed have been a Phœnician colony.
Before authentic history begins, it was inhabited by a mixed
Changes inpopulation of Æolians and Ionians, the former of whom were
Corinth. dominant. Over them reigned Sisyphus, according to tradition, the
grandfather of Bellerophon who laid the foundation of mercantile
prosperity. The first historical king was Aletes, B.C. 1074, the
leader of Dorian invaders, who subdued the Æolians, and incorporated them
with their own citizens. The descendants of Aletes reigned twelve

Page 190

generations, when the nobles converted the government into an oligarchy,
under Bacchis, who greatly increased the commercial importance of the
city. In 754, B.C., Corinth began to colonize, and fitted out a war fleet for
the protection of commerce. The oligarchy was supplanted by Cypselus,
B.C. 655, a man of the people, whose mother was of noble birth, but
rejected by her family, of the ruling house of the Bacchiadæ, on account of
lameness. His son Periander reigned forty years with cruel despotism, but
made Corinth the leading commercial city of Greece, and he subjected to
her sway the colonies planted on the islands of the Ionian Sea, one of which
was Corcyra (Corfu), which gained a great mercantile fame. It was under
his reign that the poet Arion, or Lesbos, flourished, to whom he gave his
patronage. In three years after the death of Periander, 585 B.C., the
oligarchal power was restored, and Corinth allied herself with Sparta in her
schemes of aggrandizement.

[pg 185]

The same change of government was seen in Megara, a
neighboring State, situated on the isthmus, between Corinth and
Changes inAttica, and which attained great commercial distinction. As a result
Megara. of commercial opulence, the people succeeded in overthrowing the
government, an oligarchy of Dorian conquerors, and elevating a
demagogue, Theagenes, to the supreme power, B.C. 630. He ruled
tyrannically, in the name of the people, for thirty years, but was expelled by
the oligarchy, which regained power. During his reign all kinds of popular
excesses were perpetrated, especially the confiscation of the property of the
rich.

Other States are also illustrations of this change of government
from kings to oligarchies, and oligarchies to demagogues and
Changes intyrants, as on the isle of Lesbos, where Pittacus reigned dictator,
other but with wisdom and virtue—one of the seven wise men of Greece
States. —and in Samos, where Polycrates rivaled the fame of Periander,
and adorned his capital with beautiful buildings, and patronized
literature and art. One of his friends was Anacreon, the poet. He
was murdered by the Persians, B.C. 522.

Page 191

But the State which most signally illustrates the revolutions in government
was Athens.

“Where on the Ægean shore a city stands,—
Built nobly; pure the air, and light the soil:
Athena, the eye of Greece, mother of arts
And eloquence, native to famous wits.”

Every thing interesting or impressive in the history of classical
antiquity clusters round this famous city, so that without Athens
Early there could be no Greece. Attica, the little State of which it was the
history ofcapital, formed a triangular peninsula, of about seven hundred
Athens. square miles. The country is hilly and rocky, and unfavorable to
Theseus. agriculture; but such was the salubrity of the climate, and the
Codrus. industry of the people, all kinds of plants and animals flourished.
The history of the country, like that of the other States, is mythical,
to the period of the first Olympiad. Ogyges has the reputation of
being the first king of a people who [pg 186] claimed to be indigenous,
about one hundred and fifty years before the arrival of Cecrops, who came,
it is supposed, from Egypt, and founded Athens, and taught the simple but
savage natives a new religion, and the elements of civilized life, 1556 B.C.
It received its name from the goddess Neith, introduced by him from Egypt,
under the name of Athena, or Minerva. It was also called Cecropia, from its
founder. Until the time of Theseus it was a small town, confined to the
Acropolis and Mars Hill. This hero is the great name of ancient Athenian
legend, as Hercules is to Greece generally. He cleared the roads of robbers,
and formed an aristocratical constitution, with a king, who was only the
first of his nobles. But he himself, after having given political unity, was
driven away by a conspiracy of nobles, leaving the throne to Menesthius, a
descendant of the ancient kings. This monarch reigned twenty-four years,
and lost his life at the siege of Troy. The whole period of the monarchy lies
within the mythical age. Tradition makes Codrus the last king, who was
slain during an invasion of the Dorians, B.C. 1045. Resolving to have no
future king, the Athenians substituted the office of archon, or ruler, and
made his son, Medus, the superior magistrate. This office remained
hereditary in the family of Codrus for thirteen generations. In B.C. 752, the
duration of the office was fixed for ten years. It remained in the family of

Page 192

Codrus thirty-eight years longer, when it was left open for all the nobles. In
683 B.C. nine archons were annually elected from the nobles, the first
having superior dignity.

The first of these archons, of whom any thing of importance is
recorded, was Draco, who governed Athens in the year 624 B.C.,
Draco. who promulgated written laws, exceedingly severe, inflicting
capital punishment for slight offenses. The people grew weary of
him and his laws, and he was banished to Ægina, where he died,
from a conspiracy headed by Cylon, one of the nobles, who seized the
Acropolis, B.C. 612. His insurrection, however, failed, and he was
treacherously put to death by one of the archons, [pg 187] which led to the
expulsion of the whole body, and a change in the constitution.

This was effected by Solon, the Athenian sage and law-giver—
himself of the race of Codrus, whom the Athenians chose as
Solon. archon, with full power to make new laws. Intrusted with absolute
power, he abstained from abusing it—a patriot in the most exalted
sense, as well as a poet and philosopher. Urged by his friends to
make himself tyrant, he replied that tyranny might be a fair country, only
there was no way out of it.

When he commenced his reforms, the nobles, or Eupatridæ, were
in possession of most of the fertile land of Attica, while the poorer
His citizens possessed only the sterile highlands. This created an
institutions unhappy jealousy between the rich and poor. Besides, there was
. another class that had grown rich by commerce, animated by the
spirit of freedom. But their influence tended to widen the gulf
between the rich and poor. The poor got into debt, and fell in the
power of creditors, and sunk to the condition of serfs, and many were even
sold in slavery, for the laws were severe against debtors, as in ancient
Rome. Solon, like Moses in his institution of the Year of Jubilee, set free all
the estates and persons that had fallen in the power of creditors, and
ransomed such as were sold in slavery.

Having removed the chief source of enmity between the rich and poor, he
repealed the bloody laws of Draco, and commenced to remodel the political
constitution. The fundamental principles which he adopted was a

Page 193

distribution of power to all citizens according to their wealth. But
the nobles were not deprived of their ascendency, only the way was
Loss ofopened to all citizens to reach political distinction, especially those
aristocratic who were enriched by commerce. He made an assessment of the
power. landed property of all the citizens, taking as the medium a standard
Different of value which was equivalent to a drachma of annual produce. The
classes. first class, who had no aristocratic titles, were called Pentacosio
medimni, from possessing five hundred medimni or upward. [pg
188] They alone were eligible to the archonship and other high
offices, and bore the largest share of the public burdens. The second class
was called Knights, because they were bound to serve as cavalry. They
filled the inferior offices, farmed the revenue, and had the commerce of the
country in their hands.

The third class was called Zeugitæ (yokesmen), from their ability
to keep a yoke of oxen. They were small farmers, and served in the
Other heavy-armed infantry, and were subject to a property-tax. All those
political whose incomes fell short of two hundred medimni formed the
changes. fourth class, and served in the light-armed troops, and were exempt
from property-tax, but disqualified for public office, and yet they
had a vote in popular elections, and in the judgment passed upon
archons at the expiration of office. “The direct responsibility of all the
magistrates to the popular assembly, was the most democratic of all the
institutions of Solon; and though the government was still in the hands of
the oligarchy, Solon clearly foresaw, if he did not purposely prepare for, the
preponderance of the popular element.” “To guard against hasty measures,
he also instituted the Senate of four hundred, chosen year by year, from the
four Ionic tribes, whose office was to prepare all business for the popular
assembly, and regulate its meetings. The Areopagus retained its ancient
functions, to which Solon added a general oversight over all the public
institutions, and over the private life of the citizens. He also enacted many
other laws for the administration of justice, the regulation of social life, the
encouragement of commerce, and the general prosperity of the State.” His
whole legislation is marked by wisdom and patriotism, and adaptation to
the circumstances of the people who intrusted to him so much power and
dignity. The laws were, however, better than the people, and his legislative
wisdom and justice place him among the great benefactors of mankind, for

Page 194

who can tell the ultimate influence of his legislation on Rome and on other
nations. The most beautiful feature was the responsibility of the chief
magistrates [pg 189] to the people who elected them, and from the fact that
they could subsequently be punished for bad conduct was the greatest
security against tyranny and peculation.

After having given this constitution to his countrymen, the lawgiver
took his departure from Athens, for ten years, binding the people by
Departure a solemn oath to make no alteration in his laws. He visited Egypt,
of SolonCyprus, and Asia Minor, and returned to Athens to find his work
from nearly subverted by one of his own kinsmen. Pisistratus, of noble
Athens. origin, but a demagogue, contrived, by his arts and prodigality, to
Pisistratus. secure a guard, which he increased, and succeeded in seizing the
His reign.Acropolis, B.C. 560, and in usurping the supreme authority—so
Hippias. soon are good laws perverted, so easily are constitutions
overthrown, when demagogues and usurpers are sustained by the
people. A combination of the rich and poor drove him into exile;
but their divisions and hatreds favored his return. Again he was exiled by
popular dissension, and a third time he regained his power, but only by a
battle. He sustained his usurpation by means of Thracian mercenaries, and
sent the children of all he suspected as hostages to Naxos. He veiled his
despotic power under the forms of the constitution, and even submitted
himself to the judgment of the Areopagus on the charge of murder. He kept
up his popularity by generosity and affability, by mingling freely with the
citizens, by opening to them his gardens, by adorning the city with beautiful
edifices, and by a liberal patronage of arts and letters. He founded a public
library, and collected the Homeric poems in a single volume. He ruled
beneficently, as tyrants often have,—like Cæsar, like Richelieu, like
Napoleon,—identifying his own glory with the welfare of the State. He died
after a successful reign of thirty-three years, B.C. 527, and his two sons,
Hippias and Hipparchus, succeeded him in the government, ruling, like
their father, at first wisely but despotically, cultivating art and letters and
friendship of great men. But sensual passions led to outrages which resulted
in the assassination of Hipparchus. Hippias, having [pg 190] punished the
conspirators, changed the spirit of the government, imposed arbitrary taxes,
surrounded himself with an armed guard, and ruled tyrannically and cruelly.
After four years of despotic government, Athens was liberated, chiefly by

Page 195

aid of the Lacedæmonians, now at the highest of their power. Hippias
retired to the court of Persia, and planned and guided the attack of Darius
on Greece—a traitor of the most infamous kind, since he combined tyranny
at home with the coldest treachery to his country. His accursed family were
doomed to perpetual banishment, and never succeeded in securing a pardon.
Their power had lasted fifty years, and had been fatal to the liberties of
Athens.

The Lacedæmonians did not retire until their king Cleomenes
formed a close friendship with Isagoras, the leader of the
Cleisthene aristocratic party—and no people were prouder of their birth than
s. Thethe old Athenian nobles. Opposed to him was Cleisthenes, of the
increase ofnoble family of the Alcmæonids, who had been banished in the
the Senate. time of Megacles, for the murder of Cylon, who had been
treacherously enticed from the sanctuary at the altar of Athena.
Cleisthenes gained the ear of the people, and prevailed over
Isagoras, and effected another change in the constitution, by which it
became still more democratic. He remodeled the basis of citizenship,
heretofore confined to the four Ionic tribes; and divided the whole country
into demes, or parishes, each of which managed its local affairs. All
freemen were enrolled in the demes, and became members of the tribes,
now ten in number, instead of the old four Ionian tribes. He increased the
members of the senate from four to five hundred, fifty members being
elected from each tribe. To this body was committed the chief functions of
executive government. It sat in permanence, and was divided into ten
sections, one for each tribe, and each section or committee, called prytany,
had the presidency of the senate and ecclesia during its term. Each prytany
of fifty members was subdivided into committees of ten, each of which held
the [pg 191] presidency for seven days, and out of these a chairman was
chosen by lot every day, to preside in the senate and assembly, and to keep
the keys of the Acropolis and treasury, and public seal. Nothing shows
jealousy of power more than the brief term of office which the president
exercised.

The ecclesia, or assembly of the people, was the arena for the
debate of all public measures. The archons were chosen according
The to the regulations of Solon, but were stripped of their power, which
ecclesia.

Page 196

was transferred to the senate and ecclesia. The generals were elected by the
people annually, one from each tribe. They were called strategi, and had
also the direction of foreign affairs. It was as first strategus that Pericles
governed—“prime minister of the people.”

In order to guard against the ascendency of tyrants—the great evil
of the ancient States, Cleisthenes devised the institution of
Ostracism. ostracism, by which a suspected or obnoxious citizen could be
removed from the city for ten years, though practically abridged to
five. It simply involved an exclusion from political power, without
casting a stigma on the character. It was virtually a retirement, during which
his property and rights remained intact, and attended with no disgrace. The
citizens, after the senate had decreed the vote was needful, were required to
write a name in an oyster shell, and he who had less than six thousand votes
was obliged to withdraw within ten days from the city. The wisdom of this
measure is proved in the fact that no tyrannical usurpation occurred at
Athens after that of Pisistratus. This revolution which Cleisthenes effected
was purely democratic, to which the aristocrats did not submit without a
struggle. The aristocrats called to their aid the Spartans, but without other
effect than creating that long rivalry which existed between democracy and
oligarchy in Greece, in which Sparta and Athens were the representatives.

About this time began the dominion of Athens over the islands of the
Ægean and the system of colonizing conquered [pg 192] States, This was
the period which immediately preceded the Persian wars, when Athens
reached the climax of political glory.

Next in importance to the States which have been briefly
mentioned was Bœotia, which contained fourteen cities, united in a
Bœotia. confederacy, of which Thebes took the lead. They were governed
by magistrates, called bœtarchs, elected annually. In these cities
aristocratic institutions prevailed. The people were chiefly of
Æolian descent, with a strong mixture of the Dorian element, and were dull
and heavy, owing, probably, to the easy facilities of support, in consequence
of the richness of the soil.

At the west of Bœotia, Phocis, with its small territory, gained great
consideration from the possession of the Delphic oracle; but its people thus

Page 197

far, of Achæan origin, played no important part in the politics of
Greece.
Phocis.
North of the isthmus lay the extensive plains of Thessaly,
inclosed by lofty mountains. Nature favored this State
Thessaly. more than any other in Greece for political pre-eminence,
but inhabitants of Æolian origin were any thing but
famous. At first they were governed by kings, but
subsequently an aristocratic government prevailed. They were represented
in the Amphictyonic Council.

The history of Macedonia is obscure till the time of the Persian
wars; but its kings claimed an Heraclid origin. The Doric dialect
Macedonia predominated in a rude form.
.
Epirus, west of Thessaly and Macedonia, was inhabited by
various tribes, under their own princes, until the kings of
Epirus. Molossus, claiming descent from Achilles, founded the
dynasty which was so powerful under Pyrrus.

There is but little interest connected with the States of Greece, before the
Persian wars, except Sparta, Athens, and Corinth; and hence a very brief
notice is all that is needed.

But the Grecian colonies are of more importance. They [pg 193]
were numerous in the islands of the Ægean Sea, in Epirus, and in
Grecian Asia Minor, and even extended into Italy, Sicily, and Gaul. They
colonies. were said to be planted as early as the Trojan war by the heroes
The Ionianwho lived to return—by Agamemnon on the coast of Asia; by the
cities insons of Theseus in Thrace; by Ialmenus on the Euxine; by Diomed
Asia and others in Italy. But colonization, to any extent, did not take
Minor. place until the Æolians invaded Bœotia, and the Dorians, the
Peloponnesus. The Achæans, driven from their homes by the
Dorians, sought new seats in the East, under chieftains who
claimed descent from Agamemnon and other heroes who went to the siege
of Troy. They settled, first, on the Isle of Lesbos, where they founded six
cities. Others made settlements on the mainland, from the Hermes to Mount
Ida. But the greatest migration was made by the Ionians, who, dislodged by

Page 198

Achæans, went first to Attica, and thence to the Cyclades and the coasts of
Asia, afterward called Ionia. Twelve independent States were gradually
formed of divers elements, and assumed the Ionian name. Among those
twelve cities, or States, were Sarnos, Chios, Miletus, Ephesus, Colophon,
and Phocæa. The purest Ionian blood was found at Miletus, the seat of
Neleus. These cities were probably inhabited by other races before the
Ionians came. To these another was subsequently added—Smyrna, which
still retains its ancient name. The southwest corner of the Asiatic peninsula,
about the same time, was colonized by a body of Dorians, accompanied by
conquered Achæans, the chief seat of which was Halicarnassus. Crete,
Rhodes, Cos, and Cnidus, were colonized also by the same people; but
Rhodes is the parent of the Greek colonies on the south coast of Asia Minor.
A century afterward, Cyprus was founded, and then Sicily was colonized,
and then the south of Italy. They were successively colonized by different
Grecian tribes, Achæan or Æolian, Dorian, and Ionian. But all the colonists
had to contend with races previously established, Iberians, Phœnicians,
Sicanians; and Sicels. Among the Greek cities in [pg 194] Sicily, Syracuse,
founded by Dorians, was the most important, and became, in turn, the
founder of other cities. Sybaris and Croton, in the south of Italy, were of
Achæan origin. The Greeks even penetrated to the northern part of Africa,
and founded Cyrene; while, on the Euxine, along the north coast of Asia
Minor, Cyzicus and Sinope arose. These migrations were generally
undertaken with the approbation and encouragement of the mother States.
There was no colonial jealousy, and no dependence. The colonists,
straitened for room at home, carried the benedictions of their fathers, and
were emancipated from their control. Sometimes the colony became more
powerful than the parent State, but both colonies and parent States were
bound together by strong ties of religion, language, customs, and interests.
The colonists uniformly became conquerors where they settled, but ever
retained their connection with the mother country. And they grew more
rapidly than the States from which they came, and their institutions were
more democratic. The Asiatic colonies especially, made great advances in
civilization by their contact with the East. Music, poetry, and art were
cultivated with great enthusiasm. The Ionians took the lead, and their
principal city, Miletus, is said to have planted no less than eighty colonies.
The greatness of Ephesus was of a later date, owing, in part, to the splendid
temple of Artemis, to which Asiatics as well as Greeks made contributions.

Page 199

One of the most remarkable of the Greek colonies was Cyrene, on the coast
of Africa, which was of peculiar beauty, and was famous for eight hundred
years.

So the Greeks, although they occupied a small territory, yet, by
their numerous colonies in all those parts watered by the
Political Mediterranean, formed, if not politically, at least socially, a
importanc powerful empire, and exercised a vast influence on the civilized
e of theworld. From Cyprus to Marseilles—from the Crimea to Cyrene,
colonies. numerous States spoke the same language, and practiced the same
rites, which were observed in Athens and Sparta. Hence the great
extent of country in Asia and Europe to which the Greek language
[pg 195] was familiar, and still more the arts which made Athens the centre
of a new civilization. Some of the most noted philosophers and artists of
antiquity were born in these colonies. The power of Hellas was not a
centralized empire, like Persia, or even Rome, but a domain in the heart and
mind of the world. It was Hellas which worked out, in its various States and
colonies, great problems of government, as well as social life. Hellas was
the parent of arts, of poetry, of philosophy, and of all æsthetic culture—the
pattern of new forms of life, and new modes of cultivation. It is this Grecian
civilization which appeared in full development as early as five hundred
years before the Christian era, which we now propose, in a short chapter, to
present—the era which immediately preceded the Persian wars.

[pg 196]

Page 200

CHAPTER XVI.

Page 201

GRECIAN CIVILIZATION BEFORE THE
PERSIAN WARS.

Early civilization. We understand by civilization the progress which nations
have made in art, literature, material strength, social culture, and political
institutions, by which habits are softened, the mind enlarged, the soul
elevated, and a wise government, by laws established, protecting the weak,
punishing the wicked, and developing wealth and national resources.

Such a civilization did exist to a remarkable degree among the Greeks,
which was not only the admiration of their own times, but a wonder to all
succeeding ages, since it was established by the unaided powers of man,
and affected the relations of all the nations of Europe and Asia which fell
under its influence.

It is this which we propose briefly to present in this chapter, not the highest
developments of Grecian culture and genius, but such as existed in the
period immediately preceding the Persian wars.

One important feature in the civilization of Greece was the progress
made in legislation by Lycurmis and Solon, But as this has been
Legislatio alluded to, we pass on to consider first those institutions which
n. were more national and universal.

The peculiar situations of the various States, independent
of each other, warlike, encroaching, and ambitious, led
The naturally to numerous wars, which would have been civil
Amphicty wars had all these petty States been united under a
onic common government. But incessant wars, growing out of
Council. endless causes of irritation, would have soon ruined these
States, and they could have had no proper development.
Something [pg 197] was needed to restrain passion and
heal dissensions without a resort to arms, ever attended by dire calamities.

Page 202

And something was needed to unite these various States, in which the same
language was spoken, and the same religion and customs prevailed. This
union was partially effected by the Amphictyonic Council. It was a
congress, composed of deputies from the different States, and deliberating
according to rules established from time immemorial. Its meetings were
held in two different places, and were convened twice a year, once in the
spring, at Delphi, the other in the autumn, near the pass of Thermopylæ.
Delphi was probably the original place of meeting, and was, therefore, in
one important sense, the capital of Greece. Originally, this council or
congress was composed of deputies from twelve States, or tribes—
Thessalians, Bœotians, Dorians, Ionians, Perrhæbians, Magnetes, Locrians,
Octæans, Phthiots, Achæans, Melians, and Phocians. These tribes
assembled together before authentic history commences, before the return
of the Heracleids. There were other States which were not represented in
this league—Arcadia, Elis, Æolia, and Acarnania; but the league was
sufficiently powerful to make its decisions respected by the greater part of
Greece. Each tribe, whether powerful or weak, had two votes in the
assembly. Beside those members who had the exclusive power of voting,
there were others, and more numerous, who had the privilege of
deliberation. The object of the council was more for religious purposes than
political, although, on rare occasions and national crises, subjects of a
political nature were discussed. The council laid down the rules of war, by
which each State that was represented was guaranteed against complete
subjection, and the supplies of war were protected. There was no
confederacy against foreign powers. The functions of the league were
confined to matters purely domestic; the object of the league was the
protection of temples against sacrilege. But the council had no common
army to execute its decrees, which were often disregarded. In particular, the
protection of the Delphic [pg 198] oracle, it acted with dignity and effect,
whose responses were universally respected.

As the Delphic oracle was the object which engrossed the most
important duties of the council, and the responses of this oracle in
The early times was a sacred law, the deliberations of the league had
Delphic considerable influence, and were often directed to political
oracle. purposes. But the immediate management of the oracle was in the
hands of the citizens of Delphi. In process of time the responses of

Page 203

the oracle, by the mouth of a woman, which were thus controlled by the
Delphians, lost much of their prestige, in consequence of the presents or
bribery by which favorable responses were gained.

More powerful than this council, as an institution, were the
Olympic games, solemnized every four years, in which all the
The states of Greece took part. These games lasted four days, and were
Olympic of engrossing interest. They were supposed to be founded by
games. Hercules, and were of very ancient date. During these celebrations
there was a universal truce, and also during the time it was
necessary for the people to assemble and retire to their homes. Elis,
in whose territory Olympia was situated, had the whole regulation of the
festival, the immediate object of which were various trials of strength and
skill. They included chariot races, foot races, horse races, wrestling, boxing,
and leaping. They were open to all, even to the poorest Greeks; no accidents
of birth or condition affected these honorable contests. The palm of honor
was given to the men who had real merit. A simple garland of leaves was
the prize, but this was sufficient to call out all the energies and ambition of
the whole nation. There were, however, incidental advantages to successful
combatants. At Athens, the citizen who gained a prize was rewarded by five
hundred drachmas, and was entitled to a seat at the table of the magistrates,
and had a conspicuous part on the field of battle. The victors had statues
erected to them, and called forth the praises of the poets, and thus these
primitive sports [pg 199] incidentally gave an impulse to art and poetry. In
later times, poets and historians recited their compositions, and were
rewarded with the garland of leaves. The victors of these games thus
acquired a social pre-eminence, and were held in especial honor, like those
heroes in the Middle Ages who obtained the honor of tournaments and tilts,
and, in modern times, those who receive decoration at the hands of kings.

The celebrity of the Olympic games, which drew spectators from
Asia as well as all the States of Greece, led to similar institutions or
The festivals in other places. The Pythian games, in honor of Apollo,
Pythian were celebrated near Delphi every third Olympic year; and various
games. musical contests, exercises in poetry, exhibitions of works of art
were added to gymnastic exercises and chariot and horse races. The
sacrifices, processions, and other solemnities, resemble those at

Page 204

Olympia in honor of Zeus. They lasted as long as the Olympic games, down
to A.D. 394. Wherever the worship of Apollo was introduced, there were
imitations of these Pythian games in all the States of Greece.

The Nemæan and Ithmian games were celebrated each twice in
every Olympiad, the former on the plain of Nemæa, in Argolis; the
The latter in the Corinthian Isthmus, under the presidency of Corinth.
Nemæan These also claimed a high antiquity, and at these were celebrated
and the same feats of strength as at Olympia. But the Olympic festival
Ithmian was the representation of all the rest, and transcended all the rest in
games. national importance. It was viewed with so much interest, that the
Greeks measured time itself by them. It was Olympiads, and not
years, by which the date of all events was determined. The Romans
reckoned their years from the foundation of their city; modern Christian
nations, by the birth of Christ; Mohammedans, by the flight of the prophet
to Medina; and the Greeks, from the first recorded Olympiad, B.C. 776.

It was in these festivals, at which no foreigner, however eminent,
was allowed to contend for prizes, that the Greeks buried their
Effect ofquarrels, and incited each [pg 200] other to heroism. The places in
these which they were celebrated became marts of commerce like the
festivals. mediæval fairs of Germany; and the vast assemblage of spectators
favored that communication of news, and inventions, and
improvements which has been produced by our modern
exhibitions. These games answered all the purposes of our races, our
industrial exhibitions, and our anniversaries, religious, political,
educational, and literary, and thus had a most decided influence on the
development of Grecian thought and enterprise. The exhibition of sculpture
and painting alone made them attractive and intellectual, while the athletic
exercises amused ordinary minds. They were not demoralizing, like the
sports of the amphitheatre, or a modern bull-fight, or even fashionable
races. They were more like tournaments in the martial ages of Europe, but
superior to them vastly, since no woman was allowed to be present at the
Olympic games under pain of death.

It has already been shown that the form of government in the States of
Ancient Greece, in the Homeric ages, was monarchical. In two or three

Page 205

hundred years after the Trojan war, the authority of kings had
greatly diminished. The great immigration and convulsions
Changes indestroyed the line of the ancient royal houses. The abolition of
governme royalty was in substance rather than name. First, it was divided
nt. among several persons, then it was made elective, first for life,
Erection ofafterward for a definite period. The nobles or chieftains gained
temples. increasing power with the decline of royalty, and the government
Legal became, in many States, aristocratic. But the nobles abused their
equality power by making an oligarchy, which is a perverted aristocracy.
and This aroused hatred and opposition on the part of the people,
political especially in the maritime cities, where the increase of wealth by
rights. commerce and the arts raised up a body of powerful citizens. Then
followed popular revolutions under leaders or demagogues. These
leaders in turn became tyrants, and their exactions gave rise to
more hatred than that produced by the government of powerful families.
They gained power by stratagem, and perverted [pg 201] it by violence. But
to amuse the people whom they oppressed, or to please them, they built
temples, theatres, and other public buildings, in which a liberal patronage
was extended to the arts. Thus Athens and Corinth, before the Persian wars,
were beautiful cities, from the lavish expenditure of the public treasury by
the tyrants or despots who had gained ascendency. In the mean time, those
who were most eminent for wealth, or power, or virtue, were persecuted, for
fear they would effect a revolution. But the parties which the tyrants had
trampled upon were rather exasperated than ruined, and they seized every
opportunity to rally the people under their standard, and effect an overthrow
of the tyrants. Sparta, whose constitution remained aristocratic, generally
was ready to assist any State in throwing off the yoke of the usurpers. In
some States, like Athens, every change favored the rise of the people, who
gradually obtained the ascendency. They instituted the principle of legal
equality, by which every freeman was supposed to exercise the attributes of
sovereignty. But democracy invariably led to the ascendency of factions,
and became itself a tyranny. It became jealous of all who were distinguished
for birth, or wealth, or talents. It encouraged flatterers and sycophants. It
was insatiable in its demands on the property of the rich, and listened to
charges which exposed them to exile and their estates to confiscation. It
increased the public burdens by unwise expenditures to please the men of
the lower classes who possessed political franchise.

Page 206

But different forms of government existed in different States. In
Sparta there was an oligarchy of nobles which made royalty a
Different shadow, and which kept the people in slavery and degradation. In
forms ofAthens the democratic principle prevailed. In Argos kings reigned
governme down to the Persian wars. In Corinth the government went through
nt. mutations as at Athens. In all the States and cities experiments in
the various forms of government were perpetually made and
perpetually failed. They existed for a time, and [pg 202] were in
turn supplanted. The most permanent government was that of Sparta; the
most unstable was that of Athens. The former promoted a lofty patriotism
and public morality and the national virtues; the latter inequalities of
wealth, the rise of obscure individuals, and the progress of arts.

The fall of the ancient monarchies and aristocracies was closely
connected with commercial enterprise and the increase of a wealthy
Commerci class of citizens. In the beginning of the seventh century before
al Christ, a great improvement in the art of ship-building was made,
enterprise. especially at Corinth. Colonial settlements kept pace with maritime
enterprise; and both of these fostered commerce and wealth. The
Euxine lost its terrors to navigators, and the Ægean Sea was filled
with ships and colonists. The Adriatic Sea was penetrated, and all the seas
connected with the Mediterranean. From the mouth of the Po was brought
amber, which was highly valued by the ancients. A great number of people
were drawn to Egypt, by the liberal offers of its kings, who went there for
the pursuit of knowledge and of wealth, and from which they brought back
the papyrus as a cheap material for writing. The productions of Greece were
exchanged for the rich fabrics which only Asia furnished, and the cities to
which these were brought, like Athens and Corinth, rapidly grew rich, like
Venice and Genoa in the Middle Ages.

Wealth of course introduced art. The origin of art may have been in
religious ideas—in temples and the statues of the gods—in tombs
Increase ofand monuments of great men. But wealth immeasurably increased
wealth. the facilities both for architecture and sculpture. Artists in old
Introductio times, as in these, sought a pecuniary reward—patrons who could
n of art. afford to buy their productions, and stimulate their genius. Art was
cultivated more rapidly in the Asiatic colonies than in the mother

Page 207

country, both on account of their wealth, and the objects of interest around
them. The Ionian cities, especially, were distinguished for luxury and
refinement. Corinth took the lead in the early patronage [pg 203] of art, as
the most wealthy and luxurious of the Grecian cities.

The first great impulse was given to architecture. The Pelasgi had
erected Cyclopean structures fifteen hundred years before Christ.
Architectu The Dorians built temples on the severest principles of beauty, and
re. the Doric column arose, massive and elegant. Long before the
Persian wars the temples were numerous and grand, yet simple and
harmonious. The temple of Here, at Samos, was begun in the eighth
century, B.C., and built in the Doric style, and, soon after, beautiful
structures ornamented Athens.

Sculpture rapidly followed architecture, and passed from the
stiffness of ancient times to that beauty which afterward
Sculpture. distinguished Phidias and Polynotus. Schools of art, in the sixth
century, flourished in all the Grecian cities. We can not enter upon
the details, from the use of wood to brass and marble. The temples
were filled with groups from celebrated masters, and their deep recesses
were peopled with colossal forms. Gold, silver, and ivory were used as well
as marble and brass. The statues of heroes adorned every public place. Art,
before the Persian wars, did not indeed reach the refinement which it
subsequently boasted, but a great progress was made in it, in all its forms.
Engraving was also known, and imperfect pictures were painted. But this
art, and indeed any of the arts, did not culminate until after the Persian
wars.

Literature made equal if not greater progress in the early ages of
Grecian history. Hesiod lived B.C. 735; and lyric poetry flourished
Literature. in the sixth and seventh centuries before Christ, especially the
elegiac form, or songs for the dead. Epic poetry was of still earlier
date, as seen in the Homeric poems. The Æolian and Ionic Greeks
of Asia were early noted for celebrated poets. Alcæus and Sappho lived on
the Isle of Lesbos, and were surrounded with admirers. Anacreon of Teos
was courted by the rulers of Athens.

Page 208

Even philosophy was cultivated at this early age. Thales [pg 204]
of Miletus flourished in the middle of the seventh century, and
Philosoph Anaximander, born B.C. 610—one of the great original
y. mathematicians of the world, speculated like Thales, on the origin
of things. Pythagoras, born in Samos, B.C. 580—a still greater
name, grave and majestic, taught the harmony of the spheres long
before the Ionian revolt.

But neither art, nor literature, nor philosophy reached their full development
till a later era. It is enough for our purpose to say that, before the Persian
wars, civilization was by no means contemptible, in all those departments
which subsequently made Greece the teacher and the glory of the world.

[pg 205]

Page 209

Page 210

CHAPTER XVII.

Page 211

THE PERSIAN WAR.

We come now to the most important and interesting of Grecian history—the
great contest with Persia—the age of heroes and of battle-fields, when
military glory was the master passion of a noble race. What inspiration have
all ages gained from that noble contest in behalf of liberty!

We have seen how Asiatic cities were colonized by Greeks, among
whom the Ionians were pre-eminent. The cities were governed by
Condition tyrants, who were sustained in their usurpation by the power of
of thePersia, then the great power of the world. Darius, then king, had
Ionian absurdly invaded Scythia, with an immense army of six hundred
cities. thousand men, to punish the people for their inroad upon Western
Invasion Asia, subject to his sway, about a century before. He was followed
of Scythiaby his allies, the tyrants of the Ionian cities, to whom he intrusted
by Darius. the guardianship of the bridge of boats by which he had crossed the
Danube, B.C. 510. As he did not return within the time specified—
sixty days—the Greeks were left at liberty to return. A body of
Scythians then appeared, who urged the Greeks to destroy the bridge, as
Darius was in full retreat, and thus secure the destruction of the Persian
army and the recovery of their own liberty. Miltiades, who ruled the
Chersonese—the future hero of Marathon, seconded the wise proposal of
the Scythians, but Histiæus, tyrant of Miletus, feared that such an act would
recoil upon themselves, and favor another inroad of Scythians—a fierce
nation of barbarians. The result was that the bridge was not destroyed, but
the further end of it was severed from the shore. Night arrived, and the [pg
206] Persian hosts appeared upon the banks of the river, but finding no trace
of it, Darius ordered an Egyptian who had a trumpet-voice to summon to
his aid Histiæus, the Milesian. He came forward with a fleet and restored
the bridge, and Darius and his army were saved, and the opportunity was
lost to the Ionians for emancipating themselves from the Persians. The
bridge was preserved, not from honorable fidelity to fulfill a trust, but
selfish regard in the despot of Miletus to maintain his power. For this

Page 212

service he was rewarded with a principality on the Strymon. Exciting,
however, the suspicion of Darius, by his intrigues, he was carried captive to
the Persian court, but with every mark of honor. Darius left his brother
Artaphernes as governor of all the cities in Western Asia Minor.

A few years after this unsuccessful invasion of Scythia by Darius, a
political conflict broke out in Naxos, an island of the Cyclades,
Revolt ofB.C. 502, which had not submitted to the Persian yoke, and the
the Ionianoligarchy, which ruled the island, were expelled. They applied for
cities fromaid to Aristagoras, the tyrant of Miletus, the largest of the Ionian
Persia. cities, who persuaded the Persian satrap to send an expedition
Defeat ofagainst the island. The expedition failed, which ruined the credit of
the IonianAristagoras, son-in-law to Histiæus, who was himself incensed at
cities. his detention in Susa, and who sent a trusty slave with a message
urging the Ionians to revolt. Aristagoras, as a means of success,
conciliated popular favor throughout Asiatic Greece, by putting
down the various tyrants—the instruments of Persian ascendency. The
flames of revolt were kindled, the despots were expelled, the revolted towns
were put in a state of defense, and Aristagoras visited Sparta to invoke its
aid, inflaming the mind of the king with the untold wealth of Asia, which
would become his spoil. Sparta was then at war with her neighbors, and
unwilling to become involved in so uncertain a contest. Rejected at Sparta,
Aristagoras proceeded to Athens, then the second power in Greece, and was
favorably received, for the Athenians had a powerful sympathy with the
revolted [pg 207] Ionians; they agreed to send a fleet of twenty ships. When
Aristagoras returned, the Persians had commenced the siege of Miletus. The
twenty ships soon crossed the Ægean, and were joined by five Eretrian
ships coming to the succor of Miletus. An unsuccessful attempt of
Aristagoras on Sardis disgusted the Athenians, who abandoned the alliance.
But the accidental burning of the city, including the temple of the goddess
Cybele, encouraged the revolters, and incensed the Persians. Other Greek
cities on the coast took part in the revolt, including the island of Cyprus.
The revolt now assumed a serious character. The Persians rallied their
allies, among whom were the Phœnicians. An armament of Persians and
Phœnicians sailed against Cyprus, and a victory on the land gave the
Persians the control of the island. A large army of Persians and their allies
collected at Sardis, and, under different divisions reconquered all their

Page 213

principal Ionian cities, except Miletus; but the Ionian fleet kept its
ascendency at sea. Aristagoras as the Persians advanced, lost courage and
fled to Myrkinus, where he shortly afterward perished.

Meanwhile Histiæus presented himself at the gates of Miletus,
having procured the consent of Darius to proceed thither to quell
Histiæus. the revolt. He was, however, suspected by the satrap, Artaphernes,
and fled to Chios, whose people he gained over, and who carried
him back to Miletus. On his arrival, he found the citizens averse to
his reception, and was obliged to return to Chios, and then to Lesbos, where
he abandoned himself to piracy.

A vast Persian host, however, had been concentrated near Miletus,
and with the assistance of the Phœnicians, invested the city by sea
Want ofand land. The entire force of the confederated cities abandoned the
union Milesians to their fate, and took to their ships, three hundred and
among thefifty-three in number, with a view of fighting the Phœnicians, who
Ionian had six hundred ships. But there was a want of union among the
cities. Ionian commanders, and the sailors abandoned themselves to
Their disorder and carelessness; upon which [pg 208] Dionysius, of
signal Phocæa, which furnished but three ships, rebuked the Ionians for
defeat. their neglect of discipline. His rebuke was not thrown away, and
the Ionians having their comfortable tents on shore, submitted
themselves to the nautical labors imposed by Dionysius. At last,
after seven days of work, the Ionian sailors broke out in open mutiny, and
refused longer to be under the discipline of a man whose State furnished the
smallest number of ships. They left their ships, and resumed their pleasures
on the shore, unwilling to endure the discipline so necessary in so great a
crisis. Their camp became a scene of disunion and mistrust. The Samians,
in particular, were discontented, and on the day of battle, which was to
decide the fortunes of Ionia, they deserted with sixty ships, and other
Ionians followed their example. The ships of Chios, one hundred in number,
fought with great fidelity and resolution, and Dionysius captured, with his
three ships, three of the Phœnicians'. But these exceptional examples of
bravery did not compensate the treachery and cowardice of the rest, and the
consequence was a complete defeat of the Ionians at Lade. Dionysius,

Page 214

seeing the ruin of the Ionian camp, did not return to his own city, and set
sail for the Phœnician coast, doing all he could as a pirate.

This victory of Lade enabled the Persians to attack Miletus by sea
as well as land; the siege was prosecuted with vigor, and the city
Attack ofshortly fell. The adult male population was slain, while the women
Miletus. and children were sent as slaves to Susa. The Milesian territory was
Complete devastated and stripped of its inhabitants. The other States hastened
conquest to make their submission, and the revolt was crushed, B.C. 496,
of thefive years after its commencement. The Persian forces reconquered
Ionian all the Asiatic Greeks, insular and continental, and the Athenian
Greeks. Miltiades escaped with difficulty from his command in the
Chersonese, to his native city. All the threats which were made by
the Persians were realized. The most beautiful virgins were
distributed among the Persian nobles; the [pg 209] cities were destroyed;
and Samos alone remained, as a reward for desertion at the battle of Lade.

The reconquest of Ionia being completed, the satrap proceeded to
organize the future government, the inhabitants now being
Artaphern composed of a great number of Persians. Meanwhile, Darius made
es preparations for the complete conquest of Greece. The wisdom of
organizes the advice of Miltiades, to destroy the bridge over the Danube,
the when Darius and his army would have been annihilated by the
Governme Scythians, was now apparent. Mardonius was sent with a large
nt. Dariusarmy into Ionia, who deposed the despots in the various cities,
prepares whom Artaphernes had reinstated, and left the people to govern
for thethemselves, subject to the Persian dominion and tribute. He did not
invasion ofremain long in Ionia, but passed with his fleet to the Hellespont,
Greece. and joined his land forces. He transported his army to Europe, and
began his march through Thrace. Thence marched into Macedonia,
and subdued a part of its inhabitants. He then sent his fleet around
Mount Athos, with a view of joining it with his army at the Gulf of Therma.
But a storm overtook his fleet near Athos, and destroyed three hundred
ships, and drowned twenty thousand men. This disaster compelled a retreat,
and he recrossed the Hellespont with the shame of failure. He was
employed no more by the Persian king.

Page 215

Darius, incited by the traitor Hippias, made new preparation for the
invasion of Greece. He sent his heralds in every direction,
His demanding the customary token of submission—earth and water.
immense Many of the continental cities sent in their submission, including
preparatio the Thebans, Thessalians, and the island of Ægina, which was on
ns. bad terms with Athens. The heralds of Darius were put to death at
Athens and Sparta, which can only be explained from the fiercest
resentment and rage. These two powers made common cause, and
armed all the other States over which they had influence, to resist the
Persian domination. Hellas, headed by Sparta, now resolved to put forth all
its energies, and [pg 210] embarked, in desperate hostility. A war which
Sparta had been waging for several years against Argos crippled that
ancient State, and she was no longer the leading power. The only rival
which Sparta feared was weakened, and full scope was given, for the
prosecution of the Persian war. Ægina, which had submitted to Darius, was
visited by Cleomenes, king of Sparta, and hostages were sent to Athens for
the neutrality of that island. Athens and Sparta suspended their political
jealousies, and acted in concert to resist the common danger.

By the spring of 490 B.C. the preparations of Darius were
completed, and a vast army collected on a plain upon the Cilician
His vastshore. A fleet of six hundred ships convoyed it to the rendezvous at
army. Samos. The exiled tyrant Hippias was present to guide the forces to
the attack of Attica. The Mede Datis, and Artaphernes, son of the
satrap of Sardis, nephew to Darius, were the Persian generals. They
had orders from Darius to bring the inhabitants of Athens as slaves to his
presence.

The Persian fleet, fearing a similar disaster as happened near
Mount Athos, struck directly across the Ægean, from Samos to
The Eubœa, attacking on the way the intermediate islands. Naxos thus
Persian was invaded and easily subdued. From Naxos, Datis sent his fleet
fleet. round the other Cyclades Islands, demanding reinforcements and
hostages from all he visited, and reached the southern extremity of
Eubœa in safety. Etruria was first subdued, unable to resist. After
halting a few days at this city, he crossed to Attica, and landed in the bay of

Page 216

Marathon, on the eastern coast. The despot Hippias, son of Pisistratus,
twenty years after his expulsion from Athens, pointed out the way.

But a great change had taken place at Athens since his expulsion.
The city was now under democratic rule, in its best estate. The ten
Political tribes had become identified with the government and institutions
change atof the city. The senate of the areopagus, renovated by the annual
Athens. archons, was in sympathy with the people. Great men had [pg 211]
Miltiades, arisen under the amazing stimulus of liberty, among whom
and otherMiltiades, Themistocles, and Aristides were the most distinguished.
generals. Miltiades, after an absence of six years in the Chersonesus of
Thrace, returned to the city full of patriotic ardor. He was brought
to trial before the popular assembly on the charge of having
misgoverned the Chersonese; but he was honorably acquitted, and was
chosen one of the ten generals of the republic annually elected. He was not,
however, a politician of the democratic stamp, like Themistocles and
Aristides, being a descendant of an illustrious race, which traced their
lineage to the gods; but he was patriotic, brave, and decided. His advice to
burn the bridge over the Danube illustrates his character—bold and far-
seeing. Moreover, he was peculiarly hostile to Darius, whom he had so
grievously offended.

Themistocles was a man of great native genius and sagacity. He
comprehended all the embarrassments and dangers of the political
Themistoc crisis in which his city was placed, and saw at a glance the true
les. course to be pursued. He was also bold and daring. He was not
favored by the accidents of birth, and owed very little to education.
He had an unbounded passion for glory and for display. He had
great tact in the management of party, and was intent on the aggrandizement
of his country. His morality was reckless, but his intelligence was great—a
sort of Mirabeau: with his passion, his eloquence, and his talents. His
unfortunate end—a traitor and an exile—shows how little intellectual pre-
eminence will avail, in the long run, without virtue, although such talents as
he exhibited will be found useful in a crisis.

Aristides was inferior to both Alcibiades and Themistocles in
genius, in resource, in boldness, and in energy; but superior in
Aristides.

Page 217

virtue, in public fidelity, and moral elevation. He pursued a consistent
course, was no demagogue, unflinching in the discharge of trusts, just,
upright, unspotted. Such a man, of course, in a corrupt society, would be
exposed to many enmities and jealousies. [pg 212] But he was, on the
whole, appreciated, and died, in a period of war and revolution, a poor man,
with unbounded means of becoming rich—one of the few examples which
our world affords of a man who believed in virtue, in God, and a judgment
to come, and who preferred the future and spiritual to the present and
material—a fool in the eyes of the sordid and bad—a wise man according to
the eternal standards.

Aristides, Miltiades, and perhaps Themistocles, were elected
among the ten generals, by the ten tribes, in the year that Datis led
Athens his expedition to Marathon. Each of the ten generals had the
allies supreme command of the army for a day. Great alarm was felt at
herself Athens as tidings reached the city of the advancing and conquering
with Persians. Couriers were sent in hot haste to the other cities,
Sparta. especially Sparta, and one was found to make the journey to Sparta
on foot—one hundred and fifty miles—in forty-eight hours. The
Spartans agreed to march, without delay, after the last quarter of the
moon, which custom and superstition dictated. This delay was fraught with
danger, but was insisted upon by the Spartans.

Meanwhile the dangers multiplied and thickened, that not a
moment should be lost in bringing the Persians into action. Five of
Prominenc the generals counseled delay. The polemarch, Calimachus, who
e of thethen had the casting vote, decided for immediate action.
dangers. Themistocles and Aristides had seconded the advice of Miltiades,
to whom the other generals surrendered their days of command—a
rare example of patriotic disinterestedness. The Athenians marched
at once to Marathon to meet their foes, and were joined by the Platæans,
one thousand warriors, from a little city—the whole armed population,
which had a great moral effect.

The Athenians had only ten thousand hoplites, including the one
thousand from Platæa. The Persian army is variously estimated at
Marshalin from one hundred and ten thousand to six hundred thousand. The
g of the

Page 218

Grecian Greeks [pg 213] were encamped upon the higher ground
forces atoverlooking the plain which their enemies occupied. The fleet was
Marathon. ranged along the beach. The Greeks advanced to the combat in
The battlerapid movement, urged on by the war-cry, which ever animated
of their charges. The wings of the Persian army were put to flight by
Marathon. the audacity of the charge, but the centre, where the best troops
were posted, resisted the attack until Miltiades returned from the
pursuit of the retreating soldiers on the wings. The defeat of the
Persians was the result. They fled to their ships, and became involved in the
marshes. Six thousand four hundred men fell on the Persian side, and only
one hundred and ninety-two on the Athenian. The Persians, though
defeated, still retained their ships, and sailed toward Cape Sunium, with a
view of another descent upon Attica. Miltiades, the victor in the most
glorious battle ever till then fought in Greece, penetrated the designs of the
Persians, and rapidly retreated to Athens on the very day of battle. Datis
arrived at the port of Phalerum to discover that his plans were baffled, and
that the Athenians were still ready to oppose him. The energy and
promptness of Miltiades had saved the city. Datis, discouraged, set sail,
without landing, to the Cyclades.

The battle of Marathon, B.C. 490, must be regarded as one of the
great decisive battles of the world, and the first which raised the
Results ofpolitical importance of the Greeks in the eyes of foreign powers. It
the battle. was fought by Athens twenty years after the expulsion of the
tyrants, and as a democratic State. On the Athenians rest the glory
forever. It was not important for the number of men who fell on
either side, but for giving the first great check to the Persian domination,
and preventing their conquest of Europe. And its moral effect was greater
than its political. It freed the Greeks from that fear of the Persians which
was so fatal and universal, for the tide of Persian conquest had been hitherto
uninterrupted. It animated the Greeks with fresh courage, for the bravery of
the Athenians [pg 214] had been unexampled, as had been the generalship
of Miltiades. Athens was delivered by the almost supernatural bravery of its
warriors, and was then prepared to make those sacrifices which were
necessary in the more desperate struggles which were to come. And it
inspired the people with patriotic ardor, and upheld the new civil
constitution. It gave force and dignity to the democracy, and prepared it for

Page 219

future and exalted triumphs. It also gave force to the religious sentiments of
the people, for such a victory was regarded as owing to the special favor of
the gods.

The Spartans did not arrive until after the battle had been fought, and Datis
had returned with his Etrurian prisoners to Asia.

The victory of Marathon raised the military fame of Miltiades to
the most exalted height, and there were no bounds to the
Fame ofenthusiasm of the Athenians. But the victory turned his head, and
Miltiades. he lost both prudence and patriotism. He persuaded his
His countrymen, in the full tide of his popularity, to intrust him with
subsequent seventy ships, with an adequate force, with powers to direct an
reverses. expedition according to his pleasure. The armament was cheerfully
His death.granted. But he disgracefully failed in an attack on the island of
Jealousies Paros, to gratify a private vindictive animosity. He lost all his éclat
between and was impeached. He appealed, wounded and disabled from a
Aristides fall he had received, to his previous services. He was found guilty,
and but escaped the penalty of death, but not of a fine of fifty talents.
Themistoc He did not live to pay it, or redeem his fame, but died of the injury
les. he had received. Thus this great man fell from a pinnacle of glory
to the deepest disgrace and ruin—a fate deserved, for he was not
true to himself or country. The Athenians were not to blame, but
judged him rightly. It was not fickleness, but a change in their opinions,
founded on sufficient grounds, from the deep disappointment in finding that
their hero was unworthy of their regards. No man who had rendered a favor
has a claim to pursue a course of selfishness and unlawful ambition. [pg
215] No services can offset crimes. The Athenians, in their unbounded
admiration, had given unbounded trust, and that trust was abused. And as
the greatest despots who had mounted to power had earned their success by
early services, so had they abused their power by imposing fetters, and the
Athenians, just escaped from the tyranny of these despots, felt a natural
jealousy and a deep repugnance, in spite of their previous admiration. The
Athenians, in their treatment of Miltiades, were neither ungrateful nor
fickle, but acted from a high sense of public morality, and in a stern regard
to justice, without which the new constitution would soon have been
subverted. On the death of Miltiades Themistocles and Aristides became the

Page 220

two leading men of Athens, and their rivalries composed the domestic
history of the city, until the renewed and vast preparations of the Persians
caused all dissensions to be suspended for the public good.

But the jealousies and rivalries of these great men were not
altogether personal. They were both patriotic, but each had
Not different views respecting the course which Athens should adopt in
altogether the greatness of the dangers which impended. The policy of
on Aristides was to strengthen the army—that of Themistocles, the
personal navy. Both foresaw the national dangers, but Themistocles felt that
grounds. the hopes of Greece rested on ships rather than armies to resist the
Persians. And his policy was adopted. As the world can not have
two suns, so Athens could not be prospered by the presence of two
such great men, each advocating different views. One or the other must
succumb to the general good, and Aristides was banished by the power of
ostracism.

The wrath of Darius—a man of great force of character, but
haughty and self-sufficient, was tremendous when he learned the
Renewed defeat of Datis, and his retreat into Asia. He resolved to bring the
preparatio whole force of the Persian empire together to subdue the Athenians,
ns offrom whom he had suffered so great a disgrace. Three years were
Darius. [pg 216] spent in active preparations for a new expedition which
His death. should be overwhelming. All the allies of Persia were called upon
for men and supplies. Nor was he deterred by a revolt of Egypt,
which broke out about this time, and he was on the point of
carrying two gigantic enterprises—one for the reconquest of Egypt, and the
other for the conquest of Greece—when he died, after a reign of thirty-six
years, B.C. 485.

He was succeeded by his son Xerxes, who was animated by the
animosities, but not the genius of his father. Though beautiful and
Xerxes. tall, he was faint-hearted, vain, blinded by a sense of power, and
His enslaved by women. Yet he continued the preparations which
enormous Darius projected. Egypt was first subdued by his generals, and he
preparatio then turned his undivided attention to Greece. He convoked the
ns. Hisdignitaries of his empire—the princes and governors of provinces,
bridges

Page 221

over theand announced his resolution to bridge over the Hellespont and
Hellespont march to the conquest of Europe. Artabanus, his uncle, dissuaded
. him from the enterprise, setting forth especially the probability that
the Greeks, if victorious at sea, would destroy the bridge, and thus
prevent his safe return. Mardonius advised differently, urging
ambition and revenge, motives not lost on the Persian monarch. For four
years the preparations went forward from all parts of the empire, including
even the islands in the Ægean. In the autumn of 481 B.C., the largest army
this world has ever seen assembled at Sardis. Besides this, a powerful fleet
of one thousand two hundred and seven ships of war, besides transports,
was collected at the Hellespont. Large magazines of provisions were
formed along the coast of Asia Minor. A double bridge of boats, extending
from Abydos to Sestos—a mile in length across the Hellespont, was
constructed by Phœnicians and Egyptians; but this was destroyed by a
storm. Xerxes, in a transport of fury, caused the heads of the engineers to be
cut off, and the sea itself scourged with three hundred lashes. This insane
wrath being expended, the monarch caused the work to be at once
reconstructed, [pg 217] this time by the aid of Greek engineers. Two bridges
were built side by side upon more than six hundred large ships, moored
with strong anchors, with their heads toward the Ægean. Over each bridge
were sketched six vast cables, which held the ships together, and over these
were laid planks of wood, upon which a causeway was formed of wood and
earth, with a high palisade on each side. To facilitate his march, Xerxes also
constructed a canal across the isthmus which connects Mount Athos with
the main land, on which were employed Phœnician engineers. The men
employed in digging the canal worked under the whip. Bridges were also
thrown across the river Strymon.

These works were completed while Xerxes wintered at Sardis.
From that city he dispatched heralds to all the cities of Greece,
His except Sparta and Athens, to demand the usual tokens of
advance. submission—earth and water. He also sent orders to the maritime
He crossescities of Thrace and Macedonia to prepare dinner for himself and
the hosts, as they passed through. Greece was struck with consternation
Hellespont as the news reached the various cities of the vast forces which were
. Hison the march to subdue them. The army proceeded from Sardis, in
the spring, in two grand columns, between which was the king and

Page 222

review ofguards and select troops—all native Persians, ten thousand foot and
his army.ten thousand horse. From Sardis the hosts of Xerxes proceeded to
Abydos, through Ilium, where his two bridges across the
Hellespont awaited him. From a marble throne the proud and
vainglorious monarch saw his vast army defile over the bridges, perfumed
with frankincense and strewed with myrtle boughs. One bridge was devoted
to the troops, the other to the beasts and baggage. The first to cross were the
ten thousand household troops, called Immortals, wearing garlands on their
heads; then followed Xerxes himself in his gilded chariot, and then the rest
of the army. It occupied seven days for the vast hosts to cross the bridge.
Xerxes then directed his march to Doriscus, in Thrace, near the mouth of
the Hebrus, where he joined his fleet. There he [pg 218] took a general
review, and never, probably, was so great an army marshaled before or
since, and composed of so many various nations. There were assembled
nations from the Indus, from the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea, the Levant, the
Ægean and the Euxine—Egyptian, Ethiopian, and Lybian. Forty-six nations
were represented—all that were tributary to Persia. From the estimates
made by Herodotus, there were one million seven hundred thousand foot,
eighty thousand horse, besides a large number of chariots. With the men
who manned the fleet and those he pressed into his service on the march,
the aggregate of his forces was two million six hundred and forty thousand.
Scarcely an inferior number attended the soldiers as slaves, sutlers, and
other persons, swelling the amount of the males to five million two hundred
and eighty-three thousand two hundred and twenty—the whole available
force of the Eastern world—Asia against Europe: as in mediæval times it
was Europe against Asia. It is, however, impossible for us to believe in so
large a force, since it could not have been supplied with provisions. But
with every deduction, it was still the largest army the world ever saw.

After the grand enumeration of forces, Xerxes passed in his chariot
to survey separately each body of contingents, to which he put
The questions. He then embarked in a gilded galley, and sailed past the
magnitude prows of the twelve hundred ships moored four hundred feet from
of histhe shore. That such a vast force could be resisted was not even
forces. supposed to be conceivable by the blinded monarch. But
Demaratus, the exiled king of Sparta, told him he would be resisted
unto death, a statement which was received with derision.

Page 223

After the review, the grand army pursued its course westward in
three divisions and roads along Thrace, levying enormous
Progress contributions on all the Grecian towns, which submitted as the
of thePersian monarch marched along, for how could they resist? The
Persians. mere provisioning this great host for a single day impoverished the
country. [pg 219] But there was no help, for to mortal eyes the
success of Xerxes was certain. At Acanthus, Xerxes separated from
his fleet, which was directed to sail round Mount Athos, while he pursued
his march through Pæonia and Crestonia, and rejoin him at Therma, on the
Thermaic Gulf, in Macedonia, within sight of Mount Olympus.

Meanwhile, the Athenians, fully alive to their danger, strained
every nerve to make preparations to resist the enemy; fortunately,
Preparatio there was in the treasury a large sum derived from the Lamian
ns of themines, and this they applied, on the urgent representations of
Athenians. Themistocles, to building ships and refitting their navy. A
Sparta Panhellenic congress, under the presidency of Athens and Sparta,
commands assembled at the Isthmus of Corinth.—the first great league since
the landthe Trojan war. The representatives of the various States buried
forces andtheir dissensions, the most prominent of which were between
Athens theAthens and Ægina. In reconciling these feuds, Themistocles took a
naval. pre-eminent part. Indeed, there was need, for the political existence
of Hellas was threatened, and despair was seen in most every city.
Even the Delphic oracle gave out replies discouraging and terrible;
intimating, however, that the safety of Athens lay in the wooden wall,
which, with extraordinary tact, was interpreted by Themistocles to mean
that the true defense lay in the navy. Salamis was the place designated by
the oracle for the retreat, which was now imperative, and thither the
Athenians fled, with their wives and children, guarded by their fleet. It was
decided by the congress that Sparta should command the land forces, and
Athens the united navy of the Greeks; but many States, in deadly fear of the
Persians, persisted in neutrality, among which were Argos, Cretes, Corcyra.
The chief glory of the defense lay with Sparta and Athens. The united army
was sent into Thessaly to defend the defile of Tempe, but discovering that
they were unable to do this, since another pass over Mount Olympus was
open in the summer, they retreated to the isthmus of Corinth, and left all
Greece north of [pg 220] Mount Citheron and the Megarid territory without

Page 224

defense. Had the Greeks been able to maintain the passes of Olympus and
Ossa, all the northern States would probably have joined in the
confederation against Persia; but, as they were left defenseless, we can not
wonder that they submitted, including even the Achæans, Borotians, and
Dorians.

The Pass of Thermopylæ was now fixed upon as the most
convenient place of resistance, next to the vale of Tempe. Here the
The passmain land was separated from the island of Eubœa by a narrow
of strait two miles wide. On the northern part of the island, near the
Thermopyl town of Histiæa, the coast was called Artemisium, and here the
æ. fleet was mustered, to co-operate with the land forces, and oppose,
in a narrow strait, the progress of the Persian fleet. The defile of
Thermopylæ itself, at the south of Thessaly, was between Mount
Œta and an impassable morass on the Maliac Gulf. Nature had thus
provided a double position of defense—a narrow defile on the land, and a
narrow strait on the water, through which the army and the fleet must need
pass if they would co-operate.

While the congress resolved to avail themselves of the double
position, by sea and land, the Olympic games, and the great Dorian,
Interruptio of the Carneia, were at hand. These could not be dispensed with,
n ofeven in the most extraordinary crisis to which the nation could be
military exposed. While, therefore, the Greeks assembled to keep the
preparatio national festivals, probably from religious and superstitious
ns by themotives, auguring no good if they were disregarded, Leonidas, king
Olympic of Sparta, with three hundred Spartans, two thousand one hundred
games. and twenty Arcadians, four hundred Corinthians, two hundred men
from Philius, and eighty from Mycenæ—in all three thousand one
hundred hoplites, besides Helots and light troops, was sent to
defend the pass against the Persian hosts. On the march through Bœotia one
thousand men from Thebes and Thespiæ joined them, though on the point
of submission to Xerxes. The Athenians sent their whole force on board
their ships, joined by the Platæans.

[pg 221]

Page 225

It was in the summer of 480 B.C. when Xerxes reached Therma,
about which time the Greeks arrived at their allotted posts.
Leonidas Leonidas took his position in the middle of the Pass—a mile in
defends length, with two narrow openings. He then repaired the old wall
the pass ofbuilt across the Pass by the Phocians, and awaited the coming of
Thermopyl the enemy, for it was supposed his force was sufficient to hold it till
æ. the games were over. It was also thought that this narrow pass was
the only means of access possible to the invading army; but it was
soon discovered that there was also a narrow mountain path from
the Phocian territory to Thermopylæ. The Phocians agreed to guard this
path, and leave the defense of the main pass to the Peloponnesian troops.
But Leonidas painfully felt that his men were insufficient in number, and
found it necessary to send envoys to the different States for immediate re-
enforcements.

The Greek fleet, assembled at Artemisium, was composed of two
hundred and seventy-one triremes and nine penteconters,
The Greekcommanded by Themistocles, but furnished by the different States.
fleet. A disaster happened to the Greeks very early; three triremes were
Disaster tocaptured by the Persians, which caused great discouragement, and
the Persianin a panic the Greeks abandoned their strong naval position, and
fleet. sailed up the Eubœan Strait to Chalcis. This was a great misfortune,
since the rear of the army of Leonidas was no longer protected by
the fleet. But a destructive storm dispersed the fleet of the Persians
at this imminent crisis, so that it was impossible to lend aid to their army
now arrived at Thermopylæ. Four hundred ships of war, together with a vast
number of transports, were thus destroyed. The storm lasted three days.
After this disaster to the Persians, the Greek fleet returned to Artemisium.
Xerxes encamped within sight of Thermopylæ four days, without making
an attack, on account of the dangers to which his fleet were exposed. On the
fifth day he became wroth at the impudence and boldness of the petty force
which quietly remained to dispute his passage, for the Spartans [pg 222]
amused themselves with athletic sports and combing their hair. Nor was it
altogether presumption on the part of the Greeks, for there were four or five
thousand heavily-armed men, the bravest in the land, to defend a passage
scarcely wider than a carriage-road—with a wall and other defenses in
front.

Page 226

The first attack on the Greeks was made by the Medea—the bravest
of the Persian army, but their arrows and short spears were of little
Attack onavail against the phalanx which opposed, armed with long spears,
the Greeksand protected by shields. For two days the attack continued, and
by thewas constantly repulsed, for only a small detachment of Greeks
Persians. fought at a time. Even the “Immortals”—the chosen band of
Xerxes—were repulsed with a great loss, to the agony and shame
of Xerxes.

On the third day, a Malian revealed to the Persian king the fact that
a narrow path, leading over the mountains, was defended only by
Leonidas Phocians, and that this path led to the rear of the Spartans. A strong
defends detachment of Persians was sent in the night to secure this path,
the pass,and the Phocian guardians fled. The Persians descended the path,
but isand attacked the Greeks in their rear. Leonidas soon became
slain. apprised of his danger, but in time to send away his army. It was
Heroic now clear that Thermopylæ could no longer be defended, but the
death ofheroic and self-sacrificing general resolved to remain, and sell his
the threelife as dearly as possible, and retard, if he could not resist, the
hundred march of the enemy. Three hundred Spartans, with seven hundred
Spartans. Thespians and four hundred Thebans joined him, while the rest
retired to fight another day. It required all the efforts of the Persian
generals, assisted by the whip, to force the men to attack this
devoted band. The Greeks fought with the most desperate bravery, till their
spears were broken, and no weapons remained but their swords and
daggers. At last, exhausted, they died, surrounded by vast forces, after
having made the most heroic defence in the history of the war. Only one
man, Aristodemus, [pg 223] returned to his home of all the three hundred
Spartans, but only to receive scorn and infamy. The Theban band alone
yielded to the Persians, but only at the last hour.

Nothing could exceed the blended anger and admiration of Xerxes
as he beheld this memorable resistance. He now saw, for the first
The time, the difficulty of subduing such a people as the Greeks,
dismay resolved to resist unto death. His mind was perplexed, and he did
and not know what course to adopt. Had he accepted the advice of
indignatio Demaratus, to make war on the southern coast of Laconia, and thus

Page 227

n ofdistract the Spartans and prevent their co-operation with Athens, he
Xerxes. would have probably succeeded.

But he followed other councils. Meanwhile, the Persian
fleet rallied after the storm, and was still formidable, in
Naval spite of losses. The Greeks were disposed to retire and
battle ofleave the strait open to the enemy. The Eubœans, seeing
Artemisiu the evil which would happen to them if their island was
m. unprotected, sent to Themistocles a present of thirty
talents, if he would keep his position. This money he spent
in bribing the different commanders who wished to retire,
and it was resolved to remain. The Persians, confident of an easy victory,
sent round the island of Eubœa a detachment of two hundred ships, to cut
off all hopes of escape to the ships which they expected to capture. A
deserter revealed the intelligence to Themistocles, and it was resolved to
fight the Persians, thus weakened, at once, but at the close of the day, so
that the battle would not be decisive. The battle of Artemisium was a sort of
skirmish, to accustom the Greeks to the Phœnician mode of fighting. It was,
however, successful, and thirty ships of the Persians were taken or disabled.

But the Greeks derived a greater succor than ships and men.
Another storm overtook the Persians, damaged their fleet, and
Themistoc destroyed the squadron sent round the island of Eubœa. Another
les sailssea-fight was the result, since the Greeks were not only aided by
for the storm, but new re-enforcements; but this second fight was
Salamis. indecisive. [pg 224] Themistocles now felt he could not hold the
strait against superior numbers, and the disaster of Thermopylæ
being also now known, he resolved to retreat farther into Greece,
and sailed for Salamis.

At this period the Greeks generally were filled with consternation
and disappointment. Neither the Pass of Thermopylæ, nor the strait
Despair ofwhich connected the Malicas Gulf with the Ægean, had been
the successfully defended. The army of Xerxes was advancing through
Greeks. Phocis and Bœotia to the Isthmus of Corinth, while the navy sailed
Themistoc unobstructed through the Eubœan Sea. On the part of the Greeks
les revivesthere had been no preparations commensurate with the greatness of
courage by

Page 228

his the crisis, while, had they rallied to Thermopylæ, instead of wasting
“wooden time at the festivals, they would have saved the pass, and the army
wall.” of Xerxes, strained for provisions, would have been compelled to
retreat. The, Lacedæmonians, aroused by the death of their king, at
last made vigorous efforts to fortify the Isthmus of Corinth, too
late, however, to defend Bœotia and Attica. The situation of Athens was
now hopeless, and it was seen what a fatal mistake had been made not to
defend, with the whole force of Greece, the Pass of Thermopylæ. There was
no help from the Spartans, for they had all flocked to the Isthmus of
Corinth, as the last chance of protecting the Peloponnesus. In despair, the
Athenians resolved to abandon Athens, with their families, and take shelter
at Salamis. Themistocles alone was undismayed, and sought to encourage
his countrymen that the “wooden wall” would still be their salvation. The
Athenians, if dismayed, did not lose their energies. The recall of the exiles
was decreed by Themistocles' suggestion. With incredible efforts the whole
population of Attica was removed to Salamis, and the hopes of all were
centered in the ships. Xerxes took possession of the deserted city, but found
but five hundred captives. He ravaged the country, and a detachment of
Persians even penetrated to Delphi, to rob the shrine, but were defeated.
Athens was, however, sacked.

[pg 225]

The combined fleet of the Greeks now numbered three hundred and
sixty-six ships, more than half of which were Athenian. Many
The hostilewished to retreat to the Isthmus of Corinth, and co-operate with the
fleets atSpartans. Dissensions came near wrecking the last hopes of Greece,
Salamis. and Themistocles only prevailed by threatening to withdraw the
Athenian ships unless a battle were at once fought. He resorted to
stratagem to compel the fleet to remain together, with no outlet of
escape if conquered. Aristides came in the night from Ægina, and informed
the Greeks that their whole fleet was surrounded by the Persians—just what
Themistocles desired. There was nothing then left but to fight with
desperation, for on the issue of the battle depended the fortunes of Greece.
Both fleets were stationed in the strait between the bay of Eleusis and the
Saronic Gulf, on the west of the island of Salamis.

Page 229

Xerxes, seated upon a throne upon one of the declivities of Mount
Ægaleos, surveyed the armaments and the coming battle. Both
Self- parties fought with bravery; but the space was too narrow for the
confidence Persians to engage their whole fleet, and they had not the discipline
of Xerxes.of the Greeks, schooled by severe experience. The Persian fleet
Battle ofbecame unmanageable, and the victory was gained by the Greeks.
Salamis Two hundred ships fell into the hands of the victors. But a
and retreatsufficient number remained to the Persians to renew the battle with
of Xerxes. better hopes. Xerxes, however, was intimidated, and in a transport
of rage, disappointment, and fear, gave the order to retreat. He
distrusted the fidelity of the allies, and feared for his own personal
safety; he feared that the victors would sail to the Hellespont, and destroy
the bridges. Themistocles, on the retreat of the Persians, employed his fleet
in levying fines and contributions upon the islands which had supported the
Persians, while Xerxes made his way back to the Hellespont, and crossed to
Asia, leaving Mardonius in Thessaly, with a large army, to pursue the
conquest on land.

Thus Greece was saved by the battle of Salamis, and the [pg 226]
distinguished services of Themistocles, which can not be too highly
The estimated. The terrific cloud was dispersed, the Greeks abandoned
important themselves to joy. Unparalleled honors were bestowed upon the
results. victor, especially in Sparta, and his influence, like that of
Alcibiades, after the battle of Marathon, was unbounded. No man
ever merited greater reward.

Though the Persians now abandoned all hopes of any farther
maritime attack, yet still great success was anticipated from the
Mardonius immense army which Mardonius commanded. The Greeks in the
left innorthern parts still adhered to him, and Thessaly was prostrate at
command his feet. He sent Alexander, of Macedon, to Athens to offer
of thehonorable terms of peace, which were nobly rejected, and he was
Persians. sent back with this message: “Tell Mardonius that as long as the
He sun shall continue in his present path we will never contract
ravishes alliance with a foe who has shown no reverence to our gods and
Attica andheroes, and who has burned their statues and houses.” The league
Bœotia. was renewed with Sparta for mutual defense and offense, in spite of

Page 230

seductive offers from Mardonius; but the Spartans displayed both
indifference and selfishness to any interests outside the Peloponnesus. They
fortified the Isthmus of Corinth, but left Attica undefended. Mardonius
accordingly marched to Athens, and again the city was the spoil of the
Persians. The Athenians again retreated to Salamis, with bitter feelings
against Sparta for her selfishness and ingratitude. Again Mardonius sought
to conciliate the Athenians, and again his overtures were rejected with
wrath and defiance. The Athenians, distressed, sent envoys to Sparta to
remonstrate against her slackness and selfishness, not without effect, for, at
last, a large Spartan force was collected under Pausanias. Meanwhile
Mardonius ravaged Attica and Bœotia, and then fortified his camp near
Platæa, ten furlongs square. Platæa was a plain favorable to the action of the
cavalry, not far from Thebes; but his army was discouraged after so many
disasters—in modern military language, demoralized—while Artabazus,
[pg 227] the second in command, was filled with jealousy. Nor could much
be hoped from the Grecian allies, who secretly were hostile to the invaders.
The Thebans and Bœotians appeared to be zealous, but were governed by
fear merely of a superior power, and hence were unreliable. It can not be
supposed that the Thebans, who sided with the Persians, by compulsion,
preferred their cause to that of their countrymen, great as may have been
national jealousy and rivalries.

The total number of Lacedæmonians, Corinthians, Athenians, and
other Greeks, assembled to meet the Persian army, B.C. 479, was
The thirty-eight thousand seven hundred men, heavily armed, and
Greeks seventy-one thousand three hundred light armed, without defensive
assemble armor; but most of these were simply in attendance on the hoplites.
against theThe Persians, about three hundred thousand in number, occupied
Persians atthe line of the river Asopus, on a plain; the Greeks stationed
Platæa. themselves on the mountain declivity near Erythæ. The Persian
Preparatio cavalry charged, to dislodge the Greeks, unwilling to contend on
ns forthe plain; but the ground was unfavorable for cavalry operations,
battle. and after a brief success, was driven back, while the general,
Masistias, who commanded it, was slain. His death, and the repulse
of the cavalry, so much encouraged Pausanias, the Spartan general,
that he quitted his ground on the mountain declivity, and took position on
the plain beneath. The Lacedæmonians composed the right wing; the

Page 231

Athenians, the left; and various other allies, the centre. Mardonius then
slightly changed his position, crossing the Asopus, nearer his own camp,
and took post on the left wing, opposite the right wing of the Greeks,
commanded by Pausanias. Both armies then offered sacrifices to the gods,
but Mardonius was able to give constant annoyance to the Greeks by his
cavalry, and the Thebans gave great assistance. Ten days were thus spent by
the two armies, without coming into general action, until Mardonius, on
becoming impatient, against the advice of Artabazus, second in command,
resolved to commence the attack. The Greeks were forewarned of his
intention, [pg 228] by Alexander of Macedon, who came secretly to the
Greek camp at night—a proof that he, as well as others, were impatient of
the Persian yoke. The Lacedæmonians, posted in the right wing, against the
Persians, changed places with the Athenians, who were more accustomed to
Persian warfare; but this manœuvre being detected, Mardonius made a
corresponding change in his own army—upon which Pausanias led back
again his troops to the right wing, and a second movement of Mardonius
placed the armies in the original position.

A vigorous attack of the Persian cavalry now followed, which so
annoyed the Greeks, that Pausanias in the night resolved to change
Battle ofonce again his position, and retreated to the hilly ground, north of
Platæa. Platæa, about twenty furlongs distant, not without confusion and
mistrust on the part of the Athenians. Mardonias, astonished at this
movement, pursued, and a general engagement followed. Both
armies fought with desperate courage, but discipline was on the side of the
Greeks, and Mardonius was slain, fighting gallantly with his guard.
Artabazus, with the forty thousand Persians under his immediate command,
had not taken part, and now gave orders to retreat, and retired from Greece.
The main body, however, of the defeated Persians retired to their fortified
camp. This was attacked by the Lacedæmonians, and carried with immense
slaughter, so that only three thousand men survived out of the army of
Mardonius, save the forty thousand which Artabazus—a more able captain
—had led away. The defeat of the Persians was complete, and the spoils
which fell to the victors was immense—gold and silver, arms, carpets,
clothing, horses, camels, and even the rich tent of Xerxes himself, left with
Mardonius. The booty was distributed among the different contingents of
the army. The real victors were the Lacedæmonians, Athenians, and

Page 232

Tegeans; the Corinthians did not reach the field till the battle was ended,
and thus missed their share of the spoil.

There was one ally of the Persians which Pausanias resolved to
punish—the city of Thebes when a merited chastisement [pg 229]
Chastisem was inflicted, and the customary solemnities were observed, and
ent ofhonors decreed for the greatest and most decisive victory which the
Thebes. Greeks had ever gained. A confederacy was held at Platæa, in
which a permanent league was made between the leading Grecian
States, not to separate until the common foe was driven back to
Asia.

While these great events were transpiring in Bœotia, the fleet of the
Greeks, after the battle of Salamis, undertook to rescue Samos from
Battle ofthe Persians, and secure the independence of the Ionian cities in
Mycale. Asia. The Persian fleet, now disheartened, abandoned Samos and
retired to Mycale, in Ionia. The Greek fleet followed, but the
Persians abandoned or dismissed their fleet, and joined their forces
with those of Tigranes, who, with an army of sixty thousand men, guarded
Ionia. The Greeks disembarked, and prepared to attack the enemy just as the
news reached them of the battle of Platæa. This attack was successful,
partly in consequence of the revolt of the Ionians in the Persian camp,
although the Persians fought with great bravery. The battle of Mycale was
as complete as that of Platæa and Marathon, and the remnants of the Persian
army retired to Sardis. The Ionian cities were thus, for the time, delivered of
the Persians, as well as Greece itself chiefly by means of the Athenians and
Corinthians. The Spartans, with inconceivable narrowness, were reluctant to
receive the continental Ionians as allies, and proposed to transport them
across the Ægean into Western Greece, which proposal was most honorably
rejected by the Athenians. In every thing, except the defense of Greece
Proper, and especially the Peloponnesus, the Spartans showed themselves
inferior to the Athenians in magnanimity and enlarged views. After the
capture of Sestos, B.C. 478, which relieved the Thracian Chersonese from
the Persians, the fleet of Athens returned home. The capture of this city
concludes the narration of Herodotus, which ended virtually the Persian
war, although hostilities were continued in Asia. The battle [pg 230] of
Marathon had given the first effective resistance to Persian conquests, and

Page 233

created confidence among the Greeks. The battle of Salamis had destroyed
the power of Persia on the sea, and prevented any co-operation of land and
naval forces. The battle of Platæa freed Greece altogether of the invaders.
The battle of Mycale rescued the Ionian cities.

Athens had, on the whole, most distinguished herself in this great
and glorious contest, and now stood forth as the guardian of
Rivalry Hellenic interests on the sea and the leader of the Ionian race.
between Sparta continued to take the lead of the military States, to which
Athens Athens had generously submitted. But a serious rivalry now was
and seen between these leading States, chiefly through the jealousy of
Sparta. Sparta, which ultimately proved fatal to that supremacy which the
Greeks might have maintained overall the powers of the world.
Sparta wished that Athens might remain unfortified, in common
with all the cities of Northern Greece, while the isthmus should be the
centre of all the works of defense. But Athens, under the sagacious and
crafty management of Themistocles, amused the Spartans by delays, while
the whole population were employed upon restoring its fortifications.

Although the war against the Persians was virtually concluded by
the capture of Sestos, an expedition was fitted out by Sparta, under
Disgrace Pausanias, the hero of Platæa, to prosecute hostilities on the shores
and deathof Asia. After liberating most of the cities of Cyprus, and wresting
of Byzantium from the Persians, which thus left the Euxine free to
Pausanias. Athenian ships, from which the Greeks derived their chief supplies
of foreign corn, Pausanias, giddy with his victories, unaccountably
began a treasonably correspondence with Xerxes, whose daughter
he wished to marry, promising to bring all Greece again under his sway. He
was recalled to Sparta, before this correspondence was known, having
given offense by adopting the Persian dress, and surrounding himself with
Persian and Median guards. When his treason was at last detected, he
attempted to raise a rebellion [pg 231] among the Helots, but failed, and
died miserably by hunger in the temple in which he had taken sanctuary.

A fall scarcely less melancholy came to the illustrious
Themistocles. In spite of his great services, his popularity began to
Fall ofdecline. He was hated by the Spartans for the part he took in the
Themistoc

Page 234

les. Cimonfortification of the city, who brought all their influence against him.
Death ofHe gave umbrage to the citizens by his personal vanity, continually
Themistoc boasting of his services. He erected a private chapel in honor of
les.. Artemis. He prostituted his great influence for arbitrary and corrupt
purposes. He accepted bribes without scruple, to the detriment of
the State, and in violation of justice and right. And as the Persians
could offer the highest bribes, he was suspected of secretly favoring their
interests. The old rivalries between him and Aristides were renewed; and as
Aristides was no longer opposed to the policy which Athens adopted, of
giving its supreme attention to naval defenses, and, moreover, constantly
had gained the respect of the city by his integrity and patriotism, especially
by his admirable management at Delos, where he cemented the confederacy
of the maritime States, his influence was perhaps greater than that of
Themistocles, stained with the imputation of Medism. Cimon, the son of
Miltiades, also became a strong opponent. Though acquitted of accepting
bribes from Persia, Themistocles was banished by a vote of ostracism, as
Aristides had been before—a kind of exile which was not dishonorable, but
resorted to from regard to public interests, and to which men who became
unpopular were often subjected, whatever may have been their services or
merits. He retired to Argos, and while there the treason of Pausanias was
discovered. Themistocles was involved in it, since the designs of Pausanias
were known by him. Joint envoys from Sparta and Athens were sent to
arrest him, which, when known, he fled to Corcyra, and thence to Admetus,
king of the Molossians. The Epirotic prince shielded him in spite of his
former hostility, and furnished him with guides to Pydna, across the
mountains, from [pg 232] which he succeeded in reaching Ephesus, and
then repaired to the Persian court. At Athens he was proclaimed a traitor,
and his property, amounting to one hundred talents, accumulated by the
war, was confiscated. In Persia, he represented himself as a deserter, and
subsequently acquired influence with Artaxerxes, and devoted his talents to
laying out schemes for the subjugation of Greece. He received the large
sum of fifty talents yearly, and died at sixty-five years of age, with a
blighted reputation, such as no previous services could redeem from
infamy.

Aristides died four years after the ostracism of Themistocles, universally
respected, and he died so poor as not to have enough for his funeral

Page 235

expenses. Nor did any of his descendants ever become rich.
Death of Xerxes himself, the Ahasuerus of the Scriptures, who
Aristides. commanded the largest expedition ever recorded in human
Death ofannals, reached Sardis, eight months after he had left it,
Xerxes. disgusted with active enterprise, and buried himself amid
the intrigues of his court and seraglio, in Susa, as recorded
in the book of Esther. He was not deficient in generous
impulses, but deficient in all those qualities which make men victorious in
war. He died fifteen years after, the victim of a conspiracy, in his palace,
B.C. 465—six years after Themistocles had sought his protection.

[pg 233]

Page 236

CHAPTER XVIII.

Page 237

THE AGE OF PERICLES.

With the defeat of the Persian armies, Athens and Sparta became,
respectively, the leaders of two great parties in Greece. Athens
Rivalry advocated maritime interests and democratic institutions; Sparta,
between was the champion of the continental and oligarchal powers. The
the one was Ionian, and organized the league of Delos, under the
Grecian management of Aristides; the other was Dorian, and chief of the
States. Peloponnesian confederacy. The rivalries between these leading
States involved a strife between those ideas and interests of which
each was the recognized representative. Those States which
previously had been severed from each other by geographical position and
diversity of interests, now rallied under the guidance either of Athens or
Sparta. The intrigues of Themistocles and Pausanias had prevented that
Panhellenic union, so necessary for the full development of political power,
and which was for a time promoted by the Persian war. Athens, in
particular, gradually came to regard herself as a pre-eminent power, to
which the other States were to be tributary. Her empire, based on maritime
supremacy, became a tyranny to which it was hard for the old allies to
submit.

But the rivalry between Sparta and Athens was still more marked.
Sparta had thus far taken the lead among the Grecian States, and
Pre- Athens had submitted to it in the Persian invasion. But the
eminently consciousness of new powers, which naval warfare developed, the
between éclat of the battles of Marathon and Salamis, and the confederacy
Athens of Delos, changed the relative position of the two States. Moreover,
and to Athens the highest glory of resisting [pg 234] the Persians was
Sparta. due, while her patriotic and enlarged spirit favorably contrasted
with the narrow and selfish policy of Sparta.

And this policy was seen in nothing more signally than in the oppositions
he made to the new fortifications of Athens, so that Themistocles was

Page 238

obliged to go to Sparta, and cover up by deceit and falsehood the
fact that the Athenians were really repairing their walls, which they
Opposition had an undoubted right to do, but which Ægina beheld with fear
by Spartaand Sparta with jealousy. And this unreasonable meanness and
to theinjustice on the part of Sparta, again reacted on the Athenians, and
fortificatio created great bitterness and acrimony.
ns of
Athens. But in spite of the opposition of Sparta, the new
fortifications arose, to which all citizens, rich and poor,
The citylent their aid, and on a scale which was not unworthy of
neverthele the grandeur of a future capital. The circuit of the walls
ss was fifty stadia or seven miles, and they were of sufficient
fortified. strength and height to protect the city against external
The enemies. And when they were completed Themistocles—a
Peireus. man of great foresight and genius, persuaded the citizens to
Increase offortify also their harbor, as a means of securing the
the navy.ascendency of the city in future maritime conflicts. He
Confedera foresaw that the political ascendency of Athens was based
cy ofon those “wooden walls” which the Delphic oracle had
Delos. declared to be her hope in the Persian invasion. The victory
at Salamis had confirmed the wisdom of the prediction,
and given to Athens an imperishable glory. Themistocles
persuaded his countrymen that the open roadstead of Phalerum was
insecure, and induced them to inclose the more spacious harbors of Peireus
and Munychia, by a wall as long as that which encircled Athens itself,—so
thick and high that all assault should be hopeless, while within its
fortifications the combined fleets of Greece could safely he anchored, and
to which the citizens of Athens could also retire in extreme danger. Peireus
accordingly was inclosed at vast expense and labor by a wall fourteen feet
in thickness, which [pg 235] served not merely for a harbor, but a dock-yard
and arsenal. Thither resorted metics or resident foreigners, and much of the
trade of Athens was in their hands, since they were less frequently
employed in foreign service. They became a thrifty population of traders
and handy craftsmen identified with the prosperity of Athens. These various
works, absorbed much of the Athenian force and capital, yet enough
remained to build annually twenty new triremes—equivalent to our modern
ships of the line. Athens now became the acknowledged head and leader of

Page 239

the allied States, instead of Sparta, whose authority as a presiding State was
now openly renunciated by the Athenians. The Panhellenic union under
Sparta was now broken forever, and two rival States disputed the
supremacy,—the maritime States adhering to Athens, and the land States,
which furnished the larger part of the army at Platæa, adhering to Sparta. It
was then that the confederacy of Delos was formed, under the presidency of
Athens, which Aristides directed. His assessment was so just and equitable
that no jealousies were excited, and the four hundred and sixty talents
which were collected from the maritime States were kept at Delos for the
common benefit of the league, managed by a board of Athenian officers. It
was a common fear which led to this great contribution, for the Phœnician
fleet might at any time reappear, and, co-operating with a Persian land
force, destroy the liberties of Greece. Although Athens reaped the chief
benefit of this league, it was essentially national. It was afterward indeed
turned to aggrandize Athens, but, when it was originally made, was a means
of common defense against a power as yet unconquered though repulsed.

During all the time that the fortifications of Athens and the Peireus
were being made, Themistocles was the ruling spirit at Athens,
Confedera while Aristides commanded the fleet and organized the confederacy
cy ofof Delos. It was thus several years before he became false to his
Delos. Countrymen, and the change was only gradually wrought in his [pg
236] character, owing chiefly to his extravagant habits and the
arrogance which so often attends success.

During this period, a change was also made in the civil constitution
of Athens. All citizens were rendered admissible to office. The
Change inState became still more democratic. The archons were withdrawn
the from military duties, and confined to civil functions. The stategi or
Athenian generals gained greater power with the extending political
constitutio relations, and upon them was placed the duty of superintending
n. foreign affairs. Athens became more democratical and more
military at the same time.

From this time, 479 B.C., we date the commencement of the
Athenian empire. It gradually was cemented by circumstances
The rather than a long-sighted and calculating ambition. At the head of
political

Page 240

growth ofthe confederacy of Delos, opportunities were constantly presented
Athens. of centralizing power, while its rapid increase of population and
wealth favored the schemes which political leaders advanced for its
aggrandizement. The first ten years of the Athenian hegemony or
headship were years of active warfare against the Persians. The capture of
Eion, on the Strymon, with its Persian garrison, by Cimonon, led to the
settlement of Amphipolis by the Athenians; and the fall of the cities which
the Persians had occupied in Thrace and in the various islands of the Ægean
increased the power of Athens.

The confederate States at last grew weary of personal military
service, and prevailed upon the Athenians to provide ships and men
The in their place, for which they imposed upon themselves a suitable
Confederat money-payment. They thus gradually sunk to the condition of
e States. tributary allies, unwarlike and averse to privation, while the
Athenians, stimulated by new and expanding ambition, became
more and more enterprising and powerful.

But with the growth of Athens was also the increase of jealousies.
Athens became unpopular, not only because she made the different
Unpopular maritime States her tributaries, but because she embarked in war
ity ofagainst [pg 237] them to secure a still greater aggrandizement.
Athens. Naxos revolted, but was conquered, B.C. 467. The confederate
State was stripped of its navy, and its fortifications were razed to
the ground. Next year the island of Thasos likewise seceded from
the alliance, and was subdued with difficulty, and came near involving
Athens in a war with Sparta. The Thasians invoked the aid of Sparta, which
was promised though not fulfilled, which imbittered the relations between
the two leading Grecian States.

During this period, from the formation of the league at Delos, and
the fall of Thasos, about thirteen years, Athens was occupied in
Expedition maintaining expeditions against Persia, being left free from
s againstembarrassments in Attica. The towns of Platæa and Thespiæ were
Persia. restored and repeopled under Athenian influence.

The jealousy of Sparta, in view of the growing power of Athens, at
last gave vent in giving aid to Thebes, against the old policy of the State, to

Page 241

enable that city to maintain supremacy over the lesser Bœotian
towns. The Spartans even aided in enlarging her circuit and
Sparta. improving her fortifications, which aid made Thebes a vehement
Rebellion partisan of Sparta. Soon after, a terrible earthquake happened in
of theSparta, 464 B.C., which calamity was seized upon by the Helots as
Helots. a fitting occasion for revolt. Defeated, but not subdued, the
Cimon insurgents retreated to Ithome, the ancient citadel of their
opposed toMessenian ancestors, and there intrenched themselves. The
Pericles. Spartans spent two years in an unsuccessful siege, and were forced
Alliance ofto appeal to their allies for assistance. But even the increased force
different made no impression on the fortified hill, so ignorant were the
states withGreeks, at this period, of the art of attacking walls. And when the
Athens. Athenians, under Cimon, still numbered among the allies of Sparta,
were not more successful, their impatience degenerated to mistrust
and suspicion, and summarily dismissed the Athenian contingent.
This ungracious and jealous treatment exasperated the Athenians, whose
feelings were worked upon by Pericles who had opposed the policy of [pg
238] sending troops at all to Laconia. Cimon here was antagonistic to
Pericles, and wished to cement the more complete union of Greece against
Persia, and maintain the union with Sparta. Cimon, moreover, disliked the
democratic policy of Pericles. But the Athenians rallied under Pericles, and
Cimon lost his influence, which had been paramount since the disgrace of
Themistocles. A formal resolution was passed at Athens to renounce the
alliance with Sparta against the Persians, and to seek alliance with Argos,
which had been neutral during the Persian invasion, but which had regained
something of its ancient prestige and power by the conquest of Mycenæ and
other small towns. The Thessalians became members of this new alliance
which was intended to be antagonistic to Sparta. Megara, shortly after,
renounced the protection of the Peloponnesian capital, and was enrolled
among the allies of Athens,—a great acquisition to Athenian power, since
this city secured the passes of Mount Gerania, so that Attica was protected
from invasion by the Isthmus of Corinth. But the alliance of Megara and
Athens gave deep umbrage to Corinth as well as Sparta, and a war with
Corinth was the result, in which Ægina was involved as the ally of Sparta
and Corinth.

Page 242

The Athenians were at first defeated on the land; but this defeat was
more than overbalanced by a naval victory over the Dorian seamen,
Defeat ofoff the island of Ægina, by which the naval force of Ægina hitherto
Athens ongreat, was forever prostrated. The Athenians captured seventy ships
the landand commenced the siege of the city itself. Sparta would have
and come to the rescue, but was preoccupied in suppressing the
victory oninsurrection of the Helots. Corinth sent three hundred hoplites to
the sea. Ægina and attacked Megara. But the Athenians prevailed both at
Ægina and Megara, which was a great blow to Corinth.

Fearing, however, a renewed attack from Corinth and the
Peloponnesian States, now full of rivalry and enmity, the
Pericles Athenians, under the leadership of [pg 239] Pericles, resolved to
begins hisconnect their city with the harbor of Peireus by a long wall—a
career. stupendous undertaking at that time. It excited the greatest alarm
Cimon among the enemies of Athens, and was a subject of contention
banished. among different parties in the city. The party which Cimon, now
ostracised, had headed, wished to cement the various Grecian
States in a grand alliance against the Persians, and dreaded to see
this long wall arise as a standing menace against the united power of the
Peloponnesus. Moreover, the aristocrats of Athens disliked a closer
amalgamation with the maritime people of the Peireus, as well as the
burdens and taxes which this undertaking involved. These fortifications
doubtless increased the power of Athens, but weakened the unity of
Hellenic patriotism; and increased those jealousies which ultimately proved
the political ruin of Greece.

Under the influence of these rivalries and jealousies the
Lacedæmonians, although the Helots wore not subdued, undertook
Hostilities a hostile expedition out of the Peloponnesus, with eleven thousand
between five hundred men, ostensibly to protect Doris against the Phœcians,
Sparta andbut really to prevent the further aggrandizement of Athens, and this
Athens. was supposed to be most easily effected by strengthening Thebes
and securing the obedience of the Bœotian cities. But there was yet
another design, to prevent the building of the long walls, to which
the aristocratical party of Athens was opposed, but which Pericles, with
long-sighted views, defended.

Page 243

This extraordinary man, with whom the glory and greatness of
Athens are so intimately associated, now had the ascendency over
Ascendenc all his rivals. He is considered the ablest of all the statesmen which
y ofGreece produced. He was of illustrious descent, and spent the early
Pericles. part of his life in retirement and study, and when he emerged from
His obscurity his rise was rapid, until he gained the control of his
character countrymen, which he retained until his death. He took the side of
and the democracy, and, in one sense, was a demagogue, as well as a
accomplis statesman, since he appealed to [pg 240] popular passions and
hments. interests. He was very eloquent, and was the idol of the party which
was dominant in the State. His rank and fortune enabled him to
avail himself of every mode of culture and self-improvement
known in his day. He loved music, philosophy, poetry, and art. The great
Anaxagoras gave a noble direction to his studies, so that he became imbued
with the sublimest ideas of Grecian wisdom. And his eloquence is said to
have been of the most lofty kind. His manners partook of the same exalted
and dignified bearing as his philosophy. He never lost his temper, and
maintained the severest self-control. His voice was sweet, and his figure
was graceful and commanding. He early distinguished himself as a soldier,
and so gained upon his countrymen that, when Themistocles and Aristides
were dead, and Cimon engaged in military expeditions, he supplanted all
who had gone before him in popular favor. All his sympathies were with the
democratic party, while his manners and habits and tastes and associations
were those of the aristocracy. His political career lasted forty years from the
year 469 B.C. He was unremitting in his public duties, and was never seen
in the streets unless on his way to the assembly or senate. He was not fond
of convivial pleasures, and was, though affable, reserved and dignified. He
won the favor of the people by a series of measures which provided the
poor with amusement and means of subsistence. He caused those who
served in the courts to be paid for their attendance and services. He
weakened the power of the court of the Areopagus, which was opposed to
popular measures. Assured of his own popularity, he even contrived to
secure the pardon of Cimon, his great rival, when publicly impeached.

Pericles was thus the leading citizen of his country, when he advocated the
junction of the Peireus with Athens by the long walls which have been
alluded to, and when the Spartan army in Bœotia threatened to sustain the

Page 244

oligarchal party in the city. The Athenians, in view of this danger,
took decisive measures. They took [pg 241] the field at once
The unionagainst their old allies, the Lacedæmonians. The unfortunate battle
of theof Tanagra was decided in favor of the Spartans, chiefly through
Peireus the desertion of the Thessalian horse.
with
Athens. Cimon, though ostracised, appeared in the field of battle,
and requested permission to fight in the ranks. Though the
Magnanim request was refused, he used all his influence with his
ity offriends to fight with bravery and fidelity to his country's
Cimon. cause, which noble conduct allayed the existing jealousies,
and through the influence of Pericles, his banishment of
ten years was revoked. He returned to Athens, reconciled
with the party which had defeated him, and so great was the admiration of
his magnanimity that all parties generously united in the common cause.
Another battle with the enemy was fought in Bœotia, this time attended
with success, the result of which was the complete ascendency of the
Athenians over all Bœotia. They became masters of Thebes and all the
neighboring towns, and reversed all the acts of the Spartans, and established
democratic governments, and forced the aristocratical leaders into exile.
Phocis and Locris were added to the list of dependent allies, and the victory
cemented their power from the Corinthian Gulf to the strait of Thermopylæ.

Then followed the completion of the long walls, B.C. 455, and the
conquest of Ægina. Athens was now mistress of the sea, and her
Completio admiral displayed his strength by sailing round the Peloponnesus,
n of theand taking possession of many cities in the Gulf of Corinth. But the
long walls. Athenians were unsuccessful in an expedition into Thessaly, and
sustained many losses in Egypt in the great warfare with Persia.

After the success of the Lacedæmonians at Tanagra they made no
expeditions out of the Peloponnesus for several years, and allowed
Death ofBœotia and Phocis to be absorbed in the Athenian empire. They
Cimon. even extended the truce with Athens for five years longer, and this
was promoted by Cimon, who wished to resume offensive
operations against [pg 242] the Persians. Cimon was allowed to
equip a fleet of two hundred triremes and set sail to Cyprus, where he died.

Page 245

The expedition failed under his successor, and this closed all further
aggressive war with the Persians.

The death of Cimon, whose interest it was to fight the Persians, and
thus by the spoils and honors of war keep up his influence at home,
Pericles left Pericles without rivals, and with opportunities to develop his
without policy of internal improvements, and the development of national
rivals. resources, to enable Athens to maintain her ascendency over the
States of Greece. So he gladly concluded peace with the Persians,
by the terms of which they were excluded from the coasts of Asia
Minor and the islands of the Ægean; while Athens stipulated to make no
further aggression on Cyprus, Phœnicia, Cilicia, and Egypt.

Athens, at peace with all her enemies, with a large empire of
tributary allies, a great fleet, and large accumulations of treasure,
Aggrandiz sought now to make herself supreme in Greece. The fund of the
ement ofconfederacy of Delos was transferred to the Acropolis. New allies
Athens. sought her alliance. It is said the tributary cities amounted to one
thousand. She was not only mistress of the sea, but she was the
equal of Sparta on the land. Beside this political power, a vast
treasure was accumulated in the Acropolis. Such rapid aggrandizement was
bitterly felt by Corinth, Sicyon, and Sparta, and the feeling of enmity
expanded until it exploded in the Peloponnesian war.

It was while Athena was at this height of power and renown that
further changes were made in the constitution by Pericles. Great
Change inauthority was still in the hands of the court of the Areopagus, which
the was composed exclusively of ex-archons, sitting for life, and hence
constitutio of very aristocratic sentiments. It was indeed a judicial body, but its
n byfunctions were mixed; it decided all disputes, inquired into crimes,
Pericles. and inflicted punishments. And it was enabled to enforce its own
Increase ofmandates, which were without appeal, and led to great injustice and
democratic oppression. [pg 243] The magistrates, serving without pay, were
power. generally wealthy, and though their offices were eligible to all the
The citizens, still, practically, only the rich became magistrates, as is the
dikasts. case with the British House of Commons. Hence, magistrates
Ascendenc possessing large powers, and the senate sitting for life, all
y of the

Page 246

democratic belongingto the wealthy class, were animated by aristocratic
power. sympathies. But a rapidly increasing democracy succeeded in
securing the selection of archons by lot, in place of election. This
threw more popular elements into the court of Areopagus. The
innovations which Pericles effected, of causing the jury courts, or
Dikasteries, to be regularly paid, again threw into public life the poorer
citizens. But the great change which he effected was in transferring to the
numerous dikasts, selected from the citizens, a new judicial power,
heretofore exercised by the magistrates, and the senate of the Areopagus.
The magistrate, instead of deciding causes and inflicting punishment
beyond the imposition of a small fine, was constrained to impanel a jury to
try the cause. In fact, the ten dikasts became the leading judicial tribunals,
and as these were composed, each, of five hundred citizens, judgments were
virtually made by the people, instead of the old court. The pay of each man
serving as a juror was determined and punctually paid. The importance of
this revolution will be seen when these dikasts thus became the exclusive
assemblies, of course popular, in which all cases, civil and criminal, were
tried. The magistrates were thus deprived of the judicial functions which
they once enjoyed, and were confined to purely administrative matters. The
commanding functions of the archon were destroyed, and he only retained
power to hear complaints, and fix the day of trial, and preside over the
dikastic assembly. The senate of the Areopagus, which had exercised an
inquisitorial power over the lives and habits of the citizens, and supervised
the meetings of the assembly—a power uncertain but immense, and
sustained by ancient customs,—now became a mere nominal tribunal. And
this change was called for, since the members [pg 244] of the court were
open to bribery and corruption, and had abused their powers, little short of
paternal despotism. And when the great public improvements, the growth of
a new population, the rising importance of the Penæus, the introduction of
nautical people, and the active duties of Athens as the head of the Delian
confederacy—all, together, gave force to the democratic elements of
society, the old and conservative court became stricter, and more
oppressive, instead of more popular and conciliatory.

But beside this great change in the constitution, Pericles effected others
also. Under his influence, a general power of supervision, over the
magistrates and the assembly, was intrusted to seven men called

Page 247

Nomophylakes, or Law Guardians, changed every year, who sat
with the president in the senate and assembly, and interposed when
Other any step was taken contrary to existing laws. Other changes were
political also effected with a view to the enforcement of laws, upon which
changes we can not enter. It is enough to say that it was by means of
effected byPericles that the magistrates were stripped of judicial power, and
Pericles. the Areopagus of all its jurisdiction, except in cases of homicide,
and numerous and paid and popular dikasts were substituted to
decide judicial cases, and repeal and enact laws; this, says Grote,
was the consummation of the Athenian democracy. And thus it remained
until the time of Demosthenes.

But the influence of Pericles is still more memorable from the
impulse he gave to the improvements of Athens and his patronage
Improvem of art and letters. He conceived the idea of investing his city with
ents ofintellectual glory, which is more permanent than any conquests of
Athens. territory. And since he could not make Athens the centre of political
power, owing to the jealousies of other States, he resolved to make
her the great attraction to all scholars, artists, and strangers. And his
countrymen were prepared to second his glorious objects, and were in a
condition to do so, enriched by commerce, rendered independent by
successes over the Persians, and jealous Grecian rivals, and stimulated by
[pg 245] the poets and philosophers who flourished in that glorious age.
The age of Pericles is justly regarded as the epoch of the highest creation
genius ever exhibited, and gave to Athens an intellectual supremacy which
no military genius could have secured.

The Persian war despoiled and depopulated Athens. The city was
rebuilt on a more extensive plan, and the streets were made more
The publicregular. The long walls to the Peiræus were completed—a double
buildings. wall, as it were, with a space between them large enough to secure
the communication between the city and the port, in case an enemy
should gain a footing in the wide space between the Peiræan and
Thaleric walls. The port itself was ornamented with beautiful public
buildings, of which the Agora was the most considerable. The theatre,
called the Odeon, was erected in Athens for musical and poetical contests.
The Acropolis, with its temples, was rebuilt, and the splendid Propylæa, of

Page 248

Doric architecture, formed a magnificent approach to them. The temple of
Athenæ—the famous Parthenon—was built of white marble, and adorned
with sculptures in the pediments and frieze by the greatest artists of
antiquity, while Phidias constructed the statue of the goddess of ivory and
gold. No Doric temple ever equaled the severe proportions and chaste
beauty of the Parthenon, and its ruins still are one of the wonders of the
world. The Odeon and Parthenon were finished during the first seven years
of the administration of Pericles, and many other temples were constructed
in various parts of Attica. The genius of Phidias is seen in the numerous
sculptures which ornamented the city, and the general impulse he gave to
art. Other great artists labored in generous competition,—sculptors,
painters, and architects,—to make Athens the most beautiful city in the
world.

“It was under the administration of Pericles that Greek literature
reached its culminating height in the Attic drama, a form of poetry
Impulse which Aristotle justly considers as the most perfect; and it shone
given towith undiminished [pg 246] splendor to the close of the century. It
literature. was this branch of literature which peculiarly marked the age of
The Pericles—the period between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars.
drama. The first regular comedies were produced by Epicharmus, who was
born in Cos, B.C. 540, and exhibited at Syracuse. Comedy arose
before tragedy, and was at first at the celebration of Dionysus by
rustic revelers in the season of the vintage, in the form of songs and dances.
But these were not so appropriate in cities, and the songs of the revelers
were gradually molded into the regular choral dithyramb, while the
performers still preserved the wild dress and gestures of the satyrs—half
goat and half man—who accompanied Dionysus.” The prevalence of tales
of crime and fate and suffering naturally impressed spectators with tragic
sentiments, and tragedy was thus born and separated from comedy. Both
forms received their earliest development in the Dorian States, and were
particularly cultivated by the Megarians. “Thespis, a native of Icaria, first
gave to tragedy its dramatic character, in the time of Pisistratus, B.C. 535.
He introduced the dialogue, relieved by choral performances, and the
recitation of mythological and heroic adventures. He traveled about Attica
in a wagon, which served him for a stage; but the art soon found its way to
Athens, where dramatic contests for prizes were established in connection

Page 249

with the festivals of Dionysus. These became State institutions. Chœrilus,
B.C. 523, and Phrynichus followed Thespis, and these ventured from the
regions of mythology to contemporaneous history.”

It was at this time that Æschylus, the father of tragedy, exhibited
his dramas at Athens, B.C. 500. He added a second actor, and made
Æschylus. the choral odes subordinate to the action. The actors now made use
Sophocles. of masks, and wore lofty head-dresses and magnificent robes.
Scenes were painted according to the rules of perspective, and an
elaborate mechanism was introduced upon the stage. New figures
were invented for the dancers of the chorus. Sophocles still further
improved tragedy by [pg 247] adding the third actor, and snatched from
Æschylus the tragic prize. He was not equal to Æschylus in the boldness
and originality of his characters, or the loftiness of his sentiments, or the
colossal grandeur of his figures; but in the harmony of his composition, and
the grace and vigor displayed in all the parts—the severe unity, the classic
elegance of his style, and the charm of his expressions he is his superior.
These two men carried tragedy to a degree of perfection never afterward
attained in Greece. It was not merely a spectacle to the people, but was
applied to moral and religious purposes. The heroes of Æschylus are raised
above the sphere of real life, and often they are the sport of destiny, or
victims of a struggle between superior beings. The characters of Sophocles
are rarely removed beyond the sphere of mortal sympathy, and they are
made to rebuke injustice and give impressive warnings.

Comedy also made a great stride during the administration of
Pericles; but it was not till his great ascendency was at its height
Comedy. that Aristophanes was born, B.C. 444. The comedians of the time
were allowed great license, which they carried even into politics,
and which was directed against Pericles himself.

The Athenian stage at this epoch was the chief means by which
national life and liberty were sustained. It answered the functions
Power ofof the press and the pulpit in our day, and quickened the
the stage. perceptions of the people. The great audiences which assembled at
the theatres were kindled into patriotic glow, and were moved by
the noble thoughts, and withering sarcasm, and inexhaustible wit of

Page 250

the poets. “The gods and goddesses who swept majestically over the tragic
stage were the objects of religious and national faith, real beings, whose
actions and sufferings claimed their deepest sympathy, and whose heroic
fortitude served for an example, or their terrific fate for a warning. So, too,
in the old comedy, the persons, habits, manners, principles held up to
ridicule were all familiar to the audience in their daily lives; and the poet
might exhibit in a humorous light objects [pg 248] which to attack seriously
would have been a treason or a sacrilege, and might recommend measures
which he could only have proposed in the popular assembly with a halter
round his neck.” This susceptibility of the people to grand impressions, and
the toleration of rulers, alike show a great degree of popular intelligence
and a great practical liberty in social life.

The age of Pericles was also adorned by great historians and
philosophers. Herodotus and Thucydides have never been
The surpassed as historians, while the Sophists who succeeded the more
historians earnest philosophers of a previous age, gave to Athenian youth a
and severe intellectual training. Rhetoric, mathematics and natural
philosophe history supplanted speculation, led to the practice of eloquence as
rs. an art, and gave to society polish and culture. The Sophists can not
indeed be compared with those great men who preceded or
succeeded them in philosophical wisdom, but their influence in
educating the Grecian mind, and creating polished men of society, can not
be disproved. Politics became a profession in the democratic State, which
demanded the highest culture, and an extensive acquaintance with the
principles of moral and political science. This was the age of lectures, when
students voluntarily assembled to learn from the great masters of thought
that knowledge which would enable them to rise in a State where the
common mind was well instructed.

But it must also be admitted that while the age of Pericles furnished
an extraordinary stimulus to the people, in art, in literature, in
Athens political science, and in popular institutions, the great teachers of
declines inthe day inculcated a selfish morality, and sought an æsthetic
moral enjoyment irrespective of high moral improvement, and the
power. inevitable result was the rapid degeneracy of Athens, and the
decline even in political influence, and strength, as was seen in the

Page 251

superior power of Sparta in the great contest to which the two leading States
of Greece were hurried by their jealousies and animosities. The prosperity
was delusive and outside; for no intellectual [pg 249] triumph, no glories of
art, no fascinations of literature, can balance the moral forces which are
generated in self-denial and lofty public virtue.

It was while the power and glory of Pericles were at their height
that he formed that memorable attachment to Aspasia, a Milesian
Aspasia. woman, which furnished a fruitful subject for the attacks of the
comic poets. She was the most brilliant and intellectual woman of
the age, and her house was the resort of the literary men and
philosophers and artists of Athens until the death of Pericles. He formed as
close a union with her as the law allowed, and her influence in creating a
sympathy with intellectual excellence can not be questioned. But she was
charged with pandering to the vices of Pericles, and corrupting society by
her example and influence.

The latter years of Pericles were marked by the outbreak of that
great war with Sparta, which crippled the power of Athens and
Latter daystarnished her glories. He also was afflicted by the death of his
of children by the plague which devastated Athens in the early part of
Pericles. the Peloponnesian war, to which attention is now directed. The
Policy ofprobity of Pericles is attested by the fact that during his long
Pericles. administration he added nothing to his patrimonial estate. His
policy was ambitious, and if it could have been carried out, it
would have been wise. He sought first to develop the resources of
his country—the true aim of all enlightened statesmen—and then to make
Athens the centre of Grecian civilization and political power, to which all
other Stales would be secondary and subservient. But the rivalries of the
Grecian States and inextinguishable jealousies would not allow this. He
made Athens, indeed, the centre of cultivated life; he could not make it the
centre of national unity. In attempting this he failed, and a disastrous war
was the consequence.

Pericles lived long enough to see the commencement of the contest which
ultimately resulted in the political ruin of Athens, and which we now
present.

Page 252

[pg 250]

Page 253

CHAPTER XIX.

Page 254

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR.

The great and disastrous war between the two leading States of
Greece broke out about two years and a half before the death of
Causes ofPericles, but the causes of the war can be traced to a period shortly
the war. after the Persians were driven out of the Ionian cities. It arose
primarily from the rapid growth and power of Athens, when, as the
leader of the maritime States, it excited the envy of Sparta and
other republics. A thirty years' truce was made between Athens and Sparta,
B.C. 445, after the revolution in Bœotia, when the ascendency of Pericles
was undisputed, which forced his rival, Thucydides, a kinsman of Cimon, to
go into temporary exile. The continuance of the truce is identical with the
palmy days of Athens, and the glory of Pericles, during which the vast
improvements to the city were made, and art and literature flourished to a
degree unprecedented in the history of the ancient world.

After the conquest of Samos the jealousy of Sparta reached a point
which made it obvious that the truce could not much longer be
War maintained, though both powers shrunk from open hostilities,
between foreseeing the calamities which would result. The storm burst out
Corcyra in an unexpected quarter. The city of Epidamnus had been founded
and by colonists from Corcyra, on the eastern side of the Adriatic. It
Corinth. was, however, the prey of domestic factions, and in a domestic
Both revolution a part of the inhabitants became exiles. These appealed
parties to the neighboring barbarians, who invested the city by sea and
appealed land. The city, in distress, invoked the aid of Corcyra, the parent
to Athens.State, which aid being disregarded, the city transferred its
Athens allegiance to Corinth. The Corinthians, indulging a hatred of [pg
decides in251] Corcyra, took the distressed city under their protection. This
favor ofled to a war between Corcyra and Corinth, in which the Corinthians
Corcyra. were defeated. But Corinth, burning to revenge the disaster, fitted
out a still larger force against Corcyra. The Corcyræans, in alarm,
then sent envoys to Athens to come to their assistance. The

Page 255

Corinthians also sent ambassadors to frustrate their proposal. Two
assemblies were held in Athens in reference to the subject. The delegates of
Corcyra argued that peace could not long be maintained with Sparta, and
that in the coming contest the Corcyræans would prove useful allies. The
envoys of Corinth, on the other hand, maintained that Athens could not lend
aid to Corcyra without violating the treaty with Corinth. The Athenians
decided to assist Corcyra, and ten ships were sent, under the command of
Lacedæmonieus, the son of Cimon. This was considered a breach of faith
by the Corinthians, and a war resulted between Corinth and Athens. The
Corinthians then invited the Lacedæmonians to join them and make
common cause against an aggressive and powerful enemy, that aimed at the
supremacy of Greece. In spite of the influence of Athenian envoys in
Sparta, who attempted to justify the course their countrymen had taken, the
feeling against Athens was bitter and universally hostile. Instant hostilities
were demanded in defense of the allies of Sparta, and war was decided
upon.

Thus commenced the Peloponnesian war, which led to such disastrous
consequences, and which was thus brought about by the Corinthians, B.C.
433, sixteen years before the conclusion of the truce.

To Athens the coming war was any thing but agreeable. It had no
hopes of gain, and the certainty of prodigious loss. But the Spartans
Intrigues were not then prepared for the contest, and hostilities did not
of Sparta. immediately commence. They contented themselves, at first, with
sending envoys to Athens to multiply demands and enlarge the
grounds of quarrel. The offensive was plainly with Sparta. The first
requisition [pg 252] which Sparta made was the expulsion of the
Alcmæonidæ from Athens, to which family Pericles belonged—a mere
political manœuvre to get rid of so commanding a statesman. The enemies
of Pericles, especially the comic actors at Athens, seized this occasion to
make public attacks upon him, and it was then that the persecution of
Aspasia took place, as well as that against Anaxagoras, the philosopher, the
teacher, and friend of Pericles. He was also accused of peculation in
complicity with Phidias. But he was acquitted of the various charges made
by his enemies. Nor could his services be well dispensed with in the great

Page 256

crisis of public affairs, even had he been guilty, as was exceedingly
doubtful.

The reluctance on the part of the Athenians to go to war was very
great, but Pericles strenuously urged his countrymen to resent the
Pericles outrageous demands of Sparta, which were nothing less than the
urges thevirtual extinction of the Athenian empire. He showed that the
Athenians Spartans, though all-powerful on the Peloponnesus, had no means
to supportof carrying on an aggressive war at a distance, neither leaders nor
a war.money, nor habits of concert with allies; while Athens was mistress
Imperious of the sea, and was impregnable in defense; that great calamities
demands would indeed happen in Attica, but even if overrun by Spartan
of Sparta.armies, there were other territories and islands from which a
Preparatio support could be derived. “Mourn not for the loss of land,” said the
ns for war.orator, “but reserve your mourning for the men that acquire land.”
Wealth ofHis eloquence and patriotism prevailed with a majority of the
Athens. assembly, and answer was made to Sparta that the Athenians were
prepared to discuss all grounds of complaint pursuant to the truce,
by arbitration, but that they would yield nothing to authoritative
command. This closed the negotiations, which Pericles foresaw would be
vain and useless, since the Spartans were obstinately bent on war. The first
imperious blow was struck by the Thebans—allies of Sparta. They
surprised Platæa in the night. The gates were opened by the oligarchal
party; a party of Thebans [pg 253] were admitted into the agora; but the
people rallied, and the party was overwhelmed. Meanwhile another
detachment of Thebans arrived in the morning, and, discovering what had
happened, they laid waste the Platæan territory without the walls. The
Platæans retaliated by slaughtering their prisoners. Messengers left the city,
on the entrance of the Thebans, to carry the news to Athens, and the
Athenians issued orders to seize all the Bœotians who could be found in
Attica, and sent re-enforcements to Platæa. This aggression of the Thebans
silenced the opponents of Pericles, who now saw that the war had actually
begun, and that active preparations should be made. Athens immediately
sent messengers to her allies, tributary as well as free, and contributions
flowed in from all parts of the Athenian empire. Athens had soon three
hundred triremes fit for service, twelve hundred horsemen, sixteen hundred
bowmen, and twenty-nine thousand hoplites. The Acropolis was filled with

Page 257

the treasure which had long been accumulating, not less than six thousand
talents—about $7,000,000 of our money—an immense sum at that time,
when gold and silver were worth twenty or thirty times as much as at
present. Moreover, the various temples were rich in votive offerings, in
deposits, plate, and sacred vessels, while the great statue of the goddess,
lately set up in the Parthenon by Phidias, composed of gold and ivory, was
itself valued at four hundred talents. The contributions of allies swelled the
resources of Athens to one thousand talents, or over $11,000,000.

Sparta, on the other hand, had but few ships, no funds, and no
powers of combination, and it would seem that success would be
Immense on the side of Athens, with her unrivaled maritime skill, and the
array ofunanimity of the citizens. Pericles did not promise successful
forces engagements on the land, but a successful resistance, and the
against maintenance of the empire. His policy was purely defensive. But if
Athens. Sparta was weak in money and ships, she was rich in allies. The
entire strength of the Peloponnesus was brought out, assisted by
Megarians, Bœotians, [pg 254] Phocians, Locrians, and other
States. Corinth, Megara, Sicyon, Elis, and other maritime cities furnished
ships while Bœotians, Phocians, and Locrians furnished cavalry. Not even
to resist the Persian hosts was so large a land force collected, as was now
assembled to destroy the supremacy of Athens. And this great force was
animated with savage hopes, while the Athenians were not without
desponding anticipations, for there was little hope of resisting the Spartans
and their allies on the field. The Spartans, moreover, resolved, by means of
their allies, to send a fleet able to cope with that of Athens, and even were
so transported with enmity and jealousy as to lay schemes for invoking the
aid of Persia.

The invasion of Attica was the primary object of Sparta and her
allies; and at the appointed time the Lacedæmonian forces were
Invasion mustered on the Isthmus of Corinth, under the command of
of Attica.Archidamus. Envoys were sent to Athens to summon a surrender,
Defensive but Pericles would not receive them, nor allow them to enter the
policy ofcity, upon which the Lacedæmonian army commenced its march to
Pericles. Attica. It required all the eloquence and tact of Pericles to induce
the proprietors of Attica to submit to the devastation of their

Page 258

cultivated territory, and fly with their families and movable property to
Athens or the neighboring islands, without making an effort to resist the
invaders. But this was the policy of Pericles. He knew he could not contend
with superior forces on the land. It was hard for the people to submit to the
cruel necessity of seeing their farms devastated without opposition. But
they made the sacrifice, and intrenched themselves behind the fortifications
of Athens. Then was seen the wisdom of the long walls which connected
Athens with the Piræus.

Meanwhile the Spartan forces—sixty thousand hoplites, advanced
through Attica, burning and plundering every thing on their way,
Retreat ofand reached Acharnæ, within seven miles of Athens. The
the Athenians, pent up behind their walls, and seeing the destruction of
Lacedæmo their property, were eager to [pg 255] go forth and fight, but were
nians. dissuaded by Pericles. Then came to him the trying hour. He was
denounced as the cause of the existing sufferings, and was reviled
as a coward. But nothing disturbed his equanimity, and he refused
even to convene the assembly. As one of the ten generals he had this power;
but it was a remarkable thing that the people should have respected the
democratic constitution so far as to submit, when their assembly would
have been justified by the exigency of the crisis. But while the Athenians
remained inactive behind their walls, the cavalry was sent out on
skirmishing expeditions, and a large fleet was sent to the Peloponnesus with
orders to devastate the country in retaliation. The Spartans, after having
spent thirty or forty days in Attica, retired for want of provisions. Ægina
was also invaded, and the inhabitants were expelled and sent to the
Peloponnesus. Megara was soon after invaded by an army under Pericles
himself, and its territory was devastated—a retribution well deserved, for
both Megara and Ægina had been zealous in kindling the war.

Expecting a prolonged struggle, the Athenians now made
arrangements for putting Attica in permanent defense, both by sea
Athens and land, and set apart one thousand talents, out of the treasure of
sets asidethe Acropolis, which was not to be used except in certain dangers
1,000 previously prescribed, and a law was passed making it a capital
talents foroffense for any citizen to propose its use for any other purpose.
future

Page 259

contingenc The first year of the war closed without decisive successes
ies. on either side. The Athenians made a more powerful
Results ofresistance than was anticipated. It was supposed they could
the firstnot hold out against the superior forces of their enemies
year of themore than a year. They had the misfortune to see their
war. territory wasted, and their treasures spent in a war which
they would gladly have avoided. But, on the other hand,
they inflicted nearly equal damages upon the
Peloponnesus, and still remained masters of the sea. Pericles pronounced a
funeral oration on those who had fallen and stimulated his countrymen to
continued resistance, and [pg 256] excited their patriotic sentiments. Thus
far the anticipations of the statesman and orator had been more than
realized.

The second year of the war opened with another invasion of Attica
by the Spartans and their allies. They inflicted even more injury
The than in the preceding year, but they found the territory deserted, all
Spartans the population having retired within the defenses of Athens.
again
invade But a new and unforeseen calamity now fell upon the
Attica. Athenians, and against which they could not guard. A great
The plaguepestilence broke out in the city, which had already overrun
at Athens. Western Asia. Its progress was rapid and destructive, and
the overcrowded city was but too favorable for its ravages.
Thucydides has left a graphic and mournful account of this
pestilence, analogous to the plague of modern times. The victims generally
perished on the seventh or ninth day, and no treatment was efficacious. The
sufferings and miseries of the people were intense, and the calamity by
many was regarded as resulting from the anger of the gods. The pestilence
demoralized the population, who lost courage and fortitude. The sick were
left to take care of themselves. The utmost lawlessness prevailed. The
bonds of law and morality were relaxed, and the thoughtless people
abandoned themselves to every species of folly and excess, seeking, in their
despair, to seize some brief moments of joy before the hand of destiny
should fall upon them. For three years did this calamity desolate Athens,
and the loss of life was deplorable, both in the army and among private

Page 260

citizens. Pericles lost both his children and his sister; four thousand four
hundred hoplites died, and a greater part of the horsemen.

And yet, amid the devastation which the pestilence inflicted,
Pericles led another expedition against the coasts of the
Naval Peloponnesus. But the soldiers carried infection with them, and a
expedition greater part of them died of the disease at the siege or blockade of
against Potidæa. The Athenians were nearly distracted by the double
Sparta. ravages [pg 257] of pestilence and war, and became incensed
Death ofagainst Pericles, and sent messengers to Sparta to negotiate peace.
Pericles. But the Spartans turned a deaf ear, which added to the bitterness
against their heroic leader, whose fortitude and firmness were never
more effectively manifested. He was accused, and condemned to
pay a fine, and excluded from re-election. Though he was restored to power
and confidence, his affliction bore heavily upon his exalted nature, and he
died, B.C. 430, in the early period of the war. He had, indeed, many
enemies, and was hunted down by the comic writers, whose trade it was to
deride all political characters, yet his wisdom, patriotism, eloquence, and
great services are indisputable, and he died, leaving on the whole, the
greatest name which had ever ennobled the Athenians.

The war, of course, languished during the prevalence of the
epidemic, and much injury was done to Athenian commerce by
Sparta Peloponnesian privateers, who put to death all their prisoners. It
invokes was then that Sparta sent envoys to Persia to solicit money and
the aid oftroops against Athens, which shows that no warfare is so bitter as
the civil strife, and that no expedients are too disgraceful not to be
Persians. made use of, in order to gratify malignant passions. But the envoys
were seized in Thrace by the allies of Athens, and delivered up to
the Athenians, and by them were put to death.

In January, B.C. 429, Potidæa surrendered to the Athenian generals,
upon favorable terms, after enduring all the miseries of famine. The
Results offall of this city cost Athens two thousand talents. The
the secondLacedæmonians, after two years, had accomplished nothing. They
year of thehad not even relieved Potidæa.
war.

Page 261

On the third year, the Lacedæmonians, instead of ravaging Attica,
marched to the attack of Platæa. The inhabitants resolved to
Siege ofwithstand the whole force of the enemies. Archidemus, the
Platæa. Lacedæmonian general, commenced the siege, defended only by
four hundred native citizens [pg 258] and eighty Athenians. So
unskilled were the Greeks in the attack of fortified cities, that the
besiegers made no progress, and were obliged to resort to blockade. A wall
of circumvallation was built around the city, which was now left to the
operations of famine.

At the same time the siege was pressed, an Athenian armament was
sent to Thrace, which was defeated; but in the western part of
Naval Greece the Athenian arms were more successful. The Spartans and
defeat oftheir allies suffered a repulse at Stratus, and their fleet was defeated
the by Phormio, the Athenian admiral. Nothing could exceed the rage
Spartans. of the Lacedæmonians at these two disasters. They collected a still
larger fleet, and were again defeated with severe loss near
Naupactus, by inferior forces. But the defeated Lacedæmonians,
under the persuasion of the Megarians, undertook the bold enterprise of
surprising the Piræus, during the absence of the Athenian fleet; but the
courage of the assailants failed at the critical hour, and the port of Athens
was saved. The Athenians then had the precaution to extend a chain across
the mouth of the harbor, to guard against such surprises in the future.

Athens, during the summer, had secured the alliance of the
Odrysians, a barbarous but powerful nation in Thrace. Their king,
Results ofSitalces, with an army of fifteen thousand men, attacked Perdiccas,
the thirdthe king of Macedonia, and overran his country, and only retired
campaign. from the severity of the season and the want of Athenian co-
operation. Such were the chief enterprises and events of the third
campaign, and Athens was still powerful and unhumbled.

The fourth year of the war was marked by a renewed invasion of
Attica, without any other results than such as had happened before.
Renewed But it was a more serious calamity to the Athenians to learn that
invasion ofMitylene and most of Lesbos had revolted—one of the most
Athens. powerful of the Athenian allies. Nothing was left to Athens but to
Revolt and

Page 262

subjugatio subjugate the city. A large force was sent for this purpose, but the
n ofinhabitants of Mitylene appealed to the Spartans for [pg 259] aid,
Mitylene. and prepared for a vigorous resistance. But the treasures of Athens
were now nearly consumed, and the Athenians were obliged to
resort to contributions to force the siege, which they did with vigor.
The Lacedæmonians promised succor, and the Mitylenæans held out till
their provisions were exhausted, when they surrendered to the Athenians.
The Lacedæmonians advanced to relieve their allies, but were too late. The
Athenian admiral pursued them, and they returned to the Peloponnesus
without having done any thing. Paches, the Athenian general, sent home
one thousand Mitylenæan prisoners, while it was decreed to slaughter the
whole remaining population—about six thousand—able to carry arms, and
makes slaves of the women and children. This severe measure was
prompted by Cleon. But the Athenians repented, and a second decree of the
assembly, through the influence of Diodotus, prevented the barbarous
revenge; but the Athenians put to death the prisoners which Paches had
sent, razed the fortifications of Mitylene, took possession of all her ships of
war, and confiscated all the land of the island except that which belonged to
one town that had been faithful. So severe was ancient warfare, even among
the most civilized of the Greeks.

The surrender of Platæa to the Lacedæmonians took place not long
after; but not until one-half of the garrison had sallied from the city,
Surrender scaled the wall of circumvallation, and escaped safely to Athens.
of Platæa. The Platæans were sentenced to death by the Spartan judges, and
barbarously slain. The captured women were sold as slaves, and the
town and territory were handed over to the Thebans.

Scenes not less bloody took place in the western part of Greece, in
the island of Corcyra, before which a naval battle was fought
Cruelties between the Lacedæmonians and the Athenians. The island had
of thebeen governed by oligarchies, under the protection of Sparta, but
Athenians the retirement of the Lacedæmonian fleet enabled the Athenian
at Corcyra. general to wreak his vengeance on the party which had held
supremacy, which was exterminated in the most cruel manner, [pg
260] which produced a profound sensation, and furnished
Thucydides a theme for the most profound reflections on the acerbity and

Page 263

ferocity of the political parties, which, it seems, then divided Greece, and
were among the exciting causes of the war itself—the struggle between the
advocates of democratic and aristocratic institutions.

A new character now appears upon the stage at Athens—Nicias—
one of the ten generals who, in rank and wealth, was the equal of
Nicias. HePericles. He belonged to the oligarchal party, and succeeded Cimon
continues and Thucydides in the control of it. But he was moderate in his
the policyconduct, and so won the esteem of his countrymen, that he retained
of power until his death, although opposed to the party which had the
Pericles. ascendency. He was incorruptible as to pecuniary gains, and
Opposed adopted the conservative views of Pericles, avoiding new
by acquisitions at a distance, or creating new enemies. He surrounded
Alcibiades himself, not as Pericles did, with philosophers, but religions men,
and Cleon. avoided all scandals, and employed his large fortune in securing
popularity. Pericles disdained to win the people by such means,
cultivated art, and patronized the wits who surrounded Aspasia.
Nicias was zealous in the worship of the gods, was careful to make no
enemies, and conciliated the poor by presents. Yet he increased his private
fortune, so far as he could, by honorable means, and united thrift and
sagacity with honesty and piety. He was not a man of commanding genius,
but his character was above reproach, and was never assailed by the comic
writers. He was the great opponent of Alcibiades, the oracle of the
democracy—one of those memorable demagogues who made use of the
people to forward his ambitious projects. He was also the opponent of
Cleon, whose office it was to supervise official men for the public conduct
—a man of great eloquence, but fault-finding and denunciatory.

The fifth year of the war was not signalized by the usual invasion
of Attica, which gave the Athenians leisure to send an expedition
The fifthunder Nicias against the [pg 261] island of Melos, inhabited by
year of theancient colonists from Sparta. Demosthenes, another general, was
war. sent around the Peloponnesus to attack Acarnania, and he ravaged
the whole territory of Leueas. He also attacked Ætolia, but was
completely beaten, and obliged to retire with loss; but this defeat
was counterbalanced by a great victory, the next year, over the enemy at
Olpæ, when the Lacedæmonian general was slain. He returned in triumph to

Page 264

Athens with considerable spoil. The attention of the Athenians was now
directed to Delos, the island sacred to Apollo, and a complete purification
of the island was made, and the old Delian festivals renewed with peculiar
splendor.

The war had now lasted six years, without any grand or decisive
results on either side. The expeditions of both parties were of the
The sixthnature of raids—destructive, cruel, irritating, but without bringing
year of theany grand triumphs. Though the seventh year was marked by the
war. usual enterprise on the part of the Lacedæmonians—the invasion of
Undecisiv Attica—Corcyra promised to be the principal scene of military
e nature ofoperations. Both an Athenian and Spartan fleet was sent thither. But
the an unforeseen incident gave a new character to the war. In the
conflict. course of the voyage to Corcyra, Demosthenes, the Athenian
Great general, stopped at Pylus, with the intention of erecting a fort on
defeat ofthe uninhabited promontory, since it protected the spacious basin
the now known as the bay of Navarino, and was itself easily defended.
Lacedæmo Eurymedon, the admiral, insisted on going directly to Corcyra, but
nians atthe fleet was driven by a storm into the very harbor which
Pylus. Demosthenes proposed to defend. The place was accordingly
Sparta fortified by Demosthenes, where he himself remained with a
seeks garrison, while the fleet proceeded to Corcyra. Intelligence of this
peace. insult to Sparta—the attempt to plant a hostile fort on its territory—
Peace induced the Lacedæmonians to send their fleet to Pylus, instead of
prevented Corcyra. Forty-three triremes, under Thrasymelidas, and a powerful
by Cleon. land force, advanced to attack Demosthenes, intrenched with his
small army on the [pg 262] rocky promontory. When the news of
this new diversion reached the Athenian fleet at Corcyra, it returned
to Pylus, to succor Demosthenes. Here a naval battle took place, in which
the Lacedæmonians were defeated. This defeat jeopardized the situation of
the Spartan army which had occupied the island of Shacteria, cut off from
supplies from the main land, as well as the existence of the fleet. So great
was this exigency, that the ephors came from Sparta to consult on
operations. They took a desponding view, and sent a herald to the Athenian
generals to propose an armistice, in order to allow time for envoys to go to
Athens and treat for peace. But Athens demanded now her own terms,
elated by the success. Cleon, the organ of the popular mind, excited and

Page 265

sanguine, gave utterance to the feelings of the people, and insisted on the
restoration of all the territory they had lost during the war. The
Lacedæmonian envoys, unable to resist a vehement speaker like Cleon,
which required qualities they did not possess, and which could only be
acquired from skill in managing popular assemblies, to which they were
unused, returned to Pylus. And it was the object of Cleon to prevent a
hearing of the envoys by a select committee (what they desired) for fear that
Nicias and other conservative politicians would accede to their proposals.
Thus the best opportunity that could be presented for making an honorable
peace and reuniting Greece was lost by the arts of a demagogue, who
inflamed and shared the popular passions. Had Pericles been alive, the
treaty would probably have been made, but Nicias had not sufficient
influence to secure it.

War therefore recommenced, with fresh irritation. The Athenian
fleet blockaded the island where the Spartan hoplites were posted,
Renewed and found in the attempt, which they thought so easy, unexpected
hostilities. obstacles. Provisions clandestinely continually reached the
Surrender besieged. Week after week passed without the expected surrender.
of Demosthenes, baffled for want of provisions and water for [pg 263]
Sphacteria.his own fleet, sent urgently to Athens for re-enforcements, which
Triumph caused infinite mortification. The people now began to regret that
of thethey had listened to Cleon, and not to the voice of wisdom. Cleon
Athenians. himself was sent with the re-enforcements demanded, against his
Who will, although he was not one of the ten generals. The island of
refuse allSphacteria now contained the bravest of the Lacedæmonian troops
overtures —from the first families of Sparta—a prey which Cleon and
of peace. Demosthenes were eager to grasp. They attacked the island with a
force double of that of the defenders, altogether ten thousand men,
eight hundred of whom were hoplites. The besieged could not resist
this overwhelming force, and retreated to their last redoubt, but were
surrounded and taken prisoners. This surrender caused astonishment
throughout Greece, since it was supposed the Spartan hoplites would die, as
they did at Thermopylæ, rather than allow themselves to be taken alive, and
this calamity diminished greatly the lustre of the Spartan arms. A modern
army, surrounded with an overwhelming force, against which all resistance
was madness, would have done the same as the Spartans. But it was a sad

Page 266

blow to them. Cleon, within twenty days of his departure, arrived at Athens
with his three hundred Lacedæmonian prisoners, amid universal shouts of
joy, for it was the most triumphant success which the Athenians had yet
obtained. The war was prosecuted with renewed vigor, and the
Lacedæmonians again made advances for peace, but without effect. The
flushed victors would hear of no terms but what were disgraceful to the
Spartans. The chances were now most favorable to Athens. Nicias invaded
the Corinthian territory with eighty triremes, two thousand hoplites, and
two hundred horsemen, to say nothing of the large number which supported
these, and committed the same ravages that the Spartans and their allies had
inflicted upon Attica.

Among other events, the Athenians this year captured the Persian
ambassador, Artaphernes, on his way to Sparta. He [pg 264] was brought to
Athens, and his dispatches were translated and made public. He was sent
back to Ephesus, with Athenian envoys, to the great king, to counteract the
influence of the Spartans, but Artaerxes had died when they reached Susa.

The capture of Sphacteria, and the surrender of the whole
Lacedæmonian fleet, not only placed Athens, on the opening of the
Situation eighth year of the war, in a situation more commanding than she
of Athenshad previously enjoyed, but stimulated her to renewed operations
in eighthon a grander scale, not merely against Sparta, but to recover the
year of theascendency in Bœotia, which was held before the thirty years'
war. truce. The Lacedæmonians, in concert with the revolted Chalcidic
allies of Athens in Thrace, and Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, also
made great preparations for more decisive measures. The war had
dragged out seven years, and nothing was accomplished which seriously
weakened either of the contending parties.

The first movement was made by the Athenians on the Laconian
coast. The island of Cythera was captured by an expedition led by
Despair ofNicias, of sixty triremes and two thousand hoplites, beside other
the forces, and the coast was ravaged. Then Thyrea, an Æginetan
Lacedæmo settlement, between Laconia and Argolis, fell into the hands of the
nians, andAthenians, and all the Æginetans were either killed in the assault,
slaughter or put to death as prisoners. These successive disasters alarmed the

Page 267

of theLacedæmonians, and they now began to fear repeated assaults on
Helots. their own territory, with a discontented population of Helots. This
fear prompted an act of cruelty and treachery which had no parallel
in the history of the war. Two thousand of the bravest Helots were
entrapped, as if especial honors were to be bestowed upon them, and
barbarously slain. None but the five ephors knew the bloody details. There
was even no public examination of this savage inhumanity, which shows
that Sparta was governed, as Venice was in the Middle Ages, by a small but
exceedingly powerful oligarchy.

[pg 265]
After this cruelty was consummated, envoys came from Perdiccas and the
Chalcidians of Thrace, invoking aid against Athens. It was joyfully granted,
and Brasidas, at the request of Perdiccas and the Chalcidians, was sent with
a large force of Peloponnesian hoplites.

Meanwhile the Athenians formed plans to attack Megara, whose
inhabitants had stimulated the war, and had been the greatest
Attack ofsufferers by it. A force was sent under Hippocrates and
Megara. Demosthenes to surprise the place, and also Nisæa. The long walls
of Megara, similar to those of Athens, were taken by surprise, and
the Athenians found themselves at the gates of the city, which came
near falling into their hands by treachery. Baffled for the moment, the
Athenians attacked Clisæa, which lay behind it, and succeeded.

But Brasidas, the Lacedæmonian general, learning that the long
walls had fallen into the hands of the Athenians, got together a
Relieved large force of six thousand hoplites and six hundred cavalry, and
by relieved Megara, and the Athenians were obliged to retire.
Brasidas. Ultimately the Megarians regained possession of the long walls,
and instituted an oligarchal government.

The Athenians, disappointed in getting possession of Megara,
which failed by one of those accidents ever recurring in war,
Occupatio organized a large force for the attack of Bœotia, on three sides,
n ofunder Hippocrates and Demosthenes. The attack was first made at
Delium bySiphae, by Demosthenes, on the Corinthian Gulf, but failed. In
spite of this failure by sea, Hippocrates marched with a land force

Page 268

the to Delium, with seven thousand hoplites, and twenty-five thousand
Athenians. other troops, and occupied the place, which was a temple
consecrated to Apollo, and strongly fortified it. When the work of
fortification was completed, the army prepared to return to Athens.

Forces from all parts of Bœotia rallied, and met the Athenians.
Among the forces of the Bœotians was the famous Theban band of
Battle ofthree hundred select warriors, accustomed [pg 266] to fight in pairs,
Delium. each man attached to his companion by peculiar ties of friendship.
At Delium was fought the great battle of the war, in which the
Athenians were routed, and the general, Hippocrates, with a
thousand hoplites, were slain. The victors refused the Athenians the sacred
right of burying their dead, unless they retired altogether from Delium—the
post they had fortified on Bœotian territory. To this the Athenians refused to
submit, the consequence of which was the siege and capture of Delium.

Among the hoplites who fought in this unfortunate battle, which was a great
discouragement to the Athenian cause, was the philosopher Socrates. The
famous Alcibiades also served in the cavalry, and helped to protect Socrates
in his retreat, after having bravely fought.

The disasters of the Athenians in Thrace were yet more
considerable. Brasidas, with a large force, including seventeen
Disasters hundred hoplites, rapidly marched through Thrace and Thessaly,
of theand arrived in Macedonia safely, and attacked Acanthus, an ally of
Athenians Athens. It fell into his hands, as well as Stageirus, and he was thus
in Thrace.enabled to lay plans for the acquisition of Amphipolis, which was
Successes founded by Athenian colonists. He soon became master of the
of surrounding territory. He then offered favorable terms of
Brasidas. capitulation to the citizens of the town, which were accepted, and
the city surrendered—the most important of all the foreign
possessions of Athens. The bridge over the Strymon was also
opened, by which all the eastern allies of Athena were approachable by
land. This great reverse sent dismay into the hearts of the Athenians, greater
than had before been felt. The bloody victory at Delium, and the conquests
of Brasidas, more than balanced the capture of Sphacteria. Sparta, under the
victorious banner of Brasidas, a general of great probity, good faith, and

Page 269

moderation, now proclaimed herself liberator of Greece. Athens,
discouraged and baffled, lost all the prestige she had gained.

[pg 267]

But Amphipolis was lost by the negligence of the Athenian
commanders. Encles and Thucydides, the historian, to whom the
Loss ofdefense of the place was intrusted, had means ample to prevent the
Amphipoli capture had they employed ordinary precaution. The Athenians,
s. indignant, banished Thucydides for twenty years, and probably
Eucles also—a just sentence, since they did not keep the bridge
over the Strymon properly guarded, nor retained the Athenian
squadron at Eion. The banishment of Thucydides gave him leisure to write
the history on which his great fame rests—the most able and philosophical
of all the historical works of antiquity.

Brasidas, after the fall of Amphipolis, extended his military
operations with success. He took Torone, Lecythus, and other
Truce ofplaces, and then went into winter quarters. The campaign had been
one year. disastrous to the Athenians, and a truce of one year was agreed
upon by the belligerent parties—Athens of the one party, and
Sparta, Corinth, Sicyon, Epidaurus, and Megara, of the other.

The conditions of this truce stipulated that Delphi might be visited
by all Greeks, without distinction; that all violations of the property
Its of the Delphian god should be promptly punished; that the
conditions. Athenian garrisons at Pylus, Cythera, Nisæa, and Methana, should
remain unmolested; that the Lacedæmonians should be free to use
the sea for trading purposes; and that neither side should receive
deserters from the other—important to both parties, since Athens feared the
revolt of subject allies, and Sparta the desertion of Helots.

But two days had elapsed after the treaty was made before Scione in Thrace
revolted to Brasidas—a great cause of exasperation to the Athenians,
although the revolt took place before the treaty was known. Mendes, a
neighboring town, also revolted. Brasidas sent the inhabitants a garrison to
protect themselves, and departed with his forces for an expedition into the

Page 270

interior of Macedonia, but was soon compelled to retreat before the
Illyrians.

[pg 268]

An Athenian force, under Nicias and Nicostratus, however,
proceeded to Thrace to recover the revolted cities. Everywhere else
Both the truce was observed. It was intended to give terms for more
Cleon andcomplete negotiations. This was the policy of Nicias. But Cleon
Brasidas and his party, the democracy, was opposed to peace, and wished to
opposed toprosecute the war vigorously in Thrace. Brasidas, on his part, was
the truce. equally in favor of continued hostilities. And this was the great
question of the day in Greece.

The war party triumphed, and Cleon, by no means an able general,
was sent with an expedition to recover Amphipolis, B.C. 422. He
Death ofsucceeded in taking Torone, but Amphipolis, built on a hill in the
Cleon andpeninsula formed by the river Strymon, as it passes from the
of Strymonic Gulf to Lake Kerkernilis, was a strongly fortified place
Brasidas. in which Brasidas intrenched. He was obliged to remain inactive at
Eion, at the mouth of the river, three miles distant from
Amphipolis, which excited great discontent in his army, but which
was the wiser course, until his auxiliaries arrived. But the murmur of the
hoplites compelled him to some sort of action, and while he was
reconnoitering, he was attacked by Brasidas. Cleon was killed, and his army
totally defeated. Brasidas, the ablest general of the day, however, was also
mortally wounded, and carried from the field. This unsuccessful battle
compelled the Athenians to return home, deeply disgusted with their
generals. But they embarked in the enterprise reluctantly, and with no faith
in their leader, and this was one cause of their defeat. The death of Brasidas,
however, converted the defeat into a substantial victory, since there
remained no Spartan with sufficient ability to secure the confidence of the
allies. Brasidas, when he died, was the first man in Greece, and universally
admired for his valor, intelligence, probity, and magnanimity.

The battle of Amphipolis was decisive; it led to a peace between the
contending parties. It is called the peace of Nicias, made in March, B.C.
421. By the provisions of this treaty of peace, which was made [pg 269] for

Page 271

fifty years, Amphipolis was restored to the Athenians, all persons
had full liberty to visit the public temples of Greece, the Athenians
Consequen restored the captive Spartans, and the various towns taken during
ces of thethe war were restored on both sides. This peace was concluded
battle ofafter a ten years' war, when the resources of both parties were
Amphipoli exhausted. It was a war of ambition and jealousy, without sufficient
s. Thereasons, and its consequences were disastrous to the general
peace ofwelfare of Greece. In some respects it must be considered, not
Nicias. merely as a war between Sparta and Athens to gain supremacy, but
a war between the partisans of aristocratic and democratic
institutions throughout the various States.

The peace made by Nicias between Athens and Sparta for fifty
years was not of long continuance. It was a truce rather than a
Causes oftreaty, since neither party was overthrown—but merely crippled—
the warlike Rome and Carthage after the first Punic war. The same causes
still which provoked the contest still remained—an unextinguishable
continued. jealousy between States nearly equal in power, and the desire of
ascendency at any cost. But we do not perceive in either party that
persistent and self-sacrificing spirit which marked the Romans in
their conquest of Italy. The Romans abandoned every thing which interfered
with their aggressive policy: the Grecian States were diverted from political
aggrandizement by other objects of pursuit—pleasure, art, wealth.

There was needed only a commanding demagogue, popular,
brilliant, and unprincipled, to embroil Greece once more in war,
Alcibiades and such a man was Alcibiades, who appeared upon the stage at the
. death of Cleon. And hostilities were easily kindled, since the allies
on both sides were averse to the treaty which had been made, and
the conditions of the peace were not fulfilled. Athens returned the
captive Spartans she had held since the battle of Sphacteria, but Amphipolis
was not restored, from the continued enmity of the Thracian cities. Both
parties were full of intrigues, [pg 270] and new combinations were
constantly being formed. Argos became the centre of a new Peloponnesian
alliance. A change of ephors at Sparta favored hostile measures, and an
alliance was made between the Bœotians and Lacedæmonians. The
Athenians, on their side, captured Scione, and put to death the prisoners.

Page 272

It was in this unsettled state of things, when all the late contending
States were insincere and vacillating, that Alcibiades stood forth as
Character a party leader. He was thirty-one years of age, belonged to an
of ancient and powerful family, possessed vast wealth, had great
Alcibiades personal beauty and attractive manners, but above all, was
. unboundedly ambitious, and grossly immoral—the most insolent,
unprincipled, licentious, and selfish man that had thus far
scandalized and adorned Athenian society. The only redeeming
feature in his character was his friendship for Socrates, who, it seems,
fascinated him by his talk, and sought to improve his morals. He had those
brilliant qualities, and luxurious habits, and ostentatious prodigality, which
so often dazzle superficial people, especially young men of fashion and
wealth, but more even than they, the idolatrous rabble. So great was his
popularity and social prestige, that no injured person ever dared to bring
him to trial, and he even rescued his own wife from the hands of the law
when she sought to procure a divorce—a proof that even in democratic
Athens all bowed down to the insolence of wealth and high social position.

Alcibiades, though luxurious and profligate, saw that a severe
intellectual training was necessary to him if he would take rank as a
His politician, for a politician who can not make a speech stands a poor
intellectual chance of popular favor. So he sought the instructions of Socrates,
training Prodicus, Protagoras, and others—not for love of learning, but as
under means of success, although it may be supposed that the intellectual
Socrates. excitement, which the discourse, cross-examination, and ironical
sallies of Socrates produced, was not without its force on so bright
a mind.

Alcibiades commenced his public life with a sullied reputation, [pg
271] and with numerous enemies created by his unbearable
His insolence, but with a flexibility of character which enabled him to
abandoned adapt himself to whatever habits circumstances required. He
habits. inspired no confidence, and his extravagant mode of life was sure
to end in ruin, unless he reimbursed himself out of the public funds;
and yet he fascinated the people who mistrusted and hated him. The
great comic poet, Aristophanes, said of him to the Athenians: “You ought

Page 273

not to keep a lion's whelp in your city at all, but if you choose to keep him,
you must submit to his behavior.”

Alcibiades, in commencing his political life, departed from his
family traditions; for he was a relative of Pericles, and became a
His partisan of the oligarchal party. But he soon changed his polities,
intrigues. on receiving a repulse from the Spartans, who despised him, and he
became a violent democrat. His first memorable effort was to bring
Argos, then in league with Sparta, into alliance with Athens, in
which he was successful. He then cheated the Lacedæmonian envoys who
were sent to protest against the alliance and make other terms, and put them
in a false position, and made them appear deceitful, and thus arrayed
against them the wrath of the Athenians. As Alcibiades had prevailed upon
these envoys, by false promises and advice, to act a part different from what
they were sent to perform, Nicias was sent to Sparta to clear up
embarrassments, but failed in his object, upon which Athens concluded an
alliance with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea, which only tended to complicate
existing difficulties.

Shortly after this alliance was concluded, the Olympic games were
celebrated with unusual interest, from which the Athenians had
His been excluded during the war. Here Alcibiades appeared with seven
extravagan chariots, each with four horses, when the richest Greeks had
ce at thehitherto possessed but one, and gained two prizes. He celebrated
Olympic his success by a magnificent banquet more stately and expensive
games. than those given by kings. But while the Athenians thus [pg 272]
appeared at the ninetieth Olympiad, the Lacedæmonians were
excluded by the Eleians, who controlled the festival, from an
alleged violation of the Olympic truce, but really from the intrigues of
Alcibiades.

The subsequent attack of Argos and Athens on Epidaurus proved
that the peace between Athens and Sparta existed only in name. It
Renewal was distinctly violated by the attack of Argos by the
of Lacedæmonians, Bœotians, and Corinthians, and the battle of
hostilities. Mantinea opened again the war. This was decided in favor of the

Page 274

Lacedæmonians, with a great loss to the Athenians and their allies,
including both their generals, Laches and Nicostratus.

The moral effect of the battle of Mantinea, B.C. 418, was
overwhelming throughout Greece, and re-established the military
Effect ofprestige of Sparta. It was lost by the withdrawal of three thousand
the battleEleians before the battle, illustrating the remark of Pericles that
of numerous and equal allies could never be kept in harmonious co-
Mantinea. operation. One effect of the battle was a renewed alliance between
Sparta and Argos, and the re-establishment of an oligarchal
government in the latter city. Mantinea submitted to Sparta, and the
Achaian towns were obliged to submit to a remodeling of their political
institutions, according to the views of Sparta. The people of Argos,
however, took the first occasion which was presented for regaining their
power, assisted by an Athenian force under Alcibiades, and Argos once
again became an ally of Athens.

The next important operation of the war was the siege and conquest
of Melos, a Dorian island, by the Athenians, B.C. 416. The
Siege ofinhabitants were killed, and the women and children were sold as
Melos. slaves, and an Athenian colony was settled on the island. But this
massacre, exceeding even the customary cruelty of war in those
times, raised a general indignation among the allies of Sparta.

But an expedition of far greater importance was now undertaken by
the Athenians—the most gigantic effort which they ever made, but
The which terminated [pg 273] disastrously, and led to the ruin and
invasion ofsubjugation of their proud and warlike city, as a political power.
Sicily. This was the invasion of Sicily and siege of Syracuse.

Before we present this unfortunate expedition, some brief notice is
necessary of the Grecian colonies in Sicily.

In the eighth century before Christ Sicily was inhabited by two
distinct races of barbarians—the Sikels and Sikans—besides
The Phœnician colonies, for purposes of trade. The Sikans were an
Grecian Iberian tribe, and were immigrants of an earlier date than the
colonies inSikels, by whom they were invaded. The earliest Grecian colony

Page 275

Sicily. was (B.C. 735) at Naxos, on the eastern coast of the island,
Syracuse. between the Straits of Messina and Mount Ætna, founded by
Theocles, a Chalcidian mariner, who was cast by storms upon the
coast, and built a fort on a hill called Taurus, to defend himself
against the Sikels, who were in possession of the larger half of the island.
Other colonists followed, chiefly from the Peloponnesus. In the year
following that Naxos was founded, a body of settlers from Corinth landed
on the islet Ortygia, expelled the Sikel inhabitants, and laid the foundation
of Syracuse. Successive settlements were made forty-five years after at
Gela, in the southwestern part of the island. Other settlements continued to
be made, not only from Greece, but from the colonies themselves; so that
the old inhabitants were gradually Hellenized and merged with Greek
colonists, while the Greeks, in their turn, adopted many of the habits and
customs of the Sikels and Sikans. The various races lived on terms of amity,
for the native population was not numerous enough to become formidable
to the Grecian colonists.

Five hundred years before Christ the most powerful Grecian cities
in Sicily were Agrigentum and Gela, on the south side of the island.
Agrigentu The former, within a few years of its foundation, B.C. 570, fell
m andunder the dominion of one of its rich citizens, Phalasaris, who
Gela. Theproved a cruel despot, but after a reign of sixteen years he was
reign ofkilled in an insurrection, and an oligarchal government was [pg
Gelo. His274] established, such as then existed in most of the Grecian cities.
power inSyracuse was governed in this way by the descendants of the
Sicily. Hisoriginal settlers. Gela was, on the other hand, ruled by a despot
successor called Gelo, the most powerful man on the island. He got
Hiero. possession of Syracuse, B.C. 485, and transferred the seat of his
Grandeur power to this city, by bringing thither the leading people and
of making slaves of the rest. Under Gelo Syracuse became the first
Syracuse. city on the island, to which other towns were tributary. When the
Greeks confederated against Xerxes, they sent to solicit his aid as
the imperial leader of Sicily, and he could command, according to
Herodotus, twenty thousand hoplites, two hundred triremes, two thousand
cavalry, two thousand archers, and two thousand light-armed horse. So
great was then the power of this despot, who now sought to expel the
Carthaginians and unite all the Hellenic colonies in Sicily under his sway.

Page 276

But the aid was not given, probably on account of a Carthaginian invasion
simultaneous with the expedition of the Persian king. The Carthaginians,
according to the historian, arrived at Panormus B.C. 480, with a fleet of
three thousand ships and a land force of three hundred thousand men,
besides chariots and horses, under Hamilcar—a mercenary army, composed
of various African nations. Gelo marched against him with fifty thousand
foot and five thousand horse, and gained a complete victory, so that one
hundred and fifty thousand, on the side of the Carthaginians, were slain,
together with their general. The number of the combatants is doubtless
exaggerated, but we may believe that the force was very great. Gelo was
now supreme in Sicily, and the victory of Himera, which he had gained,
enabled him to distribute a large body of prisoners, as slaves, in all the
Grecian colonies. It appears that he was much respected, but he died shortly
after his victory, leaving an infant son to the guardianship of two of his
brothers, Polyzelus and Hiero, who became the supreme governors of the
island. A victory gained by Hiero over the tyrant of Agrigentum gave him
the same [pg 275] supremacy which Gelo had enjoyed. On his death, B.C.
467, the succession was disputed between his brother, Thrasybulus, and his
nephew, the son of Gelo; but Thrasybulus contrived to make away with his
nephew, and reigned alone, cruelly and despotically, until a revolution took
place, which resulted in his expulsion and the fall of the Gelonian dynasty.
Popular governments were now established in all the Sicilian cities, but
these were distracted by disputes and confusions. Syracuse became isolated
from the other cities, and a government whose powers were limited by the
city. The expulsion of the Gelonian dynasty left the Grecian cities to
reorganize free and constitutional governments; but Syracuse maintained a
proud pre-eminence, and her power was increased from time to time by
conquests in the interior over the old population. Agrigentum was next in
power, and scarcely inferior in wealth. The temple of Zeus, in this city, was
one of the most magnificent in the world. The population was large, and
many were the rich men who kept chariots and competed at the Olympic
games. In these Sicilian cities the intellectual improvement kept pace with
the material, and the little town of Elea supported the two greatest
speculative philosophers of Greece—Parmenides and Zeno. Empedocles, of
Agrigentum, was scarcely less famous.

Page 277

Such was the state of the Sicilian cities on the outbreak of the
Peloponnesian war. Being generally of Dorian origin, they
The sympathized with Sparta, and great expectations were formed by
Dorian the Lacedæmonians of assistance from their Sicilian allies. The
cities ofcities of Sicily could not behold the contest between Athens and
Sicily Sparta without being drawn into the quarrel, and the result was that
make warthe Dorian cities made war on the Ionian cities, which, of course,
on thesympathized with Athens. As these cities were weaker than the
Ionian. Dorian, they solicited aid from Athens, and an expedition was sent
to Sicily under Laches, B.C. 426. Another one, under Polydorus,
followed, but without decisive results. The next year still another
and larger expedition, [pg 276] under Eurymedon and Sophocles, arrived in
Sicily, while Athens was jubilant by the possession of the Spartan prisoners,
and the possession of Pylus and Cythera. The Sicilian cities now fearing
that their domestic strife would endanger their independence and make
them subject to Athens, the most ambitious and powerful State in Greece,
made a common league with each other. Eurymedon acceded to the peace
and returned to Athens, much to the displeasure of the war party, which
embraced most of the people, and he and his colleague were banished.

But wars between the Sicilian cities again led to the intervention of
Athens. Egesta especially sent envoys for help in her struggle
Interventio against Selinus, which was assisted by Syracuse. Alcibiades
n ofwarmly seconded these envoys, and inflamed the people with his
Athens. ambitious projects. He, more than any other man, was the cause of
Opposed the great Sicilian expedition which proved the ruin of his country.
by Nicias,He was opposed by Nicias, who foretold all the miserable
but consequences of so distant an expedition, when so little could be
favored bygained and so much would be jeopardized, and when, on the first
Alcibiades reverse, the enemies of Athens would rally against her. He
. particularly cautioned his countrymen not only against the
expedition, but against intrusting the command of it to an
unprincipled and selfish man who squandered his own patrimony in
chariot races and other extravagances, and would be wasteful of the public
property—a man without the experience which became a leader in so great
an enterprise. Alcibiades, in reply, justified his extravagance at the Olympic
games, where he contested with seven chariots, as a means to impress

Page 278

Sparta with the wealth and power of Athens, after a ten years' war. He
inflamed the ambition of the assembly, held out specious hopes of a
glorious conquest which would add to Athenian power, and make her not
merely pre-eminent, but dominant in Greece. The assembly, eager for war
and glory, sided with the youthful and magnificent demagogue, and
disregarded [pg 277] the counsels of the old patriot, whose wisdom and
experience were second to none in the city.

Consequently the expedition was fitted out for the attack of
Syracuse—the largest and most powerful which Athens ever sent
Athenian against an enemy; for all classes, maddened by military glory, or
expedition tempted by love of gain, eagerly embarked in the enterprise. Nicias,
against finding he could not prevent the expedition, demanded more than
Syracuse. he thought the people would be willing to grant. He proposed a
gigantic force. But in proposing this force, he hoped he might thus
discourage the Athenians altogether by the very greatness of the
armament which he deemed necessary. But so popular was the enterprise,
that the large force he suggested was voted. Alcibiades had flattered the
people that their city was mistress of the sea, and entitled to dominion over
all the islands, and could easily prevail over any naval enemy.

Three years had now elapsed since the peace of Nicias, and Athens
had ample means. The treasury was full, and triremes had
Self- accumulated in the harbor. The confidence of the Athenians was as
confidence unbounded as was that of Xerxes when he crossed the Hellespont,
of theand hence there had been great zeal and forwardness in preparation.
Athenians.
When the expedition was at last ready, an event occurred
which filled the city with gloom and anxious forebodings.
Unfavorab The half statues of the god Hermes were distributed in
le great numbers in Athens in the most conspicuous
auguries. situations, beside the doors of private houses and temples,
and in the agora, so that the people were accustomed to
regard the god as domiciled among them for their
protection. In one night, at the end of May, B.C. 415, these statues were
nearly all mutilated. The heads, necks, and busts were all destroyed, leaving
the lower part of them—mere quadrangular pillars, without arms, or legs, or

Page 279

body—alone standing. The sacrilege sent universal dismay into the city, and
was regarded as a most depressing omen, [pg 278] and was done, doubtless,
with a view of ruining Alcibiades and frustrating the expedition. But all
efforts were vain to discover the guilty parties.

And this was not the only means adopted to break down the power
of a man whom the more discerning perceived was the evil genius
Alcibiades of Athens. Alcibiades was publicly accused of having profaned and
accused ofdivulged the Eleusinian mysteries. The charge was denied by
divulging Alcibiades, who demanded an immediate trial. It was eluded by his
the enemies, who preferred to have the charge hanging over his head,
Eleusinian in case of the failure of the enterprise which he had projected.
mysteries.
So the fleet sailed from Piræus amid mingled sentiments of
anxiety and popular enthusiasm. It consisted of one
Sailing ofhundred triremes, with a large body of hoplites. It made
the straight for Corcyra, where the contingents of the allies
Athenian were assembled, which nearly doubled its force. The
fleet. Syracusans were well informed as to its destination, and
made great exertions to meet this great armament, under
Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus. The latter commander
recommended an immediate attack of Syracuse, as unprepared and
dismayed.

Alcibiades wished first to open negotiations with the Sikels, of the
interior, to detach them from the aid of Syracuse. His plan was
Escape offollowed, but before he could carry it into operation he was
Alcibiades summoned home to take his trial. Fearing the result of the
to Sparta. accusations against him, for, in his absence, the popular feeling had
changed respecting him—fear and reason had triumphed over the
power of his personal fascination—Alcibiades made his escape to
the Peloponnesus.

The master spirit of the expedition was now removed, and its
operations were languid and undecided, for Nicias had no heart in
Nicias it. The delays which occurred gave the Syracusans time to prepare,
commands and more confidence in their means of defense. So that when the
the forces of the Athenians were landed in the great harbor, they found

Page 280

expedition.a [pg 279] powerful army ready to resist them. In spite of a victory
Rebellion which Nicias gained near Olympeion, the Syracusans were not
and dejected, and the Athenian fleet was obliged to seek winter quarters
treason ofat Catana, and also send for additional re-enforcements. Nicias
Alcibiades unwisely delayed, but his inexcusable apathy afforded the enemy
. leisure to enlarge their fortifications. The Syracusans constructed
an entirely new wall around the inner and outer city, and which also
extended across the whole space from the outer sea to the great
harbor, so that it would be difficult for the Athenians, in the coming siege,
to draw lines of circumvallation around the city. Syracuse also sent envoys
to Corinth and Sparta for aid, while Alcibiades, filled now with intense
hatred of Athens, encouraged the Lacedæmonians to send a force to the
Sicilian capital. He admitted that it was the design of Athens first to
conquer the Sicilian Greeks, and then the Italian Greeks; then to make an
attempt on Carthage, and then, if that was successful, to bring together all
the forces of the subjected States and attack the Peloponnesus itself, and
create a great empire, of which Athens was to be the capital. Such an
avowal was doubtless the aim of the ambitious Alcibiades when he first
stimulated the enterprise, which, if successful, would have made him the
most powerful man in Greece; but he was thwarted by his enemies at home,
and so he turned all his energies against his native State. His address made a
powerful effect on the Lacedæmonians, who, impelled by hatred and
jealousy, now resolved to make use of the services of the traitor, and send
an auxiliary force to Syracuse.

That city then consisted of two parts—an inner and an outer city.
The outer city was defended on two sides by the sea, and a sea
Situation wall. On the land side a long wall extended from the sea to the
of fortified high land of Achradina, so that the city could only be
Syracuse. taken by a wall of circumvallation, so as to cut off supplies by land;
Inaction ofat the same time it was blockaded by sea. But the delay of Nicias
Nicias. had enabled the Syracusans to construct a new wall, [pg 280]
Athenian covering both the outer and inner city, and extending from the great
fleet port to the high land near the bay of Magnesi, so that any attack,
inclosed except from a single point, was difficult, unless the wall of
by thecircumvallation was made much larger than was originally
Syracusan intended. Amid incredible difficulties the Athenians constructed

Page 281

s. Retreattheir works, and in an assault from the cliff of Epipolæ, where they
of were intrenched, their general, Lamachus, was slain. But the
Athenians. Athenians had gained an advantage, and the siege was being
successfully prosecuted. It was then that the Lacedæmonians
arrived under Gylippus, who was unable to render succor. But
Nicias, despising him, allowed him to land at Himera, from whence he
marched across Sicily to Syracuse. A Corinthian fleet, under Gorgylus,
arrived only just in time to prevent the city from capitulating, and Gylippus
entered Syracuse unopposed. The inaction of Nicias, who could have
prevented this, is unaccountable. But the arrival of Gylippus turned the
scale, and he immediately prosecuted vigorous and aggressive measures. He
surprised an Athenian fort, and began to construct a third counter-wall on
the north side of the Athenian circle. The Athenians, now shut up within
their lines, were obliged to accept battle, and were defeated, and even
forced to seek shelter within their fortified lines. Under this
discouragement, Nicias sent to Athens for another armament, and the
Athenians responded to his call. But Sparta also resolved to send re-
enforcements, and invade Attica besides. Sicilian forces also marched in aid
of Syracuse. The result of all these gathering forces, in which the whole
strength of Greece was employed, was the total defeat of the Athenian fleet
in the Great Harbor, in spite of the powerful fleet which had sailed from
Athens under Demosthenes. The Syracusans pursued their advantage by
blocking up the harbor, and inclosing the whole Athenian fleet. The
Athenians resolved then to force their way out, which led to another general
engagement, in which the Athenians were totally defeated. Nicias once
again attempted to force his way out, [pg 281] with the remainder of his
defeated fleet, but the armament was too much discouraged to obey, and the
Athenians sought to retreat by land. But all the roads were blockaded. The
miserable army, nevertheless, began its hopeless march completely
demoralized, and compelled to abandon the sick and wounded. The
retreating army was harassed on every side, no progress could be made, and
the discouraged army sought in the night to retreat by a different route. The
rear division, under Demosthenes, was overtaken and forced to surrender,
and were carried captives to Syracuse—some six thousand in number. The
next day, the first division, under Nicias, also was overtaken and made
prisoners. No less than forty thousand who had started from the Athenian
camp, six days before, were either killed or made prisoners, with the two

Page 282

generals who commanded them. The prisoners at first were subjected to the
most cruel and inhuman treatment, and then sold as slaves. Both Nicias and
Demosthenes were put to death, B.C. 413.

Such was the disastrous close of the Sicilian expedition. Our limits
prevent an extended notice. We can only give the barren outline.
Mismanag But never in Grecian history had so large a force been arrayed
ement ofagainst a foreign power, and never was ruin more complete. The
Nicias. enterprise was started at the instance of Alcibiades. It was he who
brought this disaster on his country. But it would have been better
to have left the expedition to his management. Nicias was a lofty
and religious man, but was no general. He grossly mismanaged from first to
last. The confidence of the Athenians was misplaced; and he, after having
spent his life in inculcating a conservative policy, which was the wiser, yet
became the unwilling instrument of untold and unparalleled calamities. His
fault was over-confidence. He was personally brave, religious,
incorruptible, munificent, affable—in all respects honorable and
respectable, but he had no military genius.

The Lacedæmonians, at the suggestion of Alcibiades, had
permanently occupied Decelea—a fortified post within fifteen [pg
Exhaustio 282] miles of Athens, and instead of spending a few weeks in
n ofravaging Attica, now intrenched themselves, and issued out in
Athens. excursions until they had destroyed all that was valuable in the
neighborhood of Athens. The great calamities which the Athenians
had suffered prevented them from expelling the invaders, and the
city itself was now in the condition of a post besieged. All the
accumulations in her treasury were exhausted, and she was compelled to
dismiss even her Thracian mercenaries. They were sent back to their own
country under Dotrephes; but after inflicting great atrocities in Bœotia, were
driven back by the Thebans.

The Athenian navy was now so crippled that it could no longer
maintain the supremacy of the sea. The Corinthians were
The formidable rivals and enemies. A naval battle at Naupactus, at the
Athenian mouth of the Corinthian Gulf, between the Athenians and
navy

Page 283

hopelessly Corinthians, though indecisive, yet really was to the advantage of
crippled. the latter.

The full effects of the terrible catastrophe at Syracuse were
not at first made known to the Athenians, but gradually a
Effects ofsettled despair overspread the public mind. The supremacy
the of Athens in Greece was at an end, and the city itself was
disastrous endangered. The inhabitants now put forth all the energies
expedition that a forlorn hope allowed. The distant garrisons were
against recalled; all expenses were curtailed; timber was collected
Syracuse. for new ships, and Capo Sunium was fortified. But the
The enemies of Athens were also stimulated to renewed
Athenians exertions, and subject-allies were induced to revolt. Persia
compelled sent envoys to Sparta. The Eubœans and Chians applied to
to makethe same power for aid in shaking off the yoke of Athens
use ofnow broken and defenseless. Although a Peloponnesian
their fleet was defeated by the Athenians on its way to assist
reserved Chios in revolt, yet new dangers multiplied. The infamous
fund. Alcibiades crossed with a squadron to Chios, and the
Athenians were obliged to make use of their reserved fund
of one thousand talents, which Pericles [pg 283] had set
aside for the last extremity, in order to equip a fleet, under the command of
Strombichides. Alcibiades passed over to Miletus, and induced this city also
to revolt. A shameful treaty was made between Sparta and Persia to carry on
war against Athens; and the first step in the execution of the treaty was to
hand Miletus over to a Persian general. Ionia now became the seat of war,
and a victory was gained near Miletus by the Athenians, but this was
balanced by the capture of Iasus by the Lacedæmonians. The Athenians
rallied at Samos, which remained faithful, and still controlled one hundred
and twenty-eight triremes at this island. Alternate successes and defeats
happened to the contending parties, with no decided result.

The want of success on the coast of Asia led the Lacedæmonians to
suspect Alcibiades of treachery. Moreover, his intrigue with the
Escape ofwife of Agis made the king of Sparta his relentless enemy. Agis
Alcibiades accordingly procured a decision of the ephors to send out
from instructions for his death. He was warned in time, and made his
Sparta.

Page 284

escape to the satrap Tissaphernes, who commanded the forces of Persia. He
persuaded the Persian not to give a decisive superiority to either of the
contending parties, who followed his advice, and kept the Peloponnesian
fleet inactive, and bribed the Spartan general. Having now gratified his
revenge against Athens and lost the support of Sparta, Alcibiades now
looked to his native country as the best field for his unprincipled ambition.
“He opened negotiations with the Athenian commanders at Samos, and
offered the alliance of Persia as the price of his restoration, but proposed as
a further condition the overthrow of the democratic government at Athens.”

Then followed the political revolution which Alcibiades had
planned, in conjunction with oligarchal conspirators. The rally of
Popular the city, threatened with complete ruin, had been energetic and
revolution astonishing, and she was now, a year after the disaster at Syracuse,
in Athens. able to carry [pg 284] on a purely defensive system, though with
crippled resources. But for this revolution Athens might have
secured her independence.

The proposal of Alcibiades to change the constitution was listened
to by the rich men, on whom the chief burden of the war had fallen.
Restless With the treasures of Persia to help them, they hoped to carry on
schemes ofthe war against Sparta without cost to themselves. It was hence
Alcibiades resolved at Samos, among the Athenians congregated there, to send
. a deputation to Athens, under Pisander, to carry out their designs.
But they had no other security than the word of Alcibiades, that
restless and unpatriotic schemer, that they would secure the
assistance of Persia. And it is astonishing that such a man—so faithless—
could be believed.

One of the generals of the fleet at Samos, Phrynichus, strongly
opposed this movement, and gave good reasons; but the tide of
Vain opinion among the oligarchal conspirators ran so violently against
promises him, that Pisander was at once dispatched to Athens. He laid before
of the public assembly the terms which Alcibiades proposed. The
Alcibiades people, eager at any cost to gain the Persian king as an ally, in their
. Aidextremity listened to the proposal, though unwilling, and voted to
invoked relinquish their political power. Pisander made them believe it was
from

Page 285

Persia. Ana choice between utter ruin and the relinquishment of political
oligarchy privileges, since the Lacedæmonians had an overwhelming force
at Athens.against them. It was while Chios seemed likely to be recovered by
Alcibiades the Athenians, and while the Peloponnesian fleet was paralyzed at
cheats theRhodes by Persian intrigues, that Pisander returned to Ionia to open
Athenians. negotiations with Alcibiades and Tissaphernes. But Alcibiades had
promised too much, the satrap having no idea of lending aid to
Athens, and yet he extricated himself by such exaggerated
demands, which he knew the Athenians would never concede to Persia, that
negotiations were broken off, and a reconciliation was made between Persia
and Sparta. The oligarchal conspirators had, however, gone so far that a
retreat was impossible. [pg 285] The democracy of Athens was now
subverted. Instead of the Senate of Five Hundred and the assembled people,
an oligarchy of Four Hundred sat in the Senate house, and all except five
thousand were disfranchised—and these were not convened. The oligarchy
was in full power when Pisander returned to Athens. All democratic
magistrates had been removed, and no civil functionaries were paid. The
Four Hundred had complete control. Thus perished, through the intrigues of
Alcibiades, the democracy of Athens. He had organized the unfortunate
expedition to Sicily; he had served the bitterest enemies of his country; and
now, he had succeeded in overturning the constitution which had lasted one
hundred years, during which Athens had won all her glories. Why should
the Athenians receive back to their confidence so bad a man? But whom
God wishes to destroy, he first makes mad, and Alcibiades, it would seem,
was the instrument by which Athens was humiliated and ruined as a
political power. The revolution was effected in an hour of despair, and by
delusive promises. The character and conduct of the insidious and
unscrupulous intriguer were forgotten in his promises. The Athenians were
simply cheated.

The Four Hundred, installed in power, solemnized their installation
by prayer and sacrifice, put to death some political enemies,
Athens imprisoned and banished others, and ruled with great rigor and
seeks strictness. They then sought to make peace with Sparta, which was
peace withdeclined. The army at Samos heard of these changes with
Sparta. exceeding wrath, especially the cruelties which were inflicted on all
Unprincipl citizens who spoke against the new tyranny. A democratic

Page 286

ed conductdemonstration took place at Samos, by which the Samians and the
of army were united in the strongest ties, for the Samians had
Alcibiades successfully resisted a like revolution on their island. The army at
. Samos refused to obey any orders from the oligarchy, and
constituted a democracy by themselves. Yet the man who had been
instrumental in creating this oligarchy, with characteristic [pg 286]
versatility and impudence, joined the democracy at Samos. He came to
Samos by invitation of the armament, and pledged himself to secure Persian
aid, and he was believed and again trusted. He then launched into a new
career, and professed to take up again the interests of the democracy at
Athens. The envoys of the Four Hundred which were sent to Samos were
indignantly sent back, and the general indignation against the oligarchy was
intensified. Envoys from Argos also appeared at Samos, offering aid to the
Athenian democracy. There was now a strong and organized resistance to
the Four Hundred, and their own divisions placed them further in a
precarious situation. Theramenes demanded that the Five Thousand, which
body had been thus far nominal, should be made a reality. The Four
Hundred again solicited aid from Sparta, and constructed a fort for the
admission of a Spartan garrison, while a Lacedæmonian fleet hovered near
the Piræus.

The long-suppressed energies of the people at length burst forth. A
body of soldiers seized the fortress the oligarchy were constructing
Subversio for a Spartan garrison, and demolished it. The Four Hundred made
n of theimportant concessions, and agreed to renew the public assembly.
oligarchy. While these events occurred a naval battle took place near Eretria
Restoratio between the Lacedæmonians and the Athenians, in which the latter
n of thewere defeated. The victory, if they had pushed their success, would
old have completed the ruin of Athens, since her home fleet was
constitutio destroyed, and that at Samos was detained by Alcibiades. When it
n. was seen the hostile fleet did not enter the harbor, the Athenians
recovered their dismay and prosecuted their domestic revolution by
deposing the Four Hundred and placing the whole government in
the hands of the Five Thousand, and this body was soon enlarged to that of
universal citizenship. The old constitution was restored, except that part of
it which allowed pay to the judges. Most of the oligarchal leaders fled, and
a few of them were tried and executed—those who had sought Spartan aid.

Page 287

Thus this selfish movement terminated, after [pg 287] the oligarchy had
enjoyed a brief reign of only a few months.

While Athens was distracted by changes of government, the war
was conducted on the coasts of Asia between the belligerents with
Alternate alternate success and defeat. Abydos, connected with Miletus by
successes colonial ties, revolted from Athens, and Lampsacus, a neighboring
and town, followed its example two days afterward. Byzantium also
failures ofwent over to the Lacedæmonians, which enabled them to command
the the strait. Alcibiades pursued still his double game with Persia and
belligerent Athens. An Athenian fleet was sent to the Hellespont to contend
s. with the Lacedæmonian squadron, and gained an incomplete
victory at Cynossema, whose only effect was to encourage the
Athenians. The Persians gave substantial aid to the
Lacedæmonians, withheld for a time by the intrigues of Alcibiades, who
returned to Samos, but was shortly after seized by Tissaphernes and sent to
Sardis, from which he contrived to escape. He partially redeemed his
infamy by a victory over the Peloponnesian fleet at Cyzicus, and captured it
entirely, which disaster induced the Spartans to make overtures of peace,
which were rejected through the influence of Cleophon, the demagogue.

The Athenian fleet now reigned alone in the Propontis, the
Bosphorus, and the Hellespont, and levied toll on all the ships
Revival ofpassing through the straits, while Chrysopolis, opposite to
the hopesByzantium, was occupied by Alcibiades. Athens now once more
of thebecame hopeful and energetic. Thrasyllus was sent with a large
Athenians. force to Ionia, and joined his forces with the fleet which Alcibiades
commanded at Sestos, but the conjoined forces were unable to
retake Abydos, which was relieved by Pharnabazus, the Persian
satrap.

The absence of the fleet from Athens encouraged the
Lacedæmonians, who retook Pylus, B.C. 409, while the Athenians
Cyrus sentcaptured Chalcedon, and the following year Byzantium itself. Such
to Phrygia. was the state of the [pg 288] contending parties when Cyrus the
younger was sent by his father Darius as satrap of Lydia, Phrygia,
and Cappadocia, and whose command in Asia Minor was attended

Page 288

by important consequences. Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus were still left in
command of the coast.

Cyrus, a man of great ambition and self-control, came to Asia
Minor with a fixed purpose of putting down the Athenian power,
Union ofwhich for sixty years had humbled the pride of the Persian kings.
Cyrus withHe formed a hearty and cordial alliance with Lysander, the Spartan
Lysander. admiral, and the most eminent man, after Brasidas, whom the
Lacedæmonians had produced during the war. He was a man of
severe Spartan discipline and virtue, but ambitious and cruel. He
visited Cyrus at Sardis, was welcomed with every mark of favor, and
induced Cyrus to grant additional pay to every Spartan seaman.

Meanwhile Alcibiades re-entered his native city in triumph, after
eight years' exile, and was welcomed by all parties as the only man
Return ofwho had sufficient capacity to restore the fallen fortunes of Athens.
Alcibiades His confiscated property was restored, and he was made captain-
to Athens.general with ample powers, while all his treasons were apparently
His forgotten, which had proved so fatal to his country—the sending of
exploits. Gylippus to Syracuse, the revolt of Chios and Miletus, and the
conspiracy of the Four Hundred. The effect of this treatment, so
much better than what he deserved, intoxicated this wayward and
unprincipled, but exceedingly able man. His first exploit was to sail to
Andros, now under a Lacedæmonian garrison, whose fields he devastated,
but was unable to take the town. He then went to Samos, and there learned
that all his intrigues with Persia had failed, and that Persia was allied still
more strongly with the Lacedæmonians under Lysander.

This great general, now at Ephesus, pursued a cautious policy, and
refused to give battle to the Athenian forces under Alcibiades, who
His then retired to Phocæa, leaving his fleet under the command of
reverses. Antiochus, his [pg 289] favorite pilot. Antiochus, in the absence of
Lysander his general, engaged the Lacedæmonian fleet, but was defeated and
recalled toslain at Notium. The conduct of Alcibiades produced great
Sparta. disaffection at Athens. He had sailed with a fleet not inferior to that
which he commanded at Syracuse, and had made great promises of
future achievements, yet in three months he had not gained a single

Page 289

success. He was therefore dismissed from his command, which was given
to ten generals, of whom Conon was the most eminent, while he retired to
the Chersonese. Lysander, at the same time, was superseded in the
command of the Lacedæmonians by Callicratidas, in accordance with
Spartan custom, his term being expired.

Callicratidas was not welcomed by Cyrus, and he was also left
without funds by Lysander, who returned to the Persians the sums
Vigorous he had received. This conduct so much enraged the Spartan admiral
measures that he sailed with his whole fleet—the largest which had been
of theassembled during the war, one hundred and forty triremes, of which
Lacedæmo only ten were Lacedæmonian—the rest being furnished by allies—
nians. Theto Lesbos, and liberated the Athenian captives and garrison at
battle ofMethymna, and seemed animated by that old Panhellenic
Arginusæ. patriotism which had united the Greeks half a century before
against the Persian invaders, declaring that not a single Greek
should be reduced to slavery if he could help it. But while he was
thus actuated by these noble sentiments, he also prosecuted the war of his
country, which had been intrusted to him to conduct. He blocked up the
Athenian fleet at Mitylene, which had no provisions to sustain a siege. The
Athenians now made prodigious efforts to relieve Conon, and one hundred
and ten triremes were sent from the Piræus, and sailed to Samos.
Callicratidas, apprised of the approach of the large fleet, went out to meet it.
At Arginusæ was fought a great battle, in which the Spartan admiral was
killed, and his forces completely defeated. Sixty-nine Lacedæmonian ships
were destroyed; the Athenians lost twenty-five, [pg 290] a severe loss to
Greece, since, if Callicratidas had gained the victory, he would, according
to Grote, have closed the Peloponnesian war, and united the Greeks once
more against Persia.

The battle of Arginusæ now gave the Athenians the control of the Asiatic
seas, and so discouraged were the Lacedæmonians, that they were induced
to make proposals of peace. This is doubted, indeed, by Grote, since no
positive results accrued to Athens.

The Chians and other allies of Sparta, in conjunction with Cyrus, now sent
envoys to the ephors, to request the restoration of Lysander to the command

Page 290

of the fleet. They acceded to the request substantially, and Lysander
reached Ephesus, B.C. 405, to renovate the Lacedæmonian power
Lysander and turn the fortunes of war.
returns to
power. The victorious Athenian fleet was now at Ægospotami, in
the Hellespont, opposite Lampsacus, having been inactive
Capture offor nearly a year. There the fleet was exposed to imminent
the danger, which was even seen by Alcibiades, in his forts
Athenian opposite, on the Chersonese. He expostulated with the
fleet. Athenian admirals, but to no purpose, and urged them to
Despair ofretire to Sestos. As he feared, the Athenian fleet was
Athens. surprised, at anchor, on this open shore, while the crews
were on shore in quest of a meal. One hundred and seventy
triremes were thus ingloriously captured, without the loss
of a man—the greatest calamity which had happened to Athens since the
beginning of the war, and decisive as to its result. The captive generals were
slaughtered, together with four thousand Athenian prisoners. Conon,
however, made his escape. So disgraceful and unnecessary was this great
calamity, that it is supposed the fleet was betrayed by its own commanders;
and this supposition is strengthened by its inactivity since the battle of
Arginusæ. This crowning disaster happened in September, B.C. 405, and
caused a dismay at Athens such as had never before been felt—not even
when the Persians were marching through Attica. Nothing was now [pg
291] left to the miserable city but to make what preparation it could for the
siege, which everybody foresaw would soon take place. The walls were put
in the best defense it was possible, and two of the three ports were blocked
up. Not only was Athens deprived of her maritime power, but her very
existence was now jeopardized.

Lysander was in no haste to march upon Athens, since he knew that
no corn ships could reach the city from the Euxine, and that a
Annihilati famine would soon set in. The Athenian empire was annihilated,
on of theand nothing remained but Athens herself! The Athenians now saw
Athenian that nothing but union between the citizens could give them any
empire. hope of success, and they made a solemn pledge in the Acropolis to
bury their dissensions and cultivate harmonious feelings.

Page 291

In November, Lysander, with two hundred triremes, blockaded the
Piræus. The whole force of Sparta, under King Pausanias, went out
Surrender to meet him, and encamped at the gates of Athens. The citizens
of Athensbore the calamity with fortitude, and, when they began to die of
to thehunger, sent propositions for capitulation. But no proposition was
Spartans. received which did not include the demolition of the long walls
which Pericles had built. As famine pressed, and the condition of
the people had become intolerable, Athens was obliged to surrender
on the hard conditions that the Piræus should be destroyed, the long walls
demolished, all foreign possessions evacuated, all ships surrendered, and,
most humiliating of all, that Athens should become the ally of Sparta, and
follow her lead upon the sea and upon the land.

Thus fell imperial Athens, after a glorious reign of one hundred
years. Lysander entered the city as a conqueror. The ships were
Fate ofsurrendered, all but twelve, which the Athenians were allowed to
Athens. retain; the unfinished ships in the dockyards were burned, the
fortifications demolished, and the Piræus dismantled. The
constitution of the city was annulled, and a board of thirty was
nominated, [pg 292] under the dictation of Lysander, for the government of
the city. The conqueror then sailed to Samos, which was easily reduced, and
oligarchy was restored on that island, as at Athens.

The fall of Athens virtually closed the Peloponnesian war, after a
bitter struggle between the two leading States of Greece for thirty
Close ofyears. Lysander became the leading man in Greece, and wielded a
the war. power greater than any individual Greek before or after him.
Sparta, personified in him, became supreme, and ruled over all the
islands, and over the Asiatic and Thracian cities. The tyrants whom
he placed over Athens exercised their power with extreme rigor—sending
to execution all who were obnoxious, seizing as spoil the property of the
citizens, and disarming the remaining hoplites in the city. They even
forbade intellectual teaching, and shut the mouth of Socrates. Such was
Athens, humbled, deprived of her fleet, and rendered powerless, with a
Spartan garrison occupying the Acropolis, and discord reigning even among
the Thirty Tyrants themselves.

Page 292

In considering the downfall of Athens, we perceive that the
unfortunate Sicilian expedition which Alcibiades had stimulated
Cause ofproved the main cause. Her maritime supremacy might have been
the fall ofmaintained but for this aggression, which Pericles never would
Athens. have sanctioned, and which Nicias so earnestly disapproved. After
Miserable that disaster, the conditions of the State were totally changed, and it
spirit ofwas a bitter and desperate struggle to retain the fragments of
the war.empire. And the catastrophe proved, ultimately, the political ruin of
Alcibiades Greece herself, since there was left no one State sufficiently
the evilpowerful to resist foreign attacks. The glory of Athens was her
genius ofnavy, and this being destroyed, Greece was open to invasion, and to
Athens. the corruption brought about by Persian gold. It was Athens which
His had resisted Persia, and protected the maritime States and islands.
inglorious When Athens was crippled, the decline of the other States was
death. rapid, for they had all exhausted themselves in the war. And the [pg
293] war itself has few redeeming features. It was a wicked contest
carried on by rivalry and jealousy. And it produced, as war
generally does, a class of unprincipled men who aggrandize themselves at
the expense of their country. Nothing but war would have developed such
men as Alcibiades and Lysander, and it is difficult to say which of the two
brought the greatest dishonor on their respective States. Both were
ambitious, and both hoped to gain an ascendency incompatible with free
institutions. To my mind, Alcibiades is the worst man in Grecian history,
and not only personally disgraced by the worst vices, but his influence was
disastrous on his country. Athens owed her political degradation more to
him than any other man. He was insolent, lawless, extravagant, and
unscrupulous, from his first appearance in public life. He incited the
Sicilian expedition, and caused it to end disastrously by sending Gylippus
to Syracuse. He originated the revolt of Chios and Miletus, the fortification
of Decelea, and the conspiracy of the Four Hundred. And though he
partially redeemed his treason by his three years' services, after his exile,
yet his vanity, and intrigues, and prodigality prevented him from
accomplishing what he promised. It is true he was a man of great resources,
and was never defeated either by sea or land; “and he was the first man in
every party he espoused—Athenian, Spartan, or Persian, oligarchial or
democratical, but he never inspired confidence with any party, and all
parties successively threw him off.” The end of such a man proclaims the

Page 293

avenging Nemesis in this world. He died by the hands of Persian assassins
at the instance of both Lysander and Cyrus, who felt that there could be
nothing settled so long as this restless schemer lived. And he died,
unlamented and unhonored, in spite of his high birth, wealth, talents, and
personal accomplishments.

Lysander was more fortunate; he gained a great ascendency in
Sparta, but his ambition proved ruinous to his country, by involving
Glory ofit in those desperate wars which are yet to be presented.
Lysander.

[pg 294]

Page 294

Page 295

CHAPTER XX.

Page 296

MARCH OF CYRUS AND RETREAT OF THE
TEN THOUSAND GREEKS.

The Peloponnesian war being closed, a large body of Grecian
soldiers were disbanded, but rendered venal and restless by the
Effect ofexcitements and changes of the past thirty years, and ready to
the embark in any warlike enterprise that promised money and spoil.
Peloponne They were unfitted, as is usually the case, for sober and industrial
sian war. pursuits. They panted for fresh adventures.

This restless passion which war ever kindles, found vent
and direction in the enterprise which Cyrus led from
The realWestern Asia to dethrone his brother Artaxerxes from the
ends ofthrone of Persia. Some fourteen thousand Greeks from
Cyrus different States joined his standard—not with a view of a
disguised. march to Babylon and an attack on the great king, but to
conquer and root out the Pisidian mountaineers, who did
much mischief from their fastnesses in the southeast of
Asia Minor. This was the ostensible object of Cyrus, and he found no
difficulty in enlisting Grecian mercenaries, under promise of large rewards.
All these Greeks were deceived but one man, to whom alone Cyrus
revealed his real purpose. This was Clearchus, a Lacedæmonian general of
considerable ability and experience, who had been banished for abuse of
authority at Byzantium, which he commanded. He repaired to Sardis and
offered his services to Cyrus, who had been sent thither by his father Darius
to command the Persian forces. Cyrus accepted the overtures of Clearchus,
who secured his confidence so completely that [pg 295] he gave him the
large sum of ten thousand darics, which he employed in hiring Grecian
mercenaries.

Other Greeks of note also joined the army of Cyrus with a view of being
employed against the Pisidians. Among them were Aristippus and Menon,

Page 297

of a distinguished family in Thessaly; Proxenus, a Bœotian; Agis,
an Arcadian; Socrates, an Achæan, who were employed to collect
Mercenary mercenaries, and who received large sums of money. A
Greeks considerable body of Lacedæmonians were also taken under pay.
enlist
under The march of these men to Babylon, and their successful retreat,
Cyrus. form one of the most interesting episodes in Grecian history, and it
is this march and retreat which I purpose briefly to present.

Cyrus was an extraordinary man. The younger son of the Persian
king, he aimed to secure the sovereignty of Persia, which fell to his
Character elder brother, Artaxerxes, on the death of Darius. During his
of Cyrus.residence at Sardis, as satrap or governor, he perceived and felt the
High great superiority of the Greeks to his own countrymen, not only
estimation intellectually, but as soldiers. He was brave, generous, frank, and
in whichambitious. Had it been his fortune to have achieved the object of
he held thehis ambition, the whole history of Persia would have been changed,
Greeks. and Alexander would have lived in vain. Perceiving and
appreciating the great qualities of the Greeks, and learning how to
influence them, he sought, by their aid, to conquer his way to the
throne.

But he dissembled his designs so that they were not suspected, even
in Persia. As has been remarked, he communicated them only to the
He Spartan general, Clearchus. Neither Greek nor Persian divined his
dissembles object as he collected a great army at Sardis. At first he employed
his his forces in the siege of Miletus and other enterprises, which
designs. provoked no suspicion of his real designs.

When all was ready, he commenced his march from Sardis,
in March, B.C. 401, with about eight thousand Grecian [pg
He 296] hoplites and one hundred thousand native troops,
commence while a joint Lacedæmonian and Persian fleet coasted
s hisaround the south of Asia Minor to co-operate with the land
march. forces.

These Greeks who thus joined his standard under promise
of large pay, and were unwittingly about to plunge into unknown perils,

Page 298

were not outcasts and paupers, but were men of position,
reputation, and, in some cases, of wealth. About half of them were
Character Arcadians. Young men of good family, ennuied of home, restless
of theand adventurous, formed the greater part, although many of mature
Greeks age had been induced by liberal offers to leave their wives and
who joinedchildren. They simply calculated on a year's campaign in Pisidia,
his from which they would return to their homes enriched. So they
standard. were assured by the Greek commanders at Sardis, and so these
commanders believed, for Cyrus stood high in popular estimation
for liberality and good faith.

Among other illustrious Greeks that were thus to be led so far from
home was Xenophon, the Athenian historian, who was induced by
Xenophon. his friend Proxenus, of Bœotia, to join the expedition. He was of
high family, and a pupil of Socrates, but embarked against the
wishes and advice of his teacher.

When the siege of Miletus was abandoned, and Cyrus began his march, his
object was divined by the satrap Tissaphernes, who hastened to Persia to put
the king on his guard.

At Celenæ, or Kelænæ, a Phrygian city, Cyrus halted and reviewed
his army. Grecian re-enforcements here joined him, which swelled
Cyrus the number of Greeks to thirteen thousand men, of whom eleven
reviews thousand were hoplites. As this city was on the way to Pisidia, no
his army.mistrust existed as to the object of the expedition, not even when
The the army passed into Lycaonia, since its inhabitants were of the
Greeks same predatory character as the Pisidians. But when it had crossed
perceive Mount Taurus, which bounded Cilicia, and reached [pg 297]
that theyTarsus, the Greeks perceived that they had been cheated, and
have beenrefused to advance farther. Clearchus attempted to suppress the
deceived. mutiny by severe measures, but failed. He then resorted to
stratagem, and pretended to yield to the wishes of the Greeks, and
likewise refused to march, but sent a secret dispatch to Cyrus that
all would be well in the end, and requested him to send fresh invitations,
that he might answer by fresh refusals. He then, with the characteristic
cunning and eloquence of a Greek, made known to his countrymen the

Page 299

extreme peril of making Cyrus their enemy in a hostile country, where
retreat was beset with so many dangers, and induced them to proceed. So
the army continued its march to Issus, at the extremity of the Issican Gulf,
and near the mountains which separate Cilicia from Syria. Here Cyrus was
further re-enforced, making the grand total of Greeks in his army fourteen
thousand.

He expected to find the passes over the mountains, a day's journey
from Issus, defended, but the Persian general Abrocomas fled at his
Cyrus approach, and Cyrus easily crossed into Syria by the pass of Beilan,
crosses over Mount Amanus. He then proceeded south to Myriandus, a
into Syria.Phœnician maritime town, where he parted from his fleet. Eight
He crossesdays' march brought his army to Thapsacus, on the Euphrates,
the where he remained five days to refresh his troops. Here again the
Euphrates. Greeks showed a reluctance to proceed, but, on the promise of five
Battle ofminæ a head, nearly one hundred dollars more than a year's pay,
Cunaxa. they consented to advance. It was here Cyrus crossed the river
unobstructed, and continued his march on the left bank for nine
days, until he came to the river Araxes, which separates Syria from
Arabia. Thus far his army was well supplied with provisions from the
numerous villages through which they passed; but now he entered a desert
country, entirely without cultivation, where the astonished Greeks beheld
for the first time wild asses, antelopes, and ostriches. For eighteen days the
army marched without other provisions than what [pg 298] they brought
with them, parched with thirst and exhausted by heat. At Pylæ they reached
the cultivated territory of Babylonia, and the alluvial plains commenced.
Three days' further march brought them to Cunaxa, about seventy miles
from Babylon, where the army of Artaxerxes was marshaled to meet them.
It was an immense force of more than a million of men, besides six
thousand horse-guards and two hundred chariots. But so confident was
Cyrus of the vast superiority of the Greeks and their warfare, that he did not
hesitate to engage the overwhelming forces of his brother with only ten
thousand Greeks and one hundred thousand Asiatics. The battle of Cunaxa
was fatal to Cyrus; he was slain and his camp was pillaged. The expedition
had failed.

Page 300

Dismay now seized the Greeks, as well it might—a handful of men
in the midst of innumerable enemies, and in the very centre of the
Dismay ofPersian empire. But such men are not driven to despair. They
the refused to surrender, and make up their minds to retreat—to find
Greeks. their way back again to Greece, since all aggressive measures was
They madness.
retreat.
This retreat, amid so many difficulties, and against such powerful
and numerous enemies, is one of the most gallant actions in the
history of war, and has made those ten thousand men immortal.

Ariæus, who commanded the Asiatic forces on the left wing of the
army at the battle of Cunaxa, joined the Greeks with what force
Their remained, in retreat, and promised to guide them to the Asiatic
forlorn coast, not by the route which Cyrus had taken, for this was now
condition. impracticable, but by a longer one, up the course of the Tigris,
through Armenia, to the Euxine Sea. The Greeks had marched
ninety days from Sardis, about fourteen hundred and sixty-four
English miles, and rested ninety-six days in various places. Six months had
been spent on the expedition, and it would take more than that time to
return, considering the new difficulties which it was necessary to surmount.
The condition of the Greeks, [pg 299] to all appearance, was hopeless. How
were they to ford rivers and cross mountains, with a hostile cavalry in their
rear, without supplies, without a knowledge of roads, without trustworthy
guides, through hostile territories?

The Persians still continued their negotiations, regarding the
advance or retreat of the Greeks alike impossible, and curious to
Deceitful learn what motives had brought them so far from home. They
negotiatio replied that they had been deceived, that they had no hostility to the
ns of thePersian king, that they had been ashamed to desert Cyrus in the
Persians. midst of danger, and that they now desired only to return home
peaceably, but were prepared to repel hostilities.

It was not pleasant to the Persian monarch to have thirteen
thousand Grecian veterans, whose prestige was immense, and
The whose power was really formidable, in the heart of the kingdom. It
Persian was not easy to conquer such brave men, reduced to desperation,

Page 301

king aimswithout immense losses and probable humiliation. So the Persians
at theirdissembled. It was their object to get the Greeks out of Babylonia,
overthrow. where they could easily intrench and support themselves, and then
attack them at a disadvantage. So Tissaphernes agreed to conduct
them home by a different route. They acceded to his proposal, and
he led them to the banks of the Tigris, and advanced on its left bank, north
to the Great Zab River, about two hundred miles from Babylon. The
Persians marched in advance, and the Greeks about three miles in the rear.
At the Great Zab they halted three days, and then Tissaphernes enticed the
Greek generals to his tent, ostensibly to feast them and renew negotiations.
There they were seized, sent prisoners to the Persian court, and
treacherously murdered.

Utter despair now seized the Greeks. They were deprived of their
generals, in the heart of Media, with unscrupulous enemies in the
The rear, and the mountains of Armenia in their front, whose passes
despair ofwere defended [pg 300] by hostile barbarians, and this in the depth
the of winter, deprived of guides, and exposed to every kind of
Greeks. hardship, difficulty, and danger. They were apparently in the hands
of their enemies, without any probability of escape. They were then
summoned to surrender to the Persians, but they resolved to fight
their way home, great as were their dangers and insurmountable the
difficulties—a most heroic resolution. And their retreat, under these
circumstances, to the Euxine, is the most extraordinary march in the whole
history of war.

But a great man appeared, in this crisis, to lead them, whose
prudence, sagacity, moderation, and courage can never be
Xenophon sufficiently praised, and his successful retreat places him in the
rallies theranks of the great generals of the world. Xenophon, the Athenian
Greeks. historian, now appears upon the stage with all those noble qualities
which inspired the heroes at the siege of Troy—a man as religious
as he was brave and magnanimous, and eloquent even for a Greek.
He summoned together the captains, and persuaded them to advance, giving
the assurance of the protection of Zeus. He then convened the army, and
inspired them by his spirit, with surpassing eloquence, and acquired the
ascendency of a Moses by his genius, piety, and wisdom. His military rank

Page 302

was not great, but in such an emergency talents and virtues have more force
than rank.

So, under his leadership, the Greeks crossed the Zab, and resumed
their march to the north, harassed by Persian cavalry, and subjected
Their to great privations. The army no longer marched, as was usual, in
retreat toone undivided hollow square, but in small companies, for they were
the Tigris.obliged to cross mountains and ford rivers. So long as they
Their marched on the banks of the Tigris, they found well-stocked
perils andvillages, from which they obtained supplies; but as they entered the
hardships. country of the Carducians, they were obliged to leave the Tigris to
their left, and cross the high mountains which divided it from
Armenia. They were also compelled to burn their baggage, for the
roads were nearly impassable, [pg 301] not only on account of the narrow
defiles, but from the vast quantities of snow which fell. Their situation was
full of peril, and fatigue, and privation. Still they persevered, animated by
the example and eloquence of their intrepid leader. At every new pass they
were obliged to fight a battle, but the enemies they encountered could not
withstand their arms in close combat, and usually fled, contented to harass
them by rolling stones down the mountains on their heads, and discharging
their long arrows.

The march through Armenia was still more difficult, for the
inhabitants were more warlike and hardy, and the passage more
The marchdifficult. They also were sorely troubled for lack of guides. The
through sufferings of the Greeks were intense from cold and privation. The
Armenia. beasts of burden perished in the snow, while the soldiers were frost-
They reachbitten and famished. It was their good fortune to find villages, after
the several days' march, where they halted and rested, but assailed all
Euxine. the while by hostile bands. Yet onward they pressed, wearied and
hungry, through the country of the Taochi, of the Chalybes, of the
Scytheni, of the Marones, of the Colchians, and reached Trapezus
(Trebizond) in safety. The sight of the sea filled the Greeks with
indescribable joy after so many perils, for the sea was their own element,
and they could now pursue their way in ships rather than by perilous
marches.

Page 303

But the delays were long and dreary. There were no ships to
transport the warriors to Byzantium. They were exposed to new
New troubles from the indifference or hostility of the cities on the
troubles Euxine, for so large a force created alarm. And when the most
and pressing dangers were passed, the license of the men broke out, so
dangers. that it was difficult to preserve order and prevent them from
robbing their friends. They were obliged to resort to marauding
expeditions among the Asiatic people, and it was difficult to
support themselves. Not being able to get ships, they marched along the
coast to Cotyora, exposed to incessant hostilities. It was now the desire of
Xenophon to found a new city on [pg 302] the Euxine with the army; but
the army was eager to return home, and did not accede to the proposal.
Clamors arose against the general who had led them so gloriously from the
heart of Media, and his speeches in his defense are among the most
eloquent on Grecian record. He remonstrated against the disorders of the
army, and had sufficient influence to secure reform, and completely
triumphed over faction as he had over danger.

At last ships were provided, and the army passed by sea to Sinope
—a Grecian colony—where the men were hospitably received, and
They passfed, and lodged. From thence the army passed by sea to Heracleia,
by sea towhere the soldiers sought to extort money against the opposition of
Sinope. Xenophon and Cherisophus, the latter of whom had nobly seconded
Their the plans of Xenophon, although a Spartan of superior military
courage rank. The army, at this opposition, divided into three factions, but
and faith. on suffering new disasters, reunited. It made a halt at Calpe, where
new disorders broke out. Then Cleander, Spartan governor of
Byzantium, arrived with two triremes, who promised to conduct the
army, and took command of it, but subsequently threw up his command
from the unpropitious sacrifices. Nothing proved the religious character of
the Greeks so forcibly as their scrupulous attention to the rites imposed by
their pagan faith. They undertook no enterprise of importance without
sacrifices to the gods, and if the auguries were unfavorable, they
relinquished their most cherished objects.

From Calpe the army marched to Chalcedon, turning into money the slaves
and plunder which it had collected. There it remained seven days. But

Page 304

nothing could be done without the consent of the Spartan admiral at
Byzantium, Anaxibius, since the Lacedæmonians were the masters
They reachof Greece both by sea and land. This man was bribed by the Persian
Byzantium satrap Pharnabazus, who commanded the north-western region of
. Asia Minor, to transport the army to the European side of the
Bosphorus. It accordingly [pg 303] crossed to Byzantium, but was
not allowed to halt in the city, or even to enter the gates.

The wrath of the soldiers was boundless when they were thus
excluded from Byzantium. They rushed into the town and took
But arepossession, which conduct gave grave apprehension to Xenophon,
excluded who mustered and harangued the army, and thus prevented
from theanticipated violence. They at length consented to leave the city, and
city. Theyaccepted the services of the Theban Coeratidas, who promised to
enlist inconduct them to the Delta of Thrace, for purposes of plunder, but
the servicehe was soon dismissed. After various misfortunes the soldiers at
of Sparta. length were taken under the pay of Seuthes, a Thracian prince, who
sought the recovery of his principality, but who cheated them out of
their pay. A change of policy among the Lacedæmonians led to the
conveyance of the Cyrenian army into Asia in order to make war on the
satraps. Xenophon accordingly conducted his troops, now reduced to six
thousand men, over Mount Ida to Pergamus. He succeeded in capturing the
Persian general Asidates, and securing a valuable booty, B.C. 399. The
soldiers whom he had led were now incorporated with the Lacedæmonian
army in Asia, and Xenophon himself enlisted in the Spartan service. His
subsequent fortunes we have not room to present. An exile from Athens, he
settled in Scillus, near Olympia, with abundant wealth, but ultimately
returned to his native city after the battle of Leuctra.

The impression produced on the Grecian mind by the successful
retreat of the Ten Thousand was profound and lasting. Its most
Moral obvious effect was to produce contempt for Persian armies and
effect ofPersian generals, and to show that Persia was only strong by
the employing Hellenic strength against the Hellenic cause. The real
expedition.weakness of Persia was thus revealed to the Greeks, and sentiments
were fostered which two generations afterward led to the

Page 305

expeditions of Alexander and the subjection of Asia to Grecian rule.

[pg 304]

Page 306

CHAPTER XXI.

Page 307

THE LACEDÆMONIAN EMPIRE.

I have already shown that Sparta, after a battle with the Argives,
B.C. 547, obtained the ascendency in the southern part of the
Sparta Peloponnesus, and became the leading military State of Greece.
never lostThis prestige and power were not lost. The severe simplicity of
her power. Spartan life, the rigor of political and social institutions, the
aristocratic form of government, and above all the military spirit
and ambition, gave permanence to all conquests, so that in the
Persian wars Sparta took the load of the land forces. The great rival power
of Sparta was Athens, but this was founded on maritime skill and enterprise.
It was to the navy of Athens, next after the hoplites of Sparta, that the
successful resistance to the empire of Persia may be attributed.

After the Persian wars the rivalship between Athens and Sparta is
the most prominent feature in Grecian history. The confederacy of
Continued Delos gave to Athens supremacy over the sea, and the great
glory ofcommercial prosperity of Athens under Pericles, and the empire
Athens gained over the Ionian colonies and the islands of the Ægaean,
also. made Athens, perhaps, the leading State. It was the richest, the
most cultivated, and the most influential of the Grecian States, and
threatened to absorb gradually all the other States of Greece in her
empire.

This ascendency and rapid growth in wealth and power were
beheld with jealous eyes, not only by Sparta, but other States which
Consequen she controlled, or with which she was in alliance. The consequence
ces of thewas, the Peloponnesian war, which lasted [pg 305] half a
Peloponne generation, and which, after various vicissitudes and fortunes,
sian war. terminated auspiciously for Sparta, but disastrously to Greece as a
united nation. The Persian wars bound all the States together by a
powerful Hellenic sentiment of patriotism. The Peloponnesian war
dissevered this Panhellenic tie. The disaster at Syracuse was fatal to

Page 308

Athenian supremacy, and even independence. But for this Athens might
have remained the great power of Greece. The democratic organization of
the government gave great vigor and enterprise to all the ambitious projects
of Athens. If Alcibiades had lent his vast talents to the building up of his
native State, even then the fortunes of Athens might have been different.
But he was a traitor, and threw all his energies on the side of Sparta, until it
was too late for Athens to recover the prestige she had won. He partially
redeemed his honor, but had he been animated by the spirit of Pericles or
Nicias, to say nothing of the self-devotion of Miltiades, he might have
raised the power of Athens to a height which nothing could have resisted.

Lysander completed the war which Brasidas had so nobly carried
on, and took possession of Athens, abolished the democratic
Paramount constitution, demolished the walls, and set up, as his creatures, a set
authority of tyrants, and also a Spartan governor in Athens. Under Lysander,
of Spartathe Lacedæmonian rule was paramount in Greece. At one time, he
after thehad more power than any man in Greece ever enjoyed. He
victories undertook to change the government of the allied cities, and there
of was scarcely a city in Greece where the Spartans had not the
Lysander. ascendency. In most of the Ionian cities, and in all the cities which
had taken the side of Athens, there was a Spartan governor, so that
when Xenophon returned with his Ten Thousand to Asia Minor, he
found he could do nothing without the consent of the Spartan governors.
Moreover, the rule of Sparta was hostile to all democratic governments. She
sought to establish oligarchal institutions everywhere. Perhaps this
difference between Athens [pg 306] and Sparta respecting government was
one great cause of tho Peloponnesian war.

But the same envy which had once existed among the Grecian
States of the prosperity of Athens, was now turned upon Sparta.
Sparta Her rule was arrogant and hard and she in turn had to experience
incurs thethe humiliation of revolt from her domination. “The allies of
jealousy ofSparta,” says Grote, “especially Corinth and Thebes, not only
Greece. relented in their hatred of Athens, now she had lost her power, but
even sympathized with her suffering exiles, and became disgusted
with the self-willed encroachments of Sparta; while the Spartan
king, Pausanias, together with some of the ephors, were also jealous of the

Page 309

arbitrary and oppressive conduct of Lysander. He refused to prevent the
revival of the democracy. It was in this manner that Athens, rescued from
that sanguinary and rapacious régime of the Thirty Tyrants, was enabled to
reappear as a humble and dependent member of the Spartan alliance—with
nothing but the recollection of her former power, yet with her democracy
again in vigorous action for internal government.”

The victory of Ægospotami, which annihilated the Athenian navy,
ushered in the supremacy of Sparta, both on the land and sea, and
Her all Greece made submission to the ascendant power. Lysander
oppressive established in most of the cities an oligarchy of ten citizens, as well
superiority as a Spartan harmost, or governor. Everywhere the Lysandrian
. dekarchy superseded the previous governments, and ruled
oppressively, like the Thirty at Athens, with Critias at their head.
And no justice could be obtained at Sparta against the bad conduct
of the harmosts who now domineered in every city. Sparta had embroiled
Greece in war to put down the ascendency of Athens, but exercised a more
tyrannical usurpation than Athens ever meditated. The language of
Brasidas, who promised every thing, was in striking contrast to the conduct
of Lysander, who put his foot on the neck of Greece.

The rule of the Thirty at Athens came to an end by the noble efforts
of Thrasybulus and the Athenian democracy, [pg 307] and the old
Effect ofconstitution was restored because the Spartan king was disgusted
the with the usurpations and arrogance of Lysander, and forbore to
tyrannical interfere. Had Sparta been wise, with this vast accession of power
policy ofgained by the victories of Lysander, she would have ruled
Sparta. moderately, and reorganized the Grecian world on sound principles,
and restored a Panhellenic stability and harmony. She might not
have restored, as Brasidas had promised, a universal autonomy, or
the complete independence of all the cities, but would have bound together
all the States under her presidency, by a just and moderate rule. But Sparta
had not this wisdom. She was narrow, hard, and extortionate. She loved her
own, as selfish people generally do, but nothing outside her territory with
any true magnanimity. And she thus provoked her allies into rebellion, so
that her chance was lost, and her dominion short-lived. Athens would have
been more enlightened, but she never had the power, as Sparta had, of

Page 310

organizing a general Panhellenic combination. The nearest approach which
Athens ever made was the confederacy of Delos, which did not work well,
from the jealousy of the cities. But Sparta soon made herself more
unpopular than Athens ever was, and her dream of empire was short.

The first great movement of Sparta, after the establishment of
oligarchy in all the cities which yielded to her, was a renewal of the
Renewal war with Persia. The Asiatic Greek cities had been surrendered to
of the warPersia according to treaty, as the price for the assistance which
with Persia rendered to Sparta in the war with Athens. But the Persian
Persia. rule, under the satraps, especially of Tissaphernes, who had been
rewarded by Artaxerxes with more power than before, became
oppressive and intolerable. Nothing but aggravated slavery
impended over them. They therefore sent to Sparta for aid to throw off the
Persian yoke. The ephors, with nothing more to gain from Persia, and
inspired with contempt for the Persian armies—contempt created by the
expedition of the Ten Thousand—readily [pg 308] listened to the overtures,
and sent a considerable force into Asia, under Thimbron. He had poor
success, and was recalled, and Dereyllidas was sent in his stead. He made a
truce with Tissaphernes, in order to attack Pharnabazus, against whom he
had an old grudge, and with whom Tissaphernes himself happened for the
time to be on ill terms. Dereyllidas overrun the satrapy of Pharnabazus,
took immense spoil, and took up winter-quarters in Bythinia. Making a
truce with Pharnabazus, he crossed over into Europe and fortified the
Chersonesus against the Thracians. He then renewed the war both against
Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes upon the Mæander, the result of which was
an agreement, on the part of the satraps, to exempt the Grecian cities from
tribute and political interference, while the Spartan general promised to
withdraw from Asia his army, and the Spartan governors from the Grecian
cities.

At this point, B.C. 397, Dercyllidas was recalled to Sparta, and
King Agesilaus, who had recently arrived with large re-
Agesilaus, enforcements, superseded him in command of the Lacedæmonian
king ofarmy. Agesilaus was the son of king Archidamus, and half-brother
Sparta. to King Agis. He was about forty when he became king, through
the influence of Lysamler, in preference to his nephew, and having

Page 311

been brought up without prospects of the throne, had passed through the
unmitigated rigor of the Spartan drill and training. He was distinguished for
all the Spartan virtues—obedience to authority, extraordinary courage and
energy, simplicity and frugality.

Agesilaus was assisted by large contingents from the allied Greek
cities for his war in Asia; but Athens, Corinth, and Thebes stood
Recall ofaloof. Lysander accompanied him as one of the generals, but gave
Agesilaus so great offense by his overweening arrogance, that he was sent to
from thecommand at the Hellespont. The truce between the Spartans and
war. Persians being broken, Agesilaus prosecuted the war vigorously
against both Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. He gained a
considerable victory over the Persians near Sardis, invaded
Phrygia, and laid [pg 309] waste the satrapy of Pharnabazus. He even
surprised the camp of the satrap, and gained immense booty. But in the
midst of his victories he was recalled by Sparta, which had need of his
services at home. A rebellion of the allies had broken out, which seriously
threatened the stability of the Spartan empire.

“The prostration of the power of Athens had removed that common
bond of hatred and alarm which attached the allied cities to the
Discontent headship of Sparta; while her subsequent conduct had given
of thepositive offense, and had excited against herself the same fear of
Grecian unmeasured imperial ambition which had before run so powerfully
States. against Athens. She had appropriated to herself nearly the whole of
Alienation the Athenian maritime empire, with a tribute of one thousand
of thetalents. But while Sparta had gained so much by the war, not one of
allies ofher allies had received the smallest remuneration. Even the four
Sparta. hundred and seventy talents which Lysander brought home out of
the advances made by Cyrus, together with the booty acquired at
Decelea, was all detained by the Lacedæmonians. Hence there
arose among the allies not only a fear of the grasping dominion, but a hatred
of the monopolizing rapacity of Sparta. This was manifested by the Thebans
and Corinthians when they refused to join Pausanias in his march against
Thrasybulus and the Athenian exiles in Piræus. But the Lacedæmonians
were strong enough to despise this alienation of the allies, and even to take
revenge on such as incurred their displeasure. Among these were the Elians,

Page 312

whose territory they invaded, but which they retreated from, on the
appearance of an earthquake.”

The following year the Spartans, under King Agis, again invaded the
territory of Elis, enriched by the offerings made to the temple of Olympeia.
Immense booty in slaves, cattle, and provisions was the result of this
invasion, provoked by the refusal of the Elians to furnish aid in the war
against Athens. The Elians were obliged to submit to hard terms [pg 310] of
peace, and all the enemies of Sparta were rooted out of the Peloponnesus.

Such was the triumphant position of Sparta at the close of the
Peloponnesian war. And a great change had also taken place in her
Enrichmen internal affairs. The people had become enriched by successful war,
t of Sparta. and gold and silver were admitted against the old institution of
Lycurgus, which recognized only iron money. The public men were
enriched by bribes. The strictness of the old rule of Spartan
discipline was gradually relaxed.

It was then, shortly after the accession of Agesilaus to the throne,
on the death of Agis, that a dangerous conspiracy broke out in
Conspirac Sparta itself, headed by Cinadon, a man of strength and courage,
y againstwho saw that men of his class were excluded from the honors and
the States. distinctions of the State by the oligarchy—the ephors and the
senate. But the rebellion, though put down by the energy of
Agesilaus, still produced a dangerous discontent which weakened
the power of the State.

The Lacedæmonian naval power, at this crisis, was seriously
threatened by the union of the Persian and Athenian fleet under
Lacedæmo Conon. That remarkable man had escaped from the disaster of
nian fleetÆgospotami with eight triremes, and sought the shelter of Cyprus,
threatened. governed by his friend Evagoras, where he remained until the war
Naval between Sparta and the Persians gave a new direction to his
victory enterprising genius. He joined Pharnabazus, enraged with the
over theSpartans on account of the invasion of his satrapy by Lysander and
Lacedæmo Agesilaus, and by him was intrusted with the command of the
nians. Persian fleet. He succeeded in detaching Rhodes from the Spartan
alliance, and gained, some time after, a decisive victory over

Page 313

Pisander—the Spartan admiral, off Cnidus, which weakened the power of
Sparta on the sea, B.C. 394. More than half of the Spartan ships were
captured and destroyed.

This great success emboldened Thebes and other States to throw
off the Spartan yoke. Lysander was detached from [pg 311] his
Revolt ofcommand at the Hellespont to act against Bœotia, while Pausanias
Thebes. conducted an army from the Peloponnesus. The Thebans,
threatened by the whole power of Sparta, applied to Athens, and
Athens responded, no longer under the control of the Thirty
Tyrants. Lysander was killed before Haliartus, an irreparable blow to
Sparta, since he was her ablest general. Pausanias was compelled to
evacuate Bœotia, and the enemies of Sparta took courage. An alliance
between Athens, Corinth, Thebes, and Argos was now made to carry on war
against Sparta.

Thebes at this time steps from the rank of a secondary power, and
gradually rises to the rank of an ascendant city. Her leading citizen
Renewed was Ismenias, one of the great organizers of the anti-Spartan
power ofmovement—the precursor of Pelopidas and Epaminondas. He
the city. conducted successful operations in the northern part of Bœotia, and
captured Heracleia.

Such successes induced the Lacedæmonians to recall Agesilaus
from Asia, and to concentrate all their forces against this new
Battle ofalliance, of which Thebes and Corinth were then the most powerful
Coronæa. cities. The allied forces were also considerable—some twenty-four
thousand hoplites, besides light troops and cavalry, and these were
mustered at Corinth, where they took up a defensive position. The
Lacedæmonians advanced to attack them, and gained an indecisive victory,
B.C. 394, which secured their ascendency within the Peloponnesus, but no
further. Agesilaus advanced from Asia through Thrace to co-operate, but
learned, on the confines of Bœotia, the news of the great battle of Cnidus.
At Coronæa another battle was fought between the Spartan and anti-Spartan
forces, which was also indecisive, but in which the Thebans displayed great
heroism. This battle compelled Agesilaus, with the Spartan forces, which he
commanded, to retire from Bœotia.

Page 314

This battle was a moral defeat to Sparta. Nearly all her maritime
allies deserted her—all but Abydos, which was held by the
Decline ofcelebrated Dercyllidas. Pharnabazus and Conon now [pg 312]
Sparta. sailed with their fleet to Corinth, but the Persian satrap soon left
and Conon remained sole admiral, assisted with Persian money.
With this aid he rebuilt the long walls of Athens, with the hearty co-
operation of those allies which had once been opposed to Athens.

Conon had large plans for the restoration of the Athenian power. He
organized a large mercenary force at Corinth, which had now
Corinth become the seat of war. But as many evils resulted from the
becomes presence of so many soldiers in the city, a conspiracy headed by the
the seat ofoligarchal party took place, with a view of restoring the
war. Lacedæmonian power. Pasimelus, the head of the conspirators,
admitted the enemy within the long walls of the city, which, as in
Athens, secured a communication between the city and the port.
And between these walls a battle took place, in which the Lacedæmonians
were victorious with a severe loss. They pulled down a portion of the walls
between Corinth and the port of Lechæum, sallied forth, and captured two
Corinthian dependencies, but the city of Corinth remained in the hands of
their gallant defenders, under the Athenian Iphicrates. The long walls were
soon restored, by aid of the Athenians, but were again retaken by Agesilaus
and the Spartans, together with Lechæum. This success alarmed Thebes,
which unsuccessfully sued for peace. The war continued, with the loss, to
the Corinthians, of Piræum, an important island port, which induced the
Thebans again to open negotiations for peace, which were contemptuously
rejected.

In the midst of these successes, tidings came to Agesilaus of a
disaster which was attended with important consequences, and
Great which spoiled his triumph. This was the destruction of a
disaster todetachment of six hundred Lacedæmonian hoplites by the light
Sparta. troops of Iphicrates—an unprecedented victory—for the hoplites,
in their heavy defensive armor, held in contempt the peltarts with
their darts and arrows, even as the knights of mediæval Europe
despised an encounter with the peasantry. This event revived the courage of
the anti-Spartan allies, and intensely humiliated [pg 313] the

Page 315

Lacedæmonians. It was not only the loss of the aristocratic hoplites, but the
disgrace of being beaten by peltarts. Iphicrates recovered the places which
Agesilaus had taken, and Corinth remained undisturbed.

Sparta, in view of these great disasters, now sought to detach Persia
from Athens. She sent Antalcidas to Ionia, offering to surrender the
Sparta Asiatic Greeks, and promising a universal autonomy throughout the
invokes Grecian world. These overtures were disliked by the allies, who
the aid ofsent Conon to counteract them. But Antalcidas gained the favor of
Persia. the Persian satrap Tiribasus, who had succeeded Tissaphernes, and
he privately espoused the cause of Sparta, and seized Conon and
caused his death. Tiribasus, however, was not sustained by the
Persian court, which remained hostile to Sparta. Struthas, a Persian general,
was sent into Ionia, to act more vigorously against the Lacedæmonians. He
gained a victory, B.C. 390, over the Spartan forces, commanded by
Thimbron, who was slain.

The Lacedæmonians succeeded, after the death of Conon, in
concentrating a considerable fleet near Rhodes. Against this,
Death ofThrasybulus was sent from Athens with a still larger one, and was
Thrasybul gaining advantages, when he was slain near Aspendus, in
us. Pamphylia, in a mutiny, and Athens lost the restorer of her
renovated democracy, and an able general and honest citizen,
without the vindictive animosities which characterized the great
men of his day.

Rhodes still held out against the Lacedæmonians, who were now
commanded by Anaxibius, in the place of Dercyllidas. He was
Investment surprised by Iphicrates, and was slain, and the Athenians, under this
of Rhodes.gallant leader, again became masters of the Hellespont. But this
Evil success was balanced by the defection of Ægina, which island was
consequen constrained by the Lacedæmonians into war with Athens. I need
ces of thenot detail the various enterprises on both sides, until Antalcidas
rivalries ofreturned from Susa with the treaty confirmed between the Spartans
the and the court of Persia, which closed the war between the various
Grecian contending parties, [pg 314] B.C. 387. This treaty was of great
States. importance, but it indicates the loss of all Hellenic dignity when

Page 316

Sparta, too, descends so far as to comply with the demands of a Persian
satrap. Athens and Sparta, both, at different times, invoked the aid of Persia
against each other—the most mournful fact in the whole history of Greece,
showing how much more powerful were the rivalries of States than the
sentiment of patriotism, which should have united them against their
common enemy. The sacrifice of Ionia was the price which was paid by
Sparta, in order to retain her supremacy over the rest of Greece, and Persia
ruled over all the Greeks on the Asiatic coast. Sparta became mistress of
Corinth and of the Corinthian Isthmus. She organized anti-Theban
oligarchies in the Bœotian cities, with a Spartan harmost. She decomposed
the Grecian world into small fragments. She crushed Olythus, and formed a
confederacy between the Persian king and the Dionysius of Syracuse. In
short, she ruled with despotic sway over all the different States.

We have now to show how Sparta lost the ascendency she had gained, and
became involved in a war with Thebes, and how Thebes became, under
Pelopidas and Epaminondas, for a time the dominant State of Greece.

[pg 315]

Page 317

CHAPTER XXII.

Page 318

THE REPUBLIC OF THEBES.

After Sparta and Athens, no State of Greece arrived at pre-
eminence, until the Macedonian empire arose, except Thebes, the
Thebes. capital of Bœotia; and the empire of this city was short, though
memorable, from the extraordinary military genius of
Epaminondas.

In the year B.C. 370, Sparta was the ascendant power of Greece, and was
feared, even as Athens was in the time of Pericles. She had formed an
alliance with the Persian king and with Dionysius of Syracuse. All Greece,
within and without the Peloponnesus, except Argos and Attica and some
Thessalian cities, was enrolled in a confederacy under the lead of Sparta,
and Spartan governors and garrisons occupied the principal cities.

Thebes especially was completely under Spartan influence and
control, and was apparently powerless. Her citadel, the Cadmea,
Under thewas filled with Spartan soldiers, and the independence of Greece
dominatio was at an end. Confederated with Macedonians, Persians, and
n ofSyracusans, nobody dared to call in question the headship of
Sparta. Sparta, or to provoke her displeasure.

This destruction of Grecian liberties, with the aid of the old
enemies of Greece, kindled great indignation. The orator
Invectives Lysias, at Athens, gave vent to the general feeling, in
of thewhich he veils his displeasure under the form of surprise,
orators that Sparta, as the chief of Greece, should permit the
against Persians, under Artaxerxes, and the Syracusans, under
Sparta. Dionysius, to enslave Greece. The orator Isocrates spoke
still more plainly, and denounced the [pg 316]
Lacedæmonians as “traitors to the general security and
freedom of Greece, and seconding foreign kings to aggrandize themselves
at the cost of autonomous Grecian cities—all in the interest of their own

Page 319

selfish ambition.” Even Xenophon, with all his partiality for Sparta, was
still more emphatic, and accused the Lacedæmonians with the violation of
their oaths.

In Thebes the discontent was most apparent, for their leading
citizens were exiled, and the oligarchal party, headed by Leontiades
Discontent and the Spartan garrison, was oppressive and tyrannical. The
in Thebes. Theban exiles found at Athens sympathy and shelter. Among these
was Pelopidas, who resolved to free his country from the Spartan
yoke. Holding intimate correspondence with his friends in Thebes,
he looked forward patiently for the means of effecting deliverance, which
could only be effected by the destruction of Leontiades and his colleagues,
who ruled the city. Philidas, secretary of the polemarchs, entered into the
conspiracy, and, being sent in an embassy to Athens, concocted the way for
Pelopidas and his friends to return to Thebes and effect a revolution.
Charon, an eminent patriot, agreed to shelter the conspirators in his house
until they struck the blow. Epaminondas, then living at Thebes, dissuaded
the enterprise as too hazardous, although all his sympathies were with the
conspirators.

When all was ready, Philidas gave a banquet at his house to the
polemarchs, agreeing to introduce into the company some women
Rebellion of the first families of Thebes, distinguished for their beauty. In
under concert with the Theban exiles at Athens, Pelopidas, with six
Philidas. companions, crossed Cithæron and arrived at Thebes, in December,
Its B.C. 379, disguised as hunters, with no other arms than concealed
success. daggers. By a fortunate accident they entered the gates and sought
shelter in the house of Charon until the night of the banquet. They
were introduced into the banqueting chamber when the polemarchs
were full of wine, disguised in female attire, and, with the aid of their
Theban conspirators, [pg 317] dispatched three of the polemarchs with their
daggers. Leontiades was not present, but the conspirators were conducted
secretly to his house, and effected their purpose. Leontiades was slain, in
the presence of his wife. The conspirators then proceeded to the prison,
slew the jailer, and liberated the prisoners, and then proclaimed, by heralds,
in the streets, at midnight, that the despots were slain and Thebes was free.
But the Spartans still held possession of the citadel, and, apprised of the

Page 320

coup d'etat, sent home for re-enforcements. But before they could arrive
Pelopidas and the enfranchised citizens stormed the Cadmea, dispersed the
garrison, put to death the oligarchal Thebans, and took full possession of the
city.

This unlooked-for revolution was felt throughout Greece like an
electric shook, and had a powerful moral effect. But the Spartans,
The although it was the depth of winter, sent forth an expedition, under
Theban King Cleombrotus—Agesilaus being disabled—to reconquer
revolution Thebes. He conducted his army along the Isthmus of Corinth,
produces athrough Megara, but did nothing, and returned, leaving his
great lieutenant, Sphodrias, to prosecute hostilities. Sphodrias, learning
sensation. that the Piræus was undefended, undertook to seize it, but failed,
Thebes which outrage so incensed the Athenians, that they dismissed the
forms anLacedæmonian envoys, and declared war against Sparta. Athens
alliance now exerted herself to form a second maritime confederacy, like
with that of Delos, and Thebes enrolled herself a member. As the
Athens. Athenian envoys, sent to the islands of the Ægean, promised the
most liberal principles, a new confederacy was formed. The
confederates assembled at Athens and threatened war on an
extensive scale. A resolution was passed to equip twenty thousand hoplites,
five hundred horsemen, and two hundred triremes. A new property-tax was
imposed at Athens to carry on the war.

At Thebes there was great enthusiasm, and Pelopidas, with Charon
and Melon, were named the first bœotrarchs. The Theban
Theban government became democratic [pg 318] in form and spirit, and the
governme military force was put upon a severe training. A new brigade of
nt. three hundred hoplites, called the Sacred Band, was organized for
the special defense of the citadel, composed of young men from the
best families, distinguished for strength and courage. The Thebans
had always been good soldiers, but the popular enthusiasm raised up the
best army for its size in Greece.

Epaminondas now stands forth as a leader of rare excellence,
destined to achieve the greatest military reputation of any Greek,
Epaminon before or since his time, with the exception of Alexander the Great
das. His

Page 321

accomplis —a kind of Gustavus Adolphus, introducing new tactics into
hments. Grecian warfare. He was in the prime of life, belonging to a poor
but honorable family, younger than Pelopidas, who was rich. He
had acquired great reputation for his gymnastic exercises; and was
the most cultivated man in Thebes, a good musician, and a still greater
orator. He learned to play on both the lyre and flute from the teachings of
the best masters, sought the conversation of the learned, but was especially
eloquent in speech, and effective, even against the best Athenian opponents.
He was modest, unambitious, patriotic, intellectual, contented with poverty,
generous, and disinterested. When the Cadmea was taken, he was
undistinguished, and his rare merits were only known to Pelopidas and his
friends. He was among the first to join the revolutionists, and was placed by
Pelopidas among the organizers of the military force.

The Spartans now made renewed exertions, and King Agesilaus,
the greatest military man of whom Sparta can boast, marched with
Sparta a large army, in the spring of B.C. 378, to attack Thebes. He
attacks established his head-quarters in Thespiæ, from which he issued to
Thebes. devastate the Theban territory.

The Thebans and Athenians, unequal in force, still kept the field
against him, acting on the defensive, declining battle, and occupying strong
positions. After a month of desultory warfare, Agesilaus retired, leaving
Phœbidas [pg 319] in command at Thespiæ, who was slain in an incautious
pursuit of the enemy.

In the ensuing summer Agesilaus undertook a second expedition
into Bœotia, but gained no decided advantage, while the Thebans
Second acquired experience, courage, and strength. Agesilaus having
unsuccessf strained his lame leg, was incapacitated for active operation, and
ul returned to Sparta, leaving Cleombrotus to command the Spartan
expedition forces. He was unable to enter Bœotia, since the passes over Mount
of Cithæron were held by the Thebans, and he made an inglorious
Agesilaus. retreat, without even reaching Bœotia.

The Spartans now resolved to fit out a large naval force to operate
against Athens, by whose assistance the Thebans had maintained their
ground for two years. The Athenians, on their part, also fitted out a fleet,

Page 322

assisted by their allies, under the command of Chabrias, which
defeated the Lacedæmonian fleet near Naxos, B.C. 376. This was
Naval the first great victory which Athens had gained since the
victory ofPeloponnesian war, and filled her citizens with joy and confidence,
the and led to a material enlargement of their maritime confederacy.
Athenians. Phocion, who had charge of a squadron detached from the fleet of
Victory ofChabrias, also sailed victorious round the Ægean, took twenty
Pelopidas. triremes, three thousand prisoners, with one hundred and ten talents
in money, and annexed seventeen cities to the confederacy.
Timotheus, the son of Conon, was sent with the fleet of Chabrias,
to circumnavigate the Peloponnesus, and alarm the coast of Laconia. The
important island of Corcyra entered into the confederation, and another
Spartan fleet, under Nicolochus, was defeated, so that the Athenians became
once again the masters of the sea. But having regained their ascendency,
Athens became jealous of the growing power of Thebes, now mistress of
Bœotia, and this jealousy, inexcusable after such reverses, was increased
when Pelopidas gained a great victory over the Lacedæmonians near
Tegyra, which led to the expulsion of their enemies from all parts of
Bœotia, except Orchomenus, on the borders of Phocis. [pg 320] That
territory was now attacked by the victorious Thebans, upon which Athens
made peace with the Lacedæmonians.

It would thus seem that the ancient Grecian States were perpetually
jealous of any ascendant power, and their policy was not dissimilar
The from that which was inaugurated in modern Europe since the treaty
jealousy ofof Westphalia—called the balance of power. Greece, thus far, was
the not ambitious to extend her rule over foreign nations, but sought an
Grecian autonomous independence of the several States of which she was
republics. composed. Had Greece united under the leadership of Sparta or
Athens, her foreign conquests might have been considerable, and
her power, centralized and formidable, might have been a match
even for the Romans. But in the anxiety of each State to secure its
independence, there were perpetual and unworthy jealousies of each rising
State, when it had reached a certain point of prosperity and glory. Hence the
various States united under Sparta, in the Peloponnesian war, to subvert the
ascendency of Athens. And when Sparta became the dominant power of
Greece, Athens unites with Thebes to break her domination. And now

Page 323

Athens becomes jealous of Thebes, and makes peace with Sparta, in the
same way that England in the eighteenth century united with Holland and
other States, to prevent the aggrandizement of France, as different powers
of Europe had previously united to prevent the ascendency of Austria.

The Spartan power was now obviously humbled, and one of the
greatest evidences of this was the decline of Sparta to give aid to
Humiliatio the cities of Thessaly, in danger of being conquered by Jason, the
n ofdespot of Pheræ, whose formidable strength was now alarming
Sparta. Northern Greece.

The peace which Sparta had concluded with Athens was of
very short duration. The Lacedæmonians resolved to attack
Hostilities Corcyra, which had joined the Athenian confederation. An
between armament collected from the allies, under Mnasippus, in
Athens the spring of B.C. 373, proceeded against Corcyra. The [pg
and 321] inhabitants, driven within the walls of the city, were
Sparta. in danger of famine, and invoked Athenian aid. Before it
Peace arrived, however, the Corcyræans made a successful sally
between upon the Spartan troops, over-confident of victory, in
Athens which Mnasippus was slain, and the city became supplied
and with provisions. After the victory, Iphicrates, in command
Sparta. of the Athenian fleet, which had been delayed, arrived and
captured the ships which Dionysius of Syracuse had sent to
the aid of the Lacedæmonians. These reverses induced the
Spartans to send Antalcidas again to Persia to sue for fresh intervention, but
the satraps, having nothing more to gain from Sparta, refused aid. But
Athens was not averse to peace, since she no longer was jealous of Sparta,
and was jealous of Thebes. In the mean time Thebes seized Platæa, a town
of Bœotia, unfriendly to her ascendency, and expelled the inhabitants who
sought shelter in Athens, and increased the feeling of disaffection toward
the rising power. This event led to renewed negotiations for peace between
Athens and Sparta, which was effected at a congress held in the latter city.
The Athenian orator Callistratus, one of the envoys, proposed that Sparta
and Athens should divide the headship of Greece between them, the former
having the supremacy on land, the latter on the sea. Peace was concluded on
the basis of the autonomy of each city.

Page 324

Epaminondas was the Theban deputy to this congress. He insisted
on taking the oath in behalf of the Bœotian confederation, even as
Epaminon Sparta had done for herself and allies. But Agesilaus required he
das at theshould take the oath for Thebes alone, as Athens had done for
congress herself alone. He refused, and made himself memorable for his
of Sparta. eloquent speeches, in which he protested against the pretensions of
Sparta. “Why,” he maintained, “should not Thebes respond for
Bœotia, as well as Sparta for Laconia, since Thebes had the same
ascendency in Bœotia that Sparta had in Laconia?” Agesilaus, at last,
indignantly started [pg 322] from his seat, and said to Epaminondas: “Speak
plainly. Will you, or will you not, leave to each of the Bœotian cities its
separate autonomy?” To which the other replied: “Will you leave each of
the Laconian towns autonomous?” Without saying a word, Agesilaus struck
the name of the Thebans out of the roll, and they were excluded from the
treaty.

The war now is to be prosecuted between Sparta and Thebes, since
peace was sworn between all the other States. The deputies of
Renewal Thebes returned home discouraged, knowing that their city must
of now encounter, single-handed, the whole power of the dominant
hostilities State of Greece. “The Athenians—friendly with both, yet allies
between with neither—suffered the dispute to be fought out without
Sparta andinterfering.” The point of it was, whether Thebes was in the same
Thebes. relation to the Bœotian towns that Sparta was to the Laconian
cities. Agesilaus contended that the relations between Thebes and
other Bœotian cities was the same as what subsisted between
Sparta and her allies. This was opposed by Epaminondas.

After the congress of B.C. 371, both Sparta and Athens fulfilled the
conditions to which their deputies had sworn. The latter gave orders
Great to Iphicrates to return home with his fleet, which had threatened the
preparatio Lacedæmonian coast; the former recalled her harmosts and
ns ofgarrisons from all the cities which she occupied, while she made
Sparta. preparations, with all her energies, to subdue Thebes. It was
anticipated that so powerful a State as Sparta would soon
accomplish her object, and few out of Bœotia doubted her success.

Page 325

King Cleombrotus was accordingly ordered to march out of Phocis,
where he was with a powerful force, into Bœotia. Epaminondas,
Defeat of awith a body of Thebans, occupied a narrow pass near Coronea,
Theban between a spur of Mount Helicon and the Lake Copais. But instead
force. of forcing this pass, the Spartan king turned southward by a
mountain road, over Helicon, deemed scarcely practicable, and
defeated a Theban division which guarded it, and marched to [pg
323] Creusis, on the Gulf of Alcyonis, and captured twelve Theban triremes
in the harbor. He then left a garrison to occupy the post, and proceeded over
a mountainous road in the territory of Thespiæ, on the eastern declivity of
Helicon, to Leuctra, where he encamped. He was now near Thebes, having
a communication with Sparta through the port of Creusis. The Thebans
were dismayed, and it required all the tact and eloquence of Epaminondas
and Pelopidas to rally them. They marched out at length from Thebes, under
their seven bœotrarchs, and posted themselves opposite the Spartan camp.
Epaminondas was one of these generals, and urged immediate battle,
although the Theban forces were inferior.

It was through him that a change took place in the ordinary Grecian
tactics. It was customary to fight simultaneously along the whole
Military line, in which the opposing armies were drawn up. Departing from
tactics ofthis custom, he disposed his troops obliquely, or in échelon, placing
Epaminon on his left chosen Theban hoplites to the depth of fifty, so as to bear
das. Greatwith impetuous force on the Spartan right, while his centre and
victory right were kept back for awhile from action. Such a combination,
obtained so unexpected, was completely successful. The Spartans could not
by Thebes. resist the concentrated and impetuous assault made on their right,
led by the Sacred Band, with fifty shields propelling behind.
Cleombrotus, the Spartan king, was killed, with the most
distinguished of his staff, and the Spartans were driven back to their camp.
The allies, who fought without spirit or heart, could not be rallied. The
victory was decisive, and made an immense impression throughout Greece;
for it was only twenty days since Epaminondas had departed from Sparta,
excluded from the general peace. The Spartans bore the defeat with their
characteristic fortitude, but their prestige was destroyed. A new general had
arisen in Bœotia, who carried every thing before him. The Athenians heard
of the victory with ill-concealed jealousy of the rising power.

Page 326

Jason, the tyrant of Pheræ, now joined the Theban camp [pg 324]
and the Spartan army was obliged to evacuate Bœotia. The great
The victory of Leuctra gave immense extension to the Theban power,
Spartans and broke the Spartan rule north of the Peloponnesus. All the cities
evacuate of Bœotia acknowledged the Theban supremacy, while the
Bœotia. harmosts which Sparta had placed in the Grecian cities were forced
to return home. Sparta was now discouraged and helpless, and even
many Peloponnesian cities put themselves under the presidency of
Athens. None were more affected by the Spartan overthrow than the
Arcadians, whose principal cities had been governed by an oligarchy in the
interest of Sparta, such as Tegea and Orchomenus, while Mantinea was
broken up into villages. The Arcadians, free from Spartan governors, and
ceasing to look henceforth for victory and plunder in the service of Sparta,
became hostile, and sought their political independence. A Pan-Arcadian
union was formed.

Sparta undertook to recover her supremacy over Arcadia, and
Agesilaus was sent to Mantinea with a considerable force, for the
Agesilaus city had rebuilt its walls, and resumed its former consolidation,
marches which was a great offense in the eyes of Sparta. The Arcadians,
into invaded by Spartans, first invoked the aid of Athens, which being
Arcadia. refused, they turned to Thebes, and Epaminondas came to their
Epaminon relief with a great army of auxiliaries—Argeians, Elians, Phocians,
das Locrians, as well as Thebans, for his fame now drew adventurers
invades from every quarter to his standard. These forces urged him to
Sparta. invade Laconia itself, and his great army, in four divisions,
penetrated the country through different passes. He crossed the
Eurotas and advanced to Sparta, which was in the greatest
consternation, not merely from the near presence of Epaminondas with a
powerful army of seventy thousand men, but from the discontent of the
Helots. But Agesilaus put the city in the best possible defense, while every
means were used to secure auxiliaries from other cities. Epaminondas dared
not to attempt to take the city by storm, and after ravaging Laconia, [pg
325] returned into Arcadia. This insult to Sparta was of great moral force,
and was an intense humiliation, greater even than that felt after the battle of
Leuctra.

Page 327

This expedition, though powerless against Sparta herself, prepared
Epaminondas to execute the real object which led to the assistance
Restores of the Arcadians. This was the re-establishment of Messenia, which
the had been conquered by Sparta two hundred years before. The new
independe city of Messenia was built on the site of Mount Ithome, where the
nce ofMessenians had defended themselves in their long war against the
Messenia. Laconians, and the best masons and architects were invited from all
The Greece to lay out the streets, and erect the public edifices, while
Spartan Epaminondas superintended the fortifications. All the territory
kingdom westward and south of Ithome—the southwestern corner of the
dismember Peloponnesus, richest on the peninsula, was now subtracted from
ed. Sparta, while the country to the east was protected by the new city
in Arcadia, Megalopolis, which the Arcadians built. This wide area,
the best half of the Spartan territory, was thus severed from Sparta,
and was settled by Helots, who became free men, with inextinguishable
hatred of their old masters. But these Helots were probably the descendants
of the old Messenians whom Sparta had conquered. This renovation of
Messenia, and the building of the two cities, Messenia and Megalopolis,
was the work of Epaminondas, and were the most important events of the
day. The latter city was designed as the centre of a new confederacy,
comprising all Arcadia.

Sparta being thus crippled, dismembered, and humbled,
Epaminondas evacuated the Peloponnesus, filled, however, with
Sparta undiminished hostility. Sparta condescends to solicit aid from
forms anAthens, so completely was its power broken by the Theban State,
alliance and Athens consents to assist her, in the growing fear and jealousy
with of Thebes, thereby showing that the animosities of the Grecian
Athens. States grew out of political jealousy rather than from revenge or
injury. To rescue Sparta was a wise policy, if it were [pg 326]
necessary to maintain a counterpoise against the ascendency of
Thebes. An army was raised, and Iphicrates was appointed general. He first
marched to Corinth, and from thence into Arcadia, but made war with no
important results.

Such were the great political changes which occurred within two years
under the influence of such a hero as Epaminondas. Laconia had been

Page 328

invaded and devastated, the Spartans were confined within their
walls, Messenia had been liberated from Spartan rule, two
Greece important cities had been built, to serve as great fortresses to
emancipat depress Sparta, Helots were converted into freemen, and Greece
ed fromgenerally had been emancipated from the Spartan yoke. Such were
the the consequences of the battle of Leuctra.
Spartan
yoke. And this battle, which thus destroyed the prestige of Sparta, also
led to renewed hopes on the part of the Athenians to regain the
power they had lost. Athens already had regained the ascendency
on the sea, and looked for increased maritime aggrandizement. On the land
she could only remain a second class power, and serve as a bulwark against
Theban ascendency.

Athens sought also to recover Amphipolis—a maritime city,
colonized by Athenians, at the head of the Strymonican Gulf, in
Athens Macedonia, which was taken from her in the Peloponnesian war, by
seeks toBrasidas. Amyntas, the king of Macedonia, seeking aid against
recover Jason of Pheræ, whose Thessalian dominion and personal talents
Amphipoli and ambition combined to make him a powerful potentate,
s. A part ofconsented to the right of Athens to this city. But Amyntas died not
Thessaly long after the assassination of Jason, and both Thessaly and
under theMacedonia were ruled by new kings, and new complications took
protection place. Many Thessalian cities, hostile to Alexander, the son of
of Thebes. Jason, invoked the aid of Thebes, and Pelopidas was sent into
Thessaly with an army, who took Larissa and various other cities
under his protection. A large part of Thessaly thus came under the
protection of Thebes. On the other hand, Alexander, [pg 327] who
succeeded Amyntas in Macedonia, found it difficult to maintain his own
dominion without holding Thessalian towns in garrison. He was also
harassed by interior commotions, headed by Pausanias, and was slain.
Ptolemy, of Alorus, now became regent, and administered the kingdom in
the name of the minor children of Amyntas—Perdiccas and Philip. The
mother of these children, Eurydice, presented herself, with her children, to
Iphicrates, and invoked protection. He declared in her favor, and expelled
Pausanias, and secured the sceptre of Amyntas, who had been friendly to

Page 329

the Athenians, to his children, under Ptolemy as regent. The younger of
these children lived to overthrow the liberties of Greece.

But Iphicrates did not recover Amphipolis, which was a free city,
and had become attached to the Spartans after Brasidas had taken
The it. Iphicrates was afterward sent to assist Sparta in the desperate
Theban contest with Thebes. The Spartan allied army occupied Corinth,
supremacy and guarded the passes which prevented the Thebans from
in penetrating into the Peloponnesus. Epaminondas broke through the
Thessaly defenses of the Spartans, and opened a communication with his
and Peloponnesian allies, and with these increased forces was more
Macedonia than a match for the Spartans and Athenians. He ravaged the
. country, induced Sicyon to abandon Sparta, and visited Arcadia to
superintend the building of Megalopolis. Meanwhile Pelopidas,
B.C. 368, conducted an expedition into Thessaly, to protect Larissa
against Alexander of Pheræ, and to counterwork the projects of that despot,
who was in league with Athens. He was successful, and then proceeded to
Macedonia, and made peace with Ptolemy, who was not strong enough to
resist him, taking, among other hostages to Thebes, Philip, the son of
Amyntas. The Thebans and Macedonians now united to protect the freedom
of Amphipolis against Athens. Pelopidas returned to Thebes, having
extended her ascendency over both Thessaly and Macedonia.

Thebes, now ambitious for the headship of Greece, sent [pg 328]
Pelopidas on a mission to the Persian king at Susa, who obtained a
Thebes favorable rescript. The States which were summoned to Thebes to
now hear the rescript read refused to accept it; and even the Arcadian
aspires todeputies protested against the headship of Thebes. So powerful
the were the sentiments of all the Grecian States, from first to last,
leadership against the complete ascendency of any one power, either Athens,
of Greece. or Sparta, or Thebes. The rescript was also rejected at Corinth.
Pelopidas was now sent to Thessaly to secure the recognition of the
headship of Thebes; but in the execution of his mission he was
seized and detained by Alexander of Pheræ.

The Thebans then sent an army into Thessaly to rescue Pelopidas.
Unfortunately, Epaminondas did not command it. Having given offense to

Page 330

his countrymen, he was not elected that year as bœotrarch, and served in the
ranks as a private hoplite. Alexander, assisted by the Athenians, triumphed
in his act of treachery, and treated his illustrious captive with harshness and
cruelty, and the Theban army, unsuccessful, returned home.

The Thebans then sent another army, under Epaminondas, into
Thessaly for the rescue of Pelopidas, and such was the terror of his
Thebes name, that Alexander surrendered his prisoner, and sought to make
rescues peace. But the rescue of Pelopidas disabled Thebes from
Pelopidas. prosecuting the war in the Peloponnesus. As soon, however, as this
Complicat was effected, Epaminondas was sent as an envoy into Arcadia to
ed politicaldissuade her from a proposed alliance with Athens, and there had to
relations contend with the Athenian orator Callistratus. The complicated
of therelations of the different Grecian States now became so
Grecian complicated, that it is useless, in a book like this, to attempt to
States. unravel them. Negotiations between Athens and Persia, the efforts
of Corinth and other cities to secure peace, the ambition of Athens
to maintain ascendency on the sea, the creation of a Theban navy—
these and other events must be passed by.

But we can not omit to notice the death of Pelopidas.

[pg 329]

He had been sent with an army into Thessaly against Alexander of
Pheræ, who was at the height of his power, holding in dependence a
Death ofconsiderable part of Thessaly, and having Athens for an ally. In a
Pelopidas. battle which took place between Pelopidas and Alexander, near
Grief ofPharsalus, the Thessalians were routed. Pelopidas, seeing his
the enemy apparently within his reach, and remembering only his
Thebans. injuries, sallied forth, unsupported, like Cyrus, on the field of
Cunaxa, at the sight of his brother, to attack him when surrounded
by his guards, and fell while fighting bravely. Nothing could
exceed the grief of the victorious Thebans in view of this disaster, which
was the result of inexcusable rashness. He was endeared by uninterrupted
services from the day he slew the Spartan governors and recovered the
independence of his city. He had taken a prominent part in all the struggles
which had raised Thebes to unexpected glory, and was second in abilities to

Page 331

Epaminondas alone, whom he ever cherished with more than fraternal
friendship, without envy and without reproach. All that Thebes could do
was to revenge his death. Alexander was stripped of all his Thessalian
dependencies, and confined to his own city, with its territory, near the Gulf
of Pegasæ.

It was while Pelopidas was engaged in his Thessalian campaign,
that a conspiracy against the power of Thebes took place in the
Orchomen second city of Bœotia—Orchomenus, on Lake Copais. This city
us revoltswas always disaffected, and in the absence of Pelopidas in
from Thessaly, and Epaminondas with a fleet on the Hellespont, some
Thebes. three hundred of the richest citizens undertook to overthrow the
Unfortunat existing government. The plot was discovered before it was ripe for
e fate ofexecution, the conspirators were executed, the town itself was
the city. destroyed, the male adults were killed, and the women and children
were sold into slavery. This barbarous act was but the result of long
pent up Theban hatred, but it kindled a great excitement against
Thebes throughout Greece. The city, indeed, sympathized with the Spartan
cause, and would have been [pg 330] destroyed before but for the
intercession of Epaminondas, whose policy was ever lenient and
magnanimous. It was a matter of profound grief to this general, now re-
elected as one of the bœotarchs, that Thebes had stained her name by this
cruel vengeance, since he knew it would intensify the increasing animosity
against the power which had arrived so suddenly to greatness.

Hostilities, as he feared, soon broke out with increased bitterness
between Sparta and Thebes. And these were precipitated by
Renewed difficulties in Arcadia, then at war with Elis, and the appropriation
hostilities. of the treasures of Olympia by the Arcadians. Sparta, Elis, and
Epaminon Achaia formed an alliance, and Arcadia invoked the aid of Thebes.
das The result was that Epaminondas marched with a large army into
attempts tothe Peloponnesus, and mustered his forces at Tegea, which was
surprise under the protection of Thebes. His army comprised, besides
Sparta. HisThebans and Bœotians, Eubœans, Thessalians, Locrians, and other
great allies from Northern Greece. The Spartans, allied with Elians,
victory Achæans, and Athenians, united at Mantinea, under the command
over theof Agesilaus, now an old man of eighty, but still vigorous and
Lacedæmo

Page 332

nians atstrong. Tegea lay in the direct road from Sparta to Mantinea, and
Mantinea. while Agesilaus was moving by a more circuitous route to the
His death. westward, Epaminondas resolved to attempt a surprise on Sparta.
This movement was unexpected, and nothing saved Sparta except
the accidental information which Agesilaus received of the
movement from a runner, in time to turn back to Sparta and put it in a
condition of defense before Epaminondas arrived, for Tegea was only about
thirty miles from Sparta. The Theban general was in no condition to assault
the city, and his enterprise failed, from no fault of his. Seeing that Sparta
was defended, he marched back immediately to Tegea, and dispatched his
cavalry to surprise Mantinea, about fifteen miles distant. The surprise was
baffled by the unexpected arrival of Athenian cavalry. An encounter took
place between these two bodies of cavalry, in which [pg 331] the Athenians
gained an advantage. Epaminondas saw then no chance left for striking a
blow but by a pitched battle, with all his forces. He therefore marched from
Tegea toward the enemy, who did not expect to be attacked, and was
unprepared. He adopted the same tactics that gave him success at Leuctra,
and posted himself, with his Theban phalanx on the left, against the
opposing right, and bore down with irresistible force, both of infantry and
cavalry, while he kept back the centre and right, composed of his
trustworthy troops, until the battle should be decided. His column, not far
from fifty shields in depth, pressed upon the opposing column of only eight
shields in depth, like the prow of a trireme impelled against the midships of
an antagonist in a sea-fight. This mode of attack was completely successful.
Epaminondas broke through the Lacedæmonian line, which turned and fled,
but he himself, pressing on to the attack, at the head of his column, was
mortally wounded. He was pierced with a spear—the handle broke, leaving
the head sticking in his breast. He at once fell, and his own troops gathered
around his bleeding body, giving full expression to their grief and
lamentations.

Thebes gained, by the battle of Mantinea, the preservation of her
Arcadian allies and of her anti-Spartan frontier; while Sparta lost,
His greatbeyond hope, her ancient prestige and power. But the victory was
military dearly purchased by the death of Epaminondas, who has received,
genius. and probably deserves, more unmingled admiration than any hero
whom Greece ever produced. He was a great military genius, and

Page 333

His introduced new tactics into the art of war. He was a true patriot,
character. thinking more of the glory of his country than his own exaltation.
He was a man of great political insight, and merits the praise of
being a great statesman. He was, above all, unsullied by vices,
generous, devoted, merciful in war, magnanimous in victory, and laborious
in peace. He was also learned, eloquent, and wise, ruling by moral wisdom
as well as by genius. His death [pg 332] was an irreparable loss—one of
those great men whom his country could not spare, and whose services no
other man could render. Of modern heroes he most resembles Gustavus
Adolphus. And as the Thirty Years in Germany loses all its interest after the
battle of Leutzen, when the Swedish hero laid down his life in defense of
his Protestant brethren, so the Theban contest with Sparta has no great
significance after the battle of Mantinea. The only great blunder which
Epaminondas made was to encourage his countrymen to compete with
Athens for the sovereignty of the seas. That sovereignty was the natural
empire of Athens, even as the empire of the land was the glory of Sparta. If
these two powers had been contented with their own peculiar sphere, and
joined in a true alliance with each other, the empire of Greece might have
resisted the encroachments of Philip and Alexander, and defied the growing
ascendency of Rome.

Shortly after the death of Epaminondas, B.C. 362, the greatest man
of Spartan annals disappeared from the stage of history. Agesilaus
Death ofdied in Egypt, having gone there to assist the king in his revolt
Agesilaus. from Persia. He also possessed all the great qualities of a prince, a
Death ofsoldier, a statesman and a man. He, too, was ambitious, but only to
Artaxerxes perpetuate the power of Sparta. It was his misfortune to contend
. with a greater man, but he did all that was in the power of a king of
Sparta to retrieve her fortunes, and died deeply lamented and
honored. Artaxerxes died B.C. 358, after having subdued the revolt
of his satraps and of Egypt, having reigned forty-five years, and Ochus
succeeded to his throne, taking his father's name.

Athens recovered, during the wars between Sparta and Thebes,
much of her former maritime power, and succeeded in retaking the
Philip ofChersonese. But another great character now arises to our view—
Macedon. Philip of Macedon, who succeeded in overturning the liberties of

Page 334

Greece. But before we present his career, that of Dionysius of Syracuse,
demands a brief notice, and the great power of Sicily, as a Grecian State,
during his life.

[pg 333]

Page 335

CHAPTER XXIII.

Page 336

DIONYSIUS AND SICILY.

We have already seen how the Athenian fleet was destroyed at the siege of
Syracuse, where Nicias and Demosthenes were so lamentably defeated,
which defeat resulted in the humiliation of Athens and the loss of her power
as the leading State of Greece.

The destruction of this great Athenian armament in September, B.C. 413,
created an intoxication of triumph in the Sicilian cities. Nearly all of them
had joined Syracuse, except Naxos and Catana, which sided with Athens.
Agrigentum was neutral.

The Syracusans were too much exhausted by the contest to push
their victory to the loss of the independence of these cities, but they
Syracuse assisted their allies, the Lacedæmonians, with twenty triremes
after theagainst Athens, under Hermocrates, while Rhodes furnished a still
failure offurther re-enforcement, under Dorieus. But the Peloponnesian war
Nicias. was not finished as soon as the Syracusans anticipated. Even the
combined Peloponnesian and Syracusan fleets sustained two
defeats in the Hellespont. The battle of Cyxicus was even still more
calamitous, since the Spartan admiral Mindarus was slain, and the whole of
his fleet was captured and destroyed. The Syracusans suffered much by this
latter defeat, and all their triremes were burned to prevent them falling into
the hands of their enemies, and the seamen were left destitute on the
Propontis, in the satrapy of Pharnabazus. These adverse events led to the
disgrace of Hermocrates, who stimulated the movement and promised what
he could not perform. But his conduct had been good, [pg 334] and his
treatment was unjust and harsh. War recognizes only success, whatever may
be the virtues and talents of the commanders; and this is one of the worst
phases of war, when accident and circumstances contribute more to military
rewards than genius itself.

Page 337

The banishment of Hermocrates was followed by the triumph of the
democratical party, and Diocles, an influential citizen, was named,
Internal with a commission of ten, to revise the constitution and the laws.
condition The laws of Diocles did not remain in force long, and were
of the city. exceeding severe in their penalties. But they were afterward
revived, and copied by other Sicilian cities, and remained in force
to the Grecian conquest of the island.

The Syracusans then prosecuted war with vigor against Naxos,
which sided with Athens, until it was brought to a sudden close by
The warsan invasion of the Carthaginians, the ancient foes of Greece. As far
of theback as the year 480 B.C.—that year which witnessed the invasion
Syracusan of Greece by Xerxes—the Carthaginians had invaded Sicily, with a
s withmercenary army under Hamilcar, for the purpose of reinstating the
Carthage. tyrant of Himera, expelled by Theron of Agrigentum. The
Carthaginian army was routed, and Hamilcar was slain by Gelon,
the tyrant of Syracuse. This defeat was so signal, that it was
seventy years before the Carthaginians again invaded Sicily, shortly after
the destruction of Athenian power at Syracuse. No sooner was the
protecting naval power of Athens withdrawn from Greece, than the Persians
and the Carthaginians pressed upon the Hellenic world.

It is singular that so little is known of the early history of Carthage,
which became the great rival of Rome. It was founded by the
Carthage. Phœnicians, and became a considerable commercial city before
Its Athens had reached the naval supremacy of Greece. Her
maritime possessions were extensive on the coast of Africa, both east and
power. west, comprehending Sardinia and the Balearic isles. At the
maximum of her power, before the first Punic war, the population
[pg 335] was nearly a million of people. It was built on a fortified
peninsula of about twenty miles in circumference, with the isthmus. Upon
this isthmus was the citadel Byrsa, surrounded with a triple wall, and
crowned at its summit by a magnificent temple of Æsculapius. It possessed
three hundred tributary cities in Libya, which was but a small part of the
great empire which belonged to it in the fourth century before Christ. All
the towns on the coast, even those founded by the Phœnicians, like Hippo
and Utica, were tributary, with the exception of Utica. Although the

Page 338

Carthaginians were averse to land service, yet no less than forty thousand
hoplites, with one thousand cavalry and two thousand war chariots,
marched out from the gates to resist an enemy. But the Carthaginian armies
were mostly composed of mercenaries—Gauls, Iberians, and Libyans, and
forming a discordant host in language and custom.

The political constitution of Carthage was oligarchal. Two kings
were elected annually, and presided over the Senate, of three
Its hundred persons, made up from the principal families. The great
political families divided between them, as in Rome, the offices and
constitutio influence of the State, and maintained an insolent distinction from
n. the people. It was an aristocracy, based on wealth, and created by
commerce, as in Venice, in the Middle Ages. There was a demos, or
people, at Carthage, who were consulted on particular occasions;
but, whether numerous or not, they were kept in dependence to the rich
families by banquets and lucrative employments. The government was
stable and well conducted, both for internal tranquillity and commercial
aggrandizement.

The first eminent historical personage was Mago, B.C. 500, who
greatly extended the dominions of Carthage. Of his two sons,
Its eminentHamilcar was defeated and slain by Gelon of Syracuse. The other
men. son, Hasdrubal, perished in Sardinia. His sons remained the most
powerful citizens of the State, carrying on war against the Moors
and [pg 336] other African tribes. Hannibal, grandson of Hamilcar,
distinguished himself in an invasion of Sicily, B.C. 410, and with a large
army, of one hundred thousand men, stormed and took Selinus, and killed
one hundred and sixty thousand of the inhabitants, and carried away captive
five thousand more. He then laid siege to Himera, which he also took, and
slaughtered three thousand of the inhabitants, in expiation of the memory of
his grandfather. These were Grecian cities, and the alarm throughout Greece
was profound for this new enemy. These events look place about the time
that Hermocrates was banished for an unsuccessful maritime war.
Hermocrates afterward attempted to enter Syracuse, but was defeated and
slain.

Page 339

At this period Dionysius appears upon the stage—for the next
generation the most formidable name in the Grecian world. He had
Dionysius none of the advantages of family or wealth—but was well
at educated, and espoused the cause of Hermocrates, and rose to
Syracuse. distinction during the intestine commotions which resulted from the
death of Hermocrates and the banishment of Diocles, the lawgiver.

In 406 B.C., Sicily was again invaded by a large force from
Carthage, estimated by some writers as high as three hundred
Carthagini thousand men, who were chiefly mercenaries. Hannibal was the
ans invadeleader of these forces. All the Greek cities now prepared for
Sicily. vigorous war. The Syracusans sent to Sparta and the Italian Greek
cities for aid. Agrigentum was most in danger, and most alarmed of
the Greek Sicilian cities. It was second only to Syracuse in numbers
and wealth, having a population of eight hundred thousand people, though
this is probably an exaggeration. It was rich in temples and villas and
palaces; its citizens were wealthy, luxurious, and hospitable.

The army of Hannibal advanced against this city, which was
strongly fortified, and re-enforced by a strong body of troops from
Rise ofSyracuse, under Daphneus. He defeated the Iberian mercenaries,
Dionysius. but did not preserve his victory, so that the Carthaginians were
enabled to take and plunder Agrigentum. [pg 337] There was, of
course, bitter complaint against the Syracusan generals, who might
have prevented this calamity. In the discontent which succeeded, Dionysius
was elevated to the command. He procured a vote to restore the
Hermocratean exiles, and procured, also, a body of paid guards, and
established himself as despot of Syracuse; and he arrived at this power by
demagogic arts, allying himself with the ultra democratic party.

Soon after his elevation, the Carthaginians advanced, under Imoleo,
to attack Gela, which was relieved by Dionysius with a force of
Defeated fifty thousand men. Intrenching himself between Gela and the sea,
by theopposite the Carthaginians, he resolved to attack the invaders, but
Carthagini was defeated and obliged to retreat, so that Gela fell into the hands
ans. of the Carthaginians, who perpetrated their usual cruelties. This
defeat occasioned a mutiny at Syracuse, and his house was

Page 340

plundered of the silver and gold and valuables which he had already
collected. But he rapidly returned to Syracuse, and punished the mutineers,
and became master of the city, driving away the rich citizens who had
vainly obstructed his elevation. He abolished every remnant of freedom,
and ruled despotically with the aid of his mercenaries, and the common
people who rallied to his standard.

It was fortunate for him that the Carthaginians, although victors at
Gela, made proposals of peace, which were accepted. Dionysius
Carthagini accepted a peace, the terms of which were favorable to Carthage, in
ans makeorder to secure his own power. He betrayed the interests of Sicily to
peace. an enemy from selfish and unworthy motives. The whole south of
Sicily was consigned to the Carthaginians, and Syracuse to
Dionysius.

Dionysius now concentrated all his efforts to centralize and
maintain his power. He greatly strengthened the fortifications of
Dionysius Syracuse. He constructed a new wall, with lofty towers and
centralizes elaborate defenses, outside the mole which connected the islet
his power. Ortygia with Sicily. He also erected a citadel. He then had an
impregnable [pg 338] stronghold, powerful for attack and defense.
The fortress he erected in the islet of Ortygia he filled with his
devoted adherents, consisting mostly of foreigners, to whom he assigned a
permanent support and residence. He distributed anew the Syracusan
territory, reserving the best lands for his friends, who thus became citizens.
By this wholesale confiscation he was enabled to support ten thousand
mercenary troops, devoted to him and his tyranny. The contributions he
extorted were enormous, so that in five years twenty per cent of the whole
property of Syracuse was paid into his hands.

Having thus strengthened his power in Syracuse, he marched
against the Sikels, in the interior of the island. But his absence was
Marches taken advantage of by the discontented citizens, who attempted to
against theregain their freedom. He returned at once to Syracuse, and
Sikels. Hisintrenched himself in his fortress, where he was besieged by the
critical insurgents. The tyrant was now driven to desperation, and nothing
condition. saved him but the impregnable fortifications which he had erected.
Strengthen

Page 341

s theBut his situation was so desperate that his adherents melted away,
fortificatio and he began to abandon all hope of retaining his position. As a last
ns ofresource, he purchased the aid of a body of Campanian cavalry, in
Syracuse. the Carthaginian service, which was stationed at Gela, while he
His vastamused the Syracusans, to gain time, by a pretended submission.
military They agreed to allow him to depart with five triremes, and relaxed
preparatio the siege, supposing him already subdued. Meanwhile the
ns. Carthaginian mercenaries arrived and defeated the Syracusans,
already dispersed and divided. Dionysius, finding himself rescued
and re-established in his dominions, strengthened the fortifications
of Ortygia, and employed his forces, now that Syracuse was subdued, in
conquering the Grecian cities of Naxos, Catana, and Leontini. Strengthened
at home and in the interior, Dionysius then prepared to attack the
Carthaginians, but previously took measures to insure the defensibility of
Syracuse. Six thousand persons were employed on a wall three and a half
[pg 339] miles in length, from the fort of Trogilus to Euryalus, the summit
of the slope of Epipolæ, a high cliff, which commanded the roads to the
city. Six thousand teams of oxen were employed in drawing the stones from
the quarries. This wall was not like Ortygia, a guard-house against the
people of Syracuse, but a defense against external enemies. As it was a
great public work of defense, the citizens worked with cheerfulness and
vigor, and so enthusiastically did they labor, that the work was completed in
twenty days. The city being now impregnable, he commenced preparations
for offensive war, and changed his course toward the citizens, pursuing a
mild, and conciliatory policy. He made peace with Messene and Rhegium,
and married a lady from Locri. He collected all the best engineers,
mechanics, and artisans from Sicily and Italy, constructed immense
machines, provided arms from every nation around the Mediterranean, so
that he collected or fabricated one hundred and forty thousand shields and
fourteen thousand breastplates, destined for his body-guard and officers,
together with a vast number of helmets, spears, and daggers. All these were
accumulated in his impregnable fortress of Ortygia. His naval preparations
were equally stupendous. The docks of Syracuse were filled with workmen,
and two hundred triremes were added to the one hundred and ten which
already were housed in the docks. The trireme was the largest ship of war
which for three hundred years had sailed in the Grecian or Mediterranean
waters. But Dionysius constructed triremes with five banks of oars, and had

Page 342

a navy vastly superior to what Athens ever possessed. He now hired soldiers
from every quarter, enlisting Syracusans and the inhabitants of the cities
depending upon her. He sent envoys to Italy and the Peloponnesus for
recruits, offering the most liberal pay.

When all his preparations were completed, he married, on the same
day, two wives—the Locrian (Doris), and the Syracusan
His (Aristomache), and both of these [pg 340] women lived with him at
marriage. the same table in equal dignity. He had three children by Doris, the
Marches oldest of whom was Dionysius the Younger, and four by
against theAristomache. When his nuptials had been celebrated with
Carthagini extraordinary magnificence, and banquets, and fetes, in which the
ans. whole population shared, he convoked a public assembly, and
exhorted the citizens to war against Carthage, as the common
enemy of Greece, B.C. 397. He then granted permission to plunder
the Carthaginian ships in the harbor, and shortly after marched out from
Syracuse with an army against the Carthaginians in Sicily, consisting of
eighty thousand men, while a fleet of two hundred triremes and five
hundred transports accompanied his march along the coast—the largest
military force hitherto assembled under Grecian command.

The first place he attacked was Motya, north of Cape Lilybæum, in
the western extremity of the island, all the Grecian cities under
His Carthaginian leadership having revolted. This city was both
success. populous and wealthy, built on an islet, which was separated from
Sicily by a narrow strait two-thirds of a mile in width, bridged over
by a narrow mole. The Motyans, seeing the approach of so
formidable an army, broke up their mole, and insulated themselves from
Sicily. The Carthaginians sent a large fleet to assist Motya, under Imilco,
but being inferior to that of Dionysius, it could not venture on a pitched
battle. Motya made a desperate defense, but a road across the strait being
built by the besiegers, the new engines of war carried over it were
irresistible, the town was at length carried and plundered, and the
inhabitants slaughtered or sold as slaves.

The siege occupied the summer, and Dionysius, triumphant, returned to
Syracuse. But Imilco being elevated to the chief magistracy of Carthage,

Page 343

brought over to Sicily an overwhelming force, collected from all
Africa and Iberia, amounting to one hundred thousand men,
He returnsafterward re-enforced by thirty thousand more, at the lowest
to estimate, with four hundred ships and six hundred [pg 341]
Syracuse. transports. This army disembarked at Panormus, on the
His navalnorthwestern side of the island (Palermo) retook Motya, regained
defeat atEryx, then marched east and captured Messene, at the extreme
Catana. eastern part of the island near Italy, which prevented Dionysius
from getting aid from Italy. The Sikels also rebelled, and
Dionysius, greatly disquieted by the loss of all his conquests, and
by approaching dangers, strengthened the fortifications of Syracuse, to
which he had retired, and made preparations to resist the enemy. He had
still a force of thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse, and one
hundred and eighty ships of war. He sent also to Sparta for aid. He then
advanced to Catana. A naval battle took place off this city, gained by the
Carthaginians, from superior numbers. One hundred of the Syracusan ships
were destroyed, with twenty thousand men, B.C. 395.

After this defeat, Dionysius retreated to Syracuse with his land
forces, amid great discontent, and invoked the aid of Sparta and
Imilco laysCorinth. Imilco advanced also to Syracuse, while his victorious
siege tofleet occupied the great harbor—a much more imposing armament
Syracuse. than that the Athenians had at the close of the Persian war. The total
number of vessels was two thousand. Imilco established his head-
quarters at the temple of Zeus Olympius, one mile and a half from
the city, and allowed his troops thirty days for plunder over the Syracusan
territory; then he established fortified posts, and encircled his camp with a
wall, and set down in earnest to reduce the city to famine. But as he was not
master of Epipolæ, as Nicias was, Syracuse was able to communicate with
the country around, both west and north, and also found means to secure
supplies by sea.

Meanwhile the Syracusans defeated a portion of the Carthaginian
fleet, and a terrific pestilence overtook the army before the city.
Disasters The military strength of the Carthaginians was prostrated by the
of theterrible malady, which swept away one hundred and fifty thousand
Carthagini persons [pg 342] in the camp. When thus weakened and
ans. They

Page 344

retire fromdemoralized, the Carthaginians were attacked by the Syracusans,
Syracuse. and were completely routed. The fleet was also defeated and set on
fire, and the conflagration reached the camp, which was thus
attacked by pestilence, fire, and sword. The disaster was fatal to the
Carthaginians, and retreat was necessary. Imilco dispatched a secret envoy
to Dionysius, offering three hundred talents if the fleet was allowed to sail
away unmolested to Africa. This could not be permitted, but Imilco and the
native Carthaginians were allowed to retire. The remaining part of the army,
deprived of their head, was destroyed, with the exception of the Sikels, who
knew the roads, and made good their escape.

This immense disaster, greater than that the Athenians had suffered
under Nicias, produced universal mourning and distress at
Death ofCarthage, while the miserable Imilco vainly endeavoring to disarm
Imilco. the wrath of his countrymen, shut himself up in his house, and
starved himself to death. This misfortune led also to a revolt of the
African allies, which was subdued with difficulty, while the power
of Carthage in Sicily was reduced to the lowest ebb. Dionysius was now left
to push his conquests in other directions, and Syracuse was rescued from
impending ruin.

Dionysius had now reigned eleven years, with absolute power. The
pestilence, and the treachery of Imilco, had freed him of the
Financial Carthaginians. But a difficulty arose as to the payment of his
embarrass mercenaries, which he compromised by giving them the rich
ments ofterritory of Leontini, so that ten thousand quitted Syracuse, and
Dionysius. took up their residence in the town. The cost of maintaining a large
standing army was exceeding burdensome, and we only wonder
how the tyrant found means to pay it, and prosecute at the same
time such great improvements.

He now directed his attention to the Sikels, in the interior of the
island, and took several of their towns, but from one of them he
Makes met with desperate [pg 343] resistance, find came near losing his
himself life from a wound by a spear which penetrated his cuirass. This
master ofrepulse caused the Carthaginians to rally in the west of the island,
Messene. under Magon, with an army of eighty thousand. But he was

Page 345

repulsed by Dionysius, and concluded a truce with him, which gave the
latter leisure to make himself master of Messene and Taurominium—the
two most important maritime posts on the Italian side of Sicily, and thus
prepare for the invasion of the Greek cities in the south of Italy, B.C. 391.

Dionysius departed from Syracuse, B.C. 389, with a powerful
force, to subdue the Italiot Greeks, and laid siege to Caulonia. He
Invades defeated their army, and slew their general. The victor treated the
Italy. defeated Greeks with lenity, and then laid siege to Rhegium, to
which he granted peace on severe terms. Caulonia and Hipponeum,
two cities whose territory occupied the breadth of the Calabrian
peninsula, fell into his hands. Rhegium surrendered after a desperate
defense, and Phyton, who commanded the town, was treated with brutal
inhumanity. The town was dismantled, and all the territory of Southern
Calabria was united to Locri. It was at this time that the peace of Antalcidas
took place, which put an end to the Spartan wars in Asia Minor. The
ascendant powers of Greece were now Sparta and Syracuse, each fortified
by alliance with the other.

Croton, the largest city in Magna Grecia, was now conquered by
Dionysius, who plundered the temple of Ilere, near Cape Lacinium,
Conquers and among its treasure was a splendid robe, decorated in the most
Croton. costly manner, which the conqueror sold to the Carthaginians,
which long remained one of the ornaments of their city. The value
and beauty of the robe may be estimated at the price paid for it—
one hundred and twenty talents, more than one hundred thousand dollars.

He now undertook a maritime expedition along the coast of Latium
and Etruria, and pillaged the rich temple at Agylla, stripping it of
Becomes gold and ornaments to the value of [pg 344] one thousand talents.
master ofSo great was the celebrity he acquired, that the Gauls of Northern
Southern Italy, who had recently sacked Rome, proffered their alliance and
Italy. aid. Master of Sicily and Southern Italy, he inspired, by his
Hissed atunscrupulous plundering of temples, the greatest terror and dislike
the throughout Central Greece. He then entered as competitor at the
Grecian festivals of Greece for the prize of tragic poetry. But so
games. contemptible were his poems, they were disgracefully hissed and

Page 346

ridiculed. Especially those poems which were recited at Olympeia—where
he sent legations decked in the richest garments, furnished with gold and
silver, and provided with splendid tents—were received with a storm of
hisses, which plunged him in an agony of shame and grief, and drove him
nearly mad, and made him conscious of the deep hatred which everywhere
existed toward him. All his rich displays, which surpassed every thing that
had ever before been seen in that holy plain, were worse than a failure—
because they came from him. Not all his grandeur in Syracuse could save
him from the disgrace and insults which he had received in Olympeia.

It was at this time, B.C. 387, that Plato visited Sicily on a voyage of
inquiry and curiosity, chiefly to see Mount Ætna, and was
Dion. introduced to Dion, then a young man in Syracuse, and brother-in-
law to Dionysius. Dion was so impressed with the conversation of
Plato, that he invited the tyrant to talk with him also. Plato
discoursed on virtue and justice, showing that happiness belonged only to
the virtuous, and that despots could not lay claim even to the merit of true
courage—most unpalatable doctrine to the tyrant, who became bitterly
hostile to the philosopher. He even caused Plato to be exposed in the market
as a slave, and sold for twenty minæ, which his friends paid and released
him. On his voyage home, through the influence of the tyrant, he was again
sold at Egina, and again repurchased, and set at liberty. So bitter are tyrants
of the virtues which contrast with their misdeeds; and [pg 345] so vindictive
especially was the despot who reigned at Syracuse.

Dionysius was now occupied, by the new defenses and
fortifications of his capital, so that the whole slope of Epipolæ was
Power andbordered and protected by massive walls and towers, and five
wealth ofdivisions of the city had each its separate fortifications, so that it
Dionysius. was the largest fortified city in all Greece—larger than Athens
herself.

The plunder the tyrant had accumulated enabled him to make new
preparations for a war with Carthage. But he was defeated in a
Defeated great battle at Cronium, with terrible loss, by the youthful son of
in a warMagon, which compelled him to make peace, and cede to Carthage
with
Carthage.

Page 347

all the territory of Sicily west of the river Halycus, and pay a tribute of one
thousand talents.

Very little is recorded of Dionysius after this peace, B.C. 382, for
thirteen years, during which the Spartans had made themselves
Again master of Thebes, and placed a garrison in Cadmea. In the year 368
defeated. he made war again with Carthage, but was defeated near
Gains aLilybæum, and forced to return to Syracuse. In the year 367 it
prize forwould seem that he was at last successful with his poems, for he
poetry, gained the prize of tragedy at the Lenæan festival at Athens, which
dies fromso intoxicated him with joy, that he invited his friends to a splendid
a fit ofbanquet, and died from the effects of excess and wine, after a reign
debaucher of thirty-eight years. He was a man of restless energy and
y. Hisunscrupulous ambition. His personal bravery was great, and he was
character. vigilant and long sighted—a man of great abilities, sullied by
cruelty and jealousy. In his spare time he composed tragedies to
compete for prizes. No other Greek had ever arrived at so great
power from a humble position, or achieved so striking exploits abroad, or
preserved his grandeur so unimpaired at his death. But he was greatly
favored by fortune, especially when the pestilence destroyed the hosts of
Imilco. He maintained his power by intimidation of his subjects, careful
organization, and liberal pay to his [pg 346] mercenaries. He cared nothing
for money excepting as a means to secure dominion. His exactions were
exorbitant, and his rapacity boundless. He trusted no one, and his suspicion
was extended even to his wives. He allowed no one to shave him, and
searched his most intimate friends for concealed weapons before they were
allowed in his presence. He made Syracuse a great fortress, to the injury of
Sicily and Italy, and fancied that he left his dominions fastened by chains of
adamant. He could point to Ortygia with its impregnable fortifications, to a
large army of mercenaries—to four hundred ships of war, and to vast
magazines of arms and military stores.

He left no successor competent to rivet the chains he had forged.
His son Dionysius succeeded to his throne at the age of twenty-
Dion. five. His brother-in-law Dion was the next prominent member of
his family, and possessed a fortune of one hundred talents—a man
of great capacity, ambitious, luxurious, but fond of literature and

Page 348

philosophy. He was, however, so much influenced by Plato, whose Socratic
talk and democratic principles enchained and fascinated him, that his
character became essentially modified, and he learned to hate the despotism
under which he grew up, and formed large schemes for political reform. He
aspired to cleanse Syracuse of slavery, and clothe her in the dignity of
freedom, by establishing an improved constitutional polity, with laws which
secured individual rights. He exchanged his luxurious habits for the simple
fare of a philosopher. Never before had Plato met with a pupil who so
profoundly and earnestly profited from his instructions. The harsh treatment
which Plato received from the tyrant was a salutary warning to Dion. He
saw that patience was imperatively necessary, and he so conducted as to
maintain the favor of Dionysius.

Dionysius II. was twenty-five years old when his father died, and
though he possessed generous impulses, was both weak and vain,
Dionysius given to caprice, and insatiate of praise. He had been kept from
II. Hisbusiness from the [pg 347] excessive jealousy of his father, and his
feeble life had been passed in idleness and luxury at the palace of Ortygia.
character. His father's taste for poetry had introduced guests to his table
Plato visitswhose conversation opened his mind to generous sentiments, but
Syracuse. the indecision of his character prevented his profiting from any
His serious studies. Dion supported this feeble novice on the throne of
injudicious his father, and tried to gain influence over him, and frankly
teachings. suggested the measures to be adopted, and Dionysius listened at
first to his wise counsels. Dion wished to make Syracuse a free city,
with good laws, to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, and replant
the semi-barbarian Hellenic cities. He also endeavored to reform the life of
Dionysius as well as Syracuse, and actually wrought a signal change in his
royal pupil, so that he desired to see and converse with the great sage who
had so completely changed the life of Dion, and inspired him with patriotic
enthusiasm. Accordingly, Plato was sent for, who reluctantly consented to
visit Syracuse. He had no great faith in the despot who sought his wisdom,
and he did not wish, at sixty-one, to leave his favorite grove, with admiring
disciples from every part of Greece, where he reigned as monarch of the
mind. He went to Syracuse, not with the hope so much of converting a
weak tyrant, as from unwillingness to desert his friend, and be taunted with
the impotence of his philosophy. He was received with great distinction at

Page 349

court, and a royal carriage conveyed him to his lodgings. The banquets of
the Acropolis became distinguished for simplicity, and the royal pupil
commenced at once in taking lessons in geometry. The old courtiers were
alarmed, and disgusted. “A single Athenian sophist,” they said, “with no
force but his tongue and reputation, has achieved the conquest of Syracuse.”
Dionysius seemed to have abdicated in favor of Plato, and the noble objects
for which Dion labored seemed to be on the way of fulfillment. But Plato
acted injudiciously, and spoiled his influence by unreasonable vigor. It was
absurd to expect that the despot would go [pg 348] to school like a boy, and
insist upon a mental regeneration before he gave him lessons of practical
wisdom in politics. All the necessary reforms were postponed on the ground
that the royal pupil was not yet ripe for them, and every influence was
exerted to show him his own unworthiness—that his whole past life had
been vicious—delicate ground for any teacher to assume, since he irritated
rather than reformed. He was even averse to any political changes until
Dionysius had gone through his schooling. Plato also maintained a proud,
philosophical dignity, showing no respect to persons, and refusing to the
defects of his pupil any more indulgence than he granted to those who
listened to his teachings at home.

Such a mistake was attended soon with difficulties. The old
courtiers recovered their influence. Dion was calumniated and
Banishme slandered, as seeking to usurp the sovereign powers, and that Plato
nt of Dion.was brought to Syracuse as an agent in the conspiracy. Plato tried
Second to counterwork this mischief, but in vain. Dionysius lost all
visit ofinclination to reform, and Dion was hated, for he was superior to
Plato. his nephew in dignity and ability, and was haughty and austere in
his manners. He was accordingly banished from Syracuse, and
Plato was retained in the Acropolis, but was otherwise well treated,
and entreated to remain. The tyrant, however, refused to recall Dion, but
consented to the departure of Plato. Another visit to Syracuse, which he
made with the hope of securing the recall of Dion, was a splendid captivity,
and although he was treated with extraordinary deference, he was not at rest
until he obtained permission to depart. He had failed in his mission of
benevolence and friendship. All the vast possessions of Dion were
confiscated, and Plato had the mortification to hear of this injury in the very
palace to which he went as a reformer.

Page 350

Incensed at the seizure of his property, and hopeless of permission
to return, and of all those reforms which he had projected, Dion
Dion innow meditated the overthrow [pg 349] of the power of Dionysius,
exile. and his own restoration at the point of the sword. During his exile
Meditates he had chiefly resided in Athens, enjoying the teaching of his friend
the Plato, and dispensing his vast wealth in generous charities. Nor did
overthrow Plato fully approve of his plans for the overthrow of Dionysius,
of anticipating little good from such violence, although he fully
Dionysius. admitted his wrongs. But other friends, less judicious and more
interested, warmly seconded his projects. With aid from various
sources, he at last could muster eight hundred veterans, with which
he ventured to attack the most powerful despot in Greece, and in his own
stronghold. And so enthusiastic was Dion, all disparity of forces was a
matter of indifference. Moreover, he accounted it glory and honor to perish
in so just and noble a cause as the liberation of Sicily from a weak and cruel
despot, every way inferior to his father in character, though as strong in
resources.

But the friends of Dion did not dream of throwing away their lives.
They calculated on a rising of the Syracusans to throw off an
He landsinsupportable yoke, and they had utter contempt for the tyrant
in Sicily. himself, knowing his drunken habits, and effeminate character, and
personal incompetency. So, after ten years' exile, Dion, with his
followers, landed in Sicily, at Heracleia, also in the absence of
Dionysius, who had quitted Syracuse for Italy, with eighty triremes, so that
the city was easy of access.

This unaccountable mistake of the tyrant in leaving his capital at
such a crisis, was regarded with great joy by the small army of
Enters Dion, which marched out at once from Heracleia, and was joined in
Syracuse the Agrigentian territory with two hundred horsemen. As he
in triumph. approached Syracuse, other bands joined him, so that he had five
thousand men as he approached the capital. Timocrates, the
husband of Dion's late wife, for his wife was taken away from him,
was left in command at Syracuse with a large force of mercenaries. But as
Dion advanced to the city, there was a general rising of the citizens, and
Timocrates was obliged to return, leaving the fortresses [pg 350]

Page 351

garrisoned. Dion entered the city by the principal street, which was
decorated as on a day of jubilee, and proclaimed liberty to all. He was also
chosen general, with his brother Megacles, and approached Ortygia, and
challenged the garrison to come out and fight. He then succeeded in
capturing Epipolæ and Eurylæ, those fortified quarters, and erected a cross
wall from sea to sea to block up Ortygia.

At the end of seven days, when all these results had been
accomplished, Dionysius returned to Syracuse, but Ortygia was the
Demands only place which remained to him, and that, too, shut up on the
the land side by a blockading wall. The rest of the city was in
abdication possession of his enemies, though those enemies were subjects. His
of abdication was imperatively demanded by Dion, who refused all
Dionysius. conciliation and promises of reform. Rallying, then, his soldiers, he
made a sally to surprise the blockading wall, and was nearly
successful, but Dion, at length, repulsed his forces, and recovered
the wall. Ortygia was again blockaded, but as Dionysius was still master of
the sea, he ravaged the coasts for provisions, and maintained his position,
until the arrival of Heraclides, with a Peloponnesian fleet, gave the
Syracusans a tolerable naval force. Philistus commanded the fleet of
Dionysius, but in a battle with Heraclides, he lost his life.

Dionysius now lost all hope of recovering his power by force, and
resorted to intrigues, stimulating the rivalry of Heraclides, and
Dionysius exposing the defeats of Dion, whose arrogance and severity were
resorts tofar from making him popular. Calumnies now began to assail Dion,
intrigues. and he was mistrusted by the Syracusans, who feared only an
Unpopular exchange of tyrants. There was also an unhappy dissension
ity ofbetween Dion and Heraclides, which resulted in the deposition of
Dion. ButDion, and he was forced to retreat from Syracuse, and seek shelter
Ortygia with the people of Leontini, who stood by him. Dionysius again
surrenders had left Ortygia for Italy, leaving his son in command, and
to him. succeeded in [pg 351] sending re-enforcements from Locri, under
Nypsius, so that the garrison of Ortygia was increased to ten
thousand men, with ample stores. Nypsius sallied from the fortress,
mastered the blockading wall, and entered Neapolis and Achradina, fortified
quarters of the city. The Syracusans, in distress, then sent to Leontini to

Page 352

invoke the aid of Dion, who returned as victor, drove Nypsius into his
fortress, and saved Syracuse. He also magnanimously pardoned Heraclides,
and prosecuted the blockade of Ortygia, and was again named general. Still
Heraclides, who was allowed to command the fleet, continued his intrigues,
and frustrated the operations against Dionysius. At last, Ortygia surrendered
to Dion, who entered the fortress, where he found his wife and sister, from
whom he had been separated twelve years. At first, Arete, his wife, who had
consented to marry Timocrates, was afraid to approach him, but he received
her with the tenderest emotion and affection. His son, however, soon after
died, having fallen into the drunken habits of Dionysius.

Dion was now master of Syracuse, and on the pinnacle of power.
His enterprise had succeeded against all probabilities. But
Dion prosperity, which the Greeks were never able to bear, poisoned all
master ofhis good qualities and exaggerated his bad ones. He did not fall into
Syracuse. the luxury of his predecessors. He still wore the habit of a
His philosopher, and lived with simplicity, but he made public
mistakes. mistakes. His manners, always haughty, became repulsive. He
His death.despised popularity. He conferred no real liberty. He retained his
His dictatorial power. He preserved the fortifications of Ortygia. He did
character. not meditate a permanent despotism, but meant to make himself
king, with a modified constitution, like that of Sparta. He had no
popular sympathies, and sought to make Syracuse, like Corinth,
completely oligarchial. He took no step to realize any measure of popular
freedom, and, above all, refused to demolish the fortress, behind whose
fortifications the tyrants of Syracuse had intrenched themselves in danger.
He also caused Heraclides [pg 352] to be privately assassinated, so that the
Syracusans began to hate him as cordially as they had hated Dionysius. This
unpopularity made him irritable, and suspicious and disquieted. A
conspiracy, headed by Callippus, put an end to his reign. He was slain by
the daggers of assassins. Thus perished one of the noblest of the Greeks, but
without sufficient virtue to bear success. His great defect was inexperience
in government, and it may be doubted whether Plato himself could have
preserved liberty in so corrupt a city as Syracuse. The character of Dion
also changed greatly by his banishment, since vindictive sentiments were
paramount in his soul. He had a splendid opportunity of becoming a
benefactor to his country, but this was thrown away, and instead of giving

Page 353

liberty he only ruled by force, and moved from bad to worse, until he made
a martyr of the man whom once he magnanimously forgave. Had he lived
longer, he probably would have proved a remorseless tyrant like Tiberius.
So rare is it for men to be temperate in the use of power, and so much easier
is it to give expression to grand sentiments than practice the self-restraint
which has immortalized the few Washingtons of the world.

The Athenian Callippus, who overturned Dion, remained master of
Syracuse for more than a year, but its condition was miserable and
Dionysius deplorable, convulsed by passions and hostile interests. In the midst
recovers of the anarchy which prevailed, Dionysius contrived to recover
Ortygia. Ortygia, and establish himself as despot. The Syracusans endured
Syracuse more evil than before, for the returned tyrant had animosities to
invokes gratify. There was also fresh danger from Carthage, so that the
the aid ofSyracusans appealed to their mother city, Corinth, for aid.
Corinth. Timoleon was chosen as the general of the forces to be sent—an
Timoleon illustrious citizen of Corinth, then fifty years of age, devoted to the
sent ascause of liberty, with hatred of tyrants and wrongs, who had even
general. slain his brother when he trampled on the liberties of Corinth—and
a brother whom he loved. [pg 353] But he was forced to choose
between him and his country, and he chose his country, securing the
gratitude of Corinth, but the curses of his mother and the agonies of self-
reproach, so that he left for years the haunts of men, and buried himself in
the severest solitude. Twenty years elapsed from the fratricide to his
command of a force to relieve the Syracusans from their tyrant Dionysius.

Timoleon commenced his preparations of ships and soldiers with
alacrity, but his means were scanty, not equal even to those of Dion
His when he embarked on his expedition. He was prevented with his
wonderful small force from reaching Sicily by a Carthaginian fleet of superior
successes. force, but he effected his purpose by stratagem, and landed at
Taurominium under great discouragements. He defeated Hicetas,
who had invoked the aid of Carthage, at Adranum, and marched
unimpeded to the walls of Syracuse. Dionysius, blocked up at Ortygia,
despaired of his position, and resolved to surrender the fortress, stipulating
for a safe conveyance and shelter at Corinth. This tyrant, broken by his
drunken habits, did not care to fight, as his father did, for a sceptre so

Page 354

difficult to be maintained, and only sought his ease and self-indulgence. So
he passed into the camp of Timoleon with what money he could raise, and
the fortress was surrendered. A re-enforcement from Corinth enabled
Timoleon to maintain his ground.

The appearance of the fallen tyrant in Corinth produced a great
sensation. Some from curiosity, others from sympathy, and still
Dionysius more from derision, went to see a man who had enjoyed so long
an exile indespotic power, now suing only for a humble domicile. But his
Corinth. conduct, considering his drunken habits, was marked by more
dignity than was to be expected from so weak a man. He is said to
have even opened a school to teach boys to read, and to have
instructed the public singers in reciting poetry. His career, at least, was an
impressive commentary on the mutability of fortune, to which the Greeks
were fully alive.

Timoleon, in possession of Ortygia, with its numerous [pg 354]
stores, found himself able to organize a considerable force to
Timoleon oppose the Carthaginians who sought to get possession of the
demolishe fortress. Hicetas, now assisted by a Carthaginian force under
s theMagon, attacked Ortygia, but was defeated by the Corinthian Neon,
stronghold who acquired Achradina, and joined it by a wall to Ortygia. But
of tyranny.Magon now distrusted Hicetas, and suddenly withdrew his army.
His nobleTimoleon thus became master of Syracuse, and Hicetas was
administra obliged to retire to Leontini. Timoleon ascribed his good fortune to
tion. the gods, but purchased a greater hold on men's minds than fortune
gave him by his moderation in the hour of success—a striking
contrast to Dion and the elder Dionysius. He invited the Syracusans
to demolish the stronghold of tyranny, where the despots had so long
intrenched themselves. He erected courts of justice on its site. He recalled
the exiles, and invited new colonists to the impoverished city, so that sixty
thousand immigrants arrived. He relieved the poverty and distress of the
people by selling the public lands, and employed his forces to expel
remaining despots from the island.

But Hicetas again invited the Carthaginians to Sicily. They came, with a
vast army of seventy thousand men and twelve hundred ships, under

Page 355

Hasdrubal and Hamilcar, B.C. 340. Timoleon could only assemble
twelve thousand to meet this overwhelming force, but with these he
His greatmarched against the Carthaginians, and gained a great victory, by
victory the aid of a terrible storm which pelted the Carthaginians in the
over theface. No victory was ever more complete than this at Crimisus. Ten
Carthagini thousand of the invaders were slain, and fifteen thousand made
ans. prisoners, together with an enormous spoil.

Timoleon had now to deal with two Grecian enemies—
Hicetas and Mamercus—tyrants of Leontini and Catana.
He laysOver these he gained a complete victory, and put them to
down hisdeath. He then, after having delivered Syracuse, and
power. defeated his enemies, laid down his power, and became a
private citizen. But his influence remained, [pg 355] as it
ought to have been, as great as ever, for he was a patriot of
most exalted virtue, a counselor whom all could trust—a friend who
sacrificed his own interests. And he exerted his influence for the restoration
of Syracuse, for the introduction of colonists, and the enforcement of wise
laws. The city was born anew, and the gratitude and admiration of the
citizens were unbounded. In his latter years he became blind, but his
presence could not then even be spared when any serious difficulty arose—
ruling by the moral power of wisdom and sanctity—one of the best and
loftiest characters of all antiquity. And nothing was more remarkable than
his patience under contradiction, and his eagerness to insure freedom of
speech, even against himself.

Thus, by the virtues and wisdom of this remarkable man, were
freedom and comfort diffused throughout Sicily for twenty-four
His deathyears, until the despotism of Agathocles. Timoleon died B.C. 337—
and a father and benefactor—and the Syracusans solemnized his funeral
character. with lavish honors, which was attended by a countless procession,
and passed a vote to honor him for all future time with festive
matches, in music and chariot-races, and such gymnastics as were
practiced at the Grecian games. A magnificent monument was erected to his
memory. “The mournful letters written by Plato after the death of Dion
contrasts strikingly with the enviable end of Timoleon, and with the grateful
inscription of the Syracusans on his tomb.”

Page 356

[pg 356]

Page 357

Page 358

CHAPTER XXIV.

Page 359

PHILIP OF MACEDON.

No one would have supposed, B.C. 400, that the destruction of
Grecian liberties would come from Macedonia—a semi-barbarous
Unexpecte kingdom which, during the ascendency of Sparta, had so little
d Rise ofpolitical importance. And if any new power threatened to rise over
Macedonia the ruins of the Spartan State, and become paramount in Greece, it
. was Thebes. The successes of Pelopidas and Epaminondas had
effectually weakened the power of Sparta. She no longer enjoyed
the headship of Greece. She no longer was the leader of dependent
allies, submitting to her dictation in all external politics, serving under the
officers she appointed, administering their internal affairs by oligarchies
devoted to her purposes, and even submitting to be ruled by governors
whom she put over them. She had lost her foreign auxiliary force and
dignity, and even half of her territory in Laconia. The Peloponnesians, who
once rallied around her were disunited, and Megalopolis and Messene were
hostile. Corinth, Sicyon, Epidaurus, and other cities, formerly allies, stood
aloof, and the grand forces of Hellas now resided outside of the
Peloponnesus. Athens and Thebes were the new seats of power. Athens had
regained her maritime supremacy, and Thebes was formidable on the land,
having absorbed one-third of the Bœotian territory, and destroyed three or
four autonomous cities, and secured powerful allies in Thessaly.

When the battle of Mantinea was fought, at which Epaminondas
lost his life, Perdiccas, son of Amyntas, was the king of Macedonia.
Philip ofHe was slain, in the flower of his life, in a [pg 357] battle with the
Macedon. Illyrians, B.C. 359. On the advice of Plato, who had been his
teacher, he was induced to bestow upon his brother Philip a portion
of territory in Macedonia, who for three years preceding had been
living in Thebes as a hostage, carried there by Pelopidas at fifteen years of
age, when he had reduced Macedonia to partial submission.

Page 360

At Thebes the young prince was treated with courtesy, and resided
with one of the principal citizens, and received a good education.
Philip atHe was also favored with the society of Pelopidas and
Thebes. Epaminondas, and witnessed with great interest the training of the
Theban forces by these two remarkable men—one the greatest
organizer, and the other the greatest tactician of the age. When
transferred from Thebes to a subordinate government of a district in his
brother's kingdom, he organized a military force on the principles he had
learned in Thebes. The unexpected death of Perdiccas, leaving an infant
son, opened to him the prospect of succeeding to the throne. He first
assumed the government as guardian of his young nephew Amyntas, but the
difficulties with which he was surrounded, having many competitors from
other princes of the family of Amyntas, his father, that he assumed the
crown, putting to death one of his half brothers, while the other two fled
into exile.

His first proceeding as king was to buy the Thracians, his enemies,
by presents and promises, so that only the Athenians and the
Surrender Illyrians remained formidable. But he made peace with Athens by
of yielding up Amphipolis, for the possession of which the Athenians
Amphipoli had made war in Macedonia.
s.
The Athenians, however, neglected to take possession of
Amphipolis, being engaged in a struggle to regain the
Revolt island of Eubœa, then under the dominion of Thebes. It
from also happened that a revolt of a large number of the islands
Athens ofof the Ægean, which belonged to the confederacy of which
Lesbos, Athens was chief, took place—Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Cos,
Chios, and Rhodes, including Byzantium. This [pg 358] revolt is
Samos, called the social war, caused by the selfishness of Athens in
&c. Deathacting more for her own interest than that of her allies, and
of neglecting to pay the mercenaries in her service. The revolt
Timotheus was also stimulated by the intrigues of the Carian prince,
. Mausolus. But it was a serious blow to the foreign
ascendency of Athens, and in a battle to recover these
islands, the Athenians, under Chabrias, were defeated at
Chios. They were also unsuccessful on the Hellespont from quarrels among

Page 361

their generals—Timotheus, Iphicrates, and Chares. The popular voice at
Athens laid the blame of defeat on the two former unjustly, in consequence
of which Timotheus was fined one hundred talents, the largest fine ever
imposed at Athens, and shortly after died in exile—a distinguished man,
who had signally maintained the honor and glory of his country. Iphicrates
also was never employed again. The loss of these two generals could
scarcely be repaired. Soon after, peace was made with the revolted cities, by
which their independence and autonomy were guaranteed. This was an
inglorious result of the war to Athens, and fatally impaired her power and
dignity, so that she was unable to make a stand against the aggressions of
Philip.

One of the first things he did after defeating the Illyrians was to lay
siege to Amphipolis, although he had ceded the city to Athens. For
Philip laysthis treachery there was no other reason than ambition and the
siege toweakened power of Athens. Amphipolis had long remained free,
Amphipoli and was not disposed to give up its liberties, and sent to Athens for
s. Fall ofaid. Philip, an arch politician, contrived by his intrigues to prevent
the city. Athens from giving assistance. The neglect of Athens was a great
mistake, for Amphipolis commanded the passage over the Strymon,
and shut up Macedonia from the east, and was, moreover, easily
defensible by sea. Deprived of aid from Athens, the city fell into the hands
of Philip, and was an acquisition of great importance. It was the most
convenient maritime station in Thrace, and threw open to him all the
country east of the Strymon, and [pg 359] especially the gold region near
Mount Pangreus. This place henceforward became one of the bulwarks of
Macedonia, until the Roman conquest.

Having obtained this place, he commenced, without a declaration
of war against Athens, a series of hostile measures, while he
Duplicity professed to be her friend. He deprived her of her hold upon the
of Philip. Thermaic Gulf, conquered Pydna and Potidæa, and conciliated
Olynthus. His power was thus so far increased that he founded a
new city, called Philippi, in the regions where his gold mines
yielded one thousand talents yearly. He then married Olympias, daughter of
a prince of the Molossi, who gave birth, in the year B.C. 356, to a son
destined to conquer the world.

Page 362

The capture of Amphipolis by Philip was, of course, followed by
war with Athens, which lasted twelve years. And this war
War withcommenced at a time Athens was in great embarrassments, owing
Athens. to the social war.

But he was aided by another event of still greater
importance—the sacred war, which for a time convulsed
The sacredthe Hellenic world, and which grew out of the accusation
war. of Thebes, before the Amphictyonic Council, that Sparta
had seized her citadel in time of profound peace. The
sentence of the council, that Sparta should pay a fine of
five hundred talents, was a departure of Grecian custom, and Sparta refused
to pay it, which refusal led to her exclusion from the council, the Delphic
temple, and the Pythian games, and this exclusion again arrayed the
different States of Greece against each other, as to the guardianship of the
Oracle itself.

Philip of Macedon seized this opportunity, when so many States were
engaged in war, to prosecute his schemes. He attacked Methone, the last
remaining possession of Athens on the Macedonian coast, and captured the
city, and then advanced into Thessaly against the despots of Pheræ, who
invoked the aid of Onomarchus, now very powerful.

It was at this time, B.C. 353, that Demosthenes, the orator,
appeared before the Athenian people. He was about twenty-seven
Demosthe [pg 360] years of age, and the wealth of his father secured him
nes. Hisgreat advantages in education. His father died while he was young,
accomplis and his property was confided to the care of guardians, named in
hments. his father's will. But they administered the property with such
His greatnegligence, that only a small sum came to Demosthenes when he
eloquence. attained his civil majority, at the age of sixteen. After repeated
complaints, he brought a judicial action against one of the
guardians, and obtained verdict against him to the extent of ten
talents. But the guardian delayed the payment, and Demosthenes lost nearly
all his patrimony. He had, however, received a good education, and in spite
of a feeble constitution, he mastered all the learning of the age. His family
influence enabled him to get an early introduction to public affairs, and he

Page 363

proceeded to train himself as a speaker, and a writer of speeches for others.
He put himself under the teaching of a famous rhetorician, Iænus, and
profited by the discourses of Plato and Isocrates then in the height of their
fame. He also was a great student of Thucydides, and copied his whole
history, with his own hand, eight times. He still had to contend against a
poor voice, and an ungraceful gesticulation; but by unwearied labor he
overcame his natural difficulties so as to satisfy the most critical Athenian
audience. But this conquest in self-education was only made by repeated
trials and humiliations, and it is said he even spoke with pebbles in his
mouth, and prepared himself to overcome the noise of the Assembly by
declaiming in stormy weather on the sea-shore. He sometimes passed two
or three mouths in a subterranean chamber, practicing by day and by night,
both in composition and declamation, such pains did those old Greeks take
to perfect themselves in art; for public speaking is an art, as well as literary
composition. He learned Sophocles by heart, and took lessons from actors
even to get the true accent. It was several years before he was rewarded
with success, and then his delivery was full of vehemence and energy, but
elaborate and artificial. But it was not more labor which made Demosthenes
[pg 361] the greatest orator of antiquity, and perhaps, of all ages and
nations, but also natural genius. His self-training merely developed the
great qualities of which he was conscious, as was Disraeli when he made
his early failures in Parliament. Without natural gifts of eloquence, he might
have worked till doomsday without producing the extraordinary effect
which is ascribed to him, for his speeches show great insight, genius, and
natural force, as well as learning, culture, and practice; so that they could be
read like the speeches of Burke and Webster, with great effect. He had great
political sagacity, moral wisdom, elevation of sentiment, and patriotic ardor,
as well as art. He would have been great, if he had stammered all his life.
He composed speeches for other great orators before he had confidence in
his own eloquence.

In contrast with Demosthenes, who was rich, was Phocion, who
remained poor, and would receive neither money nor gifts. He went
Phocion. barefoot, like Socrates, and had only one female slave in his
household, was personally incorruptible, and also brave in battle, so
that he was elected to the office of strategus, or general, forty-five
times, without ever having solicited place or been present at the election.

Page 364

He had great contempt of fine speeches, yet was most effective as an orator
for his brevity, good sense, and patriotism, and despised the “warlike
eloquence, un-warlike despotism, paid speech-writing, and delicate habits
of Demosthenes.”

This Athenian, with Spartan character and habits, was opposed to
the war with Philip, and was therefore the leading opponent of
Different Demosthenes, whose foresight and sagacity led him to penetrate the
policy ofschemes of the Macedonian king. But the Athenians were generally
these twoinduced to a peace policy in degenerate times, and did not
leaders. sympathize with the lofty principles which Demosthenes declared,
and hence the influence of Phocion, though of commanding
patriotism and morality, was mischievous, while that of
Demosthenes was good. The citizens of Athens, enriched [pg 362] by
commerce and enervated by leisure, were at this time averse to the burdens
of military service, and formed a striking contrast to their ancestors one
hundred years earlier, in the time of Pericles. In the time of Demosthenes,
they sought home pleasures, the refinements of art, and the enjoyments of
cultivated life, not warlike enterprises. And this decline in military spirit
was equally noticeable in the cities of the Peloponnesus. And hence the
cities of Greece resorted to mercenaries, like Carthage, and intrusted to
them the defense of their liberties. The warlike spirit of ancient Sparta and
Athens now was pre-eminent in Macedonia, where the people were poor,
hardy, adventurous and bold.

It was against these warlike Macedonians, rude and hardy, that the refined
Athenians were now to contend, led by a prince of uncommon military
talents and insatiable ambition, and who joined craft to bravery and genius.
Demosthenes in vain invoked the ancient spirit which had inspired the
heroes of Marathon.

In the year 383 B.C., Philip attacked Lyeophron, of Pheræ, in
Thessaly. Onomarchus, then victorious over the Thebans, advanced
Conquests against Philip, and defeated him in two battles, so that the
of PhilipMacedonian army withdrew from Thessaly. But Philip repaired his
to losses, marched again into Thessaly, defeated the Phocians, and
Thessaly. slew Onomarchus. His conquest of Pheræ was now easy, and he
Threatens

Page 365

Central rapidly made himself master of all Thessaly, and expelled
Greece. Lycophron. He then marched to Thermopylæ, to the great alarm of
Athens, which sent a force to resist him, which force succeeded in
defending the pass, and keeping Philip, for a time, from entering
Southern Greece. The Phocians also rallied, again availed themselves of the
treasure of Delphi, and melted down the golden ornaments and vessels
which Crœsus, the Lydian king, had given one hundred years before, among
which were three hundred and sixty golden goblets, from the proceeds of
which a new army of mercenaries was raised.

The power of Philip was now exceedingly formidable, and [pg 363]
his successes inspired great alarm throughout Greece, as would
No appear from the first Philippic of Demosthenes, delivered in B.C.
generals fit352. But the Grecian States had no general able to cope with him
to copeon the land, while he created a navy to annoy the Athenians at sea.
with him.
For a time, however, the efforts of Philip were diverted
from Southern and Central Greece, in order to conquer the
Philip Olynthians. They were his neighbors, and had been his
conquers allies; but the expulsion of the Athenians from the coast of
the Thrace and Macedonia now alarmed the Olynthians,
Olynthians together with the increasing power of Philip, so that they
. Revolt ofconcluded a treaty of peace with Athens. Hostilities broke
Eubœa. out in the year 350 B.C., and Demosthenes put forward all
Ravages ofhis eloquence to excite his countrymen to vigorous war.
Philip. Athens, partially aroused, sent a body of mercenaries to the
assistance of Olynthus, one of the most flourishing of the
cities of Chalcidia, southeast of Macedonia. But before
effective aid could he rendered, the island of Eubœa, through the intrigues
of Philip, revolted from Athens. It was in an expedition to recover that
island that Demosthenes served as a hoplite in the army, under Phocion as
general. It was not till the summer of B.C. 348 that this territory was
recovered by Athens. In the year following, Athens made great exertions in
behalf of Olynthus, and amid great financial embarrassments. Three
expeditions were sent into Chalcidia, under the command of Chares,
numbering altogether four thousand Athenians and ten thousand
mercenaries. But they were powerless against the conquering arms of

Page 366

Philip, who completely overran and devastated the peninsula, taking thirty-
two cities, and selling the people for slaves. At last Olynthus fell, B.C. 347,
and the spoils of this old Hellenic city were divided among the soldiers of
the conqueror, who celebrated his victories by a splendid festival.

No such calamity had befallen Greece for a century as the conquest of
Chalcidia, and it filled Athens with unspeakable alarms. Æschines, the rival
of Demosthenes as an orator, [pg 364] now joined with him in denouncing
Philip as the common enemy of Greece. Aristodemus was sent to him with
propositions of peace, and Philip professed to entertain them favorably,
with his characteristic duplicity.

Meanwhile the sacred war had impoverished the Phocians, and
there were dissensions among themselves. Their temple of Delphi
The had already been stripped of the enormous sum of ten thousand
temple oftalents, eleven million five hundred thousand dollars, probably
Delphi equal in our times to two hundred and thirty million dollars; so that
robbed. it must have been richer, when the relative value of gold and silver
Encroach is considered, than any church in Christendom. The treasures of the
ments oftemple, enriched for three hundred years by offerings from all parts
Philip. Hisof the world, still enabled the Phocians to maintain war with
duplicities Thebes. At last the Thebans invoked the aid of Philip, and a
and Macedonian army, under Parmenio, advanced as far as Thessaly.
intrigues. But the Phocians, in alarm, entreated both Sparta and Athens for
Philip assistance. The crisis was great, for if Philip should once secure the
obtains Pass of Thermopylæ, all Southern Greece was in imminent danger.
possession The whole defense of Greece now turned upon this Pass, of as
of the passmuch importance to Philip as to Athens and Sparta, for it was the
of only road into Greece. Envoys were again sent from Athens to
Thermopyl Philip, to learn on what conditions peace could be secured, among
æ. whom were Demosthenes and Æschines. But he would grant no
better terms than that each party should retain what they already
possessed, and the Athenians consented. Philip reaped all the
advantages of a peace, which gave him the possession of the cities and
territory he had taken. The Phocians were left out in the negotiations, a fatal
step, since it required the united forces of Greece from preventing the
further encroachments of the Macedonian king. He had now leisure for the

Page 367

completion of the conquest of Thrace. When this was completed, he
marched toward Thermopylæ, which was held by the Phocians, carefully
veiling his real intentions, and even pretending that his advance to the south
[pg 365] was for the purpose of reconstituting the Bœotian cities and
putting down Thebes. His real object was to surprise the Pass, for he was a
man who had very little respect to treaties, promises, or oaths. All this while
he contrived to deceive Athens and the Phocians, with the connivance of
Æschines, whom he had bribed or cheated. But he did not deceive
Demosthenes, who entreated his countrymen to make a stand against him,
even at the eleventh hour, for he was then within three days' march of the
Pass. But the eloquence and warnings of Demosthenes were in vain. The
people went with Æschines, who persuaded them that Philip was friendly to
Athens and only hostile to Thebes. It was the design of Philip to detach
Athens from the Phocians, and thus make his conquest easier; and he
succeeded by his falsehoods and intrigues. Under these circumstances, the
Phocians surrendered to Philip the pass, which they ought to have defended
at all hazard, and the king retired to Phocis, but still professed the greatest
friendship for Athens, with whom he made peace.

Master now of Phocis, with a triumphant army, he openly joined
the Thebans and restored the Temple of Delphi to its inhabitants,
And isand convoked the Amphictyonic Council, which dispossessed the
master ofPhocians of their place in the assembly, and conferred it upon
the keys ofPhilip. The unhappy Phocians were now reduced to a state of utter
Greece. ruin. Their towns were dismantled, and their villages were not
allowed to contain over fifty houses each. They were stripped, and
slain, and their fields laid waste. Philip was now master of the keys
of Greece, and the recognized leader of the Amphictyonic Council. Athens
had secured an inglorious peace with her enemy, through the corruption of
her own envoys, B.C. 346, and was soon to reap the penalty of her credulity
and indolence. She allowed herself to be deceived, and Philip, in co-
operation with Thebes, the enemy of Athens, presently threw off the mask
and disgracefully renewed the war with Athens, He had gained his object by
bribery and falsehood. It is mournful that the Athenians [pg 366] should not
have listened to the warnings of the most sagacious patriot who adorned
those degenerate times, but the influence of Æschines was then paramount,
and he was sold to Philip. He cried peace, when there was no peace. The

Page 368

great error of Athens was in not rendering timely assistance to the Phocians,
who possessed the Pass of Thermopylæ, although they had brought upon
themselves the indignation of Greece by the seizure of the Delphic
treasures.

The victories and encroachments of Philip, within the line of
common Grecian defense, were profoundly lamented by
Lamentati Demosthenes, and he now felt that it was expedient to keep on
ons ofterms of peace with so powerful and unscrupulous and cunning a
Demosthe man. Isocrates wished Philip to reconcile the four great cities of
nes. Greece, Sparta, Athens, Thebes, and Argos, put himself at the head
of their united forces, and Greece generally, invade Persia, and
liberate the Asiatic Greeks. But this was putting the Hellenic world
under one man, and renouncing the independence of States and the
autonomy of cities—the great principles of Grecian policy from the earliest
historic times, and therefore a complete subversion of Grecian liberties, and
the establishment of a centralized power under Philip, whose patrimonial
kingdom was among the least civilized in Greece.

The peace between Philip and Athens lasted, without any formal
renunciation, for six years, during which the Macedonian king
Philip's pursued his aggressive policy and his intrigues in all the States of
continued Greece. His policy was precisely that of Rome when it meditated
encroachm the conquest of the world, only his schemes were confined chiefly
ents. Histo Greece. Every year his power increased, while the States of
insatiate Greece remained inactive and uncombined—a proof of the
ambition. degeneracy of the times—certainly in regard to self-sacrifices to
secure their independence. Demosthenes plainly saw the
approaching absorption of Greece in the Macedonian dominion,
unless the States should unite for common defense; and he took every
occasion [pg 367] to denounce Philip, not only in Athens, but to the envoys
of the different States. The counsels of the orator were a bitter annoyance to
the despot, who sent to Athens letters of remonstrance.

At last an occasion was presented for hostilities by the refusal of
the Athenians to allow Philip to take possession of the island of
Athens atHalicarnassus, claiming the island as their own. Reprisals took
last

Page 369

aroused byplace, and Philip demanded the possession of the Hellespont and
Demosthe Bosphorus, and the Greek cities on their coast, of the greatest value
nes. Siegeto Athens, since she relied upon the possession of the straits for the
of unobstructed importation of corn. The Athenians now began to
Perinthus. realize the encroaching ambition of Philip, and to listen to
Philip Demosthenes, who, about this time, B.C. 341, delivered his third
withdraws Philippic. From this time to the battle of Chæronea, the influence of
from Demosthenes was greater than that of any other man in Athens,
Byzantium which too late listened to his warning voice. Through his influence,
. Eubœa was detached from Philip, and also Byzantium, and they
were brought into alliance with Athens. Philip was so much
chagrined that he laid siege to Perinthus, and marched through the
Chersonese, which was part of the Athenian territory, upon which Athens
declared war. Philip, on his side, issued a manifesto declaring his wrongs,
as is usual with conquerors, and announced his intention of revenge. The
Athenians fitted out a fleet and sent it under Chares to the Hellespont.
Philip prosecuted, on his part, the siege of Perinthus, on the Propontis, with
an army of thirty thousand men, with a great number of military engines.
One of his movable towers was one hundred and twenty feet high, so that
he was able to drive away the defenders of the walls by missiles. He
succeeded in driving the citizens of this strong town into the city, and it
would have shared the fate of Olynthus, had it not been relieved by the
Byzantine and Grecian mercenaries. Philip was baffled, after a siege of
three months, and turned his [pg 368] forces against Byzantium, but this
town was also relieved by the Athenians, and the inhabitants from the
islands of the Ægean. These operations lasted six mouths, and were the
greatest adverses which Philip had as yet met with. A vote of thanks was
decreed by the Athenians to Demosthenes, who had stimulated these
enterprises. Philip was obliged to withdraw from Byzantium, and retreated
to attack the Scythians. An important reform in the administration of the
marine was effected by Demosthenes, although opposed by the rich citizens
and by Æschines.

While these events transpired, a new sacred war was declared by
the Amphictyonic Council against the Locrians of Amphissa,
Another kindled by Æschines, which more than compensated Philip for his
sacred repulse at Byzantium, bringing advantage to him and ruin to

Page 370

war. Grecian liberty. But the Athenians stood aloof from this suicidal
Ruinous towar, when all the energies of Greece were demanded to put down
Grecian the encroachments of Philip. As was usual in these intestine
liberties. troubles, the weaker party invoked the aid of a foreign power, and
the Amphictyonic Assembly, intent on punishing Amphissa, sought
assistance from Philip. He, of course, accepted the invitation, and
marched south through Thermopylæ, proclaiming his intention to avenge
the Delphian god. In his march he took Nicæa from the Thebans, and
entered Phocis, and converted Elatea into a permanent garrison. Hitherto he
had only proclaimed himself as a general acting under the Amphictyonic
vote to avenge the Delphian god,—now he constructed a military post in the
heart of Greece.

Thebes, ever since the battle of Leuctra, had been opposed to
Athens, and even now unfriendly relations existed between the two
Alliance ofcities, and Philip hoped that Thebes would act in concert with him
Thebes against Athens. But this last outrage of Philip exceedingly alarmed
and Athens, and Demosthenes stood up in the Assembly to propose an
Athens. embassy to Thebes with offers of alliance. His advice was adopted,
Renewed and he was dispatched with other envoys to [pg 369] Thebes. The
military Athenian orator, in spite of the influence of the Macedonian
preparatio envoys, carried his point with the Theban Assembly, and an
ns ofalliance was formed between Thebes and Athens. The Athenian
Philip. army marched at once to Thebes, and vigorous measures were
made at Athens for the defensive war which so seriously threatened
the loss of Grecian liberty. The alliance was a great disappointment
to Philip, who remained at Phocis, and sent envoys to Sparta, inviting the
Peloponnesians to join him against Amphissa. But the Thebans and
Athenians maintained their ground against him, and even gained some
advantages. Among other things, they reconstituted the Phocian towns. The
Athenians and their allies had a force of fifteen thousand infantry and two
thousand cavalry, and Demosthenes was the war minister by whom these
forces were collected. These efforts on the part of Thebes and Athens led to
renewed preparations on the part of Philip. He defeated a large body of
mercenaries, and took Amphissa. Unfortunately, the Athenians had no
general able to cope with him, and it was the work of Demosthenes merely
to keep up the courage of his countrymen and incite them to effort.

Page 371

At last, in the month of August, Philip, with thirty thousand foot
and two thousand horse, met the allied Greeks at Chæronea, the last
Battle ofBœotian town on the frontiers of Phocis. The command of the
Chæronea. armies of the allies was shared between the Thebans and Athenians,
Its but their movements were determined by a council of civilians and
decisive generals, of which Demosthenes was the leading spirit. Philip, in
character. this battle, which decided the fortunes of Greece, commanded the
Macedonia right wing, opposed to the Athenians, and his son Alexander, the
n phalanx. left wing, opposed to the Thebans. The Macedonian phalanx,
organized by Philip, was sixteen deep, with veteran soldiers in the
front. The Theban “Sacred Band” was overpowered and broken by
its tremendous force, much increased by the long pikes which projected in
front of the foremost [pg 370] soldiers. But the battle was not gained by the
phalanx alone. The organization of the Macedonian army was perfect, with
many other sorts of troops, bodyguards, light hoplites, light cavalry,
bowmen, and slingers. One thousand Athenians were slain, and two
thousand more were made captives. The Theban loss was still greater.

Unspeakable was the grief and consternation of Athens, when the
intelligence reached her of this decisive victory. A resolution was at
Desperate once taken for a vigorous defense of the city. All citizens sent in
measures their contributions, and every hand was employed on the
of Athens. fortifications. The temples were stripped of arms, and envoys were
sent to various places for aid.

Thebes was unable to rally, and fell into the hands of the victors,
and a Macedonian garrison was placed in the Cadmea, or citadel.
Fall ofFrom Athens, envoys were sent to Philip for peace, which was
Thebes. granted on the condition that he should be recognized as the chief
of the Hellenic world. It was a great humiliation to Athens to
concede this, after having defeated the Persian hosts, and keeping
out so long all foreign domination. But times had changed, and the military
spirit had fled.

Athens was not prostrated by the battle of Chæronea. She still retained her
navy, and her civic rights. Thebes was utterly prostrated, and never rallied
again.

Page 372

Philip, having now subjugated Thebes, and constrained Athens into
submission, next proceeded to carry his arms into the
Philip Peloponnesus. He found but little resistance, except in Laconia.
invades The Corinthians, Argeians, Messenians, Elians, and Arcadians
the submitted to his power. Even Sparta could make but feeble
Peloponne resistance. He laid waste Laconia, and then convened a congress of
sus. Grecian cities at Corinth, and announced his purpose to undertake
Collects aan expedition against the king of Persia, avenge the invasion of
large forceGreece by Xerxes, and liberate the Asiatic Greeks. A large force of
against thetwo hundred thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse was
Persians. promised him, and all the States [pg 371] of Greece concurred,
except Sparta, which held aloof from the congress. Athens was
required to furnish a well equipped fleet. All the States, and all the
islands, and all the cities of Greece, were now subservient to Philip, and no
one State could exercise control over its former territories.

It was in the year B.C. 337, that this great scheme for the invasion
of Persia was concerted, which created no general enthusiasm,
Death ofsince Persia was no longer a power to be feared. The only power to
Philip. be feared now was Macedonia. While preparations were going on
for this foolish and unnecessary expedition, the prime mover of it
was assassinated, and his career, so disastrous to Grecian liberty,
came to an end. It seems that he had repudiated his wife, Olympias,
disgusted with the savage impulses of her character, and married, for his
last wife, for he had several, Cleopatra, which provoked bitter dissensions
among the partisans of the two queens, and also led to a separation between
himself and his son Alexander, although a reconciliation afterward took
place. It was while celebrating the marriage of his daughter by Olympias,
with Alexander, king of Epirus, and also the birth of a son by Cleopatra,
that Pausanias, one of the royal body-guard, who nourished an implacable
hatred of Philip, chose his opportunity, and stabbed him with a short sword
he had concealed under his garment.

Alexander, the son of Philip by Olympias, was at once declared
king, whose prosecution of the schemes of his father are to be
Alexander. recounted in the next chapter. Philip perished at the age of forty-
Character seven, after a most successful reign of twenty-three years. On his
of Philip.

Page 373

accession he found his kingdom a narrow territory around Pella, excluded
from the sea-coast. At his death the Macedonian kingdom was the most
powerful in Greece, and all the States and cities, except Sparta, recognized
its ascendency. He had gained this great power, more from the weakness
and dissensions of the Grecian States, than from his own strength, great as
were his talents. He became the arbiter of Greece [pg 372] by unscrupulous
perjury and perpetual intrigues. But he was a great organizer, and created a
most efficient army. Without many accomplishments, he affected to be a
patron of both letters and religion. His private life was stained by character
or drunkenness, gambling, perfidy, and wantonness. His wives and
mistresses were as numerous as those of an Oriental despot. He was a
successful man, but it must be borne in mind that he had no opponents like
Epaminondas, or Agesilaus, or Iphicrates. Demosthenes was his great
opponent, but only in counsels and speech. The generals of Athens, and
Sparta, and Thebes had passed away, and with the decline of military spirit,
it is not remarkable that Philip should have ascended to a height from which
he saw the Grecian world suppliant at his feet.

[pg 373]

Page 374

CHAPTER XXV.

Page 375

ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

We come now to consider briefly the career of Alexander, the son
of Philip—the most successful, fortunate, and brilliant hero of
Alexander antiquity. I do not admire either his character or his work. He does
the Great.not compare the with Cæsar or Napoleon in comprehensiveness of
Sent bygenius, or magnanimity, or variety of attainments, or posthumous
Providenc influences. He was a meteor—a star of surprising magnitude,
e to do awhich blazed over the whole Oriental world with unprecedented
great brilliancy. His military genius was doubtless great—even
work. transcendent, and his fame is greater than his genius. His prestige is
wonderful. He conquered the world more by his name than by his
power. Only two men, among military heroes, dispute his pre-
eminence in the history of nations. After more than two thousand years, his
glory shines with undiminished brightness. His conquests extended over a
period of only twelve years, yet they were greater and more dazzling than
any man ever made before in a long reign. Had he lived to be fifty, he might
have subdued the whole world, and created a universal empire equal to that
of the Cæsars—which was the result of five hundred years' uninterrupted
conquests by the greatest generals of a military nation. Though we neither
love nor reverence Alexander, we can not withhold our admiration, for his
almost superhuman energy, courage, and force of will. He looms up as one
of the prodigies of earth—yet sent by Providence as an avenger—an
instrument of punishment on those effeminated nations, or rather dynasties,
which had triumphed over human misery. I look [pg 374] upon his career,
as the Christians of the fifth century looked upon that of Alaric or Attila,
whom they called the scourge of God.

His conquests and dominions were, however, prepared by one
perhaps greater than himself in creative genius, and as
Which wasunscrupulous and cruel as he. Philip found his kingdom a little
prepared brook; he left it a river—broad, deep, and grand. Under Alexander,
by histhis river became an irresistible torrent, sweeping every thing away

Page 376

father. which impeded its course. Philip created an army, and a military
Extent ofsystem, and generals, all so striking, that Greece succumbed before
the Persianhim, and yielded up her liberties. Alexander had only to follow out
empire. his policy, which was to subdue the Persians. The Persian empire
The extended over all the East—Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, Parthia,
accumulati Babylonia, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Bactria, and other countries—
on ofthe one hundred and twenty provinces of Nebuchadnezzar and
riches inCyrus, from the Mediterranean to India, from the Euxine and
the royalCaspian Seas to Arabia and the Persian Gulf—a monstrous empire,
cities. whose possession was calculated to inflame the monarchs who
reigned at Susa and Babylon with more than mortal pride and self-
sufficiency. It had been gradually won by successive conquerors,
from Nimrod to Darius. It was the gradual absorption of all the kingdoms of
the East in the successive Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian empires—for
these three empires were really one under different dynasties, and were
ruled by the same precedents and principles. The various kingdoms which
composed this empire, once independent, yielded to the conquerors who
reigned at Babylon, or Nineveh, or Persepolis, and formed satrapies paying
tribute to the great king. The satraps of Cyrus were like the satraps of
Nebuchadnezzar, members or friends of the imperial house, who ruled the
various provinces in the name of the king of Babylon, or Persia, without
much interference with the manners, or language, or customs, or laws, or
religion of the conquered, contented to receive tribute merely, and troops in
case of war. And so great was the accumulation [pg 375] of treasure in the
various royal cities where the king resided part of the year, that Darius left
behind him on his flight, in Ecbatana alone, one hundred and eighty
thousand talents, or two hundred million dollars. It was by this treasure that
the kings of Persia lived in such royal magnificence, and with it they were
able to subsidize armies to maintain their power throughout their vast
dominions, and even gain allies like the Greeks, when they had need of
their services. Their treasures were inexhaustible—and were accumulated
with the purpose of maintaining empire, and hence were not spent, but
remained as a sacred deposit.

It was to overthrow this empire that Philip aspired, after he had conquered
Greece, in part to revenge the injuries inflicted by the Persian invasions, but
more from personal ambition. And had he lived, he would have succeeded,

Page 377

and his name would have been handed down as the great
conqueror, rather than that of his more fortunate son. Philip knew
Philip hadwhat a rope of sand the Persian military power was. Xenophon had
aspired toenlightened the Greeks as to the inefficiency of the Persian armies,
overturn if they needed any additional instruction after the defeat of Xerxes
the and his generals. The vast armies of the Persians made a grand
empire. show, and looked formidable when reviewed by the king in his
Knowing gilded chariot, surrounded by his nobles, the princes of his family,
its internaland the women of his harem. And these armies were sufficient to
weakness. keep the empire together. The mighty prestige attending victories
for one thousand years, and all the pomp of millions in battle array,
was adequate to keep the province together, for the system of
warfare and the character of the forces were similar in all the provinces. It
was external enemies, with a different system of warfare, that the Persian
kings had to dread—not the revolt of enervated States, and unwarlike cities.
The Orientals were never warlike in the sense that Greece and Rome were.
The armies of Greece and Rome were small, but efficient. It was seldom
that any Grecian [pg 376] or Roman army exceeded fifty thousand men, but
they were veterans, and they had military science and skill and discipline.
The hosts of Xerxes or Darius were undisciplined, and they were
mercenaries, unlike the original troops of Cyrus.

Now it was the mission of Alexander to overturn the dynasties
which reigned so ingloriously on the banks of the Euphrates—to
But thisoverrun the Persian empire from north to south and east to west—
work isto cut it up, and form new kingdoms of the dismembered provinces,
reserved and distribute the hoarded treasures of Susa, Persepolis, and
for Ecbatana—to introduce Greek satraps instead of Persian—to favor
Alexander. the spread of the Greek language and institutions—to found new
Who wascities where Greeks might reign, from which they might diffuse
the their spirit and culture. Alexander spent only one year of his reign
conqueror in Greece, all the rest of his life was spent in the various provinces
of theof Persia. He was the conqueror of the Oriental world. He had no
Oriental hard battles to fight, like Cæsar or Napoleon. All he had to do was
world? to appear with his troops, and the enemy fled. Cities were
What surrendered as he approached. The two great battles which decided
constituted the fate of Persia—Issus and Arbela—were gained at the first shock

Page 378

his of his cavalry. Darius fled from the field, in both instances, at the
military very beginning of the battle, and made no real resistance. The
genius. greater the number of Persian soldiers, the more disorderly was the
rout. The Macedonian soldiers fought retreating armies in headlong
flight. The slaughter of the Persians was mere butchery. It was
something like collecting a vast number of birds in a small space, and
shooting them when collected in a corner, and dignifying the slaughter with
a grand name—not like chasing the deer over rocks and hills.

The military genius of Alexander was seen in the siege of the few
towns which did resist, like Tyre and Gaza; in his rapid marches; in
It was histhe combination of his forces; in the system, foresight, and sagacity
passion tohe displayed, conquering at the light time, marching upon [pg 377]
conquer, the right place, husbanding his energies, wasting no time in
not expeditions which did not bear on the main issue, and
reconstruct concentrating his men on points which were vital and important.
. Philip, if he had lived, might have conquered the Persian empire;
but he would not have conquered so rapidly as Alexander, who
knew no rest, and advanced from conquering to conquer, in some
cases without ulterior objects, as in the Indian campaigns—simply from the
love and excitement of conquest. He only needed time. He met no enemies
who could oppose him—more, I apprehend, from the want of discipline
among his enemies, than from any irresistible strength of his soldiers, for he
embodied the conquered soldiers in his own army, and they fought like his
own troops, when once disciplined. Nor did he dream of reconstruction, or
building up a great central power. He would, if he had lived, have overrun
Arabia, and then Italy, and Gaul. But he did not live to measure his strength
with the Romans. His mission was ended when he had subdued the Persian
world. And he left no successor. His empire was divided among his
generals, and new kingdoms arose on the ruins of the Persian empire.

“Alexander was born B.C. 356, and like his father, Philip, was not
Greek, but a Macedonian and Epirot, only partially imbued with
His earlyGrecian sentiment and intelligence.” He inherited the ambition of
history. Philip, and the violent and headstrong temperament of his furious
His mother, Olympias. His education was good, and he was instructed
conquest by his Greek tutors in the learning common to Grecian princes. His
of the

Page 379

Grecian taste inclined him to poetry and literature, rather than to science
States. and philosophy. At thirteen he was intrusted to the care of the great
Aristotle, and remained under his teaching three years. At sixteen
he was left regent of the Macedonian kingdom, whose capital was
Pella, while his father was absent in the siege of Byzantium. At eighteen he
commanded one of the wings of the army at the battle of Chæronea. His
prospects were uncertain up to the very day when Philip was assassinated,
on account of family dissensions, [pg 378] and the wrath of his father,
whom he had displeased. But he was proclaimed king on the death of
Philip, B.C., 336 and celebrated his funeral with great magnificence, and
slew many of his murderers. The death of Philip had excited aspirations of
freedom in the Grecian States, but there was no combination to throw off
the Macedonian yoke. Alexander well understood the discontent of Greece,
and his first object was to bring it to abject submission. With the army of
his father he marched from State to State, compelling submission, and
punishing with unscrupulous cruelty all who resisted. After displaying his
forces in various portions of the Peloponnesus, he repaired to Corinth and
convened the deputies from the Grecian cities, and was chosen to the
headship of Greece, as his father, Philip, had been. He was appointed the
keeper of the peace of Greece. Each Hellenic city was declared free, and in
each the existing institutions were recognized, but no new despot was to be
established, and each city was forbidden to send armed vessels to the harbor
of any other, or build vessels, or engage seamen there. Such was the
melancholy degradation of the Grecian world. Its freedom was
extinguished, and there was no hope of escaping the despotism of
Macedonia, but by invoking aid from the Persian king. Had he been wise,
he would have subsidized the Greeks with a part of his vast treasures, and
raised a force in Greece able to cope with Alexander. But he was doomed,
and the Macedonian king was left free to complete the conquest of all the
States. He first marched across Mount Hæmus, and subdued the Illyrians,
Pæonians, and Thracians. He even crossed the Danube, and defeated the
Gætæ.

Just as he had completed the conquest of the barbarians north of
Macedonia, he heard that the Thebans had declared their
He independence, being encouraged by his long absence in Thrace, and
annihilates by reports of his death. But he suddenly appeared with his

Page 380

the Thebanvictorious army, and as the Thebans had no generals equal to
power. Pelopidas and Epaminondas, they were easily subdued. Thebes [pg
Moral 379] was taken by assault, and the population was massacred—
effect ofeven women and children, whether in their houses or in temples.
his Thirty thousand captives were reserved for sale. The city was razed
merciless to the ground, and the Cadmea alone was preserved for a
severity. Macedonian garrison. The Theban territory was partitioned among
He isthe reconstructed cities of Orchomenus and Platæa. This severity
master ofwas unparalleled in the history of Greece, but the remorseless
Greece. conqueror wished to strike with terror all other cities, and prevent
rebellion. He produced the effect he desired. All the cities of
Greece hastened to make peace with so terrible an enemy. He
threatened a like doom on Athens because she refused to surrender the anti-
Macedonian leaders, including Demosthenes, but was finally appeased
through the influence of Phocion, since he did not wish to drive Athens to
desperate courses, which might have impeded his contemplated conquest of
Persia, for the city was still strong in naval defenses, and might unite with
the Persian king. So Athens was spared, but the empire of Thebes was
utterly destroyed. He then repaired to Corinth to make arrangements for his
Persian campaign, and while in that city he visited the cynical philosopher,
Diogenes, who lived in a tub. It is said that when the philosopher was asked
by Alexander if he wished any thing, he replied: “Nothing, except that you
would stand a little out of my sunshine”—a reply which extorted from the
conqueror the remark: “If I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes.”

It took Alexander a year and a few months to crush out what little
remained of Grecian freedom, subdue the Thracians, and collect
Prepares toforces for his expedition into Persia. In the spring of 334 B.C., his
invade army was mustered between Pella and Amphipolis, while his fleet
Persia. was at hand to render assistance. In April he crossed the strait from
Sestos to Abydos, and never returned to his own capital—Pella—or
to Europe. The remainder of his life, eleven years and two months,
was spent in Asia, in continued and increasing [pg 380] conquests; and
these were on such a gigantic scale that Greece dwindled into
insignificance.

Page 381

When marshalled on the Asiatic shore, the army of Alexander
presented a total of thirty thousand infantry, and four thousand five
He hundred cavalry—a small force, apparently, to overthrow the most
marshals venerable and extensive empire in the world. But these troops were
his forcesveterans, trained by Philip, and commanded by able generals. Of
in Asia.these troops twelve thousand were Macedonians, armed with the
His sarissa, a long pike, which made the phalanx, sixteen deep, so
phalanx formidable. The sarissa was twenty-one feet in length, and so held
and theby both hands as to project fifteen feet before the body of the
armor ofpikeman. The soldier of the phalanx was also provided with a short
his troops. sword, a circular shield, a breastplate, leggings, and broad-brimmed
hat. But, besides the phalanx of heavy armed men, there were
hoplites lightly armed, hypaspists for the assault of walled places,
and troops with javelins and with bows. The cavalry was admirable,
distributed into squadrons, among whom were the body-guards—all
promoted out of royal pages and the picked men of the army, sons of the
chief people in Macedonia, and these were heavily armed.

The generals who served under Alexander were all Macedonians,
and had been trained by Philip. Among these were Hephæstion, the
His intimate personal friend of Alexander, Ptolemy, Perdiccas,
generals. Antipater, Clitus, Parmenio, Philotas, Nicanor, Seleucus, Amyntas,
Phillipes, Lysimachus, Antigonas, most of whom reached great
power. Parmenio and Antipater were the highest in rank, the latter
of whom was left as viceroy of Macedonia, Eumenes was the private
secretary of Alexander, the most long-headed man in his army.

Alexander had landed, unopposed, against the advice of Memnon
and Mentor—two Rhodians, in the service of Darius, the king—
Alexander descendants of one of the brothers of Artaxerxes Mnemon—the
is children of King Ochus, after his assassination, having all been [pg
unobstruct 381] murdered by the eunuch Bagoas. As the Persians were
ed insuperior by sea to the Macedonians, it was an imprudence to allow
crossing Alexander to cross the Hellespont without opposition; but Memnon
the was overruled by the Persian satraps, who supposed that they were
Hellespont more than a match for Alexander on the land, and hoped to defeat
. Error ofhim. Arsites, the Phrygian satrap, commanded the Persian forces,
the

Page 382

Persians. assisted by other satraps, and Persians of high rank, among whom
Battle ofwere Spithridates, satrap of Lydia and Ionia. The cavalry of the
the Persians greatly outnumbered that of the Macedonians, but the
Granicus. infantry was inferior. Memnon advised the satraps to avoid fighting
Alexander on the land, and to employ the fleet for aggressive movements in
dispenses Macedonia and Greece, but Arsites rejected his advice. The
with hisPersians took post on the river Granicus, near the town of Parium,
fleet. Fallon one of the declivities of Mount Ida. Alexander at once resolved
of Miletus. to force the passage of the river, taking the command of the right
wing, and giving the left to Parmenio. The battle was fought by the
cavalry, in which Alexander showed great personal courage. At one
time he was in imminent danger of his life, from the cimeter of Spithridates,
but Clitus saved him by severing the uplifted arm of the satrap from his
body with his sword. The victory was complete, and great numbers of the
satraps were slain. There remained no force in Asia Minor to resist the
conqueror, and the Asiatics submitted in terror and alarm. Alexander then
sent Parmenio to subdue Dascyleum, the stronghold of the satrap of
Phrygia, while he advanced to Sardis, the capital of Lydia, and the main
station of the Persians in Asia Minor. The citadel was considered
impregnable, yet such was the terror of the Persians, that both city and
citadel surrendered without a blow. Phrygia and Lydia then fell into his
hands, with immense treasure, of which he stood in need. He then marched
to Ephesus, and entered the city without resistance, and thus was placed in
communication with his fleet, under the command of Nicanor. He found no
opposition [pg 382] until he reached Miletus, which was encouraged to
resist him from the approach of the Persian fleet, four hundred sail, chiefly
of Phœnician and Cyprian ships, which, a few weeks earlier, might have
prevented his crossing into Asia. But the Persian fleet did not arrive until
the city was invested, and the Macedonian fleet, of one hundred and sixty
sail, had occupied the harbor. Alexander declined to fight on the sea, but
pressed the siege on the land, so that the Persian fleet, unable to render
assistance, withdrew to Halicarnassus. The city fell, and Alexander took the
resolution of disbanding his own fleet altogether, and concentrating all his
operations on the land—doubtless a wise, but desperate measure. He
supposed, and rightly, that after he had taken the cities on the coast, the
Persian fleet would be useless, and the country would be insured to his
army.

Page 383

Alexander found some difficulty at the siege of Halicarnassus, from
the bravery of the garrison, commanded by Memnon, and the
The siegestrength of the defenses, aided by the Persian fleet. But his soldiers,
of “protected from missiles by movable pent-houses, called tortoises,
Halicarnas gradually filled up the deep and wide ditch round the town, so as to
sus. open a level road for his engines (rolling towers of wood) to come
Conquest up close to the walls.” Then the battering-rams overthrew the
of Asiatowers of the city wall, and made a breach in them, so that the city
Minor. was taken by assault. Memnon, forced to abandon his defenses,
withdrew the garrison by sea, and Alexander entered the city. The
ensuing winter months were employed in the conquest of Lydia,
Pamphylia, and Pisidia, which was effected easily, since the terror of his
arms led to submission wherever he appeared. At Gordium, in Phrygia, he
performed the exploit familiarly known as the cutting of the Gordian knot,
which was a cord so twisted and entangled, that no one could untie it. The
oracle had pronounced that to the person who should untie it, the empire of
Persia was destined. Alexander, after many futile attempts to disentangle the
knot, in a [pg 383] fit of impatience, cut it with his sword, and this was
accepted as the solution of the problem.

Meanwhile Memnon, to whom Darius had intrusted the
guardianship of the whole coast of Asia Minor, with a large
The Phœnician fleet and a considerable body of Grecian mercenaries,
Persians acquired the important island of Chios, and a large part of Lesbos.
resolve onBut in the midst of his successes, he died of sickness, and no one
offensive was left able to take his place. Had his advice been taken,
operations. Alexander could not have landed in Asia. His death was an
irreparable loss to Persian cause, and with his death vanished all
hope of employing the Persian force with wisdom and effect.
Darius now changed his policy, and resolved to carry on offensive measures
on the land. He therefore summoned a vast army, from all parts of his
empire, of five hundred thousand infantry, and one hundred thousand
cavalry. An eminent Athenian, Charidemus, advised the Persian king to
employ his great treasure in subsidizing the Greeks, and not to dream, with
his undisciplined Asiatics, to oppose the Macedonians in battle. But the
advice was so unpalatable to the proud and self-reliant king, in the midst of

Page 384

his vast forces, that he looked upon Charidemus as a traitor, and sent him to
execution.

It would not have been difficult for Darius to defend his kingdom,
had he properly guarded the mountain passes through which
Neglect toAlexander must needs march to invade Persia. Here again Darius
guard thewas infatuated, and he, in his self-confidence, left the passes over
mountain Mount Taurus and Mount Amanus undefended. Alexander, with re-
passes. enforcements from Macedonia, now marched from Gordium
Which through Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, whose inhabitants made
Alexander instant submission, and advanced to the Cilician Gates—an
passes impregnable pass in the Taurus range, which opened the way to
through Cilicia. It had been traversed seventy years before by Cyrus the
unobstruct Younger, with the ten thousand Greeks, and was the main road
ed. from Asia Minor into Cilicia and Syria. The narrowest part [pg
Infatuation 384] of this defile allowed only four soldiers abreast, and here
and errorsDarius should have taken his stand, even as the Greeks took
of thepossession of Thermopylæ in the invasion of Xerxes. But the pass
Persians. was utterly undefended, and Alexander marched through
The unobstructed without the loss of a man. He then found himself at
Persians Tarsus, where he made a long halt, from a dangerous illness which
advance tohe got by bathing in the river Cydnus. When he recovered, he sent
Issus. Parmenio to secure the pass over Mount Amanus, six days' march
from Tarsus, called the Cilician Gates. These were defended, but
the guard fled at the approach of the Macedonians, and this
important defile was secured. Alexander then marched through Issus to
Myriandrus, to the south of the Cilician Gates, which he had passed. The
Persians now advanced from Sochi and appeared in his rear at Issus—a vast
host, in the midst of which was Darius with his mother, his wife, his harem,
and children, who accompanied him to witness his anticipated triumph, for
it seemed to him an easy matter to overwhelm and crush the invaders, who
numbered only about forty thousand men. So impatient was Darius to attack
Alexander that he imprudently advanced into Cilicia by the northern pass,
now called Beylan, with all his army, so that in the narrow defiles of that
country his cavalry was nearly useless. He encamped near Issus, on the
river Pinarus. Alexander, learning that Darius was in his rear, retraced his
steps, passed north through the Gates of Cilicia, through which he had

Page 385

marched two days before, and advanced to the river Pinarus, on the north
bank of which Darius was encamped. And here Darius resolved to fight. He
threw across the river thirty thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry,
to insure the undisturbed formation of his main force. His main line was
composed of ninety thousand hoplites, of which thirty thousand were Greek
in the centre. On the mountain to his left, he posted twenty thousand, to act
against the right wing of the Macedonian army. He then recalled the thirty
thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry, which he had sent [pg 385]
across the river, and awaited the onset of Alexander, Darius was in his
chariot, in the centre, behind the Grecian hoplites. But the ground was so
uneven, that only a part of his army could fight. A large proportion of it
were mere spectators.

Alexander advanced to the attack. The left-wing was commanded
by Parmenio, and the right by himself, on which were placed the
The greatMacedonian cavalry. The divisions of the phalanx were in the
and centre, and the Peloponnesian cavalry and Thracian light infantry
decisive on the left. The whole front extended only one and a half mile.
battle ofCrossing the river rapidly, Alexander, at the head of his cavalry,
Issus. light infantry, and some divisions of the phalanx, fell suddenly
upon the Asiatic hoplites which were stationed on the Persian left.
So impetuous and unexpected was the charge, that the troops
instantly fled, vigorously pressed by the Macedonian right. Darius, from his
chariot, saw the flight of his left wing, and, seized with sudden panic,
caused his chariot to be turned, and fled also among the foremost fugitives.
In his terror he cast away his bow, shield, and regal mantle. He did not give
a single order, nor did he remain a moment after the defeat of his left, as he
ought, for he was behind thirty thousand Grecian hoplites, in the centre, but
abandoned himself to inglorious flight, and this was the signal for a general
flight also of all his troops, who turned and trampled each other down in
their efforts to get beyond the reach of the enemy.

Thus the battle was lost by the giving way of the Asiatic hoplites on
the left, and the flight of Darius in a few minutes after. The Persian
The right showed some bravery, till Alexander, having completed the
mistakes rout of the left, turned to attack the Grecian mercenaries in the
of theflank and rear, when all fled in terror. The slaughter of the fugitives
Persians,

Page 386

and thewas prodigious. The camp of Darius was taken, with his mother,
cowardice wife, sister, and children. One hundred thousand Persians were
of Darius. slain, not in fight, but in flight, and among them were several
eminent [pg 386] satraps and grandees. The Persian hosts were
completely dispersed, and Darius did not stop till he had crossed
the Euphrates. The booty acquired was immense, in gold, silver, and
captives.

Such was the decisive battle of Issus, where the cowardice and
incompetency of Darius were more marked than the generalship of
Important Alexander himself. No victory was ever followed by more
consequen important consequences. It dispersed the Persian hosts, and opened
ces of thePersia to a victorious enemy, and gave an irresistible prestige to the
battle. conqueror. The fall of the empire was rendered probable, and
insured successive triumphs to Alexander.

But before he proceeded to the complete conquest of the Persian
empire, Alexander, like a prudent and far-reaching general,
The flightimpetuous as he was, concluded to subdue first all the provinces
and which lay on the coast, and thus make the Persian fleet useless, and
inaction ofultimately capture it, and leave his rear without an enemy.
Darius. Accordingly he sent Parmenio to capture Damascus, where were
collected immense treasures. It was surrendered without resistance
though it was capable of sustaining a siege. There were captured
vast treasures, with prodigious numbers of Persians of high rank, and many
illustrious Greek exiles. Master of Damascus, Alexander, in the winter of
B.C. 331, advanced upon Phœnicia, the cities of which mostly sent letters
of submission. While at Maranthus, Darius wrote to Alexander, asking for
the restitution of his wife, mother, sister, and daughter, and tendering
friendship, to which Alexander replied in a haughty letter, demanding to be
addressed, not as an equal, but as lord of Asia.

The last hope of Darius was in the Phœnicians, who furnished him
ships; and one city remained firm in its allegiance—Tyre—the
The siegestrongest and most important place in Phœnicia. But even this city
of Tyre. Itswould have yielded on fair and honorable conditions. This did not
fall. accord with Alexander's views, who made exorbitant demands,

Page 387

which could not be accepted by the Tyrians without hazarding their all.
Accordingly [pg 387] they prepared for a siege, trusting to the impregnable
defenses of the city. It was situated on an islet, half a mile from the main
land, surrounded by lofty walls and towers of immense strength and
thickness. But nothing discouraged Alexander, who loved to surmount
difficulties. He constructed a mole from the main land to the islet, two
hundred feet wide, of stone and timber, which was destroyed by a storm and
by the efforts of the Tyrians. Nothing daunted, he built another, still wider
and stronger, and repaired to Sidon, where he collected a great fleet, with
which he invested the city by sea, as well as land. The doom of the city was
now sealed, and the Tyrians could offer no more serious obstructions. The
engines were then rolled along the mole to the walls, and a breach was at
last made, and the city was taken by assault. The citizens then barricaded
the streets, and fought desperately until they were slain. The surviving
soldiers were hanged, and the women and children sold as slaves. Still the
city resisted for seven months, and its capture was really the greatest effort
of genius that Alexander had shown, and furnished an example to Richelieu
in the siege of La Rochelle.

On the fall of this ancient and wealthy capital, whose pride and
wealth are spoken of in the Scriptures, Alexander received a second
Offer ofletter from Darius, offering ten thousand talents, his daughter in
Darius. marriage, with the cession of all the provinces of his empire west of
Rejected the Euphrates, for the surrender of his family. To which the haughty
by and insolent conqueror replied: “I want neither your money nor
Alexander. your cession. All your money and territory are mine already, and
you are tendering me a part instead of the whole. If I choose to
marry your daughter I shall marry her, whether you give her to me
or not. Come hither to me, if you wish for friendship.”

Darius now saw that he must risk another desperate battle, and
summoned all his hosts. Yet Alexander did not [pg 388]
Who immediately march against him, but undertook first the conquest of
conquers Egypt. Syria, Phœnicia, and Palestine were now his, as well as Asia
Egypt. Minor. He had also defeated the Persian fleet, and was master of all
the islands of the Ægean. He stopped on his way to Egypt to take
Gaza, which held out against him, built on a lofty artificial mound

Page 388

two hundred and fifty feet high, and encircled with a lofty wall. The
Macedonian engineers pronounced the place impregnable, but the greater
the difficulty the greater the eagerness of Alexander to surmount it. He
accordingly built a mound all around the city, as high as that on which Gaza
was built, and then rolled his engines to the wall, effected a breach, and
stormed the city, slew all the garrison, and sold all the women and children
for slaves. As for Batis, the defender of the city, he was dragged by a
chariot around the town, as Achilles, whom Alexander imitated, had done to
the dead body of Hector. The siege of these two cities, Tyre and Gaza,
occupied nine months, and was the hardest fighting that Alexander ever
encountered.

He entered and occupied Egypt without resistance, and resolved to
found a new city, near the mouth of the Nile, not as a future capital
Founding of the commercial world, but as a depot for his ships. While he was
of preparing for this great work, he visited the temple of Jupiter
Alexandria Ammon in the desert, and was addressed by the priests as the Son
. of God, not as a mortal, which flattery was agreeable to him, so that
ever afterward he claimed divinity, in the arrogance of his
character, and the splendor of his successes, and even slew the man
who saved his life at the Granicus, because he denied his divine claims—
the most signal instance of self-exaggeration and pride recorded in history,
transcending both Nebuchadnezzar and Napoleon.

After arranging his affairs in Egypt, and obtaining re-enforcements
of Greeks and Thracians, he set out for the Euphrates, which he
Alexander crossed at Thapsacus, unobstructed—another error of the Persians.
marches toBut Darius was paralyzed by the greatness of his misfortunes, [pg
the 389] and by the capture of his family, and could not act with energy
Euphrates. or wisdom. He collected his vast hosts on a plain near Arbela, east
of the Tigris, and waited for the approach of the enemy. He had one
million of infantry, forty thousand cavalry, and two hundred
scythed chariots, besides a number of elephants. He placed himself in the
centre, with his choice troops, including the horse and foot-guards, and
mercenary Greeks. In the rear stood deep masses of Babylonians, and on
the left, and right, Bactrians, Cadusians, Medes, Albanians, and troops from

Page 389

the remote provinces. In the front of Darius, were the scythed chariots with
advanced bodies of cavalry.

Alexander, as he approached, ranged his forces with great care and
skill, forty thousand foot and seven thousand horse. His main line
Marshallin was composed, on the right, of choice cavalry; then, toward the
g of theleft, of hypaspists; then the phalanx, in six divisions, which formed
armies atthe centre; then Greek cavalry on the extreme left. Behind the main
Arbela. line was a body of reserves, intended to guard against attack on the
flanks and rear. In front of the main line were advanced squadrons
of cavalry and light troops. The Thracian infantry guarded the
baggage and camp. He himself commanded the right, and Parmenio the left.

Darius, at the commencement of the attack, ordered his chariots to
charge, and the main line to follow, calculating on disorder. But the
Utter horses of the chariots were terrified and wounded by the Grecian
discomfitu archers and darters in front, and most turned round, or were
re ofstopped. Those that pressed on were let through the Macedonian
Darius. lines without mischief. As at Issus, Alexander did not attack the
His centre, where Darius was surrounded with the choicest troops of
inglorious the army, but advanced impetuously upon the left wing, turned it,
flight. Theand advanced by a flank movement toward the centre, where
battle ofDarius was posted. The Persian king, seeing the failure of the
Arbela achariots, and the advancing troops of Alexander, lost his self-
death- possession, turned his chariot, and fled, as at Issus. Such folly and
blow tocowardice led, [pg 390] of course, to instant defeat and rout; and
Persia. nothing was left for the victor, but to pursue and destroy the
Military disorderly fugitives, so that the slaughter was immense. But while
genius ofthe left and centre of the Persians were put to flight, the right
the fought vigorously, and might have changed the fortune of the day,
conqueror. had not Alexander seasonably returned from the pursuit, and
attacked the left in the rear and flank. Then all was lost, and
headlong flight marked the Persian hosts. The battle was lost by the
cowardice of Darius, who insisted, with strange presumption, on
commanding in person. Half the troops, under an able general, would have
overwhelmed the Macedonian army, even with Alexander at the head. But
the Persians had no leader of courage and skill, and were a mere rabble.

Page 390

According to some accounts, three hundred thousand Persians were slain,
and not more than one hundred Macedonians. There was no attempt on the
part of Darius to rally or collect a new army. His cause and throne were
irretrievably lost, and he was obliged to fly to his farthest provinces,
pursued by the conqueror. The battle of Arbela was the death-blow to the
Persian empire. We can not help feeling sentiments of indignation in view
of such wretched management on the part of the Persians, thus throwing
away an empire. But, on the other hand, we are also compelled to admit the
extraordinary generalship of Alexander, who brought into action every part
of his army, while at least three-quarters of the Persians were mere
spectators, so that his available force was really great. His sagacious
combinations, his perception of the weak points of his adversary, and the
instant advantage which he seized—his insight, rapidity of movement, and
splendid organization, made him irresistible against any Persian array of
numbers, without skill. Indeed, the Persian army was too large, since it
could not be commanded by one man with any effect, and all became
confusion and ruin on the first misfortune. The great generals of antiquity,
Greek and Roman, rarely commanded over fifty thousand men on the field
of battle; and fifty thousand, under Alexander's [pg 391] circumstances,
were more effective, perhaps, than two hundred thousand. In modern times,
when battles are not decided by personal bravery, but by the number and
disposition of cannon, and the excellence of firearms, an army of one
hundred thousand can generally overwhelm an army of fifty thousand, with
the same destructive weapons. But in ancient times, the impetuous charge
of twenty thousand men on a single point, followed by success, would
produce a panic, and then a rout, when even flight is obstructed by
numbers. Thus Alexander succeeded both at Issus and Arbela. He
concentrated forces upon a weak point, which, when carried, produced a
panic, and especially sent dismay into the mind of Darius, who had no
nerve or self-control. Had he remained firm, and only fought on the
defensive, the Macedonians might not have prevailed. But he fled; and
confusion seized, of course, his hosts.

Both Babylon and Susa, the two great capitals of the empire,
immediately surrendered after the decisive battle of Arbela, and
Surrender Alexander became the great king and Darius a fugitive. The
of Babylontreasure found at Susa was even greater than that which Babylon

Page 391

and Susa. furnished—about fifty thousand talents, or fifty million dollars,
one-fifth of which, three years before, would have been sufficient
to subsidize Greece, and present a barrier to the conquests of both
Philip and Alexander.

The victor spent a month in Babylon, sacrificing to the Babylonian
deities, feasting his troops, and organizing his new empire. He then
The marched into Persia proper, subdued the inhabitants, and entered
enormous Persepolis. Though it was the strongest place in the empire, it made
treasures no resistance. Here were hoarded the chief treasures of the Persian
of thekings, no less than one hundred and twenty thousand talents, or
Persian about one hundred and twenty million dollars of our money—an
Kings. immense sum in gold and silver in that age, a tenth of which,
judiciously spent, would have secured the throne to Darius against
any exterior enemy. He was now a fugitive in Media, and thither
Alexander [pg 392] went at once in pursuit, giving himself no rest. He
established himself at Ecbatana, the capital, without resistance, and made
preparations for the invasion of the eastern part of the Persian empire,
beyond the Parthian desert, even to the Oxus and the Indus, inhabited by
warlike barbarians, from which were chiefly recruited the Persian armies.

It would be tedious to describe the successive conquests of
Sogdiana, Margiana, Bactriana, and even some territory beyond the
Successive Indus. Alexander never met from these nations the resistance which
conquests Cæsar found in Gaul, nor were his battles in these eastern countries
of remarkable. He only had to appear, and he was master. At last his
Alexander. troops were wearied of these continual marchings and easy
victories, when their real enemies were heat, hunger, thirst, fatigue,
and toil. They refused to follow their general and king any further
to the east, and he was obliged to return. Yet some seven years were
consumed in marches and conquests in these remote countries, for he
penetrated to Scythia at the north, and the mouth of the Indus to the south.

It was in the expeditions among these barbarians that some of the
most disgraceful events of his life took place. He seldom rested, but
He killswhen he had leisure he indulged in great excesses at the festive
his friendboard. His revelries with his officers were prolonged often during
Clitus.

Page 392

Agony andthe night, and when intoxicated, he did things which gave him
remorse ofafterward the deepest remorse and shame. Thus he killed, with his
Alexander. own hand, Clitus, at a feast, because Clitus ventured to utter some
truths which were in opposition to his notions of omnipotence. But
the agony of remorse was so great, that he remained in bed three
whole days and nights immediately after, refusing all food and drink. He
also killed Philotas, one of his most trusted generals, and commander of his
body-guard, on suspicion of treachery, and then, without other cause than
fear of the anger of his father, Parmenio, he caused that old general to be
assassinated at Ecbatana, in command of the post—the most important in
his dominions—where [pg 393] his treasures were deposited. He savagely
mutilated Bessus, the satrap, who stood out against him in Bactria.
Callisthenes, one of the greatest philosophers of the age, was tortured and
assassinated for alleged complexity in a conspiracy, but he really incurred
the hatred of the monarch for denying his claim to divinity.

In the spring of B.C. 326, Alexander crossed the Indus, but met
with no resistance until he reached the river Hydaspes (Jhylum) on
He the other side of which, Porus, an Indian prince, disputed his
penetrates passage, with a formidable force and many trained elephants—
to theanimals which the Macedonians had never before encountered. By
Indus. a series of masterly combinations Alexander succeeded in crossing
Porus. the river, and the combat commenced. But the Indians could not
long withstand the long pikes and close combats of the Greeks, and
were defeated with great loss. Porus himself, a prince of gigantic
stature, mounted on an elephant, was taken, after having fought with great
courage. Carried into the presence of the conqueror, Alexander asked him
what, he wished to be done for him, for his gallantry and physical strength
excited admiration. Porus replied that he wished to be treated as a king,
which answer still more excited the admiration of the Greeks. He was
accordingly treated with the utmost courtesy and generosity, and retained as
an ally. Alexander was capable of great magnanimity, when he was not
opposed. He was kind to the family of Darius, both before and after his
assassination by the satrap Bessus. And his munificence to his soldiers was
great, and he never lost their affections. But he was cruel and sanguinary in
his treatment of captives who had made him trouble, putting thousands to
the sword in cold blood.

Page 393

As before mentioned, the soldiers were wearied with victories and
hardships, without enjoyments, and longed to return to Europe.
The Hence Sangala, in India, was the easternmost point to which he
soldiers ofpenetrated. On returning to the river Hydaspes, he constructed a
Alexander fleet of two thousand boats, in which a part of his [pg 394] army
refuse todescended the river with himself, while another part marched along
advance its banks. He sailed slowly down the river to its junction with the
further toIndus, and then to the Indian ocean. This voyage occupied nine
the East. months, but most of the time was employed in subduing the various
people who opposed his march. On reaching the ocean, he was
astonished and interested by the ebbing and flowing of the tide—a
new phenomenon to him. The fleet was conducted from the mouth of the
Indus, round by the Persian Gulf to the mouth of the Tigris—a great
nautical achievement in those days; but he himself, with the army, marched
westward through deserts, undergoing great fatigues and sufferings, and
with a great loss of men, horses, and baggage. At Carmania he halted, and
the army for seven days was abandoned to drunken festivities.

On returning to Persepolis, in Persia, he visited and repaired the
tomb of Cyrus, the greatest conqueror the world had seen before
He returnshimself. In February, B.C. 324, he marched to Susa, where he spent
to several months in festivities and in organizing his great
Persepolis. government, since he no longer had armies to oppose. He now
His surrounded himself with the pomp of the Persian kings, wore their
abandonm dress, and affected their habits, much to the disgust of his
ent toMacedonian generals. He had married a beautiful captive—
pleasure. Roxana, in Bactria, and he now took two additional wives, Statira,
daughter of Darius, and Parysatis, daughter of King Ochus. He also
caused his principal officers to marry the daughters of the old
Persian grandees, and seemed to forget the country from which he came,
and which he was destined never again to see. Here also he gave a donation
to his soldiers of twenty thousand talents—about five hundred dollars to
each man. But even this did not satisfy them, and when new re-
enforcements arrived, the old soldiers mutinied. He disbanded the whole of
them in anger, and gave them leave to return to their homes, but they were
filled with shame and regret, and a reconciliation took place.

Page 394

[pg 395]

It was while he made a visit to Ecbatana, in the summer of B.C.
324, that his favorite, Hephæstion, died. His sorrow and grief were
Death ofunbounded. He cast himself upon the ground, cut his hair close, and
Hephæstio refused food and drink for two days. This was the most violent
n and griefgrief he ever manifested, and it was sincere. He refused to be
of comforted, yet sought for a distraction from his grief in festivals
Alexander. and ostentation of life.

In the spring of B.C. 323, he marched to Babylon, where
were assembled envoys from all the nations of the known
His world to congratulate him for his prodigious and
entrance unprecedented successes, and invoke his friendship, which
into fact indicates his wide-spread fame. At Babylon he laid
Babylon. plans and made preparations for the circumnavigation and
Splendor conquest of Arabia, and to found a great maritime city in
of thethe interior of the Persian Gulf. But before setting out, he
funeral ofresolved to celebrate the funeral obsequies of Hephæstion
Hephæstio with unprecedented splendor. The funeral pile was two
n. Death ofhundred feet high, loaded with costly decorations, in which
Alexander. all the invention of artists was exhausted. It cost twelve
thousand talents, or twelve million dollars of our money.
The funeral ceremonies were succeeded by a general
banquet, in which he shared, passing a whole night in drinking with his
friend Medius. This last feast was fatal. His heated blood furnished fuel for
the raging fever which seized him, and which carried him off in a few days,
at the age of thirty-two, and after a reign of twelve years and eight months,
June, B.C. 323.

He indicated no successor. Nor could one man have governed so
vast an empire with so little machinery of government. His
His achievements threw into the shade those of all previous conquerors,
boundless and he was, most emphatically, the Great King—the type of all
ambition. worldly power. “He had mastered, in defiance of fatigue, hardship,
His deathand combat, not merely all the eastern half of the Persian empire,
a fortunatebut unknown Indian regions beyond. Besides Macedon, [pg 396]
event.

Page 395

Effects ofGreece, and Thrace, he possessed all the treasures and forces which
his rendered the Persian king so formidable,” and he was exalted to all
conquests. this power and grandeur by conquest at an age when a citizen of
Athens was intrusted with important commands, and ten years less
than the age for a Roman consul. But he was unsatisfied, and is
said to have wept that there were no more worlds to conquer. He would, had
he lived, doubtless have encountered the Romans, and all their foes, and
added Italy and Spain and Carthage to his empire. But there is a limit to
human successes, and when his work of chastisement of the nations was
done, he died. But he left a fame never since surpassed, and “he overawes
the imagination more than any personage of antiquity.” He had transcendent
merits as a general, but he was much indebted to fortunate circumstances.
He thought of new conquests, rather than of consolidating what he had
made, so that his empire must naturally be divided and subdivided at his
death. Though divided and subdivided, the effect of those conquests
remained to future generations, and had no small effect on civilization, and
yet, instead of Hellenizing Asia, he rather Asiatized Hellas. That process, so
far as it was carried out, is due to his generals—the Diadochi—Antigonas,
Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, &c., who divided between them the
empire. But Hellenism in reality never to a great extent passed into Asia.
The old Oriental habits and sentiments and intellectual qualities remained,
and have survived all succeeding conquests. Oriental habits and opinions
rather invaded the western world with the progress of wealth and luxury.
Asia, by the insidious influences of effeminated habits, undermined Greece,
and even Rome, rather than received from Europe new impulses or
sentiments, or institutions. A new and barbarous country may prevail, by the
aid of hardy warriors, adventurous and needy, over the civilized nations
which have been famous for a thousand years, but the conquered country
almost invariably has transmitted its habits and institutions among the
conquerors, so much more majestic [pg 397] are ideas than any display of
victorious brute forces. Dynasties are succeeded by dynasties, but
civilization survives, when any material exists on which it can work.

Athens was never a greater power in the world than at the time her political
ruin was consummated. Hence the political changes of nations, which form
the bulk of all histories, are insignificant in comparison with those ideas and
institutions which gradually transform the habits and opinions of ordinary

Page 396

life. Yet it is these silent and gradual changes which escape the notice of
historians, and are the most difficult to be understood and explained, for
lack of sufficient and definite knowledge. Moreover, it is the feats of
extraordinary individuals in stirring enterprise and heroism which have thus
far proved the great attraction of past ages to ordinary minds. No history,
truly philosophical, would be extensively read by any people, in any age,
and least of all by the young, in the process of education.

The remaining history of Greece has little interest until the Roman
conquests, which will be presented in the next book.

Page 397

[pg 398]

Page 398

BOOK III.

THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

Page 399

CHAPTER XXVI.

Page 400

ROME IN ITS INFANCY, UNDER KINGS.

In presenting the growth of that great power which gradually absorbed all
other States and monarchies so as to form the largest empire ever known on
earth, I shall omit a notice of all other States, in Italy and Europe, until they
were brought into direct collision with Rome herself.

The early history of Rome is involved in obscurity, and although
many great writers have expended vast learning and ingenuity in
Obscurity tracing the origin of the city and its inhabitants, still but little has
of thebeen established on an incontrovertible basis. We look to poetry
early and legends for the foundation of the “Eternal City.”
history of
Rome. These legends are of peculiar interest. Æneas, in his flight
from Troy, after many adventures, reaches Italy, marries
Æneas. the daughter of Latinus, king of the people, who then lived
in Latium, and builds a city, which he names Lavinium,
and unites his Trojan followers with the aboriginal
inhabitants.

Latium was a small country, bounded on the north by the Tiber, on
the East by the Liris and Vinius, and on the south and west by the
Latium. Tuscan Sea. It was immediately surrounded by the Etruscans,
Foundatio Sabines, Equi, and [pg 399] Marsi. When Latium was originally
n of Rome.settled we do not know, but the people doubtless belonged to the
Indo-European race, kindred to the early settlers of Europe. Latium
was a plain, inclosed by mountains and traversed by the Tiber, of
about seven hundred square miles. Between the Alban Lake and the Alban
Mount, was Alba—the original seat of the Latin race, and the mother city of
Rome. Here, according to tradition, reigned Ascanius, the son of Æneas,
and his descendants for three hundred years were the Latin tribes. After
eleven generations of kings, Amulius usurps the throne, which belonged to
Numitor, the elder brother, and dooms his only daughter, Silvia, to perpetual

Page 401

virginity as a Vestal. Silvia, visited by a god, gives birth to twins, Romulus
and Remus. The twins, exposed by the order of Amulius, are suckled by a
she-wolf, and brought up by one of the king's herdsmen. They feed their
flocks on the Palatine, but a quarrel ensuing between them and the
herdsmen of Numitor on the Aventine, their royal origin is discovered, and
the restoration of Numitor is effected. But the twins resolve to found a city,
and Rome arises on the Palatine, an asylum for outlaws and slaves, who are
provided with wives by the “rape of the Sabine women.”

Thus, according to the legends, was the foundation of Rome, on a
hill about fourteen miles from the mouth of the Tiber, and on a site
The earlyless healthy than the old Latin towns, B.C. 751, or 753. According
inhabitants to the speculations of Mommsen, it would seem that Rome was at a
. Romevery early period the resort of a lawless band of men, who fortified
founded inthemselves on the Palatine, and perhaps other hills, and robbed the
violence. small merchants, who sailed up and down the Tiber, as well as the
neighboring rural population, even as the feudal barons intrenched
themselves on hills overlooking plains and rivers. But all theories
relating to the foundation of Rome are based either on legend or
speculation. Until we arrive at certain facts, I prefer those based on legend,
such as have been accepted for more than two thousand years. [pg 400] It is
but little consequence whether Romulus and Remus are real characters, or
poetic names. This is probable, that the situation of Rome was favorable in
ancient times for rapine, even if it were not a healthy locality. The first
beginnings of Rome were violence and robbery, and the murder of Remus
by Romulus is a type of its early history, and whole subsequent career.

Romulus and his associate outlaws, now intrenched on the Palatine,
organize a city and government, and extend the limits. The rape of
The the Sabines leads to war, and Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines,
Sabine obtains possession of the Capitoline Hill—the smallest but most
element offamous of the seven hills on which Rome was subsequently built.
Rome. In the valley between, on which the forum was afterward built, the
combatants are separated by the Sabine wives of the outlaws, and
the tribes or nations are united under the name of Ramnes and
Tities, the Sabines retaining the capitol and the Quirinal, and the Romans
the Palatine. Some Etruscans, in possession of the Cælian Hill, are

Page 402

incorporated as a third tribe, called Luceres. But it is probable that the
Sabine element prevailed. Each tribe contains ten curiæ of a hundred
citizens, which, with the three hundred horsemen, form a body of three
thousand three hundred citizens, who alone enjoyed political rights.

The government, though monarchical, was limited. The king was
bound to lay all questions of moment before the assembly of the
The thirty curiæ, called the Comitia Curiata. But the king had a council
constitutio called the Senate, composed of one hundred members, who were
n. called Patres, or Fathers, and doubtless were the heads of clans
called Gentes. The Gentes were divided into Familiæ, or families.
These Patres were the heads of the patrician houses—that class
who alone had political rights, and who were Roman citizens.

Romulus is said to have reigned justly and ably for thirty-seven
years, and no one could be found worthy to succeed him. At length
Numa the Roman tribe, the [pg 401] Ramnes, elected Numa Pompilius,
Pompilius. from the Sabines, a man of wisdom and piety, and said to have
acquired his learning from Pythagoras. This king instituted the
religious and civil legislation of Rome, and built the temple of
Janus in the midst of the Forum, whose doors were shut in peace and
opened in war, but were never closed from his death to the reign of
Augustus, but a brief period after the first Punic war.

He established the College of Pontiffs, who directed all the
ceremonies of religion and regulated festivals and the system of
Establishm weights and measures; also the College of Augurs, who interpreted
ent ofby various omens the will of the gods; and also the College of
religion. Heralds, who guarded the public faith. He fixed the boundaries of
fields, divided the territory of Rome into districts, called pagi, and
regulated the calendar.

According to the legends, Tullus Hostilius was the third king of
Rome, elected by the curiæ. He assigned the Cælian Mount for the
Tullus poor, and the strangers who flocked to Rome, and was a warlike
Hostilius. sovereign. The great event of his reign was the destruction of Alba.
The The growing power of Rome provoked the jealousy of this ancient
Horatii seat of Latin power, and war ensued. The armies of the two States

Page 403

and thewere drawn up in battle array, when it was determined that the
Curiatii.quarrel should be settled by three champions, chosen from each
side. Hence the beautiful story of the Curiatii and the Horatii, three
brothers on each side. Two of the Horatii were slain, and the three
Curiatii were wounded. The third of the Horatii affected to fly, and was
pursued by the Curiatii, but as they were wounded, the third Roman
subdued them in detail, and so the Albans became subjects of the Romans.
The conqueror met his sister at one of the gates, who, being betrothed to
one of the Curiatii, reproached him for the death of her lover, which so
incensed him that he slew her. Thus early does patriotism surmount natural
affections among the Romans. But Horatius was nevertheless tried for his
life by [pg 402] two judges and condemned. He appealed to the people, who
reversed the judgment—the first instance on record of an appeal in a capital
case to the people, which subsequently was the right of Roman citizens.

Hostilities again breaking out between Alba and Rome, the former
city was demolished and the inhabitants removed to the Cæilian
Destructio Mount and enrolled among the citizens. By the destruction of Alba,
n of Alba. Rome obtained the presidency over the thirty cities of the Latin
confederacy. Tullus, it would seem, was an unscrupulous king, but
able, and to him is ascribed the erection of the Curia Hostilia,
where the Senate had its meetings.

The Sabine Ancus Martius was the fourth king, B.C. 640, who
pursued the warlike policy of his predecessor, conquering many
The originLatin towns, and incorporating their inhabitants with the Romans,
of whom he settled on Mount Aventine. They were freemen, but not
plebians. citizens. They were called plebeians, with modified civil, but not
political rights, and were the origin of that great middle class which
afterward became so formidable. The plebeians, though of the same
race as the Romans, were a conquered people, and yet were not reduced to
slavery like most conquered people among the ancients. They had their
Gentes and Familiæ, but they could not intermarry with the patricians.
Though they were not citizens, they were bound to fight for the State, for
which, as a compensation, they retained their lands, that is, their old
possessions.

Page 404

On the death, B.C. 616, of Ancus Marlius, Lucius Tarquinius, of an
Etruscan family, became king, best known as Tarquinius Priscus.
Tarquinius He had been guardian of the two sons of Ancus, but offered himself
Priscus. as candidate for the throne, from which it would appear that the
monarchs were elected by the people.

He carried on successful war against the Latins and Sabines, and
introduced from Etruria, by permission of the Senate, a golden
His publiccrown, an ivory chain, a sceptre topped with an eagle, and a
work. crimson robe studded with gold—emblems [pg 403] of royalty. But
he is best known for various public works of great magnificence at
the time, as well as of public utility. Among these was the Cloaca
Maxima, to drain the marshy land between the Palatine and the Tiber—a
work so great, that Niebuhr ranks it with the pyramids. It has lasted, without
the displacement of a stone, for more than two thousand years. It shows that
the use of the arch was known at that period. The masonry of the stones is
perfect, joined together without cement. Tarquin also instituted public
games, and reigned with more splendor than we usually associate with an
infant State.

This king, who excited the jealousy of the patricians, was
assassinated B.C. 578, and Servius Tullius reigned in his stead. He
Servius was the greatest of the Roman kings, and arose to his position by
Tullius. eminent merit, being originally obscure. He married the daughter of
Tarquin, and shared all his political plans.

He is most celebrated for remodeling the constitution. He left the
old institutions untouched, but added new ones. He made a new
His territorial division of the State, and created a popular assembly. He
reforms. divided the whole population into thirty tribes, at the head of each
of which was a tribune. Each tribe managed its own local affairs,
and held public meetings. These tribes included both patricians and
plebeians. This was the commencement of the power of the plebs, which
was seen with great jealousy by the patricians.

The basis or principle of the new organization of Servius was the possession
of property. All free citizens, whether patricians or plebeians, were called to
defend the State, and were enrolled in the army. The equites, or cavalry,

Page 405

took the precedence in the army, and was composed of the wealthy
citizens. There were eighteen centuries of these knights, six
Based onpatrician and twelve plebeian, all having more than one hundred
property. thousand ases. They were armed with sword, spear, helmet, shield,
New greaves, and cuirass. The infantry was composed of the classes,
division ofvariously armed, [pg 404] of which, including equites, there were
the people. one hundred and ninety-four centuries, one hundred of whom were
of the first rank, heavily armed—all men possessing one hundred
thousand ases. Each class was divided into seniores—men between
forty-five and sixty, and juniores—from seventeen to forty-five. The former
were liable to be called out only in emergencies. This division of the
citizens was a purely military one, and each century had one vote. But as
the first class numbered one hundred centuries, each man of which was
worth land valued at one hundred thousand ases, it could cast a larger vote
than all the other classes, which numbered only ninety-four together. Thus
the rich controlled all public affairs.

To this military body of men, in which the rich preponderated,
Servius committed all the highest functions of the State, for the
Comitia Comitia Centuriata possessed elective, judicial, and legislative
Centuriata. functions. Servius also rendered many other benefits to the
plebeians, He divided among them the lands gained from the
Etruscans. He inclosed the city with a wall, which remained for
centuries, embracing the seven hills on which Rome was built. But it is as
the hero of the plebeian order that he is famous, and paid the penalty for
being such. He was assassinated, probably by the instigation of the
patricians, by his son-in-law, Lucius Tarquinius, who mounted his throne as
Tarquinius Superbus, the last king of Rome, B.C. 534. The daughter of the
murdered king, Tullia, who rode in her chariot over his bleeding body, is
enrolled among the infamous women of antiquity.

Tarquinius Superbus, a usurper and murderer, abrogated the
popular laws of Servius Tullius, and set aside even the assembly of
The the Curiæ, and degraded and decimated the Senate, and
despotism appropriated the confiscated estates of those whom he destroyed.
of Tarquin. He reigned as a despot, making treaties without consulting the
Senate, and living for his pleasure alone. But he ornamented the

Page 406

city with magnificent edifices, and completed the Circus Maximus [pg 405]
as well as the Capitoline Temple, which stood five hundred years. He was
also successful in war, and exalted the glory of the Roman name.

An end came to his tyranny by one of those events on which poetry
and history have alike exhausted all their fascinations. It was while
The legendTarquin was conducting a war against Ardea, and the army was idly
of encamped before the town, that the sons of Tarquin, with their
Lucretia. kinsmen, were supping in the tent of Sextus, that conversation
Death ofturned upon the comparative virtue of their wives. By a
Lucretia. simultaneous impulse, they took horse to see the manner in which
Banishme these ladies were at the time employed. The wives of Tarquin's sons
nt of theat Rome were found in luxurious banquets with other women.
Tarquins. Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, was discovered carding wool in the
midst of her maidens. The boast of Collatinus that his wife was the
most virtuous was confirmed. But her charms or virtues made a
deep impression on the heart or passions of Sextus, and he returned to her
dwelling in Collatia to propose infamous overtures. They were proudly
rejected, but the disappointed lover, by threats and force, accomplished his
purpose. Lucretia, stung with shame, made known the crime of Sextus to
her husband and father, who hastened to her house, accompanied with
Brutus. They found the ravished beauty in agonies of shame and revenge,
and after she had revealed the scandalous facts, she plunged a dagger in her
own bosom and died, invoking revenge. Her relatives and friends carried
her corpse to the market-place, revealed the atrocity of the crime of Sextus,
and demanded vengeance. The people rallied in the Forum at Rome, and the
assembled Curiæ deprived Tarquin of his throne, and decreed the
banishment of his accursed family. On the news of the insurrection, the
tyrant started for the city with a band of chosen followers, but Brutus
reached the army after the king had left, recounted the wrongs, and marched
to Rome, whose gates were already shut against Tarquin. He fled to Etruria,
[pg 406] with two of his sons, but Sextus was murdered by the people of
Gabii.

Thus were the kings driven out of Rome, never to return. In the
revolution which followed, the patricians recovered their power,
The and a new form of government was instituted, republican in name,
restoration

Page 407

of powerbut oligarchal and aristocratic in reality, two hundred and forty-five
to theyears after the foundation of the city, B.C. 510. Historical criticism
patricians. throws doubt on the chronology which assigns two hundred and
forty-five years to seven elective kings, and some critics think that
a longer period elapsed from the reign of Romulus to that of
Tarquin than legend narrates, and that there must have been a great number
of kings whose names are unknown. As the city advanced in wealth and
numbers, the popular influence increased. The admission of commons
favored the establishment of despotism, and its excesses led to its
overthrow. It would have been better for the commons had Brutus
established a monarchy with more limited powers, for the plebeians were
now subjected to the tyranny of a proud and grasping oligarchy, and lost a
powerful protector in the king, and the whole internal history of Rome, for
nearly two centuries, were the conflicts between the plebeians and their
aristocratic masters for the privileges they were said to possess under the
reign of Tullius. Under the patricians the growth of the city was slow, and it
was not till the voices of the tribunes were heard that Rome advanced in
civilization and liberty. Under the kings, the progress in arts and culture had
been rapid.

Mommsen, in his learned and profound history of Rome,
enumerates the various forms of civilization that existed on the
Jurisprude expulsion of the Tarquins, a summary of which I present. Law and
nce. justice were already enforced on some of the elemental principles
which marked the Roman jurisprudence. The punishment of
offenses against order was severe, and compensation for crime,
where injuries to person and property were slight, was somewhat similar to
the penalties of the Mosaic code. The idea of property was associated [pg
407] with estate in slaves and cattle, and all property passed freely from
hand to hand; but it was not in the power of the father arbitrarily to deprive
his children of their hereditary rights. Contracts between the State and a
citizen were valid without formalities, but those between private persons
were difficult to be enforced. A purchase only founded an action in the
event of its being a transaction for ready money, and this was attested by
witnesses. Protection was afforded to minors and for the estate of persons
not capable of bearing arms. After a man's death, his property descended to
his nearest heirs. The emancipation of slaves was difficult, and that of a son

Page 408

was attended with even greater difficulties. Burgesses and clients were
equally free in their private rights, but foreigners were beyond the pale of
the law. The laws indicated a great progress in agriculture and commerce,
but the foundation of law was the State. The greatest liberality in the
permission of commerce, and the most rigorous procedure in execution,
went hand in hand. Women were placed on a legal capacity with men,
though restricted in the administration of their property. Personal credit was
extravagant and easy, but the creditor could treat the debtor like a thief. A
freeman could not, indeed, be tortured, but he could be imprisoned for debt
with merciless severity. From the first, the laws of property were stringent
and inexorable.

In religion, the ancient Romans, like the Greeks, personified the
powers of nature, and also abstractions, like sowing, field labor,
Religion. war, boundary, youth, health, harmony, fidelity. The profoundest
Objects ofworship was that of the tutelary deities, who presided over the
worship. household. Next to the deities of the house and forest, held in the
greatest veneration, was Hercules, the god of the inclosed
homestead, and, therefore, of property and gain. The souls of
departed mortals were supposed to haunt the spot where the bodies reposed,
but dwelt in the depths below. The hero worship of the Greeks was
uncommon, and even Numa was never worshiped as a god. The central
object [pg 408] of worship was Mars, the god of war, and this was
conducted by imposing ceremonies and rites. The worship of Vesta was
held with peculiar sacredness, and the vestal virgins were the last to yield to
Christianity. The worshipers of the gods often consulted priests and augurs,
who had great colleges, but little power in the State. The Latin worship was
grounded on man's enjoyment of earthly pleasures, and not on his fear of
the wild forces of nature, and it gradually sunk into a dreary round of
ceremonies. The Italian god was simply an instrument for the attainment of
worldly ends, and not an object of profound awe or love, and hence the
Latin worship was unfavorable to poetry, as well as philosophical
speculation.

Agriculture is ever a distinguishing mark of civilization, and forms
the main support of a people. It early occupied the time of the
Agricultur Latins, and was their chief pursuit. In the earliest ages arable land
e. Fruits

Page 409

and was cultivated in common, and was not distributed among the
cereals. people as their special property, but in the time of Servius there was
a distribution. Attention was chiefly given to cereals, but roots and
vegetables were also diligently cultivated. Vineyards were
introduced before the Greeks made settlements in Italy, but the olive was
brought to Italy by the Greeks. The fig-tree is a native of Italy. The plow
was drawn by oxen, while horses, asses, and mules were used as beasts of
burden. The farm was stocked with swine and poultry, especially geese. The
plow was a rude instrument, but no field was reckoned perfectly tilled
unless the furrows were so close that harrowing was deemed unnecessary.
Farming on a large scale was not usual, and the proprietor of land worked
on the soil with his sons. The use of slaves was a later custom, when large
estates arose.

Trades scarcely kept pace with agriculture, although in the time of
Numa eight guilds of craftsmen were numbered among the
Trades. institutions of Rome—flute-blowers, goldsmiths, coppersmiths,
carpenters, fullers, dyers, potters, and shoemakers. There was no
yield for workers in [pg 409] iron, which shows that iron was a
later introduction than copper.

Commerce was limited to the mutual dealings of the Italians
themselves. Fairs are of great antiquity, distinguished from ordinary
Commerce markets, and barter and traffic were carried on in them, especially
. that of Soracte, being before Greek or Phœnicians entered from the
sea. Oxen and sheep, grain and slaves, were the common mediums
of exchange. Latium was, however, deficient of articles of export,
and was pre-eminently an agricultural country.

The use of measures and weights was earlier than the art of writing,
although the latter is of high antiquity. Latin poetry began in the
Measures lyrical form. Dancing was a common trade, and this was
and accompanied with pipers, and religious litanies were sung from the
weights. remotest antiquity. Comic songs were sung in Saturnian metre,
accompanied by the pipe. The art of dancing was a public care, and
a powerful impulse was early given by Hellenic games. But in all
the arts of music and poetry there was not the easy development as in

Page 410

Greece. Architecture owed its first impulse to the Etruscans, who borrowed
from the Greeks, and was not of much account till the reigns of the Tuscan
kings.

[pg 410]

Page 411

CHAPTER XXVII.

Page 412

THE ROMAN REPUBLIC TILL THE INVASION
OF THE GAULS.

The Tarquins being expelled, political power fell into the hands of
the patricians, under whose government the city slowly increased in
Heroic wealth and population, but it was the heroic period of Roman
period ofhistory, and the legends of patriotic bravery are of great interest.
Roman
History. The despotism of Tarquinius Superbus inflamed all classes
with detestation of the very name of king—the wealthy
The classes, because they were deprived of their ancient
consuls. powers; the poorer classes, because they were oppressed
with burdens. The executive power of the State was
transferred to two men, called consuls, annually elected
from the patrician ranks. But they ruled with restricted powers, and were
shorn of the trappings of royalty. They could not nominate priests, and they
were amenable to the laws after their term of office expired. They were
elected by the Comitia Centuriata, in which the patrician power
predominated. They convened the Senate, introduced ambassadors, and
commanded the armies. In public, they were attended by lictors, and wore,
as a badge of authority, a purple border on the toga.

The Senate, a great power, still retained its dignity. The members
were elected for life, and were the advisers of the consuls. They
The were elected by the consuls; but, as the consuls were practically
Senate. chosen by the wealthy classes, men were chosen to the Senate who
belonged to powerful families. The Senate was a judicial and
legislative body, and numbered three hundred men. All men who
[pg 411] had held curule magistracies became members. Their decisions,
called Senatus Consulta, became laws—leges.

Page 413

The Roman government at this time was purely oligarchic. The
aristocratical clement prevailed. Nobles virtually controlled the State.

Brutus, on the overthrow of the monarchy, was elected the first
consul B.C. 507 with L. Tarquinius Colatinus; but the latter was not
Brutus theallowed to possess his office, from hatred of his family, and he
first withdrew peaceably to Lavinium, and Publius Valerius was elected
consul. consul in his stead—a harsh measure, prompted by necessity.

The history of Rome at this period is legendary. The story
goes that Tarquin, at the head of the armies of Veii and
The Tarquinii, seeking to recover his throne, marched against
legends ofRome, and that for thirteen years he struggled with various
ancient success, assisted by Porsenna, king of Etruria. The legends
Rome. say Horatius Cocles defended a bridge, single-handed,
Tarquin against the whole Etrurian army—that Mamillus, the ruler
attempts toof Tuscalum, fought a battle at Lake Regillus, in which the
recover hiscause of Tarquin was lost—the subject of the most
throne. beautiful of Macaulay's lays—and that Mutius Scævola
attempted to assassinate Porsenna, and, as a proof of his
fortitude, held his hand in the fire until it was consumed,
which act converted Porsenna into a friend. Another interesting legend is
related in reference to Brutus, who slew his own sons for their sympathy
with, and treasonable aid, to the banished king. These stories are not history,
but still shed light on the spirit of the time. It is probable that Tarquin made
desperate efforts to recover his dominion, aided by the Etruscans, and that
the first wars of the republic were against them.

The Etruscans were then in the height of their power, and were in
close alliance with the Carthaginians. Etruria was a larger State
Etruria. than Latium, from which it was separated by the Tiber. It was
bounded on the west by the Tyrrhenian Sea, on the north by the
Appenines, and the east by Umbria. Among the cities were Veii and
[pg 412] Tarquinii, the latter the birthplace of Tarquinius Priscus, and the
former the powerful rival of Rome.

In the war with the Etruscans, the Romans were worsted, and they lost all
their territory on the right bank of the Tiber, won by the kings, and were

Page 414

thrown back on their original limits. But the Etruscans were driven
back, by the aid of the Latin cities, beyond the Tiber. It took Rome
War withone hundred and fifty years to recover what she had lost.
the
Etruscans. It was in those wars with the Etruscans that we first read of
dictators, extraordinary magistrates, appointed in great
Dictators. political exigencies. The dictator, or commander, was
chosen by one of the consuls, and his authority was
supreme, but lasted only for six months. He had all the
powers of the ancient kings.

The misfortunes of the Romans, in the contest with the Etruscans,
led to other political changes, and internal troubles. The strife
Oppressio between the patricians and the plebeians now began, and lasted two
n andcenturies before the latter were admitted to a full equality of civil
miseries ofrights. The cause of the conflict, it would appear, was the unequal
the and burdensome taxation to which the plebeians were subjected,
plebeians. and especially vexations from the devastations which war
produced. They were small land-owners, and their little farms were
overrun by the enemy, and they were in no condition to bear the
burdens imposed upon them: and this inequality of taxation was the more
oppressive, since they had no political power. They necessarily incurred
debts, which were rigorously exacted, and they thus became the property of
their creditors.

In their despair, they broke out in open rebellion, in the fifteenth
year of the republic, during the consulship of Publius Servilius and
Their Appius Claudius—the latter a proud Sabine nobleman, who had
rebellion. lately settled in Rome. They took position on a hill between the
Anio and Tiber, commanding the most fertile part of the Roman
territory. The patrician and wealthy classes, abandoned by [pg 413]
the farmers, who tilled the lands, were compelled to treat, in spite of the
opposition of Appius Claudius. And the result was, that the plebeians gained
a remission of their debts, and the appointment of two magistrates, as
protectors, under the name of tribunes.

This new office introduced the first great change in the condition of the
plebeians. The tribunes had the power of putting a stop to the execution of

Page 415

the law which condemned debtors to imprisonment or a military
levy. Their jurisdiction extended over every citizen, even over the
The consul. There was no appeal from their decisions, except in the
Tribunes. Comitia Tributa, where the plebeian interest predominated—an
Comitia assembly representing the thirty Roman tribes, according to the
Tributa. Servian constitution, but which, at first, had insignificant powers.
The persons of the tribunes were inviolable, but their power was
negative. They could not originate laws; they could insure the
equitable administration of the laws, and prevent wrongs. They had a
constitutional veto, of great use at the time, but which ended in a series of
dangerous encroachments.

The office of ædiles followed that of tribunes. There were at first
two, selected from plebeians, whose duty it was to guard the law
Ædiles. creating tribunes, which was deposited in the temple of Vesta, They
were afterward the keepers of the resolutions of the Senate as well
as of the plebs, and had the care of public buildings, and the
sanitary police of the city, the distribution of corn, and of the public lands,
the superintendence of markets and measures, the ordering of festivals, and
the duty to see that no new deities or rites were introduced.

One year after the victory of the plebeians, a distinguished man
appeared, who was their bitter enemy. This was Caius Marcius,
Coriolanus called Coriolanus, from his bravery at the capture of a Volscian
. town, Corioli. When a famine pressed the city, a supply of corn was
sent by a Sicilian prince, but the proud patrician proposed to the
Senate to withhold it from the plebeians until they surrendered [pg
414] their privileges. The rage of the plebeians was intense, and he was
impeached by the tribunes, and condemned by the popular assembly to
exile. He went over, in indignation, to the Volscians, became their general,
defeated the Romans, and marched against their city. In this emergency, the
city was saved by the intercession of his mother, Volumnia, who went to
seek him in his camp, accompanied by other Roman matrons.

A greater man than he, was Spurius Cassius, who rendered public
services of the greatest magnitude, yet a man whose illustrious
Spurius deeds no poet sang. He lived in a great crisis, when the Etruscan
Cassius.

Page 416

Agrarian war had destroyed the Roman dominions on the right bank of the
law. Tiber, and where the Volscians and Acquians were advancing with
superior forces. Rome was in danger of being conquered, and not
only conquered, but reduced to servitude. But he concluded a
league with the Latins, and also with the Hernicians—a Sabine people, who
dwelt in one of the valleys of the Appenines, by which the power of Rome
was threatened. He is also known as the first who proposed an agrarian law.
It seems that the patricians had occupied the public lands to the exclusion of
the plebeians. Spurius Cassius proposed to the Comitia Centuriata that the
public domain—land obtained by conquest—should be measured, and a
part reserved for the use of the State, and another portion distributed among
the needy citizens—a just proposition, since no property held by individuals
was meddled with. This popular measure was carried against violent
opposition, but when the term of office of Cassius as consul expired, he was
accused before the curiæ, who assumed the right to judge a patrician, and he
lost his life. He was accused of seeking to usurp regal power, because he
had sought to protect the commons against his own order. “His law was
buried with him, but its spectre haunted the rich, and again and again it
arose from its tomb, till the conflicts to which it led destroyed the
commonwealth.”

The following seven years was a period of incessant war [pg 415]
with the Acquians and Veientines, as well as dissensions in the city,
Fabius. during which the great house of the Fabii arose to power, for Fabius
Increased was chosen consul seven successive years, and even proposed the
power ofexecution of the agrarian law of Cassius, for which he was scorned
plebians. by the patricians, and left Rome in disgust, with his family, and all
were afterward massacred by the Veientines. But one of the
tribunes accused the consuls for their opposition of the tribunes for
the execution of the agrarian law. He was assassinated. This violation of the
sacred person of a tribune created great indignation among the commons,
and Volero, a tribune, proposed the celebrated “Publilian Law,” that the
tribunes henceforth, as well as the plebeian ædiles, should be elected by the
plebeians themselves in the Comitia Tributa. Great disorders followed, but
the commons prevailed, and the Senate adopted the plebiscitum, and
proposed it to the Comitia Curiata, and it became a law. This step raised the
authority of the tribunes, and added to Roman liberties.

Page 417

The critical condition of Rome, from the renewed assaults of the
Acquians and Volscians, led to the appointment of another very
The remarkable man to the dictatorship—L. Quintius Cincinnatus, a
dictatorshi patrician, who maintained the virtues of better days. He cultivated a
p oflittle farm of four jugera with his own hands, and lived with great
Cincinnatu simplicity. He summoned every man of military age to meet him in
s. the Campus Martius, and these were provided with rations for five
days. He then marched against the triumphant enemy, surrounded
them, and compelled them to surrender. He made no use of his
political power, and after sixteen days, laid down the dictatorship, and
retired to his farm, B.C. 458. All subsequent ages and nations have
embalmed the memory of this true patriot, who preferred the quiet labors of
his small farm of three and a half acres to the enjoyment of absolute power.

But his victory was not decisive, and the Romans continued to be harassed
by the neighboring nations, and they, [pg 416] moreover, suffered all the
evils of pestilence. It was at this time, in the three hundredth year of the
city, that they sought to make improvements in their laws—at least, to
embody laws in a written form. Greece was then in the height of her glory,
in the interval between the Persian and Peloponnesian wars, and thither a
commission was sent to examine her laws, especially those of Solon, at
Athens. On the return of the three commissioners, a new commission of ten
was appointed to draw up a new code, composed wholly of patricians, at the
head of which was Appius Claudius, consul elect, a man of commanding
influence and talents, but ill-regulated passions and unscrupulous ambition.
The new code was engraved upon ten tables, and subsequently two more
tables were added, and these twelve tables are the foundation of the Roman
jurisprudence, that branch of science which the Romans carried to
considerable perfection, and for which they are most celebrated. The
jurisprudence of Rome has survived all her conquests, and is the most
valuable contribution to civilization which she ever made.

The decemvirs—those who codified the laws—came into supreme
power, and suspended the other great magistracies, and ruled, under
The the direction of Appius Claudius, in an arbitrary and tyrannical
decemvirs. manner. Their power came to an end in a signal manner, and the
—Appius history of their fall is identified with one of the most beautiful
Claudius.

Page 418

legends of this heroic age, which is also the subject of one of Macaulay's
lays.

Appius Claudius, who perhaps aspired to regal power, became
enamored of the daughter of a centurion, L. Virginius. In order to
His gratify his passions, Claudius suborned a false accuser, one of his
injustice clients, who was to pretend that the mother of Virginia had been his
and slave. Appius sat in judgment, and against his own laws, and also
punishmen the entreaties of the people, declared her to be the slave of the
t. accuser. Her father returned from the army, and in his indignation
plunged a dagger in her breast, preferring her [pg 417] death to
shame. The people and soldiers rallied around the courageous
soldier, took the capitol, and compelled the decemvirs to lay down their
office. The result of this insurrection was the creation of ten tribunes instead
of the old number, and ten continued to be the regular number of tribunes
till the fall of the republic. It was further decreed that the votes of the plebs,
passed in the Comitia Tributa, should be binding on the whole people,
provided they were confirmed by the Senate and the assemblies of the
curias and centuries. The persons of the tribunes were declared to be
inviolable, under the sanctions of religion, and they, moreover, were
admitted to the deliberations of the Senate, though without a vote. Thus did
the commons ascend another step in political influence, B.C. 449. The next
movement of the commons was to take vengeance on Appius Claudius, who
ended his life in prison.

The plebs, now strengthened by the plebeian nobles, who sought
power through the tribunate, insisted on the abrogation of the law
Intermarri which prevented the marriage of plebeians with patricians. This
age ofwas effected four years later, B.C. 445. These then attempted to
plebians secure the higher magistracies, but this was prevented for a time,
and although they acquired the right of plebeians to become military
patricians. tribunes, or chief officer of the legions, but none of the plebeians
arose to that rank for several years.

A new office of great dignity was now created, that of censors, who
were chosen from men who had been consuls, and therefore had
Censors. higher rank than they. It was their duty to superintend the public

Page 419

morals, take the census, and administer the finances. They could brand with
ignominy the highest officers of the State, could elect to the Senate, and
control, with the ædiles, the public buildings and works. There were two
elected to this high office, and were chosen from the patrician ranks till the
year B.C. 421, when plebeians were admitted. They were even held in great
reverence, and enjoyed a larger term of office than the consuls, even of five
years.

[pg 418]

The commons gained additional importance by the opening of the
quæstorship to the plebeians, which took place about this time. The
Quæstors. quæstors virtually had charge of the public money, and were the
paymasters of the army. As these were curule officers, they had, by
their office, admission to the Senate. Another great increase of
power among the plebeians, about twenty years after the decemviral
legislature, was the right, transferred from the curiæ to the centuries, of
determining peace and war.

While these internal changes were in progress, the State was in
almost constant war with the Volscians and Acquians, and also with
The siegethe Etruscans. The former were kept at bay by the aid of the Latin
and fall ofand Hernican allies. The latter were more formidable foes, and
Veii. especially the inhabitants of Veii—a powerful city in the plain of
Southern Etruria, and the largest of the confederated Etruscan
cities, equal in size to Athens, defended by a strong citadel on a
hill. The Veientines, not willing to contend with the Romans in the field,
shut themselves up in their strong city, to which the Romans laid siege.
They drew around it a double line of circumvallation, the inner one to
prevent egress from the city, the outer one to defend themselves against
external attacks. The siege lasted ten years, as long as that of Troy, but was
finally taken by the great Camillus, by means of a mine under the citadel.
The fall of this strong place was followed by the submission of all the
Etruscan cities south of the Ciminian forest, and the lands of the people of
Veii were distributed among the whole Roman people, at the rate of seven
jugera to each landholder, B.C. 396.

Page 420

But this event was soon followed by a great calamity to Rome—the
greatest she had ever suffered. The city fell into the hands of the
Invasion Gauls—a Celtic race. They were rather pastoral than agricultural,
of theand reared great numbers of swine. They had little attachment to
Gauls. the soil, like the Italians and Germans, and delighted in towns.
Habits andTheir chief qualities were personal bravery, an impetuous temper,
manners ofboundless vanity, and want of perseverance. [pg 419] They were
the Gauls. good soldiers and bad citizens. They were fond of a roving life, and
given to pillage. They loved ornaments and splendid dresses, and
wore a gold collar round the neck. After an expedition, they
abandoned themselves to carousals. They sprung from the same cradle as
the Hellenic, Italian, and German people. Their first great migration flowed
past the Alps, and we find them in Gaul, Britain, and Spain. From these
settlements, they proceeded westward across the Alps. In successive waves
they invaded Italy. It was at the height of Etruscan power, that they assumed
a hostile attitude. From Etruria they proceeded to the Roman territories.

The first battle with these terrible foes resulted disastrously to the
Romans, who regarded them as half-disciplined barbarians, and
Disastrous underrated their strength. Their defeat was complete, and their
battle withlosses immense. The flower of the Roman youth perished, B.C.
the Gauls. 390.

The victors entered Rome without resistance, while the
Romans retreated to their citadel, such as were capable of
The fall ofbearing arms. The rest of the population dispersed. The
Rome. fathers of the city, aged citizens, and priests, seated
themselves in the porches of their patrician houses, and
awaited the enemy. At first, they were mistaken for gods,
so venerable and calm their appearance; but the profanation of the sacred
person of Papirius dissolved the charm, and they were massacred.

The Gauls then attempted to assault the capital, but failed. But a
youth, Pontius Cominius, having climbed the hill in the night with
M. safety, and opened communication with the Romans at Veii, the
Manlius. marks of his passage suggested to the Gauls the means of taking the
citadel. In the dead of the following night a party of Gauls scaled

Page 421

the cliff, and were about to surprise the citadel, when some geese, sacred to
Juno, cried out and flapped their wings, which noise awakened M. Manlius,
who rushed to the cliff and overpowered the foremost Gaul. A panic seized
the rest, and the capitol was saved. At length, when the siege had lasted [pg
420] seven months, and famine pressed, the invaders were bought off by a
ransom of one thousand pounds weight of gold. “The iron of the barbarians
had conquered; but they sold their victory, and by selling, lost it.” They
were subsequently defeated by Camillus, and Manlius, surnamed Torquatus,
from the gold collar he took from a gigantic Gaul, and also by other
generals.

The destruction of Rome was not a permanent calamity; it was a
misfortune. The period which followed was one of distress, but the energy
of Camillus reorganized the military force, and new alliances were made
with the Latin cities. Etruria, humbled and restricted within narrower limits,
and moreover enervated by luxury, was in no condition to oppose a people
inured to danger and sobered by adversity.

The subsequent fate of Manlius, who saved the city, suggests the
fickleness and ingratitude of a republican State. The distress of the
His lower classes, in consequence of the Gaulish invasion, became
services intolerable. They became involved in debt, and thus were in the
and fall.power of their creditors. Manlius undertook to be their defender,
The but the envy of the patricians caused him to be accused of aspiring
Lincinian to the supreme power, and he was, in spite of his great services,
rogation. sentenced to death and hurled from the Tarpeian rock. His error
was in premature reform. But, in the year 367 B.C., the tribunes
Licinius and L. Sextius secured the passage of three memorable
laws in the Curiata Tributa—the abolition of the military tribunate, which
had increased the power of the patricians, and the restoration of the
consulate, on the condition that one of the consuls should be a plebeian; the
second, that no citizen should possess more than five hundred jugera of the
public lands; and the third, that all interest thus paid on loans should be
deducted from the principal. These were called the Licinian Rogations. But
a new curule magistracy was created, as a sort of compensation to the
patricians, that of prætors, to be held by them, exclusively. These political
changes were made peaceably, and with them the old gentile aristocracy

Page 422

ceased [pg 421] to be a political institution. The remaining patrician offices
were not long withheld from the plebeians. But these political changes did
not much ameliorate the social condition of the poorer classes. The
strictness of the Licinian laws, the oppression of the rich, the high rate of
interest, and the existence of slavery, made the poor poorer, and the rich
richer, and prevented the expansion of industry. The plebeians had gained
political privileges, but not till great plebeian families had arisen. Power
was virtually in the hands of nobles, whether patrician or plebeian, and
aristocratic distinctions still remained. The plebeian noble sympathized with
patricians rather than with the poorer classes. Debt, usury, and slavery
began to bear fruits before the conquest of Italy.

[pg 422]

Page 423

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Page 424

THE CONQUEST OF ITALY.

Hitherto, the Romans, after the expulsion of the kings, were involved in
wars with their immediate neighbors, and exposed to great calamities. All
they could do for one hundred and fifty years was to recover the
possessions they had lost. During this period great prodigies of valor were
performed, and great virtues were generated. It was the heroic period of
their history, when adversity taught them patience, endurance, and public
virtue.

But a new period opens, when the plebeians had obtained political
power, and the immediate enemies were subdued. This was a
The periodperiod of conquest over the various Italian States. The period is still
of heroic, but historical. Great men arose, of talent and patriotism. The
conquest ambition of the Romans now prominently appears. They had been
begins. struggling for existence—they now fought for conquest. “The great
achievement of the regal period was the establishment,” says
Mommsen, “of the sovereignty of Rome over Latium.” That was
shaken by the expulsion of Tarquin, but was re-established in the wars
which subsequently followed. After the fall of Veii, all the Latin cities
became subject to the Romans. On the overthrow of the Volscians, the
Roman armies reached the Samnite territory.

The next memorable struggle of Rome was with Samnium, for the
supremacy of Italy. Samnium was a hilly country on the east of the
Samnium. Volscians, and its people were brave and hardy. The Samnites had,
at the fall of Veii, an ascendency over Lower Italy, with the
exception of the Grecian colonies. Tarentum, Croton, Metapontum,
[pg 423] Heraclea, Neapolis, and other Grecian cities, maintained a
precarious independence, but were weakened by the successes of the
Samnites. Capua, the capital of Campania, where the Etruscan influence
predominated, was taken by them, and Cumæ was wrested from the Greeks.

Page 425

But in the year B.C. 343, the Samnites came in collision with Rome, from
an application of Capua to Rome for assistance against them. The victories
of Valerius Corvus, and Cornelius Cossus gave Campania to the Romans.

In the mean time the Latins had recovered strength, and determined
to shake off the Roman yoke, and the Romans made peace with the
The LatinsSamnites and formed a close alliance, B.C. 341. The Romans and
throw offSamnites were ranged against the Latins and Campanians. The
the Romanhostile forces came in sight of each other before Capua, and the
yoke. first great battle was fought at the foot of Mount Vesuvius. It was
here that Titus Manlius, the son of the consul, was beheaded by him
for disobedience of orders, for the consuls issued strict injunctions
against all skirmishing, and Manlius, disregarding them, slew an enemy in
single combat. “The consul's cruelty was execrated, but the discipline of the
army was saved.”

This engagement furnishes another legend of the heroic and
patriotic self-devotion of those early Romans. The consuls, before
Reconques the battle, dreamed that the general on the one side should fall, and
t of thethe army on the other side should be beaten. Decius, the plebeian
Latin consul, when he found his troops wavering, called the chief pontiff,
cities. and after invoking the gods to assist his cause, rushed into the
thickest of the Latin armies, and was slain. The other consul,
Torquatus, by a masterly use of his reserve, gained the battle.
Three-fourths of the Latin army were slain. The Latin cities, after this
decisive victory, lost their independence, and the Latin confederacy was
dissolved, and Latin nationality was fused into one powerful State, and all
Latium became Roman. Roman citizens settled on the forfeited lands of the
conquered cities.

[pg 424]

The subjugation of Latium and the progress of Rome in Campania
filled the Samnites with jealousy, and it is surprising that they
Jealousy should have formed an alliance with Rome, when Rome was
of theconquering Campania. They were the most considerable power in
Samnites. Italy, next to Rome, and to them fell the burden of maintaining the

Page 426

independence of the Italian States against the encroachments of the
Romans.

The Greek cities of Palæapolis and Neapolis, the only communities
in Campania not yet reduced by the Romans, gave occasion to the
The war.outbreak of the inevitable war between the Samnites and Romans.
The The Tarentines and Samnites, informed of the intention of the
Samnite Romans to seize these cities, anticipated the seizure, upon which
war. Siegethe Romans declared war, and commenced the siege of Palæapolis,
of which soon submitted, on the offer of favorable terms. An alliance
Lucania. of the Romans with the Lucanians, left the Samnites unsupported,
except by tribes on the eastern mountain district. The Romans
invaded the Samnite territories, pillaging and destroying as far as
Apulia, on which the Samnites sent back the Roman prisoners and sought
for peace. But peace was refused by the inexorable enemy, and the Samnites
prepared for desperate resistance. They posted themselves in ambush at an
important pass in the mountains, and shut up the Romans, who offered to
capitulate. Instead of accepting the capitulation and making prisoners of the
whole army, the Samnite general, Gaius Pontius, granted an equitable
peace. But the Roman Senate, regardless of the oaths of their generals, and
regardless of the six hundred equites who were left as hostages, canceled
the agreement, and the war was renewed with increased exasperation on the
part of the Samnites, who, however, were sufficiently magnanimous not to
sacrifice the hostages they held. Rome sent a new army, under Lucius
Papirius Cursor, and laid siege to Lucania, where the Roman equites lay in
captivity. The city surrendered, and Papirius liberated his comrades, and [pg
425] retaliated on the Samnite garrison. The war continued, like all wars at
that period between people of equal courage and resources, with various
success—sometimes gained by one party and sometimes by another, until,
in the fifteenth year of the war, the Romans established themselves in
Apulia, on one sea, and Campania, on the other.

The people of Northern and Central Italy, perceiving that the Romans aimed
at the complete subjugation of the whole peninsula, now turned to the
assistance of the Samnites. The Etruscans joined their coalition, but were at
length subdued by Papirius Cursor. The Samnites found allies in the
Umbrians of Northern, and the Marsi and Pieligni of Central Italy, But these

Page 427

people were easily subdued, and a peace was made with Samnium, after
twenty-two years' war, when Bovianum, its strongest city, was taken by
storm, B.C. 298.

The defeated nations would not, however, submit to Rome without
one more final struggle, and the third Samnite war was renewed the
Victory offollowing year, for which the Samnites called to their aid the Gauls.
Seutinum. This war lasted nine years, and was virtually closed by the great
victory of Seutinum—a fiercely contested battle, where the
Romans, though victorious, lost nine thousand men. Umbria
submitted, the Gauls dispersed, and the Etruscans made a truce for four
hundred months. The Samnites still made desperate resistance, but were
finally subdued in a decisive battle, where twenty thousand were slain, and
their great general, Pontius, was taken prisoner, with four thousand
Samnites. This misfortune closed the war, but the Samnites were not
subjected to humiliating terms. The Romans, however, sullied their
victories by the execution of C. Pontius, the Samnite general, who had once
spared the lives of two Roman armies, B.C. 291. Rome now became the
ruling State of Italy, but there were still two great nations unsubdued—the
Etruscans in the north, and the Lucanians in the south.

A new coalition arose against Rome, soon after the Samnites [pg
426] were subdued, composed of Etruscans, Bruttians, and
New Lucanians. The war began in Etruria, B.C. 283, and continued with
coalition alternate successes, until the decisive victory at the Vadimonian
against Lake, gained by G. Domitius Calvinus, destroyed forever the power
Rome. of the Etruscans. The attention of Rome was now given to
Tarentum. Tarentum, a Greek city, at the bottom of the gulf of that name,
adjacent to the fertile plain of Lucania. This city, which was pre-
eminent among the States of Magna Grecia, had grown rich by
commerce, and was sufficiently powerful to defend herself against the
Etruscans and the Syracusans. It was a Dorian colony, but had abandoned
the Lacedæmonian simplicity, and was given over to pleasure and luxury;
but, luxurious as it was, it was the only obstacle to the supremacy of Rome
over Italy.

Page 428

This thoughtless and enervated, but great city, ruled by
demagogues, had insulted Rome—burning and destroying some of
Pyrrhus. her ships. It was a reckless insult which Rome could not forget,
prompted by fear as well as hatred. When the Samnite war closed,
the Tarentines, fearing the vengeance of the most powerful State in
Italy, sent to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, a soldier of fortune, for aid. They
offered the supreme command of their forces, with the right to keep a
garrison in their city, till the independence of Italy was secured.

Pyrrhus, who was compared with Alexander of Macedon, aspired
to found an Hellenic empire in the West, as Alexander did in the
Marches toEast, and responded to the call of the Tarentines. Rome was not
the now to contend with barbarians, but with Hellenes—with
assistance phalanxes and cohorts instead of a militia—with a military
of themonarchy and sustained by military science. He landed, B.C. 281,
Tarentines. on the Italian shores, with an army of twenty thousand veterans in
Battle ofphalanx, two thousand archers, three thousand cavalry, and twenty
Heraclea. elephants. The Tarentine allies promised three hundred and fifty
thousand infantry and twenty thousand cavalry to support him. The
Romans strained every [pg 427] nerve to meet him before these
forces could be collected and organized. They marched with a force of fifty
thousand men, larger than a consular army, under Lævinius and Æmilius.
They met the enemy on the plain of Heraclea. Seven times did the legion
and phalanx drive one or the other back. But the reserves of Pyrrhus, with
his elephants, to which the Romans were unaccustomed, decided the battle.
Seven thousand Romans were left dead on the field, and an immense
number were wounded or taken prisoners. But the battle cost Pyrrhus four
thousand of his veterans, which led him to say that another such victory
would be his ruin. The Romans retreated into Apulia, but the whole south of
Italy, Lucania, Samnium, the Bruttii, and the Greek cities were the prizes
which the conqueror won.

Pyrrhus then offered peace, since he only aimed to establish a
Greek power in Southern Italy. The Senate was disposed to accept
Pyrrhus it, but the old and blind Appius Claudius was carried in his litter
offers through the crowded forum—as Chatham, in after times, bowed
peace. with infirmities and age, was carried to the parliament—and in a

Page 429

vehement speech denounced the peace, and infused a new spirit into the
Senate. The Romans refused to treat with a foreign enemy on the soil of
Italy. The ambassador of Pyrrhus, the orator Cineas, returned to tell the
conqueror that to fight the Romans was to fight a hydra—that their city was
a temple, and their senators were kings.

Two new legions were forthwith raised to re-enforce Lævinius,
while Pyrrhus marched direct to Rome. But when he arrived within
Retreat ofeighteen miles, he found an enemy in his front, while Lævinius
Pyrrhus. harassed his rear. He was obliged to retreat, and retired to Tarentum
with an immense booty. The next year he opened the campaign in
Apulia; but he found an enemy of seventy thousand infantry and
eight thousand horse—a force equal to his own. The first battle was lost by
the Romans, who could not penetrate the Grecian phalanx, and were
trodden down by the elephants. But he could not prosecute his victory, [pg
428] his troops melted away, and he again retired to Tarentum for winter
quarters.

Like a military adventurer, he then, for two years, turned his forces
against the Carthaginians, and relieved Syracuse. But he did not
Battle ofavail himself of his victories, being led by a generous nature into
Beneventu political mistakes. He then returned to Italy to renew his warfare
m. with the Romans. The battle of Beneventum, gained by Carius, the
Roman general, decided the fate of Pyrrhus. The flower of his
Epirot troops was destroyed, and his camp fell, with all its riches,
into the hands of the Romans. The king of Epirus retired to his own country,
and was assassinated by a woman at Argos, after he had wrested the crown
of Macedonia from Antigonus, B.C. 272. He had left, however, to garrison,
under Milo, at Tarentum. The city fell into the hands of the Romans the year
that Pyrrhus died.

With the fall of Tarentum, the conquest of Italy was complete. The
Romans found no longer any enemies to resist them on the
Complete peninsula. A great State was organized for the future subjection of
subjugatio the world. The conquest of Italy greatly enriched the Romans. Both
n of Italy. rich and poor became possessed of large grants of land from the
conquered territories. The conquered cities were incorporated with

Page 430

the Roman State, and their inhabitants became Roman citizens or allies. The
growth of great plebeian families re-enforced the aristocracy, which was
based on wealth. Italy became Latinized, and Rome was now acknowledged
as one of the great powers of the world.

The great man at Rome during the period of the Samnite wars was
Appius Claudius—great grandson of the decemvir, and the
Appius proudest aristocrat that had yet appeared. He enjoyed all the great
Claudius. offices of State. To him we date many improvements in the city,
also the highway which bears his name. He was the patron of art, of
eloquence, and poetry. But, at this period, all individual greatness
was lost in the State.

[pg 429]

Page 431

CHAPTER XXIX.

Page 432

THE FIRST PUNIC WAR.

A contest greater than with Pyrrhus and the Greek cities, more memorable
in its incidents, and more important in its consequences, now awaited the
Romans. This was with Carthage, the greatest power, next to Rome, in the
world at that time—a commercial State which had been gradually
aggrandized for three hundred years. It was a rich and powerful city at the
close of the Persian wars. It had succeeded Tyre as the mistress of the sea.

We have seen, in the second book, how the Carthaginians were
involved in wars with Syracuse, when that city had reached the
Causes ofacme of its power under Dionysius. We have also alluded to the
the Punicearly history and power of Carthage. At the time Pyrrhus landed in
war. Sicily, it contained nearly a million of people, and controlled the
northern coast of Africa, and the western part of the Mediterranean.
Carthage was strictly a naval power, although her colonies were
numerous, and her dependencies large. The land forces were not
proportionate to the naval; but large armies were necessary to protect her
dependencies in the constant wars in which she was engaged. These armies
were chiefly mercenaries, and their main strength consisted in light cavalry.

The territories of Carthage lay chiefly in the islands which were
protected by her navy and enriched by her commerce. Among these
Territories insular possessions, Sardinia was the largest and most important,
of and was the commercial depot of Southern Europe. A part of Sicily,
Carthage. also, as we have seen (Book ii., chap. 24), was colonized and held
Sicilian by [pg 430] her, and she aimed at the sovereignty of the whole
affairs. island. Hence the various wars with Syracuse. The Carthaginians
and Greeks were the rivals for the sovereignty of this fruitful
island, the centre of the oil and wine trade, the store-house for all
sorts of cereals. Had Carthage possessed the whole of Sicily, her fleets
would have controlled the Mediterranean.

Page 433

The embroilment of Carthage with the Grecian States on this island
was the occasion of the first rupture with Rome. Messina, the seat
Rhegium. of the pirate republic of the Mamertines, was in close alliance with
Rhegium, a city which had grown into importance during the war
with Pyrrhus. Rhegium, situated on the Italian side of the strait,
solicited the protection of Rome, and a body of Campanian troops was sent
to its assistance. These troops expelled or massacred the citizens for whose
protection they had been sent, and established a tumultuary government. On
the fall of Tarentum, the Romans sought to punish this outrage, and also to
embrace the opportunity to possess a town which would facilitate a passage
to Sicily, for Sicily as truly belonged to Italy as the Peloponnesus to Greece,
being separated only by a narrow strait. A Roman army was accordingly
sent to take possession of Rhegium, but the defenders made a desperate
resistance. It was finally taken by storm, and the original citizens obtained
repossession, as dependents and allies of Rome. The fall of Rhegium
robbed the pirate city of Messina of the only ally on which it could count,
and subjected it to the vengeance of both the Carthaginians and the
Syracusans. The latter were then under the sway of Hiero, who, for fifty
years, had reigned without despotism, and had quietly developed both the
resources and the freedom of the city. He collected an army of citizens,
devoted to him, who expelled the Mamertines from many of their towns,
and gained a decisive victory over them, not far from Messina.

The Mamertines, in danger of subjection by the Syracusans, then
looked for foreign aid. One party looked to Carthage, [pg 431] and
The another to Rome. The Carthaginian party prevailed on the
Mamertine Mamertines to receive a Punic garrison. The Romans, seeking a
s. pretext for a war with Carthage, sent an army ostensibly to protect
Messina against Hiero. But the strait which afforded a passage to
Sicily was barred by a Carthaginian fleet. The Romans,
unaccustomed to the sea, were defeated. Not discouraged, however, they
finally succeeded in landing at Messina, and although Carthage and Rome
were at peace, seized Hanno, the Carthaginian general, who had the
weakness to command the evacuation of the citadel as a ransom for his
person.

Page 434

On this violation of international law, Hiero, who feared the
Romans more than the Carthaginians, made an alliance with
Hiero. Carthage, and the combined forces of Syracuse and Carthage
marched to the liberation of Messina. The Romans, under Appius,
the consul, then made overtures of peace to the Carthaginians, and
bent their energies against Hiero. But Hiero, suspecting the Carthaginians of
treachery, for their whole course with the Syracusans for centuries had been
treacherous, retired to Syracuse. Upon which the Romans attacked the
Carthaginians singly, and routed them, and spread devastation over the
whole island.

This was the commencement of the first Punic war, in which the Romans
were plainly the aggressors. Two consular armies now threatened Syracuse,
when Hiero sought peace, which was accepted on condition of provisioning
the Roman armies, and paying one hundred talents to liberate prisoners.

The first Punic war began B.C. 264, and lasted twenty-four years. Before
we present the leading events of that memorable struggle, let us glance at
the power of Carthage—the formidable rival of Rome.

As has been narrated, Carthage was founded upon a peninsula, or
rocky promontory, sixty-five years before the foundation of Rome.
Wealth The inhabitants of Carthage, descendants of Phœnicians, were
and therefore of Semitic [pg 432] origin. The African farmer was a
population Canaanite, and all the Canaanites lacked the instinct of political
of life. The Phœnicians thought of commerce and wealth, and not
Carthage. political aggrandizement. With half their power, the Hellenic cities
Power ofachieved their independence. Carthage was a colony of Phœnicians,
Carthage. and had their ideas. It lived to traffic and get rich. It was washed on
all sides, except the west, by the sea, and above the city, on the
western heights, was the citadel Byrsa, called so from the word
βύρσα, a hide, according to the legend that Dido, when she came to Africa,
bought of the inhabitants as much land as could be encompassed by a bull's
hide, which she cut into thongs, and inclosed the territory on which she
built the citadel. The city grew to be twenty-three miles in circuit, and
contained seven hundred thousand people. It had two harbors, an outer and
inner, the latter being surrounded by a lofty wall. A triple wall was erected

Page 435

across the peninsula, to protect it from the west, three miles long, and
between the walls were stables for three hundred elephants, four thousand
horses, and barracks for two thousand infantry, with magazines and stores.
In the centre of the inner harbor was an island, called Cothon, the shores of
which were lined with quays and docks for two hundred and twenty ships.
The citadel, Byrsa, was two miles in circuit, and when it finally surrendered
to the Romans, fifty thousand people marched out of it. On its summit was
the famous temple of Æsculapius. At the northwestern angle of the city
were twenty immense reservoirs, each four hundred feet by twenty-eight,
filled with water, brought by an aqueduct at a distance of fifty-two miles.
The suburb Megara, beyond the city walls, but within those that defended
the peninsula, was the site of magnificent gardens and villas, which were
adorned with every kind of Grecian art, for the Carthaginians were rich
before Rome had conquered even Latium. This great city controlled the
other Phœnician cities, part of Sicily, Numidia, Mauritania, Lybia—in short,
the northern part of Africa, and colonies in Spain and the islands of the [pg
433] western part of the Mediterranean. The city alone could furnish in an
exigency forty thousand heavy infantry, one thousand cavalry, and twenty
thousand war chariots. The garrison of the city amounted to twenty
thousand foot and four thousand horse, and the total force which the city
could command was more than one hundred thousand men. The navy was
the largest in the world, for, in the sea-fight with Regulus, it numbered three
hundred and fifty ships, carrying one hundred and fifty thousand men.

Such was this great power against which the Romans were resolved to
contend. It would seem that Carthage was willing that Rome should have
the sovereignty of Italy, provided it had itself the possession of Sicily. But
this was what the Romans were determined to prevent. The object of
contention, then, between these two rivals, the one all-powerful by land and
the other by sea, was the possession of Sicily.

During the first three years of the war, the Romans made
themselves masters of all the island, except the maritime fortresses
Creation at its western extremity, Eryx and Panormus. Meanwhile the
of aCarthaginians ravaged the coasts of Italy, and destroyed its
Roman commerce. The Romans then saw that Sicily could not be held
fleet. without a navy as powerful as that of their rivals, and it was

Page 436

resolved to build at once one hundred and twenty ships. A Carthaginian
quinquereme, wrecked on the Bruttian shore, furnished the model, the
forests of Silo the timber, and the maritime cities of Italy and Greece, the
sailors. In sixty days a fleet of one hundred and twenty ships was built and
ready for sea. The superior seamanship of the Carthaginians was neutralized
by converting the decks into a battle-field for soldiers. Each ship was
provided with a long boarding-bridge, hinged up against the mast, to be let
down on the prow, and fixed to the hostile deck by a long spike, which
projected from its end. The bridge was wide enough for two soldiers to pass
abreast, and its sides were protected by bulwarks.

The first encounter of the Romans with the Carthaginians [pg 434]
resulted in the capture of the whole force, a squadron of seventeen
Naval ships. The second encounter ended in the capture of more ships
battle ofthan the Roman admiral, Cn. Scipio, had lost. The next battle, that
Mylæ. of Mylæ, in which the whole Roman fleet was engaged, again
turned in favor of the Romans, whose bad seamanship provoked
the contempt of their foes, and led to self-confidence. The battle
was gained by grappling the enemy's ships one by one. The Carthaginians
lost fourteen ships, and only saved the rest by inglorious flight.

For six years no decided victories were won by either side, but in
the year B.C. 256, nine years from the commencement of
Great hostilities, M. Atilius Regulus, a noble of the same class and habits
victory ofas Cincinnatus and Fabricius, with a fleet of three hundred and
Regulus. thirty ships, manned by one hundred thousand sailors, encountered
the Carthaginian fleet of three hundred and fifty ships on the
southern coast of Sicily, and gained a memorable victory. It was
gained on the same principle as Epaminondas and Alexander won their
battles, by concentrating all the forces upon a single point, and breaking the
line. The Romans advanced in the shape of a wedge, with the two consuls'
ships at the apex. The Carthaginian admirals allowed the centre to give way
before the advancing squadron. The right wing made a circuit out in the
open sea, and took the Roman reserve in the rear, while the left wing
attacked the vessels that were towing the horse transports, and forced them
to the shore. But the Carthaginian centre, being thus left weak, was no
match for the best ships of the Romans, and the consuls, victorious in the

Page 437

centre, turned to the relief of the two rear divisions. The Carthaginians lost
sixty-four ships, which were taken, besides twenty-four which were sunk,
and retreated with the remainder to the Gulf of Carthage, to defend the
shores against the anticipated attack.

The Romans, however, made for another point, and landed in the
harbor of Aspis, intrenched a camp to protect their ships, and
Other ravaged the country. Twenty [pg 435] thousand captives were sent
victories to Rome and sold as slaves, besides an immense booty—a number
of equal to a fifth part of the free population of the city. A footing in
Regulus. Africa was thus made, and so secure were the Romans, that a large
part of the army was recalled, leaving Regulus with only forty
ships, fifteen thousand infantry, and five hundred cavalry. Yet with
this small army he defeated the Carthaginians, and became master of the
country to within ten miles of Carthage. The Carthaginians, shut up in the
city, sued for peace; but it was granted only on condition of the cession of
Sicily and Sardinia, the surrender of the fleet, and the reduction of Carthage
to the condition of a dependent city. Such a proposal was rejected, and
despair gave courage to the defeated Carthaginians.

They made one grand effort while Regulus lay inactive in winter
quarters. The return of Hamilcar from Sicily with veteran troops,
Hamilcar. which furnished a nucleus for a new army, inspired the
Carthaginians with hope, and assisted by a Lacedæmonian general,
Xanthippus, with a band of Greek mercenaries, the Carthaginians
marched unexpectedly upon Regulus, and so signally defeated him at Tunis,
that only two thousand Romans escaped. Regulus, with five hundred of the
legionary force, was taken captive and carried to Carthage.

The Carthaginians now assumed the offensive, and Sicily became
the battle-field. Hasdrubal, son of Hanno, landed on the island with
Hasdrubal. one hundred and forty elephants, while the Roman fleet of three
hundred ships suffered a great disaster off the Lucanian
promontory. A storm arose, which wrecked one hundred and fifty
ships—a disaster equal to the one which it suffered two years before, when
two-thirds of the large fleet which was sent to relieve the two thousand
troops at Clupea was destroyed by a similar storm. In spite of these

Page 438

calamities, the Romans took Panormus and Thermæ, and gained a victory
under the walls of the former city which cost the Carthaginians twenty
thousand men and the capture of one hundred and twenty [pg 436]
elephants. This success, gained by Metellus, was the greatest yet obtained in
Sicily, and the victorious general adorned his triumph with thirteen captured
generals and one hundred and four elephants.

The two maritime fortresses which still held out at the west of the
island, Drepanum and Lilybæum, were now invested, and the
Imprisonm Carthaginians, shut up in these fortresses, sent an embassy to Rome
ent ofto ask an exchange of prisoners, and sue for peace. Regulus, now
Regulus. five years a prisoner, was allowed to accompany the embassy, on
Death ofhis promise to return if the mission was unsuccessful. As his
Regulus. condition was now that of a Carthaginian slave, he was reluctant to
enter the city, and still more the Senate, of which he was no longer
a member. But when this reluctance was overcome, he denounced
both the peace and the exchange of prisoners. The Romans wished to retain
this noble patriot, but he was true to his oath, and returned voluntarily to
Carthage, after having defeated the object of the ambassadors, knowing that
a cruel death awaited him. The Carthaginians, indignant and filled with
revenge, it is said, exposed the hero to a burning sun, with his eyelids cut
off, and rolled him in a barrel lined with iron spikes.

The embassy having thus failed, the attack on the fortresses, which
alone linked Africa with Sicily, was renewed. The siege of
Hamilcar Lilybæum lasted till the end of the war, which, from the mutual
Barca. exhaustion of the parties, now languished for six years. The
Romans had lost four great fleets, three of which had arms on
board, and the census of the city, in the seventeenth year, showed a
decrease of forty thousand citizens. During this interval of stagnation, when
petty warfare alone existed, Hamilcar Burca was appointed general of
Carthage, and in the same year his son Hannibal was born, B.C. 247.

The Romans, disgusted with the apathy of the government, fitted
out a fleet of privateers of two hundred ships, manned by sixty
Conquest thousand sailors, and this fleet gained a victory over the
of Sicily. Carthaginians, unprepared for such a force, [pg 437] so that fifty

Page 439

ships were sunk, and seventy more were carried by the victors into port.
This victory gave Sicily to the Romans, and ended the war. The Roman
prisoners were surrendered by Hamilcar, who had full powers for peace,
and Carthage engaged to pay three thousand two hundred talents for the
expenses of the war.

The Romans were gainers by this war. They acquired the richest
island in the world, fertile in all the fruits of the earth, with
Acquisitio splendid harbors, cities, and a great accumulation of wealth. The
n of Sicily. long war of twenty-four years, nearly a whole generation, was not
conducted on such a scale as essentially to impoverish the
contending parties. There were no debts contracted for future
generations to pay. It was the most absorbing object of public interest,
indeed; but many other events and subjects must also have occupied the
Roman mind. It was a foreign war, the first that Rome had waged. It was a
war of ambition, the commencement of those unscrupulous and aggressive
measures that finally resulted in the political annihilation of all the other
great powers of the world.

But this war, compared with those foreign wars which Rome subsequently
conducted, was carried on without science and skill. It was carried on in the
transition period of Roman warfare, when tactics were more highly prized
than strategy. It was by a militia, and agricultural generals, and tactics, and
personal bravery, that the various Italian nations were subdued, when war
had not ripened into a science, such as was conducted even by the Greeks.
There was no skill or experience in the conduct of sieges. The navy was
managed by Greek mercenaries.

The great improvement in the science of war which this first
contest with a foreign power led to, was the creation of a navy, and
Creation the necessity of employing veteran troops, led by experienced
of agenerals. A deliberative assembly, like the Senate, it was found
Roman could not conduct a foreign war. It was left to generals, who were
naval to learn marches and countermarches, sieges, and a strategical
power. system. [pg 438] The withdrawal of half the army of Regulus by
the Senate proved nearly fatal. Carthage could not be subdued by
that rustic warfare which had sufficed for the conquest of Etruria or

Page 440

Samnium. The new system of war demanded generals who had military
training and a military eye, and not citizen admirals. The final success was
owing to the errors of the Carthaginians rather than military science.

[pg 439]

Page 441

CHAPTER XXX.

Page 442

THE SECOND PUNIC OR HANNIBALIC WAR.

The peace between the Carthaginians and Romans was a mere truce.
Though it lasted twenty-one years, new sources of quarrel were
accumulating, and forces were being prepared for a more decisive
encounter.

Before we trace the progress of this still more memorable war, let us glance
at the events which transpired in the interval between it and the first contest.

That interval is memorable for the military career of Hamilcar, and
his great ascendency at Carthage. That city paid dearly for the
Condition peace it had secured, for the tribute of Sicily flowed into the
of treasury of the Romans. Its commercial policy was broken up, and
Carthage the commerce of Italy flowed in new channels. This change was
after thebitterly felt by the Phœnician city, and a party was soon organized
war. for the further prosecution of hostilities. There was also a strong
peace party, made up of the indolent and cowardly money-
worshipers of that mercantile State. The war party was headed by
Hamilcar, the peace party by Hanno, which at first had the ascendency. It
drove the army into mutiny by haggling about pay. The Libyan mercenaries
joined the revolt, and Carthage found herself alone in the midst of
anarchies. In this emergency the government solicited Hamilcar to save it
from the effect of its blunders and selfishness.

This government, as at Rome, was oligarchic, but the nobles were
merely mercantile grandees, without ability—jealous, exclusive,
Hamilcar. and selfish. The great body of the people whom they ruled were
poor and dependent. In intrusting [pg 440] power to Hamilcar, the
government of wealthy citizens only gave him military control. The
army which he commanded was not a citizen militia, it was made up of
mercenaries. Hamilcar was obliged to construct a force from these, to
whom the State looked for its salvation.

Page 443

He was a young man, a little over thirty, and foreboding that he would not
live to complete his plans, enjoined his son Hannibal, nine years of age,
when he was about to leave Carthage, to swear at the altar of the Eternal
God hatred of the Roman name.

He left Carthage for Spain, taking with him his sons, to be reared in
the camp. He marched along the coast, accompanied by the fleet,
Hasdrubal. which was commanded by Hasdrubal. He crossed the sea at the
Pillars of Hercules, with the view of organizing a Spanish kingdom
to assist the Carthaginians in their future warfare. But he died
prematurely, B.C. 229, leaving his son-in-law, Hasdrubal, to carry out his
designs, and the southern and eastern provinces of Spain became
Carthaginian provinces. Carthagena arose as the capital of this new Spanish
kingdom, in the territory of the Contestana. Here agriculture flourished, and
still more, mining, from the silver mines, which produced, a century
afterward, thirty-six millions of sesterces—nearly two million dollars—
yearly. Carthage thus acquired in Spain a market for its commerce and
manufactures, and the New Carthage ruled as far as the Ebro. But the
greatest advantage of this new acquisition to Carthage was the new class of
mercenary soldiers which were incorporated with the army. At first, the
Romans were not alarmed by the rise of this new Spanish power, and saw
only a compensation for the tribute and traffic which Carthage had lost in
Sicily. And while the Carthaginians were creating armies in Spain, the
Romans were engaged in conquering Cisalpine Gaul, and consolidating the
Italian conquests.

Hasdrubal was assassinated after eight years of successful
administration, and Hannibal was hailed as his successor by the
Hannibal. army, and the choice was confirmed [pg 441] by the Carthaginians,
B.C. 221. He was now twenty-nine, trained to all the fatigue and
dangers of the camp, and with a native genius for war, which made
him, according to the estimation of modern critics, the greatest general of
antiquity. He combined courage with discretion, and prudence with energy.
He had an inventive craftiness, which led him to take unexpected routes. He
profoundly studied the character of antagonists, and kept himself informed
of the projects of his enemies. He had his spies at Rome, and was frequently
seen in disguises in order to get important information.

Page 444

This crafty and able general resolved, on his nomination, to make
war at once upon the Romans, whom he regarded as the deadly foe
Fall ofof his country. His first great exploit was the reduction of
Saguntum. Saguntum, an Iberian city on the coast, in alliance with the
Romans. It defended itself with desperate energy for eight months,
and its siege is memorable. The inhabitants were treated with
savage cruelty, and the spoil was sent to Carthage.

This act of Hannibal was the occasion, though not the cause, of the
second Punic war. The Romans, indignant, demanded of Carthage
Hannibal the surrender of the general who had broken the peace. On the fall
retires toof Saguntum, Hannibal retired to Carthagena for winter quarters,
Carthagen and to make preparations for the invasion of Italy. He collected an
a. army of one hundred and twenty thousand infantry, sixteen
thousand cavalry, and fifty-eight elephants, assisted by a naval
force. But the whole of this great army was not designed for the
Italian expedition. A part of it was sent for the protection of Carthage, and a
part was reserved for the protection of Spain, the government of which he
intrusted to his brother Hasdrubal.

The nations of the earth, two thousand years ago, would scarcely
appreciate the magnitude of the events which were to follow from
He the invasion of Italy, and the war which followed—perhaps “the
prepares most memorable of all the wars ever waged,” certainly one of the
for most memorable in human [pg 442] annals. The question at issue
vigorous was, whether the world was to be governed by a commercial
war. oligarchy, with all the superstitions of the East, or by the laws of a
free and patriotic State. It was a war waged between the genius of a
mighty general and the resources of the Roman people, for
Hannibal did not look for aid so much to his own State, as to those hardy
Spaniards who followed his standard.

In the spring, B.C. 218, Hannibal set out from New Carthage with
an army of ninety thousand infantry and twelve thousand cavalry.
Crosses He encountered at the Ebro the first serious resistance, but this was
the Ebro. from the natives, and not the Romans. It took four months to
surmount their resistance, during which he lost one-fourth of his

Page 445

army. As it was his great object to gain time before the Romans could
occupy the passes of the Alps, he made this sacrifice of his men. When he
readied the Pyrenees, he sent home a part of his army, and crossed those
mountains with only fifty thousand infantry and nine thousand cavalry; but
these were veteran troops. He took the coast route by Narbonne and Nimes,
through the Celtic territory, and encountered no serious resistance till he
reached the Rhone, opposite to Avignon, about the end of July. The passage
was disputed by Scipio, assisted by friendly Gauls, but Hannibal outflanked
his enemies by sending a detachment across the river, on rafts, two days'
march higher up, and thus easily forced the passage, and was three days'
march beyond the river before Scipio was aware that he had crossed. Scipio
then sailed back to Pisa, and aided his colleague to meet the invader in
Cisalpine Gaul.

Hannibal, now on Celtic territory on the Roman side of the Rhone,
could not be prevented from reaching the Alps. Two passes then led
Hannibal from the lower Rhone across the Alps—the one by the Cottian Alps
crosses the(Mount Geneva); and the other, the higher pass of the Grain Alps
Alps. (Mount St. Bernard), and this was selected by Hannibal. The task
of transporting a large army over even this easier pass [pg 443] was
a work of great difficulty, with baggage, cavalry, and elephants,
when the autumn snows were falling, resisted by the mountaineers, against
whom they had to fight to the very summit of the pass. The descent, though
free from enemies, was still more dangerous, and it required, at one place,
three days' labor to make the road practicable for the elephants. The army
arrived, the middle of September, in the plain of Ivrea, where his exhausted
troops were quartered in friendly villages. Had the Romans met him near
Turin with only thirty thousand men, and at once forced a battle, the
prospects of Hannibal would have been doubtful. But no army appeared;
the object was attained, but with the loss of half his troops, and the rest so
demoralized by fatigue, that a long rest was required.

The great talents by which Scipio atoned for his previous errors
now extricated his army from destruction. He retreated across the
Scipio. Ticinio and the Po, refusing a pitched battle on the plains, and fell
back upon a strong position on the hills. The united consular
armies, forty thousand men, were so posted as to compel Hannibal

Page 446

to attack in front with inferior force, or go into winter quarters, trusting to
the doubtful fidelity of the Gauls.

It has been well said, “that it was the misfortune of Rome's double
magistracy when both consuls were present on the field.” Owing to
Battle ofa wound which Scipio had received, the command devolved upon
the Sempronius, who, eager for distinction, could not resist the
Trasimene provocations of Hannibal to bring on a battle. In one of the
Lake. skirmishes the Roman cavalry and light infantry were enticed by
the flying Numidians across a swollen stream, and suddenly found
themselves before the entire Punic army. The whole Roman force
hurried across the stream to support the vanguard. A battle took place on the
Trasimene Lake, in which the Romans were sorely beaten, but ten thousand
infantry cut their way through the masses of the enemy, and reached the
fortress of Placentia, where they were joined by other bands. After this
success, which gave Hannibal all of [pg 444] Northern Italy, his army,
suffering from fatigue and disease, retired into winter quarters. He now had
lost all his elephants but one. The remains of the Roman army passed the
winter in the fortresses of Placentia and Cremona.

The next spring, the Romans, under Flaminius, took the field, with
four legions, to command the great northern and eastern roads, and
Hannibal the passes of the Appenines. But Hannibal, knowing that Rome was
in Italy. only vulnerable at the heart, rapidly changed his base, crossed the
Appenines at an undefended pass, and advanced, by the lower
Arno, into Etruria, while Flaminius was watching by the upper
course of that stream. Flaminius was a mere party leader and demagogue,
and was not the man for such a crisis, for Hannibal was allowed to pass by
him, and reach Fæsulæ unobstructed. The Romans prepared themselves for
the worst, broke down the bridges over the Tiber, and nominated Quintus
Fabius Maximus dictator.

Pyrrhus would have marched direct upon Rome, but Hannibal was
more far-sighted. His army needed a new organization, and rest,
Hannibal and recruits, so he marched unexpectedly through Umbria,
marches todevastated the country, and halted on the shores of the Adriatic.
the Here he rested, reorganized his Libyan cavalry, and resumed his
Adriatic.

Page 447

communication with Carthage. He then broke up his camp, and marched
into Southern Italy, hoping to break up the confederacy. But not a single
Italian town entered into alliance with the Carthaginians.

Fabius, the dictator, a man of great prudence, advanced in years,
and a tactitian of the old Roman school, determined to avoid a
Fabius. pitched battle, and starve or weary out his enemy. Hannibal
Efforts ofadjusted his plans in accordance with the character of the man he
the opposed. So he passed the Roman army, crossed the Appenines,
Romans. took Telesia, and turned against Capua, the most important of all
the Italian dependent cities, hoping for a revolt among the
Campanian towns. Here again he was disappointed. So, retracing
his steps, he took the road to Apulia, the dictator following [pg 445] him
along the heights. So the summer was consumed by marchings and counter-
marchings, the lands of the Hispanians, Campamans, Samnites, Pælignians,
and other provinces, being successively devastated. But no important battle
was fought. He selected then the rich lands of Apulia for winter quarters,
and intrenched his camp at Gerenium. The Romans formed a camp in the
territory of the Larinates, and harassed the enemy's foragers. This defensive
policy of Fabius wounded the Roman pride, and the dictator became
unpopular. The Senate resolved to depart from a policy which was slowly
but surely ruining the State, and an army was equipped larger than Rome
ever before sent into the field, composed of eight legions, under the
command of the two consuls, L. Æmilius Paulus, and M. Terentius Varro.
The former, a patrician, had conducted successfully the Illyrian war; the
latter, the popular candidate, incapable, conceited, and presumptuous.

As soon as the season allowed him to leave his winter-quarters,
Hannibal, assuming the offensive, marched out of Gerenium,
Battle ofpassed Luceria, crossed the Aufidus, and took the citadel of Cannæ,
Cannæ. Itswhich commanded the plain of Canusium. The Roman consuls
great arrived in Apulia in the beginning of the summer, with eighty
consequen thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry. Hannibal's force was
ces. Varro. forty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry, inured to regular
warfare. The Romans made up their minds to fight, and confronted
the Carthaginians on the right bank of the Aufidus. According to a
foolish custom, the command devolved on one of the consuls every other

Page 448

day, and Varro determined to avail himself of the first opportunity for a
battle. The forces met on the plain west of Cannæ, more favorable to the
Carthaginians than the Romans, on account of the superiority of the cavalry.
It is difficult, without a long description, to give clear conceptions of this
famous battle. Hannibal, it would seem, like Epaminondas and Alexander,
brought to bear his heavy cavalry, under Hasdrubal, upon the weakest point
of the enemy, after the conflict had continued awhile without [pg 446]
decisive results. The weaker right of the Roman army, led by Paulus, after
bravely fighting, were cut down and driven across the river. Paulus,
wounded, then rode to the centre, composed of infantry in close lines,
which had gained an advantage over the Spanish and Gaulish troops that
encountered them. In order to follow up this advantage, the legions pressed
forward in the form of a wedge. In this position the Libyan infantry,
wheeling upon them right and left, warmly assailed both sides of the Roman
infantry, which checked its advance. By this double flank attack the Roman
infantry became crowded, and were not free. Meanwhile, Hasdrubal, after
defeating the right wing, which had been led by Paulus, led his cavalry
behind the Roman centre and attacked the left wing, led by Varro. The
cavalry of Varro, opposed by the Numidian cavalry, was in no condition to
meet this double attack, and was scattered. Hasdrubal again rallied his
cavalry, and led it to the rear of the Roman centre, already in close fight
with the Spanish and Gaulish infantry. This last charge decided the battle.
Flight was impossible, for the river was in the rear, and in front was a
victorious enemy. No quarter was given. Seventy thousand Romans were
slain, including the consul Paulus and eighty men of senatorial rank. Varro
was saved by the speed of his horse. The Carthaginians lost not quite six
thousand.

This immense disaster was the signal for the revolt of the allies,
which Hannibal before in vain had sought to procure. Capua
Revolt ofopened her gates to the conqueror. Nearly all the people of
allies. Southern Italy rose against Rome. But the Greek cities of the coast
were held by Roman garrisons, as well as the fortresses in Apulia,
Campania, and Samnium. The news of the battle of Cannæ, B.C.
216, induced the Macedonian king to promise aid to Hannibal. The death of
Hiero at Syracuse made Sicily an enemy to Rome, while Carthage, now
elated, sent considerable re-enforcements.

Page 449

Many critics have expressed surprise that Hannibal, after [pg 447]
this great victory, did not at once march upon Rome. Had he
Wisdom ofconquered, as Alexander did, a Persian, Oriental, effeminate
Hannibal. people, this might have been his true policy. But Rome was still
capable of a strong defense, and would not have succumbed under
any pressure of adverse circumstances, and she also was still strong
in allies. And more, Hannibal had not perfected his political combinations.
He was not ready to strike the final blow. He had to keep his eye on
Macedonia, Africa, Sicily, and Spain. Alexander did not march to Babylon,
until he had subdued Phœnicia and Egypt. Even the capture of Rome would
not prevent a long war with the States of Italy.

Nor did the Romans lose courage when they learned the greatest
calamity which had ever befallen them. They made new and
Fortitude immense preparations. All the reserve forces were called out—all
of themen capable of bearing arms—young or old. Even the slaves were
Romans. armed, after being purchased by the State, and made soldiers.
Spoils were taken down from the temples. The Latin cities sent in
contingents, and the Senate refused to receive even the envoy of the
conqueror.

Such courage and fortitude and energy were not without effect,
while the enervating influence of Capua, the following winter,
The crisis. demoralized the Carthaginians. The turning point of the war was
the winter which followed the defeat at Cannæ. The great aim of
Hannibal, in his expedition to Italy, had been to break up the Italian
confederacy. After three campaigns, that object was only imperfectly
accomplished, in spite of his victories, and he had a great frontier to protect.
With only forty thousand men, he could not leave it uncovered, and advance
to Rome. The Romans, too, learning wisdom, now appointed only generals
of experience, and continued them in command.

The animating soul of the new warfare was Marcus Claudius
Marcellus, a man fifty years of age, who had received a severe
Marcellus. military training, and performed acts of signal heroism. He was not
a general to be a mere [pg 448] spectator of the movements of the
enemy from the hills, but to take his position in fortified camps

Page 450

under the walls of fortresses. With the two legions saved from Cannæ, and
the troops raised from Rome and Ostia, he followed Hannibal to Campania,
while other Roman armies were posted in other quarters.

Hannibal now saw that without great re-enforcements from Carthage,
Spain, Macedonia, and Syracuse, he would be obliged to fight on the
defensive. But the Carthaginians sent only congratulations; the king of
Macedonia failed in courage; while the Romans intercepted supplies from
Syracuse and Spain. Hannibal was left to his own resources.

Scipio, meanwhile, in Spain, attacked the real base of Hannibal,
overran the country of the Ebro, secured the passes of the Pyrenees,
Scipio. and defeated Hasdrubal while attempting to lead succor to his
brother. The capture of Saguntum gave the Romans a strong
fortress between the Ebro and Carthagena. Scipio even meditated
an attack on Africa, and induced Syphax, king of one of the Numidian
nations, to desert Carthage, which caused the recall of Hasdrubal from
Spain. His departure left Scipio master of the peninsula; but Hasdrubal,
after punishing the disaffected Numidians, returned to Spain, and with
overwhelming numbers regained their ascendency, and Scipio was slain, as
well as his brother, and their army routed.

It has been mentioned that on the death of Hiero, who had been the
long-tried friend of Rome, Syracuse threw her influence in favor of
Revolt ofCarthage, being ruled by factions. Against this revolted city the
Syracuse. consul Marcellus now advanced, and invested the city by land and
Archimede sea. He was foiled by the celebrated mathematician Archimedes,
s. who constructed engines which destroyed the Roman ships. This
very great man advanced the science of geometry, and made
discoveries which rank him among the lights of the ancient world.
His theory of the lever was the foundation of statics till the time of Newton.
[pg 449] His discovery of the method of determining specific gravities by
immersion in a fluid was equally memorable. He was not only the greatest
mathematician of the old world, but he applied science to practical affairs,
and compelled Marcellus to convert the siege of Syracuse into a blockade.
He is said to have launched a ship by the pressure of the screw, which,
reversed in its operation, has revolutionized naval and commercial marines.

Page 451

The time gained by this eminent engineer, as well as geometer,
enabled the Carthaginians to send an army to relieve Syracuse. The
Siege ofsituation of Marcellus was critical, when, by a fortunate escalade of
Syracuse. the walls, left unguarded at a festival, the Romans were enabled to
Death oftake possession of a strong position within the walls. A pestilence
Archimede carried off most of the African army encamped in the valley of
s. Anapus, with the general Himilco. Bomilcar, the Carthaginian
admiral, retreated, rather than fight the Roman fleet. Marcellus
obtained, by the treachery of a Sicilian captain, possession of the
island of Ortygia, where Dionysius had once intrenched himself, the key to
the port and the city, and Syracuse fell. The city was given up to plunder
and massacre, and Archimedes was one of the victims. Marcellus honored
the illustrious defender with a stately funeral, and he was buried outside the
gate of Aeradina. One hundred and fifty years later, the Syracusans had
forgotten even where he was buried, and his tomb was discovered by
Cicero.

While these events took place in Spain and Sicily, Hannibal bent
his efforts to capture Tarentum, and the Romans were equally
Fall ofresolved to recover Capua. The fall of Tarentum enabled Hannibal
Capua. to break up the siege of Capua, and foiled in his attempts to bring
on a decisive battle before that city, he advanced to Rome, and
encamped within five miles of the city, after having led his troops
with consummate skill between the armies and fortresses of the enemy. But
Rome was well defended by two legions, under Fabius, who refused to fight
a pitched battle. Hannibal was, therefore, compelled [pg 450] to retreat in
order to save Capua, which, however, in his absence, had surrendered to the
Romans, after a two years' siege, and was savagely punished for its
defection from the Roman cause. The fall of Capua gave a renewed
confidence to the Roman government, which sent re-enforcements to Spain.
But it imprudently reduced its other forces, so that Marcellus was left to
face Hannibal with an inadequate army. The war was now carried on with
alternate successes, in the course of which Tarentum again fell into Roman
hands. Thirty thousand Tarentines were sold as slaves, B.C. 209.

This great war had now lasted ten years, and both parties were sinking from
exhaustion. In this posture of affairs the Romans were startled with the

Page 452

intelligence that Hasdrubal had crossed the Pyrenees, and was
advancing to join his brother in Italy. The Romans, in this exigency,
Battle ofmade prodigious exertions. Twenty-three legions were enrolled; but
Metaurus. before preparations were completed, Hasdrubal crossed the Alps,
Reverses re-enforced by eight thousand Ligurian mercenaries. It was the aim
of of the two Carthaginian generals to form a juncture of their forces,
Hannibal. and of the Romans to prevent it. Gaining intelligence of the
intended movements of Hannibal and Hasdrubal by an intercepted
dispatch, the Roman consul, Nero, advanced to meet Hasdrubal,
and encountered him on the banks of the Metaurus. Here a battle ensued, in
which the Carthaginians were defeated and Hasdrubal slain. Hannibal was
waiting in suspense for the dispatch of his brother in his Apulian camp,
when the victor returned from his march of five hundred miles, and threw
the head of Hasdrubal within his outposts, On the sight of his brothers head,
he exclaimed; “I recognize the doom of Carthage.” Abandoning Apulia and
Lucania, he retired to the Bruttian peninsula, and the victor of Cannæ
retained only a few posts to re-embark for Africa.

And yet this great general was able to keep the field four years longer, nor
could the superiority of his opponents compel [pg 451] him to shut himself
up in a fortress or re-embark, a proof of his strategic talents.

In the mean time a brilliant career was opened in Spain to the
young Publius Scipio, known as the elder Africanus. He was only
Scipio. twenty-four when selected to lead the armies of Rome in Spain; for
it was necessary to subdue that country in order to foil the
Carthaginians in Italy. Publius Scipio was an enthusiast, who won
the hearts of soldiers and women. He was kingly in his bearing, confident of
his greatness, graceful in his manners, and eloquent in his speech—popular
with all classes, and inspiring the enthusiasm which he felt.

He landed in Spain with an army of thirty thousand, and at once
marched to New Carthage, before the distant armies of the
His Carthaginians could come to its relief. In a single day the schemes
successes of Hamilcar and his sons were dissolved, and this great capital fell
in Spain. into the hands of the youthful general, not yet eligible for a single
curule magistracy. Ten thousand captives were taken and six

Page 453

hundred talents, with great stores of corn and munitions of war. Spain
seemed to be an easy conquest; but the following year the Carthaginians
made a desperate effort, and sent to Spain a new army of seventy thousand
infantry, four thousand horse, and thirty-two elephants. Yet this great force,
united with that which remained under Hasdrubal and Mago, was signally
defeated by Scipio. This grand victory, which made Scipio master of Spain,
left him free to carry the war into Africa itself, assisted by his ally
Masinassa. Gades alone remained to the Carthaginians, the original colony
of the Phœnicians, and even this last tie was severed when Mago was
recalled to assist Hannibal.

Scipio, ambitious to finish the war, and seeking to employ the
whole resources of the empire, returned to Italy and offered himself
Scipio for the consulship, B.C. 205, and was unanimously chosen by the
consul. Hecenturies, though not of legal age. His colleague was the chief
invades pontiff P. Licinius Crassus, whose office prevented him from
Africa. leaving [pg 452] Italy, and he was thus left unobstructed in the sole
conduct of the war. Sicily was assigned to him as his province,
where he was to build a fleet and make preparations for passing
over to Africa, although a party, headed by old Fabius Maximus, wished
him to remain in Italy to drive away Hannibal. The Senate withheld the
usual power of the consul to make a new levy, but permitted Scipio to enroll
volunteers throughout Italy. In the state of disorganization and
demoralization which ever attend a long war, this enrollment was easily
effected, and money was raised by contributions on disaffected States.

Hannibal was still pent up among the Bruttii, unwilling to let go his
last hold on Italy. Mago, in cisalpine Gaul, was too far off to render
Hannibal aid. The defense of Africa depended on him alone, and he was
evacuates recalled. He would probably have anticipated the order. Rome
Italy. breathed more freely when the “Libyan Lion” had departed. For
fifteen years he had been an incubus or a terror, and the Romans, in
various conflicts, had lost three hundred thousand men. Two of the
Scipios, Paulus Gracchus and Marcellus, had yielded up their lives in battle.
Only Fabius, among the experienced generals at the beginning of the war,
was alive, and he, at the age of ninety, was now crowned with a chaplet of
the grass of Italy, as the most honorable reward which could be given him.

Page 454

Hannibal now sought a conference with Scipio, for both parties
were anxious for peace, but was unable to obtain any better terms
Hannibal than the cession of Spain, as well as the Mediterranean islands, the
seeks forsurrender of the Carthaginian fleet, the payment of four thousand
peace. talents, and the confirmation of Masinissa in the kingdom of
Syphax. Such terms could not be accepted, and both parties
prepared for one more decisive conflict.

The battle was fought at Zama. “Hannibal arranged his infantry in
three lines. The first division contained the Carthaginian
The battlemercenaries; the second, the African allies, and the militia of
of Zama. Carriage; the third, the [pg 453] veterans who followed him from
Italy. In the front of the lines were stationed eighty elephants; the
cavalry was placed on the wings. Scipio likewise disposed the
legions in three divisions. The infantry fought hand to hand in the first
division, and both parties falling into confusion, sought aid in the second
division. The Romans were supported, but the Carthaginian militia was
wavering. Upon seeing this, Hannibal hastily withdrew what remained of
the two first lines to the flanks, and pushed forward his choice Italian troops
along the whole line. Scipio gathered together in the centre all that were
able to fight of the first line, and made the second and third divisions close
up on the right and left of the first. Once again the conflict was renewed
with more desperate fighting, till the cavalry of the Romans and of
Masinassa, returning from pursuit of the beaten cavalry of the enemy,
surrounded them on all sides. This movement annihilated the Punic army.
All was lost, and Hannibal was only able to escape with a handful of men.”

It was now in the power of Scipio to march upon Carthage and lay
siege to the city, neither protected nor provisioned. But he made no
Scipio extravagant use of his victory. He granted peace on the terms
gives previously rejected, with the addition of an annual tribute of two
peace tohundred talents for fifty years. He had no object to destroy a city
Carthage. after its political power was annihilated, and wickedly overthrow
the primitive seat of commerce, which was still one of the main
pillars of civilization. He was too great and wise a statesman to
take such a revenge as the Romans sought fifty years afterward. He was
contented to end the war gloriously, and see Carthage, the old rival, a

Page 455

tributary and broken power, with no possibility of reviving its former
schemes, B.C. 201.

This ended the Hannibalic war, which had lasted seventeen years,
and which gave to Rome the undisputed sovereignty of Italy, the
Close ofconversion of Spain into two Roman provinces, the union of
the war. Syracuse with the Roman province of Sicily, the establishment of a
Roman [pg 454] protectorate over the Numidian chiefs, and the
reduction of Carthage to a defenseless mercantile city. The
hegemony of Rome was established over the western region of the
Mediterranean. These results were great, but were obtained by the loss of
one quarter of the burgesses of Rome, the ruin of four hundred towns, the
waste of the accumulated capital of years, and the general demoralization of
the people. It might seem that the Romans could have lived side by side
with other nations in amity, as modern nations do. But, in ancient times, “it
was necessary to be either anvil or hammer.” Either Rome or Carthage was
to become the great power of the world.

[pg 455]

Page 456

Page 457

CHAPTER XXXI.

Page 458

THE MACEDONIAN AND ASIATIC WARS.

Scarcely was Rome left to recover from the exhaustion of the long and
desperate war with Hannibal, before she was involved in a new war with
Macedonia, which led to very important consequences.

The Greeks had retained the sovereignty which Alexander had won, and
their civilization extended rapidly into the East. There were three great
monarchies which arose, however, from the dismemberment of the empire
which Alexander had founded—Macedonia, Asia, and Egypt—and each of
them, in turn, was destined to become provinces of Rome.

Macedonia was then ruled by Philip V., and was much such a
monarchy as the first Philip had consolidated. The Macedonian rule
Macedonia embraced Greece and Thessaly, and strong garrisons were
. Philip. maintained at Demetrias in Maguesia, Calchis in the island of
Eubœa, and in Corinth, “the three fetters of the Hellenes.” But the
strength of the kingdom lay in Macedonia. In Greece proper all
moral and political energy had fled, and the degenerate, but still intellectual
inhabitants spent their time in bacchanalian pleasures, in fencing, and in
study of the midnight lamp. The Greeks, diffused over the East,
disseminated their culture, but were only in sufficient numbers to supply
officers, statesmen, and schoolmasters. All the real warlike vigor remained
among the nations of the North, where Philip reigned, a genuine king, proud
of his purple, and proud of his accomplishments, lawless and ungodly,
indifferent to the lives and sufferings of others, stubborn and tyrannical. He
saw with regret the subjugation of Carthage, but [pg 456] did not come to
her relief when his aid might have turned the scale, ten years before. His
eyes were turned to another quarter, to possess himself of part of the
territories of Egypt, assisted by Antiochus of Asia. In this attempt he
arrayed against himself all the Greek mercantile cities whose interests were
identified with Alexandria, now, on the fall of Carthage, the greatest
commercial city of the world. He was opposed by Pergamus and the

Page 459

Rhodian league, while the Romans gave serious attention to their Eastern
complications, not so much with a view of conquering the East, as to
protect their newly-acquired possessions. A Macedonian war, then, became
inevitable, but was entered into reluctantly, and was one of the most
righteous, according to Mommsen, which Rome ever waged.

The pretext for war—the casus belli—was furnished by an attack
on Athens by the Macedonian general, to avenge the murder of two
Makes warArcanians for intruding upon the Eleusinan Mysteries, B.C. 201.
with theAthens was an ally of Rome. Two legions, under Publius Sulpicius
Romans. Galba, embarked at Brundusium for Macedonia, with one thousand
Battle ofNumidian cavalry and a number of elephants. Nothing was
Cynoceph accomplished this year of any historical importance. The next
alæ. Thespring Galba led his troops into Macedonia, and encountered the
Achæan enemy, under Philip, on a marshy plain on the northwest frontier.
League. But the Macedonians avoided battle, and after repeated skirmishes
and marches the Romans returned to Apollonia. Philip did not
disturb the army in its retreat, but turned against the Ætolians, who
had joined the league against him. At the end of the campaign the Romans
stood as they were in the spring, but would have been routed had not the
Ætolians interposed. The successes of Philip filled him with arrogance and
self-confidence, and the following spring he assumed the offensive. The
Romans, meantime, had been re-enforced by new troops, under the
command of Flaminius, who attacked Philip in his intrenched camp. The
Macedonian king lost his camp and two thousand men, and retreated to the
Pass of Tempe, the gate of Macedonia [pg 457] proper, deserted by many of
his allies. The Achæans entered into alliance with Rome. The winter came
on, and Philip sought terms of peace. All he could obtain from Flaminius
was an armistice of two months. The Roman Senate refused all terms unless
Philip would renounce all Greece, especially Corinth, Chalcis, and
Demetrias. These were rejected, and Philip strained all his energies to meet
his enemy in a pitched battle. He brought into the field twenty-six thousand
men, an equal force to the Romans, and encountered them at Cynocephalæ.
The Romans were victorious, and a great number of prisoners fell into their
hands. Philip escaped to Larissa, burned his papers, evacuated Thessaly, and
returned home. He was completely vanquished, and was obliged to accept
such a peace as the Romans were disposed to grant. But the Romans did not

Page 460

abuse their power, but treated Philip with respect, and granted to him such
terms as had been given to Carthage. He lost all his foreign possessions in
Asia Minor, Thrace, Greece, and the islands of the Ægean, but retained
Macedonia. He was also bound not to conclude foreign alliances without
the consent of the Romans, nor send garrisons abroad, nor maintain an army
of over five thousand men, nor possess a navy beyond five ships of war. He
was also required to pay a contribution of one thousand talents. He was thus
left in possession only of as much power as was necessary to guard the
frontiers of Hellas against the barbarians. All the States of Greece were
declared free, and most of them were incorporated with the Achæan
League, a confederation of the old cities, which were famous before the
Dorian migration, to resist the Macedonian domination. This famous league
was the last struggle of Greece for federation to resist overpowering foes.
As the Achæan cities were the dominant States of Greece at the Trojan war,
so the expiring fires of Grecian liberty went out the last among that ancient
race.

The liberator of Greece, as Flaminius may be called, assembled the
deputies of all the Greek communities at Corinth, exhorted [pg
The 458] them to use the freedom which he had conferred upon them
liberties ofwith moderation, and requested, as the sole return for the kindness
Greece which the Romans had shown, that they would send back all the
secured. Italian captives sold in Greece during the war with Hannibal, and
Flaminius. then he evacuated the last fortresses which he held, and returned to
Rome with his troops and liberated captives. Rome really desired
the liberation and independence of Greece, now that all fears of her
political power were removed, and that glorious liberty which is associated
with the struggles of the Greeks with the Persians might have been secured,
had not the Hellenic nations been completely demoralized. There was left
among them no foundation and no material for liberty, and nothing but the
magic charm of the Hellenic name could have prevented Flaminius from
establishing a Roman government in that degenerate land. It was an
injudicious generosity which animated the Romans, but for which the war
with Antiochus might not have arisen.

Antiochus III., the great-great-grandson of the general of Alexander
who founded the dynasty of the Seleucidæ, then reigned in Asia.
Antiochus.

Page 461

On the fall of Philip, who was his ally, he took possession of those districts
in Asia Minor that formerly belonged to Egypt, but had fallen to Philip. He
also sought to recover the Greek cities of Asia Minor as a part of his
empire. This enterprise embroiled him with the Romans, who claimed a
protectorate over all the Hellenic cities. And he was further complicated by
the arrival at Ephesus, his capital, of Hannibal, to whom he gave an
honorable reception. A rupture with Rome could not be avoided.

To strengthen himself in Asia for the approaching conflict,
Antiochus married one of his daughters to Ptolemy, king of Egypt,
Power ofanother to the king of Cappadocia, a third to the king of Pergamus,
Antiochus. while the Grecian cities were amused by promises and presents. He
was also assured of the aid of the Ætolians, who intrigued against
the Romans as soon as Flaminius had left. Then was seen the [pg
459] error of that general for withdrawing garrisons from Greece, which
was to be the theatre of the war.

Antiochus collected an army and started for Greece, hoping to be
joined by Philip, who, however, placed all his forces at the disposal
His of the Romans. The Achæan League also was firm to the Roman
preparatio cause. The Roman armies sent against him, commanded by
ns for war. Maninius Acilius Glabrio, numbered forty thousand men. Instead of
retiring before this superior force, Antiochus intrenched himself in
Thermopylæ, but his army was dispersed, and he fled to Chalcis,
and there embarked for Ephesus. The war was now to be carried to Asia.

Both parties, during the winter, vigorously prepared for the next
campaign, and the conqueror of Zama was selected by Rome to
Scipio inconduct her armies in Asia. It was a long and weary march for the
Asia. Roman armies to the Hellespont, which was crossed, however,
without serious obstacles, from the mismanagement of Antiochus,
who offered terms of peace when the army had safely landed in
Asia. He offered to pay half the expenses of the war and the cession of his
European possessions, as well as of the Greek cities of Asia Minor that had
gone over to the Romans. But Scipio demanded the whole cost of the war
and the cession of Asia Minor. These terms were rejected, and the Syrian
king hastened to decide the fate of Asia by a pitched battle.

Page 462

This fight was fought at Magnesia, B.C. 190, not far from Smyrna,
in the valley of the Hermus. The forces of Antiochus were eighty
Defeat ofthousand, including twelve thousand cavalry, but were
Antiochus. undisciplined and unwieldy. Those of Scipio were about half as
Syria anumerous. The Romans were completely successful, losing only
Roman twenty-four horsemen and three hundred infantry, whereas the loss
province. of Antiochus was fifty thousand—a victory as brilliant as that of
Alexander at Issus. Asia Minor was surrendered to the Romans, and
Antiochus was compelled to pay three thousand talents (little more
than three million dollars) at once, and the same contribution for twelve
years, so that [pg 460] he retained nothing but Cilicia. His power was
broken utterly, and he was prohibited from making aggressive war against
the States of the West, or from navigating the sea west of the mouth of the
Calycadnus, in Cilicia, with armed ships, or from taming elephants, or even
receiving political fugitives. The province of Syria never again made a
second appeal to the decision of arms—a proof of the feeble organization of
the kingdom of the Seleucidæ.

The king of Cappadocia escaped with a fine of six hundred talents.
All the Greek cities which had joined the Romans had their
Subjection liberties confirmed. The Ætolians lost all cities and territories
of thewhich were in the hands of their adversaries. But Philip and the
Greek Achæans were disgusted with the small share of the spoil granted
cities. to them.

Thus the protectorate of Rome now embraced all the States
from the eastern to the western end of the Mediterranean.
Death ofAnd Rome, about this time, was delivered of the last
Hannibal. enemy whom she feared—the homeless and fugitive
Carthaginian, who lived long enough to see the West
subdued, as well as the armies of the East overpowered. At
the age of seventy six he took poison, on seeing his house beset with
assassins. For fifty years he kept the oath he had sworn as a boy. About the
same time that he killed himself in Bithynia, Scipio, on whom fortune had
lavished all her honors and successes—who had added Spain, Africa, and
Asia to the empire, died in voluntary banishment, little over fifty years of
age, leaving orders not to bury his remains in the city for which he had

Page 463

lived, and where his ancestors reposed. He died in bitter vexation from the
false charges made against him of corruption and embezzlement, with
hardly any other fault than that overweening arrogance which usually
attends unprecedented success, and which corrodes the heart when the èclat
of prosperity is dimmed by time. The career and death of both these great
men—the greatest of their age—shows impressively the vanity of all
worldly greatness, and is an additional confirmation of the fact that the
latter years of illustrious men are generally [pg 461] sad and gloomy, and
certain to be so when their lives are not animated by a greater sentiment
than that of ambition.

Philip of Macedon died, B.C. 179, in the fifty-ninth year of his age
and the forty-second of his reign, and his son Perseus succeeded to
Perseus. his throne at the age of thirty-one. Macedonia had been humbled
rather than weakened by the Romans, and after eighteen years of
peace, had renewed her resources. This kingdom chafed against the
foreign power of Rome, as did the whole Hellenic world. A profound
sentiment of discontent existed in both Asia and Europe. Perseus made
alliances with the discontented cities—with the Byzantines, the Ætolians,
and the Bœotians. But so prudently did he conduct his intrigues, that it was
not till the seventh year of his reign that Rome declared war against him.

The resources of Macedonia were still considerable. The army
consisted of thirty thousand men, without considering mercenaries
Makes waror contingents, and great quantities of military stores had been
on Rome.collected in the magazines. And Perseus himself was a monarch of
Battle ofgreat ability, trained and disciplined to war. He collected an army of
Pydna. forty-three thousand men, while the whole Roman force in Greece
was scarcely more. Crassus conducted the Roman army, and in the
first engagement at Ossa, was decidedly beaten. Perseus then
sought peace, but the Romans never made peace after a defeat. The war
continued, but the military result of two campaigns was null, while the
political result was a disgrace to the Romans. The third campaign,
conducted by Quintus Marcius Philippus, was equally undecisive, and had
Perseus been willing to part with his money, he could have obtained the aid
of twenty thousand Celts who would have given much trouble. At last, in
the fourth year of the war, the Romans sent to Macedonia Lucius Æmilius

Page 464

Paulus, son of the consul that fell at Cannæ—an excellent general and
incorruptible; a man sixty years of age, cultivated in Hellenic literature and
art. Soon after his arrival at the camp at Heracleum, he brought about the
battle of [pg 462] Pydna, which settled the fate of Macedonia. The
overthrow of the Macedonians was fearful. Twenty thousand were killed
and eleven thousand made prisoners. All Macedonia submitted in two days,
and the king fled with his gold, some six thousand talents he had hoarded,
to Samothrace, accompanied with only a few followers. The Persian
monarch might have presented a more effectual resistance to Alexander had
he scattered his treasures among the mercenary Greeks. So Perseus could
have prolonged his contest had he employed the Celts. When a man is
struggling desperately for his life or his crown, his treasures are of
secondary importance. Perseus was soon after taken prisoner by the
Romans, with all his treasures, and died a few years later at Alba.

“Thus perished the empire of Alexander, which had subdued and
Hellenized the East, one hundred and forty-four years from his
Its death.” The kingdom of Macedonia was stricken out of the list of
decisive States, and the whole land was disarmed, and the fortress of
results. Demetrias was razed. Illyria was treated in a similar way, and
Supremac became a Roman province. All the Hellenic States were reduced to
y of thedependence upon Rome. Pergamus was humiliated. Rhodes was
Romans indeprived of all possessions on the main land, although the
the Rhodians had not offended. Egypt voluntarily submitted to the
civilized Roman protectorate, and the whole empire of Alexander the Great
world. fell to the Roman commonwealth. The universal empire of the
Romans dates from the battle of Pydna—“the last battle in which a
civilized State confronted Rome in the field on the footing of
equality as a great power.” All subsequent struggles were with barbarians.
Mithridates, of Pontus, made subsequently a desperate effort to rid the
Oriental world of the dominion of Rome, but the battle of Pydna marks the
real supremacy of the Romans in the civilized world. Mommsen asserts that
it is a superficial view which sees in the wars of the Romans with tribes,
cities, and kings, an insatiable longing after dominion and riches, and that it
was [pg 463] only a desire to secure the complete sovereignty of Italy,
unmolested by enemies, which prompted, to this period, the Roman wars—
that the Romans earnestly opposed the introduction of Africa, Greece, and

Page 465

Asia into the pale of protectorship, till circumstances compelled the
extension of that pale—that, in fact, they were driven to all their great wars,
with the exception of that concerning Sicily, even those with Hannibal and
Antiochus, either by direct aggression or disturbance of settled political
relations. “The policy of Rome was that of a narrow-minded but very able
deliberate assembly, which had far too little power of grand combination,
and far too much instinctive desire for the preservation of its own
commonwealth, to devise projects in the spirit of a Cæsar or a Napoleon.”
Nor did the ancient world know of a balance of power among nations, and
hence every nation strove to subdue its neighbors, or render them
powerless, like the Grecian States. Had the Greeks combined for a great
political unity, they might have defied even the Roman power, or had they
been willing to see the growth of equal States without envy, like the modern
nations of Europe, without destructive conflicts, the States of Sparta,
Corinth, and Athens might have grown simultaneously, and united, would
have been too powerful to be subdued. But they did not understand the
balance of power, and they were inflamed with rival animosities, and thus
destroyed each other.

[pg 464]

Page 466

CHAPTER XXXII.

Page 467

THE THIRD PUNIC WAR.

The peace between Carthage and Rome, after the second Punic war, lasted
fifty years, during which the Carthaginians gave the Romans no cause of
complaint. Carthage, in the enjoyment of peace, devoted itself to commerce
and industrial arts, and grew very rich and populous. The government alone
was weak, from the anarchical ascendency of the people, who were lawless
and extravagant.

Their renewed miseries can be traced to Masinissa, who was in
close alliance with the Romans. The Carthaginians endured
Causes ofeverything rather than provoke the hostility of Rome, which
the thirdwatched the first opportunity to effect their ruin. Having resigned
Punic war. themselves to political degradation, general cowardice and
demoralization were the result.

Masinissa, king of Numidia, made insolent claims on those
Phœnician settlements on the coast of Byzacene, which the
Masinissa. Carthaginians possessed from the earliest times. Scipio was sent to
Usurpation Carthage, to arrange the difficulty, as arbitrator, and the
of circumstances were so aggravated that he could not, with any
Masinissa. justice, decide in favor of the king, but declined to pronounce a
verdict, so that Masinissa and Carthage should remain on terms of
hostility. And as Masinissa reigned for fifty years after the peace,
Carthage was subjected to continual vexations. At last a war broke out
between them. Masinissa was stronger than Carthage, but the city raised a
considerable army, and placed it under the conduct of Hasdrubal, who
marched against the perfidious enemy with fifty thousand [pg 465]
mercenaries. The battle was not decisive, but Hasdrubal retreated without
securing his communication with Carthage. His army was cut off, and he
sought terms of peace, which were haughtily rejected, and he then gave
hostages for keeping the peace, and agreed to pay five thousand talents
within fifty years, and acknowledge Masinissa's usurpation. The Romans,

Page 468

instead of settling the difficulties, instigated secretly Masinissa. And the
Roman commissioners sent to the Senate exaggerated accounts of the
resources of Carthage. The Romans compelled the Carthaginians to destroy
their timber and the materials they had in abundance for building a new
fleet. Still the Senate, having the control of the foreign relations, and having
become a mere assembly of kings, with the great power which the
government of provinces gave to it, was filled with renewed jealousy. Cato
never made a speech without closing with these words: “Carthago est
delenda.” A blind hatred animated that vindictive and narrow old patrician,
who headed a party with the avowed object of the destruction of Carthage.
And it was finally determined to destroy the city.

The Romans took the Carthaginians to account for the war with
Masinissa, and not contented with the humiliation of their old rival,
Carthage aimed at her absolute ruin, though she had broken no treaties. The
called toCarthaginians, broken-hearted, sent embassy after embassy,
account. imploring the Senate to preserve peace, to whom the senators gave
equivocal answers. The situation of Carthage was hopeless and
miserable—stripped by Masinissa of the rich towns of Emporia,
and on the eve of another conflict with the mistress of the world.

Had the city been animated by the spirit which Hannibal had
sought to infuse, she was still capable of a noble defense. She ruled
Power ofover three hundred Libyan cities, and had a population of seven
Carthage. hundred thousand. She had accumulated two hundred thousand
stand of arms, and two thousand catapults. And she had the [pg
466] means to manufacture a still greater amount. But she had,
unfortunately, on the first demand of the Romans, surrendered these means
of defense.

At last Rome declared war, B.C. 149—the wickedest war in which
she ever engaged—and Cato had the satisfaction of seeing, at the
War age of eighty-five, his policy indorsed against every principle of
declared. justice and honor. A Roman army landed in Africa unopposed, and
the Carthaginians were weak enough to surrender, not only three
hundred hostages from the noblest families, but the arms already
enumerated. Nothing but infatuation can account for this miserable

Page 469

concession of weakness to strength, all from a blind confidence in the
tender mercies of an unpitying and unscrupulous foe. Then, when the city
was defenseless, the hostages in the hands of the Romans, and they almost
at the gates, it was coolly announced that it was the will of the Senate that
the city should be destroyed.

Too late, the doomed city prepared to make a last stand against an
inexorable enemy. The most violent feelings of hatred and rage,
Despair ofadded to those of despair, at last animated the people of Carthage. It
the was the same passion which arrayed Tyre against Alexander, and
Carthagini Jerusalem against Titus. It was a wild patriotic frenzy which knew
ans. no bounds, inspired by the instinct of self-preservation, and aside
from all calculation of success or failure. As the fall of the city was
inevitable, wisdom might have counseled an unreserved
submission. Resistance should have been thought of before. In fact,
Carthage should not have yielded to the first Africanus. And when she had
again become rich and populous, she should have defied the Romans when
their spirit was perceived—should have made a more gallant defense
against Masinissa, and concentrated all her energies for a last stand upon
her own territories. But why should we thus speculate? The doom of
Carthage had been pronounced by the decrees of fate. The fall has all the
mystery and solemnity of a providential event, like the fall of all empires,
like the defeat of Darius by Alexander, [pg 467] like the ruin of Jerusalem,
like the melting away of North American Indians, like the final overthrow
of the “Eternal City” itself.

The desperation of the city in her last conflict proves, however,
that, with proper foresight and patriotism, her fall might have been
The citydelayed, for it took the Romans three years to subdue her. The
makes disarmed city withstood the attack of the Romans for a period five
desperate times as long as it required Vespasian and Titus to capture
efforts. Jerusalem. The city resounded day and night with the labors of men
Hasdrubal. and women on arms and catapults. One hundred and forty shields,
three hundred swords, five hundred spears, and one thousand
missiles were manufactured daily, and even a fleet of one hundred
and fifty ships was built during the siege. The land side of the city was
protected by a triple wall, and the rocks of Cape Camast and Cape Carthage

Page 470

sheltered it from all attacks by sea, except one side protected by fortified
harbors and quays. Hasdrubal, with the remnant of his army, was still in the
field, and took up his station at Nephesis, on the opposite side of the lake of
Tunis, to harass the besiegers. Masinissa died at the age of ninety, soon after
hostilities began.

The first attack on Carthage was a failure, and the army of the
Consuls Censorinus and Manius Manilius would have been cut to
Failure ofpieces, had it not been for the the reserve led by Scipio Æmilianus,
the a grandson of Africanus, who was then serving as military tribune.
Romans. He also performed many gallant actions when Censorinus retired to
Rome, leaving the army in the hands of his incompetent colleague.

The second campaign was equally unsuccessful, under L.
Calpurnius Fiso and L. Mancinus. The slow progress of the war
Rome excited astonishment throughout the world. The suspense of the
disgusted. campaign was intolerable to the proud spirit of the Romans, who
had never dreamed of such resistance. The eyes of the Romans
were then turned [pg 468] to the young hero who alone had thus far
distinguished himself. Although he had not reached the proper age, he was
chosen consul, and the province of Africa was assigned to him. He sailed
with his friends Polybius and Lælius. He was by no means equal to the
elder Scipio, although he was an able general and an accomplished man. He
was ostentatious, envious, and proud, and had cultivation rather than
genius.

When he arrived at Utica, he found the campaign of B.C. 147
opened in such a way that his arrival saved a great disaster. The
Mistake ofadmiral Mancinus had attempted an attack on an undefended
Mancinus. quarter, but a desperate sally of the besieged had exposed him to
imminent danger, and he was only relieved by the timely arrival of
Scipio.

The new general then continued the siege with new vigor. His
headquarters were fixed on an isthmus uniting the peninsula of
Siege ofCarthage with the main-land, from which he attacked the suburb
Carthage. called Megara, and took it, and shut up the Carthaginians in the old
town and ports. The garrison of the suburb and the army of

Page 471

Hasdrubal retreated within the fortifications of the city. The Carthaginian
leader, to cut off all retreat, inflicted inhuman barbarities and tortures on all
the Roman prisoners they took. Scipio, meanwhile, intrenched and fortified
in the suburb, cut off all communication between the city and main-land by
parallel trenches, three miles in length, drawn across the whole isthmus.
The communication with the sea being still open, from which the besieged
received supplies, the port was blocked up by a mole of stone ninety-six
feet wide. The besieged worked night and day, and cut a new channel to the
sea, and, had they known how to improve their opportunity, might, with the
new fleet they had constructed, have destroyed that of their enemies,
unprepared for action.

Scipio now resolved to make himself master of the ports, which
were separated from the sea by quays and a weak wall. His
Scipio battering-rams were at once destroyed by the Carthaginians. He
master ofthen built a wall or [pg 469] rampart upon the quay, to the height of
the ports. the city wall, and placed upon it four thousand men to harass the
besieged. As the winter rains then set in, making his camp
unhealthy, and the city was now closely invested by sea and land,
he turned his attention to the fortified camp of the enemy at Nephesis,
which was taken by storm, and seventy thousand persons put to the sword.
The Carthaginian army was annihilated.

Meanwhile famine pressed within the besieged city, and Hasdrubal
would not surrender. An attack, led by Lælius, on the market-place,
Attack ofgave the Romans a foothold within the city, and a great quantity of
the citadel.spoil. One thousand talents were taken from the temple of Apollo.
Capture Preparations were then made for the attack of the citadel, and for
and six days there was a hand-to-hand fight between the combatants
destruction amid the narrow streets which led to the Byrsa. The tall Oriental
of houses were only taken one by one and burned, and the streets were
Carthage. cumbered with the dead. The miserable people, crowded within the
citadel, certain now of destruction, then sent a deputation to Scipio
to beg the lives of those who had sought a retreat in the Byrsa. The
request was granted to all but Roman deserters. But out of the great
population of seven hundred thousand, only thirty thousand men and
twenty-five thousand women marched from the burning ruins. Hasdrubal

Page 472

and the three hundred Roman deserters, certain of no mercy, retired to the
temple of Æsculapius, the heart of the citadel. But the Carthaginian, uniting
pusillanimity with cruelty, no sooner found the temple on fire, than he
rushed out in Scipio's presence, with an olive-branch in his hands, and
abjectly begged for his life, which Scipio granted, after he had prostrated
himself at his feet in sight of his followers, who loaded him with the
bitterest execrations. The wife of Hasdrubal, deserted by the abject wretch,
called down the curses of the gods on the man who had betrayed his
country and deserted at last his family. She then cut the throats of her
children and threw them into the flames, and then leaped into them [pg 470]
herself. The Roman deserters in the same manner perished. The city was
given up to plunder, the inhabitants whose lives were spared were sold as
slaves, and the gold and works of art were carried to Rome and deposited in
the temples.

Such was the fate of Carthage—a doom so awful, that we can not
but feel that it was sent as a chastisement for crimes which had
Her awfullong cried to Heaven for vengeance. Carthage always was
fate. supremely a wicked city. All the luxurious and wealthy capitals of
Carthage ancient times were wicked, especially Oriental cities, as Carthage
utterly properly, though not technically, was—founded by Phœnicians, and
destroyed. a worshiper of the gods of Tyre and Sidon. The Roman Senate
decreed that not only the city, but even the villas of the nobles in
the suburb of Megara, should be leveled with the ground, and the
plowshare driven over the soil devoted to perpetual desolation, and a curse
to the man who should dare to cultivate it or build upon it. For fourteen
days, the fires raged in this once populous and wealthy city, and the
destruction was complete, B.C. 146. So deep-seated was the Roman hatred
of rivals, or States that had been rivals; so dreadful was the punishment of a
wicked city, of which Scipio was made the instrument, not merely of the
Romans, but of Divine providence.

All the great cities of antiquity, which had been seats of luxury and
pride, had now been utterly destroyed—Nineveh, Babylon, Tyre,
The fate ofand Carthage. Corinth was already sacked by Mummius, and
great Jerusalem was to be by Titus, and Rome herself was finally to
commercia receive a still direr chastisement at the hands of Goths and Vandals.
l capitals.

Page 473

So Providence moves on in his mysterious power to bring to naught the
grandeur and power of rebellious nations—rebellious to those mighty moral
laws which are as inexorable as the laws of nature.

The territory on the coast of Zeugitana and Byzantium, which formed the
last possession of Carthage, was erected into the province of Africa, and the
rich plain of that fertile [pg 471] province became more important to Rome
for supplies of corn than even Sicily, which had been the granary of Rome.

Scipio returned to Rome, and enjoyed a triumph more gorgeous
than the great Africanus. He also lived to enjoy another triumph for
Scipio brilliant successes in Spain, yet to be enumerated, but was also
triumphs. doomed to lose his popularity, and to perish by the dagger of
assassins.

Rome had now acquired the undisputed dominion of the civilized
world, and with it, the vices of the nations she subdued. A great
Change indecline in Roman morals succeeded these brilliant conquests. Great
Roman internal changes took place. The old distinction of patricians and
manners. plebeians had vanished, and a new nobility had arisen, composed of
rich men and of those whose ancestors had enjoyed curule
magistracies. They possessed the Senate, and had control of the
Comitia Centuriata, by the prerogative vote of the equestrian centuries. A
base rabble had grown up, fed with corn and oil, by the government, and
amused by games and spectacles. The old republican aristocracy was
supplanted by a family oligarchy. The vast wealth which poured into Rome
from the conquered countries created disproportionate fortunes. The votes
of the people were bought by the rich candidates for popular favor. The
superstitions of the East were transferred to the capitol of the world, and the
decay in faith was as marked as the decay in virtue. Chaldæan astrologers
were scattered over Italy, and the gods of all the conquered peoples of the
earth were worshiped at Rome. The bonds of society were loosed, and a
state was prepared for the civil wars which proved even more destructive
than the foreign.

Page 474

[pg 472]

Page 475

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Page 476

ROMAN CONQUESTS FROM THE FALL OF
CARTHAGE TO THE TIMES OF THE GRACCHI.

Although the Roman domination now extended in some form or other over
most of the countries around the Mediterranean, still several States
remained to be subdued, in the East and in the West.

The subjugation of Spain first deserves attention, commenced before the
close of the third Punic war, and which I have omitted to notice for the sake
of clearness of connection.

After the Hannibalic war, we have seen how Rome planted her armies in
Spain, and added two provinces to her empire. But the various tribes were
far from being subdued, and Spain was inhabited by different races.

This great peninsula, bounded on the north by the ocean
Cantabricus, now called the Bay of Biscay, and the Pyrenees, on
The the east and south by the Mediterranean, and on the west by the
Spanish Atlantic Ocean, was called Iberia, by the Greeks, from the river
peninsula. Iberus, or Ebro. The term Hispania was derived from the
Phœnicians, who planted colonies on the southern shores. The
Carthaginians invaded it next, and founded several cities, the chief
of which was New Carthage. At the end of the second Punic war, it was
wrested from them by the Romans, who divided it into two provinces,
Citerior and Ulterior. In the time of Augustus, Ulterior Spain was divided
into two provinces, called Lusitania and Bætica, while the Citerior
province, by far the larger, occupying the whole northern country from the
Atlantic to the Mediterranean, was called Tanagona. It included three-fifths
of the peninsula, or about one hundred [pg 473] and seven thousand three
hundred square miles. It embraced the modern provinces of Catalonia,
Aragon, Navarre, Biscay, Asturias, Galicia, Northern Leon, old and new
Castile, Murcia, and Valentia, and a part of Portugal. Bætica nearly

Page 477

corresponded with Andalusia, and embraced Granada, Jaen, Cordova,
Seville, and half of Spanish Estremadura. Lusitania corresponds nearly with
Portugal.

The Tanaconneusis was inhabited by numerous tribes, and the chief
ancient cities were Barcelona, Tanagona the metropolis,
Geography Pampeluna, Oporto, Numantia, Saguntum, Saragossa, and
of Spain. Cartagena. In Bætica were Cordova, Castile, Gades, and Seville. In
Lusitania were Olisipo (Lisbon), and Salamanca.

Among the inhabitants of these various provinces were Iberians,
Celts, Phœnicians, and Hellenes. In the year 154 B.C., the
War withLusitanians, under a chieftain called Punicus, invaded the Roman
the territory which the elder Scipio had conquered, and defeated two
Spaniards. Roman governors. The Romans then sent a consular army, under Q.
Fulvius Nobilior, which was ultimately defeated by the Lusitanians
under Cæsarus. This success kindled the flames of war far and near,
and the Celtiberians joined in the warfare against the Roman invaders.
Again the Romans were defeated with heavy loss. The Senate then sent
considerable re-enforcements, under Claudius Marcellus, who soon
changed the aspect of affairs. The nation of the Arevacæ surrendered to the
Romans—a people living on the branches of the Darius, near Numantia—
and their western neighbors, the Vaccæi, were also subdued, and
barbarously dealt with. On the outbreak of the third Punic war the affairs of
Spain were left to the ordinary governors, and a new insurrection of the
Lusitanians took place. Viriathus, a Spanish chieftain, signally defeated the
Romans, and was recognized as king of all the Lusitanians. He was
distinguished, not only for bravery, but for temperance and art, and was a
sort of Homeric hero, whose name and exploits were sounded [pg 474]
throughout the peninsula. He gained great victories over the Roman
generals, and destroyed their armies. General after general was successively
defeated. For five years this gallant Spaniard kept the whole Roman power
at bay, and he was only destroyed by treachery.

While the Lusitanians at the South were thus prevailing over the
Roman armies on the bunks of the Tagus, another war broke out in
Inglorious the North among the Celtiberian natives. Against these people
war.

Page 478

Quintus Cæcilius Metellus, the consul, was sent. He showed great ability,
and in two years reduced the whole northern province, except the two cities
of Termantia and Numantia. These cities, wearied at last with war, agreed to
submit to the Romans, and delivered up hostages and deserters, with a sum
of money. But the Senate, with its usual policy, refused to confirm the treaty
of its general, which perfectly aroused the Numantines to resentment and
despair. These brave people obtained successes against the Roman general
Lænas and his successors, Mancinus and M. Æmilius Lepides, as well as
Philus and Piso.

The Romans, aroused at last to this inglorious war, which had
lasted nearly ten years, resolved to take the city of the Numantines
Scipio. at any cost, and intrusted the work to Scipio Æmilianus, their best
general. He spent the summer (B.C. 134) in extensive preparations,
and it was not till winter that he drew his army round the walls of
Numantia, defended by only eight thousand citizens. Scipio even declined a
battle, and fought with mattock and spade. A double wall of
circumvallation, surmounted with towers, was built around the city, and
closed the access to it by the Douro, by which the besieged relied upon for
provisions. The city sustained a memorable siege of nearly a year, and was
only reduced by famine. The inhabitants were sold as slaves, and the city
was leveled with the ground. The fall of this fortress struck at the root of
opposition to Rome, and a senatorial commission was sent to Spain, in
order to organize with Scipio the newly-won territories, [pg 475] and
became henceforth the best-regulated country of all the provinces of Rome.

But a graver difficulty existed with the African, Greek, and Asiatic
States that had been brought under the influence of the Roman
Difficultie hegemony, which was neither formal sovereignty nor actual
s in Asiaticsubjection. The client States had neither independence nor peace.
provinces. The Senate, nevertheless, perpetually interfered with the course of
African, Hellenic, Asiatic, and Egyptian affairs. Commissioners
were constantly going to Alexandria, to the Achæan diet, and to the
courts of the Asiatic princes, and the government of Rome deprived the
nations of the blessings of freedom and the blessings of order.

Page 479

It was time to put a stop to this state of things, and the only way to
do so was to convert the client States into Roman provinces. After
Province the destruction of Carthage, the children of Masinissa retained in
of Africa. substance their former territories, but were not allowed to make
Carthage their capital. Her territories became a Roman province,
whose capital was Utica.

Macedonia also disappeared, like Carthage, from the ranks of
nations. But the four small States into which the kingdom was
The parceled could not live in peace. Neither Roman commissioners nor
Macedonia foreign arbiters could restore order. At this crisis a young man
n war. appeared in Thrace, who called himself the son of Perseus. This
pseudo-Philip, for such was his name, strikingly resembled the son
of Perseus. Unable to obtain recognition in his native country, he
went to Demetrius Sotor, king of Syria. By him he was sent to Rome. The
Senate attached so little importance to the man, that he was left, imperfectly
guarded, in an Italian town, and fled to Miletus. Again arrested, and again
contriving to escape, he went to Thrace, and obtained a recognition from
Teres, the chief of the Thracian barbarians. With his support he invaded
Macedonia, and obtained several successes over the Macedonian militia.
The Roman commissioner Nasica, without troops, was obliged to call to his
[pg 476] aid the Achæan and Pergamene soldiers, until defended by a
Roman legion under the prætor Juventius. Juventius was slain by the
pretender, and his army cut to pieces. And it was not until a stronger Roman
array, under Quintus Cæcilius Metellus, appeared, that he was subdued. The
four States into which Macedonia had been divided were now converted
into a Roman province, B.C. 148, and Macedonia became, not a united
kingdom, but a united province, with nearly the former limits.

The defense of the Hellenic civilization now devolved on the Romans, but
was not conducted with adequate forces or befitting energy, and the petty
States were therefore exposed to social disorganization, and the Greeks
evidently sought to pick a quarrel with Rome.

Hence the Achæan war, B.C. 149. It is not of much historical
importance. It was commenced under Metellus, and continued
Fall ofunder Mummius, who reduced the noisy belligerents to terms, and
Corinth.

Page 480

entered Corinth, the seat of rebellion, and the first commercial city of
Greece. By order of the Senate, the Corinthian citizens were sold into
slavery, the fortifications of the city leveled with the ground, and the city
itself was sacked. The mock sovereignty of leagues was abolished, and all
remains of Grecian liberty fled.

In Asia Minor, after the Seleucidæ were driven away, Pergamus
became the first power. But even this State did not escape the
Asia jealousy of the Romans, and with Attalus III. the house of Attalids
Minor. became extinct.

He, however, had bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans,
and his testament kindled a civil war. Aristonicus, a natural
War inson of Eumenes II., made his appearance at Lecuæ, a small
Asia. sea-port near Smyrna, as a pretender to the crown. He was
defeated by the Ephesians, who saw the necessity of the
protection and friendship of the Roman government. But
he again appeared with new troops, and the struggle was serious, since there
were no Roman troops in Asia. But, B.C. 131, a Roman army was sent
under the consul Publius Licinius [pg 477] Crassus Mucianus, one of the
wealthiest men of Rome, distinguished as an orator and jurist. This
distinguished general was about to lay siege to Leucæ, when he was
surprised and taken captive, and put to death. His successor, Marcus
Perpenua, was fortunate in his warfare, and the pretender was taken
prisoner, and executed at Rome. The remaining cities yielded to the
conqueror, and Asia Minor became a Roman province.

In other States the Romans set up kings as they chose. In Syria,
Antiochus Eupater was recognized over the claims of Demetrius
Syria. Sotor, then a hostage in Rome. But he contrived to escape, and
seized the government of his ancestral kingdom. But it would seem
that the Romans, at this period, did not take a very lively interest in
the affairs of remote Asiatic States, and the decrees of the Senate were often
disregarded with impunity. A great reaction of the East took place against
the West, and, under Mithridates, a renewed struggle again gave dignity to
the Eastern kingdoms, which had not raised their heads since the conquests
of Alexander. That memorable struggle will be alluded to in the proper

Page 481

place. It was a difficult problem which Rome undertook when she
undertook to govern the Asiatic world. It was easy to conquer; it was
difficult to rule, when degeneracy and luxury became the vices of the
Romans themselves. We are now to trace those domestic dissensions and
civil wars which indicate the decline of the Roman republic. But before we
describe those wars, we will take a brief survey of the social and political
changes in Rome at this period.

[pg 478]

Page 482

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Page 483

ROMAN CIVILIZATION AT THE CLOSE OF THE
THIRD PUNIC WAR, AND THE FALL OF
GREECE.

Rome was now the unrivaled mistress of the world. She had
conquered all the civilized States around the Mediterranean, or had
Dominion established a protectorate over them. She had no fears of foreign
of Rome. enemies. Her empire was established.

Before we proceed to present subsequent conquests or domestic
revolutions, it would be well to glance at the political and social structure of
the State, as it was two hundred years before the Christian era, and also at
the progress which had been made in literature and art.

One of the most noticeable features of the Roman State at this
period was the rise of a new nobility. The patricians, when they lost
The rise ofthe exclusive control of the government, did not cease to be a
a newpowerful aristocracy. But another class of nobles arose in the fifth
nobility. century of the city, and shared their power—those who had held
Roman curule offices and were members of the Senate. Their descendants,
nobility. plebeian as well as patrician, had the privilege of placing the wax
images of their ancestors in the family hall, and to have them
carried in funeral processions. They also wore a stripe of purple on
the tunic, and a gold ring on the finger. These were trifling insignia of rank,
still they were emblems and signs by which the nobility were distinguished.
The plebeian families, ennobled by their curule ancestors, were united into
one body with the patrician families, and became a sort of hereditary
nobility. This body of exclusive families really possessed the political
power of the [pg 479] State. The Senate was made up from their members,
and was the mainstay of Roman nobility. The equites, or equestrian order,
was also composed of the patricians and wealthy plebeians. Noble youths
gradually withdrew from serving in the infantry, and the legionary cavalry

Page 484

became a closed aristocratic corps. Not only were the nobles the possessors
of senatorial privileges, and enrolled among the equites, but they had
separate seats from the people at the games and at the theatres. The
censorship also became a prop to the stability of the aristocratic class.

We have some idea of the influence of the aristocracy from the
families which furnished the higher offices of the State. For three
Leading centuries the consuls were chiefly chosen from powerful families.
families. The Cornelii gentes furnished fifteen consuls in one hundred and
twelve years, and the Valerii, ten. And, what is more remarkable,
for the following one hundred and fifty years these two families
furnished nearly the same number. In one hundred and twelve years fifteen
families gave seventy consuls to the State: the Cornelii, fifteen; the Valerii,
ten; the Claudii, four; the Æmilii, nine; the Fabii, six; the Manilii, four; the
Postumii, two; the Servilii, three; the Sulpicii, six; and also about the same
number the following one hundred and fifty years, thereby showing that old
families, whether patrician or plebeian, were long kept in sight, and
monopolized political power. This was also seen in the elevation of young
men of these ranks to high office before they had reached the lawful age. M.
Valerius Corvus was consul at twenty-three, Scipio at thirty, and Flaminius
at twenty-nine.

The control of Rome over conquered provinces introduced a new
class of magistrates, selected by the Senate, and chosen from the
Provincial aristocratic circles. These were the provincial governors or prætors,
governors. who had great power, and who sometimes appeared in all the pomp
of kings. They resided in the ancient palaces of the kings, and had
great opportunities for accumulating fortunes. Nor could the
governors be called to account, until after their term of office [pg 480]
expired, which rarely happened. The governors were, virtually, sovereigns
while they continued in office—were satraps, who conducted a legalized
tyranny abroad, and returned home arrogant and accustomed to adulation—
a class of men who proved dangerous to the old institutions, those which
recognized equality within the aristocracy and the subordination of power
to the senatorial college.

Page 485

The burgesses, or citizens, before this period, were a very
respectable body, patriotic and sagacious. They occupied chiefly
Decline ofLatium, a part of Campania, and the maritime colonies. But
the gradually, a rabble of clients grew up on footing equality with these
burgesses. independent burgesses. These clients, as the aristocracy increased
Public in wealth and power, became parasites and beggars, and
amusemen undermined the burgess class, and controlled the Comitia. This
ts. class rapidly increased, and were clamorous for games, festivals,
and cheap bread, for corn was distributed to them by those who
wished to gain their favor at elections, at less than cost. Hence,
festivals and popular amusements became rapidly a great feature of the
times. For five hundred years the people had been contented with one
festival in a year, and one circus. Flaminius added another festival, and
another circus. In the year 550 of the city, there were five festivals. The
candidates for the consulship spent large sums on these games, the splendor
of which became the standard by which the electoral body measured the
fitness of candidates. A gladiatorial show cost seven hundred and twenty
thousand sesterces, or thirty-six thousand dollars.

And corruption extended to the army. The old burgess militia were
contented to return home with some trifling gift as a memorial of
Decay ofvictory, but the troops of Scipio, and the veterans of the
military Macedonian and Asiatic wars, came back enriched with spoils. A
sports. decay of a warlike spirit was observable from the time the
Distinction burgesses converted war into a traffic in plunder. A great passion
s inalso arose for titles and insignia, which appeared under different
society. [pg 481] forms, especially for the honors of a triumph, originally
granted only to the supreme magistrate who had signally
augmented the power of the State. Statues and monuments were
often erected at the expense of the person whom they purported to honor.
And finally, the ring, the robe, and the amulet case distinguished not only
the burgesses from the foreigners and slaves, but also the person who was
born free from one who had been a slave, the son of the free-born from the
son of the manumitted, the son of a knight from a common burgess, the
descendant of a curule house from the common senators. These distinctions
in rank kept pace with the extension of conquests, until, at last, there was as

Page 486

complete a net work of aristocratic distinctions as in England at the present
day.

All these distinctions and changes were bitterly deplored by
Marcus Portius Cato—the last great statesman of the older school
Cato. —a genuine Roman of the antique stamp. He was also averse to
schemes of universal empire. He was a patrician, brought up at the
plow, and in love with his Sabine farm. Yet he rose to the
consulship, and even the censorship. He served in war under Marcellus,
Fabius, and Scipio, and showed great ability as a soldier. He was as
distinguished in the forum as in the camp and battle-field, having a bold
address, pungent wit, and great knowledge of the Roman laws. He was the
most influential political orator of his day. He was narrow in his political
ideas, conservative, austere, and upright; an enemy to all corruption and
villainy, also to genius, and culture, and innovation. He was the protector of
the Roman farmer, plain, homely in person, disdained by the ruling nobles,
but fearless in exposing corruption from any quarter, and irreconcilably at
war with aristocratic coteries, like the Scipios and Flaminii. He was
publicly accused twenty-four times, but he was always backed by the
farmers, notwithstanding the opposition of the nobles. He erased, while
censor, the name of the brother of Flaminius from the roll of senators, and
the brother of Scipio from that of the equites. He [pg 482] attempted a
vigorous reform, but the current of corruption could only be stemmed for
awhile. The effect of the sumptuary laws, which were passed through his
influence, was temporary and unsatisfactory. No legislation has proved of
avail against a deep-seated corruption of morals, for the laws will be
avoided, even if they are not defied. In vain was the eloquence of the hard,
arbitrary, narrow, worldly wise, but patriotic and stern old censor. The age
of Grecian culture, of wealth, of banquets, of palaces, of games, of
effeminate manners, had set in with the conquest of Greece and Asia. The
divisions of society widened, and the seeds of luxury and pride were to
produce violence and decay.

Still some political changes were effected at this time. The Comitia
Centuriata was remodeled. The equites no longer voted first. The
Political five classes obtained an equal number of votes, and the freedmen
changes. were placed on an equal footing with free-born. Thus terminated
Rise of

Page 487

demagogu the long conflict between patricians and plebeians. But although the
es. right of precedence in voting was withdrawn from the equites, still
the patrician order was powerful enough to fill, frequently, the
second consulship and the second censorship, which were open to
patricians and plebeians alike, with men of their own order. At this time the
office of dictator went into abeyance, and was practically abolished; the
priests were elected by the whole community; the public assemblies
interfered with the administration of the public property—the exclusive
prerogative of the Senate in former times—and thus transferred the public
domains to their own pockets. These were changes which showed the
disorganization of the government rather than healthy reform. To this period
we date the rise of demagogues, for a minority in the Senate had the right to
appeal to the Comitia, which opened the way for wealthy or popular men to
thwart the wisest actions and select incompetent magistrates and generals.
Even Publius Scipio was not more distinguished for his arrogance and title-
hunting than for the army of [pg 483] clients he supported, and for the favor
which he courted, of both legions and people, by his largesses of grain.

At this period, agriculture had reached considerable perfection, but
Cato declared that his fancy farm was not profitable. Figs, apples,
Agricultur pears were cultivated, as well as olives and grapes—also shade-
e. Thetrees. The rearing of cattle was not of much account, as the people
slaves. lived chiefly on vegetables, and fruits and corn. Large cattle were
Small kept only for tillage. Considerable use was made of poultry and
farmers. pigeons—kept in the farm-yard. Fish-ponds and hare-preserves
were also common. The labor of the fields was performed by oxen,
and asses for carriage and the turning of mills. The human labor on
farms was done by slaves. Vineyards required more expenditure of labor
than ordinary tillage. An estate of one hundred jugera, with vine plantations,
required one plowman, eleven slaves, and two herdsmen. The slaves were
not bred on the estate, but were purchased. They lived in the farm-
buildings, among cattle and produce. A separate house was erected for the
master. A steward had the care of the slaves. The stewardess attended to the
baking and cooking, and all had the same fare, delivered from the produce
of the farm on which they lived. Great unscrupulousness pervaded the
management of these estates. Slaves and cattle were placed on the same
level, and both were fed as long as they could work, and sold when they

Page 488

were incapacitated by age or sickness. A slave had no recreations or
holidays. His time was spent between working and sleeping. And when we
remember that these slaves were white as well as black, and had once been
free, their condition was hard and inhuman. No negro slavery ever was so
cruel as slavery among the Romans. Great labors and responsibilities were
imposed upon the steward. He was the first to rise in the morning, and the
last to go to bed at night; but he was not doomed to constant labor, like the
slaves whom he superintended. He also had few pleasures, and was
obsequious to the landlord, who performed no work, except in the earlier
ages. The [pg 484] small farmer worked himself with the slaves and his
children. He more frequently cultivated flowers and vegetables for the
market of Rome. Pastoral husbandry was practiced on a great scale, and at
least eight hundred jugera were required. On such estates, horses, oxen,
mules, and asses were raised, also herds of swine and goats. The breeding
of sheep was an object of great attention and interest, since all clothing was
made of wool. The shepherd-slaves lived in the open air, remote from
human habitations, under sheds and sheep-folds.

The prices of all produce were very small in comparison with
present rates, and this was owing, in part, to the immense quantities
Decline ofof corn and other produce delivered by provincials to the Roman
agriculture government, sometimes gratuitously. The armies were supported by
. Thetransmarine corn. The government regulated prices. In the time of
farmers Scipio, African wheat was sold as low as twelve ases for six modii
sacrificed —(one and a half bushel)—about sixpence. At one time two
to the cityhundred and forty thousand bushels of Sicilian grain were
population distributed at this price. The rise of demagogism promoted these
. distributions, which kept prices down, so that the farmers received
but a small reward for labors, which made, of course, the condition
of laborers but little above that of brutes: when the people of the
capital paid but sixpence sterling for a bushel and a half of wheat, or one
hundred and eighty pounds of dried figs, or sixty pounds of oil, or seventy-
two pounds of meat, or four and a half gallons of wine sold only for
fivepence, or three-fifths of a denarius. In the time of Polybius, the traveler
was charged for victuals and lodgings at an inn only about two farthings a
day, and a bushel of wheat sold for fourpence. At such prices there was very
little market for the farmer. Sicily and Sardinia were the real granaries of

Page 489

Rome. Thus were all the best interests of the country sacrificed to the
unproductive population of the city. Such was the golden age of the republic
—a state of utter misery and hardship among the productive classes, and
idleness among the Roman [pg 485] people—a state of society which could
but lead to ruin. The farmers, without substantial returns, lost energy and
spirit, and dwindled away. Their estates fell into the hands of great
proprietors, who owned great numbers of slaves. They themselves were
ruined, and sunk into an ignoble class. The cultivation of grain in Italy was
gradually neglected, and attention was given chiefly to vines, and olives,
and wool. The rearing of cattle became more profitable than tillage, and
small farms were absorbed in great estates.

The monetary transactions of the Romans were preeminently
conspicuous. No branch of commercial industry was prosecuted
Money. with more zeal than money-lending. The bankers of Rome were a
great class, and were generally rich. They speculated in corn and all
articles of produce. Usury was not disdained even by the nobles.
Money-lending became a great system, and all the laws operated in favor of
capitalists.

Industrial art did not keep pace with usurious calculations, and trades were
concentrated in the capital. Mechanical skill was neglected in all the rural
districts.

Business operations were usually conducted by slaves. Even
money-lenders and bankers made use of them. Every one who took
Business contracts for building, bought architect slaves. Every one who
operations. provided spectacles purchased a band of serfs expert in the art of
fighting. The merchants imported wares in vessels managed by
slaves. Mines were worked by slaves. Manufactories were
conducted by slaves. Everywhere were slaves.

While the farmer obtained only fourpence a bushel for his wheat, a
penny a gallon for his wine, and fivepence for sixty pounds of oil,
Great the capitalists, centered in Rome, possessed fortunes which were
fortunes. vastly disproportionate to those which are seen in modern capitals.
Paulus was not reckoned wealthy for a senator, but his estate was
valued at sixty talents, nearly £15,000, or $75,000. In other words,

Page 490

the daily interest of his capital was fifteen dollars, enough to purchase one
hundred and eighty bushels of [pg 486] wheat—as much as a farmer could
raise in a year on eight jugera—a farm as large as that of Cincinnatus. Each
of the daughters of Scipio received as a dowry fifty talents, or $60,000. The
value of this sum, in our money, when measured by the scale of wheat, or
oil, or wine—allowing wheat now to be worth five shillings sterling a
bushel—against fivepence in those times, would make gold twelve times
more valuable then than now. And hence, Scipio left each of his daughters a
sum equal to $720,000 of our money. In estimating the fortune of a Roman,
by the prices charged at an inn per day, a penny would go further then than
a dollar would now. But I think that gold and silver, in the time of Scipio,
were about the same value as in England at the time of Henry VII., about
twenty times our present standard.

Every law at Rome tended in its operation to the benefit of the
creditor, and to vast accumulations of property; for the government
The richbeing in the hands of the rich, as in England a century since, and in
favored. France before the Revolution, favored the rich at the expense of the
poor. It became disgraceful at Rome to perform manual labor, and a
wall separated the laboring classes from the capitalists, which could
not be passed. Industrial art took the lowest place in the scale of labor, and
was in the hands of slaves. The traffic in money, and the farming of the
revenue formed the mainstay and stronghold of the Roman economy. The
free population of Italy declined, while the city of Rome increased. The loss
was supplied by slaves. In the year 502 of the city, the Roman burgesses in
Italy numbered two hundred and ninety-eight thousand men capable of
bearing arms. Fifty years later, the number was only two hundred and
fourteen thousand. The nation visibly diminished, and the community was
resolved into masters and slaves. And this decline of citizens and increase
of slaves were beheld with indifference, for pride, and cruelty, and
heartlessness were the characteristics of the higher classes.

With the progress of luxury, and the decline of the rural [pg 487]
population, and the growth of disproportionate fortunes, residence
Extravaga in the capital became more and more coveted, and more and more
nt pricescostly. Rents rose to an unexampled height. Extravagant prices
for were paid for luxuries. When a bushel of corn sold for fivepence, a
luxuries.

Page 491

barrel of anchovies from the Black Sea cost £14, and a beautiful boy
twenty-four thousand sesterces (£246), more than a farmer's homestead.
Money came to be prized as the end of life, and all kinds of shifts and
devices were made to secure it. Marriage, on both sides, became an object
of mercantile speculation.

In regard to education, there was a higher development than is
usually supposed, and literature and art were cultivated, even while
Education. the nation declined in real virtue and strength. By means of the
Greek slaves, the Greek language and literature reached even the
lower ranks, to a certain extent. “The comedies indicate that the
humblest classes were familiar with a sort of Latin, which could no more be
understood without a knowledge of Greek, than Wieland's German without
a knowledge of French.” Greek was undoubtedly spoken by the higher
classes, as French is spoken in all the courts of Europe. In the rudiments of
education, the lowest people were instructed, and even slaves were
schoolmasters. At the close of the Punic wars, both comedy and tragedy
were among the great amusements of the Romans, and great writers arose,
who wrote, however, from the Greek models. Livius translated Homer, and
Nævius popularized the Greek drama. Plautus, it is said, wrote one hundred
and thirty plays. The tragedies of Ennius were recited to the latter days of
the empire. The Romans did not, indeed, make such advance in literature as
the Greeks, at a comparatively early period of their history, but their
attainments were respectable when Carthage was destroyed.

[pg 488]

Page 492

CHAPTER XXXV.

Page 493

THE REFORM MOVEMENT OF THE GRACCHI.

A new era in the history of Rome now commences, a period of glory and
shame, when a great change took place in the internal structure of the State,
now corrupted by the introduction of Greek and Asiatic refinements, and
the vast wealth which rolled into the capital of the world.

“For a whole generation after the battle of Pydna, the Roman State
enjoyed a profound calm, scarcely varied by a ripple here and there
Rome afterupon the surface. Its dominion extended over three continents; all
the battleeyes rested on Italy; all talents and all riches flowed thither; it
of Pydna. seemed as if a golden age of peaceful prosperity and intellectual
enjoyment of life had begun. The Orientals of this period told each
other with astonishment of the mighty republic of the West. And
such was the glory of the Romans, that no one usurped the crown, and no
one glittered in purple dress; but they obeyed whomsoever from year to
year they made their master, and there was among them neither envy nor
discord.”

So things seemed at a distance. But this splendid external was
deceptive. The government of the aristocracy was hastening to its
The ruin. There was a profound meaning, says Mommsen, in the
inefficienc question of Cato: “What was to become of Rome when she should
y of theno longer have any State to fear?” All her neighbors were now
governme politically annihilated, and the single thought of the aristocracy was
nt. how they should perpetuate their privileges. A government of
aristocratic nobodies was now inaugurated, which kept new men of
merit from doing any thing, for fear they should [pg 489] belong to
their exclusive ranks. Even an aristocratic conqueror was inconvenient.

Still opposition existed to this aristocratic régime, and some reforms had
been carried out. The administration of justice was improved. The senatorial
commissions to the provinces were found inadequate. An effort was made

Page 494

to emancipate the Comitia from the prepondering influence of the
aristocracy. The senators were compelled to renounce their public
Opposition horse on admission to the Senate, and also the privilege of voting in
to thethe eighteen equestrian centimes. But there was the semblance of
ruling increased democratic power rather than the reality. All the great
classes. questions of the day turned upon the election of the curule
Capitalists.magistracies, and there was sufficient influence among the nobles
Slaves. to secure these offices. Young men from noble families crowded
into the political arena, and claimed what once was the reward of
distinguished merit. Powerful connections were indispensable for
the enjoyment of political power, as in England at the time of Burke. A
large body of clients waited on their patron early every morning, and the
candidates for office used all those arts which are customary when votes
were to be bought. The government no longer disposed of the property of
burgesses for the public good, nor favored the idea among them that they
were exempted from taxes. Political corruption reached through all grades
and classes. Capitalists absorbed the small farms, and great fortunes were
the scandal of the times. Capital was more valued than labor. Italian farms
depreciated from the conversion of tillage into pasture lands and parks, as in
England in the present day. Slavery inordinately increased from the captives
taken in war. Western Asia furnished the greatest number of this miserable
population, and Cretan and Cilician slave-hunters were found on all the
coasts of Syria and Greece. Delos was the great slave-market of the world,
where the slave-dealers of Asia Minor disposed of their wares to Italian
speculators. In one day as many as ten thousand slaves were [pg 490]
disembarked and sold. Farms, and trades, and mines were alike carried on
by these slaves from Asia, and their sufferings and hardships were vastly
greater than ever endured by negroes on the South Carolinian and Cuban
plantations. But they were of a different race—men who had seen better
days, and accustomed to civilization—and hence they often rose upon their
masters. Servile wars were of common occurrence, Sicily at one time had
seventy thousand slaves in arms, and when consular armies were sent to
suppress the revolt, the most outrageous cruelties were inflicted. Twenty
thousand men, at one time, were crucified in Sicily by Publius Rupilius.

At this crisis, when disproportionate wealth and slavery were the great
social evils, Tiberius Gracchus arose—a young man of high rank,

Page 495

chivalrous, noble, and eloquent. His mother, Cornelia, was the
daughter of Scipio Africanus, and therefore belonged to the most
Tiberius exclusive of the aristocratic circles. Tiberius Gracchus was
Gracchus. therefore the cousin of Scipio Æmilianus, under whom he served
with distinction in Africa. He was seconded in his views of reform
by some stern old patriots and aristocrats, who had not utterly
forgotten the interests of the State, now being undermined. Appius
Claudius, his father-in-law, who had been both consul and censor; Publius
Mucius Scævola, the great lawyer and founder of scientific jurisprudence;
his brother, Publius Crassus Mucianus; the Pontifex Maximus; Quintus
Metellus, the conqueror of Macedonia—all men of the highest rank and
universally respected, entered into his schemes of reform.

This patriotic patrician was elected tribune B.C. 134, at a time
when political mismanagement, moral decay, the decline of
His burgesses, and the increase of slaves, were most apparent. So
reforms. Gracchus, after entering upon his office, proposed the enaction of
an agrarian law, by which all State lands, occupied by the
possessors, without remuneration, should revert to the State, except
five hundred jugera for himself, and two hundred and fifty for each son.
The [pg 491] domain land thus resumed was to be divided into lots of thirty
jugera, and these distributed to burgesses and Italian allies, not as free
property, but inalienable leaseholds, for which they paid rent to the State.
This was a declaration of war upon the great landholders. The proposal of
Gracchus was paralyzed by the vote of his colleague, Marcus Octavius.
Gracchus then, in his turn, suspended the business of the State and the
administration of justice, and placed his seal on the public chest. The
government was obliged to acquiesce. Gracchus, also, as the year was
drawing to a close, brought his law to the vote a second time. Again it was
vetoed by Octavius. Gracchus then, at the invitation of the consuls,
discussed the matter in the Senate; but the Senate, composed of great
proprietors, would not yield. All constitutional means were now exhausted,
and Gracchus must renounce his reform or begin a revolution.

He chose the latter. Before the assembled people he demanded that
his colleague should be deposed, which was against all the
His customs, and laws, and precedents of the past. The assembly,
unlawful

Page 496

movement composed chiefly of the proletarians who had come from the
s. country—the Comitia Tributa—voted according to his proposal,
and Octavius was removed by the lictors from the tribune bench,
and then the agrarian law was passed by acclamation. The
Commissioners chosen to confiscate and redistribute the lands were
Tiberius Gracchus, his brother Gaius, and his father-in-law Appius
Claudius, which family selection vastly increased the indignation of the
Senate, who threw every obstacle in the way.

The author of the law, fearing for his personal safety, no longer
appeared in the forum without a retinue of three or four thousand
His death. men, another cause of bitter hatred on the part of the aristocracy.
He also sought to be re-elected tribune, but the Assembly broke up
without a choice. The next day the election terminated in the same
manner, and it was rumored in the city that Tiberius had deposed all the [pg
492] tribunes, and was resolved to continue in office without re-election. A
tumult, originating with the Senate, was the result. A mob of senators
rushed through the streets, with fury in their eyes and clubs in their hands.
The people gave way, and Gracchus was slain on the slope of the capitol.
The Senate officially sanctioned the outrage, on the ground that Tiberius
meditated the usurpation of supreme power.

In regard to the author of this agrarian law, there is no doubt he was
patriotic in his intentions, was public-spirited, and wished to revive
Character the older and better days of the republic. I do not believe he
of contemplated the usurpation of supreme power. I doubt if he was
Gracchus. ambitious, as Cæsar was. But he did not comprehend the issues at
Nature ofstake, and the shock he was giving to the constitution of his
his reform. country. He was like Mirabeau, that other aristocratic reformer,
who voted for the spoliation of the church property of France, on
the ground, which that leveling sentimentalist Rousseau had
advanced, that the church property belonged to the nation. But this plea, in
both cases, was sophistical. It was, doubtless, a great evil that the property
of the State had fallen into the hands of wealthy proprietors, as it was an
evil that half the landed property of France was in possession of the clergy.
But, in both cases, this property had been enjoyed uninterruptedly for
centuries by the possessors, and, to all intents and purposes, was private

Page 497

property. And this law of confiscation was therefore an encroachment on
the rights of property, in all its practical bearings. It appeared to the jurists
of that age to be an ejection of the great landholders for the benefit of the
proletarians. The measure itself was therefore not without injustice,
desirable as a division of property might be. But the mode to effect this
division was incompatible with civilization itself. It was an appeal to
revolutionary forces. It was setting aside all constitutional checks and
usages. It was a defiance of the Senate, the great ruling body of the State. It
was an appeal to the people to overturn the laws. It was like assembling [pg
493] the citizens of London to override the Parliament. It was like the
French revolution, when the Assembly was dictated to by the clubs.
Robespierre may have been sincere and patriotic, but he was a fanatic,
fierce and uncompromising. So was Gracchus. In setting aside his
colleagues, to accomplish what he deemed a good end, he did evil. When
this rich patrician collected the proletarian burgesses to decree against the
veto of the tribune that the public property should be distributed among
them, he struck a vital blow on the constitution of his country, and made a
step toward monarchy, for monarchy was only reached through the
democracy—was only brought about by powerful demagogues. And hence
the verdict of the wise and judicious will be precisely that, of the leading
men of Rome at the time, even that of Cornelia herself: “Shall then our
house have no end of madness? Have we not enough to be ashamed of in
the disorganization of the State?”

The law of Tiberius Gracchus survived its author. The Senate had
not power to annul it, though it might slay its author. The work of
The Deathredistribution continued, even as the National Assembly of France
of Scipio. sanctioned the legislation of preceding revolutionists. And in
consequence of the law, there was, in six years, an increase of
burgesses capable of bearing arms, of seventy-six thousand. But so
many evils attended the confiscation and redistribution of the public domain
—so many acts of injustice were perpetrated—there was such gross
mismanagement, that the consul Scipio Æmilianus intervened, and by a
decree of the people, through his influence, the commission was withdrawn,
and the matter was left to the consuls to adjudicate, which was virtually the
suspension of the law itself. For this intervention Scipio lost his popularity,
unbounded as it had been, even as Daniel Webster lost his prestige and

Page 498

influence when he made his 7th of March speech—the fate of all great men,
however great, when they oppose popular feelings and interests, whether
they are right or wrong. Scipio, the hero of three wars, not only lost his
popularity, but his [pg 494] life. He was found murdered in his bed at the
age of fifty-six. “Scipio's assassination was the democratic reply to the
aristocratic massacre of Tiberius Gracchus.” The greatest general of the age,
a man of unspotted moral purity, and political unselfishness, and generous
patriotism, could not escape the vengeance of a baffled populace, B.C. 129.

The distribution of land ceased, but the revolution did not stop. The
soul of Tiberius Gracchus “was marching on.” A new hero
Gaius appeared in his brother, Gaius Gracchus, nine years younger—a
Gracchus. man who had no relish for vulgar pleasures,—brave, cultivated,
talented, energetic, vehement. A master of eloquence, he drew the
people; consumed with a passion for revenge, he led them on to
revolutionary measures. He was elected tribune in the year 123, and at once
declared war on the aristocratic party, to which by birth he belonged.

He inaugurated revolutionary measures, by proposing to the people a law
which should allow the tribune to solicit a re-election. He then, to gain the
people and secure material power, enacted that every burgess should be
allowed, monthly, a definite quantity of corn from the public stores at about
half the average price. And he caused a law to be passed that the existing
order of voting in the Comitia Centuriata, according to which the five
property classes voted first, should be done away with, and that all the
centuries should vote in the order to be determined by lot. He also caused a
law to be passed that no citizen should enlist in the army till seventeen, nor
be compelled to serve in the army more than twenty years. These measures
all had the effect to elevate the democracy.

He also sought to depress the aristocracy, by dividing its ranks. The
old aristocracy embraced chiefly the governing class, and were the
He makeschief possessors of landed property. But a new aristocracy of the
war on therich had grown up, composed of speculators, who managed the
aristocracy mercantile transactions of the Roman world. The old senatorial
. Thearistocracy were debarred by the Claudian ordinance [pg 495] from
Equestrian mercantile pursuits, and were merely sleeping partners in the great
order.

Page 499

companies, managed by the speculators. But the new aristocracy, under the
name of the equestrian order, began at this time to have political influence.
Originally, the equestrians were a burgess cavalry; but gradually all who
possessed estates of four hundred thousand sesterces were liable to cavalry
service, and became enrolled in the order, which thus comprehended the
whole senatorial and non-senatorial noble society of Rome. In process of
time, the senators were exempted from cavalry service, and were thus
marked off from the list of those liable to do cavalry service. The equestrian
order then, at last, comprehended the aristocracy of rich men, in
contradistinction from the Senate. And a natural antipathy accordingly grew
up between the old senatorial aristocracy and the men to whom money had
given rank. The ruling lords stood aloof from the speculators; and were
better friends of the people than the new moneyed aristocrats, since they,
brought directly in contact with the people, oppressed them, and their
greediness and injustice were not usually countenanced by the Senate. The
two classes of nobles had united to put down Tiberius Gracchus; but a deep
gulf still yawned between them, for no class of aristocrats was ever more
exclusive than the governing class at Rome, confined chiefly to the Senate.
The Roman Senate was like the House of Peers in England, when the peers
had a preponderating political power, and whose property lay in landed
estates.

Gracchus raised the power of the equestrians by a law which
provided that the farming of the taxes raised in the provinces
The should be sold at auction at Rome. A gold mine was thus opened
speculator for the speculators. He also caused a law to be passed which
s. required the judges of civil and criminal cases to be taken from the
equestrians, a privilege before enjoyed by the Senate. And thus a
senator, impeached for his conduct as provincial governor, was now
tried, not as before, by his peer, but by merchants and bankers.

[pg 496]

Gracchus, by the aid of the proletarians and the mercantile class,
then proceeded to the overthrow of the ruling aristocracy,
The powerespecially in the functions of legislation, which had belonged to the
of theSenate. By means of comitial laws and tribunician dictation, he

Page 500

Senate restricted the business of the Senate. He meddled with the public
curtailed. chest by distributing corn at half its value; he meddled with the
domains by sending colonies by decrees of the people; he meddled
with provincial administration by overturning the regulations which
had been made by the Senate. He also sought to re-enforce the Senate by
three hundred new members from the equestrians elected by the comitia, a
creation of peers which would have reduced the Senate to dependence on
the chief of the State. But this he did not succeed in effecting.

It is singular that he could have carried these measures during his
term of office, two years, for he was re-elected, with so little
Radical opposition—a proof of the power of the moneyed classes, such,
reforms. perhaps, as are now represented by the Commons of England. The
great change he sought to effect was the re-election of magistrates
—an unlimited tribuneship, which was truly Napoleonic. And he
knew what he was doing. He was not a fanatic, but a Statesman of great
ability, seeking to break the oligarchy, and transfer its powers to the tribunes
of the people. He desired a firm administration, but resting on continuous
individual usurpations. He was a political incendiary, like Mirabeau. He
was the true founder of that terrible civic proletariate, which, flattered by
the classes above it, led to the usurpations of Sulla and Cæsar. He is the
author of the great change, which in one hundred years was effected, of
transferring power from the Senate to an emperor. He furnished the tactics
for all succeeding demagogues.

Great revolutionists are doomed to experience the loss of
popularity, and Gracchus lost his by an attempt to extend the
Gracchus Roman franchise to the people of the provinces. The Senate and the
loses hismob here united to prevent [pg 497] what was ultimately effected.
popularity. The Senate seized the advantage by inciting a rival demagogue, in
the person of Marcus Livius Drusus, to propose laws which gave
still greater privileges to the equestrians. The Senate bid for
popularity, as English prime ministers have retained place, by granting
more to the people than their rivals would have granted. The Livian laws,
which released the proletarians from paying rent for their lands, were
ratified by the people as readily as the Sempronian laws had been. The
foundation of the despotism of Gracchus was thus assailed by the Senate

Page 501

uniting with the proletarians. An opportunity was only wanted to effect his
complete overthrow.

On the expiration of two years, Gracchus ceased to be tribune, and
his enemy, Lucius Opimius, a stanch aristocrat, entered upon his
Gracchus office. The attack on the ex-tribune was made by prohibiting the
assassinate restoration of Carthage, which Gracchus had sought to effect, and
d. which was a popular measure. On the day when the burgesses
assembled with a view to reject the measure which Gracchus had
previously secured, he appeared with a large body of adherents. An
attendant on the consul demanded their dispersion, on which he was cut
down by a zealous Gracchian. On this, a tumult arose. Gracchus in vain
sought to be heard, and even interrupted a tribune in the act of speaking,
which was against an obsolete law. This offense furnished a pretense for the
Senate and the citizens to arm. Gracchus retired to the temple of Castor, and
passed the night, while the capitol was filled with armed men. The next day,
he fled beyond the Tiber, but the Senate placed a price upon his head, and
he was overtaken and slain. Three thousand of his adherents were strangled
in prison, and the memory of the Gracchi remained officially proscribed.
But Cornelia put on mourning for her last son, and his name became
embalmed in the hearts of the democracy.

Thus perished Gaius Gracchus, a wiser man than his brother—a
man who attempted greater changes, and did not defy the
His constitutional forms. He was, undoubtedly, [pg 498] patriotic in his
character. intentions, but the reforms which he projected were radical, and
would have changed the whole structure of government. It was the
consummation of the war against the patrician oligarchy. Whether
wise or foolish, it is not for me to give an opinion, since such an opinion is
of no account, and would imply equally a judgment as to the relative value
of an aristocratical or democratic form of government, in a corrupt age of
Roman society. This is a mooted point, and I am not capable of settling it.
The efforts of the Gracchi to weaken the power of the ruling noble houses
formed a precedent for subsequent reforms, or usurpations, as they are
differently regarded, and led the way to the rule of demagogues, to be
supplanted in time by that of emperors, with unbounded military authority.

Page 502

[pg 499]

Page 503

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Page 504

THE WARS WITH JUGURTHA AND THE
CIMBRI.—MARIUS.

The fall of the Gracchi restored Rome to the rule of the oligarchy. The
government of the Senate was resumed, and a war of prosecution was
carried on against the followers of Gracchus. His measures were allowed to
drop. The claims of the Italian allies were disregarded, the noblest of all the
schemes of the late tribune, that of securing legal equality between the
Roman burgesses and their Italian allies. The restoration of Carthage was
set aside. Italian colonies were broken up. The allotment commission was
abolished, and a fixed rent was imposed on the occupants of the public
domains, but the proletariate of the capital continued to have a distribution
of corn, and jurymen or judges (judices) were still selected from the
mercantile classes. The Senate continued to be composed of effeminated
nobles, and insignificant persons were raised to the highest offices.

The administration, under the restoration, was feeble and unpopular. Social
evils spread with alarming rapidity. Both slavery and great fortunes
increased. The provinces were miserably governed, while pirates and
robbers pillaged the countries around the Mediterranean. There was a great
revolt of slaves in Sicily, who gained, for a time, the mastery of the island.

While public affairs were thus disgracefully managed, a war broke
out between Numidia and Rome. That African kingdom extended
The from the river Molochath to the great Syrtis on the one hand, and to
Numidian Cyrene and Egypt on the other, and included the greatest part of the
war. ancient Carthaginian territories. Numidia, next to Egypt, [pg 500]
Jugurtha. was the most important of the Roman client States. On the fall of
Carthage, it was ruled by the eldest son of Masinassa, Micipsa, a
feeble old man, who devoted himself to the study of philosophy,
rather than affairs of State. The government was really in the hands of his
nephew, Jugurtha, courageous, sagacious, and able. He was adopted by

Page 505

Micipsa, to rule in conjunction with his two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal.
In the year B.C. 118 Micipsa died, and a collision arose, as was to be
expected, among his heirs. Hiempsal was assassinated, and the struggle for
the Numidian crown lay between Adherbal and Jugurtha. The latter seized
the whole territory, and Adherbal escaped to Rome, and laid his complaint
before the Senate. Jugurtha's envoys also appeared, and the Senate decreed
that the two heirs should have the kingdom equally divided between them,
but Jugurtha obtained the more fertile western half.

Then war arose between the two kings, and Adherbal was defeated, and
retired to his capital, Aita, where he was besieged by Jugurtha. Adherbal
made his complaints to Rome, and a commission of aristocratic but
inexperienced young men came to the camp of Jugurtha to arrange the
difficulties. Jugurtha rejected their demands, and the young men returned
home. Adherbal sent again messengers to Rome, being closely pressed,
demanding intervention. The Senate then sent Marcus Scaurus, who held
endless debates with Jugurtha, at Utica, to which place he was summoned.
These were not attended with any results. Scaurus returned to Rome, and
Jugurtha pressed the siege of Aita, which soon capitulated. Adherbal was
executed with cruel torture, and the adult population was put to the sword.

A cry of indignation arose in Italy. The envoys of Jugurtha were summarily
dismissed, and Scaurus was sent to Africa with an army, but a peace with
Rome was purchased by the African prince through the bribery of the
generals. The legal validity of the peace was violently assailed in the
Senate, and Massiva, a grandson of Masinissa, then in Rome, laid claim to
the Numidian throne. But this prince was [pg 501] assassinated by one of
the confidants of Jugurtha, which outrage, perpetrated under the eyes of the
Roman government, led to a renewed declaration of war, and Spurius
Albinus was intrusted with the command of an army. But Jugurtha bribed
the Roman general into inaction, and captured the Roman camp. This
resulted in the evacuation of Numidia, and a second treaty of peace.

Such an ignoble war created intense dissatisfaction at Rome, and
the Senate was obliged to cancel the treaty, and renewed the war in
Metellus. earnest, intrusting the conduct of it to Quintus Metellus, an
aristocrat, of course, but a man of great ability. Selecting for his

Page 506

lieutenants able generals, he led over his army to Africa. Jugurtha made
proposals of peace, which were refused, and he prepared for a desperate
defense. Intrenched on a ridge of hills in the wide plain of Muthul, he
awaited the attack of his enemies, but was signally defeated by Metellus,
assisted by Marius, a brave plebeian, who had arisen from the common
soldiers. After this battle Jugurtha contented himself with a guerrilla
warfare, while his kingdom was occupied by the conquerors. Metellus even
intrigued to secure the assassination of the king.

The war continued to be prosecuted without decisive results, as is
so frequently the case when civilized nations fight with barbarians.
Difficultie Like the war of Charlemagne against the Saxons, victories were
s of theeasily obtained, but the victors gained unsubstantial advantages.
war. Jugurtha retired to inaccessible deserts with his children, his
treasures, and his best troops, to await better times. Numidia was
seemingly reduced, but its king remained in arms.

It was then, in the third year of the renewed war, that Metellus was
recalled, and Marius, chosen consul, was left with the supreme
Marius. command. But even he did not find it easy, with a conquering army,
to seize Jugurtha, and he was restricted to a desultory war. At last
Bocchus, king of Mauritania, slighted by the Romans, but in
alliance with Jugurtha, effected by treachery what could [pg 502] not be
gained by arms. He entered into negotiations with Marius to deliver up the
king of Numidia, who had married his daughter, and had sought his
protection. Marius sent Sulla to consummate the treachery. Jugurtha, the
traitor, was thus in turn sacrificed, and became a Roman prisoner.

This miserable war lasted seven years, and its successful
termination secured to Marius a splendid triumph, at which the
Close ofconquered king, with his two sons, appeared in chains before the
the war. triumphal car, and was then executed in the subterranean prison on
the Capitoline Hill.

Numidia was not converted into a Roman province, but into a client
State, because the country could not be held without an army on the
Results offrontiers. The Jugurthan war was important in its consequences,
the war. since it brought to light the venality of the governing lords, and

Page 507

made it evident that Rome must be governed by a degenerate and selfish
oligarchy, or by a tyrant, whether in the form of a demagogue, like
Gracchus, or a military chieftain, like Marius.

But a more difficult war than that waged against the barbarians of
the African deserts was now to be conducted against the barbarians
The of European forests. The war with the Cimbri was also more
Cimbri. important in its political results. There had been several encounters
with the northern nations of Spain, Gaul, and Italy, under different
names, with different successes, which it would be tedious to
describe. But the contest with the Cimbri has a great and historic interest,
since they were the first of the Germanic tribes with which the Romans
contended. Mommsen thinks these barbarians were Teutonic, although,
among older historians, they were supposed to be Celts. The Cimbri were a
migratory people, who left their northern homes with their wives and
children, goods and chattels, to seek more congenial settlements than they
had found in the Scandinavian forests. The wagon was their house. They
were tall, fair-haired, with bright blue eyes. They were well armed with
sword, spear, shield, and helmet. [pg 503] They were brave warriors,
careless of danger, and willing to die. They were accompanied by
priestesses, whose warnings were regarded as voices from heaven.

This homeless people of the Cimbri, prevented from advancing
south on the Danube by the barrier raised by the Celts, advanced to
War withthe passes of the Carnian Alps, B.C. 113, protected by Gnæus
the Papirius Carbo, not far from Aquileia. An engagement took place
Cimbri. not far from the modern Corinthia, where Carbo was defeated.
Some years after, they proceeded westward to the left bank of the
Rhine, and over the Jura, and again threatened the Roman territory.
Again was a Roman army defeated under Silanus in Southern Gaul, and the
Cimbri sent envoys to Rome, with the request that they might be allowed
peaceful settlements. The Helvetii, stimulated by the successes of the
Cimbri, also sought more fertile settlements in Western Gaul, and formed an
alliance with the Cimbri. They crossed the Jura, the western barrier of
Switzerland, succeeded in decoying the Roman army under Longinus into
an ambush, and gained a victory.

Page 508

In the year B.C., 105 the Cimbrians, under their king Boiorix,
advanced to the invasion of Italy. They were opposed on the right
Invasion bank of the Rhone by the proconsul Cæpio, and on the left by the
of Italy. consul Gnæus Mallius Maximus, and the consular Marcus Aurelius
Scaurus. The first attack fell on the latter general, who was taken
prisoner and his corps routed. Maximus then ordered his colleague
to bring his army across the Rhone, where the Roman force stood
confronting the whole Cimbrian army, but Cæpio refused. The mutual
jealousy of these generals, and refusal to co-operate, led to one of the most
disastrous defeats which the Romans ever suffered. No less than eighty
thousand soldiers, and half as many more camp followers, perished. The
battle of Aransio (Orange) filled Rome with alarm and fear, and had the
Cimbrians immediately advanced through the passes of the Alps to Italy,
overwhelming disasters might have ensued.

[pg 504]

In this crisis, Marius was called to the supreme command, hated as
he was by the aristocracy, which still ruled, and in defiance of the
Marius law which prohibited the holding of the consulship more than once.
called toHe was accompanied by a still greater man, Lucius Sulla, destined
command. to acquire great distinction. Marius maintained a strictly defensive
attitude within the Roman territories, training and disciplining his
troops for the contest which was yet to come with the most
formidable antagonists the Romans had ever encountered, and who were
destined in after times to subvert the empire.

The Cimbri formed a confederation with the Helvetii and the
Teutons, and after an unsuccessful attempt to sweep away the
Battle ofBelgæ, who resisted them, concluded to invade Italy, through
Aquæ Roman Gaul and the Western passes of the Alps. They crossed the
Sextiæ. Rhone without difficulty, and resumed the struggle with the
Romans. Marius awaited them in a well-chosen camp, well
fortified and provisioned, at the confluence of the Rhone and the
Isère, by which he intercepted the passage of the barbarians, either over the
Little St. Barnard—the route Hannibal had taken—or along the coast. The
barbarians attacked the camp, but were repulsed. They then resolved to pass

Page 509

the camp, leaving an enemy in the rear, and march to Italy. Marius, for six
days, permitted them to defile with their immense baggage, and when their
march was over, followed in the steps of the enemy, who took the coast
road. At Aquæ Sextiæ the contending parties came into collision, and the
barbarians were signally defeated; the whole horde was scattered, killed, or
taken prisoners. It would seem that these barbarians were Teutons or
Germans; but on the south side of the Alps, the Cimbri and Helvetii crossed
the Alps by the Brenner Pass, and descended upon the plains of Italy. The
passes had been left unguarded, and the Roman army, under Catulus, on the
banks of the Adige, suffered a defeat, and retreated to the right bank of the
Po. The whole plain between the Po and the Alps was in the hands [pg 505]
of the barbarians, who did not press forward, as they should have done, but
retired into winter quarters, where they became demoralized by the warm
baths and abundant stores of that fertile and lovely region. Thus the Romans
gained time, and the victorious Marius, relinquishing all attempts at the
conquest of Gaul, conducted his army to the banks of the Po, and formed a
junction with Catulus.

The two armies met at Vercillæ, not far from the place where
Hannibal had fought his first battle on the Italian soil. The day of
Battle ofthe battle was fixed beforehand by the barbaric general and Marius,
Vercillæ. on the 30th of June, B.C. 101. A complete victory was gained by
the Romans, and the Cimbri were annihilated. The victory of the
rough plebeian farmer was not merely over the barbarians, but over
the aristocracy. He became, in consequence, the leading man in Rome. He
had fought his way from the ranks to the consulship, and had distinguished
himself in all the campaigns in which he fought. In Spain, he had arisen to
the grade of an officer. In the Numantine war he attracted, at twenty-three,
the notice of Scipio. On his return to Rome, with his honorable scars and
military éclat, he married a lady of the great patrician house of the Julii. At
forty, he obtained the prætorship; at forty-eight, he was made consul, and
terminated the African war, and his victories over the Cimbri and Teutons
enabled him to secure his re-election five consecutive years, which was
unexampled in the history of the republic. As consul he administered justice
impartially, organized the military system, and maintained in the army the
strictest discipline. He had but little culture; his voice was harsh, and his
look wild. But he was simple, economical, and incorruptible. He stood aloof

Page 510

from society and from political parties, exposed to the sarcasms of the
aristocrats into whose ranks he had entered.

He made great military reforms, changing the burgess levy into a
system of enlistments, and allowing every free-born citizen to
Reforms enlist. He abolished the aristocratic classification, reduced the
of Marius. infantry of the line [pg 506] to a level, and raised the number of the
legion from four thousand two hundred to six thousand, to which
he gave a new standard—the silver eagle, which proclaims the
advent of emperors. The army was changed from a militia to a band of
mercenaries.

After effecting these military changes, he sought political supremacy by
taking upon himself the constitutional magistracies. In effecting this he was
supported by the popular, or democratic party, which now regained its
political importance. He, therefore, obtained the consulship for the sixth
time, while his friends among the popular party were made tribunes and
prætors. He was also supported at the election by his old soldiers who had
been discharged.

But the whole aristocracy rallied, and Marius was not sufficiently a
politician to cope with experienced demagogues. He made numerous
blunders, and lost his political influence. But he accepted his position, and
waited for his time. Not in the field of politics was he to arise to power, but
in the strife and din of arms. An opportunity was soon afforded in the
convulsions which arose from the revolt of the Roman allies in Italy, soon
followed by civil wars. It is these wars which next claim our notice.

[pg 507]

Page 511

Page 512

CHAPTER XXXVII.

Page 513

THE REVOLT OF ITALY, AND THE SOCIAL
WAR.—MARIUS AND SULLA.

Great discontent had long existed among the Italian subjects of Rome. They
were not only oppressed, but they enjoyed no political privileges. They did
not belong to the class of burgesses.

With the view of extending the Roman franchise, a movement was made by
the tribune, M. Livius Drusus, an aristocrat of great wealth and popular
sympathies. He had, also, projected other reforms, which made him
obnoxious to all parties; but this was peculiarly offensive to the order to
which he belonged, and he lost his life while attempting to effect the same
reforms which were fatal to Gracchus.

On his assassination, the allies, who outnumbered the Roman burgesses,
and who had vainly been seeking citizenship, found that they must continue
without political rights, or fight, and they made accordingly vast
preparations for war. Had all the Italian States been united, they would,
probably, have obtained their desire without a conflict in the field, but in
those parts where the moneyed classes preponderated, the people remained
loyal to Rome. But the insurgents embraced most of the people in Central
and Southern Italy, who were chiefly farmers.

The insurrection broke out in Asculum in Picenum, and spread
rapidly through Samnium, Apulia, and Lucania. All Southern and
Indecisive Central Italy was soon in arms against Rome. The Etruscans and
war. Umbrians remained in allegiance as they had before taken part with
the equestrians, now a most powerful body, against Drusus. Italy
was divided into [pg 508] two great military camps. The insurgents
sent envoys to Rome, with the proposal to lay down their arms if citizenship
were granted them, but this was refused. Both sides now made extensive
preparations, and the forces were nearly balanced. One hundred thousand

Page 514

men were in arms, in two divisions, on either side, the Romans commanded
by the consul, Publius Rutilius Lupus, and the Italians by Quintus Silo and
Gaius Papius Mutilus. Gaius Marius served as a lieutenant-commander. The
war was carried on with various successes, for “Greek met Greek.” The first
campaign proved, on the whole, to the disadvantage of the Romans, who
suffered several defeats. In a political point of view, also, the insurgents
were the gainers. Great despondency reigned in the capital, for the war had
become serious. At length, it was resolved to grant the political franchise to
such Italians as had remained faithful, or who had submitted. This
concession, great as it was, did not include the actual insurgents, but it
operated in strengthening wavering communities on the side of Rome.
Etruria and Umbria were tranquilized.

The second campaign, B.C. 89, was opened in Bicenum. Marius
was not in the field. His conduct in the previous campaign was not
Sulla. satisfactory, and the conqueror of the Cimbri, at sixty-six, was
thought to be in his dotage. Asculum was besieged and taken by the
Romans, who had seventy-five thousand troops under the walls.
The Sabellians and Marsians were next subjugated, and all Campania was
lost to the insurgents, as far as Nola. The Southern army was under the
command of the consul, Lucius Sulla, whose great career had commenced
in Africa, under Marius. Sulla advanced into the Samnite country and took
its capital, Bovianum. Under his able generalship, the position of affairs
greatly changed. At the close of the campaign, most of the insurgent regions
were subdued. The Samnites were almost the only people which held out.

It was fortunate for Rome that the rebellion was so far suppressed
when the flames of war were rekindled in the [pg 509] East. A great
Asiatic reaction against the Roman domination had taken place, and the
rising. eastern nations seemed determined to rally once more for
independent dominion. This was the last great Asiatic rising till the
fall of the Roman empire. The potentate under whom the Oriental
forces rallied, was Mithridates, king of Pontus.

The army of Sulla, in Campania, was destined to embark for Asia
as soon as the state of things in Southern Italy should allow his
Disgust ofdeparture. So the third campaign of the Social war, as it is called,
Marius.

Page 515

began favorably for Rome, when events transpired in the capital which gave
fresh life to the almost extinguished insurrection. The attack of Drusus on
the equestrian courts, and his sudden downfall, had sown the bitterest
discord between the aristocracy and the burgess class. The Italian
communities, received into Roman citizenship, were fettered by restrictions
which had an odious stigma, which led to great irritation, for the aristocracy
had conferred the franchise grudgingly. And this franchise was moreover
withheld from the insurgent communities which had again submitted. A
deep indignation also settled in the breast of Marius, on his return from the
first campaign, to find himself neglected and forgotten. To these discontents
were added the distress of debtors, who, amid the financial troubles of the
war, were unable to pay the interest on their debts, and were yet inexorably
pressed by creditors.

It was then, in this state of fermentation and demoralization, that
the tribune Publius Sulpicius Rufus proposed that every senator
The who owed more than two thousand denarii (£82) should forfeit his
Sulpician seat in the Senate; that burgesses condemned by non-free jury
laws. courts should have liberty to return home; and that the new
burgesses should be distributed among all the tribes, in which the
freed men should also have the privilege of voting. These
proposals, although made by a patrician, met with the greatest opposition
from the Senate, but were passed amid riots and tumults. Sulla was on the
best terms with the Senate, [pg 510] and Sulpicius feared that he might
return from his camp at Nola, and take vengeance for these popular
measures. The tribune, therefore, conceived the plan of taking the command
from Sulla, who was then consul, and transfer it upon Marius, who was also
to conduct the war against Mithridates, in Asia.

Sulla disobeyed the mandate, and marched to Rome with his army
—little more than a body of mercenaries devoted to him. In his
The Sullaneyes, the sovereign Roman citizens were a rabble, and Rome itself
legislation. a city without a garrison. Sulla had an army of thirty-five thousand
men, and before the Romans could organize resistance he appeared
at the gate, and crossed the sacred boundary which the law had
forbidden war to enter. In a few hours Sulla was the absolute master of
Rome. Marius and Sulpicius fled. It was the conservative party which

Page 516

exchanged the bludgeon for the sword. Sulla at once made null the
Sulpician laws, punished their author and his adherents, as Sulpicius had
feared. The gray-haired conqueror of the Cimbri fled, and found his way to
the coast and embarked on a trading-vessel, but the timid mariners put him
ashore, and Marius stole along the beach with his pursuers in the rear. He
was found in a marsh concealed in reeds and mud, seized and imprisoned
by the people of Minturnæ, and a Cimbrian slave was sent to put him to
death, The ax, however, fell from his hands when the old hero demanded in
a stern voice if he dared to kill Gaius Marius. The magistrates of the town,
ashamed, then loosed his fetters, gave him a vessel, and sent him to Ænaria
(Ischia). There, in those waters, the proscribed met, and escaped to
Numidia, and Sulla was spared the odium of putting to death his old
commander, who had delivered Rome from the Cimbrians.

Sulla, master of Rome, did not destroy her liberties. He suggested a
new series of legislative enactments in the interests of the
Sullan aristocracy. He created three hundred new senators, and brought
constitutio back the old Servian rule of voting in the Comitia Centuriata. The
n. poorer classes [pg 511] were thus virtually again disfranchised. He
also abolished the power of the tribune to propose laws to the
people, and the initiatory of legislation was submitted to the Senate.
The absurd custom by which a consul, prætor, or tribune, could propose to
the burgesses any measure he pleased, and carry it without debate, was in
itself enough to overturn any constitution.

Having settled these difficulties, and made way with his enemies, Sulla, still
consul, embarked with his legion for the East, where the presence of a
Roman army was imperatively needed. But before he left, he extorted a
solemn oath from Cinna, consul elect, that he would attempt no alteration in
the recent changes which had been made. Cinna took the oath, but Sulla had
scarcely left before he created new disturbances.

[pg 512]

Page 517

Page 518

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

Page 519

THE MITHRIDATIC AND CIVIL WARS.—
MARIUS AND SULLA.

There reigned at this time in Pontus, the northeastern State of Asia Minor,
bordered on the south by Cappadocia, on the east by Armenia, and the north
by the Euxine, a powerful prince, Mithridates VI., surnamed Eupator, who
traced an unbroken lineage to Darius, the son of the Hystaspes, and also to
the Seleucidæ. He was a great eastern hero, whose deeds excited the
admiration of his age. He could, on foot, overtake the swiftest deer; he
accomplished journeys on horseback of one hundred and twenty miles a
day; he drove sixteen horses in hand at the chariot races; he never missed
his aim in hunting; he drank his boon companions under the table; he had as
many mistresses as Solomon; he was fond of music and poetry; he collected
precious works of art; he had philosophers and poets in his train; he was the
greatest jester and wit of his court. His activity was boundless; he learned
the antidotes for all poisons; he administered justice in twenty-two
languages; and yet he was coarse, tyrannical, cruel, superstitious, and
unscrupulous. Such was this extraordinary man who led the great reaction
of the Asiatics against the Occidentals.

The resources of this Oriental king were immense, since he bore
rule over the shores of the Euxine to the interior of Asia Minor. His
Mithridate field for recruits to his armies stretched from the mouth of the
s. Danube to the Caspian Sea. Thracians, Scythians, Colchians,
Iberians, crowded under his banners. When he marched into
Cappadocia, he had six hundred scythed chariots, ten thousand
horse, and eighty thousand foot. A series of aggressions and [pg 513]
conquests made this monarch the greatest and most formidable Eastern foe
the Romans ever encountered. The Romans, engrossed with the war with
the Cimbri and the insurrection of their Italian subjects, allowed his empire
to be silently aggrandized.

Page 520

The Roman Senate, at last, disturbed and jealous, sent Lucius Sulla
to Cappadocia with a handful of troops to defend its interests. On
Tigranes. his return, Mithridates continued his aggressions, and formed an
alliance with his father-in-law, Tigranes, king of Armenia, but
avoided a direct encounter with the great Occidental power which
had conquered the world. Things continued for awhile between war and
peace, but, at last, it was evident that only war could prevent the
aggrandizement of Mithridates, and it was resolved upon by the Romans.

The king of Pontus made immense preparations to resist his
powerful enemies. He strengthened his alliance with Tigranes. He
Preparatio made overtures to the Greek cities. He attempted to excite a revolt
ns ofin Thrace, in Numidia, and in Syria. He encouraged pirates on the
Mithridate Mediterranean. He organized a foreign corps after the Roman
s. Powerfashion, and took the field with two hundred and fifty thousand
of infantry and forty thousand cavalry—the largest army seen since
Mithridate the Persian wars. He then occupied Asia Minor, and the Roman
s. generals retreated as he advanced. He made Ephesus his head-
quarters, and issued orders to all the governors dependent upon him
to massacre, on the same day, all Italians, free or enslaved—men,
women, and children, found in their cities. One hundred and fifty thousand
were thus barbarously slaughtered in one day. The States of Cappadocia,
Sinope, Phrygia, and Bithynia were organized as Pontic satrapies. The
confiscation of the property of the murdered Italians replenished his
treasury, as well as the contributions of Asia Minor. He not only occupied
the Asiatic provinces of the Romans, but meditated the invasion of Europe.
Thrace and Macedonia were occupied by his armies, and his fleet appeared
in the Ægean [pg 514] Sea. Delos, the emporium of Roman commerce, was
taken, and twenty thousand Italians massacred. Most of the small free States
of Greece entered into alliance with him—the Achæans, Laconians, and
Bœotians. So commanding was his position, that an embassy of Italian
insurgents invited him to land in Italy.

The position of the Roman government was critical. Asia Minor, Hellas,
and Macedonia were in the hands of Mithridates, while his fleet sailed
without a rival. The Italian insurrection was not subdued, and political
parties divided the capital.

Page 521

At this crisis Sulla landed on the coast of Epirus, but with an army
of only thirty thousand men, and without a single vessel of war. He
Sulla landslanded with an empty military chest. But he was a second
in Epirus.Alexander—the greatest general that Rome had yet produced. He
Siege ofsoon made himself master of Greece, with the exception of the
Athens. fortresses of Athens and the Piræus, into which the generals of
Mithridates had thrown themselves. He intrenched himself at
Eleusis and Megara, from which he commanded Greece and the
Peloponnesus, and commenced the siege of Athena. This was attended with
great difficulties, and the city only fell, after a protracted defense, when
provisions were exhausted. The conqueror, after allowing his soldiers to
pillage the city, gave back her liberties, in honor of her illustrious dead.

But a year was wasted, and without ships it was impossible for
Sulla to secure his communications. He sent one of his best
Sulla officers, Lucullus, to Alexandria, to raise a fleet, but the Egyptian
deposed. court evaded the request. To add to his embarrassments, the Roman
general was without money, although he had rifled the treasures
which still remained in the Grecian temples. Moreover, what was
still more serious, a revolution at Rome overturned his work, and he had
been deposed, and his Asiatic command given to M. Valerius Flaccus.

Sulla was unexpectedly relieved by the resolution of [pg 515] Mithridates to
carry on the offensive in Greece. Taxiles, one of the lieutenants of the
Pontic king, was sent to combat Sulla with an army of one hundred
thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry.

Then was fought the battle of Chæronea, B.C. 86, against the
advice of Archelaus, in which the Romans were the victors. But
Battle ofSulla could not reap the fruits of victory without a fleet, since the
Chæronea. sea was covered with Pontic ships. In the following year a second
army was sent into Greece by Mithridates, and the Romans and
Asiatics met once more in the plain of the Cephissus, near
Orchomenus. The Romans were the victors, who speedily cleared the
European continent of its eastern invaders. At the end of the third year of
the war, Sulla took up his winter quarters in Thessaly, and commenced to
build ships.

Page 522

Meanwhile a reaction against Mithridates took place in Asia Minor.
His rule was found to be more oppressive than that of the Romans.
Revolt ofThe great mercantile cities of Smyrna, Colophon, Ephesus, and
Asia Sardis were in revolt, and closed their gates against his governors.
against The Hellenic cities of Asia Minor had hoped to gain civil
Mithridate independence and a remission of taxes, and were disappointed. And
s. those cities which were supposed to be secretly in favor of the
Romans were heavily fined. The Chians were compelled to pay two
thousand talents. Great cruelties were also added to fines and
confiscations. Lucullus, unable to obtain the help of an Alexandrian fleet,
was more fortunate in the Syrian ports, and soon was able to commence
offensive operations. Flaccus, too, had arrived with a Roman army, but this
incapable general was put to death by a mob-orator, Fimbria, more able
than he, who defeated a Pontic army at Miletopolis. The situation of
Mithridates then became perilous. Europe was lost; Asia Minor was in
rebellion; and Roman armies were pressing upon him.

He therefore negotiated for peace. Sulla required the restoration of
all the conquests he had made: Cappadocia, [pg 516] Paphlagonia,
Negotiatio Galatia, Bithynia, the Hellenic cities, the islands of the sea, and a
ns forcontribution of three thousand talents. These conditions were not
peace. accepted, and Sulla proceeded to Asia, upon which Mithridates
reluctantly acceded to his terms.

Sulla then turned against Fimbria, who commanded the Roman
army sent to supplant him, which, as was to be expected, deserted
Sulla to his standard. Fimbria fled to Pergamus, and fell on his own
returns tosword. Sulla intrusted the two legions which had been sent from
Italy. Rome under Flaccus to the command of his best officer, Murena,
and turned his attention to arrange the affairs of Asia. He levied
contributions to the amount of twenty thousand talents, reduced
Mithridates to the rank of a client king, richly compensated his soldiers, and
embarked for Italy, leaving Lucullus behind to collect the contributions.

Thus was the Mithridatic war ended by the genius of a Roman
general, who had no equal in Roman history, with the exception of
His Pompey and Julius Cæsar. He had distinguished himself in Africa,
greatness.

Page 523

Cinna. in Spain, in Italy, and in Greece. He had defeated the barbarians of
the West, the old Italian foes of Rome, and the armies of the most
powerful Oriental monarch since the fall of Persia. He had
triumphed over Roman factions, and supplanted the great Marius himself.
He was now to contend with one more able foe, Lucius Cornelius Cinna,
who represented the revolutionary forces which had rallied under the
Gracchi and Marius—the democratic elements of Roman society.

When Sulla embarked for the Mithridatic war, Cinna, supported by a
majority of the College of Tribunes, concerted a reaction against the rule
which Sulla had re-established—the rule of the aristocracy. But Cinna, a
mere tool of the revolutionary party,—a man without ability,—was driven
out of the city by the aristocratic party, and outlawed, and L. Cornelia
Mesula was made consul in his stead. The outlaws fled to the camp before
Nola. The Campanian army, democratic [pg 517] and revolutionary,
recognized Cinna as the leader of the republic. Gaius Marius, then an exile
in Numidia, brought six thousand men, whom he had rallied to his standard,
to the disposal of the consul, and was placed by Cinna in supreme
command at Etruria. A storm gathered around the capitol. Cinna was
overshadowed by the greatness of that plebeian general who had defeated
the Cimbrians, and who was bent upon revenge for the mortification and
insults he had received from the Roman aristocracy. Famine and desertion
soon made the city indefensible, and Rome capitulated to an army of her
own citizens.

Marius, now master of Rome, entered the city, and a reign of terror
commenced. The gates were closed, and the slaughter of the
Civil war.aristocratic party commenced. The consul Octavius was the first
Success ofvictim, and with him the most illustrious of his party. The
Cinna. executioners of Marius fulfilled his orders, and his revenge was
complete. He entered upon a new consulate, execrated by all the
leading citizens. But in the midst of his victories he was seized with
a burning fever, and died in agonies, at the age of seventy, in the full
possession of honor and power. Cinna succeeded him in the consulship and
Rome was under the government of a detested tyrant. For four years his
reign was absolute, and was a reign of terror, during which the senators
were struck down, as the French nobles were in the time of Robespierre.

Page 524

Cinna, like Robespierre, reigned with the mightiest plenitude of power,
united with incapacity.

In this state of anarchy Sulla's wife and children escaped with difficulty, and
Sulla himself was deprived of his command against Mithridates. But Cinna,
B.C. 84, was killed in a mutiny, and the command of the revolutionists
devolved on Carbo. The situation of Sulla was critical, even at the head of
his veteran forces. In the spring of the year following the death of Cinna, he
landed in Brundusium, where he was re-enforced by partisans and deserters.
The Senate made advances to Sulla, and many patricians joined his ranks,
[pg 518] including Cneius Pompeius, then twenty-three years of age.

Civil war was now inaugurated between Sulla and the
revolutionary party, at the head of which were now the consul
Sulla endsCarbo and the younger Marius. Carbo was charged with Upper
the war. Italy, while Marius guarded Rome at the fortress of Præneste. At
Sacriportus Sulla defeated Marius, and entered Rome. But the
insurgent Italians united with the revolutionary forces of Rome, and
seventy thousand Samnites and Lucanians approached the capital. At the
Colline gate a battle was fought, in which Sulla was victorious. This ended
the Social war, and the subjugation of the revolutionists soon followed.

Sulla was now made dictator, and the ten years of revolution and
insurrection were at an end in both West and East. The first use
Absolute which Sulla made of his absolute power was to outlaw all his
power ofenemies. Lists of the proscribed were posted at Rome and in the
Sulla. Italian cities. It was a fearful visitation. A second reign of terror
took place, more fearful and systematic than that of Marius. Four
thousand seven hundred persons were slaughtered, among whom
were forty senators, and one thousand six hundred equites.

The next year Sulla celebrated his magnificent triumph over
Mithridates, and was saluted by the name of Felix. The despotism
His at which the Gracchi were accused of aiming was introduced by a
triumphs. military conqueror, aided by the aristocracy.

Sulla then devoted himself to the reorganization of the State. He
conferred citizenship upon all the Italians but freedmen, and bestowed the

Page 525

sequestered estates of those who had taken side against him or his
soldiers. The office of judices was restored to the Senate, and the
He equites were deprived of their separate seats at festivals. The Senate
reforms. was restored to its ancient dignity and power, and three hundred
The new members appointed. The number of prætors was increased to
reforms ofeight. The government still rested [pg 519] on the basis of popular
Sulla. election, but was made more aristocratic than before. The Comitia
Centuriata was left in possession of the nominal power of
legislation, but it could only be exercised upon the initiation of a
decree of the Senate. The Comitia Tributa was stripped of the powers by
which it had so long controlled the Senate and the State. Tribunes of the
people were selected from the Senate. The College of Pontiffs was no
longer filled by popular election, but by the choice of their own members. A
new criminal code was made, and the several courts were presided over by
the prætors. Such, in substance, were the Cornelian laws to restore the old
powers of the aristocracy.

Having effected this labor, Sulla, in the plenitude of power, retired
into private life. He retired, not like Charles V., wearied of the toils
His of war, and disgusted with the vanity of glory and fame, nor like
retirement. Washington, from lofty patriotic motives, but to bury himself in
epicurean pleasures. In the luxury of his Cumænon villa he divided
his time between hunting and fishing, and the enjoyments of
literature, until, worn out with sensuality, he died in his sixtieth year, B.C.
78. A grand procession of the Senate he had saved, the equites, the
magistrates, the vestal virgins, and his disbanded soldiers, bore his body to
the funeral pyre, and his ashes were deposited beside the tombs of the
kings. A splendid monument was raised to his memory, on which was
inscribed his own epitaph, that no friend ever did him a kindness, and no
enemy a wrong, without receiving a full requital.

[pg 520]

Page 526

Page 527

Page 528

CHAPTER XXXIX.

Page 529

ROME FROM THE DEATH OF SULLA TO THE
GREAT CIVIL WARS OF CÆSAR AND POMPEY.
—CICERO, POMPEY, AND CÆSAR.

On the death of Sulla, the Roman government was once more in the hands
of the aristocracy, and for several years the consuls were elected from the
great ruling families. But, in spite of all the conquests of Sulla and all his
laws, the State was tumbling into anarchy, and was convulsed with fresh
wars.

Sulla was alive when M. Lepidus came forward as the leader of the
democratic party against C. Lutatius Catulus—a man without
Reaction character or ability, who had deserted from the optimates to the
in favor ofpopular party, to escape prosecution for the plunder of Sicily. The
the fortune he acquired in his government of that province enabled
aristocracy Lepidus to secure his election as consul, B.C. 78, and he even
. attempted to deprive Sulla of his funeral honors. A conspiracy was
organized in Etruria, where the Sullan confiscation had been most
severe. Lepidus came forward as an avenger of the old Romans
whose fortunes had been ruined. The Senate, fearing convulsions, made
Lepidus and Catulus, the consuls, swear not to take up arms against each
other; but at the expiration of the consulship of Lepidus, went, as was usual,
to the province assigned to him. This was Gaul, and here the war first broke
out. An attempt on Rome was frustrated by Catulus, who defeated Lepidus,
and the latter soon died in Sardinia, whither he had retired.

Sertorius was then in command of the army in Spain,—a [pg 521]
man who had risen from an obscure position, but who possessed
Sertorius. the hardy virtues of the old Sabine farmers. He served under
Marius in Gaul, and was prætor when Sulla returned to Italy. When
the cause of Marius was lost in Africa, he organized a resistance to
Sulla in Spain. His army was re-enforced by Marian refugees, and he was

Page 530

aided by the Iberian tribes, among whom he was a favorite. For eight years
this celebrated hero baffled the armies which Rome, under the lead of the
aristocracy, sent against him, for he undertook to restore the cause of the
democracy.

Against Sertorius was sent the man who, next to Cæsar, was
destined to play the most important part in the history of those
Pompey. times—Cn. Pompeius, born the same year as Cicero, B.C. 106, who
had enlisted in the cause of Sulla, and early distinguished himself
against the generals of Marius. He gained great successes in Sicily
and Africa, and was, on his return to Rome, saluted by the dictator Sulla
himself with the name of Magnus, which title he ever afterward bore. He
was then a simple equestrian, and had not risen to the rank of quæstor, or
prætor, or consul. Yet he had, at the early age of twenty-four, without
enjoying any curule office, the honor of a triumph, even against the
opposition of Sulla.

Pompey was sent to Spain with the title of proconsul, and with an
army of thirty thousand men. He crossed the Alps between the
Death ofsources of the Rhone and Po, and advanced to the southern coast of
Sertorius. Spain. Here he was met by Sertorius, and at first was worsted. I
need not detail the varied events of this war in Spain. The
Spaniards at length grew weary of a contest which was not to their
benefit, but which was carried on in behalf of rival factions at the capital.
Dissensions broke out among the officers of Sertorius, and he was killed at
a banquet by Perpenna, his lieutenant. On the death of the only man capable
of resisting the aristocracy of Rome, and whose virtues were worthy of the
ancient heroes, the progress of Pompey was easy. Perpenna [pg 522] was
taken prisoner and his army was dispersed, and Spain was reduced to
obedience.

In the mean time, while Pompey was fighting Sertorius in Spain, a
servile war broke out in Italy, produced in part by the immense
Servile demand of slaves for the gladiatorial shows. One of these slaves,
war. Spartacus, once a Thracian captain of banditti, escaped with
Pompey. seventy comrades to the crater of Vesuvius, and organized an
insurrection, and he was soon at the head of one hundred thousand

Page 531

of those wretched captives whose condition was unendurable. Italy was
ravaged from the Alps to the Straits of Messina. No Roman general, then in
Italy, was equal to the task of subduing them. But, in the second year of the
war, Crassus, who was a great proprietor of slaves, and who had ably served
under Sulla, undertook the task of subduing the insurrectionary slaves. With
six legions he drove them to the extremity of the Bruttian peninsula, and
shut them up in Rhegium by strong lines of circumvallation. Spartacus was
killed, after having broken through the lines, and most of his followers were
destroyed; but six thousand escaped into Cisalpine Gaul, as the northern
part of Italy was then called, and met Pompey on his victorious return from
Spain, by whom they were utterly annihilated. Pompey claimed the merit of
ending the servile war, and sought the honor of the consulship, although
ineligible. Crassus, also ineligible, also demanded the consulship, and both
these lieutenants of Sulla obtained their ends. But both, in order to obtain
the consulship, made great promises. Pompey, in particular, promised to
restore the tribunitian power. Pompey now broke with the aristocracy,
whose champion he had been, and even carried another law by which the
judices were taken from the equites as well as the Senate. Thus was the
constitution of Sulla subverted within ten years. In this movement Pompey
was supported by Julius Cæsar, who was a young man of thirty years of
age.

On the expiration of his consulship, Pompey remained [pg 523]
inactive, refusing a province, until the troubles with the
The Mediterranean pirates again called him into active military service.
pirates. These pirates swarmed on every coast, plundering cities, and
Great cutting off communication between Rome and the provinces. They
power especially attacked the corn vessels, so that the price of provisions
given torose inordinately. The people, in distress, turned their eyes to
Pompey. Pompey; but he was not willing to accept any ordinary command,
and through his intrigues, his tool, the tribune Gabinius, proposed
that the people should elect a man for this service of consular rank,
who should have absolute power for three years over the whole of the
Mediterranean, and to a distance of fifty miles inward from the coast, and
who should command a fleet of two hundred ships. He did not name
Pompey, but everybody knew who was meant. The people, furious at the
price of corn, and full of admiration for the victories of Pompey, were ready

Page 532

to appoint him; the Senate, alarmed and jealous, was equally determined to
prevent his appointment. Tumults and riots were the consequence. Pompey
affected to desire some other person for the command but himself; but the
law passed, in spite of the opposition of the Senate, and Pompey was
commissioned to prepare five hundred ships, enlist one hundred and twenty
thousand sailors and soldiers, and also to take from the public treasury
whatever sum he needed.

In the following spring his preparations were made, and in forty days he
cleared the western half of the Mediterranean from the pirates, and drove
them to the Cilician coast. Here he gained a great victory over their united
fleets, and took twenty thousand prisoners, whom he settled at various
points on the coasts, and returned home in forty-nine days after he had
sailed from Brundusium. In less than three months he had ended the war.

This great success led to his command against Mithridates, who
had again rallied his forces for one more decisive and desperate
Renewal struggle with the Romans. Asia rallied against Europe, as Europe
of rallied against Asia [pg 524] in the crusades. Mithridates, after his
hostilities defeat by Sulla, had retired to Armenia to the court of his son-in-
in the East.law, Tigranes, whose power was greater than that of any other
Lucullus. Oriental potentate. Tigranes was not at first inclined to break with
Rome, but (B.C. 70) he consented to the war, which continued for
seven years without decisive results. The Romans were
commanded by Lucullus, the old lieutenant of Sulla, and although his labors
were not appreciated at Rome, he broke really the power of Mithridates.
But, through the intrigues of Pompey and his friends, he was recalled, and
Pompey was commissioned, with the extraordinary power of unlimited
control of the Eastern army and fleet, and the rights of proconsul over the
whole of Asia. He already had the dominion of the Mediterranean. The
Senate opposed this dangerous precedent, but it was carried by the people,
who could not heap too many honors on their favorite. Cicero, then forty
years of age, with Cæsar, supported the measure, which was opposed by
Hortensius and Catulus.

Lucullus retired to his luxurious villa to squander the riches he had
accumulated in Asia, and to study the academic philosophy, while Pompey

Page 533

pursued his conquests in the East over foes already broken and
humiliated. He showed considerable ability, and drove Mithridates
His from post to post in the heart of his dominion. The Eastern monarch
victories. made overtures of peace, which were rejected. Nothing but
Defeat ofunconditional surrender would be accepted. His army was finally
Mithridate cut to pieces, and the old man escaped only with a few horsemen.
s. HisRejected by Tigranes, he made his way to the Cimmerian
death. Bosphorus, which was his last retreat. Pompey then turned his
attention to Armenia, and Tigranes threw himself upon his mercy,
at the cost of all his territories but Armenia Proper. Pompey then
resumed the pursuit of Mithridates, fighting his way though the mountains
of Iberia and Albania, but he did not pursue his foe over the Caucasus.
Mithridates, secure in the Crimea, then planned a daring attempt on Rome
herself, which was to march round the Euxine and [pg 525] up the Danube,
collecting in his train the Sarmatians, Gætæ, and other barbarians, cross the
Alps, and descend upon Italy. His kingdom of Pontus was already lost, and
had been made a Roman province. His followers, however, became
disaffected, his son Pharnaces rebelled, and he had no other remedy than
suicide to escape capture. He died B.C. 63, after a reign of fifty-three years,
in the sixty-ninth year of his age—the greatest Eastern prince since Cyrus.
Racine has painted him in one of his dramas as one of the most heroic men
of the world. But it was his misfortune to contend with Rome in the
plenitude of her power.

Pompey, before the death of Mithridates, went to Syria to regulate
its affairs, it being ceded to Rome by Tigranes. After the defeat of
Pompey inTigranes by Lucullus, that kingdom, however, had been recovered
Syria. Hisby Antiochus XIII., the last of the Seleucidæ, who held a doubtful
victories. sovereignty. He was, however, reduced by a legate of Pompey, and
Syria became a Roman province. The next year, Pompey advanced
south, and established the Roman supremacy in Phœnicia and
Palestine, the latter country being the seat of civil war between Hyrcanus
and Aristobulus. It was then that Jerusalem was taken by the Roman
general, after a siege of three months, and the conqueror entered the most
sacred precincts of the temple, to the horror of the priesthood. He
established Hyrcanus as high priest, as has been already related, and then
retired to Pontus, settled its affairs, and departed with his army for Italy,

Page 534

having won a succession of victories never equaled in the East, except by
Alexander. And never did victories receive such great éclat, which,
however, were easily won, as those of Alexander had been. No Asiatic foe
was a match for either Greeks or Romans in the field. The real difficulties
were in marches, in penetrating mountain passes, in crossing arid plains.

But before the conqueror of Asia received the reward of his great
services to the State—the most splendid triumph which had as yet
His been seen on the Via [pg 526] Sacra—Rome was brought to the
triumph. verge of ruin by the conspiracy of Catiline. The departure of
Pompey to punish the pirates of the Mediterranean and conquer
Mithridates, left the field clear to the two greatest men of their age,
Cicero and Cæsar. It was while Cicero was consul that the conspiracy was
detected.

Marcus Tullius Cicero, the most accomplished man, on the whole,
in Roman annals, and as immortal as Cæsar himself, was born B.C.
Cicero. 106, near Arpinum, of an equestrian, but not senatorial family. He
received a good education, received the manly gown at sixteen, and
entered the forum to hear the debates, but pursued his studies with
great assiduity. He was intrusted by his wealthy father to the care of the
augur, Q. Mucius Scævola, an old lawyer deeply read in the constitution of
his country and the principles of jurisprudence. At eighteen he served his
first and only campaign under the father of the great Pompey, in the social
war. He was twenty-four before he made a figure in the eye of the public,
keeping aloof from the fierce struggles of Marius and Sulla, identifying
himself with neither party, and devoted only to the cultivation of his mind,
studying philosophy and rhetoric as well as law, traveling over Sicily and
Greece, and preparing himself for a forensic orator. At twenty-five he
appeared in the forum as a public pleader, and boldly defended the
oppressed and injured, and even braved the anger of Sulla, then all-
powerful as dictator. At twenty-seven he again repaired to Athens for
greater culture, and extensively traveled in Asia Minor, holding converse
with the most eminent scholars and philosophers in the Grecian cities. At
twenty-nine he returned to Rome, improved in health as well as in those arts
which contributed to his unrivaled fame as an orator—a rival with
Hortensius and Cotta, the leaders of the Roman bar. At thirty he was elected

Page 535

quæstor, not, as was usually the case, by family interest, but from his great
reputation as a lawyer. The duties of his office called him to Sicily, under
the prætor of Lilybæum, which he admirably discharged, showing not only
[pg 527] executive ability, but rare virtue and impartiality. The vanity which
dimmed the lustre of his glorious name, and which he never exorcised,
received a severe wound on his return to Italy. He imagined he was the
observed of all observers, but soon discovered that his gay and fashionable
friends were ignorant, not only of what he had done in Sicily but of his
administration at all.

For the next four years he was absorbed in private studies, and in
the courts of law, at the end of which he became ædile, the year that
Verres. Verres was impeached for misgovernment in Sicily. This was the
most celebrated State trial for impeachment on record, with the
exception, perhaps, of that of Warren Hastings. But Cicero, who
was the public accuser and prosecutor, was more fortunate than Burke. He
collected such an overwhelming mass of evidence against this corrupt
governor, that he went into exile without making a defense, although
defended by Hortensius, consul elect. The speech which the orator was to
have made at the trial was subsequently published by Cicero, and is one of
the most eloquent tirades against public corruption ever composed or
uttered.

Nothing of especial interest marked the career of this great man for
three more years, until B.C. 67 he was elected first prætor, or
Public supreme judge, an office for which he was supremely qualified. But
career ofit was not merely civic cases which he decided. He appeared as a
Cicero. political speaker, and delivered from the rostrum his celebrated
Cicero asspeech on the Manilian laws, maintaining the cause of Pompey
consul. when he departed from the policy of the aristocracy. He had now
Catiline. gained by pure merit, in a corrupt age, without family influence, the
highest offices of the State, even as Burke became the leader of the
House of Commons without aristocratic connections, and now
naturally aspired to the consulship,—the great prize which every ambitious
man sought, but which, in the aristocratic age of Roman history, was rarely
conferred except on members of the ruling houses, or very eminent success
in war. By the friendship of Pompey, and also [pg 528] from the general

Page 536

admiration which his splendid talents and attainments commanded, this
great prize was also secured. He had six illustrious competitors, among
whom were Antonius and Catiline, who were assisted by Crassus and
Cæsar. As consul, all the energies of his mind and character were absorbed
in baffling the treason of this eminent patrician demagogue. L. Sergius
Catiline was one of those wicked, unscrupulous, intriguing, popular,
abandoned and intellectual scoundrels that a corrupt age and patrician
misrule brought to the surface of society, aided by the degenerate nobles to
whose class he belonged. In the bitterness of his political disappointments,
headed off by Cicero at every turn, he meditated the complete overthrow of
the Roman constitution, and his own elevation as chief of the State, and
absolutely inaugurated rebellion. Cicero, who was in danger of
assassination, boldly laid the conspiracy before the Senate, and secured the
arrest of many of his chief confederates. Catiline fled and assembled his
followers, which numbered twelve thousand desperate men, and fought
with the courage of despair, but was defeated and slain.

Had it not been for the vigilance, energy, and patriotism of Cicero, it is
possible this atrocious conspiracy would have succeeded. The state of
society was completely demoralized; the disbanded soldiers of the Eastern
wars had spent their money and wanted spoils; the Senate was timid and
inefficient, and an unscrupulous and able leader, at the head of discontented
factions, on the assassination of the consuls and the virtuous men who
remained in power, might have bid defiance to any force which could then,
in the absence of Pompey in the East, have been marshaled against him.

But the State was saved, and saved by a patriotic statesman who
had arisen by force of genius and character to the supreme power.
Cicero's The gratitude of the people was unbounded. Men of all ranks hailed
services. him as the savior of his country; thanksgivings to the gods were
voted in his name, and all Italy joined in enthusiastic praises.

[pg 529]

But he had now reached the culminating height of his political
greatness, and his subsequent career was one of sorrow and
His fall.disappointment. Intoxicated by his elevation,—for it was
Accomplis unprecedented at Rome, in his day, for a man to rise so high by

Page 537

hments mere force of eloquence and learning, without fortune, or family, or
and military exploits,—he became conceited and vain. In the civil
character troubles which succeeded the return of Pompey, he was banished
of Cicero. from the country he had saved, and there is nothing more pitiful
than his lamentations and miseries while in exile. His fall was
natural. He had opposed the demoralising current which swept
every thing before it. When his office of consul was ended, he was exposed
to the hatred of the senators whom he had humiliated, of the equites whose
unreasonable demands he had opposed, of the people whom he disdained to
flatter, and of the triumvirs whose usurpation he detested. No one was
powerful enough to screen him from these combined hostilities, except the
very men who aimed at the subversion of Roman liberties, and who wished
him out of the way; his friend Pompey showed a mean, pusillanimous, and
calculating selfishness, and neither Crassus nor Cæsar liked him. But in his
latter days, part of which were passed in exile, and all without political
consideration, he found time to compose those eloquent treatises on almost
every subject, for which his memory will be held in reverence. Unlike
Bacon, he committed no crime against the laws; yet, like him, fell from his
high estate in the convulsions of a revolutionary age, and as Bacon soothed
his declining years with the charms of literature and philosophy, so did
Cicero display in his writings the result of long years of study, and unfold
for remotest generations the treasures of Greek and Roman wisdom,
ornamented, too, by that exquisite style, which, of itself, would have given
him immortality as one of the great artists of the world. He lived to see the
utter wreck of Roman liberties, and was ultimately executed by order of
Antonius, in revenge for those bitter philippics which the orator had
launched against him before [pg 530] the descending sun of his political
glory had finally disappeared in the gloom and darkness of revolutionary
miseries.

But we resume the thread of political history in those tangled times.
Cicero was at the highest of his fame and power when Pompey
Pompey. returned from his Asiatic conquests, the great hero of his age, on
whom all eyes were fixed, and to whom all bent the knee of
homage and admiration. His triumph, at the age of forty-five, was
the grandest ever seen. It lasted two days. Three hundred and twenty-four
captive princes walked before his triumphal car, followed by spoils and

Page 538

emblems of a war which saw the reduction of one thousand fortresses. The
enormous sum of twenty thousand talents was added to the public treasury.

Pompey was, however, greater in war than in peace. Had he known
how to make use of his prestige and his advantages, he might have
His policy. henceforth reigned without a rival. He was not sufficiently noble
and generous to live without making grave mistakes and alienating
some of his greatest friends, nor was he sufficiently bad and
unscrupulous to abuse his military supremacy. He pursued a middle course,
envious of all talent, absorbed in his own greatness, vain, pompous, and
vacillating. His quarrels with Crassus and Lucullus severed him from the
aristocratic party, whose leader he properly was. His haughtiness and
coldness alienated the affections of the people, through whom he could only
advance to supreme dominion. He had neither the arts of a demagogue, nor
the magnanimity of a conqueror.

It was at this crisis that Cæsar returned from Spain as the conqueror
of the Lusitanians. Caius Julius Cæsar belonged to the ancient
Cæsar. patrician family of the Julii, and was born B.C. 100, and was six
years younger than Pompey and Cicero. But he was closely
connected with the popular party by the marriage of his aunt Julia
with the great Marius, and his marriage with Cornelia, the daughter of
Cinna, one of the chief opponents of Sulla. He early served in the army of
the East, but devoted his earliest [pg 531] years to the art of oratory. His
affable manners and unbounded liberality made him popular with the
people. He obtained the quæstorship at thirty-two, the year he lost his wife,
and went as quæstor to Antistius Vetus, into the province of Further Spain.
On his return, the following year, he married Pompeia, the granddaughter of
Sulla, of the Cornelia gens, and formed a union with Pompey. By his family
connections he obtained the curule ædileship at the age of thirty-five, and
surpassed his predecessors in the extravagance of his shows and
entertainments, the money for which he borrowed. At thirty-seven he was
elected Pontifex Maximus, so great was his popularity, and the following
year he obtained the prætorship, B.C. 62, and on the expiration of his office
he obtained the province of Further Spain. His debts were so enormous that
he applied for aid to Crassus, the richest man in Rome, and readily obtained
the loan he sought. In Spain, with an army at his command, he gained

Page 539

brilliant victories over the Lusitanians, and returned to Rome enriched, and
sought the consulship. To obtain this, he relinquished the customary
triumph, and, with the aid of Pompey, secured his election, and entered into
that close alliance with Pompey and Crassus which historians call the first
triumvirate. It was merely a private agreement between the three most
powerful men of Rome to support each other, and not a distinct magistracy.

As consul, Cæsar threw his influence against the aristocracy, to
whose ranks he belonged, both by birth and office, and caused an
The agrarian law to be passed, against the fiercest opposition of the
consulship Senate, by which the rich Campanian lands were divided for the
of Cæsar. benefit of the poorest citizens—a good measure, perhaps, but
which brought him forward as the champion of the people. He next
gained over the equites, by relieving them, by a law which he
caused to be passed, of one-third of the sum they had agreed to pay for the
farming of the taxes of Asia. He secured the favor of Pompey by causing all
his acts in the East to be confirmed. At the expiration of his consulship he
[pg 532] obtained the province of Gaul, as the fullest field for the
development of his military talents, and the surest way to climb to
subsequent greatness. At this period Cicero went into exile without waiting
for his trial—that miserable period made memorable for aristocratic broils
and intrigues, and when Clodius, a reckless young noble, entered into the
house of the Pontifex Maximus, disguised as a woman, in pursuit of a vile
intrigue with Cæsar's wife.

The succeeding nine years of Cæsar's life were occupied by the
subjugation of Gaul. In the first campaign he subdued the Helvetii,
Cæsar inand conquered Ariovistus, a powerful German chieftain. In the
Gaul. second campaign he opposed a confederation of Belgic tribes—the
most warlike of all the Gauls, who had collected a force of three
hundred thousand men, and signally defeated them, for which
victories the Senate decreed a public thanksgiving of fifteen days. That
given in Pompey's honor, after the Mithridatic war, had lasted but ten. At
this time he made a renewed compact with Pompey and Crassus, by which
Pompey was to have the two Spains for his province, Crassus that of Syria,
and he himself should have a prolonged government in Gaul for five years
more. The combined influence of these men was enough to secure the

Page 540

elections, and the year following Crassus and Pompey were made consuls.
Cæsar had to resist powerful confederations of the Gauls, and in order to
strike terror among them, in the fourth year of the war, invaded Britain. But
I can not describe the various campaigns of Cæsar in Gaul and Britain
without going into details hard to be understood—his brilliant victories over
enemies of vastly greater numbers, his marchings and countermarchings,
his difficulties and dangers, his inventive genius, his strategic talents, his
boundless resources, his command over his soldiers and their idolatry, until,
after nine years, Gaul was subdued and added to the Roman provinces.
During his long absence from Rome his interests were guarded by the
tribune Curio, and Marcus Antonius, the future triumvir. During this time
Crassus had ingloriously [pg 533] conducted a distant war in Parthia, in
quest of fame and riches, and was killed by an unknown hand after a
disgraceful defeat. This avaricious patrician must not be confounded with
the celebrated orator, of a preceding age, who was so celebrated for his
elegance and luxury.

Affairs at Rome had also taken a turn which indicated a rupture with Cæsar
and Pompey, now left, by the death of Crassus, at the head of the State. The
brilliant victories of the former in Gaul were in everybody's mouth, and the
fame of the latter was being eclipsed. A serious rivalry between these great
generals began to show itself. The disturbances which also broke out on the
death of Clodius led to the appointment of Pompey as sole consul, and all
his acts as consul tended to consolidate his power. His government in Spain
was prolonged for five years more; he entered into closer connections with
the aristocracy, and prepared for a rupture with his great rival, which had
now become inevitable, as both grasped supreme power. That struggle is
now to be presented in the following chapter.

[pg 534]

Page 541

Page 542

CHAPTER XL.

Page 543

THE CIVIL WARS BETWEEN CÆSAR AND
POMPEY.

The condition of Rome when Cæsar returned, crowned with glory,
from his Gallic campaign, in which he had displayed the most
Power ofconsummate ability, was miserable enough. The constitution had
Cæsar andbeen assailed by all the leading chieftains, and even Cicero could
Pompey. only give vent to his despair and indignation in impotent
lamentations. The cause of liberty was already lost. Cæsar had
obtained the province of Gaul for ten years, against all former
precedent, and Pompey had obtained the extension of his imperium for five
additional years. Both these generals thus had armies and an independent
command for a period which might be called indefinite—that is, as long as
they could maintain their authority in a period of anarchy. Rome was
disgraced by tumults and assassinations; worthless people secured the
highest offices, and were the tools of the two great generals, who divided
between them the empire of the world. All family ties between these two
generals were destroyed by the death of Julia. The feud between Clodius
and Milo, the one a candidate for the prætorship, and the other for the
consulship, was most disgraceful, in the course of which Clodius was slain.
Each wanted an office as the means of defraying enormous debts. Pompey,
called upon by the Senate to relieve the State from anarchy, was made sole
consul—another unprecedented thing. The trial of Milo showed that
Pompey was the absolute master at Rome, and it was his study to maintain
his position against Cæsar.

It was plain that the world could not have two absolute [pg 535]
masters, for both Pompey and Cæsar aspired to universal
Rivalship sovereignty. One must succumb to the other—be either anvil or
between hammer. Neither would have been safe without their unities and
Cæsar andtheir armed followers. And if both were destroyed, the State would
Pompey. still be convulsed with factions. All true constitutional liberty was

Page 544

Deplorable at an end, for both generals and demagogues could get such laws
state ofpassed as they pleased, with sufficient money to bribe those who
public controlled the elections. It was a time of universal corruption and
affairs. venality. Money was the mainspring of society. Public virtue had
passed away,—all elevated sentiment,—all patriotism,—all self-
sacrifice. The people cared but little who ruled, if they were
supplied with corn and wine at nominal prices. Patrician nobles had become
demagogues, and demagogues had power in proportion to their ability or
inclination to please the people. Cicero despaired of the State, and devoted
himself to literature. There yet remained the aristocratic party, which had
wealth and prestige and power, and the popular party, which aimed to take
these privileges away, but which was ruled by demagogues more
unprincipled than the old nobility. Pompey represented the one, and Cæsar
the other, though both were nobles.

Both these generals had rendered great services. Pompey had subdued the
East, and Cæsar the West. Pompey had more prestige, Cæsar more genius.
Pompey was a greater tactician, Cæsar a greater strategist. Pompey was
proud, pompous, jealous, patronizing, self-sufficient, disdainful. Cæsar was
politic, intriguing, patient, lavish, unenvious, easily approached, forgiving,
with great urbanity and most genial manners. Both were ambitious,
unscrupulous, and selfish. Cicero distrusted both, flattered each by turns,
but inclined to the side of Pompey as more conservative, and less
dangerous. The Senate took the side of Pompey, the people that of Cæsar.
Both Cæsar and Pompey had enjoyed power so long, that neither would
have been contented with private life.

[pg 536]

In the year B.C. 49, Cæsar's proconsular imperium was to terminate
one year after the close of the Gallic war. He wished to be re-
The Senateelected consul, and also secure his triumph. But he could not,
demands according to law, have the triumph without disbanding the army,
the and without an army he would not be safe at Rome, with so many
abdication enemies. Neither could he be elected consul, according to the
of Cæsar.forms, while he enjoyed his imperium, for it had long been the
Cæsar custom that no one could sue for the consulship at the head of an
seeks a

Page 545

compromi army. He, therefore, could neither be consul nor enjoy a triumph,
se. legitimately, without disbanding his army. Moreover, the party of
Rejected Pompey, being then in the ascendant at Rome, demanded that
by Cæsar should lay down his imperium. The tribunes, in the interests
Pompey. of Cæsar, opposed the decree of the Senate; the reigning consuls
Cæsar threatened the tribunes, and they fled to Cæsar's camp in Cisalpine
pursues Gaul. It should, however, be mentioned, that when the consul
Pompey. Marcellus, an enemy of Cæsar, proposed in the Senate that he
should lay down his command, Curio, the tribune, whose debts
Cæsar had paid, moved that Pompey should do the same; which he
refused to do, since the election of Cæsar to the consulship would place the
whole power of the republic in his hands. Cæsar made a last effort to avoid
the inevitable war, by proposing to the Senate to lay down his command, if
Pompey would also; but Pompey prevaricated, and the compromise came to
nothing. Both generals distrusted each other, and both were disloyal to the
State. The Senate then appointed a successor to Cæsar in Gaul, ordered a
general levy of troops throughout Italy, and voted money and men to
Pompey. Cæsar had already crossed the Rubicon, which was high treason,
before his last proposal to compromise, and he was on his way to Rome. No
one resisted him, for the people had but little interest in the success of either
party. Pompey, exaggerating his popularity, thought he had only to stamp
the ground, and an army would appear, and when he discovered that his
rival was advancing on the Flaminican way, [pg 537] fled hastily from
Rome with most of the senators, and went to Brundusium. Cæsar did not at
once seize the capital, but followed Pompey, and so vigorously attacked
him, that he quit the town and crossed over to Illyricum. Cæsar had no
troops to pursue him, and therefore retraced his steps, and entered Rome,
after an absence of ten years, at the head of a victorious army, undisputed
master of Italy.

But Pompey still controlled his proconsular province of Spain,
where seven legions were under his lieutenants, and Africa also
Cæsar inwas occupied by his party. Cæsar, after arranging the affairs of
Spain. Italy, marched through Gaul into Spain to fight the generals of
Pompey. That campaign was ended in forty days, and he became
master of Spain. While in Spain he was elected to his second
consulship, and also made dictator. He returned to Rome as rapidly as he

Page 546

had marched into Spain, and enacted some wholesome laws, among others
that by which the inhabitants of Cisalpine Gaul, the northern part of Italy,
obtained citizenship. After settling the general affairs of Italy, he laid down
the dictatorship, and went, to Brundusium, and collected his forces from
various parts for a decisive conflict with Pompey, who had remained,
meanwhile, in Macedonia, organizing his army. He collected nine legions,
with auxiliary forces, while his fleet commanded the sea. He also secured
vast magazines of corn in Thessaly, Asia, Egypt, Crete, and Cyrene.

Cæsar was able to cross the sea with scarcely more than fifteen
thousand men, on account of the insufficiency of his fleet, and he
Military was thrown upon a hostile shore, cut off from supplies, and in
preparatio presence of a vastly superior force. But his troops were veterans,
ns. and his cause was strengthened by the capture of Apollonia. He
then advanced north to seize Dyrhachiuim, where Pompey's stores
were deposited, but Pompey reached the town before him, and both
armies encamped on the banks of the river Apsus, the one on the left and
the other on the right bank. There Cæsar was joined by the remainder of his
troops, brought over with [pg 538] great difficulty from Brundusium by
Marcus Antonius, his most able lieutenant and devoted friend. Pompey was
also re-enforced by two legions from Syria, led by his father-in-law, Scipio.
Both parties abstained from attacking each other while these re-
enforcements were being brought forward, and Cæsar even made a last
effort at compromise, while the troops on each side exchanged mutual
courtesies.

Pompey avoided a pitched battle, and intrenched himself on a hill
near Dyrhachium. Cæsar surrounded him with lines of
Battle ofcircumvallation. Pompey broke through them, and compelled
Dyrhachiu Cæsar to retire, with considerable loss. He retreated to Thessaly,
m. Battlefollowed by Pompey, who, had he known how to pursue his
of advantage, might, after this last success—the last he ever had—
Pharsalia. have defeated Cæsar. He had wisely avoided a pitched battle until
his troops should become inured to service, or until he should wear
out his adversary; but now, puffed up with victory and self-
confidence, and unduly influenced by his officers, he concluded to risk a
battle. Cæsar was encamped on the plain of Pharsalia, and Pompey on a hill

Page 547

about four miles distant. The steep bank of the river Enipeus covered the
right of Pompey's line and the left of Cæsar's. The infantry of the former
numbered forty-five thousand; that of the latter, twenty-two thousand, but
they were veterans. Pompey was also superior in cavalry, having seven
thousand, while Cæsar had only one thousand. With these, which formed
the strength of Pompey's force, he proposed to outflank the right of Cæsar,
extended on the plain. To guard against this movement, Cæsar withdrew six
cohorts from his third line, and formed them into a fourth in the rear of his
cavalry on the right. The battle commenced by a furious assault on the lines
of Pompey by Cæsar's veterans, who were received with courage.
Meanwhile Pompey's cavalry swept away that of Cæsar, and was advancing
to attack the rear, when they received, unexpectedly, the charge of the
cohorts which Cæsar had posted there, The cavalry broke, and fled to the
mountains. The six cohorts then turned upon the slingers [pg 539] and
archers, who had covered the attack of the cavalry, defeated them, and fell
upon the rear of Pompey's left. Cæsar then brought up his third line, and
decided the battle. Pompey had fled when he saw the defeat of his cavalry.
His camp was taken and sacked, and his troops, so confident of victory,
were scattered, surrounded, and taken prisoners. Cæsar, with his usual
clemency, spared their lives, nor had he any object to destroy them. Among
those who surrendered after this decisive battle was Junius Brutus, who was
not only pardoned, but admitted to the closest friendship.

Pompey, on his defeat, fled to Larissa, embarked with his generals,
and sailed to Mitylene. As he had still the province of Africa and a
Flight oflarge fleet, it was his policy to go there; but he had a silly notion
Pompey tothat his true field of glory was the East, and he saw no place of
Egypt. refuge but Egypt. That kingdom was then governed by the children
Pompey of Ptolemy Auletes, Cleopatra and Ptolemy, neither of whom were
assassinate adults, and who, moreover, were quarreling with each other for the
d. undivided sovereignty of Egypt. At this juncture, Pompey appeared
on the coast, on which Ptolemy was encamped. He sent a
messenger to the king, with the request that he might be sheltered
in Alexandria. To grant it would compromise Ptolemy with Cæsar; to refuse
it would send Pompey to the camp of Cleopatra in Syria. He was invited to
a conference, and his minister Achillus was sent out in a boat to bring him
on shore. Pompey, infatuated, imprudently trusted himself in the boat, in

Page 548

which he recognized an old comrade, Septimius, who, however, did not
return his salutation. On landing, he was stabbed by Septimius, who had
persuaded Ptolemy to take his life, in order to propitiate Cæsar and gain the
Egyptian crown. Thus ingloriously fell the conqueror of Asia, and the
second man in the empire, by treachery.

On the flight of Pompey from the fatal battle-field, Cæsar pressed
in pursuit, with only one legion and a troop of cavalry. Fearing a
Cæsar innew war in Asia, Cæsar waited to collect his forces, and then
Egypt. embarked for Egypt. [pg 540] He arrived at Alexandria only a few
Eastern days after the murder of his rival, and was met by an officer
conquests. bearing his head. He ordered it to be burned with costly spices, and
placed the ashes in a shrine, dedicated to Nemesis. He then
demanded ten million drachmas, promised by the late king, and
summoned the contending sovereigns to his camp. Cleopatra captivated
him, and he decided that both should share the throne, but that the ministers
of Ptolemy should be deposed, which was reducing the king to a cipher. But
the fanaticism of the Alexandrians being excited, and a collision having
taken place between them and his troops, Cæsar burned the Egyptian fleet,
and fortified himself at Pharos, awaiting re-enforcements. Ptolemy,
however, turned against him, when he had obtained his release, and
perished in an action on the banks of the Nile. Cleopatra was restored to the
throne, under the protection of Rome.

Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, rewarded by Pompey with the
throne of the Bosphorus for the desertion of his father, now made
Pharnaces. war against Rome. Galvinus, sent against him, sustained a defeat,
and Cæsar rapidly marched to Asia to restore affairs. It was then he
wrote to the Senate that brief, but vaunting letter: “Veni, vidi, vici.”
He already meditated those conquests in the East which had inflamed the
ambition of his rival. He caught the spirit of Oriental despotism. He was not
proof against the flatteries of the Asiatics. But his love for Cleopatra
worked a still greater change in his character, even as it undermined the
respect of his countrymen. History brands with infamy that unfortunate
connection, which led to ostentation, arrogance, harshness, impatience, and
contempt of mankind—the same qualities which characterized Napoleon on
his return from Egypt.

Page 549

In September, B.C. 47, Cæsar returned to Italy, having been already
named dictator by a defeated and obsequious Senate. Cicero was
Dictatorshi among the first to meet him, and was graciously pardoned. The
p ofonly severe measure which he would allow was the confiscation of
Cæsar. the [pg 541] property of Pompey and his sons, whose statues,
however, he replaced. He now ruled absolutely, but under the old
forms, and was made tribune for life. The Senate nominated him
consul for five years, and he was also named dictator.

The only foes who now seriously stood out against him were the
adherents of Pompey, who had time, during his absence in the East,
Cato. to reorganize their forces, and it was in Africa that the last conflict
was to be fought. The Pompeians were commanded by Scipio, who
fixed his head-quarters at Hadrumentum, with an army of ten
legions, a large force of Numidian cavalry, and one hundred and twenty
elephants. But Cæsar defeated this large army with a vastly inferior force,
and the rout was complete. Scipio took ship for Spain, but was driven back,
as Marius had been on the Italian coasts when pursued by the generals of
Sulla, and ended his life by suicide. Cato, the noblest Roman of his day,
whose march across the African desert was one of the great feats of his age,
might have escaped, and would probably have been pardoned: but the lofty
stoic could not endure the sight of the prostration of Roman liberties, and,
fortifying his courage with the Phædon of Plato, also fell upon his sword.
The Roman republic ended with his death.

After reducing Numidia to a Roman province, Cæsar returned to
Italy with immense treasures, and was everywhere received with
Triumph unexampled honors. At Rome he celebrated a fourfold triumph—
of Cæsar.for victories in Gaul, Egypt, Africa, and the East—and the Senate
The vastdecreed that his image in ivory should be carried in procession with
power ofthose of the gods. His bronze statue was set upon a globe in the
Cæsar. capitol, as the emblem of universal sovereignty. All the extravagant
enthusiasm which marked the French people for the victories of
Napoleon, and all the servility which unbounded power everywhere
commands, were bestowed upon the greatest conqueror the ancient world
ever saw. A thanksgiving was decreed for forty days; the number of the
lictors was doubled; he was made dictator for ten years, with the command

Page 550

of all the armies of the State, [pg 542] and the presidency of the public
festivals. He also was made censor for three years, by which he regulated
the Senate according to his sovereign will. His triumphs were followed by
profuse largesses to the soldiers and people, and he also instituted
magnificent games under an awning of silk, at the close of which the Forum
Julium was dedicated.

Such were his unparalleled honors and powers. All the great offices
of the State were invested and united in him, and nothing was
The Julianwanted to complete his aggrandizement but the name of emperor.
calendar. But we turn from these, the usual rewards of conquerors, to glance
Last battleat the services he rendered to civilization, which constitute his
of Cæsar. truest claim to immortality. One of the greatest was the reform of
the calendar, for the Roman year was ninety days in advance of the
true meaning of that word. The old year had been determined by
lunar months rather than by the apparent path of the sun among the fixed
stars which had been determined by the ancient astronomers, and was one
of the greatest discoveries of ancient science. The Roman year consisted of
three hundred and fifty-five days, so that January was an autumn month.
Cæsar inserted the regular intercalary month of twenty-three days, and two
additional ones of sixty-seven days. These were added to the three hundred
and sixty-five days, making a year of transition of four hundred and forty-
five days, by which January was brought back to the first month of the year,
after the winter solstice. And to prevent the repetition of the error, he
directed that in future the year should consist of three hundred and sixty-
five days and one quarter of a day, which he effected by adding one day to
the months of April, June, September, and November, and two days to the
months of January, Sextilis, and December, making an addition of ten days
to the old year of three hundred and fifty-five, and he provided for a
uniform intercalation of one day in every fourth year. Cæsar was a student
of astronomy, and always found time for its contemplation. He even wrote
an essay on the motion of the stars, assisted in his observation by Sosigenes,
an Alexandrian [pg 543] astronomer. He took astronomy out of the hands of
priests, and made it a matter of civil legislation. He was drawn away from
legislation to draw the sword once more against the relics of the Pompeian
party, which had been collected in Spain. On the field of Munda was fought
his last great battle, contested with unusual fury, and attended with savage

Page 551

cruelties. Thirty thousand of his opponents fell in this battle, and Sextus
Pompey alone, of all the marked men, escaped to the mountains, and defied
pursuit. On this victory he celebrated his last triumph, and the supple Senate
decreed to him the title of Imperator. He was made consul for ten years,
dictator for life, his person was decreed inviolable, and he was surrounded
by a guard of nobles and senators. He also received the insignia of royalty, a
golden chair and a diadem set with gems, and was allowed to wear the
triumphal robe of purple whenever he appeared in public. The coins were
stamped with his image, his statue was placed in the temples, and his
friends obtained all the offices of the State. He adopted Octavius, his
nephew, for his heir, and paved the way for an absolute despotism under his
successors. The measure of his glory and ambition was full. He was the
undisputed master of the world.

He then continued his reforms and improvements, as Napoleon did after his
coronation as emperor. He gave the Roman franchise to various States and
cities out of Italy, and colonized new cities. He excluded judices from all
ranks but those of senators and knights, and enacted new laws for the
security of persons and property. He gave unbounded religious toleration,
and meditated a complete codification of the Roman law. He founded a
magnificent public library, appointed commissioners to make a map of the
whole empire, and contemplated the draining of the Pontine marshes.

After these works of legislation and public improvement, he
prepared for an expedition to Parthia, in which he hoped to surpass
Death ofthe conquests of Alexander in the East. But his career was suddenly
Cæsar. cut off by his premature death. The nobles whom he humiliated,
and the Oriental despotism he [pg 544] contemplated, caused a
secret hostility which he did not suspect amid the universal
subserviency to his will. Above all, the title of king, the symbol of
legitimate sovereignty, to which he aspired, sharpened the daggers of the
few remaining friends of the liberty which had passed away for ever. All the
old party of the State concocted the conspiracy, some eighty nobles, at the
head of which were Brutus and Cassius. On the fifteenth day of March,
B.C. 44, the Ides of March, the day for which the Senate was convened for
his final departure for the East, he was stabbed in the senate-house, and he

Page 552

fell, pierced with wounds, at the foot of Pompey's statue, in his fifty-sixth
year, and anarchy, and new wars again commenced.

The concurrent voices of all historians and critics unite to give
Cæsar the most august name of all antiquity. He was great in every
Character thing,—as orator, as historian, as statesman, as general, and as
of Cæsar. lawgiver. He had genius, understanding, memory, taste, industry,
and energy. He could write, read, and dictate at the same time. He
united the bravery of Alexander with the military resources of
Hannibal. He had a marvelous faculty of winning both friends and enemies.
He was generous, magnanimous, and courteous. Not even his love for
Cleopatra impaired the energies of his mind and body. He was not cruel or
sanguinary, except when urged by reasons of State. He pardoned Cicero,
and received Brutus into intimate friendship. His successes were
transcendent, and his fortune never failed him. He reached the utmost limit
of human ambition, and was only hurled from his pedestal of power by the
secret daggers of fanatics, who saw in his elevation the utter extinction of
Roman liberty. But liberty had already fled, and a degenerate age could only
be ruled by a despot. It might have been better for Rome had his life been
prolonged when all constitutional freedom had become impossible. But he
took the sword, and Nemesis demanded that he should perish by it, as a
warning to all future usurpers who would accomplish even good ends by
infamous means. Vulgar pity compassionates [pg 545] the sad fate of the
great Julius; but we can not forget that it was he who gave the last blow to
the constitution and liberties of his country. The greatness of his gifts and
services pale before the gigantic crime of which he stands accused at the bar
of all the ages, and the understanding of the world is mocked when his
usurpation is justified.

[pg 546]

Page 553

Page 554

CHAPTER XLI.

Page 555

THE CIVIL WARS FOLLOWING THE DEATH OF
CÆSAR.—ANTONIUS.—AUGUSTUS.

The assassination of Cæsar was not immediately followed with the
convulsions which we should naturally expect. The people were weary of
war, and sighed for repose, and, moreover, were comparatively indifferent
on whom the government fell, since their liberties were hopelessly
prostrated. Only one thing was certain, that power would be usurped by
some one, and most probably by the great chieftains who represented
Cæsar's interests.

The most powerful men in Rome at this time, were Marcus
Antonius, the most able of Cæsar's lieutenants, the most constant of
Great menhis friends, and the nearest of his relatives, although a man utterly
of Rome atunprincipled; Octavius, grandson of Julius, whom Cæsar adopted
this time. as his heir, a young man of nineteen; Lepidus, colleague consul
with Cæsar, the head of the ancient family of the Lepidi, thirteen of
whom had been honored with curule magistracies; Sextus
Pompeius, son of Pompey; Brutus and Cassius, chief conspirators;
Dolabella, a man of consular rank, and one of the profligate nobles of his
time; Hirtia and Pansa, consuls; Piso, father-in-law of Cæsar, of a powerful
family, which boasted of several consuls; and Cicero—still influential from
his great weight of character. All these men were great nobles, and had
filled the highest offices.

The man who, to all appearance, had the fairest chance for supreme
command in those troubled times, was Antony, whose mother was
Antonius Julia, Cæsar's sister. He was grandson to the great orator M.
takes theAntonius, who flourished during the [pg 547] civil wars between
lead atMarius and Sulla, and was distinguished for every vice, folly, and
Rome. extravagance which characterized the Roman nobles. But he was a
man of consummate ability as a general, was master of the horse,

Page 556

and was consul with Cæsar, when he was killed, B.C. 44. He was also
eloquent, and pronounced the funeral oration of the murdered Imperator, as
nearest of kin. He had possession of Cæsar's papers, and was the governor
of Cisalpine Gaul. He formed a union with Lepidus, to whom he offered the
office of Pontifex Maximus, the second office in the State. As consul, he
could unlock the public treasury, which he rifled to the extent of seven
hundred million of sesterces—the vast sum left by Cæsar. One of his
brothers was prætor, and another, a tribune. He convened the Senate, and
employed, by the treasure he had at command, the people to overawe the
Senate, as the Jacobin clubs of the French revolution overawed the
Assembly. He urged the Senate to ratify Cæsar's acts and confirm his
appointments, and in this was supported by Cicero and a majority of the
members. Now that the deed was done, he wished to have the past
forgotten. This act of amnesty confirmed his fearful pre-eminence, and the
inheritance of the mighty dead seemingly devolved upon him. The
conspirators came to terms with him, and were even entertained by him,
and received the provinces which he assigned to them. Brutus received
Macedonia; Cassius, Syria; Trebonius, Asia; Cimber, Bythinia; and
Decimus, Cisalpine Gaul. Dolabella was his colleague in the consulship,—a
personal enemy, yet committed to his policy.

Cæsar had left three hundred sesterces to every citizen, (about £3,) and his
gardens beyond the Tiber to the use of the people. Such gifts operated in
producing an intense gratitude for the memory of a man who had proved so
great a benefactor, and his public funeral was of unprecedented splendor.
Antony, as his nearest heir, and the first magistrate, pronounced the oration,
which was a consummate piece of dramatic art, in which he inflamed the
passions of the [pg 548] people, and stimulated them to frenzy, so that they
turned upon the assassins with fury. But he assured the Senate of his
moderation, abolished the dictatorship forever, and secured his own
personal safety by a body-guard.

He had, however, a powerful rival in the young Octavius, who had
been declared by Cæsar's will his principal heir, then absent in
Octavius. Apollonia. He resolved to return at once and claim his inheritance,
and was warmly received at Brundusium by the veteran troops, and
especially by Cicero, who saw in him a rival to Antony. Octavius

Page 557

flattered the old orator, and ingratiated himself in the favor of everybody by
his unassuming manners, and his specious language. He entered Rome
under favorable omens, paid his court to the senators, and promised to
fulfill his uncle's requests. He was received by Antony in the gardens of
Pompeius, and claimed at once his inheritance. Antony replied that it was
not private property but the public treasure, and was, moreover, spent.
Octavius was not to be put off, and boldly declared that he would and could
pay the legacies, and contrived to borrow the money. Such an act secured
unrivaled popularity. He gave magnificent shows, and then claimed that the
jeweled crown of Cæsar should be exhibited on the festival which he
instituted to Venus, and to whose honor Cæsar had vowed to build a temple,
on the morning of his victory at Pharsalia. The tribunes, instigated by
Antonius, refused to sanction this mark of honor, but fortune favored
Octavius, and, in the enthusiasm of the festival, which lasted eleven days,
the month Quintilius was changed to Julius—the first demigod whom the
Senate had translated to Olympus.

Meanwhile Brutus and Cassius retired from public affairs, lingering
in the neighborhood of Rome, and the provinces promised to them
Brutus andwere lost. At Antium they had an interview with Cicero, who
Cassius. advised them to keep quiet, and not venture to the capital, where
the people were inflamed against them. Their only encouragement
was the successes of Sextus Pompeius in Spain, who had six [pg
549] legions at his command. Cicero foresaw that another civil war was at
hand, and had the gloomiest forebodings, for one or the other of the two
great chieftains of the partisans of Cæsar was sure of ultimately obtaining
the supreme power. The humiliating conviction that the murder of Cæsar
was a mistake, was now deeply impressed upon his mind, since it would
necessarily inaugurate another bloody war. Self banished from Rome, this
great and true patriot wandered from place to place to divert his mind. But
neither the fascinations of literature, nor the attractions of Tusculum,
Puteoli, Pompeii, and Neapolis, where he had luxurious villas, could soothe
his anxious and troubled soul. Religious, old, and experienced, he could
only ponder on the coming and final prostration of that cause of
constitutional liberty to which he was devoted.

Page 558

Antonius, also aware of the struggle which was impending, sought
to obtain the government of Cisalpine Gaul, and of the six legions
Cicero. destined for the Parthian war. But he was baffled by the Senate, and
by the intrigues of Octavius, who sheltered himself behind the
august name of the man by whom he had been adopted. He
therefore made a hollow reconciliation with Octavius, and by his means,
obtained the Gaulish provinces. Cicero, now only desirous to die honorably,
returned to Rome to accept whatever fate was in store for him, and defend
to the last his broken cause. It was then, in the Senate, that he launched
forth those indignant philippies against Antonius, as a public enemy, which
are among his greatest efforts, and which most triumphantly attest his moral
courage.

The hollow reconciliation between Antonius and Octavius was not of long
duration, and the former, as consul, repaired to Brundusium to assume
command of the legions stationed there, and Octavius collected his forces in
Campania. Both parties complained of each other, and both invoked the
name of Cæsar. Cicero detested the one, and was blinded as to the other.

The term of office as consul, which Antonius held, had now [pg
550] expired, and Hirtius, one of the new consuls, marched into
Prospects Cisalpine Gaul, and Octavius placed himself under his command.
of civilThe Senate declared a state of public danger. The philippics of
war. Cicero had taken effect, and the Senate and the government were
Situation now opposed to Antonius, as the creator of a new revolution. The
of Romanconsuls crossed swords with Antonius at Forum Gallorum, and the
affairs. consul Pansa fell, but success was with the government. Another
The success at Mutina favored the government party, which Octavius
triumvirate had joined. On the news of this victory, Cicero delivered his
of fourteenth and last philippic against Antonius, who now withdrew
Antonius, from Cisalpine Gaul, and formed a junction with Lepidus beyond
Octavius the Alps. Octavius declined to pursue him, and Plancus hesitated to
and attack him, although joined by Decimus, one of the murderers of
Lepidus. Cæsar, with ten legions. Octavius now held aloof from the
They government army, from which it was obvious that he had ambitious
proscribe views of his own to further, and was denounced by Plancus to
their Cicero. The veteran statesman, at last, perceived that Octavius,
enemies.

Page 559

having deserted Decimus (who, of all the generals, was the only one on
whose fidelity the State could securely lean), was not to be further relied
upon, and cast his eyes to Macedonia and Syria, to which provinces Brutus
and Cassius had retired. The Senate, too, now distrusted Octavius, and
treated him with contumely; but supported by veteran soldiers, he
demanded the consulship, and even secretly corresponded with Antonius,
and assured him of his readiness to combine with him and Lepidus, and
invited them to follow him to Rome. He marched at the head of eight
legions, pretending all the while to be coerced by them. The Senate,
overawed, allowed him, at twenty years of age, to assume the consulship,
with Pedius, grand-nephew of Cæsar, for his colleague. Since Hirtius and
Pansa had both fallen, Octavius, then leaving the city in the hands of a
zealous colleague, opened negotiations with Antonius and Lepidus,
perceiving that it was only in conjunction with them that his usurpation
could be maintained. They met [pg 551] for negotiations at Bononia, and
agreed to share the empire between them. They declared themselves
triumvirs for the settlement of the commonwealth, and after a conference of
three days, divided between themselves the provinces and legions. They
then concerted a general proscription of their enemies. The number whom
they thus doomed to destruction was three hundred senators and two
thousand knights, from the noblest families of Rome, among whom were
brothers, uncles, and favorite officers. The possession of riches was fatal to
some, and of beautiful villas to others. Cicero was among this number, as
was to be expected, for he had exhausted the Latin language in
vituperations of Antonius, whom he hated beyond all other mortals, and
which hatred was itself a passion. He spoke of Cæsar with awe, of Pompey
with mortification, of Crassus with dislike, and of Antony with bitter
detestation and unsparing malice. It was impossible that he could escape,
even had he fled to the ends of the earth. The vacillation of his last hours,
his deep distress, and mournful agonies are painted by Plutarch. He fell a
martyr to the cause of truth, and public virtue, and exalted patriotism,
although his life was sullied by weakness and infirmities, such as vanity,
ambition, and jealousy. In the dark and wicked period which he adorned by
his transcendent talents and matchless services, he lived and died in faith—
the most amiable and the most noble of all his contemporaries.

Page 560

The triumvirs had now gratified their vengeance by a series of murders
never surpassed in the worst ages of religious and political fanaticism. And
all these horrible crimes were perpetrated in the name of that great and
august character who had won the world by his sword. The prestige of that
mighty name sanctioned their atrocities and upheld their power. Cæsar still
lived, although assassinated, and the triumvirs reigned as his heirs or
avengers, even as Louis Napoleon grasped the sceptre of his uncle, not from
any services he had rendered, but as the heir of his conquests. [pg 552] The
Romans loved Cæsar as the French loved Napoleon, and submitted to the
rule of the triumvirs, as the French submitted to the usurpations of the
proscribed prisoner of Ham. And in the anarchy which succeeded the
assassination of the greatest man of antiquity, it must need be that the
strongest would seize the reins, since all liberty and exalted patriotism had
fled.

But these usurpers did not secure their power without one more last
struggle of the decimated and ruined aristocracy. They rallied under
Cassius the standards of Brutus and Cassius in Macedonia and Syria. The
and Brutusone was at the head of eight legions, and the other of eleven, a still
rally theformidable force. Sextus Pompeius also still lived, and had
aristocracy intrenched himself in Sicily. A battle had still to be fought before
. Battle ofthe republic gave its last sigh. Cicero ought to have joined these
Philippi. forces, and might have done so, but for his vacillation. So Lepidus,
as consul, took control of Rome and the interests of Italy, while
Antonius marched against Brutus and Cassius in the East, and
Octavius assailed Sextus in Sicily; unable, however, to attack him without
ships, he joined his confederate. Their united forces were concentrated in
Philippi, in Thrace, and there was fought the last decisive battle between the
republicans, if the senatorial and aristocratic party under Brutus and Cassius
can be called republicans, and the liberators, as they called themselves, or
the adherents of Cæsar. The republicans had a force of eighty thousand
infantry and twenty thousand cavalry, while the triumvirs commanded a still
superior force. The numbers engaged in this great conflict exceeded all
former experience, and the battle of Philippi was the most memorable in
Roman annals, since all the available forces of the empire were now arrayed
against each other. The question at issue was, whether power should remain
with the old constitutional party, or with the party of usurpation which

Page 561

Cæsar had headed and led to victory. It was whether Rome should be
governed by the old forms, or by an imperator with absolute authority. [pg
553] The forces arrayed on that fatal battle-field—the last conflict for
liberty ever fought at Rome—were three times as great as fought at
Pharsalia. On that memorable battle-field the republic perished. The battle
was fairly and bravely fought on both sides, but victory inclined to the
Cæsarians, in two distinct actions, after an interval of twenty days, B.C. 42.
Both Cassius and Brutus fell on their own swords, and their self-
destruction, in utter despair of their cause, effectually broke up their party.

The empire was now in the hands of the triumvirs. The last contest
was decisive. Future struggles were worse than useless. Destiny
Roman had proclaimed the extinction of Roman liberties for ever. It was
liberty vice and faction which had prepared the way for violence, and the
extinguish last appeal to the sword had settled the fate of the empire,
ed. henceforth to be governed by a despot.

But there being now three despots among the partisans of Cæsar,
who sought to grasp his sceptre, Which should prevail? Antonius was the
greatest general; Octavius was the greatest man; Lepidus was the tool of
both. The real rivalry was between Octavius and Antonius. But they did not
at once quarrel. Antonius undertook the subjugation of the eastern
provinces, and Octavius repaired to Rome. The former sought, before the
great encounter with his rival, to gain military éclat from new victories; the
latter to control factions and parties in the capital. They first got rid of
Lepidus, now that their more powerful enemies were subdued, and
compelled him to surrender the command in Italy and content himself with
the government of Africa. Antonius, commanding no less than twenty-eight
legions, which, with auxiliaries, numbered one hundred and seventy
thousand, had perhaps the best chance. His exactions were awful; but he
squandered his treasures, and gave vent to his passions.

The real cause of his overthrow was Cleopatra, for had he not been
led aside by his inordinate passion for this woman, and had he
Cleopatra exercised his vast power with the wisdom and ability which he had
and previously shown, [pg 554] the most able of all of Cæsar's generals,
Antonius. he probably would have triumphed over every foe. On his passage
War

Page 562

between through Cilicia, he was met by Cleopatra, in all the pomp and
Octavius luxury of an Oriental sovereign. She came to deprecate his wrath,
and ostensibly, and ascended the Cydnus in a bark with gilded stern and
Sextus. purple sails, rowed with silver oars, to the sound of pipes and
flutes. She reclined, the most voluptuous of ancient beauties, under
a spangled canopy, attended by Graces and Cupids, while the air
was scented with the perfumes of Olympus. She soon fascinated the most
powerful man in the empire, who, forgetting his ambition, resigned himself
to love. Octavius, master of himself, and of Italy, confiscated lands for the
benefit of the soldiership prepared for future contingencies. Though
Antonius married Octavia, the sister of Octavius, he was full of intrigues
against him and Octavius, on his part, proved more than a match in
duplicity and concealed hostilities. They, however, pretended to be friends;
and the treaty of Brundusium, celebrated by Virgil, would seem to indicate
that the world was now to enjoy the peace it craved. After a debauch,
Antonius left Rome for the East, and Octavius for Gaul, each with a view of
military conquests. Antonius, with his new wife, had seemingly forgotten
Cleopatra, and devoted himself to the duties of the camp with an assiduity
worthy of Cæsar himself. Octavius has a naval conflict with Sextus, and is
defeated, but Sextus fails to profit from his victory, and Octavius, with the
help of his able lieutenants, and re-enforced by Antonius, again attacks
Sextus, and is again defeated. In a third conflict he is victorious, and Sextus
escapes to the East. Lepidus, ousted and cheated by both Antonius and
Octavius, now combines with Sextus and the Pompeians, and makes head
against Octavius; but is deserted by his soldiers, and falls into the hands of
his enemy, who spares his life in contempt. He had owed his elevation to
his family influence, and not to his own abilities. Sextus, at last, was taken
and slain.

At this juncture Octavius was at the head of the Cæsarian [pg 555] party. He
had won the respect and friendship of the Romans by his clemency and
munificence. He was not a great general, but he was served by a great
general, Agrippa, and by another minister of equal talents, Mecrenas. He
controlled even more forces than Antonius, no less than forty-five legions
of infantry, and twenty-five thousand cavalry, and thirty-seven thousand
light-armed auxiliaries. Antonius, on the other hand, had forfeited the

Page 563

esteem of the Romans by his prodigalities, by his Oriental affectations, and
by his slavery to Cleopatra.

This artful and accomplished woman again met Antonius in Asia, and
resumed her sway. The general of one hundred battles became effeminated
by his voluptuous dalliance, so that his Parthian campaign was a failure,
even though he led an army of one hundred thousand men. He was obliged
to retreat, and his retreat was disastrous. It was while he was planning
another campaign that Octavia, his wife, and the sister of his rival,—a
woman who held the most dignified situation in the world,—brought to his
camp both money and troops, and hoped to allay the jealousies of her
husband, and secure peace between him and her brother. But Antonius
heartlessly refused to see this noble-minded woman, while he gave
provinces to Cleopatra. At Alexandria this abandoned profligate plunged,
with his paramour, into every excess of extravagant debauchery, while she
who enslaved him only dreamed of empire and domination. She may have
loved him, but she loved power more than she did debauchery. Her
intellectual accomplishments were equal to her personal fascinations, and
while she beguiled the sensual Roman with costly banquets, her eye was
steadily directed to the establishment of her Egyptian throne.

The rupture which Octavia sought to prevent between her brother and her
husband—for, with the rarest magnanimity she still adhered to him in spite
of his infatuated love for Cleopatra—at last took place, when Octavius was
triumphant over Sextus, and Antonius was unsuccessful in the distant East.
Octavius declared war against the queen of Egypt, [pg 556] and Antonius
divorced Octavia. Throughout the winter of B.C. 31, both parties prepared
for the inevitable conflict, for Rome now could have but one master. The
fate of the empire was to be settled, not by land forces, but a naval battle,
and that was fought at Actium, not now with equal forces, for those of
Antonius had been weakened by desertions. Moreover, he rejected the
advice of his ablest generals, and put himself under the guidance of his
mistress, while Octavius listened to the counsels of Agrippa.

The battle had scarcely begun before Cleopatra fled, followed by Antonius.
The destruction of the Antonian fleet was the consequence. This battle, B.C.
31, gave the empire of the world to Octavius, and Antonius fled to

Page 564

Alexandria with the woman who had ruined him. And it was well that the
empire fell into the hands of a politic and profound statesman, who sought
to consolidate it and preserve its peace, rather than into those of a
debauched general, with insatiable passions and blood-thirsty vengeance.
The victor landed in Egypt, while the lovers abandoned themselves to
despair. Antonius, on the rumor of Cleopatra's death, gave himself a mortal
wound, but died in the arms of her for whom he had sacrificed fame,
fortune, and life. Cleopatra, in the interview which Octavius sought at
Alexandria, attempted to fascinate him by those arts by which she had led
astray both Cæsar and Antonius, but the cold and politic conqueror was
unmoved, and coldly demanded the justification of her political career, and
reserved her to grace his future triumph. She eluded his vigilance, and
destroyed herself, as is supposed, by the bite of asps, since her dead body
showed none of the ordinary spots of poison. She died, B.C. 30, in the
fortieth year of her age, and was buried as a queen by the side of her lover.
Her son Cæsarion, by Julius Cæsar, was also put to death, and then the
master of the world “wiped his blood-stained sword, and thrust it into the
scabbard.” No more victims were needed. No rivalship was henceforth to be
dreaded, and all opposition to his will had ceased.

Octavius reduced Egypt to the form of a Roman province, [pg 557] and
after adjusting the affairs of the East, among which was the confirmation of
Herod as sovereign of Judea, he returned to Rome to receive his new
honors, and secure his undivided sovereignty. Peace was given to the world
at last. The imperator dedicated temples to the gods, and gave games and
spectacles to the people. The riches of all previous conquests were his to
dispose and enjoy—the extent of which may be conjectured from the fact
that Cæsar alone had seized an amount equal to one hundred and seventy
million pounds, not reckoning the relative value to gold in these times.
Divine honors were rendered to Octavius as the heir of Cæsar. He assumed
the prænomen of imperator, but combined in himself all the great offices of
the republic which had been overturned. As censor, he purged and
controlled the Senate, of which he was appointed princeps, or chief. As
consul he had the control of the armies of the State; as perpetual proconsul
over all the provinces of the empire, he controlled their revenues, their laws,
their internal reforms, and all foreign relations. As tribune for life, he
initiated legal measures before the Comitia of the tribes; as Pontifex

Page 565

Maximus, he had the regulation of all religious ceremonials. All these great
offices were voted him by a subservient people. The only prerogative which
remained to them was the making of laws, but even this great and supreme
power he controlled, by assuming the initiation of all laws and measures,—
that which Louis Napoleon has claimed in the Corps Legislatif. He had also
resorted to edicts, which had the force of laws, and ultimately composed no
small part of the Roman jurisprudence. Finally, he assumed the name of
Cæsar, as he had of Augustus, and consummated the reality of despotism by
the imposing title of imperator, or emperor.

[pg 558]

Page 566

CHAPTER XLII.

Page 567

THE ROMAN EMPIRE ON THE ACCESSION OF
AUGUSTUS.

Octavius, now master of the world, is generally called Augustus Cæsar—
the name he assumed. He was the first of that great line of potentates whom
we call emperors. Let us, before tracing the history of the empire, take a
brief survey of its extent, resources, population, institutions, state of society,
and that development of Art, science, and literature, which we call
civilization, in the period which immediately preceded the birth of Christ,
when the nations were subdued, submissive to the one central power, and at
peace with each other.

The empire was not so large as it subsequently became, nor was it
at that height of power and prosperity which followed a century of
Prosperity peace, when uninterrupted dominion had reconciled the world to
of thethe rule of the Cæsars. But it was the golden age of imperial
empire. domination, when arts, science, and literature flourished, and when
the world rested from incessant wars. It was not an age of highest
glory to man, since all struggles for liberty had ceased; but it was
an age of good government, when its machinery was perfected, and the
great mass of mankind felt secure, and all classes abandoned themselves to
pleasure, or gain, or uninterrupted toils. It was the first time in the history of
the world, when there was only one central authority, and when the
experiment was to be tried, not of liberty and self-government, but of
universal empire, growing up from universal rivalries and wars—wielded
by one central and irresistible will. The spectacle of the civilized world
obedient to one master has sublimity, and moral grandeur, and [pg 559]
suggests principles of grave interest. The last of the great monarchies which
revelation had foretold, and the greatest of all—the iron monarchy which
Daniel saw in prophetic vision, reveals lessons of profound significance.

Page 568

The empire then embraced all the countries bordering on the
Mediterranean—that great inland sea upon whose shores the most
Extent offamous cities of antiquity flourished, and toward which the tide of
the Assyrian and Persian conquests had rolled, and then retreated for
empire. ever. The boundaries of this mighty empire were great mountains,
Cities ofand deserts, and oceans, and impenetrable forests. On the east lay
the the Parthian empire, separated from the Roman by the Tigris and
empire. Euphrates, and the Armenian Mountains, beyond which were other
Magnifice great empires not known to the Greeks, like the Indian and the
nce ofChinese monarchies, with a different civilization. On the south
Rome. were the African deserts, not penetrated even by travelers. On the
west was the ocean; and on the north were barbaric tribes of
different names and races—Slavonic, Germanic, and Celtic. The
empire extended over a territory of one million six hundred thousand square
miles, and among its provinces were Spain, Gaul, Sicily, Africa, Egypt,
Syria, Asia Minor, Achaia, Macedonia, and Illyricum—all tributary to Italy,
whose capital was Rome. The central province numbered four millions who
were free, and could furnish, if need be, seven hundred thousand foot, and
seventy thousand horse for the armies of the republic. It was dotted with
cities, and villages, and villas, and filled with statues, temples, and works of
art, brought from remotest provinces—the spoil of three hundred years of
conquest. In all the provinces were great cities, once famous and
independent—centres of luxury and wealth—Corinth, Athens, Syracuse,
Carthage, Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus, Damascus, and Jerusalem, with
their dependent cities, all connected with each other and the capital by
granite roads, all favored by commerce, all rejoicing in a uniform
government. Rome, the great mistress who ruled over one hundred and
twenty millions, contained an immense population, [pg 560] variously
estimated, in which were centred whatever wealth or power had craved.
This capital had become rapidly ornamented with palaces, and temples, and
works of art, with the subjugation of Greece and Asia Minor, although it did
not reach the climax of magnificence until the time of Hadrian. In the time
of Augustus, the most imposing buildings were the capitol, restored by
Sulla and Cæsar, whose gilded roof alone cost $15,000,000. The theatre of
Pompey could accommodate eighty thousand spectators, behind which was
a portico of one hundred pillars. Cæsar built the Forum Julium, three
hundred and forty feet long, and two hundred wide, and commenced the

Page 569

still greater structures known as the Basilica Julia and Curia Julia. The
Forum Romanum was seven hundred feet by four hundred and seventy,
surrounded with basilica, halls, porticoes, temples, and shops—the centre of
architectural splendor, as well as of life and business and pleasure. Augustus
restored the Capitoline Temple, finished the Forum and Basilica Julia, built
the Curia Julia, and founded the imperial palace on the Palatine, and erected
many temples, the most beautiful of which was that of Apollo, with
columns of African marble, and gates of ivory finely sculptured. He also
erected the Forum Augusti, the theatre of Marcellus, capable of holding
twenty thousand spectators, and that mausoleum which contained the ashes
of the imperial family to the time of Hadrian, at the entrance of which were
two Egyptian obelisks. It was the boast of this emperor, that he found the
city of brick and left her of marble. But great and beautiful as Rome was in
the Augustan era, enriched not only by his own munificence, but by the
palaces and baths which were erected by his ministers and courtiers,—the
Pantheon, the Baths of Agrippa, the Gardens of Mæcenas,—it was not until
other emperors erected the Imperial Palace, the Flavian Amphitheatre, the
Forum Trajanum, the Basilica Ulpia, the Temple of Venus and Rome, the
Baths of Caracalla, the Arches of Septimius Severus and Trajan, and other
wonders, that the city became so astonishing a wonder, with its palaces, [pg
561] theatres, amphitheatres, baths, fountains, bronze statues of emperors
and generals, so numerous and so grand, that we are warranted in believing
its glories, like its population, surpassed those of both Paris and London
combined.

And this capital and this empire seemed to be the domain of one
man, so vast his power, so august his dignity, absolute master of the
The lives and property of one hundred and twenty millions, for the
imperial people were now deprived of the election of magistrates and the
master. creation of laws. How could the greatest nobles otherwise than
cringe to the supreme captain of the armies, the prince of the
Senate, and the high-priest of the national divinities—himself, the
recipient of honors only paid to gods! But Augustus kept up the forms of
the old republic—all the old offices, the old dignities, the old festivals, the
old associations. The Senate, prostrate and powerless, still had external
dignity, like the British House of Peers. There were six hundred senators,
each of whom possessed more than one million two hundred thousand

Page 570

sesterces—about $50,000, when that sum must have represented an amount
equal to a million of dollars in gold, at the present time, and some of whom
had an income of one thousand pounds a day, the spoil of the provinces they
had administered.

The Roman Senate, so august under the republic, still continued,
with crippled legislative powers, to wield important functions,
Roman since the ordinary official business was performed by them. The
Senate. provinces were governed by men selected from senatorial ranks.
They wore the badges of distinction; they had the best places in the
circus and theatre; they banqueted in the capitol at the public
charge; they claimed the right to elect emperors.

The equestrian order also continued to farm the revenues of the
provinces, and to furnish judges. The knights retained external
The decorations, were required to possess property equal to one-third of
equestrian the senators, and formed an aristocratic class.
s.
The consuls, too, ruled, but with delegated powers from
the [pg 562] emperor. They were his eyes, and ears, and
The voice, and hands; but neither political experience nor
consuls. military services were required as qualifications of the
office. They wore the wreath of laurel on their brow, the
striped robe of white and purple, and were attended with
lictors. All citizens made way for them, and dismounted when they passed,
and rose in their presence. The prætors, too, continued to be the supreme
judges, and the quæstors regulated the treasury. The tribunes existed also,
but without their former independence. The prefect of the city was a new
office, and overshadowed all other offices—appointed by the emperor as
his lieutenant, his most efficient executive minister, his deputy in his
absence from the city.

A standing army, ever the mark of despotism, became an imperial
institution. At the head of this army were the prætorian guards, who
The army. protected the person of the emperor, and had double pay over that
of the ordinary legionaries. They had a regular camp outside the
city, and were always on hand to suppress tumults. Twenty-five
legions were regarded as sufficient to defend the empire, and each legion

Page 571

was composed of six thousand one hundred foot and seven hundred and
twenty-six horse. They were recruited with soldiers from the countries
beyond Italy. Auxiliary troops were equal to the legions, and all together
numbered three hundred and forty thousand—the standing army of the
empire, stationed in the different provinces. Naval armaments were also
established in the different seas and in great frontier rivers.

The revenue for this great force, and the general expenses of the
government, were derived from the public domains, from direct taxes, from
mines and quarries, from salt works, fisheries and forests, from customs and
excise, from the succession to property, from enfranchisement of slaves.

The monarchy instituted by Augustus, in all but the name, was a
political necessity. Pompey would have ruled as the instrument of
Policy ofthe aristocracy, but he would only have been primus inter pares;
Augustus. Cæsar recognized [pg 563] the people as the basis of sovereignty;
Augustus based his power on an organized military establishment,
of which he was the permanent head. All the soldiers swore
personal fealty to him—all the officers were appointed by him, directly or
indirectly. But he paid respect to ancient traditions, forms, and magistracies,
especially to the dignity of the Senate, and thus vested his military power,
which was his true power, under the forms of an aristocracy, which was the
governing power before the constitution was subverted.

It need scarcely be said that the great mass of the people were indifferent to
these political changes. The horrors of the Marian and Sullan revolutions,
the struggles of Cæsar and Pompey, and the awful massacres of the
triumvirs had alarmed and disgusted all classes, and they sought repose,
security, and peace. Any government which would repress anarchy was, to
them, the best. They wished to be spared from executions and confiscations.
The great enfranchisement of foreign slaves, also, degraded the people, and
made them indifferent to the masters who should rule over them. All races
were mingled with Roman citizens. The spoliation of estates in the civil
wars cast a blight on agriculture, and the population had declined from war
and misery.

Augustus, intrenched by military power, sought to revive not merely
patrician caste, but religious customs, which had declined. Temples were

Page 572

erected, and the shrines of gods were restored. Marriage was
encouraged, and the morals of the people were regulated by
Institution sumptuary laws. Severe penalties were enacted against celibacy, to
s ofwhich the people had been led by the increasing profligacy of the
Augustus. times, and the expenses of living. Restrictions were placed on the
manumission of slaves. The personal habits of the imperator were
simple, but dignified. His mansion on the Palatine was moderate in
size. His dress was that of a senator, and woven by the hands of Livia and
her maidens. He was courteous, sober, decorous, and abstemious. His
guests were chosen for their social qualities. Virgil and Horace, plebeian
poets, were received at his table, as well as [pg 564] Pollio and Messala. He
sought to guard morals, and revive ancient traditions. He was jealous only
of those who would not flatter him. He freely spent money for games and
festivals, and secured peace and plenty within the capital, where he reigned
supreme. The people felicitated themselves on the appearance of unbounded
prosperity, and servile poets sung the praises of the emperor as if he were a
god.

And, to all appearance, Rome was the most favored spot upon the
globe. Vast fleets brought corn from Gaul, Spain, Sicily, Sardinia,
Roman Africa, and Egypt, to feed the four millions of people who
commerce. possessed the world. The capital was the emporium of all the
luxuries of distant provinces. Spices from the East, ivory, cotton,
silk, pearls, diamonds, gums thither flowed, as well as corn, oil,
and wine. A vast commerce gave unity to the empire, and brought all the
great cities into communication with each other and with Rome—the
mighty mistress of lands and continents, the directress of armies, the builder
of roads, the civilizer and conservator of all the countries which she ruled
with her iron hand. There was general security to commerce, as well as
property. There were order and law, wherever proconsular power extended.
The great highways, built originally for military purposes, extending to
every part of the empire, and crossing mountains and deserts, and forests
and marshes, and studded with pillars and post-houses, contributed vastly to
the civilization of the world.

At this time, Rome herself, though not so large and splendid as in
subsequent periods, was the most attractive place on earth. Seven aqueducts

Page 573

already brought water to the city, some over stone arches, and some
by subterranean pipes. The sepulchres of twenty generations lined
Residence the great roads which extended from the capital to the provinces.
s of theAs these roads approached the city, they became streets, and the
nobility. houses were dense and continuous. The seven original hills were
Amuseme covered with palaces and temples, while the valleys were centres of
nts of thea great population, in which were the forums, the suburra, the
aristocracy quarter of the shops, the circus, [pg 565] and the velabrum. The
. Palatine, especially, was occupied by the higher nobility. Here were
the famous mansions of Drusus, of Crassus, of Cicero, of Clodius,
of Scaurus, and of Augustus, together with the temples of Cybele,
of Juno Sospita, of Luna, of Febris, of Fortune, of Mars, and Vesta. On the
Capitoline were the Arx, or citadel, and the temple of Jupiter. On the
Pincian Hill were villas and gardens, including those of Lucullus and
Sallust. Every available inch of ground in the suburra and velabrum was
filled with dwellings, rising to great altitudes, even to the level of the
Capitoline summit. The temples were all constructed after the Grecian
models. The houses of the great were of immense size. The suburbs were of
extraordinary extent. The population exceeded that of all modern cities,
although it has been, perhaps, exaggerated. It was computed by Lipsius to
reach the enormous number of four millions. Nothing could be more
crowded than the streets, whose incessant din was intolerable to those who
sought repose. And they were filled with idlers, as well as trades-people,
and artisans and slaves. All classes sought the excitement of the theater and
circus—all repaired to the public baths. The amphitheatres collected, also,
unnumbered thousands within their walls to witness the combats of beasts
with man, and man with man. The gladiatorial sports were the most exciting
exhibitions ever known in ancient or modern times, and were the most
striking features of Roman society. The baths, too, resounded with shouts
and laughter, with the music of singers and of instruments, and even by the
recitations of poets and lecturers. The luxurious Roman rose with the light
of day, and received, at his levee, a crowd of clients and retainers. He then
repaired to the forum, or was carried through the crowds on a litter. Here he
presided as a judge, or appeared as a witness or advocate, or transacted his
business affairs. At twelve, the work of the day ceased, and he retired for
his midday siesta. When this had ended, he recreated himself with the sports
of the Field of Mars, and then repaired to the baths, after which was the

Page 574

supper, or [pg 566] principal meal, in which he indulged in the coarsest
luxuries, valued more for the cost than the elegance. He reclined at table, on
a luxurious couch, and was served by slaves, who carved for him, and filled
his cup, and poured water into his hand after every remove. He ate without
knives or forks, with his fingers only. The feast was beguiled by lively
conversation, or music and dancing.

At this period, the literature of Rome reached its highest purity and
terseness. Livy, the historian, secured the friendship of Augustus,
Roman and his reputation was so high that an enthusiastic Spaniard
literature. traveled from Cadiz on purpose to see him, and having gratified his
curiosity, immediately returned home. He took the dry chronicles
of his country, drew forth from them the poetry of the old
traditions, and incited a patriotic spirit. A friend of the old oligarchy, an
aristocrat in all his prejudices and habits, he heaped scorn on tribunes and
demagogues, and veiled the despotism of his imperial master. Virgil also
inflamed the patriotism of his countrymen, while he flattered the tyrant in
whose sunshine he basked. Patronized by Mæcenas, countenanced by
Octavius, he sung the praises of law, of order, and of tradition, and
attempted to revive an age of faith, a love of agricultural life, a taste for the
simplicities of better days, and a veneration of the martial virtues of heroic
times. Horace ridiculed and rebuked the vices of his age, and yet obtained
both riches and honors. His matchless wit and transcendent elegance of
style have been admired by every scholar for nearly two thousand years.
Propertius and Tibullus, and Ovid, also adorned this age, never afterward
equaled by the labors of men of genius. Literature and morals went hand in
hand as corruption accomplished its work. The age of Augustus saw the
highest triumph in literature that Rome was destined to behold. Imperial
tyranny was fatal to that independence of spirit without which all literature
languishes and dies. But the limit of this work will not permit an extended
notice of Roman civilization. This has been attempted by the author in
another work.

[pg 567]

Page 575

Page 576

CHAPTER XLIII.

Page 577

THE SIX CÆSARS OF THE JULIAN LINE.

We have alluded to the centralization of political power in the person of
Octavius. He simply retained all the great offices of State, and ruled, not so
much by a new title, as he did as consul, tribune, censor, pontifex maximus,
and chief of the Senate. But these offices were not at once bestowed.

His reign may be said to have commenced on the final defeat of his rivals,
B.C. 29. Two years later, he received the title of Augustus, by which he is
best known in history, although he was ordinarily called Cæsar. That proud
name never lost its pre-eminence.

The first part of the reign was memorable for the organization of
the State, and especially of the army; and also for the means he
The wivesused to consolidate his empire. Augustus had no son, and but one
of daughter, although married three times. His first wife was Clodia,
Augustus. daughter of Clodius; his second was Scribonia, sister-in-law of
Sextus Pompey; and the third was Livia Drusilla. The second wife
was the mother of his daughter, Julia. This daughter was married to
M. Claudius Marcellus, son of Marcellus and Octavia, the divorced wife of
Antonius, and sister of Octavius. M. Claudius Marcellus thus married his
cousin, but died two years afterward. It was to his honor that Augustus built
the theatre of Marcellus.

On the death of Marcellus, Augustus married his daughter Julia to
Agrippa, his prime minister and principal lieutenant. The issue of
The familythis marriage were three sons and two daughters. The sons died
of early. The youngest daughter, Agrippina, married Germanicus, and
Augustus. was the [pg 568] mother of the emperor Caligula. The marriage of
Agrippina with Germanicus united the lines of Julia and Livia, the
two last wives of Augustus, for Germanicus was the son of Drusus,
the younger son of Livia by her first husband, Tiberius Claudius Nero. The
eldest son of Livia, by Tiberius Claudius Nero, was the emperor Tiberius

Page 578

Nero, adopted by Augustus. Drusus married Antonia, the daughter of
Antonius the triumvir, and was the father, not only of Germanicus, but of
Claudius Drusus Cæsar, the fifth emperor. Another daughter of Antonius,
also called Antonia, married L. Domitius Ahenobardus, whose son married
Agrippina, the mother of Nero. Thus the descendants of Octavia and
Antony became emperors, and were intertwined with the lines of Julia and
Livia. The four successors of Augustus were all, in the male line, sprung
from Livia's first husband, and all, except Tiberius, traced their descent
from the defeated triumvir. Only the first six of the twelve Cæsars had
relationship with the Julian house.

I mention this genealogy to show the descent of the first six emperors from
Julia, the sister of Julius Cæsar, and grandmother of Augustus. Although the
first six emperors were elected, they all belonged to the Julian house, and
were the heirs of the great Cæsar.

When the government was organized, Augustus left the care of his
capital to Mæcenas, his minister of civil affairs and departed for
Mæcenas Gaul, to restore order in that province, and build a series of
and fortifications to the Danube, to check the encroachments of
Agrippa. barbarians. The region between the Danube and the Alps was
peopled by various tribes, of different names, who gave perpetual
trouble to the Romans; but they were now apparently subdued, and
the waves of barbaric conquest were stayed for three hundred years.
Vindelicea and Rhætia were added to the empire, in a single campaign, by
Tiberius and Drusus, the sons of Livia—the emperor's beloved wife.
Agrippa returned shortly after from a successful war in the East, but
sickened and died B.C. 12. By his death Julia was again a widow, and [pg
569] was given in marriage to Tiberius, whom Augustus afterward adopted
as his successor. Drusus, his brother, remained in Gaul, to complete the
subjugation of the Celtic tribes, and to check the incursions of the Germans,
who, from that time, were the most formidable enemies of Rome.

What interest is attached to those Teutonic races who ultimately
became the conquerors of the empire! They were more warlike,
The persevering, and hardy, than the Celts, who had been incorporated
Teutonic with the empire. Tacitus has painted their simple manners, their
races.

Page 579

passionate love of independence, and their religious tendency of mind. They
occupied those vast plains and forests which lay between the Rhine, the
Danube, the Vistula, and the German Ocean. Under different names they
invaded the Roman world—the Suevi, the Franks, the Alemanni, the
Burgundians, the Lombards, the Goths, the Vandals; but had not, at the time
of Augustus, made those vast combinations which threatened immediate
danger. They were a pastoral people, with blue eyes, ruddy hair, and large
stature, trained to cold, to heat, to exposure, and to fatigue. Their strength
lay in their infantry, which was well armed, and their usual order of battle
was in the form of a wedge. They were accompanied even in war with their
wives and children, and their women had peculiar virtue and influence.
They inspired that reverence which never passed away from the Germanic
nations, producing in the Middle Ages the graces of chivalry. All these
various tribes had the same peculiarities, among which reverence was one
of the most marked. They were not idol worshipers, but worshiped God in
the form of the sun, moon, and stars, and in the silence of their majestic
groves. Odin was their great traditional hero, whom they made an object of
idolatry. War was their great occupation, and the chase was their principal
recreation and pleasure. Tacitus enumerates as many as fifty tribes of these
brave warriors, who feared not death, and even gloried in their losses. The
most powerful of these tribes, in the time of Augustus, was the
confederation of the [pg 570] Suevi, occupying half of Germany, from the
Danube to the Baltic. Of this confederation the Cauci were the most
powerful, living on the banks of the Elbe, and obtaining a precarious living.
In close connection with them were the Saxons and Longobardi (Long-
beards). On the shores of the Baltic, between the Oder and the Vistula, were
the Goths.

The arms of Cæsar and Augustus had as yet been only felt by the
smaller tribes on the right bank of the Rhine, and these were
Drusus. assailed by Drusus, but only to secure his flank during the greater
enterprise of sailing down the Rhine, to attack the people of the
maritime plains. Great feats were performed by this able step-son
of Augustus, who advanced as far as the Elbe, but was mortally injured by a
fall from his horse. He lingered a month, and died, to the universal regret of
the Romans, for he was the ablest general sent against the barbarians since
Julius Cæsar, B.C. 9. The effect of his various campaigns was to check the

Page 580

inroads of the Germans for a century. It was at this time that the banks of
the Rhine were studded by the forts which subsequently became those
picturesque towns which now command the admiration of travelers.

After the death of Drusus, to whose memory a beautiful triumphal
arch was erected, Tiberius was sent against the Germans, and after
Banishme successful warfare, at the age of forty, obtained the permission of
nt of Julia. Augustus to retire to Rhodes, in order to improve his mind by the
study of philosophy, or, as it is supposed by many historians, from
jealousy of Caius and Lucius Cæsar, the children of Julia and
Agrippa—those young princes to whom the throne of the world was
apparently destined. At Rhodes, Tiberius, now the ablest man in the empire,
for both Agrippa and Mæcenas were dead, lived in simple retirement for
seven years. But the levities of Julia, to which Augustus could not be blind,
compelled him to banish her—his only daughter—to the Campanian coast,
where she died neglected and impoverished. The emperor was so indignant
in view [pg 571] of her disgraceful conduct, that he excluded her from any
inheritance. The premature death of her sons nearly broke the heart of their
grandfather, bereft of the wise councils and pleasant society of his great
ministers, and bending under the weight of the vast empire which he, as the
heir of Cæsar, had received. The loss of his grandsons compelled the
emperor to provide for his succession, and he turned his eyes to Tiberius,
his step-son, who was then at Rhodes. He adopted him as his successor, and
invested him with the tribunitian power. But, while he selected him as his
heir, he also required him to adopt Germanicus, the son of his brother
Drusus.

Another great man now appeared upon the stage, L. Domitius
Ahenobardus, the son-in-law of Octavia and Antony, who was
Domitius intrusted with the war against the Germanic tribes, and who was the
Ahenobard first Roman general to cross the Elbe. He was the grandfather of
us. Nero. But Tiberius was sent to supersede him, and following the
plan of his brother Drusus, he sent a flotilla down the Rhine, with
orders to ascend the Elbe, and meet his army at an appointed
rendezvous, which was then regarded as a great military feat, in the face of
such foes as the future conquerors of Rome. After this Tiberius was
occupied in reconquering the wide region between the Adriatic and the

Page 581

Danube, known as Illyricum, which occupied him three years, A.D. 7-9. In
this war he was assisted by his nephew and adopted son, Germanicus,
whose brilliant career revived the hope which had centred in Drusus.

Meanwhile Augustus, wearied with the cares of State, provoked by
the scandals which his daughter occasioned, and irritated by plots
Disaster ofagainst his life, began to relax his attention to business, and to grow
Varus. morose. It was then that he banished Ovid, whose Tristia made a
greater sensation than his immortal Metamorphoses. The disaster
which befell Varus with a Roman army, in the forest of Teutoburg,
near the river Lippe, when thirty thousand men were cut to pieces by the
Germans under Arminius (Hermann), completed [pg 572] the humiliation of
Augustus, for, in this defeat, he must have foreseen the future victories of
the barbarians. All ideas of extending the empire beyond the Rhine were
now visionary, and that river was henceforth to remain its boundary on the
north. New levies were indeed dispatched to the Rhine, and Tiberius and
Germanicus led the forces. But the princes returned to Rome without
effecting important results.

Soon after, in the year A.D. 14, Augustus died in his seventy-
seventh year, after a reign of forty-four years from the battle of
Death ofActium, and fifty from the triumvirate—one of the longest reigns in
Augustus. history, and one of the most successful. From his nineteenth year he
Character was prominent on the stage of Roman public life. Under his
of auspices the empire reached the Elbe, and Egypt was added to its
Augustus. provinces. He planted colonies in every province, and received
from the Parthians the captured standards of Crassus. His fleets
navigated the Northern Ocean; his armies reduced the Pannonians
and Illyrians. He added to the material glories of his capital, and sought to
secure peace throughout the world. He was both munificent and
magnificent, and held the reins of government with a firm hand. He was
cultivated, unostentatious, and genial; but ambitious, and versed in all the
arts of dissimulation and kingcraft. But he was a great monarch, and ruled
with signal ability. After the battle of Actium, his wars were chiefly with the
barbarians, and his greatest generals were members of the imperial family.
That he could have reigned so long, in such an age, with so many enemies,
is a proof of his wisdom and moderation, as well as of his good fortune.

Page 582

That he should have triumphed over such generals as Brutus, and Antonius,
and Sextus—representing the old parties of the republic, is unquestionable
evidence of transcendent ability. But his great merit was his capacity to
rule, to organize, and to civilize. He is one of the best types of a sovereign
ruler that the world has seen. It is nothing against him, that, in his latter
years, there were popular discontents. Such generally happen at the close of
all long reigns, as in the case of [pg 573] Solomon and Louis XIV. And yet,
the closing years of his reign were melancholy, like those of the French
monarch, in view of the extinction of literary glories, and the passing away
of the great lights of the age, without the appearance of new stars to take
their place. But this was not the fault of Augustus, whose intellect expanded
with his fortunes, and whose magnanimity grew with his intellect—a man
who comprehended his awful mission, and who discharged his trusts with
dignity and self-reliance.

Tiberius Cæsar, the third of the Roman emperors, found no opposition to his
elevation on the death of Augustus. He ascended the throne of the Roman
world at the mature age of fifty-six, after having won great reputation both
as a statesman and a general. He was probably the most capable man in the
empire, and in spite of all his faults, the empire was never better
administered than by him. His great misfortune and fault was the suspicion
of his nature, which made him the saddest of mankind, and finally, a
monster of cruelty.

Like Augustus, he veiled his power as emperor by assuming the old
offices of the republic. A subservient Senate and people favored the
Tiberius consolidation of the new despotism to which the world was now
veils hisaccustomed, and with power, which it cheerfully acquiesced as the
power. best government for the times. The last remnant of popular
elections was abolished, and the Comitia was transferred from the
Campus Martius to the Senate, who elected the candidate proposed
by the emperor.

The first year of the accession of Tiberius was marked by mutinies
in the legions, which were quelled by his nephew Germanicus,
Germanicu whose popularity was boundless, even as his feats had been heroic.
s. This young prince, on whom the hopes of the empire rested, had

Page 583

married Agrippina, the daughter of Julia and Agrippa, and traced through
his mother Antonia, and grandmother Octavia, a direct descent from Julia,
the sister of the dictator. The blood of Antony also ran in his veins, as well
as that of Livia. His [pg 574] wife was worthy of him, and was devotedly
attached to him. By this marriage the lines of Julia and Livia were united;
and by his descent from Antony the great parties of the revolution were
silenced. He was equally the heir of Augustus and of Antonius, of Julia and
of Livia; and of all the chiefs of Roman history no one has been painted in
fairer colors. In natural ability, in military heroism, in the virtues of the
heart, in exalted rank, he had no equal. As consul, general, and governor, he
called forth universal admiration. His mind was also highly cultivated, and
he excelled in Greek and Latin verse, while his condescending and
courteous manners won both soldiers and citizens.

Of such a man, twenty-nine years of age, Tiberius was naturally
jealous, especially since, through his wife, Germanicus was allied
Jealousy with the Octavian family and through his mother, with the sister of
of the great Julius; and, therefore, had higher claims than he, on the
Tiberius. principle of legitimacy. He was only the adopted son of Octavius,
but Germanicus, through his mother Antonia, had the same
ancestry as Octavius himself. Moreover, the cries of the legionaries,
“Cæsar Germanicus will not endure to be a subject,” added to the fears of
the emperor, that he would be supplanted. So he determined to send his
nephew on distant and dangerous expeditions, against those barbarians who
had defeated Varus.

Germanicus, no sooner than he had quelled the sedition in his
camp, set out for Germany with eight legions and an equal number
The of auxiliaries. With this large force he crossed the Rhine, revisited
campaign the scene of the slaughter of Varus, and paid funeral honors to the
of remains of the fallen Romans. But the campaigns were barren of
Germanicu results, although attended with great expenses. No fortresses were
s. Triumpherected to check the return of the barbarians from the places where
of they had been dislodged, and no roads were made to expedite
Germanicu future expeditions. Germanicus carried on war in savage and
s. barbarous tracts, amid innumerable obstacles, which tasked his
resources to the utmost. Tiberius [pg 575] was dissatisfied with

Page 584

these results, and vented his ill-humor in murmurs against his nephew. The
Roman people were offended at this jealousy, and clamored for his recall.
Germanicus, however, embarked on a third campaign, A.D. 15, with
renewed forces, and confronted the Germans on the Weser, and crossed the
river in the face of the enemy. There the Romans obtained a great victory
over Arminius, leader of the barbaric hosts, who retreated beyond the Elbe.
The great German confederacy was, for a time, dispersed. Germanicus
himself retired to the banks of the Rhine—which became the final boundary
of the empire on the side of Germany. The hero who had persevered against
innumerable obstacles, in overcoming which the discipline and force of the
Roman legions were never more apparent, not even under Julius Cæsar, was
now recalled to Rome, and a triumph was given him, amid the wildest
enthusiasm of the Roman people. The young hero was the great object of
attraction, as he was borne along in his triumphal chariot, surrounded by the
five male descendants of his union with Agrippina—his faithful and heroic
wife. Tiberius, in the name of his adopted son, bestowed three hundred
sesterces apiece upon all the citizens, and the Senate chose the popular
favorite as consul for the ensuing year, in conjunction with the emperor
himself.

Troubles in the East induced Tiberius to send Germanicus to Asia
Minor, while Drusus was sent to Illyricum. This prince was the son
Drusus. of Tiberius by his first wife, Vipsania, and was the cousin of
Germanicus. He was disgraced by the vices of debauchery and
cruelty, and was finally poisoned by his wife, Livilla, at the
instance of Sejanus. So long as Germanicus lived, the court was divided
between the parties of Drusus and Germanicus, and Tiberius artfully held
the balance of favor between them, taking care not to declare which should
be his successor. But Drusus was, probably, the favorite of the emperor,
although greatly inferior to the elder prince in every noble quality. Tiberius,
in sending him to Illyricum, wished to remove him from the [pg 576]
dissipations of the capital, and also, to place a man in that important post
who should be loyal to his authority.

In appointing Germanicus to the chief command of the provinces
beyond the Ægean, Tiberius also gave the province of Syria to
Cnæus Cnæus Piso, of the illustrious Calpurnian house, one of the
Piso.

Page 585

Death ofproudest and most powerful of the Roman nobles. His wife,
Germanicu Plancina, was the favorite of Livia,—the empress-mother,—and he
s. believed himself appointed to the government of Syria for the
purpose of checking the ambitious designs which were imputed to
Germanicus, while his wife was instructed to set up herself as a
rival to Agrippina. The moment Piso quitted Italy, he began to thwart his
superior, and to bring his authority into contempt. Yet he was treated by
Germanicus with marked kindness. After visiting the famous cities of
Greece, Germanicus marched to the frontiers of Armenia to settle its affairs
with the empire—the direct object of his mission. He crowned a prince,
called Zeno, as monarch of that country, reduced Cappadocia, and visited
Egypt, apparently to examine the political affairs of the province, but really
to study its antiquities, even as Scipio had visited Sicily in the heat of the
Punic war. For thus going out of his way, he was rebuked by the emperor.
He then retraced his steps, and shaped his course to Syria, where he found
his regulations and appointments had been overruled by Piso, between
whom and himself bitter altercations ensued. While in Syria, he fell sick
and died, and his illness was attributed to poison administered by Piso,
although there was little evidence to support the charge.

The death of Germanicus was received with great grief by the
Roman people, and the general sorrow of the Roman world, and his
Funeral ofpraises were pronounced in every quarter. He was even fondly
Germanicu compared to Alexander the Great. His character was embellished
s. Ableby the greatest master of pathos among the Roman authors, and
administra invested with a gleam of mournful splendor. His remains were
tion ofbrought to Rome by his devoted wife, and the most splendid [pg
Tiberius. 577] funeral honors were accorded to him. Drusus, with the
Excellence younger brother and children of Germanicus, went forth to meet the
of theremains, and the consuls, the Senate, and a large concourse of
imperial people, swelled the procession, as it neared the city. The precious
rule. ashes were deposited in the Cæsarian mausoleum, and the memory
of the departed prince was cherished in the hearts of the people.
Whether he would have realized the expectations formed of him,
had he lived to succeed Tiberius, can not be known. He, doubtless, had most
amiable traits of character, while his talents were undoubted. But he might
have succumbed to the temptations incident to the most august situation in

Page 586

the world, or have been borne down by its pressing cares, or have shown
less talent for administration than men disgraced by private vices. Had
Tiberius died before Augustus, his character would have appeared in the
most favorable light, for he was a man of great abilities, and was devoted to
the interests of the empire. He became moody, suspicious, and cruel, and
yielded to the pleasures so lavishly given to the master of the world. When
we remember the atmosphere of lies in which he lived,—as is the case with
all absolute monarchs, especially in venal and corrupt times,—the
unbounded temptations, the servile and sycophantic attentions of his
courtiers, the perpetual vexations and cares incident to such overgrown and
unlimited powers, and the disgust, satiety, and contempt which his
experiences engendered, we can not wonder that his character should
change for the worse. And when we see a man rendered uninteresting and
unamiable by cares, temptations, and bursts of passion or folly, yet who still
governs vigilantly and ably, our indignation should be modified, when the
lower propensities are indulged. It is not pleasant to palliate injustices,
tyrannies, and lusts. But human nature, at the best, is weak. Of all men,
absolute princes claim a charitable judgment, and our eyes should be
directed to their services, rather than to their defects. These remarks not
only pertain to Tiberius, but to Augustus, and many other emperors who
have been [pg 578] harshly estimated, but whose general ability and
devotion to the interests of the empire are undoubted. How few monarchs
have been free from the stains of occasional excesses, and that arbitrary and
tyrannical character which unlimited powers develop! Even the crimes of
monsters, whom we execrate, are to be traced to madness and intoxication,
more than to natural fierceness and wickedness. But when monarchs do
reign in justice, and conquer the temptations incident to their station, like
the Antonines, then our reverence becomes profound. “Heavy is the head
that wears a crown.” Kings are objects of our sympathy, as well as of our
envy. Their burdens are as heavy as their temptations are great; and
frivolous or wicked princes are almost certain to yield, like Nero or
Caligula, to the evils with which they are peculiarly surrounded.

But to return to our narrative of the leading events connected with the reign
of Tiberius, one of the ablest of all the emperors, so far as administrative
talents are concerned. After the death of Germanicus, which was probably
natural, the vengeance of the people and the court was directed to his

Page 587

supposed murderer, Piso. He was arraigned and tried by the Senate, not
only for the crime of which he was accused by the family of Germanicus,
who thought himself poisoned, but for exceeding his powers as governor of
Syria, which province he continued unwisely to claim. Tiberius abstained
from all interference with the great tribunal which sat in judgment. He even
checked the flow of popular feeling. Cold and hard, he allowed the trial to
take its course, without betraying sympathy or aversion, and acted with
great impartiality. Piso found no favor from the Senate or the emperor, and
killed himself when his condemnation was certain.

Relieved by the death of Germanicus and Piso, Tiberius began to
reign more despotically, and incurred the hatred of the people, to
Tiberius which he was apparently insensible. He was greatly influenced by
becomes ahis mother, Livia, an artful and ambitious princess, and by Sejanus,
tyrant. his favorite, [pg 579] a man of rare energy and ability, who was
Instrument prefect of the prætorian guards. This office, unknown to the
s ofrepublic, became the most important and influential under the
tyranny. emperors. The prefect was virtually the vizier, or prime minister,
Provincial since it was his care to watch over the personal safety of a monarch
governors. whose power rested on the military. The instruments of his
Reforms government, however, were the Senate, which he controlled
of especially by his power as censor, and the law of majestas, which
Tiberius. was virtually a great system of espionage and public accusation,
which the emperor encouraged. But his general administration was
marked by prudence, equity, and mildness. Under him the Roman
dominion was greatly consolidated, and it was his policy to guard rather
than extend the limits of the empire. The legions were stationed in those
provinces which were most likely to be assailed by external dangers,
especially on the banks of the Rhine, in Illyricum, and Dalmatia. But they
were scattered in all the provinces. The city of Rome was kept in order by
the prætorian guards. Their discipline was strenuously maintained.
Governors of provinces were kept several years in office, which policy was
justified by the apologue he was accustomed to use, founded on the same
principle as that which is recognized in all corrupt times by great
administrators, whether of States, or factories, or railroads. “A number of
flies had settled on a soldier's wound, and a compassionate passer-by was
about to scare them away. The sufferer begged him to refrain. ‘These flies,’

Page 588

he said, ‘have nearly sucked their full, and are beginning to be tolerable; if
you drive them away, they will be immediately succeeded by fresh-comers
with keener appetites.’ ” The emperor saw the abuses which existed, but
despaired to remedy them, since he distrusted human nature. But there is no
doubt that the government of the provinces was improved under this prince,
and the governors were made responsible. The emperor also was assiduous
to free Italy from robbers and banditti, and in stimulating the diligence of
the police, so that riots seldom occurred, and [pg 580] were severely
punished. There was greater security of life and property throughout the
empire, and the laws were wise and effective. Tiberius limited the number
of the gladiators, expelled the soothsayers from Italy, and suppressed the
Egyptian rites. The habits of the people, even among the higher classes,
were so generally disgraceful and immoral,—the dissipation was so widely
spread, that Tiberius despaired to check it by sumptuary laws, but he
restrained it all in his power. He was indefatigable in his vigilance. For
several years he did not quit the din and dust of the city for a single day, and
he lived with great simplicity, apparently anxious to exhibit the ancient
ideal of a Roman statesman. He took no pleasure in the sports of the circus
or theatre, and was absorbed in the cares of office, as Augustus had been
before him. Augustus, however, was a man of genius, while he was only a
man of ability, and his great defect was jealousy of the family of
Germanicus, and the favor he lavished on Sejanus, who even demanded the
hand of Livilla, the widow of Drusus,—a suit which Tiberius rejected.

Weariness of the cares of State, and the desire of repose, at last
induced Tiberius to retire from the city. He had neither happiness
Tiberius nor rest. He quarreled with Agrippina, the widow of Germanicus,
secludes and his temper was exasperated by the imputations and slanders
himself infrom which no monarch can escape. His enemies, however,
Capreæ. declared that he had no higher wish than to exercise in secret the
Sejanus. cruelty and libidinousness to which he was abandoned. For eleven
years he ruled in the retirement of his guarded fortress, and never
again re-entered the city he had left in disgust. But in this
retirement, he did not relax his vigilance in the administration of affairs,
although his government was exceedingly unpopular, and was doubtless
stained by many acts of cruelty. At Capreæ, a small island near Naples,
barren and desolate, but beautiful in climate and scenery, the master of the

Page 589

world spent his latter years, surrounded with literary men and soothsayers. I
do not [pg 581] believe the calumnies which have been heaped on this
imperial misanthrope. And yet, the eleven years he spent in his retreat were
marked by great complaints against him, and by many revolting crimes and
needless cruelties. He persecuted the family of Germanicus, banished
Agrippina, and imprisoned her son, Drusus. Sejanus, however, instigated
these proceedings, and worked upon the jealousy of the emperor. This
favorite was affianced to Livilla, the widow of Drusus, and was made
consul conjointly with Tiberius.

Tiberius penetrated, at last, the character of this ambitious officer,
and circumvented his ruin with that profound dissimulation which
His was one of his most marked traits. Sejanus conspired against his
conspiracy life, but the emperor shrank from openly denouncing him to the
and death. Senate. He used consummate craft in securing his arrest and
execution, the instrument of which was Macro, an officer of his
bodyguard, and his death was followed by the ruin of his
accomplices and friends.

Shortly after the execution of Sejanus, Drusus, the son of
Agrippina, was starved to death in prison, and many cruelties were
Death ofinflicted on the friends of Sejanus. Tiberius now began to show
Drusus. signs of insanity, and his life henceforth was that of a miserable
Death oftyrant. His career began to draw to a close, and he found himself, in
Tiberius. his fits of despair and wretchedness, supported by only three
His surviving members of the lineage of Cæsar: Tiberius Claudius
funeral. Drusus, the last of the sons of Drusus, and nephew of the emperor,
infirm in health and weak in mind, and had been excluded from
public affairs; Caius, the younger son of Germanicus, and Tiberius,
the son of the second Drusus,—the one, grand-nephew, and the other,
grandson, of the emperor. Both were young; one twenty-five, the other
eighteen. The failing old man failed to designate either as his successor, but
the voice of the public pointed out the son of Germanicus, nicknamed
Caligula. At the age of seventy-eight, the tyrant died, unable in his last
sickness to restrain [pg 582] his appetite. He died at Misenum, on his way
to Capreæ, which he had quitted for a time, to the joy of the whole empire;
for his reign, in his latter years, was one of terror, which caused a deep

Page 590

gloom to settle upon the face of the higher society at Rome, A.D. 37. The
body was carried to Rome with great pomp, and its ashes were deposited in
the mausoleum of the Cæsars. Caius was recognized as his successor
without opposition, and he commenced his reign by issuing a general
pardon to all State prisoners, and scattering, with promiscuous munificence,
the vast treasures which Tiberius had accumulated. He assumed the
collective honors of the empire with modesty, and great expectations were
formed of a peaceful and honorable reign.

Caligula was the heir of the Drusi, grandson of Julia and Agrippa, great-
grandson of Octavius, of Livia, and of Antony. In him the lines of Julia and
Livia were united. His defects and vices were unknown to the people, and
he made grand promises to the Senate. He commenced his reign by
assiduous labors, and equitable measures, and professed to restore the
golden age of Augustus. His popularity with the people was unbounded,
from his lavish expenditure for shows and festivals, by the consecration of
temples, and the distribution of corn and wine.

But it was not long before he abandoned himself to the most
extravagant debauchery. His brain reeled on the giddy eminence to
Caligula. which he had been elevated without previous training and
His experience. Augustus fought his own way to power, and Tiberius
infamous had spent the best years of his life in the public service before his
pleasures. elevation. Yet even he, with all his experience and ability, could not
Cruelty ofresist the blandishments of power. How, then, could a giddy and
Caligula. weak young man, without redeeming qualities? He fell into the
vortex of pleasures, and reeling in the madness which excesses
caused, was soon guilty of the wildest caprices, and the most cruel
atrocities. He was corrupted by flattery as well as pleasure. He even
descended [pg 583] into the arena of the circus as a charioteer, and the races
became a State institution. In a few months he squandered the savings of
the previous reign, swept away the wholesome restraints which Augustus
and Tiberius had imposed upon gladiators, and carried on the sports of the
amphitheatre with utter disregard of human life. His extravagance and his
necessities led to the most wanton murders of senators and nobles whose
crime was their wealth. The most redeeming features of the first year of his
reign were his grief at the death of his sister, his friendship with Herod

Page 591

Agrippa, to whom he gave a sovereignty in Palestine, and the activity he
displayed in the management of his vast inheritance. He had a great passion
for building, and completed the temple of Augustus, projected the grandest
of the Roman aqueducts, enlarged the imperial palace, and carried a viaduct
from the Palatine to the Capitoline over the lofty houses of the Velabrum.
But his prodigalities led to a most oppressive taxation, which soon alienated
the people, while his senseless debaucheries, especially his costly banquets,
disgusted the more contemplative of the nobles. He was also disgraced by
needless cruelties, and it was his exclamation: “Would that the people of
Rome had but one neck!” His vanity was preposterous. He fancied himself
divine, and insisted on divine honors being rendered to him. He
systematically persecuted the nobles, and exacted contributions. He fancied
himself, at one time an orator, and at another a general; and absolutely led
an army to the Rhine, when there was no enemy to attack. He married
several wives, but divorced them with the most fickle inconstancy.

It is needless to repeat the wanton follies of this young man who so
outrageously disgraced the imperial station. The most charitable
His construction to be placed upon acts which made his name infamous
madness among the ancients is that his brain was turned by his elevation to a
and folly.dignity for which he was not trained or disciplined—that
His unbounded power, united with the most extravagant abandonment
assassinati [pg 584] to sensual pleasures, undermined his intellect. His
on. caprices and extravagance can only be explained by partial
madness. He had reigned but four years, and all expectations of
good government were dispelled. The majesty of the empire was
insulted, and assassination, the only way by which he could be removed,
freed the world from a madman, if not a monster.

There was great confusion after the assassination of Caius Cæsar, and ill-
concerted efforts to recover a freedom which had fled forever, ending, as
was to be expected, by military power. The consuls convened the Senate for
deliberation (for the forms of the republic were still kept up), but no settled
principles prevailed. Various forms of government were proposed and
rejected. While the Senate deliberated, the prætorian guards acted.

Page 592

Among the inmates of the palace, in that hour of fear, among slaves
and freed men, half hidden behind a curtain in an obscure corner,
Claudius. was a timid old man, who was dragged forth with brutal violence.
He was no less a personage than Claudius, the neglected uncle of
the emperor, the son of Drusus and Antonia, and nephew of
Tiberius, and brother of Germanicus. Instead of slaying the old man, the
soldiers, respecting the family of Cæsar, hailed him, partly in jest, as
imperator, and carried him to their camp. Claudius, heretofore thought to be
imbecile, and therefore despised, was not unwilling to accept the dignity,
and promised the prætorians, if they would swear allegiance to him, a
donation of fifteen thousand sesterces apiece. The Senate, at the dictation of
the prætorians, accepted Claudius as emperor.

He commenced his reign, A.D. 41, by proclaiming a general
amnesty. He restored confiscated estates, recalled the wretched
His effortssisters of Caius, sent back to Greece and Asia the plundered statues
at reform. of temples which Caius had transported to Rome, and inaugurated a
régime of moderation and justice. His life had been one of sickness,
neglect, and obscurity, but he was suffered to live because he [pg
585] was harmless. His mother was ashamed of him, and his grandmother,
Livia, despised him, and his sister, Livilla, ridiculed him. He was withheld
from public life, and he devoted himself to literary pursuits, and even wrote
a history of Roman affairs from the battle of Actium, but it gained him no
consideration. Tiberius treated him with contumely, and his friends deserted
him. All this neglect and contempt were the effects of a weak constitution, a
paralytic gait, and an imperfect utterance.

Claudius took Augustus as his model, and at once a great change in
the administration was observable. There was a renewed activity of
The ablethe armies on the frontiers, and great generals arose who were
administra destined to be future emperors. The colonies were strengthened and
tion ofprotected, and foreign affairs were conducted with ability. Herod
Claudius. Agrippa, the favorite of Caius, was confirmed in his government of
Galilee, and received in addition the dominions of Samaria and
Judæa. Antiochus was restored to the throne of Commagene, and
Mithridates received a district of Cilicia. The members of the Senate were
made responsible for the discharge of their magistracies, and vacancies to

Page 593

this still august body were filled up from the wealthy and powerful families.
He opened an honorable career to the Gauls, revised the lists of the knights,
and took an accurate census of Roman citizens. He conserved the national
religion, and regulated holidays and festivals. His industry and patience
were unwearied, and the administration of justice extorted universal
admiration. His person was accessible to all petitioners, and he relieved
distress wherever he found it. He relinquished the most grievous exactions
of his predecessors, and tenderly guarded neglected slaves. He also
constructed great architectural works, especially those of utility, completed
the vast aqueduct which Caius commenced, and provided the city with
provisions. He built the port of Ostia, to facilitate commerce, and drained
marshes and lakes. The draining of the Lake Fucinus occupied thirty
thousand men for eleven years. [pg 586] While he executed vast
engineering works to supply the city with water, he also amused the people
with gladiatorial shows. In all things he showed the force of the old Roman
character, in spite of bodily feebleness.

The most memorable act of his administration was the conquest of
South Britain. By birth a Gaul, being born at Lugdunum, he cast his
Conquest eyes across the British channel and resolved to secure the island
of Britain. beyond as the extreme frontier of his dominions, then under the
dominion of the Druids—a body of Celtic priests whom the
Romans ever detested, and whose rites all preceding emperors had
proscribed. Julius Cæsar had pretended to impose a tribute on the chiefs of
Southern Britain, but it was never exacted. Both Augustus and Tiberius felt
but little interest in the political affairs of that distant island, but the rapid
progress of civilization in Gaul, and the growing cities on the banks of the
Rhine, elicited a spirit of friendly intercourse. Londinium, a city which
escaped the notice of Cæsar, was a great emporium of trade in the time of
Claudius. But the southern chieftains were hostile, and jealous of their
independence. So Claudius sent four legions to Britain, under Plautius, and
his lieutenant, Vespasianus, to oppose the forces under Caractacus. He even
entered Britain in person, and subdued the Trinobantes. But for nine years
Caractacus maintained an independent position. He was finally overthrown
in battle, and betrayed to the Romans, and exhibited at Rome. The
insurrection was suppressed, or rather, a foothold was secured in the island,
which continued henceforth under the Roman rule.

Page 594

The feeble old man, always nursed by women, had the misfortune
to marry, for his third wife, the most infamous woman in Roman
Messalina. annals (Valeria Messalina), under whose influence the reign, at first
beneficent, became disgraceful. Claudius was entirely ruled by her.
She amassed fortunes, sold offices, confiscated estates, and
indulged in guilty loves. She ruled like a Madame de Pompadour, and
degraded the throne which she ought to have [pg 587] exalted. The
influence of women generally was bad in those corrupt times, but her
influence was scandalous and degrading.

Claudius also was governed by his favorites, generally men of low birth—
freedmen who usurped the place of statesmen. Narcissus and Pallus were
the most confidential of the emperor's advisers, who, in consequence,
became enormously rich, for favors flowed through them, and received the
great offices of State. The court became a scene of cabals and crimes,
disgraced by the wanton shamelessness of the empress and the venality of
courtiers. Appius Silanus, one of the best and greatest of the nobles, was
murdered through the intrigues of Messalina, to whose progress in
wickedness history furnishes no parallel, and Valerius Asiaticus, another
great noble, also suffered the penalty of offending her, and was destroyed;
and his magnificent gardens, which she coveted, were bestowed upon her.

But Messalina was rivaled in iniquity by another princess, between
whom and herself there existed the deadliest animosity. Thus was
Agrippina. Agrippina, the daughter of Germanicus, who had been married to
Assassinat Cn. Domitius Ahenobardus, grandson of Octavia, and whose issue
ion ofwas the future emperor Nero. The niece of Claudius occupied the
Messalina. second place in the imperial household, and it became her aim to
Marriage poison the mind of her uncle against the woman she detested, and
of who returned her hatred. She now leagued with the freedmen of the
Claudius palace to destroy her rival. An opportunity to gratify her vengeance
with soon occurred. Messalina, according to Tacitus, was guilty of the
Agrippina. inconceivable madness of marrying Silanus, one of her paramours,
while her husband lived, and that husband an emperor, which story
can not be believed without also supposing that Claudius was a
perfect idiot. Such a defiance of law, of religion, and of the feelings of
mankind, to say nothing of its folly, is not to be supposed. Yet such was the

Page 595

scandal, and it filled the imperial household with consternation. Callistus,
Pallas, and Narcissus—the favorites who ruled Claudius—united [pg 588]
with Agrippina to secure her ruin. The emperor, then absent in Ostia, was
informed of the shamelessness of his wife. It was difficult for him to believe
such a fact, but it was attested by the trusted members of his household. His
fears were excited, as well as his indignation, and he hastened to Rome for
vengeance and punishment. Messalina had retired to her magnificent
gardens on the Pineian, which had once belonged to Lucullus, the price of
the blood of the murdered Asiaticus; but, on the approach of the emperor, of
which she was informed, she advanced boldly to confront him, with every
appearance of misery and distress, with her children Britannicus and
Octavia. Claudius vacillated, and Messalina retired to her gardens, hoping
to convince her husband of her innocence on the interview which he
promised the following day. But Narcissus, knowing her influence, caused
her to be assassinated, and the emperor drowned his grief, or affection, or
anger, in wine and music, and seemingly forgot her. That Messalina was a
wicked and abandoned woman is most probable; that she was as bad as
history represents her, may be doubted, especially when we remember she
was calumniated by a rival, who succeeded in taking her place as wife. It is
easier to believe she was the victim of Agrippina and the freedmen, who
feared as well as hated her, than to accept the authority of Tacitus and
Juvenal. On the death of Messalina, Agrippina married her uncle, and the
Senate sanctioned the union, which was incest by the Roman laws.

The fourth wife of the emperor transcended the third in intrigue and
ambition, and her marriage, at the age of thirty-three, was soon
Infamy offollowed by the betrothal of her son, L. Domitius, a boy of twelve,
Agrippina. with Octavia, the daughter of Claudius and Messalina. He was
adopted by the emperor, and assumed the name of Nero.
Henceforth she labored for the advancement of her son only. She
courted the army and the favor of the people, and founded the city on the
Rhine which we call Cologne. But she outraged the notions [pg 589] and
sentiments of the people more by her unfeminine usurpation of public
honors, than by her cruelty or her dissoluteness. She seated herself by the
side of the emperor in military festivals. She sat by him at a sea-fight on the
Lucrine Lake, clothed in a soldier's cloak. She took her station in front of
the Roman standard, when Caractacus, the conquered British chief, was

Page 596

brought in chains to the emperor's tribunal. She caused the dismissal of the
imperial officers who incurred her displeasure. She exercised a paramount
sway over her husband, and virtually ruled the empire. She distracted the
palace with discords, cabals, and jealousies.

How the bad influence of these women over the mind of Claudius can be
reconciled with the vigilance, and the labors, and the beneficent measures
of the emperor, as generally admitted, history does not narrate. But it was
during the ascendency of both Messalina and Agrippina, that Claudius
presided at the tribunals of justice with zeal and intelligence, that he
interested himself in works of great public utility, and that he carried on
successful war in Britain.

In the year A.D. 54, and in the fourteenth of his reign, Claudius,
exhausted by the affairs of State, and also, it is said, by
Death ofintemperance, fell sick at Rome, and sought the medicinal waters of
Claudius. Sinuessa. It was there that Agrippina contrived to poison him, by
the aid of Locusta, a professed poisoner, and Xenophon, a
physician, while she affected an excess of grief. She held his son
Britannicus in her arms, and detained him and his sisters in the palace,
while every preparation was made to secure the accession of her own son,
Nero. She was probably prompted to this act from fear that she would be
supplanted and punished, for Claudius had said, when wine had unloosed
his secret thoughts, “that it was his fate to suffer the crimes of his wives, but
at last to punish them.” She also was eager to elevate her own son to the
throne, which, of right, belonged to Britannicus, and whose rights might
have been subsequently acknowledged by the emperor, for his eyes [pg
590] could not be much longer blinded to the character of his wife.

Claudius must not be classed with either wicked or imbecile
princes, in spite of his bodily infirmities, or the slanders with which
Character his name is associated. It is probable he indulged to excess in the
of pleasures of the table, like the generality of Roman nobles, but we
Claudius. are to remember that he ever sought to imitate Augustus in his
wisest measures; that he ever respected letters when literature was
falling into contempt; that his administration was vigorous and
successful, fertile in victories and generals; that he exceeded all his

Page 597

ministers in assiduous labors, and that he partially restored the dignity and
authority of the Senate. His great weakness was in being ruled by favorites
and women; but his favorites were men of ability, and his women were his
wives.

Nero, the son of Agrippina and Cn. Domitius Ahenobardus, by the
assistance of the prætorian guards, was now proclaimed imperator,
Ascension A.D. 54, directly descended, both on his paternal and maternal side,
of Nero.from Antonia Major, the granddaughter of Antony and Domitius
His earlyAhenobardus. Through Octavia, his grandmother, he traced his
character. descent from the family of Cæsar. The Domitii—the paternal
ancestors of Nero—had been illustrious for several hundred years,
and no one was more distinguished than Lucius Domitius, called
Ahenobardus, or Red-Beard, in the early days of the republic. The father of
Nero, who married Agrippina, was as infamous for crimes as he was exalted
for rank. But he died when his son Nero was three years of age. He was left
to the care of his father's sister, Domitia Lepida, the mother of Messalina,
and was by her neglected. His first tutors were a dancer and a barber. On the
return of his mother from exile his education was more in accordance with
his rank, as a prince of the blood, though not in the line of succession. He
was docile and affectionate as a child, and was intrusted to the care of
Seneca, by whom he was taught rhetoric and moral philosophy, [pg 591]
and who connived at his taste for singing, piping, and dancing, the only
accomplishments of which, as emperor, he was afterward proud. He was
surrounded with perils, in so wicked an age, as were other nobles, and, by
his adoption, was admitted a member of the imperial family—the sacred
stock of the Claudii and Julii. He was under the influence of his mother—
the woman who subverted Messalina, and murdered Claudius,—who used
every art and intrigue to secure his accession.

When he mounted the throne of the Cæsars, he gave promise of a
benignant reign. His first speech to the Senate made a good
He givesimpression, and his first acts were beneficent. But he ruled only
promise ofthrough his mother, who aspired to play the empress, a woman who
reigning gave answers to ambassadors, and sent dispatches to foreign courts.
wisely. Burrhus, the prefect of the imperial guard, and Seneca, tutor and
minister, through whose aid the claims of Nero had been preferred

Page 598

over those of Britannicus, the son of the late emperor, opposed her
usurpations, and attempted to counteract her influence.

The early promises of Nero were not fulfilled. He soon gave vent to
every vice, which was disguised by his ministers. One of the first
New acts was to disgrace the freedman, Pallas,—the prime minister of
developme Claudius,—and to destroy Britannicus by poison, which crimes
nts in thewere palliated, if not suggested, by Seneca.
character
of Nero. The influence which Seneca and Burrhus had over the
young emperor, who screened his vices from the eyes of
His the people and Senate, necessarily led to a division
ministers. between Nero and Agrippina. He withdrew her guard of
honor, and paid her only formal visits, which conduct led
to the desertion of her friends, and the open hostility of her
enemies. The wretched woman defended herself against the charges they
brought, with spirit, and for a time she escaped. The influence of Seneca, at
this period, was paramount, and was exerted for the good of the empire, so
that the Senate acquiesced in the public measures of Nero, and no notice
was [pg 592] taken of his private irregularities. The empress mother
apparently yielded to the ascendency of the ministers, and provoked no
further trial of strength.

Thus five years passed, until Nero was twenty-two, when Poppæa
Sabina, the fairest woman of her time, appeared upon the stage.
Poppæa Among the dissolute women of imperial Rome, she was pre-
Sabina. eminent. Introduced to the intimacy of Nero, she aspired to still
Her vilehigher elevation, and this was favored by the detestation with
character. which Agrippina was generally viewed, and the continued decline
of her influence, since she had ruled by fear rather than love.
Poppæa was now found intriguing against her, and induced Nero to
murder his own mother, to whose arts and wickedness he owed his own
elevation. The murder was effected in her villa, on the Lucrine Lake, under
circumstances of utter brutality. Nero came to examine her mangled body,
and coolly praised the beauty of her form. Nor were her ashes even placed
in the mausoleum of Augustus. This wicked Jezebel, who had poisoned her
husband, and was accused of every crime revolting to our nature, paid the

Page 599

penalty of her varied infamies, and her name has descended to all
subsequent ages as the worst woman of antiquity.

With the murder of Agrippina, the madness and atrocities of Nero
gained new force. He now appears as a monster, and was only
The tolerated for the amusements with which he appeased the Roman
infamies people. He disgraced the imperial dignity by descending upon the
of Nero. stage, which was always infamous; he instituted demoralizing
games; he was utterly insensible to national sentiments and
feelings; he exceeded all his predecessors in extravagance and
follies; he was suspected of poisoning Burrhus, by whom he was advanced
to power; he executed men of the highest rank, whose crime was their
riches; he destroyed the members of the imperial family; he murdered
Doryphorus and Pallas, because they were averse to his marriage with
Poppæa; he drove his chariot in the Circus Maximus, pleased with the
acclamations of two hundred thousand spectators; [pg 593] he gave
banquets in which the utmost excesses of bacchanalian debauchery were
openly displayed; he is said to have kindled the conflagration of his own
capital; he levied oppressive taxes to build his golden palace, and support
his varied extravagance; he even destroyed his tutor and minister, Seneca,
that he might be free from his expostulations, and take possession of the
vast fortune which this philosopher had accumulated in his service; and he
finally kicked his wife so savagely that she died from the violence he
inflicted. If it were possible to add to his enormities, his persecution of the
Christians swelled the measure of his infamies—the first to which they had
been subjected in Rome, and in which Paul himself was a victim. But his
government was supported by the cruelty and voluptuousness of the age,
and which has never been painted in more vivid colors than by St. Paul
himself. The corrupt morality of the age tolerated all these crimes, and
excesses, and follies—an age which saw no great writers except Seneca,
Lucan, Perseus, and Martial, two of whom were murdered by the emperor.

But the hour of retribution was at hand. The provinces were
discontented, and the city filled with cabals and conspiracies.
Conspiraci Though one of them, instigated by Piso, was unsuccessful, and its
es againstauthors punished, a revolt in Gaul, headed by Galba—an old
him. Flightveteran of seventy-two, and assisted by Vindex and Virginius, was
of Nero.

Page 600

Death offatal to Nero. The Senate and the prætorian guards favored the
Nero. revolution. The emperor was no longer safe in his capital. Terrified
by dreams, and stung by desertion, the wretched tyrant fled to the
Servilian Gardens, and from thence to the villa of one of his
freedmen, near which he committed suicide, at the age of thirty-six, and in
the fourteenth year of his inglorious reign, during which there are scarcely
other events to chronicle than his own personal infamies. “In him perished
the last scion of the stock of the Julii, refreshed in vain by grafts from the
Octavii, the Claudii, and the Domitii.” Though the first of the emperors had
married four wives, the second three, the third two, [pg 594] the fourth
three, the fifth six, and the sixth three, yet Nero was the last of the Cæsars.
None of the five successors of Julius were truly his natural heirs. They trace
their lineage to his sister Julia, but the three last had in their veins the blood
of Antony as well as Octavia, and thus the descendants of the triumvir
reigned at Rome as well as those of his rival Octavius. We have only to
remark that it is strange that the Julian line should have been extinguished
in the sixth generation, with so many marriages.

[pg 595]

Page 601

Page 602

CHAPTER XLIV.

Page 603

THE CLIMAX OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

On the extinction of the Julian line, a new class of emperors succeeded, by
whom the prosperity of the empire was greatly advanced. We have now to
fall back on Niebuhr, Gibbon, and the Roman historians, and also make
more use of Smith's digest of these authors. But so much ground still
remains to go over, that we can only allude to salient points, and our notice
of succeeding emperors must be brief.

The empire was now to be the prize of successful soldiers, and
Galba, at the age of seventy-three, was saluted imperator by the
Galba. legions before the death of Nero, A.D. 68, and acknowledged by
the Senate soon after. There is nothing memorable in his short reign
of a few months, and he was succeeded by Otho, who only reigned
three months, and he was succeeded by Vitellius, who was removed by
violent death, like Galba and Otho. These three emperors left no mark, and
were gluttons and sensualists, who excited nothing but contempt; soldiers of
fortune—only respectable in inferior rank.

On the first of July, A.D. 69, Titus Flavius Vespasianus, of humble
family, arose, as general, to the highest honors of the State, and was
Vespasian first proclaimed emperor at Alexandria, at the close of the Jewish
proclaime war, which he conducted to a successful issue. A brief contest with
d emperor. Vitellius secured his recognition by the Senate, and the first of the
Flavian line began to reign—a man of great talents and virtues. On
the fall of Jerusalem, his son Titus returned to Rome, and
celebrated a joint triumph with his father, and the gates of the temple of
Janus were shut,—the [pg 596] first time since Augustus,—and universal
peace was proclaimed.

One of the first acts of the new emperor was to purify the Senate, reduced
to two hundred members, soon followed by the restoration of the finances.
He rebuilt the capitol, erected the temple of Peace, the new forum, the baths

Page 604

of Titus, and the Coliseum. He extended a generous patronage to
letters, and under his reign Quintilian, the great rhetorician, and
His firstPliny, the naturalist, flourished. It was in the ninth year of his reign
acts. Titus. that an eruption of Vesuvius occurred, when Herculaneum and
Pompeii were destroyed, to witness which Pliny lost his life.
Vespasian had associated with himself his son Titus in the
government, and died, after a reign of ten years, exhausted by the cares of
empire; and Titus quietly succeeded him, but reigned only for two years and
a quarter, and was succeeded by his brother, Domitian, a man of some
ability, but cruel, like Nero. He was ten years younger than Titus, and was
thirty years of age when proclaimed emperor by the prætorians, and
accepted by the Senate, A.D. 81. At first he was a reformer, but soon was
stained by the most odious vices. He continued the vast architectural works
of his father and brother, and patronized learning.

It was during the reign of Domitian that Britain was finally
conquered by Agricola, who was recalled by the jealousy of the
Domitian. emperor, after a series of successes which gave him immortality.
Conquest The reduction of this island did not seriously commence until the
of Britain. reign of Claudius. By Nero, Suetonius Paulinus was sent to Britain,
and under him Agricola took his first lessons of soldiership. Under
Vespasian he commanded the twentieth legion in Britain, and was
the twelfth Roman general sent to the island. On his return to Rome he was
made consul, and Britain was assigned to him as his province, where he
remained seven years, until he had extended his conquests to the Grampian
Hills. He taught the Britons the arts and luxuries of civilized life, to settle in
towns, and to [pg 597] build houses and temples. Among the foes he
encountered, the most celebrated was Boadicea, queen of the Iceni, on the
eastern coast, who led the incredible number of two hundred and forty
thousand against the Roman legions, but was defeated, with the loss of
eighty thousand,—some atonement for the seventy thousand Romans, and
their allies, who had been slain at Londinium, when Suetonius Paulinus
commanded.

The year of Agricola's recall, A.D. 84, forms the epoch of the
undisguised tyranny which Domitian subsequently exercised. The
Persecutio reign of informers and proscriptions recommenced, and many
n of

Page 605

Christians. illustrious
men were executed for insufficient reasons. The
Christians were persecuted, and the philosophers were banished,
and yet he received the most fulsome flattery from the poet Martial.
The tyrant lived in seclusion, in his Alban villa, and was finally
assassinated, after a reign of fifteen years, A.D. 96.

On his death a new era of prosperity and glory was inaugurated, by
the election of Nerva, and for five successive reigns the Roman
Nerva. world was governed with virtue and ability. It is the golden era of
Roman history, praised by Gibbon and admired by all historians,
during which the eyes of contemporaries saw nothing but to
panegyrize.

Marcus Cocceius Nerva was the great-grandson of a minister of
Octavius, and was born in Umbria. He was consul with Vespasian,
Death ofA.D. 71, and with Domitian, in A.D. 90, and was far advanced in
Nerva. life when chosen by the Senate. The public events of his short but
beneficent reign are unimportant. He relieved poverty, diminished
the expenses of the State, and set, in his own life, an example of
republican simplicity. But he did not reign long enough to have his
character tested. He died in sixteen months after his elevation to the purple.
His chief work was to create a title for his successor, for he assumed the
right of adoption, and made choice of Trajan, without [pg 598] regard to his
own kin, then at the head of the armies of Germany.

The new emperor, one of the most illustrious that ever reigned at
Rome, was born in Spain, A.D. 52, and had spent his life in the
Trajan. camp. He had a tall and commanding form, was social and genial in
his habits, and inspired universal respect. No better choice could
have been made. He entered his capital without pomp, unattended
by guards, distinguished only for the dignity of his bearing, allowing free
access to his person, and paying vows to the gods of his country. His wife,
Plotina, bore herself as the spouse of a simple senator, and his sister,
Marciana, exhibited a demeanor equally commendable.

The great external event of his reign was the war against the Dacians, and
their country was the last which the Romans subdued in Europe. They
belonged to the Thracian group of nations, and were identical with the

Page 606

Getæ. They inhabited the country which was bordered on the south
by the Danube and Mœsia. They were engaged in frequent wars
The with the Romans, and obtained a decided advantage, in the reign of
Dacian Domitian, under their king Decebalus. The honor of the empire was
war. so far tarnished as to pay a tribute to Dacia, but Trajan resolved to
Gladiatori wipe away the disgrace, and headed himself an expedition into this
al sports.distant country, A.D. 101, with eighty thousand veterans, subdued
The ForumDecebalus, and added Dacia to the provinces of the empire. He
Trajanum. built a bridge over the Danube, on solid stone piers, about two
hundred and twenty miles below the modern Belgrade, which was a
remarkable architectural work, four thousand five hundred and
seventy feet in length. Enough treasures were secured by the conquest of
Dacia to defray the expenses of the war, and of the celebrated triumph
which commemorated his victories. At the games instituted in honor of this
conquest, eleven thousand beasts were slain, and ten thousand gladiators
fought in the Flavian Amphitheatre. The column on which his victories
were represented still remains to perpetuate his magnificence, with its [pg
599] two thousand five hundred figures in bas-relief, winding in a spiral
band around it from the base to the summit—one of the most interesting
relics of antiquity. Near this column were erected the Forum Trajanum, and
the Basilica Ulpia, the former one thousand one hundred feet long, and the
basilica connected with it, surrounded with colonnades, and filled with
colossal statues. This enormous structure covered more ground than the
Flavian Amphitheatre, and was built by the celebrated Apollodorus, of
Damascus. It filled the whole space between the Capitoline and the
Quirinal. The double colonnade which surrounded it was one of the most
beautiful works of art in the world.

On the conquest of Dacia, Trajan devoted himself to the internal
administration of his vast empire. He maintained the dignity of the Senate,
and allowed the laws to take their course. He was untiring in his efforts to
provide for the material wants of his subjects, and in developing the
resources of the empire, nor did he rule by oppressive exactions.

After seven years of wise administration, he again was called into
the field to extend the eastern frontier of the empire. His efforts
The were directed against Armenia and Parthia. He reduced the former
Parthian

Page 607

expedition.to a Roman province, and advanced into those Caucasian regions
Death ofwhere no Roman imperator had preceded him, except Pompey,
Trajan. receiving the submission of Iberians and Albanians. To overthrow
Parthia was now his object, and he advanced across the Tigris to
Ctesiphon. In the Parthian capital he was saluted as imperator; but,
oppressed with gloom and enfeebled by sickness, he did not presume to
reach, as he had aspired, the limits of the Macedonian conquest. He was too
old for such work. He returned to Antioch, sickened, and died in Cilicia,
August, A.D. 117, after a prosperous and even glorious reign of nineteen
and a half years. But he had the satisfaction of having raised the empire to a
state of unparalleled prosperity, and of having extended its limits on the east
and on the west to the farthest point it ever reached.

[pg 600]

Publius Ælius Hadrian succeeded this great emperor, and was born
in Rome A.D. 76, and was a son of the first cousin of Trajan. He
Hadrian. made extraordinary attainments as a youth, and served honorably in
the armies of his country, especially during the Dacian wars. At
twenty-five he was quæstor, at thirty-one he was prætor, and in the
following year was made consul, for the forms of the old republic were
maintained under the emperors. He was adopted by Trajan, and left at the
head of the army at Antioch at the age of forty-two, when Trajan died on his
way to Rome. He was at once proclaimed emperor by the army, and its
choice was confirmed by the Senate.

He entered upon his reign with matured knowledge and experience,
and sought the development of the empire rather than its extension
His beyond the Euphrates. He therefore withdrew his armies from
warlike Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Parthia, and returned to Rome to
expedition celebrate, in Trajan's name, a magnificent triumph, and by
s. employing the spoils of war in largesses and remission of taxes.
Averse to the extension of the empire, he still aimed to secure its
limits from hostile inroads, and was thus led to repel invasions in
Dacia and Britain. He marched at the head of his legions, bareheaded and
on foot, as far as Mœsia, and in another campaign through Gaul to the
Rhine, and then crossed over to Britain, and secured the northern frontier,

Page 608

by a wall sixty-eight and a half miles in length, against the Caledonians. He
then returned to Gaul, passed through Spain, crossed the straits to
Mauritania, threatened by the Moors, restored tranquillity, and then
advanced to the frontiers of Parthia. He then returned through Asia Minor,
and across the Ægean to Athens, and commenced the splendid works with
which he adorned the intellectual capital of the empire. Before returning to
Rome, he visited Carthage and Sicily.

Five years later, he made a second progress through the empire,
which lasted ten years, with some intervals, spent in his capital,
Hadrian residing chiefly at Athens, constructing great [pg 601] architectural
visits theworks, and holding converse with philosophers and scholars.
provinces. During this period he visited Alexandria, whose schools were
rivaled only by those of Athens, studying the fantastic philosophy
of the Gnostics, and probably examining the Christian system. He
ascended the Nile as far as Thebes, and then repaired to Antioch, and
returned to Rome through Asia Minor. In his progress, he not merely
informed himself of the condition of the empire, but corrected abuses, and
made the Roman rule tolerable.

His remaining years were spent at Rome, diligently administrating
the affairs of his vast government, founding libraries and schools,
His publicand decorating his capital with magnificent structures. His temple
works. of Venus at Rome was the largest ever erected in the city, and his
mausoleum, stripped of its ornaments, now forms the Castle of St.
Angelo. Next to the Coliseum, it was the grandest architectural
monument in Rome. He also built a villa at Tivoli, whose remains are
among the most interesting which seventeen centuries have preserved.

This good emperor made a noble choice for his successor, Titus Aurelius
Antonius, and soon after died childless, A.D. 138, after a peaceful reign of
twenty-one years, in which, says Merivale, “he reconciled, with eminent
success, things hitherto found irreconcilable: a contented army and a
peaceful frontier; an abundant treasury with lavish expenditure; a free
Senate and stable monarchy; and all this without the lustre of a great
military reputation, the foil of an odious predecessor, or disgust at recent
civil commotions. He recognized, in theory, both conquerors and conquered

Page 609

as one people, and greeted in person every race among his subjects.” He
had personal defects of character, but his reign is one of the best of the
imperial series, and marked the crowning age of Roman civilization.

Antonius Pius, his successor, had less ability, but a still more
faultless character. He sprung from the ranks of the nobility; was
Antonius consul in the third [pg 602] year of Hadrian, and was prefect of
Pius. Asia until his adoption, when he took up his residence in Rome,
Death ofand never left its neighborhood during the remainder of his life. His
Antonius. peaceful reign is barren of external events, but fruitful in the peace
His and security of his subjects, and the only drawback in his happiness
eulogy. was the licentious character of his wife, who bore him two sons and
two daughters. The sons died before his elevation, but one of his
daughters married M. Annius Verus, whom he adopted as his
successor, and associated with him in the government of the empire. He
died after a reign of twenty-three years, and was buried in the mausoleum
of Hadrian, which he completed. His character is thus drawn by his son-in-
law and successor, Marcus Aurelius: “In my father, I noticed mildness of
manner with firmness of resolution, contempt of vainglory, industry in
business, and accessibility of person. He knew how to relax, as well as
when to labor. From him I learned to acquiesce in every fortune, to exercise
foresight in public affairs, to rise superior to vulgar praises, to worship the
gods without superstition, to serve mankind without ambition, to be sober
and steadfast, to be content with little, to be no sophist or dreaming
bookworm, to be practical and active, to be neat and cheerful, to be
temperate, modest in dress, and indifferent to the beauty of slaves and
furniture, not to be led away by novelties, yet to render honor to true
philosophers.” What a picture of a heathen emperor, drawn by a pagan
philosopher!—the single purpose of ruling for the happiness of their
subjects, and realizing the idea of a paternal government, and this in one of
the most corrupt periods of Roman society.

Marcus Aurelius, like Trajan and Hadrian, derived his origin from
Spain, but was born in Italy. His features are the most
Marcus conspicuously preserved in the repositories of ancient art, as his
Aurelius. name is the most honorably enshrined on the pages of history—the
noblest and most august type of the ancient rulers of the world, far

Page 610

transcending any Jewish king in the severity of his virtues, and [pg 603] the
elevation of his soul. His life was modeled on the strictest discipline of the
stoical philosophy, of which he was the brightest ornament. He was nearly
forty years of age on the death of his father-in-law, although for twenty-
three years he had sat side by side with him on the tribunals of the State.
His reign, therefore, was virtually a long one, and he was devoted to all the
duties which his station imposed. He was great as ruler, as he was profound
as a philosopher.

It was under his illustrious reign that the barbarians formed a
general union for the invasion of the Roman world, and struck the
Invasion first of those fatal blows under which the empire finally
of thesuccumbed. We have but little information of the long contest with
empire. Germans, Sarmatians, Marcomanni, Quadi, and Alani, on the banks
Death ofof the Danube, who were pressed forward by the Scythian tribes.
Aurelius. They were repelled, indeed, but they soon after advanced, with
renovated forces, when the empire was weakened by the miserable
emperors who succeeded Aurelius. And although this great prince
commemorated his victory over the barbarians by a column similar to that
of Trajan, still they were far from being subdued, and a disgraceful peace,
which followed his death, shows that they were exceedingly formidable. He
died at Sirmium, or Vindobona (Vienna), exhausted by incessant wars and
the cares of State, A.D. 180, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, and twentieth
of his reign. The concurrent testimony of historians represents this emperor
as the loftiest character that ever wielded a sceptre among the nations of
antiquity, although we can not forget that he was a persecutor of the
Christians.

His son, Commodus, succeeded him, and the thirteen years of his
inglorious reign are summed up in conflicts with the Moors,
Commodu Dacians, and Germans. Skillful generals, by their successes,
s. warded off the attacks of barbarians, but the character and rule of
the emperor resembled that of Nero and Domitian. He was weak,
cruel, pleasure-seeking, and dissolute. His time was divided
between private [pg 604] vices and disgraceful public exhibitions. He
fought as a gladiator more than seven hundred times, and against
antagonists whose only weapons were tin and lead. He also laid claim to

Page 611

divinity, and was addicted to debasing superstitions. He destroyed the old
ministers of his father, and decimated the Senate. All who excited his
jealousy, or his covetousness, were put out of the way. He was poisoned by
his favorite mistress, Marcia, and the Senate set the brand of infamy on his
name. Thus perished the last of the line of the Antonines, even as the Julian
line was ended by the assassination of Nero, and the Flavian by that of
Domitian, and the empire became once again the prize of the soldier, A. D.
192.

[pg 605]

Page 612

CHAPTER XLV.

Page 613

THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE.

Able or virtuous princes had now ruled the Roman world, with a
few exceptions, from Julius Cæsar to Commodus, a period of more
Apparent than two hundred years. Among these were some odious tyrants, or
prosperity. madmen, who were removed by assassination. But some of these
very tyrants governed with ability, and such was the general
prosperity, such the wonderful mechanism of government for
which the Romans had a genius, that the general condition of the world was
better than at any preceding period. All that government could do to
preserve and extend civilization was done, on the whole. Despotism was not
signally oppressive, and the regime of Augustus, of Vespasian, and Hadrian
was generally maintained. The Roman governors, appointed by the
emperors, ruled more wisely and beneficently than in the time of the
republic. Peace, security, and law reigned, and, in consequence, the
population increased, civilization advanced, and wealth was accumulated.
The whole empire rejoiced in populous cities, in works of art, in literary
culture, and in genial manners. Society was pagan, but attractive, and Rome
herself was the resort of travelers, the centre of fashion and glory, the joy
and the pride of the whole earth. There were no destructive wars, except on
the frontiers; all classes were secure, the face of nature was cultivated and
beautiful, and poets sung the praises of civilization such as never existed
but in isolated cities and countries.

But now we observe the commencement of a great and melancholy
change. Prosperity had led to vice, false security, [pg 606] and
Great pride. All classes had become corrupt. Disproportionate fortunes,
moral slavery, and luxury undermined the moral health, and destroyed not
changes. only elevation of sentiment but martial virtues. Literature declined
in spirit and taste, and was directed to frivolous subjects.
Christianity had not become a power sufficiently strong to change
or modify the corrupt institutions controlled by the powerful classes. The
expensive luxury of the nobles was almost incredible. The most distant

Page 614

provinces were ransacked for game, fish, and fowl for the tables of the
great. Usury was practiced at a ruinous rate. Every thing was measured by
the money standard. Art was prostituted to please degraded tastes. There
was no dignity of character; women were degraded; only passing vanities
made any impression on egotistical classes; games and festivals were
multiplied; gladiatorial sports outraged humanity; the descendants of the
proudest families prided themselves chiefly on their puerile frivolities; the
worst rites of paganism were practiced; slaves performed the most
important functions; the circus and the theatre were engrossing pleasures;
the baths were the resort of the idle and the luxurious, who almost lived in
them, and were scenes of disgraceful orgies; great extravagance in dress and
ornaments was universal; the pleasures of the table degenerated to riotous
excesses; cooks, buffoons, and dancers received more consideration than
scholars and philosophers; everybody worshiped the shrine of mammon; all
science was directed to utilities that demoralized; sensualism reigned
triumphant, and the people lived as if there were no God.

Such a state must prepare the way for violence, and when external
dangers came there were not sufficient virtues to meet them. But
Preparatio the decline was gradual, and dangers were still at a distance. Both
ns fornature and art were the objects of perpetual panegyric, and the
violence. worldly and sensual Romans dreamed only of a millennium of
protracted joys.

The last experiment of a constitutional empire was succeeded [pg 607] by
undisguised military despotism, and no one now desired or expected the
restoration of the republic. The Senate was servile and submissive, the
people had no voice in public affairs, and the prefects of the imperial guard
were the recognized lieutenants and often masters of the emperors.

Pertinax succeeded to the sceptre of Commodus, a wise and good
man, and great hopes were entertained of a beneficent reign, when
Pertinax they were suddenly blasted by a sedition of the prætorians, only
and eighty-six days after the death of Commodus, and these guards
Julianus. publicly sold the empire to Didius Julianus, a wealthy senator, at
Severus. the price of one thousand dollars to each soldier. Such a bargain
disgusted the capital, and raised the legions in the provinces to

Page 615

revolt. Each of the three principal armies set up their own candidate, but L.
Septimius Severus, who commanded in Illyricum, was the fortunate one,
and was confirmed by the Senate. Didius Julianus was murdered after a
brief reign of sixty-six days, and the prætorians who had created the scandal
were disbanded.

The reign of this general was able and fortunate, although he was cruel and
superstitious. His vigor prevented the separation of the empire for a
century; but he had powerful rivals in Clodius Albinus, in Britain, and
Pescennius Niger, in Syria, both of whom he subdued. At Lyons it is said
that one hundred and fifty thousand Romans fought on both sides, when
Albinus was killed. The full of Niger at the Hellespont insured the
submission of the East, and the victorious emperor penetrated as far as
Ctesiphon, and received the submission of Mesopotamia and Arabia. The
triumphal arch erected by him celebrated those military successes.

Having bestowed peace, and restored the dignity of the empire, this
martial prince established an undisguised military despotism, and
Vigorous threw aside all deference to the Senate. He created a new guard of
rule ofprætorian soldiers four times as numerous as the old, which were
Severus. [pg 608] recruited from the ranks of the barbarians, who thus began
to overawe the capital. The commander of this great force was no
less a man than the celebrated jurist, Papianus, and he was the
prime minister of the emperor. It was during his reign that a violent
persecution of the Christians took place, A.D. 200, which called out the
famous apology of Tertullian. Severus died in Britain, to which he was
summoned by an irruption of Caledonians, A.D. 211, having reigned
nineteen years, and with a vigor worthy of Trajan.

He left two sons, who are best known by the names of Caracalla
and Geta, and both of whom, in their father's lifetime, had been
Caracalla raised to the dignity of Augustus. The oldest son succeeded to the
and Geta. empire, and the year after his elevation murdered his brother in his
mother's arms. He also executed Papinian, the prætorian prefect,
because he refused to justify the fratricide, together with twenty
thousand persons who were the friends of Geta. After this wholesale murder
he left his capital, and never returned to it, spending his time in different

Page 616

provinces, which were alternately the scene of his cruelty and rapine, a
victim of the foulest superstitions of the East, and arrogant and vainglorious
as he was savage. His tyranny became unendurable, and he was murdered
by an agent of the prætorian prefect, A.D. 217, Opilius Macrinus, who
became the next emperor.

Macrinus was only elevated to the purple by promising rich
donations to the soldiers, for his rank was only that of a knight. He
Macrinus. undertook to restore discipline in the army, and the licentious
soldiery found a new candidate for the empire in the person of
Avitus, of the family of Severus, a beautiful boy of seventeen, who
officiated as priest of the sun in Syria, and whose name in history, from the
god he served, is called Elagabalus, or Heliogabalus. But Macrinus was at
the head of a formidable force, and fought his rival with bravery, but
without success. The battle was decided against him, and he was overtaken
in flight and put to death, A.D. 218.

[pg 609]

With Elagabalus is associated the most repulsive and loathsome
reign of all the emperors. He was guilty of the most shameless
Elagabalus obscenities, and the most degrading superstitions. He painted and
. Hisdressed himself like an Oriental prince; he banqueted in halls hung
luxury. with cloth of gold, and enriched with jewels; he slept on mattresses
stuffed with down found only under the wings of partridges; he
dined from tables of pure gold; he danced in public, arrayed in the
garb of a Syrian priest; and he collected in his capital all the forms of
idolatry and all the hideous abominations which even Grecian paganism
despised. This wretch, who insulted every consecrated sentiment, was
murdered after a reign of little more than three years, A.D. 222, and his
body was thrown into the Tiber, and his memory branded with infamy by
the Senate.

The prætorians, who now controlled the State, offered the purple to
his cousin, Alexander Severus, grand-nephew of Septimius
Alexander Severus, an emperor who adorned those degenerate times, and who
Severus. resembled the great Aurelius in the severity of his virtues. His
prime minister—the prefect of the prætorian guards—was the

Page 617

celebrated Ulpian, the greatest of Roman jurists, and next to him in dignity
and power was the historian, Dion Cassius, consul, governor in Africa, and
legate in Dalmatia.

The great labors of Alexander Severus were to quell the mutinous
spirit of the prætorian guards, who reveled in the spoil of the
His labors. empire; to subdue the Persians; and to repel barbarian inroads on
the western frontiers. It was while he was in Thrace that a young
barbarian of gigantic stature solicited permission to contend for the
prize of wrestling. Sixteen of the stoutest Roman soldiers he successively
overthrew, and he was permitted to enlist among the troops. The next day
he attracted the notice of the emperor, and again contended successfully
with seven of the Roman champions, and received, at the hand of the
emperor, a gold collar and a place in the body-guard. He rose, step [pg 610]
by step, till appointed to discipline the recruits of the army of the Rhine. He
became the favorite of the army, and was saluted as imperator. Severus fled
to his tent, and was assassinated, A.D. 235.

The savage, Maximin, who now governed the empire, ruled like a
barbarian, as he was, disdaining all culture, and hostile to all
Maximin. refinements. Confiscations, exile, or death awaited the few
His illustrious men who adorned the age. Only brute force was
cruelties. recognized as a claim to imperial favor. The sole object of Maximin
was to secure the favor of the soldiers, barbarians like himself,
whom he propitiated with exorbitant donations, extorted by fines
and confiscations, and derived from the sack of temples. He lived in the
camp, and knew nothing of the cities he ruled.

Such outrages of course provoked rebellion, and M. Antonius
Gordianus, the proconsul of Africa, a descendant of the Gracchi
Gordianus. and of Trajan, distinguished for wealth and culture, was proclaimed
Death ofemperor, at the age of eighty, who associated with him, in the
Maximin. government, his son. The Senate confirmed the Gordians, who
Philip. fixed their court at Carthage, but Maximin suppressed the
insurrection, and proceeded to Rome to satisfy his vengeance. The
Senate, in despair, conferred the purple on two members of their
own body, Maximus, an able soldier, and Balbinus, a poet and orator. The

Page 618

prætorians supported their claims, and Maximin was assassinated in his
tent, A.D. 238. But the new emperors had scarcely given promise of a wise
administration, before they in turn were assassinated by the prætorians, and
Gordian, a grandson of the first of that name, was elevated to the imperial
dignity. He, again, was soon murdered in a mutiny of the soldiers, who
elected Philip as his successor, A.D. 244. This emperor, whose reign was
marked by the celebration of the secular games with unwonted
magnificence, to commemorate the one thousand years since Rome was
founded, was put to death by the prætorian guards the [pg 611] following
year, and the dignity of Augustus was conferred on Decius.

His reign is memorable for a savage persecution of the Christians,
and the victories of the Goths, who, in the preceding reign, had
Persecutio penetrated to Dacia, and conquered Mœsia. The next twenty years
n of thewere mournful and disgraceful. The emperor marched against these
Christians. barbarians in person, but was defeated by them in Thrace, and lost
Ravages ofhis life at a place called Abrutum, A.D. 251. The Goths continued
the Goths. their ravages along the coasts of the Euxine, and made themselves
masters of the Crimea. They then sailed, with a large fleet, to the
northern parts of the Euxine, took Pityus and Trapezus, attacked the
wealthy cities of the Thracian Bosphorus, conquered Chalcedon,
Nicomedia, and Nice, and retreated laden with spoil. The next year, with
five hundred boats, they pursued their destructive navigation, destroyed
Cyzicus, crossed the Ægean, landed at Athens, plundered Thebes, Argos,
Corinth and Sparta, advanced to the coasts of Epirus, and devastated the
whole Illyrian peninsula. In their ravages they destroyed the famous temple
of Ephesus, and, wearied with plunder, returned through Mœsia to their
own settlements beyond the Danube.

During this raid, the son of Decius, Hostilianus, reigned in
conjunction with Gallus, one of the generals of Decius, but were
Successive put to death by Æmilianus, governor of Pannonia and Mœsia, who
emperors. had succeeded in gaining a victory over the new and terrible
Gallienus. enemy. He was in turn overthrown by Valerianus—a nobleman of
great distinction, who signalized himself by considerable military
ability, and who associated with himself in the empire his son,
Gallienus, A.D. 253, whose frivolities were an offset to the virtues of his

Page 619

father. Valerian was taken prisoner by Sapor, king of Persia, and shortly
after died, and the Roman world relapsed under the sway of his son, and at
a time of great calamity, memorable for the successes of the Goths, and the
direst pestilence which had ever visited the empire. Gallienus—not [pg 612]
without accomplishments, but utterly unfit to govern an empire in the
stormy times which witnessed the fierce irruptions of the Goths—was slain
by a conspiracy of his officers, A.D. 268.

The empire was now threatened by barbarians, and wasted by
pestilence, and distracted by rebellions and riots. It was on the
Gothic verge of ruin; but the ruin was averted for one hundred years by a
invasions. succession of great princes, who traced their origin to the martial
Defeat ofprovince of Illyricum. The first of these emperors was Claudius,
the one of the generals of Gallienus, and was fifty-four years of age
barbarians. when invested with the purple. He led the armies of the waning
empire against the Alemanni, who had invaded Italy, and drove
them beyond the Alps. But a fiercer tribe of Germanic barbarians
remained to be subdued or repelled—those who had devastated Greece—
the Goths. They again appeared upon the Euxine with a fleet, variously
estimated from two thousand to six thousand vessels, carrying three
hundred and twenty thousand men. A division of this vast, but undisciplined
force, invaded Crete and Cyprus, but the main body ravaged Macedonia,
and undertook the siege of Thessalonica. Claudius advanced to meet them,
and gained at Naissus a complete victory, where fifty thousand of the
barbarians perished. A desultory war followed in Thrace, Macedonia, and
Mœsia, which resulted in the destruction of the Gothic fleet, and an
immense booty in captives and cattle.

Claudius survived this great, but not decisive victory, but two
years, and was carried off by pestilence, at Sirmiun, A.D. 270; but
Aurelian. not until he had designated for his successor a still greater man—
Zenobia. the celebrated Aurelian, whose father had been a peasant. Every
Palmyra. day of his short reign was filled with wonders. He put an end to the
Zenobia Gothic war, chastised the Germans who invaded Italy, recovered
taken Gaul, Britain, and Spain, defeated the Alemanni, who devastated
captive. the empire from the Po to the Danube, destroyed the proud
monarchy which Zenobia had [pg 613] built up in the deserts of the

Page 620

East, took the queen captive, and carried her to Rome, where he celebrated
the most magnificent triumph which the world had seen since the days of
Pompey and Cæsar. This celebrated woman, equaling Cleopatra in beauty,
and Boadicea in valor, and blending the popular manners of the Roman
princes with the stately pomp of Oriental kings, had retired, on her defeat,
to the beautiful city which Solomon had built, shaded with palms, and
ornamented with palaces. There, in that Tadmor of the wilderness, Palmyra,
the capital of her empire, which embraced a large part of Asia Minor, Syria,
and Egypt, she had cultivated the learning of the Greeks, and the Oriental
tongues of the countries she ruled, excelling equally in the chase and in war,
the most truly accomplished woman of antiquity,—sprung, like Cleopatra,
from the Greek kings of Egypt. Among her counselors was the celebrated
Longinus—the most conspicuous ornament of the last age of Greek classic
literature, and a philosopher who taught the wisdom of Plato. When
Palmyra was taken by Aurelian, this great man, who had stimulated Zenobia
in her rebellion, was executed, without uttering a word of complaint,
together with the people of the city, with remorseless barbarity, and the city
of Solomon became an inconsiderable Arab town. The queen, who had fled,
was pursued and taken, and graced the magnificent triumph of the martial
emperor. The captive queen was made to precede the triumphal chariot, on
foot, loaded with fetters of gold, and arrayed in the most gorgeous dress of
her former empire. She was not executed, but permitted to reside in the
capital in the state of princes.

This great and brilliant triumph—one of the last glories of the
setting sun of Roman greatness—seemed to augur the restoration of
Triumph the empire. The emperor was sanguine, and boasted that all
of external danger had passed away. But in a few months he was
Aurelian. summoned to meet new enemies in the East, and he was murdered
by a conspiracy of his officers, probably in revenge for the cruelties
[pg 614] and massacres he had inflicted at Rome. In one of his
reforms a sedition arose, and was quelled inexorably by the slaughter of
seven thousand of the soldiers, besides a large number of the leading
nobles.

His sceptre descended to Tacitus, A.D. 275, a descendant of the
great historian: a man, says Niebuhr, “who was great in every thing
Tacitus.

Page 621

that could distinguish a senator; he possessed immense property, of which
he made a brilliant use; he was a man of unblemished character; he
possessed the knowledge of a statesman, and had, in his youth, shown great
military skill.” Scarcely was he inaugurated as emperor before he marched
against the Alans, a Scythian tribe, who had ravaged Pontus, Cappadocia,
Cilicia, and Galatea. He, however, lost his life amid the hardships of his
first campaign, at the age of seventy-five, and after a brief reign of six
months.

The veteran general, M. Aurelius Probus, the commander of the
Eastern provinces, was proclaimed emperor by the legions,
Probus. although originally of peasant rank. He was forty-five years of age,
His and united the military greatness of Aurelian with political
warlike prudence, in all respects the best choice which could have been
career. made, and one of the best and greatest of all the emperors. His six
years of administration were marked by uninterrupted successes,
and he won a fame equal to that of the ancient heroes. He restored
peace and order in all the provinces; he broke the power of the Sarmatians;
he secured the alliance of the Goths; he drove the Isaurians to their
strongholds among their inaccessible mountains; he chastised the rebellious
cities of Egypt; he delivered Gaul from the Germanic barbarians; he drove
the Franks to their morasses at the mouth of the Rhine; he vanquished the
Burgundians who had wandered in quest of booty from the banks of the
Oder; he defeated the Lygii, a fierce tribe on the borders of Silesia; he
extended his victories to the Elbe, and erected a wall, two hundred miles in
length, from the Danube to the Rhine; so that “there was not left,” says
Gibbon, “in all the [pg 615] provinces, a hostile barbarian, or tyrant, or even
a robber.” After having destroyed four hundred thousand of the barbarians,
he returned to his capital to celebrate a triumph, which equaled in splendor
that of Aurelian. He, too, fancied that all external enemies were subdued
forever, and that Rome should henceforth rejoice in eternal peace. But
scarcely had the pæans of victory been sung by a triumphant and infatuated
people, when he was assassinated in a mutiny of his own troops, whom he
had compelled to labor in draining the marshes around Sirmium, A.D. 282.

The soldiers, repenting the act as soon as it was done, conferred the
purple on the prætorian prefect, and notified the Senate of its
Carus.

Page 622

choice. And the choice was a good one; and the new emperor, Carus, at
sixty years of age, conferring the title of Cæsar upon his two sons, Carinus
and Numerianus, whom he left to govern the West, hastened against the
Sarmatians, who had overrun Illyricum. Successful in his objects, he
advanced, in the depth of winter, through Thrace and Asia Minor to the
confines of Persia. The Persian king, wishing to avert the storm, sent his
ambassadors to the imperial camp, and found the emperor seated on the
grass, dining from peas and bacon, in all the simplicity of the early
successors of Mohammed. But before he could advance beyond the Tigris,
his tent was struck by lightning, and he was killed, on Christmas day, A.D.
283.

Carinus and Numerian succeeded to the vacant throne. The former,
at Rome, disgraced his trust by indolence and shameless vices;
Carinus. while the latter, in the camp, was unfit, though virtuous, to control
the turbulent soldiers, and was found murdered in his bed the very
day that Carinus celebrated the games with unusual magnificence.

The army raised C. Valerius Diocletianus to the vacant dignity, and
his first act was to execute the murderer of Numerian. His next was
Diocletian. to encounter Carinus in battle, who was slain, A.D. 285, and
Diocletian—perhaps the greatest emperor after Augustus—reigned
alone. [pg 616] Diocletian is, however, rendered infamous in
ecclesiastical history, as the most bitter of all the persecutors of the
Christians, now a large and growing body; but he was a man of the most
distinguished abilities, though of obscure birth, in a little Dalmatian town.
He commenced his illustrious reign at the age of thirty-nine, and reigned
twenty years,—more as a statesman than warrior,—politic, judicious,
indefatigable in business, and steady in his purposes.

This emperor inaugurated a new era, and a new policy of
government. The cares of State in a disordered age, when the
Important empire was threatened on every side by hostile barbarians, and
political disgraced by insurrections and tumults, induced Diocletian to
changes. associate with himself three colleagues, who had won fame in the
wars of Aurelian and Carus. Maximian, Galerius, and Constantine
—one of whom had the dignity of Augustus, and two that of Cæsar.

Page 623

Maximian, associated with Diocletian, with the rank of Augustus, had been
also an Illyrian peasant, and was assigned to the government of the western
provinces, while Diocletian retained that of the eastern. Maximum
established the seat of his government at Milan, giving a death-blow to the
Senate, which, though still mentioned honorably by name, was henceforth
severed from the imperial court. The empire had been ruled by soldiers ever
since pressing dangers had made it apparent that only men of martial virtues
could preserve it from the barbarians. But now the most undisguised
military rule, uninfluenced by old constitutional form, was the only
recognized authority, and the warlike emperors, bred in the camp, had a
disdain of the ancient capital, as well as great repugnance to the enervated
prætorian soldiers, who made and unmade emperors, whose privileges were
abolished forever. Milan was selected for the seat of imperial government,
from its proximity to the frontier, perpetually menaced by the barbarians;
and this city, before a mere military post, now assumed the splendor of an
imperial city, and was defended by a double wall.

[pg 617]

Diocletian made choice, at first, of Nicomedia, the old capital of
the Bithynian kings, as the seat of his Eastern government, equally
New seatdistant from the Danube and the Euphrates. He assumed the
of manner and state of an Oriental monarch. He wore a diadem set
governme with pearls, and a robe of silk and gold instead of the simple toga
nt. with its purple stripe. His shoes were studded with precious stones,
Oriental and his court was marked by Oriental ceremonials. His person was
pomp ofdifficult of access, and the avenues to his palace were guarded by
Diocletian. various classes of officers. No one could approach him without
falling prostrate in adoration, and he was addressed as “My lord the
emperor.” But he did not live in Oriental seclusion, and was
perpetually called away by pressing dangers.

The Cæsars Galerius and Constantius were sent to govern the
provinces on the frontiers; the former, from his capital, Sirmium, in
Galerius Illyricum, watched the whole frontier of the Danube; the latter
and spent his time in Britain. Galerius was adopted by Diocletian, and
Constantiu
s.

Page 624

received his daughter Valeria in marriage; while Constantius was adopted
by Maximian, and married his daughter Theodora.

The division of the empire under these four princes nearly corresponded
with the prefectures which Constantine subsequently established, and which
were deemed necessary to preserve the empire from dissolution—a
dissolution inevitable, had it not been for the great emperors whom the
necessities of the empire had raised up, but whose ruin was only for a time
averted. Not even able generals and good emperors could save the
corrupted empire. It was doomed. Vice had prepared the way for violence.
The four emperors, who now labored to prevent a catastrophe, were
engaged in perpetual conflicts, and through their united efforts peace was
restored throughout the empire, and the last triumph that Rome ever saw
was celebrated by them.

Only one more enemy, to the eye of Diocletian, remained to be
subdued, and this was Christianity. But this enemy was
Persecutio unconquerable. Silently, surely, without pomp, and [pg 618]
n ofwithout art, the new religion had made its way, against all
Christians. opposition, prejudice, and hatred, from Jews and pagans alike, and
The reasonwas now a power in the empire. The followers of the hated sect
of theirwere, however, from the humble classes, and but few great men had
persecutio arisen among them, and even these were unimportant to the view of
n. philosophers and rulers. The believers formed an esoteric circle,
and were lofty, stern, and hostile to all the existing institutions of
society. They formed an imperium in imperio, but did not aim, at
this time, to reach political power. They were scattered throughout the great
cities of the empire, and were ruled by their bishops and ministers. They did
not make war on men, but on their ideas and habits and customs. They
avoided all external conflicts, and contended with devils and passions. But
government distrusted and disliked them, and sought at different times to
exterminate them. There had already been nine signal persecutions from the
time of Nero, and yet they had constantly increased in numbers and
influence. But now a more serious attack was to be made upon them by the
emperors, provoked, probably, by the refusal of some Christians to take the
military oath, and serve in the armies, on conscientious principles: but
interpreted by those in authority as disloyalty in a great national crisis. The

Page 625

mind of the emperor was alienated; and both Galerius and Diocletian
resolved that a religion which seemed hostile to the political relations of the
empire, should be suppressed. A decree was issued to destroy all the
Christian churches, to confiscate their property, to burn the sacred writings,
to deprive Christians of their civil rights, and even to doom them to death.
The decree which was publicly exhibited in Nicomedia, was torn down by a
Christian, who expressed the bitterest detestation of the tyrannical
governors. The fires which broke out in the palace were ascribed to the
Christians, and the command was finally issued to imprison all the
ministers of religion, and punish those who protected them. A persecution
which has had no parallel in history, was extended to all parts of the [pg
619] empire. The whole civil power, goaded by the old priests of paganism,
was employed in searching out victims, and all classes of Christians were
virtually tormented and murdered. The earth groaned for ten years under the
sad calamity, and there was apparently no hope. But whether scourged, or
lacerated, or imprisoned, or burned, the martyrs showed patience, faith, and
moral heroism, and invoked death to show its sting, and the grave its
victory.

The persecution of the Christians—this attempt to suppress religion
thought to be hostile to the imperial authority, and not without
Retirement some plausibility, since many Christians refused to be enrolled in
of the armies, and suffered death sooner than enlist—was the last
Diocletian. great act of Diocletian. Whether wearied with the cares of State, or
disgusted with his duties, or ill, or craving rest and repose, he took
the extraordinary resolution of abdicating his throne, at the very
summit of his power, and at the age of fifty-nine. He influenced Maximian
to do the same, and the two Augusti gave place to the two Cæsars. The
double act of resignation was performed at Nicomedia and Milan, on the
same day, May 1, A.D. 305. Diocletian took a graceful farewell of his
soldiers, and withdrew to a retreat near his native city of Salonæ, on the
coast of the Adriatic. He withdrew to a magnificent palace, which he had
built on a square of six hundred feet, in a lovely and fertile spot, in sight of
the sea, and the mountains, and luxurious plains. He there devoted himself
to the pleasures of agriculture, and planted cabbages with his own hand, and
refused all solicitations to resume his power. But his repose was alloyed by
the sight of increasing troubles, and the failure of the system he had

Page 626

inaugurated. If the empire could not be governed by one master, it could not
be governed by four, with their different policies and rivalries. He lived but
nine years in retirement; but long enough to see his religious policy
reversed, by the edict of Milan, which confirmed the Christian religion, and
the whole imperial fabric which he had framed reversed by Constantine.

[pg 620]

Confusion followed his abdication. Civil wars instead of barbaric
wasted the empire. The ancient heart of the empire had no longer
The evilsthe presence of an Augustus, and a new partition virtually took
which place, by which Italy and Africa became dependencies of the East.
flowed Galerius—now Augustus—assumed the right to nominate the two
from it.new Cæsars, one of whom was his sister's son, who assumed the
Death ofname of Galerius Valerius Maximinus, to whom were assigned
Constantiu Syria and Egypt, and the other was his faithful servant, Severus,
s. who was placed over Italy and Africa. According to the forms of
the constitution, he was subordinate to Constantius, but he was
devoted to Galerius. The emperor Constantius, then in Boulogne,
was dying, and his son, Constantine, was at the court of Galerius. Though
summoned to the bedside of his father, Galerius sought to retain him, but
Constantine abruptly left Nicomedia, evaded Severus, traversed Europe,
and reached his father, who was just setting out for Britain, to repel an
invasion of the Caledonians. He reached York only to die, A.D. 306, and
with his last breath transmitted his empire to his son, and commended him
to the soldiers. Galerius was transported with rage, but was compelled to
submit, and named Constantine Cæsar over the western provinces, who was
not elevated to the dignity of Augustus till two years later.

The elevation of Severus to supreme power in Italy by Galerius, filled the
abdicated emperor Maximian with indignation, and humiliated the Roman
people. The prætorians rose against the party of Severus, who retired to
Ravenna, and soon after committed suicide. The Senate assumed their old
prerogative, and conferred the purple on Maxentius, the son of Maximilian.
Galerius again assumed the power of nominating an Augustus, and
bestowed the purple, made vacant by the death of Severus, on an old
comrade, Licinius, originally a Dacian peasant.

Page 627

Thus, there were six emperors at a time; Constantine, in Britain;
Maximian, who resumed the purple; Maxentius, [pg 621] his son;
Six Licinius Galerius, in the East; and Maximin, his nephew. Maximian
emperors. crossed the Alps in person, won over Constantine to his party, and
gave him his daughter, Fausta, in marriage, and conferred upon him
the rank of Augustus; so, in the West, Maxentius and Constantine
affected to be subordinate to Maximian; while, in the East, Licinius and
Maximin obeyed the orders of their benefactor, Galerius. The sovereigns of
the East and West were hostile to each other, but their mutual fears
produced an apparent tranquillity, and a feigned reconciliation.

The first actual warfare, however, broke out between Maximian
and his son. Maxentius insisted on the renewed abdication of his
Civil wars. father, and had the support of the prætorian guards. Driven into
exile, he returned to Gaul, and took refuge with his son and
daughter, who received him kindly; but in the absence of
Constantine, he seized the treasure to bribe his troops, and was holding
communication with Maxentius when Constantine returned from the Rhine.
The old intriguer had only time to throw himself into Marseilles, where he
strangled himself, when the city was hard pressed by Constantine, A.D.
310.

In a year after, Galerius died, like Herod Agrippa, a prey to
loathsome vermin—morbus pediculosus, and his dominions were
Death ofdivided between Maximin and Licinius, each of whom formed
Galerius. secret alliances with Maxentius and Constantine, between whom
was war.

The tyranny of Maxentius led his subjects to look to Constantine as
a deliverer, who marched to the relief of the Senate and Roman
Elevation people. He crossed the Alps with forty thousand men. Maxentius
of collected a force of one hundred and seventy thousand, to maintain
Constantin which he had the wealth of Italy, Africa, and Sicily. Constantine
e. first encountered the lieutenants of Maxentius in the plains of
Successors Turin, and gained a complete victory, the prize of which was Milan,
of the new capital of Italy. He was advancing to Rome on the
Constantin Flaminian way, before Maxentius was aroused to his danger, being
e.

Page 628

absorbed in pleasures. A [pg 622] few miles from Rome was fought the
battle of Saxa Rubra, A.D. 312, between the rival emperors, at which
Maxentius perished, and Constantine was greeted by the Senate as the first
of the three surviving Augusti. The victory of Constantine was
commemorated by a triumphal arch, which still remains, and which was
only a copy of the arch of Trajan. The ensuing winter was spent in Rome,
during which Constantine abolished forever the prætorian guards, which
had given so many emperors to the world. In the spring Constantine gave
his daughter Constantia in marriage to Licinius, but was soon called away
to the Rhine by an irruption of Franks, while Licinius marched against
Maximin, and defeated him under the walls of Heracles. Maximin retreated
to Nicomedia, and was about to renew the war, when he died at Tarsus, and
Licinius became master of the Eastern provinces.

There were now but two emperors, one in the East, and the other in
the West. Constantine celebrated the restoration of tranquillity by
Conversio promulgating at Milan an edict in favor of universal religious
n oftoleration, and the persecution of the Christians by the pagans was
Constantin ended forever, in Europe. About this time Constantine himself was
e. converted to the new religion. In his march against Maxentius, it is
Establishm declared by Eusebius, that he saw at noonday a cross in the
ent ofheavens, inscribed with the words, “By this conquer.” It is also
Christianit asserted that the vision of the cross was seen by the whole army,
y. and the cross henceforth became the standard of the Christian
emperors. It was called the Labarum, and is still seen on the coins
of Constantine, and was intrusted to a chosen guard of fifty men. It
undoubtedly excited enthusiasm in the army, now inclined to accept the
new faith, and Constantine himself joined the progressive party, and made
Christianity the established religion of the empire. Henceforth the
protection of the Christian religion became one of the cherished objects of
his soul, and although his life was stained by superstitions and many acts of
cruelty and wickedness, Constantine stands out [pg 623] in history as the
first Christian emperor. For this chiefly he is famous, and a favorite with
ecclesiastical writers. The edict of Milan is an era in the world's progress.
But he was also a great sovereign, and a great general.

Page 629

The harmony between so ambitious a man and Licinius was not of
long duration. Rival interests and different sympathies soon led to
Renewed the breaking out of hostilities, and Licinius was defeated in two
wars. great battles, and resigned to Constantine all his European
possessions, except Thrace. The nine successive years were spent
by Licinius in slothful and vicious pleasures, while Constantine
devoted his energies to the suppression of barbarians, and the enactment of
important laws. He repulsed the Gothic and Sarmatian hordes, who had
again crossed the Danube, and pursued them into Dacia; nor did the Goths
secure peace until they had furnished forty thousand recruits to the Roman
armies. This recruiting of the imperial armies from the barbarians was one
of the most melancholy signs of decaying strength, and indicated
approaching ruin.

In the year 323 a new civil war broke out between Constantine and
Licinius. The aged and slothful Eastern emperor roused himself to a
Victory ofgrand effort and marshalled an army of one hundred and fifty
Constantin thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse on the plains of
e overHadrianople, while his fleet of three hundred and fifty triremes
Licinius. commanded the Hellespont. Constantine collected an army of one
hundred and twenty thousand men at Thessalonica, and advanced
to attack his foe, intrenched in a strong position. The battle was
decided in favor of Constantine, who slew thirty-four thousand of his
enemies, and took the fortified camp of Licinius, who fled to Byzantium,
July, A.D. 323.

The fleet of Licinius still remained, and with his superior naval
force he might have baffled his rival. But fortune, or valor, again
Death ofdecided in favor of the Western emperor, and after a fight of two
Licinius. days the admiral of Licinius retired to Byzantium. The siege of this
city was now pressed with [pg 624] valor by Constantine, and
Licinius fled with his treasures to Chalcedon, and succeeded in
raising another army of fifty thousand men. These raw levies were,
however, powerless against the veterans of Constantine, whom he led in
person. The decisive battle was fought at Chrysopolis, and Licinius retired
to Nicomedia, but soon after abdicated, and was banished to Thessalonica.

Page 630

There he was not long permitted to remain, being executed by order of
Constantine, one of the foul blots on his memory and character.

The empire was now reunited under a single man, at the cost of
vast treasures and lives. The policy of Diocletian had only
Constantin inaugurated civil war. There is no empire so vast which can not be
e reignsmore easily governed by one man than by two or four. It may be
alone. well for empires to be subdivided, like that of Charlemagne, but it
is impossible to prevent civil wars when the power is shared
equally by jealous rivals. It was better for the Roman world to be
united under Octavius, than divided between him and Antony.

On the fall of Byzantium, Constantine was so struck with its natural
advantages, that he resolved to make it the capital of the empire.
Foundatio Placed on the inner of two straits which connect the Euxine and the
n ofÆgean with the Mediterranean, on the frontiers of both Europe and
Constantin Asia, it seemed to be the true centre of political power, while its
ople. position could be itself rendered impregnable against any external
enemy that threatened the Roman world. The wisdom of the choice
of Constantine, and his unrivaled sagacity, were proved by the fact,
that while Rome was successively taken and sacked by Goths and Vandals,
Constantinople remained the capital of the eastern Roman empire for eleven
continuous centuries.

The reign of Constantine as sole emperor was marked by another
event, A.D. 325. which had a great influence on the subsequent
Council ofcondition of the world in a moral and religious point of view, and
Nice. this was the famous [pg 625] Council of Nicæa, which assembled
Athanasius to settle points of faith and discipline in the new religion which was
. now established throughout the empire. It is called the first
Theologic Ecumenical, or General Council, and was attended by three
al hundred and eighteen bishops, with double the number of
discussion presbyters, assembled from all parts of the Christian world. Here
on thethe church and the empire met face to face. In this council the
Trinity. emperor left the cares of State, and the command of armies, to
preside over discussions on the doctrine of the Trinity, as
expounded by two great rival parties,—one headed by Athanasius,

Page 631

then archdeacon, afterward archbishop of Alexandria—the greatest
theologian that had as yet appeared in the church,—and the other by Arius,
a simple presbyter of Alexandria, but a man of subtle and commanding
intellect. Arius maintained that the Son, the second person of the Trinity,
derived his being from the Father within the limits of time, and was
secondary to him in power and glory. Athanasius maintained that the Son
was co-eternal with the Father, and the same in substance with the Father.
This theological question had long been discussed, and the church was
divided between the two parties, each of which exhibited extreme acrimony.
Constantine leaned to the orthodox side, although his most influential
adviser, Eusebius, bishop of Cæsarea, the historian, inclined to the Arian
view. But the emperor was more desirous to secure peace and unity, than
the ascendency of any dogma, and the doctrine of Athanasius became the
standard of faith, and has since remained the creed of the church.

After the settlement of the faith of the church, now becoming the
great power of the world, the reign of Constantine was disgraced by
Assassinat a domestic tragedy seldom paralleled in history. His son, Crispus,
ion ofby a low-born woman, conspicuous for talents and virtues, either
Crispus. inflamed the jealousy of his father, or provoked him by a secret
The newconspiracy. It has never been satisfactorily settled whether he was a
capital. rival or a conspirator, but he was accused, [pg 626] tried, and put to
death, in the twentieth year of the reign, while Constantine was
celebrating at Rome the festival of his vicennalia. After this bloody
tragedy, for which he is generally reproached, he took his final departure
from Rome, and four years after, the old capital was degraded to the rank of
a secondary city, and Constantinople was dedicated as the new capitol of
the empire. From the eastern promontory to the Golden Horn, the extreme
length of Constantinople was three Roman miles, and the circumference
measured ten, inclosing an area of two thousand acres, besides the suburbs.
The new city was divided into fourteen wards, and was ornamented with
palaces, fora, and churches. The church of St. Sophia was built on the site
of an old temple, and was in the form of a Greek cross, surmounted by a
beautiful and lofty dome. In a century afterward, Constantinople rivaled
Rome in magnificence. It had a capitol, a circus, two theatres, eight public
baths, fifty-two porticoes, eight aqueducts, four halls, and fourteen

Page 632

churches, and four thousand three hundred and eighty-three large palatial
residences.

After the building of this new and beautiful city, Constantine
devoted himself to the internal regulation of the empire, which he
New divided into four prefectures, subdivided into thirteen dioceses,
divisions each governed by vicars or vice-prefects, who were styled counts
of theand dukes. The provinces were subdivided to the number of one
empire. hundred and sixteen. Three of these were governed by proconsuls,
thirty-seven by consuls, five by correctors, and seventy-one by
presidents, chosen from the legal profession, and called clarissimi.
The prefecture of the East embraced the Asiatic provinces, together with
Egypt, Thrace, and the lower Mœsia; that of Illyricum contained the
countries between the Danube, the Ægean, and the Adriatic; that of Italy
extended over the Alps to the Danube; and that of the Gauls embraced the
western provinces beyond the Rhine and the Alps.

The military power was separated from the civil. There [pg 627]
were two master-generals, one of infantry, and the other of cavalry,
Changes inafterward increased to eight, under whom were thirty-five
the army. commanders, ten of whom were counts, and twenty dukes. The
legions were reduced from six thousand to fifteen hundred men.
Their number was one hundred and thirty-two, and the complete
force of the empire was six hundred and forty-five thousand, holding five
hundred and eighty-three permanent stations.

The ministers of the palace, who exercised different functions
about the presence of the emperor, were seven in number: the
The prefect of the bed-chamber; a eunuch, who waited on the emperor;
ministers. the master of offices—the supreme magistrate of the palace; the
quæstor—at the head of the judicial administration, and who
composed the orations and edicts of the emperor; the treasurer, and
two counts of domestics, who commanded the body-guard.

The bishopric nearly corresponded with the civil divisions of the
empire, and the bishops had different ranks. We now observe
The archbishops and metropolitans.
bishoprics.

Page 633

The new divisions complicated the machinery of government, and led to the
institution of many new offices, which greatly added to the expense of
government, for which taxation became more rigorous and oppressive. The
old constitution was completely subverted, and the emperor became an
Oriental monarch.

Constantine was called away from his labors of organization to
resist the ambition of Sapor II., when he died, at the age of sixty-
Death offour, at his palace near Nicomedia, A.D. 337, after a memorable but
Constantin tumultuous reign—memorable for the recognition of Christianity as
e. a State religion; tumultuous, from civil wars and contests with
barbarians. Constantinople, not Rome, became the future capital of
the empire.

[pg 628]

Page 634

CHAPTER XLVI.

Page 635

THE FALL OF THE EMPIRE.

After the death of Constantine, the decline was rapid, and new dangers
multiplied. Warlike emperors had staved off the barbarians, and done all
that man could do to avert ruin. But the seeds of ruin were planted, and
must bear their wretched fruit. The seat of empire was removed to a new
city, more able, from its position, to withstand the shock which was to
come. In the strife between new and hardy races, and the old corrupt
population, the issue could not be doubtful. The empire had fulfilled its
mission. Christianity was born, protected, and rendered triumphant.
Nothing more was wanted than the conversion of the barbarians to the new
faith before desolation should overspread the world—and a State prepared
for new ideas, passions, and interests.

Constantine left three sons and two daughters, by Fausta, the
daughter of Maximian,—Constantine, Constantius, Constans,
The heirsConstantina, and Helena. The imperial dignity was enjoyed by the
of sons, and the youngest daughter, Helena, married the emperor
Constantin Julian, grandson of Constantius Chlorus. The three sons of
e. Constantine divided the empire between them. The oldest, at the
age of twenty-one, retained the prefecture of Gaul; Constantius,
aged twenty, kept Thrace and the East; while Constans, the
youngest, at the age of seventeen, added the Italian prefecture with Greece.

The ablest of these princes was Constantius, on whom fell the
burden of the Persian war, and which ultimately ended on the
Constantiu defeat of Julian, in Sapor [pg 629] wresting from the emperor all
s. the countries beyond the Euphrates.

Constantine II. was dissatisfied with his share of the empire, and
compelled Constans to yield up Africa, but was slain in an expedition
beyond the Julian Alps, A.D. 340.

Page 636

Constans held the empire of the West for ten years, during which he
carried on war with the Franks, upon the Rhine, and with the Scots
Constans. and Picts. His vices were so disgraceful that a rebellion took place,
under Magnentius, who slew Constans, A.D. 350, and reigned in
his stead, the seat of his government being Treves.

Constantius II. made war on the usurper, Magnentius, a rough
barbarian, and finally defeated him on the banks of the Danube,
War withwhere fifty-four thousand men perished in battle, soon after which
Magnentiu the usurper killed himself.
s.
Constantius, by the death of his brother, and overthrow of
Magnentius, was now sole master of the empire, and
Death ofthrough his permission Athanasius was restored to the
Athanasius arch-bishopric of Alexandria, but was again removed, the
. emperor being an Arian. This second removal raised a
tumult in Alexandria, and he was allowed to return to his
see, where he lived in peace until he died, A.D. 372—the
great defender of the orthodox creed, which finally was established by
councils and the emperors.

The emperor Constantius was engaged in successive wars with the
barbarians,—with the Persians on the East, the Sarmatians on the
Wars ofDanube, and the Franks and Alemanni, on the Rhine. During these
Constantiu wars, his brother-in-law, Julian, was sent to the West with the title
s. of Cæsar, where he restored order, and showed signal ability. On
the death of Constantius, he was recognized as emperor without
opposition, A.D. 361.

Julian is generally called the Apostate, since he proclaimed a
change in the established religion, but tolerated Christianity. He
Julian. was a Platonic philosopher—a man of great virtue and ability,
whose life was unstained by vices. But his attempt to restore
paganism was senseless [pg 630] and ineffectual. As a popular
belief, paganism had expired. His character is warmly praised by Gibbon,
and commended by other historians. He struggled against the spirit of his
age, and was unsuccessful. He was worthy of the best ages of the empire in

Page 637

the exercise of all pagan virtues—the true successor of Hadrian and the
Antonines.

He was also a great general, and sought to crush the power of the
Persian kings and make Babylonia a Roman province. Here, too, he
Death offailed, although he gained signal successes. He was mortally
Julian. wounded while effecting a retreat from the Tigris, after a short
Jovian. reign of twenty months. With him ended the house of Constantine.
The empire was conferred by the troops on Flavius Claudius
Jovianus, chief of the imperial household, A.D. 363—a man of
moderate talents and good intentions, but unfit for such stormy times. He
restored Christianity, which henceforth was the national religion. He died
the following year, and was succeeded by Flavius Valentinianus, the son of
Count Gratian, a general who had arisen from obscurity in Pannonia, to the
command of Africa and Britain.

Valentinian was forty-four years of age when he began to reign,
A.D. 364, a man of noble character and person, and in a month
Valentinia associated his brother Flavius Valens with him in the government
n. Barbaricof the empire. Valentinian kept the West, and conferred the East on
invasions. Valens. Thus was the empire again formally divided, and was not
reunited until the reign of Theodosius. Valentinian chose the post of
danger, rather than of pleasure and luxury, for the West was now
invaded by various tribes of the Germanic race. The Alemanni were
powerful on the Rhine; the Saxons were invading Britain; the Burgundians
were commencing their ravages in Gaul; and the Goths were preparing for
another inroad. The emperor, whose seat of power was Milan, was engaged
in perpetual, but indecisive conflicts. He reigned with vigor, and repressed
the barbarians. He bestowed the title of Augustus on his [pg 631] son
Gratian, and died in a storm of wrath by the bursting of a blood-vessel,
while reviling the ambassadors of the Quadi, A.D. 375.

The emperor Valens, at Constantinople, was exposed to no less
dangers, without the force to meet them. The great nation of the
Valens. Goths, who had been at peace with the empire for a generation,
resumed their hostilities upon the Danube. Hermanneric, the first
historic name among these fierce people, had won a series of

Page 638

brilliant victories over other barbarians, after he was eighty years of age.
His dominions extended from the Danube to the Baltic, and embraced the
greater part of Germany and Scythia.

But the Goths were invaded by a fierce race of barbarians, more
savage than themselves, from the banks of the Don, called
Gothic Scythians, or Huns, of Sclavonic origin. Pressed by this new
invasion. enemy, they sought shelter in the Roman territory. Instead of
Death ofreceiving them as allies, the emperor treated them as enemies.
Valens. Hostages from the flower of their youth were scattered through the
Ravages ofcities of Asia Minor, while the corrupt governors of Thrace
the Goths. annoyed them by insults and grievances. The aged Hermanneric,
exasperated by misfortune, made preparations for a general war,
while Sarmatians, Alans, and Huns united with them. After three
indecisive campaigns, the emperor Valens advanced to attack their camp
near Hadrianople, defended by Fritagern. Under the walls of this city was
fought the most bloody and disastrous battle which Rome ever lost, A.D.
378. Two-thirds of the imperial army was destroyed, the emperor was slain,
and the remainder fled in consternation. Sixty thousand infantry and six
thousand cavalry lay dead upon the fatal field. The victors, intoxicated with
their success, invested Hadrianople, but were unequal to the task, being
inexperienced in sieges. Laden with spoil, they retired to the western
boundaries of Thrace. From the shores of the Bosphorus to the Julian Alps,
nothing was seen but conflagration, murder, and devastation. So [pg 632]
great were the misfortunes of the Illyrian provinces, that they never
afterward recovered. Churches were turned into stables, palaces were
burned, works of art were destroyed, the relics of martyrs were desecrated,
the population decimated, and the provinces were overrun.

In this day of calamity a hero and deliverer was needed. The feeble
Gratian, who ruled in the West, cast his eyes upon an exile, whose
Theodosiu father, an eminent general, had been unjustly murdered by the
s. emperor Valentinian. This man was Theodosius, then living in
modest retirement on his farm near Valladolid, in Spain, as
unambitious as David among his sheep, as contented as
Cincinnatus at the plow. Even Gibbon does not sneer at this great Christian
emperor, who revived for a while the falling empire. He accepted the

Page 639

sceptre of Valens, A.D. 370, and the conduct of the Gothic war, being but
thirty-three years of age. One of the greatest of all the emperors, and the last
great man who swayed the sceptre of Trajan, his ancestor, he has not too
warmly been praised by the Church, whose defender he was—the last
flickering light of an expiring monarchy,—although his character has been
assailed by modern critics of great respectability.

As soon as he was invested with the purple, he took up his
residence in Thessalonica, and devoted his energies to the task
Successes assigned him by the necessities of the empire. He succeeded in
over theputting a stop to the progress of the Goths, disarmed them by
Goths. treaties, and allowed them to settle on the right bank of the Danube,
within the limits of the empire. He invited the aged Athanaric to his
capital and table, who was astonished by his riches and glory.
Peace was favored by the death of Fritagern, and forty thousand Goths were
received as soldiers of the empire,—an impolitic act.

At this period the Goths settled in Mœsia were visited by Uphilas, a
Christian missionary and Arian bishop, who translated the Bible,
Uphilas. and had great success in the conversion of the barbarians to a
nominal faith. This is [pg 633] the earliest instance of the reception
of the new faith by the Germanic races.

While Theodosius was restoring the eastern empire, Gratian
relapsed into indolent pleasures at Milan, which provoked a
Gratian. revolution. Maximus was proclaimed emperor by the legions in
Valentinia Britain, and invaded Gaul. Gratian fled, with a retinue of three
n II. hundred horse, and was overtaken and slain. Theodosius
recognized the claims of the usurper, unwilling to waste the blood
of the enfeebled soldiers in a new civil war, provided that Italy and
Africa were secured to Valentinian II., the younger brother of Gratian. The
young emperor made himself unpopular by espousing Arianism, and for
being governed by his mother Justina, and four years after was obliged to
flee to Thessalonica, on an invasion of Italy by Maximus, and invoke the
aid of Theodosius, who responded to his call, won by the charms of the
princess Galla, whom he married. Maximus was defeated, put to death, and
Valentinian II. was replaced upon his throne.

Page 640

It was when Maximus was triumphant in Gaul that the celebrated
Ambrose, archbishop of Milan, was sent to the usurper's camp to
Ambrose. demand the dead body of the murdered Gratian. But this intrepid
Penance ofprelate made himself still more famous for his defense of
Theodosiu orthodoxy against the whole power of Valentinian II. and his
s. mother. He is also immortalized for the chastisement he inflicted
upon Theodosius himself for the slaughter of Thessalonica. The
emperor was in Milan when intelligence arrived of a sedition in the
city, caused by factions of the circus, during which Boderic, the commander
of the imperial troops, was killed. This outrage was revenged by the wanton
massacre of seven thousand people. The news of this barbarity filled
Ambrose with horror, and he wrote a letter to the emperor, which led to his
repentance; but as he was about to enter the basilica, the prelate met him at
the door, and refused admission until he had expiated his crime by a
rigorous penance, and the emperor submitted to the humiliation—an [pg
634] act of submission to the Church which was much admired—an act of
ecclesiastical authority which formed a precedent for the heroism of
Hildebrand.

Under the influence of the clergy, now a great power, Theodosius
the same year promulgated an edict for the suppression of all acts
Theodosiu of pagan worship, private and public, under heavy penalties, and
s defendsthe Church, in turn, became persecuting. At this lime the corruption
the church. of the Church made rapid progress. Pretended miracles, pious
frauds, the worship of saints, veneration of relics, ascetic severities,
monastic superstitions, the pomp of bishops, and a secular spirit
marked the triumph of Christianity over paganism. The Church was united
to the State, and the profession of the new faith was made a necessary
qualification for the enjoyment of civil rights. But the Church was now
distinguished for great men, who held high rank, theologians, and bishops,
like Augustine, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Gregory, Nazianzin, Basil, Eusebius,
and Martin of Tours.

Theodosius died in Milan, in the arms of Ambrose, A.D. 395, and
with him the genius of Rome expired, and the real drama of the fall
Death ofof the empire began. He was succeeded by his two sons, Arcadius
Theodosiu and Honorius, the one in the East and the other in the West, the
s. Arcadius

Page 641

and former being under the tutelage of Rufinus, the latter under the care
Honorius. of Stilicho, master-general of the armies. Both emperors were
unworthy or unequal to maintain their inheritances. The barbarians
gained fresh courage from the death of Theodosius, and
recommenced their ravages. The soldiers of the empire were dispirited and
enervated, and threw away their defensive armor. They even were not able
to bear the weight of the cuirass and helmet, and the heavy weapons of their
ancestors were exchanged for the bow. Thus they were exposed to the
deadly missiles of their enemies, and fled upon the approach of danger.
Gainas the Goth, who commanded the legions, slew Rufinus in the presence
of Arcadius, who abandoned himself at Constantinople to the influence of
the eunuch Eutropius, most [pg 635] celebrated for introducing Chrysostom
to the court. The eunuch minister soon after was murdered in a tumult, and
Arcadius was then governed by his wife Eudoxia, who secured the
banishment of Chrysostom.

The empire was now finally divided. A long succession of feeble
princes reigned in the East, ruled by favorites and women, at whose
Final courts the manners and customs of Oriental kings were introduced.
division ofThe Eastern empire now assumes the character of an Eastern
the monarchy, and henceforth goes by the name of the Greek empire, at
empire. first, embracing those countries bounded by the Adriatic and Tigris,
but gradually narrowed to the precincts of Constantinople. It lasted
for one thousand years longer, before it was finally subdued by the
Turks. The history of the Greek empire properly belongs to the mediæval
ages. It is our object to trace the final fall of the Western empire.

Under Honorius, the Visigoths, ruled by Alaric, appear in history as
a great and warlike people. Stilicho, the general of Honorius,
Alaric. encountered them unsuccessfully in two campaigns, in Macedonia
Defeat ofand Thessaly, and the degenerate cities of Greece purchased their
the Goths.preservation at an enormous ransom. In the year 402, Alaric
Stilicho. crossed the Alps, and Honorius fled to the marshes of Ravenna,
where, protected by the shallow sea, the Western emperors a long
time resided. Stilicho gained, however, a great victory over the
Goths at Pollentia, near Turin, and arrested the march of Alaric upon Rome.
The defeated Goth rose, however, superior to this defeat, celebrated by the

Page 642

poet Claudian, as the greatest victory which Rome had ever achieved. He
escaped with the main body of his cavalry, broke through the passes of the
Apennines, spread devastation on the fruitful fields of Tuscany, resolved to
risk another battle for the great prize he aimed to secure, even imperial
Rome. But Stilicho purchased the retreat of the Goths by a present of forty
thousand pounds of gold. The departure of Alaric from Italy, which he had
ravaged, was regarded by the Roman people as a [pg 636] complete and
final deliverance, and they abandoned themselves to absurd rejoicings and
gladiatoral shows.

But scarcely was Italy delivered from the Goths before an irruption
of Vandals, Suevi, and Burgundians, under the command of
Successive Rodogast, or Rhadagast, two hundred thousand in number, issued
barbaric from the coast of the Baltic, crossed the Vistula, the Alps, and the
irruptions. Apennines, ravaged the northern cities of Italy, and laid siege to
Loss ofFlorence. The victor of Pollentia appeared for the rescue with the
Gaul to thelast army which the empire could raise, surrounded the enemy with
empire. strong intrenchments, and forced them to retire. Stilicho again
delivered Italy, but one hundred thousand barbarians remained in
arms between the Alps and the Apennines, who crossed into Gaul,
then the most cultivated of the Western provinces, and completely
devastated its fields, and villas, and cities. Mentz was destroyed; Worms
fell, after an obstinate siege; Strasburg, Spires, Rheims, Tournay, Arras, and
Amiens, all fell under the German yoke, and Gaul was finally separated
from the empire. The Vandals, Sueves, and Alans, passed into Spain, while
the Burgundians remained behind, masters of the mountainous regions of
Eastern Gaul, to which was given the name of Burgundy, A.D. 409.

The troubles of the empire led to the final withdrawal of the legions from
Britain about the time that Gaul was lost, and about forty years before the
conquest of the island by the Saxons.

Italy, for a time delivered, forgot the services of Stilicho, the only man
capable of defending her. The jealousy of the timid emperor he served, and
the frivolous Senate which he saved, removed for ever the last hope of
Rome. This able general was assassinated at Ravenna, A.D. 408.

Page 643

The Gothic king, in his distant camp, beheld with joy the intrigues
and factions which deprived the emperor of his best and last
Alaric defender, and prepared for a new invasion of Italy. He descended
advances like an avalanche upon the plains of Italy, and captured the cities of
to Rome. Aquileia, [pg 637] Concordia, and Cremona. He then ravaged the
coasts of the Adriatic, and following the Flaminian way, crossed the
Appennines, devastated Umbria, and reached, without obstruction,
the city which for six hundred years had not seen a foreign enemy at her
gates. Rome still contained within her walls, twenty-three miles in circuit, a
vast population, but she had no warriors. She could boast of a long line of
senatorial families, one thousand seven hundred and eighty palaces, and
two million of people, together with the spoil of the ancient world, immense
riches, and innumerable works of art; but where were her defenders? It is a
sad proof of the degeneracy of the people that they were incapable of
defense.

Alaric made no effort to storm the city, but quietly sat down, and
inclosed the wretched inhabitants with a cordon through which
Siege ofnothing could force its way. He cut off all communication with the
Rome. country and the sea, and commanded the gates. Famine, added to
Heavy pestilence, did the work of soldiers. Despair seized the haughty and
tribute effeminate citizens, who invoked the clemency of the barbarians.
imposed He derided the ambassadors, and insulted them with rude and
on Rome.sarcastic jokes. “The thicker the hay, the easier it is mowed,”
Alaric replied he, when warned not to drive the people to despair. He
master- condescended to spare the lives of the people on condition that they
general. gave up all their gold and silver, all their precious movables, and
all their slaves of barbaric birth. More moderate terms were
afterward granted, but the victor did not retreat until he had loaded
his wagons with precious spoil. He retired to the fertile fields of Tuscany, to
make negotiations with Honorius, intrenched at Ravenna; and it was only
on the condition of being appointed master-general of the imperial army,
with an annual subsidy of corn and money, the free possession of Dalmatia,
Noricum, and Venetia, that he consented to peace with the emperor. These
terms were disregarded, and the indignant barbarian once again turned his
face to the city he had spared. He took [pg 638] possession of Ostia, and
Rome was at his mercy, since her magazines were in his hands. Again the

Page 644

Senate, fearful of famine, consented to the demands of the conqueror. He
nominated Atticus, prefect of the city, as emperor, and from him received
the commission of master-general of the armies of the West.

Atticus, after a brief reign, was degraded, and negotiations were
opened with Honorius. Repelled by fresh insults, which can not be
Sack ofcomprehended other than from that infatuation which is sent upon
Rome. the doomed, Alaric, vindictive and indignant, once more set out for
Rome, resolved on plunder and revenge. In vain did the nobles
organize a defense. Cowardice or treachery opened the Salarian
gate. In the dead of night the Goths entered the city, which now was the
prey of soldiers. For five days and five nights the “Eternal City” was
exposed to every barbarity and license, and only the treasures accumulated
and deposited in the churches of St. Paul and St. Peter were saved. A cruel
slaughter of the citizens added to the miseries of a sack. Forty thousand
slaves were let loose upon the people. The matrons and women of Rome
were exposed to every indignity. The city was given up to pillage. The
daughters and wives of senatorial families were made slaves. Italian
fugitives thronged the shores of Africa and Syria, begging daily bread. The
whole world was filled with consternation. The news of the capture of
Rome made the tongue of St. Jerome cleave to the roof of his mouth, in his
cell at Bethlehem. Sorrow, misery, desolation, and despair, were
everywhere. The end of the world was supposed to be at hand, and the great
churchmen of the age found consolation only in the doctrine of the second
coming of our Lord amid the clouds of heaven, A.D. 410.

After six days the Goths evacuated the city, and advanced on the
Appian way, to the southern provinces of Italy, destroying
Evacuatio ruthlessly all who opposed their march, and laden with the spoil of
n of Rome.Rome. The beautiful villas of the Campanian coast, where the
masters of the [pg 639] world had luxuriated for centuries, were
destroyed or plundered, and the rude Goths gave themselves up to
all the license of barbaric soldiers.

At length, gorged with wine and plunder, they prepared to invade
Sicily, when Alaric sickened and died in Bruttium, and was buried
Death ofbeneath the bed of a river, that the place of his sepulchre should
Alaric.

Page 645

never be found out. He was succeeded by his brother-in-law, Adolphus,
with whom Honorius concluded peace, and whom he created a general of
his armies. As such, he led his forces into Gaul, and the southern part of the
country became the seat of their permanent settlement, with Toulouse for a
capital. The Visigoths extended their conquests on both sides of the
Pyrenees; Vandalusia was conquered by his son, Wallia, A.D. 418, on
whom the emperor bestowed Aquitania. His son, Theodoric, was the first
king of the Goths.

The same year that saw the establishment of this new Gothic
kingdom, also witnessed the foundation of the kingdom of the
Kingdom Franks, by Pharamund, and the final loss of Britain. Thus province
of theafter province was wrested away from the emperor, who died, A.D.
Franks. 423, and was succeeded by Constantius, who had married his sister.
Discords He died the same year, leaving an infant, called Valentinian. The
between chief secretary of the late emperor, John, was proclaimed emperor;
Boniface but he was dethroned two years after, and Valentinian III. six years
and of age, reigned in his stead, favored by the services of two able
Aetius. generals, Boniface and Aetius, who arrested by their talents the
incursions of the barbarians, But they quarreled, and their discord
led to the loss of Africa, invaded by the Vandals.

These barbarians also belonged to the great Teutonic race, and their
settlements were on the Elbe and the Vistula. In the time of Marcus
The Aurelius they had invaded the empire, but were signally defeated.
Vandals. One hundred years later, they settled in Pannonia, where they had a
bitter contest with the Goths. Defeated by them, they sought the
protection of Rome, and enlisted in her armies. In 406 they [pg
640] invaded Gaul, and advanced to the Pyrenees, inflicting every atrocity.
They then crossed into Spain, and settled in Andalusia, A.D. 409, and
resumed the agricultural life they had led in Pannonia. The Roman governor
of Spain intrigued with their old enemies, the Goths, then settled in Gaul, to
make an attack upon them, under Wallia. Worried and incensed, the Vandals
turned against the Romans, and routed them, and got possession of the
peninsula.

Page 646

It was then that Aetius, the general of Valentinian III., persuaded
the emperor,—or rather his mother, Placidia, the real ruler,—to
The recall Boniface from the government of Africa. He refused the
Vandals insummons, revolted, and called to his aid the Vandals, who had
Africa. possession of Spain. They were commanded by Genseric, one of
those hideous monsters, who combined great military talents with
every vice. He responded to the call of Boniface, and invaded
Africa, rich in farms and cities, whose capital, Carthage, was once more the
rival of Rome, and had even outgrown Alexandria as a commercial city.
With fifty thousand warriors, Genseric devastated the country, and
Boniface, too late repenting of his error, turned against the common foe, but
was defeated, and obliged to cede to the barbarians three important
provinces, A.D. 432.

Peace was not of long duration, and the Vandals renewed the war,
on the retreat of Boniface to Italy, where he was killed in a duel, by
Fall ofAetius. All Africa was overrun, and Carthage was taken and
Carthage. plundered, and met a doom as awful as Tyre and Jerusalem, for her
iniquities were flagrant, and called to heaven for vengeance. In the
sack of the city, the writings of Augustine, bishop of Hippo, were
fortunately preserved as a thesaurus of Christian theological literature, the
influence of which can hardly be overrated in the dark period which
succeeded, A.D. 439.

The Vandals then turned their eyes to Rome, and landed on the
Italian coast. The last hope of the imperial city, now threatened by
Vandals inan overwhelming force, [pg 641] was her Christian bishop—the
Italy. Sackgreat Leo, who hastened to the barbarians' camp, and in his
of Romepontifical robes, sought the mercy of the unrelenting and savage
by thefoe. But he could secure no better terms, than that the unresisting
Vandals. should be spared, the buildings protected from fire, and the captives
from torture. But this promise was only partially fulfilled. The
pillage lasted fourteen days and fourteen nights, and all that the
Goths had spared was transported to the ships of Genseric. The statues of
the old pagan gods, which adorned the capitol, the holy vessels of the
Jewish temple, which Titus had brought from Jerusalem, the shrines and
altars of the Christian churches, the costly ornaments of the imperial palace,

Page 647

the sideboards of massive silver from senatorial mansions,—the gold, the
silver, the brass, the precious marbles,—were all transported to the ships.
The Empress Eudoxia, herself, stripped of her jewels, was carried away
captive, with her two daughters, the sole survivors of the family of
Theodosius.

Such was the doom of Rome, A.D. 455, forty-five years after the
Gothic invasion. The haughty city met the fate which she had
The fall ofinflicted on her rivals, and nothing remained but desolation and
Rome. recollections.

While the Vandals were plundering Rome, the Huns—a
Sclavonic race, hideous and revolting barbarians, under
The Huns. Attila, called the scourge of God, were ravaging the
remaining provinces of the empire. Never since the days of
Xerxes was there such a gathering of nations as now
inundated the Roman world—some five hundred thousand warriors, chiefly
Asiatic, armed with long quivers and heavy lances, cuirasses of plaited hair,
scythes, round bucklers, and short swords. This host, composed of Huns,
Alans, Gepidæ, and other tribes, German as well as Asiatic, from the plains
of Sarmatia, and the banks of the Vistula and Niemen, extended from Bash
to the mouth of the Rhine. The great object of attack was Orleans—an
important strategic position.

The leader of the imperial forces was Aetius, banished for [pg 642]
the death of Boniface, composed of Britains, Franks, Burgundians,
Battle ofSueves, Saxons, and Visigoths. It was not now the Romans against
Chalons. barbarians, but Europe against Asia. The contending forces met on
the plains of Champagne, and at Chalons was fought the decisive
battle by which Europe was delivered from Asia, and the Gothic
nations from the Mongol races, A.D. 451. Attila was beaten, and Gaul was
saved from Sclavonic invaders. It is said that three hundred thousand of the
barbarians, on both sides, were slain.

The discomfited king of the Huns led back his forces to the Rhine, ravaging
the country through which he passed. The following year he invaded Italy.

Page 648

Aetius had won one of the greatest victories of ancient times, and
alone remained to stem the barbaric hosts. But he was mistrusted
Attila inby the emperor at Ravenna, whose daughter he had solicited in
Italy. marriage for his son, and was left without sufficient force. Aquileia,
the most important city in Northern Italy, fell into the hands of
Attila. He then resolved to cross the Apennines and give a last blow
to Rome. Leo, the intrepid bishop, sought his camp, as he had once before
entreated Genseric. The Hun consented to leave Italy for an annual tribute,
and the hand of the princess Honoria, sister of the Emperor Valentinian. He
retired to the Danube by the passes of the Alps, and spent the winter in
bacchanalian orgies, but was cut off in his career by the poisoned dagger of
a Burgundian princess, whose relations he had slain.

The retreat of the Huns did not deliver the wasted provinces of a
now fallen empire from renewed ravages. For twenty years longer,
Retreat ofItaly was subject to incessant depredations. Valentinian, the last
the Huns.emperor of the family of Theodosius, was assassinated A.D. 455, at
The lastthe instigation of Maximus—a senator of the Anician family, whose
emperors. wife had been violated by the emperor. The successive reigns of
Maximus, Avitus, Majorian, Severus, Anthemius, Olybrius,
Glycerins, Nepos,and Augustulus—nine [pg 643] emperors in
twenty-one years, suggest nothing but ignominy and misfortune. They were
shut up in their palaces, within the walls of Ravenna, and were unable to
arrest the ruin. Again, during this period, was Rome sacked by the Vandals.
The great men of the period were Theodoric—king of the Ostrogoths, who
ruled both sides of the Alps, and supported the crumbling empire, and
Count Ricimer, a Sueve, and generalissimo of the Roman armies. It was at
this disastrous epoch that fugitives from the Venetian territory sought a
refuge among the islands which skirt the northern coast of the Adriatic—the
haunts of fishermen and sea-birds. There Venice was born—to revive the
glory of the West, and write her history upon the waves for one thousand
years.

The last emperor was the son of Orestes—a Pannonian, who was
christened Romulus. When elevated by the soldiers upon a shield
Odoacer. and saluted Augustus, he was too small to wear the purple robe, and
Theodoric. they called him Augustulus!—a bitter mockery, recalling the

Page 649

foundation and the imperial greatness of Rome. This prince, feeble and
powerless, was dethroned by Odoacer—chief of the Heruli, and one of the
unscrupulous mercenaries whose aid the last emperor had invoked. The
throne of the Cæsars was now hopelessly subverted, and Odoacer portioned
out the lands of Italy among his greedy followers, but allowed Augustulus
to live as a pensioner in a Campanian villa, which had once belonged to
Sulla, A.D. 476. Odoacer, however, reigned but fourteen years, and was
supplanted by Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, A.D. 490. The barbarians
were now fairly settled in the lands they had invaded, and the Western
empire was completely dismembered.

In Italy were the Ostrogoths, who established a powerful kingdom,
afterward assailed by Belisarius and Narses, the generals of
Gothic Justinian, the Eastern emperor, and also by the Lombards, under
kingdom Alboin, who secured a footing in the north of Italy. Gaul was
of Italy.divided among [pg 644] the Franks, Burgundians, and Visigoths,
Division among whom were perpetual wars. Britain was possessed by the
of theSaxons. Spain became the inheritance of Vandals, Suevi, and
empire Visigoths. The Vandals retained Africa. The Eastern empire, with
among the exception of Constantinople, finally fell into the hands of the
barbarians. Saracens.

It would be interesting to trace the various fortunes of the
Teutonic nations in their new settlements, but this belongs
Reflection to mediæval history. The real drama of the fall of Rome
s on thewas ended when Alaric gained possession of the imperial
fall of thecity. “The empire fell,” says Guizot, “because no one
empire. would belong to it.” At the period of barbaric invasion it
had lost all real vigor, and was kept together by mechanism
—the mechanism of government which had been one
thousand years perfecting. It was energy, patriotism, patience, and a genius
for government which built up the empire. But prosperity led to luxury,
self-exaggeration, and enervating vices. Society was steeped in sensuality,
frivolity, and selfishness. The empire was rotten to the core, and must
become the prey of barbarians, who had courage and vitality. Three
centuries earlier, the empire might have withstood the shock of external
enemies, and the barbarians might have been annihilated. But they invaded

Page 650

the provinces when central power was weak, when public virtue had fled,
when the middle classes were extinct, when slavery, demoralizing
pleasures, and disproportionate fortunes destroyed elevation of sentiment,
and all manly energies. A noble line of martial emperors for a time arrested
ruin, but ruin was inevitable. Natural law asserted its dignity. The penalty of
sin must be paid. Nothing could save the empire. No conservative
influences were sufficiently strong—neither literature, nor art, nor science,
nor philosophy, nor even Christianity. Society retrograded as the new
religion triumphed, a mysterious fact, but easily understood when we
remember that vices were universal before a remedy could be applied. The
victories of Christianity came not too late for the human race, but too late
for the salvation of a worn-out empire.

[pg 645]
The barbarians were advancing when Constantine was converted. The
salvation of the race was through these barbarians themselves, for, though
they desolated, they reconstructed; and, when converted to the new faith,
established new institutions on a better basis. The glimmering life-sparks of
a declining and miserable world disappeared, but new ideas, new passions,
new interests arose, and on the ruins of the pagan civilization new Christian
empires were founded, which have been gaining power for one thousand
five hundred years, and which may not pass away till civilization itself shall
be pronounced a failure in the present dispensations of the Moral Governor
of the World.

THE END.

Page 651

[pg 647]

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