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Title: Every Day Life in the Massachusetts Bay Colony

Author: George Francis Dow

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Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EVERY DAY
LIFE IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY ***

EVERY DAY LIFE IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY

EVERY DAY LIFE
IN THE
MASSACHUSETTS BAY
COLONY
BY

George Francis Dow

Massachus
etts Bay
Colony
Seal, 1675

ARNO PRESS
A New York Times Company New York / 1977

First Published in Boston, 1935 Reissued in 1967, by Benjamin Blom, Inc.
Reprint Edition 1977 by Arno Press Inc. LC# 77-82079 ISBN 0-405-09125-
7 Manufactured in the United States of America

PREFACE
A picture of some phases of life in the early days of the Massachusetts Bay
Colony is presented in the following pages; lightly sketched, as much of the
detail has become dim or has disappeared with the passage of years, it never
having been placed on record even among the traditions. For why keep an
exact record of doings with which every one is familiar? It follows that
many of the every day happenings, the manners and customs of daily life—
much of the intimate detail of existence in the Colony, in the seventeenth
century, have been lost forever.
Few realize how modern are the furnishings and comforts of our present-
day houses and how different was the home life of our ancestors. Chairs
were unknown in ordinary English households until a generation or so
before the sailing of the Mayflower. Hats were worn at meals and the use of
table forks did not become general until the last of the 1600s. Food was
placed in the mouth with the knife or the fingers. Washing the hands and
face was not considered essential on rising from bed in the morning and few
of the laboring classes in any country in Europe washed their faces every
day.
This is a collection of source materials, somewhat digested, rather than a
comprehensive, well-balanced narrative of daily life in the Colony—an
impossible task at this late day. Moreover, the exact limitations of the
Colonial Period have not been observed too closely as it has seemed
desirable to include some material from newspapers and other later sources.

CONTENTS
I. The Voyage to New England 3
II. Their Early Shelters and Later Dwellings 13
III. How They Furnished Their Houses 28
IV. Counterpanes and Coverlets 53
V. Concerning Their Apparel 60
VI. Pewter in the Early Days 84
VII. The Farmhouse and the Farmer 91
VIII. Manners and Customs 101
IX. Sports and Games 110
X. Trades and Manufactures 120
XI. Concerning Shipping and Trade 143
XII. From Wampum to Paper Money 166
XIII. Herb Tea and the Doctor 174
XIV.Crimes and Punishments 199
Appendix
A. Seventeenth-Century Building Agreements (1658-1688) 227
B. Rev. Samuel Skelton's Accompte (1629-1630) 239
C. An Abstract of the Inventory of the Contents of the Shop of Capt. Joseph
Weld of Roxbury, 1646-7 242

D. Inventory of Goods in the Shop of Capt. Bozone Allen of Boston, 1652 244
E. Manufactures and Other Products Listed in The Rates on Imports and Exports
Established by the House of Parliament, June 24, 1660 246

F. Inventory of Goods in the Warehouse of William Paine of Boston, Merchant,
1660 258

G. Inventory of Goods in the Shop of Edward Wharton of Salem, 1678 262
H. Inventory of the Contents of the Shop and House of Capt. George Corwin of
Salem, 1685 270
Index 284

EVERY DAY LIFE IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY

Every Day Life in the Massachusetts Bay Colony

CHAPTER I
The Voyage To Massachusetts

"Before you come," wrote Rev. Francis Higginson, the first minister at
Salem, "be careful to be strongly instructed what things are fittest to bring
with you for your more comfortable passage at sea, as also for your
husbandry occasions when you come to the land. For when you are once
parted with England you shall meete neither markets nor fayres to buy what
you want. Therefore be sure to furnish yourselves with things fitting to be
had before you come: as meale for bread, malt for drinke, woolen and
linnen cloath, and leather for shoes, and all manner of carpenters tools, and
a great deale of iron and steele to make nails, and locks for houses, and
furniture for ploughs and carts, and glasse for windows, and many other
things which were better for you to think of there than to want them here."[1]
Elsewhere the good pastor set down "A catalogue of such needfull things as
every Planter doth or ought to provide to go to New England" in which he
enumerated the necessary victuals per person for the first year, viz.:
"8 Bushels of meale, 2 Bushels of pease, 2 Bushels of Otemeale, 1 Gallon
of Aquavitae, 1 Gallon of Oyle, 2 Gallons of Vinegar, 1 Firkin of Butter;
also Cheese, Bacon, Sugar, Pepper, Cloves, Mace, Cinnamon, Nutmegs and
Fruit."
The household implements listed were: "1 Iron pot, 1 Kettel, 1 Frying pan,
1 Gridiron, 2 Skellets, 1 Spit, Wooden Platters, Dishes, Spoons and
Trenchers."
Mr. Higginson listed in detail the food supplies required per person for a
year, including a good variety of spices; and also the clothing for a man,
which included a Monmouth cap, a suit of canvas, a suit of freize, a suit of
cloth, four pairs of shoes, three shirts and three falling bands, a pair of
blankets, a coarse rug and seven ells of canvas with which to make a bed
and bolster. The settler must also bring with him a complete armor, with a
long piece, sword, bandoleer and ammunition, tools for cultivating the soil
and for working wood, and also household implements—a limited

equipment, comparable with the kit packed by the scout or mining
prospector of more recent times.
On looking backward over the span of three centuries, Time lends an
enchantment to these Puritan forefathers of present-day Massachusetts.
Worshiping descendants have placed halos about their heads and the
hardships of life during the early years have been magnified to the extent
that these independent-minded Englishmen have become types of suffering
fortitude—martyrs to the noble cause of free religion and self-government.
That is a long tale, however, carrying with it many qualifications, and
cannot be enlarged upon here. In what follows, it should always be borne in
mind that aside from the Dutch at New Amsterdam and the small colony of
Swedes on the Delaware, it was English stock that settled the American
colonies and that these men and women brought with them a background of
generations of English life. Their standards of living, manner of working
their trades and natural aptitude for barter and commerce were all modeled
upon English life and customs. It was only natural that this should be so.
The ships crossed the Atlantic at comparatively frequent intervals and their
holds came filled with all kinds of necessities and luxuries required by
English standards of living—foodstuffs, fabrics and implements which the
shops of London, Plymouth or Bristol could supply and which could not be
produced by the American settlements. To obtain these refinements of life
the colonists required only money or merchandise. Lumber, raw or
manufactured, salted fish, beaver and peltry, plantation-built vessels and
other products of the colonies, could be easily converted into the comforts
of English life for sale in the shops across the Atlantic.
The Rev. Francis Higginson came over in the Talbot, a ship of three
hundred tons burden, which was armed with nineteen guns and carried a
crew of thirty men. She brought over one hundred passengers. Sailing with
her was the ship George of three hundred tons, in which came fifty-two
passengers and a stock of cattle, twelve mares, thirty cows and some goats.
From the original records of the Massachusetts Bay Company in New
England we learn what food supplies were shipped on board the Talbot for
the American voyage. The amount was supposed to be sufficient for one
hundred and thirty-five men for three months. As a matter of fact, the
voyage from Gravesend to the anchorage in Salem harbor occupied sixty-
eight days.

The ship carried 22 hogsheads of salted beef, 12,000 of bread (biscuits), 40
bushels of peas, 20 barrels of oatmeal, 450 pounds of salt fish, 10 firkins of
butter and 1,200 pounds of cheese. To wash down this food they took on
board 6 tons of water, 45 tons of beer, 20 gallons of brandy, 20 gallons of
Spanish wine (Malaga and Canary), 2 tierces of beer vinegar and 20 gallons
of olive oil.[2] During the voyage two died of smallpox, including a
blasphemous seaman. A child died of consumption and a dog fell overboard
and could not be recovered. The rest came through and reached Salem
harbor in a good state of health.
The Massachusetts Bay Company seems to have maintained a "company
store," in the modern phrase, at which the colonists might obtain clothing,
fabrics, foodstuffs and supplies of all sorts. When Governor Endecott came
over in 1628, the Company sent extra clothing sufficient for one hundred
men including three hundred suits of clothes, four hundred shirts and four
hundred pairs of shoes. Two hundred of the suits of clothes consisted of
doublet and hose made up of leather, lined with oiled skin leather, and
fastened with hooks and eyes. The other suits were made up of Hampshire
kerseys, the doublets lined with linen and the hose with skins. There were a
hundred waistcoats of green cotton bound about with red tape, a hundred
Monmouth caps, at two shillings each, five hundred red knit caps, milled, at
five pence each, and one hundred black hats, lined in the brows with
leather. This store supplied the natural wear and tear of headgear among the
hundred men. The stock contained four hundred pairs of knit stockings, ten
dozen pairs of Norwich garters, three hundred plain falling bands, two
hundred handkerchiefs and a stock of sheer linen with which to made up
other handkerchiefs. Scotch ticking was supplied for beds and bolsters, with
wool to put therein. The blankets were of Welsh cotton and fifty rugs were
sent over to place over the blankets, while mats were supplied "to lye vnder
50 bedds aboard shippe."[3]
During the ten years that followed the settlement of the Massachusetts Bay,
a continuous flow of emigration from England crossed the Atlantic in all
kinds of available sailing craft.[4] The passage usually cost £5 per person
and this included provisions provided by the ship such as "salt Beefe,
Porke, salt Fish, Butter, Cheese, Pease, Pottage, Water-grewell, and such
kinde of Victualls, with good Biskets, and sixe-shilling Beere; yet it will be
necessary to carry some comfortable refreshing of fresh victuall. As first,

for such as have ability, some Conserves, and good Clarret Wine to burne at
Sea; Or you may have it by some of your Vintners or Wine-Coopers burned
here, & put into Vessels, which will keepe much better than other burnt
Wine, it is a very comfortable thing for the stomacke; or such as are Sea-
sicke: Sallat-oyle likewise, Prunes are good to be stewed: Sugar for many
things: White Biskets, and Egs, and Bacon, Rice, Poultry, and some
weather-sheepe to Kill aboard the Ship: and fine flowre-baked meates, will
keepe about a weeke or nine days at Sea. Iuyce of Lemons well put up, is
good either to prevent or curre the Scurvy.[5] Here it must not be forgotten to
carry small Skillets or Pipkins, and small frying-panns, to dresse their
victualls in at Sea. For bedding, so it be easie, and cleanly, and warme, it is
no matter how old or coarse it be for the use of the Sea: and so likewise for
Apparrell, the oldest cloathes be the fittest, with a long coarse coate to
keepe better things from the pitched ropes and plankes. Whosoever shall put
to Sea in a stoute and well-conditioned ship, having an honest Master, and
loving Seamen, shall not neede to feare, but he shall finde as good content
at Sea, as at Land.[6]
The Mayflower shipped 15,000 brown biscuit and 5,000 white, that is, hard
bread, i.e. crackers; also smoked or half-cooked bacon, as it came from the
smokehouse, which was much liked with the biscuit and when fried was
considered a delicacy. Haberdyne (dried salted codfish) was also a staple
article of diet; also smoked herring. Potatoes were practically unknown at
that time and the store of cabbages, turnips, onions, parsnips, etc., soon ran
short and gave way to boiled mush, oatmeal, pease puddings, etc. Their beer
was carried in iron-bound casks.
When passengers came aboard vessels bound for New England in those
early days, how did they stow themselves and their possessions? The
Mayflower had a length of about 110 feet and measured about 244 tons. It
was originally intended that she should carry ninety passengers, men,
women and children, but when the Speedwell put back, twelve of her
passengers were taken aboard, and two boys were born during the voyage.
The ship also carried a crew of twenty to twenty-five men, and officers and
petty officers, about sixteen in number, would bring the total of those
aboard to one hundred and forty or more. Goats, pigs, and poultry occupied
pens on the upper or spar deck and in the boats carried there. Small sleeping
cabins were provided for the ship's officers and the more important

passengers; most of the company slept in narrow bunks, in hammocks, and
on pallet beds of canvas filled with straw, placed on the deck beneath the
hammocks. The crew bunked in the forecastle. The chests and personal
possessions of the passengers were stowed below on the lower deck where
the food, water and ship's stores were kept. On the Arbella, Governor
Winthrop's ship, the male passengers lodged on the gundeck and four men
were "ordered to keep that room clean."
The ship Whale, in 1632, brought thirty passengers, including Mr. Wilson
and Mr. Dummer, all in good health, and seventy cows of which they lost
but two. The ship Regard of Barnstaple, 200 tons, arrived in 1634, brought
twenty passengers and about fifty cattle. The ship Society of Boston, N. E.,
220 tons, with a crew of thirty-three men, arrived in 1663, with seventy-
seven passengers. A notable example of fortitude is found in the voyage of
the sloop Sparrow Hawk, that sailed from London in 1626 for Virginia and
having been blown off her course was wrecked on Cape Cod.
She was only forty feet in length, had a breadth of beam of twelve feet and
ten inches, and a depth of nine feet, seven and one-half inches. Bradford in
his History records that she carried "many passengers in her and sundrie
goods ... the cheefe amongst these people was one Mr. Fells and Mr. Sibsie,
which had many servants belonging unto them, many of them being Irish.
Some others ther were yt had a servante or 2 a piece; but ye most were
servants, and such as were ingaged to the former persons, who also had ye
most goods ... they had been 6 weeks at sea, and had no water, nor beere,
nor any woode left, but had burnt up all their emptie caske."[7] And this
happened in the month of December!
In those days cooking on shore was done in an open fireplace. On
shipboard, the larger vessels were provided with an open "hearth" made of
cast iron sometimes weighing five hundred pounds and over. More
commonly a hearth of bricks was laid on deck, over which stood an iron
tripod from which the kettles hung. More crudely still a bed of sand filled a
wooden frame and on this the fire was built, commonly of charcoal. On the
ship Arbella, in which came Governor John Winthrop and his company, in
1630, the "cookroom" was near a hatchway opening into the hold. The
captain, his officers and the principal men among the passengers dined in
the "round house," a cabin in the stern over the high quarter-deck. Lady
Arbella Johnson and the gentlewomen aboard dined in the great cabin on

the quarter-deck. The passengers ate their food wherever convenient on the
main deck or in good weather, on the spar deck above. Years later, a new
ship lying at anchor in Boston harbor was struck by lightning which
"melted the top of the iron spindle of the vane of the mainmast" and passing
through the long boat, which lay on the deck, killed two men and injured
two others as "they were eating together off the Hen-Coop, near the Main
Mast."
The ship supplied each passenger with a simple ration of food distributed
by the quartermasters, which each family or self arranged group of
passengers cooked at a common hearth as opportunity and the weather
permitted. Of necessity much food was served cold and beer was the
principal drink. John Josselyn, Gent., who visited New England in 1638,
records "the common proportion of Victualls for the Sea to a Mess, being 4
men, is as followeth:
"Two pieces of Beef, of 3 pound and ¼ per piece.
"Four pound of Bread.
"One pint ¼ of Pease.
"Four Gallons of Bear, with Mustard and Vinegar for three flesh dayes in
the week.
"For four fish dayes, to each Mess per day, two pieces of Codd or
Habberdine, making three pieces of fish.
"One quarter of a pound of Butter.
"Four pound of Bread.
"Three quarters of a pound of Cheese.
"Bear is before.
"Oatmeal per day, for 50 men, Gallon 1. and so proportionable for more or
fewer.
"Thus you see the ship's provision, is Beef or Porke, Fish, Butter, Cheese,
Pease, Pottage, Water gruel, Bisket, and six-shilling Bear.
"For private fresh provision, you may carry with you (in case you, or any of
yours should be sick at Sea) Conserves of Roses, Clove-Gilliflowers,

Wormwood, Green-Ginger, Burnt-Wine, English Spirits, Prunes to stew,
Raisons of the Sun, Currence, Sugar, Nutmeg, Mace, Cinnamon, Pepper
and Ginger, White Bisket, or Spanish Rusk, Eggs, Rice, Juice of Lemmons,
well put up to cure, or prevent the Scurvy. Small Skillets, Pipkins,
Porrengers, and small Frying pans.
"To prevent or take away Sea sickness, Conserve of Wormwood is very
proper."[8]
The settler also must take with him a supply of food to answer his needs on
reaching Massachusetts, and it was advised that enough for the space of a
year might be required in which case each person should be certain to have
in store 8 bushels of meal, 2 bushels pease, 2 bushels oatmeal, 1 gallon
brandy, 1 gallon oil and 2 gallons vinegar. Sugar could be had in New
England as the Colonial vessels were bringing it from the West Indies in the
way of trade, but spices, necessary to the English diet, must be brought
from England.
John Josselyn, writing in 1638, listed the following articles as necessary
equipment for every family coming to New England, viz.:
Bellows £0 2 0
Scoop 09
Great pail 0 10
Casting shovel 0 10
A sack 24
Lanthorn 13
Tobacco pipes
5 broad howes 10 0
5 narrow howes 68
5 felling axes 76
2 hand saws 10 0
1 whip saw 10 0
1 file and wrest 10
2 hammers 20
2 augers 10
Wheels for a cart 14 0
Wheel barrow 60

Canoe 3 00
Short oak ladder 0 10
Plough 39
Axle tree 08
Cart 10 0
3 shovels 46
2 spades 30
2 broad axes 74
6 chisels 30
3 gimblets 06
2 hatchets 36
2 frows 30
2 hand bills 34

Nails of all sorts 2 00
3 locks and 3 pr. fetters 5 10
2 curry combs 0 11
Brand for beasts 06
Hand vise 26
100 wt. spikes nails and pins (120) 2 5 0
2 pick axes 0 30
Chain and lock for a boat 22
Coulter (10 pound) 34
Pitch fork 14
Plough share 2 11
Household implements for a family of six persons, viz.:
1 iron pot 0 70
1 great copper kettle 2 00
1 small kettle 100
1 lesser kettle 60
1 large frying pan 26
1 small frying pan 18
1 brass mortar 0 30

1 spit 20
1 grid iron 10
2 skillets 50
Platters, dishes and spoons of wood 40
The above prices are estimated costs in England and the freight on the same
would be reckoned at the rate of half a ton per person.
The vessels which carried the great emigration to New England between
1630 and 1640 were of small tonnage and the passenger accommodations
on board were limited in space and barren of creature comforts. Small
wonder that the health of many of the first settlers, shaken by the passage at
sea, paid toll to the severity of the New England climate—the biting cold of
the winter and the heat of the summer days to which they were
unaccustomed.
"It was not because the Country was unhealthful, but because their bodies
were corrupted with sea-diet, which was naught, their Beefe and Porke
being tainted, their Butter and Cheese corrupted, their Fish rotten, and
voyage long, by reason of crosse Windes, so that winter approaching before
they could get warme houses, and the searching sharpnes of that purer
Climate, creeping in at the crannies of their crazed bodies, caused death and
sickness."[9]
The ship Talbot, on which Mr. Higginson sailed, brought over one hundred
passengers and thirty seamen. She measured nearly eighty-six feet in length
and had a depth of hold of eleven feet. By present-day measurement she
was about two hundred tons burden. The space between decks, where the
passengers slept and spent much time during the dreary voyage, was so low
that a tall man could not stand erect, and whenever a severe storm arose, so
that the ports and hatches must be kept closed, the air below deck in time
must have become intolerable. Such a storm arose when the Talbot was
thirty-three days out and "ye wind blew mightily, ye sea roared and ye
waves tossed us horribly; besides it was fearfull darke and ye mariners
made us afraid with their running here and there and lowd crying one to
another to pull at this and yt rope."
These small emigrant ships of the seventeenth century, besides men, women
and children, brought over much livestock housed in temporary pens and

shelters built amidships. The long boat or pinnace was also carried on
board, all of which left little room for movement about the deck. But these
three hundred tons ships were traveling palaces when compared with some
of the smaller craft that boldly ventured across the Atlantic. Barks, ketches,
pinks and other small vessels of less than fifty tons burden were common.
In 1635, a "small Norsey bark" of twenty-five tons reached Boston. She was
bound for Connecticut, but a stormy voyage had forced her to seek safety in
Boston harbor. This vessel, little over thirty feet in length, brought over
fourteen passengers, including two women, with their household goods.

CHAPTER II
Their Early Shelters and Later Dwellings

There is a widespread misconception that the colonists on reaching
Massachusetts proceeded immediately to build log houses in which to live.
Historians have described these log houses as chinked with moss and clay
and as having earth floors, precisely the type of house built on the frontier
and in the logging camps at a much later period. A well-known picture of
Leyden Street, at Plymouth, shows a double row of log houses reaching up
the hillside, which the Pilgrims are supposed to have constructed. In point
of fact, no contemporary evidence has been found that supports the present-
day theory. The early accounts of what took place in the days following the
settlement along the coast are full of interesting details relating to day-by-
day happenings but nowhere do we find allusion to a log house such as
modern historians assume existed at that time. This unique form of
construction, however, had been used in Scandinavia since the Middle Ages
and also in parts of Germany, but never did it appear in England. It also is
well established that the North American Indians knew nothing of this
method of construction, even the Iroquois tribe who built a "long house,"
so-called.
The Swedes and Finns who settled in Delaware in 1638 introduced the log
house built of logs with notched ends, with which they were familiar in
their homeland. What more natural? Jasper Dankers and Peter Sluyter,
Dutch travelers, made a tour of the American colonies in 1679-1680, and
while passing through New Jersey, describe the house of Jacob Hendricks,
near the town of Burlington, as follows:
"The house, although not much larger than where we were the last night,
was somewhat better and tighter, being made according to the Swedish
mode, and as they usually build their houses here, which are block-houses,
being nothing less than entire trees, split through the middle, or squared out
of the rough, and placed in the form of a square, upon each other, as high as
they wish to have the house; the ends of these timbers are let into each

other, about a foot from the ends, half of one into half of the other, the
whole structure is thus made without a nail or a spike. The ceiling and roof
do not exhibit much finer work, except amongst the most careful people,
who have the ceiling planked and a glass window. The doors are wide
enough, but very low, so that you have to stoop in entering. These houses
are quite tight and warm: but the chimney is placed in a corner. My
comrade and myself had some deer skins, spread upon the floor to lie on,
and we were, therefore, quite well off and could get some rest."[10]
These travelers also spent a night at a Quaker's house near where a gristmill
had been erected on a creek above the falls at what is now Trenton.
"Here we had to lodge: and although we were too tired to eat, we had to
remain sitting upright the whole night, not being able to find room enough
to lie upon the ground. We had a fire, however, but the dwellings are so
wretchedly constructed, that if you are not close to the fire, as almost to
burn yourself, you cannot keep warm, for the wind blows through them
everywhere. Most of the English and many others, have their houses made
of nothing but clapboards, as they call them there, in this manner: they first
make a wooden frame, the same as they do in Westphalia, but not so strong,
they then split the boards of clapboard, so that they are like cooper's pipe-
staves, except they are not bent. These are made very thin, with a large
knife, so that the thickest edge is about a little finger thick, and the other is
made sharp, like the edge of a knife. They are about five or six feet long,
and are nailed on the outside of the frame, with the ends lapped over each
other. They are not usually laid so close together, as to prevent you from
sticking a finger between them, in consequence either of their not being
well joined, or the boards being crooked. When it is cold and windy, the
best people plaster them with clay. Such are most all the English houses in
the country."[11]
The only type of log construction in use in New England in the early days
existed in garrison houses built as a protection against the Indians. In every
instance the logs were carefully hewed square, to make a close fit against
each other, and never notched at the ends, sometimes halved at the corners
of the structure, but usually dove-tailed into each other at the ends in
medieval military manner. Several of these garrison houses still exist and
although afterwards used as dwellings, at first they were built as forts.

What happened at the Plymouth Colony after the Mayflower came to
anchor? The wind blew very hard for two days and the next day, Saturday,
December 23, 1620, as many as could went ashore: "felled and carried
timber, to provide themselves stuff for building," and the following Monday
"we went on shore, some to fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and
some to carry; so no man rested all that day."[12] Bradford writes "that they
builte a forte with good timber" which Isaac de Rasieres described in 1627
as "a large square house, made of thick sawn planks, stayed with oak
beams." The oldest existing houses in the Plymouth Colony are built in the
same manner and some half dozen or more seventeenth-century plank
houses may yet be seen north of Boston. Moreover, when the ship Fortune
sailed from Plymouth in the summer of 1621, the larger part of her lading
consisted of "clapboards and wainscott," showing clearly that the colonists
soon after landing had dug saw pits and produced boards in quantity
suitable for the construction of houses and for exportation.
The first settlers in the Massachusetts Bay brought with them mechanics of
all kinds, well equipped with tools, and it is altogether probable that these
workmen plied their trades on this side of the Atlantic exactly as they had
been taught through long centuries of apprenticeship in England. The
houses of that early period, still remaining, all resemble similar English
structures. Upon arrival, however, the need for shelter was imperative, and
all sorts of rude expedients were adopted. Deacon Bartholomew Green, the
printer of the Boston News-Letter, related that when his father arrived at
Boston in 1630, "for lack of housing he was wont to find shelter at night in
an empty cask," and during the following winter many of the poorer sort
still continued to live in tents through lack of better housing. When Roger
Clap arrived at Charlestown in 1630 he "found some Wigwams and one
House ... in the meantime before they could build at Boston, they lived
many of them in tents and Wigwams."
John Winthrop, in his Journal, writes that "the poorer sort of people (who
lay long in tents) were much afflicted with scurvy and many died,
especially at Boston and Charlestown." He also makes several references to
English wigwams. In September, 1630, one Fitch, of Watertown, had his
wigwam burned down with all his goods and two months later John Firman,
also of Watertown, lost his English wigwam.

Edward Johnson, in his Wonder-Working Providence, mentions the rude
shelters of the first settlers. "They kept off the short showers from their
lodgings, but the long rains penetrated through to their disturbance in the
night season, yet in those poor wigwams they sang Psalms, praise and pray
their God till they can provide them homes which ordinarily was not wont
to be with many till the earth by the Lord's blessing brought forth bread to
feed them, their wives and little ones."
The Rev. Francis Higginson, in his New-Englands Plantation, printed in
1630, describes the wigwams built by the Indians living at Salem as "verie
little and homely, but made with small poles prick't into the ground and so
bended and fastened at the tops and on the side, they are matted with
boughes and covered with sedge and old mats." It seems likely that when
the English built themselves "English wigwams," they copied the small
structures built by the Indians, especially as mats suitable for covering
might be obtained from the Indians by barter, and old pieces of sailcloth
doubtless might be obtained from the shipping stores. It seems unlikely that
an Englishman living in one of these structures during the winter season
would be content to allow the smoke from his fire to find its way out
through a hole in the roof in the Indian fashion. It is more likely that a
fireplace, built of stones or bricks, would be constructed at one end of an
"English wigwam." A door in hewed frame, with wooden hinges, probably
was installed as a suitable substitute for the Indian mat lifted upon entering.
The floors in these English wigwams undoubtedly would be covered with
rushes or straw, following the custom in English cottages at that time.
Edward Johnson, the town clerk of Woburn, writing in 1652, relates of the
first settlers that "after they have thus found out a place of aboad, they
burrow themselves in the Earth for their first shelter under some Hill-side,
casting the Earth aloft up on Timber: they make a smoaky fire against the
Earth at the highest side, and thus these poore servants of Christ provide
shelter for themselves, their Wives and little ones."
Alonzo Lewis, the historian of Lynn, writing a century ago, states that some
of the first settlers in that town made shelters for themselves and families by
digging caves into the hillsides. On the bank of the Connecticut River above
Hartford, is the Loomis Institute, on the grounds of which is the site where
the men from Dorchester, Mass., in 1635, constructed their first dwellings,
which were dug into the river bank. The bank itself composed three walls of

the shelter and the front was a framing of boards with a door and a window.
The roof was thatched with river sedge. The last of these long abandoned
dugouts was filled in as recently as 1926.
At Concord, Mass., the early settlers dug cellars in the earth which they
spanned with wooden spars and then covered with turf. A more detailed
description of such shelters is found in a report made in 1650, by the
Secretary of the Province of New Netherlands:
"Those in New Netherlands and especially in New England who have no
means to build farmhouses at first, according to their wishes, dig a square
pit in the ground, cellar fashion, 6 or 7 feet deep, as long and as broad as
they think proper, case the earth inside with wood all round the wall, and
line the wood with bark of trees or something else to prevent the caving in
of the earth, floor this cellar with plank and wainscott it overhead for a
ceiling, raise a roof of spars clear up and cover the spars with the bark or
green sods, so that they can live dry and warm in these houses with their
entire families for two, three or four years, it being understood that
partitions are run through those cellars which are adapted to the size of the
family. The wealthy and principal men of New England, in the beginning of
the Colonies, commenced their first dwelling houses in this fashion."[13]
The frequent references to the English wigwam seem to indicate that some
such temporary construction was usual among many of the colonists at the
outset. Settlers were living at Salem as early as 1626 and Endecott, with a
considerable immigration, arrived in 1628. Marblehead, just across the
harbor, was settled early and yet when John Goyt came there in 1637, he
"first built a wigwam and lived thar till he got a house."[14] The rude
buildings also put up by planters at Salem must have been looked upon at
the time as temporary structures for they had all disappeared before 1661.[15]
When Governor Winthrop arrived at Charlestown in 1630 with the first
great emigration, he found a house or two and several wigwams—rude
shelters patterned after the huts built by the Indians—and until houses could
be erected in Boston many lived in tents and wigwams, "their meeting-place
being abroad under a Tree."
In the summer of 1623, Bradford mentions the "building of great houses in
pleasant situations," and when a fire broke out in November of the
following year it began in "a shed yt was joyned to ye end of ye storehouse,

which was wattled up with bowes." It will be seen that this shed was not
crudely built of logs or slabs but that its walls were wattled and perhaps
also daubed with clay, in precisely the same manner with which these
colonists were familiar in their former homes across the sea. An original
outer wall in the old Fairbanks house at Dedham, Massachusetts, still has its
"wattle and daub" constructed in 1637.
Thomas Dudley writing to the Countess of Lincoln, in March, 1631, relates:
"Wee have ordered that noe man shall build his chimney with wood nor
cover his house with thatch, which was readily assented unto, for that divers
houses have been burned since our arrival (the fire always beginning in the
wooden chimneys) and some English wigwams which have taken fire in the
roofes with thatch or boughs."[16] It was Dudley who was taken to task by
the Governor in May, 1632, "for bestowing so much cost on wainscotting
his house and otherwise adorning it," as it was not a good example for
others in the beginning of a plantation. Dudley replied that he had done it
for warmth and that it was but clapboards nailed to the walls. A few months
later this house caught fire "the hearth of the Hall chimney burning all night
upon the principal beam."
In 1631, John Winthrop entered in his Journal that the chimney of Mr.
Sharp's house in Boston took fire "the splinters being not clayed at the top"
and from it the thatch caught fire and the house was burnt down.
The first meetinghouse built in Salem had a "catted" chimney, that is, the
chimney was built with sticks laid cobhouse fashion and the whole daubed
with clay inside and out.
Thatch as a roof covering was in common use in the early days.
Notwithstanding the Great and General Court forbade its use, it still
persisted as necessity arose. At the outset, towns along the coastline set
aside certain parts of thatch banks in the marshes, as a supply for thatching
houses. Rye straw also was much used. The roofs of these thatched houses
were not boarded as the thatch was fastened to slats. Dorchester built a
meetinghouse in 1632 with a thatched roof.
The earliest frame houses were covered with weather-boarding and this
before long was covered with clapboards. The walls inside were sheathed
up with boards moulded at the edges in an ornamental manner and the
intervening space was filled with clay and chopped straw, and later with

imperfect bricks. This was done for warmth, and was known as "nogging,"
following the English practice. When roofs were not thatched, they were
covered with shingles split from the log by means of a "frow" and
afterwards hand-shaved. The window openings were small and were closed
by hinged casements, just as the houses in England were equipped at that
time. Generally, the casement sash was wood, but sometimes iron was used,
as was common in England.
The glass was usually diamond-shaped, set in lead "cames." Emigrants to
Massachusetts were instructed by the Company to bring ample supplies of
glass for windows, but the supply ran short and in the poorer cottages and
wigwams, oiled paper was in common use. This was an excellent substitute
and supplied a surprisingly large amount of light.
A brickyard was in operation in Salem as early as 1629, and everywhere
along the coast clay was found and made up into bricks. Chimneys were
built upon a huge stone foundation. The brick work began at the first floor
level and the bricks were laid in puddled clay up to about the ridge line
where lime was used as the chimney top became exposed to the weather.
It has been claimed and denied that bricks used in the construction of
certain old houses were brought from overseas. In general the claims may
be disregarded. It is certain, however, that the Massachusetts Company at
the outset sent over ten thousand bricks, stowed in the ballast with five
chauldrons of sea coals for the use of the blacksmiths. At the same time
came iron and steel, nails, red lead, salt and sailcloth. Even fourteen
hundred weight of plaster of paris, appears in the list, priced at eighteen
shillings per hundred weight.
The home of the average New Englander in the late seventeenth century
was a wooden dwelling of two stories built around a brick chimney
containing large fireplaces. In Rhode Island and in parts of Connecticut,
where shale abounded, the chimney was built of stone and not infrequently
the house, in whole or at one end, was also so constructed. The roofs of
these houses were covered with wooden shingles usually split from pine
logs and shaved smooth by hand on a shingle horse. The outside walls of
the well made house were covered with clapboards, also smoothed on the
shingle horse. For many years these clapboards were made from oak, but as
this wood has a tendency to warp and pull itself free from fastenings, by the

year 1700, its use for that purpose had very generally been replaced by pine.
Outbuildings and the poorer class of dwellings were not covered with
clapboards or only the part next the road, for the New Englander believes in
"putting his best foot forward." Such buildings were covered with
"weatherboards" or plain boarding that lapped at the lower edge.
The windows in these houses were filled by casement sash containing glass
set in lead cames. The glass was usually diamond shaped, but sometimes
four by six inch lights were used. This glass was imported from England
and came packed in cribs, but much of it came in sheets already leaded and
was cut to size by "glaziers" upon demand. Early in the eighteenth century
sliding-sash windows were introduced, probably about 1710, but it was a
long time before existing casements were entirely given up. One Saturday
afternoon in July, 1714, lightning struck the house of Colonel Vetch in
Boston. He had bought the dwelling not long before and Judge Sewall
records in his diary that at the time of the storm "the Work of
Transformation was not finished" to make the building fit for the occupancy
of Madam Vetch. The lightning played various tricks with the house, doing
considerable damage, and among other details the Judge mentions that it
"lifted up the Sash Window and broke one of the squares" of glass.[17]
Colonel Vetch was presumably a man of substance for he afterwards
became Governor of Nova Scotia, and he is likely to have "transformed" his
recently purchased house into the latest fashion of lighting.
On the other hand, Judge Sewall, the Chief Justice of the highest court in
the Province, had casements in his Boston house at a time, ten years later,
when his daughter Hannah died, for he records in his Diary that "Boston
will not have her put into the Cellar [it was in August when she died]; so
she is only remov'd into the best Room. And because the Casements were
opened for Coolness, Boston would watch all night." This entry in the
ancient diary not only preserves the fact that the Judge's house had
casement windows, but it also makes allusion to the old-time custom of
watching with the dead body and the interest that the town of Boston had in
the bereavement of the Judge.
In 1722, Benjamin Franklin in his Boston newspaper, was satirizing the
extravagancies of New England housewives in "new Glazing their Houses
with new fashion'd square Glass." Diamond glass had seen its day, however,
and forty years later "Windows set in lead, suitable for Hot-Beds" were

advertised in the newspapers, a sure sign of discarded sash. On the other
hand, a hardware shop was advertising "sheet and diamond glass" as late as
1766, probably to meet the demands for repairing old casements.
The exterior of these early houses was seldom painted, in fact it was well
into the nineteenth century before the outside of houses in country towns
were usually painted. A diarist who rode into Boston in 1804 comments on
the dingy appearance of the houses and the general lack of paint and about
the same time a Salem man met with success in business, whereupon he
painted his house with the result that his associates rather sneeringly
remarked: "Sam is feeling his oats; he's begun to paint his house."
The paint first used on the exteriors of New England houses was usually of
a dark red color called, both then and now, "Indian red." Red ochre was
used and commonly was mixed with fish oil. The Indians had "paint mines"
where they had found red earth and doubtless these "mines" were utilized,
particularly in adjacent locations. One of these paint mines was located near
what is now Augusta, Maine, and in that part of New England formerly
existed, long before the coming of the European, an Indian race that used
this red earth so freely that by ethnologists it has been termed the "red paint
culture."
So runs the present-day tradition of Indian red in New England. In point of
fact, however, red earth was brought from the East Indies long before the
settlement of the American Colonies, hence the name "India red," by which
it was advertised in the Boston newspapers in the mid-eighteenth century.
In 1766, John Gore, "at his Shop at the Sign of the Painter's Arms in Queen
Street," Boston, advertised a stock of oils, paints, brushes, etc., just
imported from London. He had linseed oil by the barrel or smaller quantity,
boiled oil, nut oil, turpentine oil and turpentine varnish. Among his white
colors, were Spanish white and French halk,—whatever that may be. Red
was a color that was in demand for he carried red head, Spanish brown,
India red, purple red, Venetian red, Vermillian, drop hake, carmine, umber
and rose pink. Under yellows, he listed King's yellow, Princess yellow,
Naples yellow, spruce yellow, stone yellow, English ochre, Orpiment-pale
and deep, Dutch pink and brown pink. The blues were ultramarine,
ultramarine ashes, Prussian blue of various sorts, calcined smalt, strowing
ditto, verditer blue and powder blue.

Gore also sold crayons in sets and canvas for portrait painting in half-length
cloths, kit-kat and three-quarters length. He carried "Colours prepared for
House and Ship Painting," best London crown glass for pictures and "Water
Colours ready prepared in Shells."[18]
Two years later he advertised chariot glasses, genteel looking-glasses and
Wilton carpets and also announced that he did coach and carpet painting in
the best and cheapest manner.
At how early a date was paint used on the exterior of a New England
house? Who can solve the problem? Undoubtedly it was on a house owned
by some merchant having a direct contact with England. It is an established
fact that the Andrews house, built in 1707-1710, in the country town of
Topsfield, Mass., was painted Indian red at the time it was built, or soon
after, but only on the trim—the window frames, corner boards, etc. The
clapboards and weather-boarding at the easterly end, remained unpainted
until long years after.
The inside finish of town houses owned by well-to-do people, probably was
painted at a comparatively early date, at least, one or two rooms in a house.
"A large Fashionable Dwelling-House" in Boston, "about 1¼ miles from
Charlestown ferry" was advertised to be sold in 1734. It had eight "fire
rooms"—that is, rooms with fireplaces. The entries and two of the rooms
were "beautifully Wainscotted and laid in oil" and four were "handsomely
Painted."
In 1753, George Tilley, a Boston shop keeper, advertised his house for sale.
It contained "eight rooms, seven of them fire-rooms, with a Number of
convenient Closets and a good Cellar, four of the said Rooms is cornish'd,
and the House is handsomely painted throughout; one of the Rooms is
painted Green, another Blue, one Cedar and one Marble; the other four a
Lead colour, the Garrets are handsomely plaistered; the House has twenty
Sash-Windows to it and is pleasantly situated on Pleasant Street, near the
Hay-Market."[19]
But such glory did not exist in other parts of the same town and certainly
not in the country. Rufus Choate, the lawyer, was born in a house in Essex,
Mass., built in 1725 by an ancestor who was popularly called "Governor
Choate." He was a man in comfortable circumstances and built for himself
a house of ten rooms having good panelling in four of them. None of the

finish on this house was painted until well after 1825 or a century after it
was built. This paint has now been removed and the old white pine finish is
revealed in all its natural beauty of varying shades of reddish brown,
effectively contrasting with the whitewashed walls. Natural wood finish,
laid in oil, was quite the common thing in the ordinary New England
dwelling, until after the people had recovered from the financial exhaustion
of the Revolution.
The plastered walls were usually whitewashed which was quite in keeping
with the Puritan character that covered with limewash the beautiful mural
decorations of the English churches at the time of the Commonwealth.
Families of wealth covered their walls with hangings brought from
England. Peter Sergeant died in 1714, possessed of a "suit of Imagery
Tapestry hangings" in his cedar room. This house was one of the finest in
the town of Boston and afterwards became the Province House,—the
residence of the Governors of the Province. Another room in this house was
also furnished with hangings. Arras hangings were advertised from time to
time in the Boston newspapers and in 1736, Boydell, the printer of the
Boston Gazette, advertised a house in which one chamber in the first story
was "hung with Scotch Tapestry, the other with Green cheny." The large
brick house of the late Isaac Gridley, situated near Fort Hill, in Boston, was
sold in 1771. It contained thirteen rooms and three of the lower rooms were
"genteelly furnished with Tapestry Hangings."
A three-story house was built in Boston about 1715 by William Clark, a
wealthy merchant and member of the governor's council. His death in 1742,
was attributed by some, to the loss of forty sail of vessels in the French War.
In this house afterwards lived Sir Henry Frankland, Collector of the Port,
who fell in love with Agnes Surriage, the beautiful sixteen-year-old maid-
of-all-work at the Fountain Inn in Marblehead. Her romantic story is well-
known. This house differed but little from the dozen or so of its type to be
found in Boston at the time, save in its rich and elaborate decoration of the
north parlor, at the right of the entrance hall. Here, the walls were divided
into panels by fluted pilasters supporting an elaborate cornice, the whole
heavily gilded, and each of the panels was embellished with a landscape or
other decoration painted in oils. Painted arabesques and heraldic devices
covered all other flat surfaces and the floor was laid in a mosaic of various
colored woods. Every inch of the surface of this parlor was the product of

the imagination and skill of the painter, gilder or carver. But while this
magnificence actually existed in New England, by no means was it
typically representative of its culture or artistic development. It merely
exhibited the pride of wealth and was largely the product of European
craftsmen.
The heavy strap hinges on the doors of the earlier houses and buildings
were probably wrought by hand at the forge of the nearest blacksmith, but
most of the hardware and iron work was imported from England. Before
1650 there was a slitting mill at the Saugus Iron Works, but the principal
product of this forge was cast iron manufactures, such as pots and kettles.
At a later date, Parliament, at the instigation of the English manufacturers,
prohibited by law the setting up of slitting mills and trip hammers, and it
naturally followed that the manufactured iron and brass required by the
Colonies was brought overseas from Birmingham and Sheffield.
A word or two as to the varying types of house hardware may not be amiss
at this time. At the outset wooden hinges and heavy strap hinges of wrought
iron were in common use. These hinges were hung on gudgeons and their
points varied in design but the spear-shaped point was most common. In the
best houses, at an early date and continuing until the beginning of the
eighteenth century, might be found the so-called "cock's head" hinge, an
ornamental survival from Roman times. The butterfly hinge was also in use
at that time—usually on cupboards and furniture doors. The H and HL
hinges came into use in New England in the early 1700's and lasted until
after the Revolution. These hinges were cut out of heavy sheet iron and
were made in factories in England. This type of hinge was superseded by
the cast-iron butt, still in use, which was invented in England in 1775, and
adopted very generally in the United States at the close of the Revolution.
In some old houses that have been restored and in many modern
constructions done in the manner of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, the door hinges in painted rooms have been picked out in black
making them most conspicuous. This is a modern conceit—an invention of
the modern architect. It was not done in the old days, a fact easily
established by carefully scraping through the various coats of paint on an
old house. Our great-great-grandmothers had no itching desire for contrasts
of that sort. They knew nothing of highboys, grandfather's clocks, low
daddys, Lady Washington chairs, courting mirrors, fiddle back chairs or

donkey-eared spindle backs. These names are inventions of collectors or
antique dealers striving for the picturesque. The highboy, it is true,
antedates the others, but in the early days this piece of furniture was called a
high chest of drawers and the lowboy was called a low chest. Recently the
common HL hinge has been described as the "Holy Land" hinge; certainly
not referring to the English colonies where there were fully as many sinners
as saints.
Wooden latches were used on both outside and inside doors in early days
and the wooden latch persisted in the back country until comparatively
recent times. The iron thumb latch was made by the country blacksmith but
more and more it came to be imported from England. The earliest type has
spear-point handles. The rounded end comes in after 1700 and is common
about 1750. The Norfolk latch, in brass and iron, comes in after the
Revolution and was replaced by the common cast-iron thumb latch,
invented by Blake in 1840. In examining old hinges and all kinds of
hardware always have in mind that the machine-made pointed screw was
not invented until 1846.
A feature of this hardware trade with England, which is of much interest, is
the catalogues that were sent over by the manufacturers in Birmingham.
About the year 1770 they began to send out drawings of different pieces of
hardware, tools, etc., and this soon developed into sheets of engravings on
copper which were bound into books and sent to customers at a distance
who then could visualize the goods and order accordingly; size, list price
and discount were indicated. Seldom was there a title-page or even a label
to indicate a source, but the handmade paper bears its watermark and
generally the date when it was made. These catalogues are now difficult to
find and the Victoria and Albert Museum at South Kensington, esteems
them so highly that a descriptive catalogue of its collection has been
published. Probably the largest collection of these catalogues in America is
in the library of the Essex Institute at Salem.

CHAPTER III
How They Furnished Their Houses

It is a lamentable fact that the present generation possesses little accurate
information on the every day life and surroundings of the early settlers in
Massachusetts. Some of the finer pieces of furniture have been preserved
together with a few portraits and pieces of silver and here and there an
article of costume of special beauty or unusual association. The newly
settled country had no artists to paint pictures of household interiors in the
manner of the Dutch painters and the diarists and letter writers of that time
when they used a quill pen, devoted little thought to the homely happenings
of the household or to the costume and furniture with which every one was
familiar. Judge Samuel Sewall's diary[20] throws much light on New England
life two centuries and more ago, but many are the questions we would like
to ask. In August, 1702, he rode to Newbury to attend the funeral of his
sister Mehitable and returned home by way of Andover where he found that
the keeper of the ordinary was sick and so went to Mr. Woodman's
daughters "and there din'd on Pork and Beans; afterward had Fowls rosted
and dress'd very well." It would be interesting if we could know more about
that dinner. Did the Judge eat in the same room in which the fowls were
"rosted" and was the table furnished with woodenware or pewter, or both?
Had the Woodmans begun to use two-tined forks or did the Judge hold the
meat in one hand while he cut it up and conveyed it to his mouth with the
knife? Was a roasting jack fastened over the fireplace? Was the dinner
served on a table-board? Did all stand while "a blessing" was asked? What
was served for dessert? Did the Judge wash his hands at the washbench in
the kitchen and if not, where did he find the washbasin? What pictures were
on the parlor walls and was there a bedstead in the corner and if so, how
was it furnished and how made? A bedstead known to have been used in a
New England house of 1702 is almost unknown today. If the Judge had
only devoted five minutes, while writing up his diary, to a close description
of that bedstead and its furnishings he would have settled many existing
doubts.

It seems entirely reasonable that a distinguished guest in the house would
not be required in the morning to go to the washbench in the kitchen and
use the family basin. The dignity of Judge Sewall and the delicacy of
Madam Belcher would rebel at the thought of an exhibition of disheveled
attire before the serving maid and the numerous children of the family. In
the humblest home, on occasion, it would be a simple matter to place in the
chamber of a guest, on a table or even on a chair, a basin and a jug of water
with a towel.
In the journal of the travels of Dr. Alexander Hamilton of Annapolis, Md.,
who rode through New England in 1744, may be found the description of
the furnishings of a chamber in an inn. Doctor Hamilton was accompanied
by a negro servant and on a Sunday morning at Marblehead he asked for his
portmanteau. "I was told by my man Dromo that it was in his room. I had
the curiosity to go and see what kind of a room his room was, and upon a
reconnoitre found it a most spacious one, furnished a la mode de Cabaret,
with tables, chairs, a fine feather-bed with quilted counterpane, white calico
canopy, or tester, and curtains, every way adapted for a gentleman of his
degree and complexion."
Of course 1744 is many years after the period when oak furniture was
commonly in use; yet Reid's tavern, "at the sign of the Dragon," in the
fishing village of Marblehead, could not have been the resort of fashion or
wealth and if a negro slave was given so well furnished a chamber what
may have been the furnishings of the chamber occupied by Doctor
Hamilton?
In a farmer's family, in the early days, it was undoubtedly the habit to wash
faces and hands in a small tub or keeler on the washbench in the kitchen. In
suitable weather it is altogether likely the men of the family may have
washed out of doors, beside the back door, in a bucket of water freshly
drawn from the well or brought from the spring. The farm hands, on coming
in from the fields, for dinner, or at night, always "washed up" at a bench out
of doors and this custom persisted until well into the nineteenth century. My
mother, when young, for a time lived on a farm (about 1850) and several
times I have heard her describe the farm hand who came to the back door
one noon, and looking at his hands remarked, "I guess they are clean
enough," and so went into his dinner, without washing.

Henry W. Erving of Hartford, Conn., writes: "A couple of years ago I made
a pilgrimage to my great-grandfather's former home in Westford, Conn., in
company with a kinsman over eighty years old—the last of his generation.
It was a very comfortable house, with four rooms and a leanto, with a stone
chimney. My great-grandfather lived there as early as 1750. My cousin
called my attention to the old well near the door where, by the curb, there
was a large stone hollowed out like a trough. He said the 'men folks' as they
came from the field, would fill that trough with a bucket or two of water
from which they would 'souse' themselves thoroughly, thus not disturbing
the goodwife. And of course in the rustic neighborhoods the old customs
existed long after they were abandoned in the larger villages and towns.
"You will hardly believe, when I say it, but I distinctly remember as a very
small boy, going to a house in this same primitive town of Westford where
we were invited to dinner. The only drinking vessel on the table was one of
the quart Staffordshire mugs (would that I had that mug in my collection
today) which was filled with water, milk or cider, I have really forgotten
which, and passed around the table at the demand of any thirsty one. The
family consisted of a man and his wife, an ancient grandmother, and several
children with not too clean faces. I couldn't refuse the mug when urged
upon me and selecting a place on the brim at the right of the handle, I
drank, when one of the children exclaimed, 'See, mar! He's got granny's
place.' Of course that practice in this instance was possibly nearly a century
out of period."
One of the standard examples of American humor is the picture of the
Mayflower loaded to the cross-trees with the chairs, chests and cradles that
devout New Englanders now own and claim were brought over on that
memorable voyage. It is so easy to attribute age and romantic history to a
treasured family relic that it has become possible for a museum in the city
of New York to exhibit a punch bowl of Staffordshire ware, as a veritable
relic of the Mayflower. The bowl could not possibly have been made before
1780-1790. There is another piece of Staffordshire treasured in the china
closet of a New England family, which the owner is certain was formerly
possessed by an ancestress who died years before the Revolution. Well
authenticated family tradition vouches for the fact which cannot be
disputed. Yet, the observer will soon discover a steamboat pictured on one

side of the pitcher and what is more interesting, the stars and stripes are
flying from the masthead and the canton of the flag contains fifteen stars.
It is undoubtedly true that some pieces of furniture were brought over from
England by the first settlers and the tradition connected with such pieces
can be authenticated by an examination of the chair or chest showing that it
is made of English and not American oak. While most family possessions,
for convenience in shipment, came over in bales or bundles, covered with
canvas in the true European manner, a custom followed by emigrants of a
later day, yet, many articles of fine clothing and the treasured belongings of
the better-equipped families came over neatly stowed in chests and
cupboards and some of those chests have survived.
It is all a matter of common sense reasoning which can be backed up by an
examination of early records and also the furniture itself. Why pay a
considerable value in money to transport, in an overcrowded ship,
utilitarian pieces of furniture, that could be made in the newly settled
colony, by workmen who were going over in the same ship? Timber could
be had here for the cutting and until sufficient time had elapsed to permit
the making of chairs, beds and other required furniture, one could sit on
rudely made stools and boxes and sleep on pallet beds made up on the floor
just as many of them would be obliged to sleep while on board ship.
Some estimate of the culture of the New England people during the
seventeenth century and of their appreciation of the refinements of life may
be reached with a degree of accuracy through a study of the carefully
itemized inventories of their estates made at time of death. During that
period the Royal Governor from overseas, with his little court of officials
and followers, had not introduced London fashions and furnishings to the
extent that existed in the eighteenth century. Moreover, the wealth of the
colonies had not grown to the point where the refinements of life were not
only esteemed but demanded by loving spouses and by those who had taken
ship for England or the Continent and there had observed how other people
lived.
Among the early settlements made in the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay
was one at Agawam, now the town of Ipswich. The news had reached
Boston that the French were pushing their settlements westward along the
coast, bringing with them "divers priests and Jesuits," which so alarmed the

Governor and the Assistants that it was decided to forestall the French and
hasten the planting of new towns north of Boston. The first move was to
send the Governor's son John, with twelve others, to establish themselves at
Agawam. There were no roads and so they sailed along the coast in a
shallop and took possession of the town site in March, 1633. Their families
and other settlers soon followed and the increase of population was such
that in August, 1634, the Court of Assistants decreed that the place be called
Ipswich, after old Ipswich in England, "in acknowledgment of the great
honor and kindness done to our people, who took shipping there."
Three months later, in November, 1634, one John Dillingham arrived in
Ipswich and the selectmen granted him six acres of land on which to build a
house. He was from Leicestershire and with his wife and daughter had
come over in the fleet with Winthrop in 1630, and remained in Boston until
he removed to Ipswich. Life in the frontier settlement was too severe for
him and he died during the next winter. On July 14, 1636, his widow, Sarah,
made her "last will and testament" being in "perfect memory though my
body be weake & sick" and a few days later she too was dead, leaving her
orphaned daughter to be cared for by Richard Saltonstall and John
Appleton, under the direction of the Quarterly Court. And this was not at all
difficult for John Dillingham had left a "goodly estate," for the times. This
Dillingham home has been selected for analysis because it is one of the
earliest estates in the Colony of which we have exact and detailed
information, a number of documents relating to it having been preserved
among the miscellaneous papers in the Massachusetts State Archives.[21]
Moreover, it shows the furnishings and equipment of a settler living in a
town of only two years growth from the wilderness.
The Dillingham homestead consisted of a house of two rooms and
outbuildings with thirty acres of upland, sixty acres of meadow, i.e., grass
land, and six acres of planting ground near the house, of which four acres
were planted with corn. Apple trees and other fruits were fenced off in the
garden. For livestock there was a mare, three cows, two steers, two heifers,
four calves, and four pigs. There was an indentured servant, Thomas
Downs, to help cultivate the land and care for the stock, and a maid, Ann
Towle, who not only helped with the housework but also worked in the
fields. "She hath been a faithful servant," wrote Richard Saltonstall,
executor of the estate, "and though she was discharged by her mistress a

little before her time was out, yet it may be borne by the estate, considering
her diligence." Ann had come over in the ship Susan and Ellen, which
arrived in April, 1635. Her passage cost £5.
The Dillinghams occupied a good social position in the youthful settlement
but their two-room house did not contain any really fine furniture. The
parlor was also used as a bedroom, a practice which was common
everywhere in the seventeenth century. It had two bedsteads valued at £1. 6.
8.; a cupboard, 10s.; a sea chest, 10s.; two "joyned Chaires," 5s.; a round
table, 7s.; a deske, 4s.; and a band box, 2s. There was also a large nest of
boxes valued £2. and a small nest of boxes worth only three shillings. The
feather beds, boulsters, and pillows on each bed were valued at about twice
as much as a bedstead and the coverlets averaged about £1. a piece. There
were flaxen sheets for Mrs. Dillingham's bed and coarse sheets for the beds
of the maid and the indentured servant. A warming pan bears silent
testimony to the cold of the winter season. Another bedstead valued at only
three shillings may have been in the garret and occupied by Ann Towle, the
maid. A chest stood in the kitchen—more generally spoken of at that time
as "the hall," in accordance with the English usage—and two boxes,
probably used for storage and also for seats. That was all the furniture listed
in the kitchen that was considered of any value. The tables, stools, benches,
shelving, or other furnishings seemingly necessary to housekeeping at that
time either did not exist or were so crude in construction as to have little or
no value in estimating the estate. We find five cushions, however, valued at
fifteen shillings.
Mrs. Dillingham died possessed of a few really fine furnishings—possibly
treasured ancestral pieces—for she bequeathed a silver bowl to the wife of
Richard Saltonstall, and to the wife of John Appleton she gave a silver
porringer. It would be extremely interesting today to know what has
become of these two pieces of Colonial silver. No other silver is mentioned
but on shelving in the kitchen rested 40½ pounds of pewter valued at £2.
14. 0. As a pewter plate of the time weighs nearly two pounds and a platter
much more the supply of pewter for the table was not large. Wooden plates,
trenchers, and bowls are not mentioned, but there were twenty-five pewter
saucers, six porringers, seven spoons, and five shillings worth of knives. As
for table forks, they were practically unknown in the Colony at that time.
Governor Winthrop brought over a fork in 1630, carefully preserved in a

case, which is supposed to be the first and only table fork in the Colony in
the earliest days of the settlements. Knives, spoons, and fingers, with plenty
of napery, met the demands of table manners in the seventeenth century.
The large fireplace in the kitchen had its usual equipment of pot-hooks, fire
shovel and tongs, gridiron, trivet, and bellows, and beside it was an old dark
lantern valued at only two shillings. There were iron pots, kettles, skillets
and ladles; a brass pot and a mortar. There was a frying-pan with a hole in it
and in a box were kept "bullets, hinges and other smale things." Two beer
vessels were listed; a case of bottles, two jugs, three pans, a tray, and two
baskets. Such was the simple equipment of the Dillingham kitchen. There
were plenty of table-cloths and napkins but no curtains at any of the
windows. If a broom were used it probably was made of birch twigs bound
together around a long handle. Candlesticks do not appear in the inventory
and the only store of food mentioned (aside from twenty-one new cheeses
valued at £2. 16. 0.) was seven bushels of rye, two firkins and a half of
butter, a half bushel of malt, six pounds of raisins, and some spice. Our
ancestors had a highly developed appreciation of the value of condiments.
In a Salem inventory at a somewhat later date appear salt, pepper, ginger,
cloves, mace, cinnamon, nutmegs, and allspice.
Mrs. Dillingham's wearing apparel unfortunately is not listed item by item,
but given a total value of £5. 8. 4. Her linen amounted to an almost equal
sum. Some of her deceased husband's clothing is included in the inventory,
such as a coat with silver buttons, a red waistcoat, a suit of serge and a
black suit of serge unmade, a jacket of cloth, and an old suit and cloak.
Little Sara Dillingham, the orphaned child, when sent to school to goodwife
Symonds was supplied with "a stuffe petticoat & waskote" and four "shifts
with shewes"; also a gown that cost £2. 10s. Perhaps after a time she may
have been able to read and fully appreciate the books formerly in her loving
father's chest. They were: "Perkins works in 3 volumes, Seaven Treatises
bound in 2 volumes, the Spowse Royall, the bruised reade, & a little new
testiment."
Six years later, in 1642, there died in the same town, Richard Lumpkin,
who had emigrated from Boxted, in Essex, and became an influential
citizen in the new town in the new county of Essex. He was elected a
representative to the Great and General Court and was deacon of the
Ipswich church at the time of his death. He left an estate valued at £300. In

the hall of his house stood a long table, with two forms and a stool beside it,
having a total value of only fifteen shillings. The hall also contained three
chairs and six cushions valued at four shillings. That was all the furniture in
the room that was of any value. There were books, however, valued at £2.
10. 0., a musket and a fowling piece and other small furnishings. In the
parlor was a table with six joined stools, three chairs and eight cushions, a
bedstead, and a trundle bed with curtains, and a chest, the latter valued at
only four shillings. In the chamber over the parlor was a bedstead with its
trundle bed, a table valued at three shillings, four chests and two boxes; not
a chair or stool is named in connection with the room. The kitchen was in
the leanto and while it contained a good supply of brass and iron pots and
kettles and also pewter dishes, the table, bench, stools and wooden plates,
etc., that must have been in the room were of so little value that they do not
appear in the inventory.
It is when we meet with joined and wainscot chests and court, livery, and
standing cupboards that we find pieces that may have been brought from
overseas. When Mr. Thomas Millard of Newbury (note the title of honor),
died in 1653, he possessed a wainscot cupboard, table, chairs and stools. He
also left behind him three silver spoons, a silver cup, and a silver salt seller,
and among the kitchen utensils were tinned pudding pans, a brazen chaffing
dish and a lanthorn and lamp made of latin ware.
The widow of the Rev. Jose Glover married, in 1641, Henry Dunster,
President of Harvard College. Among the furnishings of her house were
"eleven featherbeds or downe ... one of them haveing philop and Cheny
curtaines in graine with a deep silke fringe on the vallance, and a smaller on
the Curtaines, and a Coverlett sutable to it, made of Red Kersie, and laced
with a greene lace, round the sides and 2 downe the middle, also ... an
outlandish quilt, also to another a blue serdge suite very rich and costly,
curtaines and valances laced, and fringe, and a blue Rug to the bed, also a
greene sute in the same manner, also another red wrought suite, with a sheet
and all things Compleate, also a Canopie bed, with Curtenes, a Chest of
Drawers of part of this Chest was filled with rich lenen a dammeske suite
seuerall diepere suits a fine hollen[d] suit with a stech: with abundance of
flaxen linen for Common use, in another parte of the chest of drawers tape,
tafety for Chaire and Stooles ... also 29 siluer spones a very faire salt with 3
full knops on the top of it[22] 3 other siluer salts of lesser sorts a great siluer

trunke with 4 knop to stand on the table and with suger: 6 porrengers, one
small one: 3 bere boules 4 wine cups a siluer grate with a Couer on it: 6
siluer trencher plates: also blankets and Coverletts and Rugs euery[way]
Compleat to furnish so many beds."[23]
By way of contrast let us glance at the inventory of the possessions of
William Googe of Lynn, who died in 1646, ten years after Mrs. Dillingham
had willed that her body be "decently buyried" and her child "religiously
educated if God give it life." Googe left a house and twelve acres of land
and the total value of his possessions amounted to but £28. 11. 7, with debts
of £4. 9. 7. He left a widow and three small children, and though dying in
very lowly circumstances he may have known better times, for John
Mascoll, the servant of Mr. Googe of Lynn, was fined in 1643, for
neglecting the watch. The title of honor, "Mr.," was used but sparingly in
those early days and usually indicated a degree of social standing in the
community.
Googe had been a soldier, for among his personal belongings at death were
a sword and belt, a musket and bandoleers, and also gunpowder. One cow
and four hogs comprised his entire livestock, and five bushels of wheat, ten
bushels of Indian corn, and flax in the bundle lay in the garret of his house,
which was frugally furnished with a chest, a chair, an old chair, a stool, and
a trunk. The family probably slept on pallet beds made up on the floor, for
bedding is listed but no bedsteads. They had a frying pan, a gridiron, a
skillet, a posnet, an earthen pot, six spoons, and the following woodenware,
viz.: "3 wood trayes & 3 wood boules & 3 wood dishes, 1s. 9d.; one runlitt,
1s.; paieles & tubs, 3s." Two bags valued at two shillings bring to a close
the list of the earthly possessions of William Googe of Lynn. When the
inventory was brought into court it very properly gave the goods to the
widow "for the bringing up of her three small children." So reads the
record.
Doubtless there were many families in the Colony little better conditioned,
judging from the relatively small number of estates settled through the
courts when compared with the deaths and estimated population.
Googe's house and twelve acres of land were valued at only £8. This must
have been a very simple, thatch-roofed house of not more than two rooms,
comparable with the outlying farmhouse of Jacob Perkins that was burned

in Ipswich in 1668. And thereby hangs a tale. Master Perkins and his wife
had gone to town one summer afternoon leaving the house in charge of
Mehitable Brabrooke, a sixteen-year-old serving maid. We will let the
ancient document in the court files relate what happened.
"About 2 or 3 aclocke in the afternoone she was taking tobacco in a pipe
and went out of the house with her pipe and gott upon the oven on the
outside & backside of the house (to looke if there were any hogs in the
corne) and she layed her right hand upon the thatch of the house (to stay
herselfe) and with her left hand knocked out her pipe over her right arme
upon the thatch on the eaves of the house (not thinking there had been any
fire in the pipe) and imediately went downe into the corne feild to drive out
the hogs she saw in it, and as she was going toward the railes of the feild ...
she looked back, and saw a smoke upon her Mistress' house in the place
where she had knocked out her pipe at which shee was much frighted."[24]
The wife of a neighbor came running to the assistance of Mehitable and
afterwards testified that when she reached the house she looked into both
fireplaces and saw no appearance of fire, only a few brands nearly dead
under a great kettle hanging in the chimney. She also looked up into the
chamber through the floor boards that lay very open on the side where the
smoke was.
Could photographs more vividly picture the scene? The thatch-roofed
farmhouse had two rooms on the ground floor and a chimney with two
fireplaces. An oven was built on the backside probably having an opening
inside the kitchen fireplace in the usual manner. The house was of but one
story judging from the low roof that the maid was able to reach when
standing on the oven, and the floor of the chamber in the loft had wide
cracks between the boards so that it was possible to look through from
below and see the under side of the roof. In similar homes lived many a
family in the early days in comparative comfort.
As for the careless Mehitable, she was brought before the Quarterly Court
on suspicion of wilfully setting the house on fire; a serious offence, which
as late as 1821, was the cause of the execution in Salem of a sixteen-year-
old boy. Among those who deposed at her trial was a young man who said
that as he and she were going into the meadow, before the fire, to make hay,
she told him that her mistress was angry with her, but she had "fitted her

now" for she had put a great toad into her kettle of milk. As it turned out the
Court ordered Mehitable to be severely whipped and to pay £40 damages to
her master Jacob Perkins. It now seems incredible that a serving maid of
1668 could ever get together so large a sum of money.
The settlers in the New England Colonies, unless persons of wealth or
possessed of large families, during the early years lived generally in houses
having but one room and an entry-way on the ground floor. Above would be
a chamber—sometimes only a garret. As the family increased in size and
became more prosperous another room would be added to the house on the
other side of the entry and chimney, making the structure a so-called two-
room house. Still later, with the need for more room, a leanto would be built
on the back of the house, thereby supplying three additional rooms on the
ground floor with a kitchen in the middle. The earlier kitchen would then
become a living-room or "sitting room"—in the New England phrase. This
earlier kitchen was usually called "the hall" during the seventeenth century
and in it centered the life of the family. It was the room where the food was
cooked and eaten. There the family sat and there the indoor work was
carried on. A loom sometimes occupied considerable space near a window
and frequently a bed was made up in a corner, on which the father of the
family slept, and there sometimes also he died.
The principal feature of this common room was its huge fireplace in which
hung pots and kettles suspended by means of pot chains and trammels from
the hardwood trammel-bar or lug-pole that rested on wooden cross bars and
so bisected the wide flue in the chimney. These large fireplaces in the early
days were sometimes called "chimneys" in the vernacular of the time. They
were generally as wide as eight feet and a ten foot opening is not unknown.
This cavernous opening was spanned by a wooden lintel—a stick of timber
sometimes sixteen inches or more square, and when exposed to a roaring
fire, piled high with logs, this became an element of danger, the charring
wood smoldering all night and setting fire to the house. The trammel-bar in
the flue also caught fire not infrequently and gave way, allowing the pots
and kettles to fall to the hearth, bringing disaster to the dinner or to the
curdling milk and sometimes to those seated near. A trammel stick in the
house of Captain Denney gave way from this cause and a large kettle filled
with wort[25] fell down and spilt the boiling liquid over four of his children
who were sitting or lying on the hearth, some of them asleep, "which

scalded them in so terrible a manner, that one died presently after, and
another's life is dispaired of" continues the record.
"Here is good living for those who love good fires," wrote Higginson in his
New-Englands Plantation, and under the spell of the glowing flames, the
bare, whitewashed walls, the brown timbers and floor boards of the ceiling,
the dress of pewter, and the simple furnishings of the room, enriched by the
shadows, became a place full of cheer—a place where privation and
homesickness might be forgotten in the glow of the bright firelight. On cold
nights the short bench inside the fireplace was a chosen place and the settle,
a long seat made of boards with a high back to keep off the draft, was
drawn before the fire and here sat the older members of the family.
The larger kettles hanging in the fireplace, were of brass and copper and
some of them were of prodigious size. Hot water was always to be had and
these kettles also served for the daily cooking, the cheese-making, soap-
boiling, and candle-dipping.
Much of the food of the average New Englander until comparatively recent
times consisted of corn-meal, boiled meats and vegetables and stews. Every
well-equipped household had its spits for roasting and many had gridirons,
but the usual diet of the average family was "hasty pudding"—cornmeal
mush and milk—varied by boiled meat or fish served in the center of a large
pewter platter and surrounded by boiled vegetables. Baked beans and
stewed beans appeared on the table several times every week in the year.
Indian bannock, made by mixing corn meal with water and spreading it an
inch thick on a small board placed at an incline before the fire and so baked,
was a common form of bread. When mixed with rye meal it became brown
bread and was baked in the brick oven with the beans and peas.
The brick oven was a feature of every chimney. Sometimes in early days it
was built partly outside the house but so far as known the opening was
always in the kitchen fireplace. To reach it the housewife must stoop below
the oaken lintel and stand inside the fireplace, taking care that her woolen
skirts did not come near the flames. To heat it for a baking, a fire was built
inside, usually with specially prepared pine or birch wood that had been
split and seasoned out of doors for a short time and then housed. The fire
and ashes were then taken out by means of a peel—a long-handled, flat-
bladed shovel made for the purpose—and when dusted out with a broom

made of hemlock twigs it was ready for the brown bread, beans, peas,
Indian pudding, pies, and rye drop cakes which were made with rye meal,
eggs and milk and baked directly on the bricks in the bottom of the oven.
Between the years of 1635 and 1655, court records and inventories of
estates in the Massachusetts Bay Colony mention the following articles of
food:
Bacon, beef, butter, cheese, eggs, fowls, lamb, milk, mutton, pork, suet,
veal, wild game, and cod, herring, mackerel, salmon and sturgeon.
Barley, beans, Indian beans, bran, cabbages, carrots, chaff, corn, English
corn, Indian corn, hops, Indian meal, rye meal, oatmeal, oats, parsnips,
peas, pumpions, rye, squashes, turnips and wheat.
Apples, berries, fruit, honey, raisins, sugar and vinegar.
Biscuit, blewlman, bread, cake, malt, salad oil, porridge, rye malt, yeast,
salt and many kinds of spices.
Much of this food was raised on the farm and nearly every family had its
garden. Such articles of food as were imported were usually obtained at the
shops in the larger towns by barter, as money was scarce. In 1651, a farmer
came through the woods to Salem in his cart bringing twelve bushels of rye.
He stopped at a shop owned by George Corwin and from the daybook kept
at the time and still carefully preserved, we learn that among other
necessaries he carried home sugar for the goodwife, and for the children a
doll and a bird whistle.
In the early years domestic animals were too valuable to be killed for meat
but game was plentiful and was roasted by being trussed on iron spits
resting on curved brackets on the backs of the andirons. This, of course,
required constant turning to expose the roast on all sides in order to cook it
evenly—a task frequently delegated to a child. A skillet would be placed
beneath to catch the drippings. Sometimes a bird was suspended before the
fire by a twisted cord that would slowly unwind and partly wind again,
requiring some one in frequent attendance to twist the cord. Families of
wealth possessed a "jack" to turn the spit. This was a mechanism fastened
over the fireplace and connected with the spit by means of a pulley and
cord. A heavy weight suspended by a cord which slowly unwound, supplied
the power that turned the spit.

In "the hall," usually upon open shelves, but sometimes upon a dresser, was
displayed the pride of the housewife—the dress of pewter and latten ware.
"China dishes," imported by the East India Company or made in Holland,
were used sparingly during the early years of the colonies. There was much
earthenware and stoneware bottles and jugs, but it was wooden ware and
pewter that were commonly used. When Lionel Chute died in 1645 he
bequeathed his silver spoon to his son James.[26] It was the only piece of
silver in the house. Of pewter he died possessed of fourteen dishes "small
and great," eleven pewter salts, saucers and porringers, two pewter
candlesticks and a pewter bottle. The widow Rebecca Bacon who died in
Salem in 1655, left an estate of £195. 8. 6., which included a well-furnished
house. She had brass pots, skillets, candlesticks, skimmers, a little brass
pan, and an excellent supply of pewter including "3 large pewter platters, 3
a size lesse, 3 more a size lesse, 3 more a size lesse," having a total value of
£1.16. She also had a pewter basin, six large pewter plates, and six lesser,
nineteen pewter saucers, two fruit dishes, an old basin and a great plate, two
candlesticks, one large salt and a small one, two porringers, a great flagon,
one lesser, one quart, two pints and a half pint; and an old porringer. She
also left "1 silver duble salt, 6 silver spoones, wine cup & a dram cup of
silver."
Giles Badger of Newbury left to his young widow, a glass bowl, beaker, and
jug valued at three shillings; three silver spoons valued at £1, and a good
assortment of pewter, including "a salt seller, a tunell and a great dowruff."
The household was also furnished with six wooden dishes and two wooden
platters. In other inventories appear unusual items such as a pewter brim
basin, pewter cullenders, pewter beer cups, pans, and mustard pots. Pewter
tankards were common. There were new and old fashioned candlesticks.
Pewter salts came in three sizes and the saucers were both small and large.
In 1693, best London pewter plates cost the Boston shopkeepers 9½ pence
per pound in quantity.
The seventeenth century "hall" must have had little spare room for its daily
occupants, for in addition to its table and chairs, its settle, stools and
washbench, the long ago inventories disclose such chattels as powdering
tubs in which the salted meats were kept, the churn, barrels containing a
great variety of things, keelers and buckets, bucking tubs for washing, and
the various implements used in spinning and weaving, washing and ironing,

cooking and brewing, and the making of butter and cheese. In the chimney
hung hams and bacon and suspended from the ceiling were strings of dried
apples and hands of seed corn.
It is claimed by some that the floors were sanded. That certainly was true at
a later period but there are strong elements of doubt as to the prevalence of
this custom during the seventeenth century. Sand, however, was used freely
with home-made soft soap, to scrub the floors which were always kept
white and clean, and whenever an early house is restored or taken down
sand is always found, sometimes in considerable quantity, where it has
sifted down through the cracks between the floor boards. The downstairs
rooms had double floors but the chamber floors were made of one thickness
of boards with here and there a knothole and frequently with cracks
between the boards through which the dust and dirt from above must have
sifted down upon the heads of those seated at dinner or engaged in their
daily tasks in the rooms below. Not only does the structural evidence show
this to be true but a number of instances occur among the papers in Court
files, where witnesses have deposed as to what they had seen and heard
through the cracks in chamber floors. A grandson of Governor Endecott
once fell a victim of two gossiping sixteen-year-old girls who had spent
some time on their knees peeping through the cracks in a chamber floor.
Capt. Richard More, the last survivor of the company on the Mayflower,
late in life kept a tavern in Salem. He was spied upon in this manner and
eventually brought before the justices of the Quarterly Court to answer for
his evasion of the law set forth and maintained at that time.
The parlor, called "the foreroom" at a later time, was the room where guests
of station were received. The best bed hung with curtains and valance and
covered with a rug, stood in a corner. In those days rugs were not used on
floors but as bed furnishings. Even the baby's cradle had its rug. Carpets,
likewise, were too fine for wooden floors and were used as table covers. Of
bedsteads there were many kinds—high and low, canopy, close, corded,
half-headed, joined, side, standing, inlaid, and wainscot, and slipped under
the higher bedsteads during the daytime, were trundle or "truckle" beds in
which the children slept at night. Lionel Chute, the schoolmaster, had an
"old darnkell coverlet" on his bed while some of his neighbors possessed
branched and embroidered coverlets and several had coverlets made of
tapestry.

Among the better families the parlor and chamber windows had curtains
hung from rods or cords. In the parlor stood chests in which were stored the
family clothing and bedding, for closets did not exist in the seventeenth
century house. There were great chests and small chests, long boarded and
great boarded chests, chests with a drawer, carved chests, wainscot chests,
trunks, and boxes. A few stools and chairs, a looking-glass, a small table,
and perhaps a cupboard completed the furnishings of the well-supplied
parlor. In Capt. George Corwin's best room there were chairs with leather
bottoms and straw bottoms, a clock valued at £2, a screen having five
leaves, a napkin press, and a "Scriture or Spice box." White calico curtains
hung at his chamber windows and the maid had a "Calico Cuberd cloth" in
her room. Parlor walls were whitewashed and bare of ornament. The first
families owned a portrait or two in oils and here and there a map in
unglazed frame decorated a wall. The Puritan character did not warm to the
fine arts and austere living was the aim if not always the achievement of the
time.
The chambers in the second story must have been curiously furnished
rooms, containing a huddle of stores of all descriptions. Henry Short, the
town clerk of Newbury, died in 1673 leaving a goodly estate valued at
nearly £2,000.[27] He owned a negro slave and his house was large and well
furnished. There was an old parlor and a new parlor containing beds, chests,
chairs, trunks, and boxes. In the chamber over the new parlor there was a
good feather-bed and bed clothing but no bedstead. Wool and yarn were
stored in this room together with boxes, tubs, some feathers, and
miscellaneous "lumber"—the phrase of the period for odds and ends. The
chamber over the kitchen, a comfortable room of course, in winter, had its
bed and bedding, also "5 hogsheds, 6 barrels, 5 Iron hoopes, a pair of
stockcards, meale trough & other lumber, a parcell of old Iron, a pike, a bed
cord & other cordage." Small wonder in such a clutter that the rooms
frequently had other tenantry than the human occupants.
When Jasper Dankers arrived in Boston in 1680, the captain of the packet
took him to his sister's house where he lodged. "We were taken to a fine
large chamber," he writes, "but we were hardly in bed before we were
shockingly bitten. I did not know the cause, but was not able to sleep.... My
comrade who was very sleepy, fell asleep at first. He tumbled about very
much; but I did not sleep any the whole night. In the morning we saw how

it was, and were astonished we should find such a room with such a lady."
[28]

Early in the eighteenth century the walls of rooms in some Massachusetts
houses began to be covered with "painted paper" hangings imported from
England. These papier paints were first introduced into England, from
France, about 1634, and probably were brought into New England by
Governor Andros and his followers. Michael Perry, a Boston bookseller,
who died in 1700, had in his stock "7 quires of painted paper and three
reams of painted paper." His successor, Daniel Henchman, dealt in painted
papers as appears from his account books commencing in 1712. In 1713
two quires of painted paper cost four shillings, and two quires of blue paper,
three shillings. In 1714, Isaac Thomas of Pembroke paid £2. 10. 0 for "6
Rowls Paint'd Pap'r & 2 Q'r Paper."
When Peter Sergeant of Boston died in 1714, the inventory of his estate
disclosed "one large gilt looking glass, in the cedar room, £5. One suit of
Imagery Tapestry hanging, £20. One suit of red china £5." Two years later
the house was purchased by the Provincial Government for a governor's
residence and in 1741 we find the Provincial Treasurer paying Daniel
Henchman £5. 8. 0. for four rolls of painted paper and shortly another bill
was presented for "New Tacking the paper hanging above in the chamber &
new papering one roome below stairs."
In 1734, John Maverick, shopkeeper, bought of Henchman, four quires and
five sheets of painted paper for £1. 3. 9. In 1736, Colonel Estes Hatch
bought 10 rolls painted paper for £16. 5. 0. which was probably used in his
mansion in Dorchester, bought after the Revolution by Colonel James
Swan.
The painted paper of the eighteenth century was sold at first in sheets, 22 by
32 inches, called elephant size. Later these were pasted together to make 12
yard lengths. In the earlier stages of manufacture the designs were colored
by hand. Stencils of pasteboard were used, and in the last half of the
eighteenth century blocks of pear and sycamore wood were used, as in
calico printing. One who painted coats of arms and other things pertaining
to heraldry, as well as one who painted or stained linen cloth, was known as
a "painter stainer." So, also, those who stained colored or stamped paper for
hangings were known as "paper stainers."

When Thomas Hancock built his house on Beacon Hill he desired painted
paper for some of his rooms. Extracts from his letter to John Rowe,
stationer, London, explain his wants:
"Sir: Inclosed you have the Dimensions of a Room for a shaded Hanging to
be Done after the same Pattern I have sent per Capt. Tanner. The pattern is
all that was left of a Room lately come over here, and it takes much in ye
Town and will be the only paper-hanging for sale here which am of opinion
may Answer well.... If they can make it more beautiful by adding more
Birds flying here and there, with some Landskips at the Bottom, Should like
it well. Let the Ground be the same colour of the Pattern. At the top and
bottom was a narrow Border of about 2 inches wide which would have to
mine....
"A hanging done much handsomer sent over three or four years previous
was made by Dunbar in Aldermanbury....
"In other of these Hangings are great variety of different Sorts of Birds,
Peacocks, Macoys, Squirrill, Monkys, Fruit and Flowers, etc.... I think they
are handsomer and better than Painted hangings done in Oyle so I beg your
particular Care in procuring this for me and that the patterns may be taken
care off and Return'd with my Goods."—Letter of Thomas Hancock to John
Rowe, Stationer, in London, Jan. 23, 1737/8.
In the eighteenth-century Boston newspapers may be found numerous items
showing the use of wall paper and the fact that it frequently was imported
from England. But while it is true that it could be purchased in the shops in
Boston it does not follow that rooms in every house were papered. Nor is it
likely that the rooms of houses in the country had papered walls save when
the owner was a wealthy man. London fashions would first be found
transplanted into the seaport towns and later would be adopted by the
country. Undoubtedly the home of the Governor, or of some well-to-do sea
captain, was the first house to be so decorated. On September 22, 1762,
died Daniel Starr of Boston, "who has been for many years employed in
Papering Rooms." This item appears in the news items of the Boston News-
Letter. Eight years later the same newspaper prints the following
advertisement:
"George Killcup, jun. Informs the Gentlemen and Ladies in Town and
Country That he Paints Carpets & other Articles, and Paper Rooms in the

neatest manner. He will take English or West India Goods as Pay.
"Said Killcup is ready to pay those he is indebted to, in Painting or Papering
Rooms."—Boston News-Letter, March 17, 1768.
"Roll Paper for Rooms," with "most sorts of Stationary Ware" were
advertised for sale by John Parker, over against the shop of Mr. Dolbeare,
Brazier, at the Head of the Town Dock, Boston.—Boston News-Letter, June
3-10, 1736.
J. Boydell, the printer of the Boston Gazette, advertised in November, 1736,
a house in Boston, to be sold, in which two chambers in the first story were
"hung with Scotch Tapestry, the other Green Cheny."
John Phillips, bookseller, advertised "Stampt Paper in Rolls for to Paper
Rooms," in the October 26, 1730, issue of the New England Journal.
"Sundry sorts of Painted Paper for Rooms" were to be sold at public vendue
at the Exchange Tavern in King Street, with other importations.—New-
England Journal, August 29, 1738.
"Flowered Paper, or Paper Hangings for Rooms, to be Sold; Inquire of the
Printer."—Boston Gazette, February 2, 1742.
"Beautiful Arras-Hangings for a Room" to be sold at vendue.[29]—Boston
News-Letter, August 22, 1745.
Against the earlier background of whitewashed walls hung few decorations.
Between 1635 and 1681 there were 960 estates probated in Essex County,
Massachusetts. The county had several seaport towns and its inhabitants
were more prosperous than many other parts of the Colony. In the
inventories of these 960 estates, pictures are listed but eight times and maps
were found in but three homes. William Hollingsworth, the shipbuilder and
merchant of Salem, possessed seven framed pictures. They are the only
framed pictures mentioned. Hilliard Veren of Salem, who died in 1668, had
three pictures in his hall chamber and Robert Gray of the same town had in
his parlor a large looking-glass with some earthen dishes and a picture, the
whole valued at £2. The Rev. Nathaniel Rogers of Ipswich, had two pictures
in his parlor and Thomas Wells of Ipswich, bequeathed to his son Thomas,
the new pictures of the King and Queen and the one of the "five sencces."
He also possessed maps and paper pictures.

Fifty years later John Smibert, the portrait painter, had his shop "at his
House in Queen Street, between the Town House and the Orange Tree,
Boston," where he sold "all sorts of Colours, dry or ground with Oyls and
Brushes, Fans of several sorts, the best Mezotints, Italian, French, Dutch
and English Prints, in Frames and Glasses or without, by Wholesale or
Retail, at Reasonable Rates." About the same time the "Royal Waxwork"
was to be seen at the House of Mr. Thomas Brooks, shopkeeper, near the
Draw Bridge, and Thomas White, the engraver, was living in a house not far
away.
Here are a few advertisements from early newspapers bearing on furnishing
the house:
Bed Hangings. To be sold by Mrs. Susanna Condy, near the Old North
Meeting House, a fine Fustian Suit of Curtains, with a Cornish and Base
Mouldings of a beautiful Figure, drawn in London, on Frame full already
worked; as also enough of the same for half a dozen Chairs. N.B. The Bed
may be had by itself.—Boston Gazette, May 24-31, 1736.
Bed-Screws. Mr. John Barnard of Boston, having some time since Lent a
Pair of large Bed-screws. These are desiring the Borrower to return them
again to the owner, as he desires to Borrow again, to avoid the Curse due to
the Wicked, that Borrow but never Pay.—Boston News-Letter, Oct. 22-29,
1716.
Bedstead. A Coach-head Bed and Bedstead with its Curtains and Vallents,
&c., as it stands, being a blew China. To be disposed off. Inquire of the
Printer.—Boston Gazette, June 16-23, 1735.
Canopie Beds. A Couple of very good Cannopie Beds lately come from
England to be Sold on reasonable terms, by Rupert Lord Upholsterer and to
be seen at Mr. Ramies House in Corn-Hill the next door to the Post-office,
Boston.—Boston News-Letter, Jan. 4-11, 1713-14.
Mohair Bed. To be Sold reasonably for ready money, or on good Security, a
yellow Mohair Bed lined with a Persian of the same Colour, and six Chairs
of the same Mohair, little the worse for wear. Inquire of J. Boydell.—
Boston Gazette, Oct. 17-24, 1737.
Press Bed. A Very good Press-Case for a Bed, to be Sold. Enquire of the
Printer.—Boston News-Letter, Oct. 28-Nov. 4, 1736.

Carpets. Just imported from London, in the last ships and to be sold at Mr.
Blanchard's in New Boston West End; a large assortment of fine Carpets for
Rooms, very cheap for ready Cash.—Boston Gazette, Jan. 22, 1759.
Publick Vendue. At 5'o'Clock in the Afternoon will be sold by T. Fleet, at
the Heart and Crown, in Cornhill,—Bedding, Several Suits of Curtains and
Bedsteads, a fine new Silk Damask Quilt and Quilted Cushions of the same,
Black Walnut Chest of Drawers and Desk, Brass Candlesticks, Iron Dogs,
sundry Suits of wearing apparel for men, new Castor Hats, China Ware,
Rummolds, Druggets....—Boston News-Letter, May 18-25, 1732.
Household Furnishings. This Afternoon at 3 o'clock will be Sold by
Publick Vendue, by Daniel Goffe, at the Dwelling House of Mr. Jonathan
Barnard, over against the Town-House in Cornhill, sundry sorts of
Household Goods, consisting of Beds, Bedding, a Couch, Chairs, handsome
Japan'd Tea Tables, Walnut and Mahogany Tables, Chest of Drawers, Peer
Glasses, Sconces, Glass Arms, China Ware, Metzotinto and other Prints,
several valuable large Pieces of Paintings, one handsome large Carpet 9
Foot 6 Inches by 6 Foot 6 Inches, a fashionable yellow Camblet Bed lin'd
with Satten, a great easy Chair and Window Curtains, suitable for a Room,
a Field Bedstead and Bed, the covering a Blew Harrateen, Kitchen
Furniture, as Pewter of the best sort, Copper, Brass and Iron, a parcel of
Books and some Shop Goods.—Boston News-Letter, May 8-15, 1735.
Furniture at Auction. To be sold by Auction, Household Furniture of the
late Mr. Pyam Blowers, including: Fine Sconce Glasses, large Looking
Glasses, Leather Bottom Chairs, sundry Mehogany and other Tables, a good
Couch Squab and Pillow, a very handsome Yellow Damask Bed, an Easy
Chair, a neat case of Drawers, ... two Silver watches, sundry sorts of good
China Ware, etc.—Boston News-Letter, May 17-24, 1739.
Furniture at Auction. To be Sold by Publick Vendue on Monday next at 3
o'Clock, Afternoon, at the House of Charles Paxton, Esq., the following
Goods, viz.: A fashionable crimson Damask Furniture with Counterpain and
two Sets of Window Curtains, and Vallans of the same Damask. Eight
Walnut Tree Chairs, stuft Back and Seats covered with the same Damask,
Eight crimson China Cases for ditto, one easy Chair and Cushion, same
Damask, and Case for ditto. Twelve Walnut Tree chairs, India Backs, finest

Cane, and sundry other valuable Household Furniture.—Boston News-
Letter, Jan. 9, 1746.
Furniture. To be Sold, a crimson Harrateen Coach-Bed, Bedstead, and
Feather-bed, six small chairs, and one two-arm Chair, with crimson
Harrateen Seats, a Table, and two small Pictures, Enquire of the Printer.—
Boston News-Letter, June 25, 1747.
Hand Boards. Lately arrived from London, & are to be Sold by Giles
Dulake Tidmarsh at his Warehouse No. 4 on the Long Wharfe, Five Dutch
Tea Tables, as Hand Boards and Looking Glasses, new Fashion.—Boston
Gazette, Nov. 19-26, 1722.

LEONARD HOUSE, RAYNHAM, MASS.
This shows typical front-gabled roof and two-story
porch
Tradition relates that King Philip's head was
deposited in this house in 1676
Printed from the original wood block engraved in
1838

CHAPTER IV
Counterpanes and Coverlets

In the early days our forefathers were dependent upon the open fireplace
and during the winter season everyone must wear thick clothing and
provide an ample supply of warm coverings for the beds. Those were the
days of warming pans and heated bricks taken to bed by both children and
grown-ups, and of feather beds, comforters and patchwork quilts.
Bed coverings in the olden times, and even in our day, have a variety of
names with distinctions sometimes difficult to classify. Sometimes they are
counterpanes, and again coverlets. A comforter suggests warmth and
comfort not only for the bed but for the neck. The bed cover is universal as
is the quilt.
The patchwork quilt was formerly one of the most familiar and necessary
articles of household furnishing and its origin reaches backward into the
dim and unknown past. It was brought to the Massachusetts Bay by the first
settlers. In cottage and castle it was known in the days of King John, and
down through the generations its making supplied occupation and
amusement to countless women whose life interests centered in their homes
and household furnishings. Its manufacture may well be styled one of the
household arts, for artistic indeed are the bold conceptions of many of the
designs; while the piecing and the patching provide ample opportunity for
needlework of the finest character.
In the early days the English spelled quilt with a final e—quilte—as did the
French. It is a cover or coverlet made by stitching together two thicknesses
of a fabric with some soft substance between them. This applies to bed
covers and also to quilted petticoats so commonly worn in the old days.
What is a coverlet? Originally, any covering for a bed; now, specifically, the
outer covering. The word comes from the French couvre-lit—a bed
covering. The handwoven coverlets of many beautiful designs, in blue and

white and red and brown, are well known and formerly were woven
everywhere.
The counter-pane, formerly a bed cover, now describes a light coverlet
woven of cotton with raised figures. The word is a corruption of
counterpoint, in allusion to the panes or squares of which bed covers are
often composed. The counterpane was never quilted.
The bedspread and the bed cover may be considered as one and the same—
the uppermost covering of a bed and accordingly of an ornamental character
in general. The comforter was a thickly quilted bed cover made of several
thicknesses of sheet cotton or wool prepared for the purpose. This was too
thick to be quilted so it was knotted at regular intervals to prevent the
interlining from slipping out of place. Frequently it was called a "comfort."
There is one other name that was applied to a bed covering in the Colonial
times but which is never heard today in that connection. In the days
immediately following the settlement many a New England bed was
covered with a rug. When William Clarke of Salem died in 1647, in the
parlor of his house was a bed with a green rug covering it which was valued
by the appraisers at fourteen shillings. The term was commonly in use at the
time, in fact, as commonly as the word coverlet. In the probate of Essex
County, Massachusetts, estates between the years 1635 and 1674, coverlets
are mentioned one hundred and forty-two times and rugs one hundred and
fifty-seven times while quilts are listed only four times. These early bed
rugs were usually thick woolen coverings with a shaggy nap.
A never-failing source of accurate information as to the furnishings and
equipment of the New England household in the olden time is the probate
records—specifically, the inventory of the property taken in connection
with the settlement of the estate. For many years it was the well-nigh
universal custom to list, room by room, the contents of a house and from
these painstaking inventories it now becomes possible to reconstruct in
mental picture the interiors of those homes where lived and died our Puritan
ancestors. In connection with the present subject we learn from these
inventories that it was quite the usual habit to set up a bed in the parlor and
we also learn of the existence of different kinds of rugs used in the bed
furnishings—cotton rugs, English rugs, Irish rugs, cradle rugs, etc. There
were worsted coverlets, tapestry coverlets and embroidered coverlets. A

darnacle coverlet is listed in 1665; but as darnacle curtains appear in the
same inventory it is safe to assume that darnacle is the name of some long-
forgotten fabric. But what is a "branched coverlet?" Mrs. Thomas Newhall
of Lynn possessed in 1674 a green rug and a branched coverlet.
Capt. George Corwin of Salem who died in 1684, had a calico counterpane
in the red chamber in his house. In the corner chamber was a green
counterpane and in the kitchen chamber was a sad colored counterpane, two
coverlets, and a quilt of colored and flowered calico.
Let us have a look at a few of these wills and inventories. In 1640, the
widow Bethia Cartwright of Salem, bequeathed to her sister, then living in
England, her bed, bolster, blanket and coverlet. It is an open question if the
value of the property equalled the probable cost of transporting it to that
loving sister in distant England.
Mrs. Joanna Cummings of Salem, at her death in 1644, among many other
items possessed a feather bed, flock bolster and a green rug, jointly valued
at £2. 5. 0.
In the "hall" of John Goffe's house, in Newbury, in 1641, were found "3
bedsteeds, £1; 1 pr. curtains with 3 rods, 18s.; 1 green rugg, £1. 6.; 2
blankets, 15 s.; 1 bed, bolster and 4 pillows, £4. 10.; 1 coverlet, 10s.; and 1
bed matt, 2s."
The next year William Howard, afterwards the first town clerk of Topsfield,
was one of the appraisers of the estate of Samuel Smith of Enon, the name
by which Wenham was then known. In one of the chambers he found a
"bed, blancits & coverlet" which he valued at £7. 8. Rather a valuable bed,
or, may it have been the coverlet? In connection with "cobbard clothes" at
£1. he lists a "carpitt" at 15s; and this carpet, curiously enough, he did not
find on the floor but on a table. Joanna Cummings owned a "carpet & table"
that were valued at 7s. 8d. Joseph Metcalf of Ipswich had "a table & old
carpett" worth £1. In the parlor of Governor Endecott's house in Boston
were found a "Table, Carpet & 3 stools," valued at 50s. William Bacon's
"carpets & qushens" were worth £1. 10s. and in the inventory of the estate
of Rev. Ezekiel Rogers of Rowley, appears the following: "a presse and a
litle Table with ther Carpets, £1. 10s."

John Whittingham lived in Ipswich and died in 1648. In the parlor of his
house was found a "Joyne Table with Five chairs & one ould Carpet, 10s.;
one cupboard and Cloth, 10s.; 2 paire Cobirons, 15s.; two window Curtains
and curtaine rods, 6s.; one case of Bottles, 5s.; Books, £6. 5s.; Eleven
Cushions, £1. 10s.; one Still, 5s.;" and perhaps most important of all—"one
fetherbed, one flockbed, two boulsters, one pillow, one p. blankets, one
Rugge, Curtains & valients and bedsted, £12." In the chamber over the
parlor was another bedstead well supplied with furnishings, including two
quilts, a blue coverlet and a trundle bed. This upstairs chamber had wall
hangings which were valued at £2. 10s. and in the room were six trunks, a
chest and a box, containing stores of bed linen, table cloths, napkins, hose
yarn, silver plate and eleven spoons. Two chairs, four stools, a screen, two
pairs of cobirons and a pair of tongs completed the furnishings of the room.
It almost stands open before us. And those wall hangings valued at £2. 10s.!
Another parlor chamber in a house in Newbury, in which had lived the
minister, the Rev. James Noyes, was more meagerly furnished. Here the
appraisers found "2 boxes, 4 hogsheads, a musket and a gun and two
swords, £2.; a bolster and a quilt & two blankets and a parsell of Cotton
wooll, £3. 10s."
Just one more inventory—the estate of William Clarke who died in 1647 in
Salem. The parlor contained a half-headed bedstead with curtains and
vallance which was furnished with a feather bed and bolster, a straw bed
and flock bolster, white blankets, sheets, and a green rug. In a corner of this
parlor stood another bedstead having a mat, canvas flock bed, sheets, old
blankets and a red rug, and in the chamber over the kitchen was a low
bedstead with a flock bed and bolster, a blanket, a rug and an old quilt.
Here are two kinds of bedsteads mentioned in this house, but there were
other kinds in frequent use at the time: high beds and side beds, canopy
bedsteads, half-headed, joined, cabin, corded, close, press, standing, truckle
and trundle bedsteads and what is strange indeed, not a single example of
these early bedsteads has been preserved. All have been worn out or
destroyed—supplanted by a newer fashion—and we today can only imagine
their various forms and decorations.
In the New England vernacular, materials for quilts were "skurse" in the
olden times. The settlers, of course, brought all their furnishings from

England and a few years elapsed before wool and flax were produced here
in any quantity. Meanwhile all fabrics were imported and paid for by
shipments of salt fish, furs, lumber, corn, etc. A brisk trade soon sprang up
with the West Indies and Spain and cotton was brought into the New
England ports. Some of the fabrics in common use before 1650 have names
that sound strangely in our ears. Darnacle has been mentioned. There were
baize for jackets, calico for dresses, linsey woolsey for heavy skirts, serge
for various articles of clothing, coifing stuff for caps, linen for forehead
bands and many other uses, dimity for bed hangings and petticoats, and a
fabric known as "barber's stuff." In time some of these materials became
available for quilt making and at a still later time the handwoven, home-
dyed fabrics were used and some of these were rudely decorated with tied
and dipped patterns or stamped and stencilled designs.
It should always be kept in mind, however, that geographical location
largely enters into the production and character of the quilt, and the family
that was "well-off" of course would be supplied more abundantly with
furnishings and be less dependent upon homely makeshifts and the daily
practice of household economy. Those living in the seaport towns, where
most of the shops were found, would be likely to follow the simplest course
of fashion and buy from the stock just imported from England or Holland.
The hand loom was found everywhere but more generally in the country.
Weaving was a trade for men and so practiced, but many a farmhouse had
its loom and every country home its spinning wheel. In the larger towns the
dame of social position or comfortable means would devote her spare
moments to needlework and embroidery, while in the country the
housewives would make pieced quilts or patch the clothing of their
numerous children.
It naturally follows, that the handwoven coverlet, should be a product of the
country rather than the town and usually of the countryside farthest
removed from the influences of the shop and of English goods. Even today
it is still woven in the remote settlements of Eastern Kentucky and
Tennessee, and judging from existing examples the vogue of the
handwoven coverlet was greater in New York, Pennsylvania, Kentucky and
the Middle West than in New England although many fine examples were
produced here. The manufacture of the patchwork quilt as a domestic art

also seems to have reached its highest development in the Middle West
during the first half of the nineteenth century.
The patchwork quilt of New England is known as the "pieced quilt" when
made in the Middle West and more correctly so, for to piece means to join
together separate pieces of like material into sections or blocks that in turn
are united to form the top of the quilt. The pieces usually are of uniform
shape and size and contrasting colors are blended to form the design—
usually a geometric pattern. These pieces are sewed "over and over" on the
wrong side. To patch means to mend or adorn by adding a patch or by
laying over a separate piece of cloth. The French word applique well
describes the patched or laid-on work where the design is cut out and
applied or sewed on, in fact, "sewed-on quilts" and "laid quilts" are old
terms. This type of quilt is found in New England but infrequently as
compared with the "pieced quilt," here commonly known as the "patchwork
quilt."
In early times the pieces were nearly always of a woolen fabric, the brighter
colored cloth being saved for the more central portions of the design. Every
scrap and remnant of material left from the making of garments was saved
and the best pieces of worn-out garments were carefully cut out and made
into quilt pieces. The historian of the Saco Valley, Maine, relates that a
scarlet broadcloth cloak formerly worn by a Lord Mayor of London and
brought to Massachusetts by a member of the Merritt family of Salisbury,
Mass., after many adventures ended its days as small bits of vivid color in a
patchwork quilt made in Maine. Portions of discarded military uniforms, of
flannel shirts and well-worn petticoats were utilized and frequently an old
blanket would be used for lining.

CHAPTER V
Concerning Their Apparel

In 1630 there were differences in dress even more so than at the present
time. The simple, coarse clothing of the yeoman and the worker in the
various trades was far removed from the dress of the merchant and the
magistrate. Leather clothing was very generally worn by laborers and
servants as deerskins were cheap and leather had been in common use for
jerkins and breeches in Old England, so naturally it was worn here.
Stockings were made of a variety of materials and most shoes had wooden
heels.
Higher in the social scale men wore doublets and full breeches and clothed
themselves as well as their estates permitted—sometimes even better than
they could well afford. Sleeves were slashed. Falling bands at the neck were
common and a deep linen collar appears in portraits of the period. A beaver
or felt hat with steeple crown was worn, and gloves, sometimes elegantly
embroidered, were essential. The accepted idea of Puritan dress should be
revised and the Victorian standard of sentimental simplicity be discarded.
There was great variety of fabrics available in the shops of London and
Bristol as will be noted in the list at the end of this chapter, and as wealth
permitted probably much of this material eventually found its way to the
shelves of the shopkeepers in Boston and other of the larger seaport towns.
The following list of clothing each man should provide himself with on
sailing for New England in 1629, when the Rev. Francis Higginson came
over, is so specific that we can easily visualize the male company that
arrived at Salem that year.

Note. As several excellent books are available that treat exclusively of
costume in the colonies, it has not seemed necessary to elaborate on
the subject in these pages. The following notes however, are thought to
be of interest.

4 peares of shoes.

4 peares of stockings.
1 peare Norwich gaiters.
4 shirts
2 suits dublet and hose of leather lyn'd with oy'd skin leather, ye hose & dublett with hooks & eyes.
1 suit of Nordon dussens or hampshire kersies lyn'd the hose with skins, dublets with lynen of gilford
or gedlyman kerseys.

4 bands
2 handkerchiefs
1 wastecoat of greene cotton bound about with red tape
1 leather girdle
1 Monmouth cap
1 black hatt lyned in the brows with lether
5 Red Knitt capps mill'd about 5d. apiece
2 peares of gloves
1 Mandillion [mantle or great coat] lyned with cotton
1 peare of breeches and waistcoat
1 leather sute of Dublett & breeches of oyled leather
1 peare of leather breeches and drawers to weare with both there other sutes.

Fine clothing surrounded itself with fine furnishings, according to the
standards of the period, and as the wealth of the Colony increased with the
successful exportation of fish, lumber, beaver, and peltry, it supplied them
with all kinds of luxuries and refinements. The ships were crossing
frequently and the Colony kept pace with the mother country much as the
country follows the city at the present time.
In the town of Ipswich, lived Madam Rebecka Symonds, writing in her
sixtieth year to her son in London to send her a fashionable "lawn whiske,"
for her neckwear. In due time he replied that the "fashionable Lawn whiske
is not now worn, either by Gentil or simple, young or old. Instead where of
I have bought a shape and ruffles, which is now the ware of the gravest as
well as the young ones. Such as goe not with naked necks ware a black

wifle over it. Therefore, I have not only Bought a plaine one y't you sent
for, but also a Luster one, such as are most in fashion."
The dutiful son also purchased for his mother's wear a feather fan; but he
writes to her "I should also have found in my heart, to have let it alone,
because none but very grave persons (and of them very few) use it. Now 'tis
grown almost as obsolete as Russets, and more rare to be seen than a yellow
Hood." When the feather fan reached Ipswich it was found to have a silver
handle and with it came "two tortois fans, 200 needles, 5 yds. sky calico,
silver gimp, a black sarindin cloak, damson leather skin, two women's
Ivorie Knives, etc."[30]
Human nature and human frailities were much the same in the seventeenth
century as at the present time, and before long, the magistrates considered it
desirable to curb the extravagancies of dress that followed the London
mode; and to induce a spirit of economy more fitting to the poverty of a
new settlement. The ministers controlled the lawmaking body and
sumptuary laws were enacted which are enlightening. Because of "newe
and immodest fashions" the wearing of silver, gold and silk laces, girdles
and hat bands was prohibited. It was the fashion at that time to slash the
sleeves so that a fabric of another color worn beneath would show in an
ornamental manner through the slash. The ministers decreed that neither
man nor woman should wear clothing with more than one slash on each
sleeve and another on the back. "Cutt-works, inbroidered or needle worke
capps, bands & rayles," were forbidden.[31] Ruffs and beaver hats were
prohibited, as was long hair. Binding or small edging laces might be used,
but the making or selling of bone lace was penalized at the rate of five
shillings per yard.
But this didn't change human nature and although from time to time
offenders were taken into court and punished, the wearing of fine clothing
fashioned after the London mode continued and a few years later the
ministers tried their hand again. Any kind of lace was anathema and "no
garment shalbee made with short sleeves, whereby the nakedness of the
arme may bee discovered." On the other hand, large sleeves were forbidden,
so the maids and goodwives of the time must have been somewhat at a loss
to know how lawfully to fashion their clothes.

The minister at Ipswich grew so ill-tempered over the ungodly state of the
women in his town that he vented his spleen as follows: "When I hear a
nugiperous Gentledame inquire what dress the Queen is in this week, what
the nudius tertian of the Court, I look at her as the very gizzard of a trifle,
the product of a quarter of a cypher, the epitome of nothing, fitter to be
kickt, if she were of a kickable substance than either honoured or
humoured."[32]
The minister in the adjoining town, Rowley, actually cut off his nephew
from his inheritance because he wore his hair long in the prevailing fashion.
Later in the century the offense of wearing long hair was forgotten in the
unspeakable sin of wearing wigs. The Great and General Court again took a
hand and in 1675 condemned "the practise of men's wearing their own or
other's hair made into periwigs." Judge Sewall in his Diary alludes to the
custom. In 1685 three persons were admitted to the Old South Church in
Boston. "Two wore periwigs," comments the Judge.
"1708, Aug. 20, Mr. Chievar died. The Wellfare of the Province was much
upon his Spirit. He abominated Periwigs."[33]
The Great and General Court at one time ordered that no person should
smoke tobacco in public under a penalty of two shillings and six pence, nor
in his own house with a relative or friend. But everybody smoked who
wanted to, even the maids, and the repressive legislation in time met the
usual fate of similar efforts to restrain individual liberty and manners.
It is sweet to fancy Priscilla at her spinning wheel wearing the coif and nun-
like garb of the Puritan maiden of the poet and the artist. But the inventories
of estate in the early years of the Colony, as well as at a later time, furnish
evidence of a different character. The variety of fabrics listed is amazing
and holds its own with the modern department store. There are most of the
well-known fabrics of today, such as calico, cambric, challis, flannel, lawn,
linen, plush, serge, silk, velvet, and many others; and there are also names
that sound strangely in modern ears, viz.: cheney, darnex, dowlas, genting,
inckle, lockrum, ossembrike, pennistone, perpetuana, sempiternum,
stammell, and water paragon.
As for dress—the women wore bonnets, caps, silk hoods, coifs, forehead
cloths, ruffs, and whisks. Gowns, cloaks, mantles, and muffs are mentioned
frequently; as are many kinds of lace and even fans and veils. Shawls and

scarfs were not unknown and there were gold, silver, and enamelled rings.
Women possessed masks, and stomachers were not uncommon. Tortoise
shell combs appear; all well-to-do persons wore gloves, and as for shoes—
there were shoes with French heels, fall shoes, and those with silver
buckles. Even shoe strings appear in the inventories. There were silver,
pewter, and steel buttons and those of gympe, thread, and silk.
Laboring men wore leather and coarse fabrics and for others there were
suits, doublets, waistcoats and breeches. Trousers are mentioned; also a
cane and periwigs. Of caps and hats there were a number of kinds—felt,
castor, demi-castor, and even straw. Capt. George Corwin, a Salem
merchant, owned a cloth coat trimmed with silver lace, a velvet coat, a
tabby doublet, an old-fashioned Dutch satin doublet, four cloaks of various
kinds, two pairs of golden topped gloves, one embroidered pair, and a pair
with black fringe. He also took his walks abroad wearing silk stockings,
with a hat encircled by a silver band and carrying a silver-headed cane or a
plate hilt rapier, according to fashion. He possessed two silver watches.
Who shall say that the men and women of the New England colonies did
not dress well and live well in the early days according to their means?[34]
In the late 1600's, and until comparatively recent times, working men very
generally wore frocks, a custom in dress that dates back into the centuries.
It was an almost universal custom for farmers and those employed in the
mechanic trades to wear a frock. The farmer generally looked upon the
frock as an outer garment—something to put on in colder weather or to slip
on to protect underclothing or to conceal an untidy appearance. It was a
garment to take off on coming into the house or to put on when going to the
village or to market.
Carters or truckmen also habitually wore frocks. Drake, in his "Landmarks
of Boston," describes the old-time trucks, not to exceed eighteen feet in
length, with their loads of hogsheads of molasses and other heavy
merchandise balanced on the one axle and the two horses harnessed
tandem, the head horse led by the truckman. With the disappearance of
these ponderous vehicles also went "that distinctive body of men, the
'Boston Truckmen,' who once formed a leading and attractive feature of our
public processions, with their white frocks and black hats, mounted with
their magnificent truck-horses. Hardy and athletic, it would be hard to find
their equals on either side of the water. The long jiggers now used are

scarcely less objectionable than the old trucks." Drake wrote this only
seventy-five years ago but the "jiggers" of his time have now almost
entirely disappeared.
The frock was a loose garment slipped on over the head and in length
usually reached halfway between the knees and the feet. The opening in
front reached from the neckband nearly to the waist and was closed by
buttons, though sometimes a gathering string was used. The bottom was cut
up eight or ten inches, on the sides, to permit greater freedom in walking.
There were long frocks and short frocks, the latter being generally worn
indoors. The frocks worn in workshops by mechanics were short.
One early source of information exists in the advertisements of runaway
servants to be found in the eighteenth-century Boston newspapers. During
the quarter-century following 1725, the Boston News-Letter printed thirty-
seven advertisements asking for the detention of white male servants,
twenty-one of whom ran away during the cold-weather months. Of the
latter, six wore frocks or carried frocks in their bundle of clothing. It is fair
to assume that some of these men may have taken with them only their best
clothing and left working garments behind, hence the small number of
frocks specifically mentioned. This possibly may have been the fact in the
instance of an Irish servant, aged twenty-six, who ran away in December,
1741, from his master, James Hunt of York, Maine. He wore a broadcloth
coat and jacket of a cinnamon color, a pair of orange colored plush breeches
and a good beaver hat. The reward for his detention was £3.
John Davis, a servant of Mr. Okenden of Boston, absented himself from
service in March, 1728, and among other clothing he took with him a brown
fustian frock, and a pair of striped ticking breeches.
Frocks and "trouzers" were part of the personal effects of William Davison,
a tailor, in King Street, Boston, that were advertised for sale at public
vendue in November, 1729.
Charles Daly, an Irish boy, who ran away from his master in Boston, in
December, 1732, wore a fustian frock and another Irish servant who ran
away from a brigantine at Boston four years later, wore a new frock and
trowsers.

An Irish servant of Captain Luce of Boston, a cooper by trade, took with
him when he disappeared in December, 1737, a frock and a pair of
"trowsers." Ten years later a negro servant who ran away from the North
End of Boston, took with him a new ozen-brig frock.
The settlers came provided with English-made shoes it is likely of a quality
similar to those provided by John Hewsen in 1629, the contract reading: "To
make eight pair of welt-neat's leather shoes, crossed on the outside with a
seam, to be substantial, good over leather of the best, and two soles, the
inner sole of good neat's leather, and the outer of tallowed backs."[35] In
1651, the stock of Robert Turner of Boston, shoemaker, was inventoried as
follows: 23 pairs of children's shoes at 9d. per pair; 29 pairs of No. 11, at
4/4; of No. 12, at 4/8; of No. 13, at 4/10 per pair; 20 dozen wooden heels at
8d. per dozen; 14 pairs boots at 14/ per pair.
In 1672, a committee of the town of Boston, considering that people in low
circumstances "will wear no other shoes or boots generally but of the
newest fashion and highest price" proposed that a law should be enacted
that no shoemaker shall sell to any inhabitant, shoes of 11 or 12 sizes above
five shillings a pair and so in proportion as to other sizes.[36]
During the first half century following the arrival of the settlers, red colored
stockings were much worn in New England and russet and green colored
stockings were also in fashion. Stockings made of wash leather were worn.
In 1675 cloth stockings sold at 14/ to 18/ a dozen pairs. In 1675 John Usher
of Boston wrote to his principal in London: "Your stirrups and turn-down
stockings are not salable here."
The Massachusetts Bay Company sent over in its stock, in 1629, a hundred
black hats made of wool and lined in the brim with leather and at the same
time came one hundred Monmouth caps, so-called from the place where
they were manufactured, and valued at two shillings each. With them came
five hundred red knit caps, milled, at five pence each. Beaver hats were also
worn at that time and in 1634 prohibited by order of the General Court. In
1651, a shopkeeper in Boston, sold black hats at 14s. 16s. and 5s.; colored
hats brought 10s. and others, 8s.; children's were 3/6; black castors, 14s. and
coarse felt hats, 3s. each.
In 1675 a Bostonian wrote to a friend in London, that the local market for
sugar-loaf or high-crowned hats was dull.

The Monmouth or military cocked hat, for men, began to come into fashion
about 1670, with an average width of brim of six inches. Their inconvenient
width led to the practice of having one flap fastened to the side of the
crown, either before or behind, and then to having two flaps alike secured.
During the reign of Queen Anne, the brim was caught up in three flaps, and
so the triangularly cocked hat became the fashion.[37]
Doublets were made of leather, usually red in color, and fastened with
hooks and eyes. They were large on the shoulders, having much cutwork
showing the linen shirt beneath. Toward the end of the century their
popularity waned and they were succeeded by the waistcoat. The jerkin was
made of leather and also various kinds of cloth and sometimes is mentioned
in inventories. It was worn by laboring men.
Snow Shoes were used after a great storm; "which our People do much use
now, that never did before."—Boston News-Letter, Jan. 29-Feb. 5, 1704/5.
Stolen or carried privately away out of the house of Capt. John Bonner in
Cow Lane, near Fort Hill, Boston, sometime before the late Sickness of his
late Wife, or about the time of her decease, which was the Month of January
last: the following Particulars, viz.: Of his Wife's Wearing apparel three Silk
Gowns, one changable colour, a second flowr'd and the third stript; Three
other Gowns, one where of a double gown, one side silk stuff the other
russel, a second double Gown of silk-stuff and Petticoat of the same, the
third a black Crape Gown and Petticoat of the same; Four other Petticoats,
one changable colour'd silk, a second black flowr'd silk, a third plain black
silk, the fourth a flowr'd Sarge, one Lutstring Hood and Scarff, three laced
Headdresses and one plain, three laced Caps, two laced Handkerchiefs,
three under Caps laced, three white Aprons, three pair of laced Sleves, two
white Muslin Hoods, one Amber Necklace, one Muff...."—Boston News-
Letter, Mar. 5-12, 1710/11.
Gloves. Mens Topt fine Kid Gloves, and womans at 3s. 6d. per Pair, fine
Glaz'd Lamb and Mittens at 2s. 6d. per Pair, and Rough Lamb for Men and
Women at 2s. 6d. per Pair, and further Incouragement to any that buys in
Quantity: To be Sold by Mr Daniel Stevens lately come from England, At
his House in Pudding-Lane, Boston.—Boston News-Letter, Sept. 3-10,
1711.

Man's Muff. Any Person that took up a Man's Muffe, dropt on the Lord's
Day between the Old Meeting House & the South, are desired to bring it to
the Post Office in Boston, and they shall be Rewarded.—Boston News-
Letter, Jan. 9-16, 1715/16.
Venetian Silks. Imported from London in the Last Ship, and to be Sold by
Mr. A. Faneuil, Merchant, at his Warehouse in King-Street, Boston,
flowered Venetian Silks of the newest Fashion, in Pieces that contain
enough for a suit for a woman.—Boston Gazette, Feb. 8-15, 1719/20.
Wigg. Taken from the Shop of Powers Marriot, Barber, in Boston, either on
the 2d or 3d of August Instant, a light Flaxen Natural Wigg; parted from the
Forehead to the Crown, the narrow Ribband is of a Red Pink Colour, the
Caul is in Rows of Green, Red and White. Whoever will give Information
of the said Wigg, so as it be restor'd again, they shall have Twenty Shillings
Reward.—Boston News-Letter, July 31-Aug. 7, 1729.
Public Vendue. To be Sold, at Publick Vendue, by William Nichols at the
Royal Exchange Tavern, in King Street, Boston, on This Day, beginning (if
the Company attend) precisely at 4 o'clock Afternoon, a Variety of
Merchandize; which may be seen till the Sale begins, viz:
A curious and compleat double Sett of Burnt China, Broad Cloths,
Druggets, Shalloons, Cottons and long Ells, Buckrams, Scots Cloths,
Dowlas, Garlixs, Hollands, Chints, Patches, Qualities, FINE NUNS
THREADS, Garterings, Mens and Womens fine Hose, Mens superfine Silk
Hose, fine Shirt Buttons, Womens superfine Mittens, yellow, blue and
Tabby, a sattin Coverlid, curiously embroidered with Gold Lincey for
Curtains, &c., some Household Goods, such as Case of Draws, Tables,
Paints, Maps, Alabaster Effigies, China, &c. Sundry suits of Mens Apparel,
new and second hand; sundry very good Watches, Shoes, Boots, Green Tea,
Chocolate, and many other Things.—Boston News-Letter, May 18-25,
1738.
Women's Shoes. To be Sold, at the House of Joseph Henderson in Winter-
Street, Boston. Women's flower'd Silk, Russell & Mourning Shoes, Cloggs
and Pattoons, Lace & Eagins.—Boston News-Letter, Oct. 15-22, 1741.
Fabrics, etc. To be Sold At Robert Jenkins's on the North-Side of the Town
House in King-Street, Boston,—India Damasks, China Taffeties, fine India

Patches, Chinces and Callicoes, fine Cambricks, Bag and Sheeting
Hollands, Huckabuck and Damask Table Cloths, with other Linnens of all
Sorts, fine Plushes of divers Colours, Scarlet and other Broad Cloths,
Shalloons, figured Fustians, Ratteens, Whitneys, Duffles, Camblets,
Callamancoes, Floretta's, with a Variety of Haberdashery and Millinary
Wares; Gold and Silver Lace, Crapes, and Sundrys for Mourning; Caps,
Stockings and Gloves of all Sorts, Ozenbrigs, English Sole Leather,
Hogsheads of Earthen Ware, Casks of Red Herrings, Cloaths Flaskets,
China Baskets and Voiders, white Lead & Sieve Bottoms, and Sundry other
Goods.—Boston News-Letter, Oct. 29-Nov. 5, 1741.
Leather Breeches. Philip Freeman, lately from London, makes and sells
super-fine black Leather Breeches and Jackets, not to be discerned from the
best super-fine Cloth; likewise makes Buff and Cloth Colour after the
neetest Manner, also makes all sorts of Gloves by wholesale and retale. The
said Freeman lives in Prison Lane, near the Town House in Boston.—
Boston Gazette, June 21, 1743.
Embroidered Petticoat. On the 11th of Nov. last, was stolen out of the yard
of Mr. Joseph Coit, Joiner in Boston, living in Cross street, a Woman's
Fustian Petticoat, with a large work'd Embroder'd Border, being Deer,
Sheep, Houses, Forrest, &c., so worked. Whoever has taken the said
Petticoat, and will return it to the owner thereof, or to the Printer, shall have
40s. old Tenor Reward and no Question ask'd.—Boston Gazette, Dec. 19,
1749.
Leather Stockings. Made and Sold by Philip Freeman, at the Blew Glove
next the Cornfields in Union Street; Leather Stockings of different Colours,
viz. Black, Cloth colour'd, and Yellow made after the neatest manner.—
Boston Gazette, June 25, 1754.

Fabrics Used in the Early Days

The fabrics included in the following list all appear in probate inventories,
court records, or in newspaper advertisements.
Alamode. A thin, light, glossy black silk. Used for hoods (1676); for hat
bands and covered with black crape (1702).

Alepine, Alapeen, Allapine. A mixed stuff either of wool and silk or mohair
and cotton.
Algiers Cloth. Essex Co. (Mass.), Court Records (1680).
Attabanies, Silk. Boston Gazette, June 29, 1729.
Baize, Bays. A coarse woolen stuff, having a long nap, formerly, when made
of finer and lighter texture, used as material for clothing. Used for a
waistcoat (1634). Pepys owned a cloak of Colchester bayze (1667). Red
bays was used for underpetticoats (1732). First introduced into England
about 1561.
Barber's Stuff. 1¾ yards, 5/. Essex Co. (Mass.) Probate (1654).
Barley Corns, Dresden. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757; Boston News-
Letter, July 16, 1761.
Barratine. A woven fabric. A black barratine mantua and petticoat (1689).
Barratees (sic) from Frankfort (1745).
Barronet, Silk, query, Barrantine.
Bearskin. A shaggy kind of woolen cloth used for overcoats.
Belgrades, Silk. Boston News-Letter, Mar. 28, 1723.
Bendoarines, Striped. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Bengal. Piece goods (apparently of different kinds) exported from Bengal
in the seventeenth century. Bengal stripes, striped ginghams, originally
from Bengal were afterwards manufactured at Paisley, Scotland. "Bengalls
and Painted Callicoes used for Hanging of Rooms" (1680). There are two
sorts, fine striped and plain (1696). Thin slight stuff, made of silk and hair,
for women's apparel (1755).
Berlins, Double. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Bezoarines, Tobine. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Birds' Eyes. A fabric marked as with birds' eyes. A yellow birds-eye hood
(1665). Olive colored birds' eye silk (1689).
Bombasine, Bombazeen, Bombase. A twilled or corded dress material,
composed of silk and worsted; sometimes of cotton and worsted or worsted

alone. In black, much used for mourning. A doublet of white bombasyne
(1572). Pepys owned a black bombazin suit (1666).
Bream. 4 yards 4/. Essex Co. (Mass.) Probate (1674).
Bredaws, Silk. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Broglios, Changeable. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Buckrum. At first a fine linen or cotton fabric; later stiffened with gum or
paste. A cross of blue buckrum for the rood (1475). Vestments of blue
buckam (1552). Our gallants wear fine laces upon buckram (1665).
Burdett. A cotton fabric. A blue burdit mantua and petticoat (1710).
Cabbis. A coarse cheap serge. A carpet of cadys for the table (1536). A blue
saddlecloth bound with green and white caddis (1691). The varigated
cloaths of the Highlanders (1755).
Calamanco, Callimancoe. A woolen stuff of Flanders, glossy on the surface,
and woven with a satin twill and checkered in the warp, so that the checks
are seen on one side only; much used in the eighteenth century. Calamanco
breeches (1605), diamond buttoned callamanco hose (1639). His waistcoat
of striped calamanco (1693). A gay calamanco waistcoat (1710). A tawny
yellow jerkin turned up with red calamanco (1760).
Calico. Originally a general name for all kinds of cotton cloth imported
from Callicut, India, and from the East. Painted calicuts they call calmendar
(1678). Pepys bought calico for naval flags (1666). Dressed in white cotton
or calico (1740).
Cambletteens. Boston News-Letter, Dec. 18, 1760.
Camlet. Originally made of silk and camel's hair, hence the name, but later
of silk and wool. Red chamlett (1413). His camlet breeches (1625). Rich
gold or silver chamlets (1634). Watering the grograms and chambletts
(1644). Pepy owned a camelott riding coat (1662). Camlet was also made
with a wavy or watered surface. Water Chamolet of an azure color (1624).
A watered camlet gown (1719).
Camleteen. An imitation camlet. Made of fine worsted (1730).
Cantaloon. A woolen stuff manufactured in the eighteenth century in the
west of England. Trusses of cantaloons or serges (1711). Cantaloons from

Bristol (1748).
Canvas. (1) Strong or coarse unbleached cotton cloth made of hemp or flax,
formerly used for clothing. A coverlet lined with canvas (1537). (2) The thin
canvas that serves women for a ground unto their cushions or purse work
(1611). Working canvas for cushions (1753). St. Peter's Canvas.
Carpet. Originally a thick fabric, commonly of wool, used to cover tables,
beds, etc. Lay carpets about the bed (1513). A carpet of green cloth for a
little folding table (1527). A table wanting a carpet (1642). A green carpet
for the communion table (1702).
Carsey, see Kersey.
Castor. Generally a hat, either of beaver fur or resembling it.
Challis. A fine silk and worsted fabric, very pliable and without gloss, used
for dresses, introduced at Norwich, England, about 1632.
Checks. A fabric woven or printed in a pattern forming small squares, i.e.,
check Kersey. Hungarian checks.
Cheercoones. Boston Gazette, June 23, 1729.
Cheese Cloth.
Chello. A fabric imported from India in the eighteenth century.
Cheney, Cheyney. A worsted or woolen stuff. My red bed of Phillipp and
Cheyney (1650). Colchester cheanyes (1668).
Cherry derries. Boston News-Letter, Dec. 18, 1760.
Coifing Stuff. 3 yards, 3⁄4. Essex Co. (Mass.) Probate (1661).
Copper plate. A closely woven cotton fabric on which patterns, landscapes,
pictorial representations have been printed from engraved copper plates;
much in fashion during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Dakaple, see Dornick.
Darnacle, see Dornick.
Darnex, see Dornick.
Dianetts. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.

Diaper. Since the fifteenth century a linen fabric (sometimes with cotton)
woven with lines crossing diamond-wise with the spaces variously filled
with lines, a dot or a leaf. A boad cloth of dyaper (1502), a vestment of
linen dyoper (1553), a suit of diaper for his table (1624).
Dimity. A stout cotton fabric, woven with raised stripes or fancy figures, for
bed hangings, etc. A vestment of white demyt (1440), a hundred camels
loaden with silks, dimmeties, etc. (1632). A book wrapt up in sea green
Dimmity (1636). A half bedstead with dimity and fine shade of worstead
works (1710). His waistcoat was white dimity (1743).
Dimothy, see Dimity.
Dornick, Darnix, Darnacle. A silk, worsted, woolen or partly woolen fabric,
used for hangings, carpets, vestments, etc. Two old cushions of white and
red dornix and a hanging of dornix (1527), dornicks for the master's bed
chamber (1626), a darnock carpet (1672).
Dowlas. A coarse linen much used in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, originally made in Brittany. Where the said linen cloth called
dowlas and lockrum is made (1536). Dowlas for saffron bags (1640).
Dowlas from Hamborough (1696).
Draft. Silk and worsted. 1 piece orange colored worsted draft, £2. 5. 0.
Essex Co. (Mass.) Probate (1678). 24 yards flowered silk draft at 2/. per
yard. Essex Co. (Mass.) Probate (1678).
Drugget. Formerly a fabric of all wool or mixed with silk or linen, used for
wearing apparel. A pair of druggett courtings (1580). A drugget suit lined
with green (1675). In drugget dressed, of thirteen pence a yard (1721).
Ducape. A plain-wove stout silk fabric of soft texture sometime woven with
a stripe. Its manufacture was introduced into England by French refugees in
1685. Women's hoods made of ducape (1688).
Duffel, Duffle. A coarse woolen cloth having a thick nap or frieze, originally
made at Duffel near Antwerp. This fabric is also called "shag," and by the
early traders "trucking cloth." Indian goods such as duffels, shirts, etc.
(1695). A duffel blanket (1699). A light duffel cloak with silver frogs
(1759). Duffel great coats (1791).

Durant, Durance. A woolen stuff sometimes called "everlasting," a variety
of tammy. Both tammy and durant were hot pressed and glazed.
Duroy. A coarse woolen fabric formerly manufactured in the west of
England, similar to tammy. Wearing a grey duroy coat and waistcoat
(1722). Curley duroy.
Erminettas. Boston Gazette, May 26, 1755.
Everlasting. Another name for durant, a material used in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries for the dress of sergeants and catchpoles. In later
times a strong twilled woolen stuff, also called "lasting," and much used for
women's shoes.
Farandine. A cloth of silk and wool or hair, invented about 1630 by one
Ferrand. Pepys mentions her new ferrandine waistcoat (1663). I must wear
black farandine the whole year (1668). Peach colored farandine (1685).
Frieze. A coarse woolen cloth, with a nap, usually on one side only. A gown
of green frieze (1418). A home-spun frieze cloth (1611). His waistcoat of
red frieze (1627). An old calash lined with green frieze (1765).
Fugere. Red satin fuger (1465). Cover of a field bed of fuger satin yellow
and red (1596). A petticoat of fuger satin laid with silver and gold lace and
spangled (1638).
Fustian. A coarse cloth made of cotton and flax. His clothing was black
fustian with bends in the sleeves (1450). White fustian for socks for the
Queen (1502). Blankets of fustian (1558). Then shall the yeoman take
fustian and cast it upon the bed and the sheet likewise ... then lay on the
other sheet ... then lay on the over fustian above (1494).
Galloway. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1681).
Garlits, Garliz, Garlix. Linens made in Gorlitz, Prussian Silesia. There are
several kinds in shades of blue-white and brown.
Ghenting. A kind of linen, originally made in Ghent, Flanders. Used for
handkerchiefs, etc.
Grisette, Grizet. An inferior dress fabric, formerly the common garb of
working girls in France. His doublet was a griset-coat (1700).

Grogam, Grosgrane. A coarse fabric of silk, of mohair and wool, or these
mixed with silk; often stiffened with gum. Used for aprons, cloaks, coats,
doublets, gowns and petticoats. My watered grogram gown (1649).
Grograms from Lille (1672).
Haircloth. Cloth made of hair and used for tents, towels, and in drying malt,
hops, etc. Every piece of haircloth (1500). Coal sacks made of hair-cloth
(1764).
Hamald, Hamel, Hammells. Homemade fabrics. Narrow hammells. Boston
Gazette, June 30, 1735.
Harrateen. A linen fabric used for curtains, bed hangings, etc. Field
bedsteads with crimson harrateen furniture (1711). Harrateen, Cheney,
flowered cotton and checks (1748). For curtains, the best are linen check
harrateen (1825).
Holland. A linen fabric, originally made in Holland. When unbleached
called brown holland. A shift of fine holland (1450). Women cover their
head with a coyfe of fine holland linen cloth (1617). Fine holland
handkerchiefs (1660).
Humanes at 18 d. per yard. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1661).
Huswives, Housewife's Cloth. A middle grade of linen cloth, between coarse
and fine, for family uses. Howsewife's cloth (1571). Neither carded wool,
flax, or huswives cloth (1625).
Inkle, Incle, Incle Manchester. A narrow linen tape, used for shoe ties,
apron strings, etc. A parcel of paper bound about with red incle (1686).
Jeans. A twilled cotton cloth, a kind of fustian. Jean for my Lady's
stockings (1621). White jean (1766).
Kenting. A kind of fine linen cloth originally made in Kent. Canvas and
Kentings (1657). Neckcloths, a sort that come from Hamborough, made of
Kenting thread (1696).
Kersey. A coarse, narrow cloth, woven from long wool and usually ribbed.
His stockings were Kersie to the calf and t'other knit (1607). Trowsers made
of Kersey (1664), black Kersie stockings (1602). Thy Kersie doublet
(1714). Kerseys were originally made in England. Her stockings were of

Kersey green as tight as any silk (1724). Kerseys were used for petticoats
and men's clothing.
Lawn, Lane. A kind of fine linen, resembling cambric. Used for
handkerchiefs, aprons, etc. A coyfe made of a plyte of lawne (1483). A thin
vail of calico lawne (1634), a lawn called Nacar (1578).
Lemanees. Boston Gazette, May 26, 1755.
Linds. A linen cloth. Kinds of linne or huswife-cloth brought about by
peddlers (1641).
Linsey, Lincey. In early use a coarse linen fabric. In later use—Linsey-
woolsey. Clothes of linsey (1436). Blue linsey (1583).
Linsey-woodsey, Lindsey-woolsey. A fabric woven from a mixture of wool
and flax, later a dress material of coarse inferior wool, woven on a cotton
warp. Everyone makes Linsey-woolsey for their own wearing (New York,
1670). A lindsey-woolsey coat (1749). A linsey-woolsey petticoat (1777).
Lockram, Lockrum. A linen fabric of various qualities, for wearing apparel
and household use. Lockram for sheets and smocks and shirts (1520).
Linings of ten penny lockram (1592). His lockram band sewed to his
Linnen shirt (1616). A lockram coife and a blue gown (1632).
Lutestrings. A glossy silk fabric. Good black narrow Lute-Strings and
Alamode silks (1686). A flowing Negligee of white Lutestring (1767). A
pale blue lutestring domino (1768).
Lungee, Lungi. A cotton fabric from India. Later a richly colored fabric of
silk and cotton. Wrapped a lunge about his middle (1698). A Bengal lungy
or Buggess cloth (1779). Silk lungees. Boston Gazette, June 23, 1729.
Manchester. Cotton fabrics made in Manchester, England. Manchester
cottons and Manchester rugges otherwise named Frices (1552). Linen,
woolen and other goods called Manchester wares (1704). A very showy
striped pink and white Manchester (1777).
Mantua. A silk fabric made in Italy. Best broad Italian colored Mantuas at
6/9 per yard (1709). A scarlet-flowered damask Mantua petticoat (1760).
Medrinacks, Medrinix. A coarse canvas used by tailors to stiffen doublets
and collars. A sail cloth, i.e., pole-davie.

Missenets. Boston News-Letter, Dec. 18, 1760.
Mockado. A kind of cloth much used for clothing in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. Tuft mockado was decorated with small tufts of
wool. It was first made in Flanders and at Norwich, England, by Flemish
refugees. A farmer with his russet frock and mockado sleeves (1596).
Crimson mochadoes to make sleeves (1617). A rich mockado doublet
(1638).
Molecy. 2 yards, 12 s. Essex Co. (Mass.) Probate (1672).
Nankeen. A cotton cloth originally made at Nankin, China, from a yellow
variety of cotton and afterwards made at Manchester and elsewhere of
ordinary cotton and dyed yellow. Make his breeches of nankeen (1755). His
nankeen small clothes were tied with 16 strings at each knee (1774).
Niccanee. A cotton fabric formerly imported from India. Mentioned in the
London Gazette in 1712.
Nilla. A cotton fabric from India. There are two sorts, striped and plain, by
the buyers called Bengals ... used for Gowns and Pettycoats (1696).
Noyals, Noyles, Nowells. A canvas fabric made at Noyal, France. Noyals
canvas (1662). Vitry and noyals canvas (1721).
Osnaburg Oznabrig, Ossembrike. A coarse linen cloth formerly made at
Osnabruck, Germany. Ossenbrudge for a towell to the Lye tabyll (1555). A
pair of Oznabrigs trowsers (1732).
Pack Cloth. A stout, coarse cloth used for packing. Packed up in a bundle of
pack cloth (1698).
Padusoy, Padaway. A strong corded or gross-grain silk fabric, much worn
by both sexes in the eighteenth century. Padusay was a kind of serge made
in Padua and imported into England since 1633 or earlier. A pink plain
poudesoy (1734). A laced paduasoy suit (1672). A petticoat lined with
muddy-colored pattissway (1704). A glossy paduasoy (1730). A fine laced
silk waistcoat of blue paduasoy (1741).
Palmeretts. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Pantolanes. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1661).
Pantossam. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1661).

Paragon. A kind of double camlet used for dress and upholstery in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 12 yards of water paragon at 5⁄8 and 5
yards of French green paragon at 25/10 (1618). Hangings for a room of
green paragon (1678). Black paragon for a gown (1678).
Parisnet, Black and White. Boston News-Letter, Dec. 18, 1760.
Patch. A kind of highly glazed printed cotton, usually in bright-colored
floral designs, used for window draperies and bed hangings. Advertised in
Boston News-Letter, June 24, 1742. English and India patches. Boston
News-Letter, Dec. 18, 1760.
Pealong, White English. Boston Gazette, Mar. 30, 1734.
Pellony. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1680).
Penistone, Penniston. A coarse woolen cloth made at Penistone, Co.
Yorkshire, England, used for garments, linings, etc. Clothes called
pennystone or forest whites (1552). Red peniston for petticoats (1616).
Pentado. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1680).
Perpetuana. A durable woolen fabric manufactured in England from the
sixteenth century, similar to everlasting, durance, etc. The sober
perpetuana-suited Puritan (1606). A counterpane for the yellow perpetuana
bed (1648).
Philip. A kind of worsted or woolen stuff of common quality. 12 yards of
philip and cheney for a coat for Mrs. Howard (1633). My red bed of Phillip
and China (1650).
Pocking Cloth. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1674).
Poldavy, Poledavis. A coarse canvas or sacking, originally woven in
Brittany, and formerly much used for sailcloth. A canvas of the best
poldavie (1613). Pole-Davies for sails (1642).
Pompeydones. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Poplin. A fabric with a silk warp and worsted weft, having a corded surface.
Lined with light colored silk poplin (1737).
Porstotana. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1680).

Prunella, Prenella. A strong stuff, originally silk, afterwards worsted, used
for clergymen's gowns, and later for the uppers of women's shoes. Plain
black skirts of prunella (1670).
Rash. A smooth-surfaced fabric made of silk (silk rash) or worsted (cloth
rash). A cloak of cloth rash (1592). My silk rash gown (1597). He had a
cloak of rash or else fine cloth (1622).
Ratteen, Rating. A thick twilled woolen cloth, usually friezed or with a
curled nap, but sometimes dressed; a friezed or drugget. A cloak lined with
a scarlet Ratteen (1685). A ratteen coat I brought from Dublin (1755). A
brown ratteen much worn (1785).
Romal. A silk or cotton square or handkerchief sometimes with a pattern. 12
pieces of Romals or Sea Handkerchiefs (1683). There are three sorts, silk
Romals, Romals Garrub and cotton Romals (1696).
Russel. A woolen fabric formerly used for clothing, especially in the
sixteenth century, in various colors; black, green, red, grey, etc. A woman's
kertyl of Russell worsted (1552). A black russel petticoat (1703).
Sagathy, Sagatheco. A slight woolen stuff, a kind of serge or ratteen,
sometimes mixed with a little silk. A brown colored sagathea waistcoat and
breeches (1711).
Sarsenet, Sarcenet. (Saracen cloth). A very fine and soft silk material made
both plain and twilled, in various colors. Curtains of russet sarsenet fringed
with silk (1497). A doublet lined with sarcenet (1542). Some new fashion
petticoats of sarcenett (1662). A scarlet coat lined with green sarcenet
(1687).
Satinette, Satinet. An imitation of satin woven in silk or silk and cotton. A
cloth-colored silk sattinet gown and petticoat (1703). A thin satin chiefly
used by the ladies for summer nightgowns, &c. and usually striped (1728).
Satinisco. An inferior quality of satin. His means afford him mock-velvet or
satinisco (1615). Also there were stuffs called perpetuano, satinisco,
bombicino, Italicino, etc. (1661).
Say. Cloth of a fine texture resembling serge; in the sixteenth century
sometimes partly of silk and subsequently entirely of wool. A kirtle of silky
say (1519). A long worn short cloak lined with say (1659). Say is a very

light crossed stuff, all wool, much used for linings, and by the Quakers for
aprons, for which purpose it usually is dyed green (1728). It was also used
for curtains and petticoats.
Scotch Cloth. A texture resembling lawn, but cheaper, said to have been
made of nettle fibre. A sort of sleasey soft cloth ... much used for linens for
beds and for window curtains (1696).
Sempiternum. A woolen cloth made in the seventeenth century and similar
to perpetuana. See Everlasting.
Shag. A cloth having a velvet nap on one side, usually of worsted, but
sometimes of silk. Crimson shag for winter clothes (1623). A cushion of red
shag (1725).
Shalloon. A closely woven woolen material used for linings. Instead of
shalloon for lining men's coats, sometimes use a glazed calico (1678).
Sleazy. An abbreviated form of silesia. A linen that took its name from
Silesia in Hamborough, and not because it wore sleasy (1696). A piece of
Slesey (1706).
Soosey. A mixed, striped fabric of silk and cotton made in India. Pelongs,
ginghams and sooseys (1725).
Stammel. A coarse woolen cloth, or linsey-woolsey, usually dyed red. In
summer, a scarlet petticoat made of stammel or linsey-woolsey (1542). His
table with stammel, or some other carpet was neatly covered (1665). The
shade of red with which this cloth was usually dyed was called stammel
color.
Swanskin, Swanikins. A fine, thick flannel, so called on account of its
extraordinary whiteness. The swan-skin coverlet and cambrick sheets
(1610).
Tabby. Named for a quarter of Bagdad where the stuff was woven. A
general term for a silk taffeta, applied originally to the striped patterns, but
afterwards applied also to silks of uniform color waved or watered. The
bride and bridegroom were both clothed in white tabby (1654). A child's
mantle of a sky-colored tabby (1696). A pale blue watered tabby (1760).
Rich Morrello Tabbies. (Boston Gazette, March 25, 1734).

Tabling. Material for table cloths; table linen, Diaper for tabling (1640). 12
yards tabling at 2/6 per yard. Essex Co. (Mass.) Probate (1678).
Tamarine. A kind of woolen cloth. A piece of ash-colored wooley Tamarine
striped with black (1691).
Tammy. A fine worsted cloth of good quality, often with a glazed finish. All
other kersies, bayes, tammies, sayes, rashes, etc. (1665). A sort of worsted-
stuff which lies cockled (1730). Her dress a light drab lined with blue
tammy (1758). A red tammy petticoat (1678). Strain it off through a tammy
(1769).
Tandem. A kind of linen, classed among Silesia linens. Yard wide tandems
for sale (1755). Quadruple tandems (1783).
Thick Sets. A stout, twilled cotton cloth with a short very close nap: a kind
of fustian. A Manchester thickset on his back (1756).
Ticklenburg. Named for a town in Westphalia. A kind of coarse linen,
generally very uneven, almost twice as strong as osnaburgs, much sold in
England. About 1800 the name was always stamped on the cloth.
Tiffany. A kind of thin transparent silk; also a transparent gauze muslin,
cobweb lawn. Shewed their naked arms through false sleeves of tiffany
(1645). Black tiffany for mourning (1685).
Tow Cloth. A coarse cloth made from tow, i.e., the short fibres of flax
combed out by the hetchell, and made into bags or very coarse clothing.
Ropes also were made of tow.
Tobine. Probably a variant of tabby. With lustre shine in simple lutestring or
tobine (1755). Lutestring tobines which commonly are striped with flowers
in the warp and sometimes between the tobine stripes, with brocaded sprigs
(1799). A stout twilled silk (1858).
Trading Cloth, see Duffell.
Turynetts. Boston Gazette, Aug. 22, 1757.
Venetians. A closely woven cloth having a fine twilled surface, used as a
suiting or dress material.
Villaranes. Essex Co. (Mass.) Court Records (1661).

Vitry, Vittery. A kind of light durable canvas. Vandolose [vandelas] or vitrie
canvas the ell, 10s. (1612). Narrow vandales or vittry canvas (1640).
Water Paragon, see Paragon.
Witney, Whitney. A heavy, loose woolen cloth with a nap made up into
blankets at Witney, Co. Oxford, England. Also, formerly, a cloth or coating
made there. True Witney broadcloth, with its shag unshorn (1716). Fine
Whitneys at 53 s. a yard, coarse Whitneys at 28 s. (1737).
In the Inventory of the Estate of Henry Landis of Boston, shopkeeper, taken
Dec. 17, 1651, the following fabrics are listed, viz.:

Black Turky tamet, Green Italiano
Turkie mohaire Say
Green English Tamett Red Calico
Cotton cloth Red Serge
Kersey Cheny
Yellow cotton Double Cheny
Linsie woolsey Red satinesco
English mohaire Olive serge
Mixed Italiano Holland
Grey ditto Tufted Holland
Broadcloth Fine Holland
Green cotton cloth Nuns Holland
Course Yorkshire Kersey Broad dowlas
Tamy Cheny Dowlas
Padway serge Broad lining
Adretto Lockrum
Hair Camelion White Calico
Castelano 1 pr dimity drawers
Herico Italiano 1 pr girls bodys
White serge Addevetto
Perpetuano 2 childs waistcoats at 9 d.
Best ditto 9 tawney bonnets at 16 d.
Mixed serge 46 pr ear wiers at 4 d.
Cloth 17 calico neck cloths at 12 d.
Kersey 2 gro tin buttons at 2/6.
Italiano 9 yds silk galoon at 2½ d.
Sad hair coloured Italiano Breeches bottons
Taunton serge Silk breast buttons
Mixed stuff Hair buttons
Green mixed serge Great silk buttons
Herico Kersey A great variety of silk and bone lace
Green Tamy 1 black satin cap, 3/.
—Suffolk Co. Probate Records, Vol. II, p. 127.

CHAPTER VI
Pewter in the Early Days

In the spring of 1629, when the Secretary of the Company of the
Massachusetts Bay in New England was preparing a memorandum of
materials to be obtained "to send for Newe England" in the ships that sailed
on April 25th of that year, among the fabrics and food stuffs, the seed grain,
potatoes, tame turkeys, and copper kettles of French making without bars of
iron about them, were listed brass ladles and spoons and "pewter botles of
pyntes & qrts." The little fleet reached Naumkeck (now Salem) on June
30th, and on its return voyage, a month later, Master Thomas Graves, the
"Engynere," expert in mines, fortifications, and surveys, who had come
over with Governor Endecott the previous year, sent home a report to the
Company in which he listed "such needefull things as every Planter doth or
ought to provide to go to New-England," including victuals for a whole
year, apparel, arms, tools, spices, and various household implements,
among which appear "wooden platters, dishes, spoons and trenchers," with
no mention of pewter. The records of the Company make mention of
carpenters, shoemakers, plasterers, vine planters, and men skillful in
making pitch, salt, etc., but nowhere does the trade of the pewterer appear.
Pewter did not come into general use among the more prosperous farmers
in England until about the middle of the sixteenth century and then only as
a salt—a dish of honor, or three or four pieces for use on more formal
occasions. It was the wooden trencher that was commonest in use in all
middle-class families until well after the year 1700, and this was true both
in New England and Old England. In homes where the shilling was made to
go as far as possible, the wooden trencher, like the homespun coat, lingered
in use for a century later. At least one family in Essex County,
Massachusetts, was still using its wooden plates of an earlier period as late
as 1876, when the menfolk left home to work for two or three days in the
early fall on the thatch banks beside Plum Island river. And this happened in
a comfortably situated, but thrifty, family. The rough usage given the
common tableware in the crude camp by the marshes had taught the

housewife the desirability of bringing down from the chest in the attic, at
least once a year, the discarded wooden plates used in her childhood.
Pewter appears early in the Massachusetts Colony in connection with the
settlement of estates of deceased persons. By means of the detailed
inventories taken at such times, it is possible to reconstruct with
unquestioned accuracy the manner in which the homes of the early settlers
were furnished, and by means of this evidence it is possible to show that the
hardships and crudities of the first years were soon replaced by the usual
comforts of the English home of similar station at the same time. The ships
were crossing the Atlantic frequently and bringing from London, Plymouth
or Bristol, to the new settlements, all manner of goods required for sale in
the shops that had been set up in Boston, Salem and elsewhere.
In 1635 the widow Sarah Dillingham died at Ipswich, leaving a
considerable estate. Among the bequests were a silver bowl and a silver
porringer, and the inventory shows 40½ pounds of pewter valued at £2.14.0.
In 1640, Bethia Cartwright of Salem bequeathed to her sister, Mary Norton,
three pewter platters and a double saltcellar and to a nephew she gave six
spoons and a porringer.
In 1643, Joseph, the eldest son of Robert Massey of Ipswich, was
bequeathed by his father, four pewter platters and one silver spoon.
Benjamin, another son, was to receive four pewter platters and two silver
spoons, and Mary, a daughter, received the same number as did Joseph.
In 1645, Lionell Chute died in Ipswich. His silver spoon he bequeathed to
his son James. It was the only piece of silver in the house. Of pewter, he
had possessed fourteen dishes, "small and great," eleven pewter salts,
saucers and porringers, two pewter candlesticks and a pewter bottle.
The widow, Mary Hersome of Wenham, possessed in 1646 one pewter
platter and two spoons. The same year Michael Carthrick of Ipswich
possessed ten pewter dishes, two quart pots, one pint pot, one beaker, a little
pewter cup, one chamber pot and a salt. In 1647, William Clarke, a
prosperous Salem merchant, died possessed of an interesting list of
furniture; six silver spoons and two small pieces of plate; and the following
pewter which was kept in the kitchen—twenty platters, two great plates and
ten little ones, one great pewter pot, one flagon, one pottle, one quart, three

pints, four ale quarts, one pint, six beer cups, four wine cups, four
candlesticks, five chamber pots, two lamps, one tunnel, six saucers and
miscellaneous old pewter, the whole valued at £7. The household also was
supplied with "China dishes" valued at twelve shillings. John Lowell of
Newbury, in 1647, possessed three pewter butter dishes. John Fairfield of
Wenham, the same year, had two pewter fruit dishes and two saucers; also
four porringers, a double salt, one candlestick and six spoons, all of pewter.
His fellow-townsman, Christopher Yongs, a weaver, who died the same
year, possessed one bason, a drinking pot, three platters, three old saucers, a
salt and an old porringer, all of pewter and valued at only ten shillings.
There were also alchemy spoons, trenchers and dishes and a pipkin valued
at one shilling and sixpence.
When Giles Badger of Newbury died in 1647 he left to his young widow a
glass bowl, beaker and jug, valued at three shillings; three silver spoons
valued at £1, and a good assortment of pewter, including "a salt seller, a
tunnell, a great dowruff" and valued at one shilling. The household was also
furnished with six wooden dishes and two wooden platters. The inventory
of the estate of Matthew Whipple of Ipswich totalled £287.2.1, and included
eighty-five pieces of pewter, weighing 147 pounds and valued at £16.9.16.
In addition, there were four pewter candlesticks valued at ten shillings; two
pewter salts, five shillings; two pewter potts, one cup and a bottle, four
shillings and sixpence; one pewter flagon, seven shillings; twenty-one
"brass alchimic spoones" at four shillings and four pence each; and nine
pewter spoons at eighteen pence per dozen. The inventory also discloses
one silver bowl and two silver spoons valued at £3.3.0; six dozen wooden
trenchers, valued at three shillings; also trays, a platter, two bowles, four
dishes, and "one earthen salt."
The widow Rebecca Bacon died in Salem in 1655, leaving an estate of
£195.8.6 and a well-furnished house. She had brass pots, skillets,
candlesticks, skimmers, a little brass pan, and an excellent supply of pewter,
including "3 large pewter platters, 3 a size lesse, 3 more a size lesse, 3 more
a size lesse, £1.16; 1 pewter bason, 5s; 6 large pewter plates & 6 lesser, 9s;
19 Pewter saucers & 2 fruite dishes, 11s, 6d; 1 old Pewter bason & great
plate, 3s; 2 pewter candlesticks, 4s; 1 large pewter salt & a smal one; 2
pewter porringers, 3s.6d; 1 great pewter flagon; 1 lesser, 1 quart, 2 pints & a
halfe pint, 13s; 2 old chamber pots & an old porringer, 3s." She also died

possessed of "1 duble salt silver, 6 silver spones, 1 wine cup & a dram cup
of silver, both £6."
The Rev. James Noyes of Newbury, when he died in 1656, was possessed of
an unusually well-equipped kitchen, supplied with much brass and ironware
and the following pewter, viz.: "on one shelfe, one charger, 5 pewter platters
and a bason and a salt seller, £1.10.0; on another shelfe, 9 pewter platters,
small & great, 13 shillings; one old flagon and 4 pewter drinking pots, 10
shillings." No pewter plates or wooden trenchers are listed.
In other estates appear some unusual items, such as: a pewter brim basin,
pewter cullenders, pewter beer cups, pewter pans, pewter bed pans, and a
mustard pot.
The trade of the pewterer does not seem to have been followed by many
men in New England during the seventeenth century. The vessels were
bringing shipments from London and moreover, the bronze moulds used in
making the ware were costly. Pewter melted easily and frequently required
repairing, and it was here that the itinerant tinker or second-rate pewterer
found employment. The handles of pewter spoons broke easily, and a spoon
mould was a part of the equipment of every tinker. The earliest mention we
have noted of the pewterer practising his trade in New England is one
Richard Graves of Salem. He was presented at a Quarterly Court on
February 28, 1642-43 for "opression in his trade of pewtering" and
acquitted of the charge. Then he was accused of neglecting to tend the ferry
carefully, so it would seem that pewtering occupied only part of his time.
This he acknowledged, but said that he had not been put to it by the Court
and also that it was necessary to leave the ferry when he went to mill, a
quite apparent fact. He seems to have been a somewhat reckless fellow in
his dealings with neighbors, for he was accused of taking fence rails from
Christopher Young's lot and admonished by the Court. At the same session
he was fined for stealing wood from Thomas Edwards and for evil speeches
to him, calling him "a base fellow, & yt one might Runn a half pike in his
bellie & never touch his hart."
Graves came to Massachusetts in the "Abigail," arriving in July, 1635. He
settled at Salem and was a proprietor there in 1637. Sometimes he is styled
"husbandman." He got into trouble with the authorities very soon, and in
December, 1638, was sentenced to sit in the stocks for beating Peter

Busgutt in his own house. Peter made sport of the Court at the time of the
trial, and in consequence was ordered to be whipped, this time by the
constable. In 1641 Graves was brought into court again and William Allen
testified that "he herd Rich Graves kissed Goody Gent twice." Richard
confessed that it was true, and for this unseemly conduct he was sentenced
to be fined or whipped. The records do not disclose his individual
preference as to the penalty eventually inflicted. In 1645 he was in Boston
in connection with some brazen moulds that were in dispute. A Mr. Hill and
Mr. Knott were concerned in the affair, and very likely the moulds were for
pewterers' use. On another occasion a few years later, when Graves went to
Boston, he got drunk at Charlestown, and in consequence was mulct by the
Quarterly court. Only a month later he was complained of for playing at
shuffleboard, a wicked game of chance, at the tavern kept by Mr. Gedney in
Salem, but this time he escaped the vengeance of the law, for the case
against him was not proved. He was still pursuing his trade of pewterer in
1655 when he so styled himself in a deed to John Putnam, and sometime
between that date and 1669 he passed out of reach of the courts to that
bourne from which no pewterers ever return.
Mention has been made of the fact that London-made pewter was brought
into New England at frequent intervals to supply the natural demand. An
invoice of pewter shipped from London in 1693 has recently come to light
in the Massachusetts Archives, and is here printed as being of interest not
only as showing the market prices for pewter, but also the kind of utensils
in demand at that time. This particular shipment of pewter was a part of a
consignment made by John Caxy of London to Joseph Mallenson, his agent
in Boston. It consisted of a great variety of clothing, fabrics, hardware,
implements, kitchen utensils and pewter. The part of the invoice that
comprised the shipment of pewter follows, viz.:
One Drume Fatt No. 2 Containing
12 Pottle Tankards at 3s 10d ps £2. 6.0
12 Quart ditto at 3s 1.16.0
24 Midle ditto at 2/6 3. 0.0
24 Small ditto at 2/ 2. 8.0
12 doz: Large Poringers at 9s 6d p doz 5.14.0
12 doz: Small ditto at 8/ 4.16.0

3 pr New-fashon'd Candlesticks at 4s 12.0
3 pr ditto at 3s 9.0
2 pr Round ditto at 2s 10d 5.8
a Fatt Cost 7.0
One Drume Fatt No. 3 quantity
18 Large Chamber Potts at 2/10s ps 2.11.0
30 Middle ditto at 2s 8d 3.10.0
40 small ditto at 2s 3.10.0
12 doz Alcamy Spoons at 2/9 4. 0.0
24 doz Powder ditto at 2/3d p doz 2.14.0
12 Large Salts at 2s 2 ps 1. 6.0
24 Middle ditto at 20d ps 2. 0.0
48 Small ditto at 12d ps 2. 8.0
18 Basons qt 32 at 12d 1.12.6
2 doz: Sawcers at 9s p doz 18.0
4 doz Small ditto at 7s p doz 1. 8.0
2 Pottle Wine Measure Potts at 5/6 11.0
6 Quart ditto Potts at 2/8 16.0
6 Pint ditto Potts at 22d ps 11.0
6 halfe Pint ditto at 14d 7.0
6 Quartern ditto Potts at 9d p ps 4.6
a Fatt Cost 7s 7.0
One halfe Barell Fatt No 4 cont more pewter
78 dishes qt 265 at 9d½ 10. 9.9½
A Fatt Cost 3s 6 3. 6
—————
£76. 2.5½

CHAPTER VII
The Farmhouse and the Farmer

The farmers in the early days had few conveniences and comforts and were
largely dependent for the supply of their wants upon the products of their
farms. But little food was purchased. At the outset domestic animals were
too valuable to be killed for food but deer and other wild game were
plentiful. When this no longer became necessary and an animal was killed
by a farmer, it was the custom to lend pieces of the meat to the neighbors, to
be repaid in kind when animals were killed by them. In this way the fresh
meat supply was kept up for a long time by the killing of one animal. Other
parts of the meat were salted and kept for a number of months before all
was eaten. Nearly every family had a beef and a pork barrel (called a
"powdering tub"), from which most of the meat used in summer was taken.
Meat was not found upon the table every day.
The chimney in the farmhouse was of great size, occupying relatively a
large amount of the space inside the house. The kitchen fireplace usually
was large enough to accommodate logs four feet in length, oftentimes even
larger. In making a fire a backlog, a foot or more in diameter, was placed
against the back of the fireplace; a forestick was then placed across the
andirons in front, and wood piled between, producing a hot fire, and giving
the kitchen a very cheerful appearance. Large stones were sometimes used
instead of a backlog, and an iron bar was laid on the andirons in front of the
forestick. Ample ventilation was had by the constant current of air that
passed up the chimney.
In sitting before an open fire it was often complained that while one was
roasted in front he was frozen in the back and this led to the use in nearly
every family of a long seat made of boards called a "settle," with a high
back to keep off the wind from behind, which, when placed before the fire,
was usually occupied by the older members of the family.
At night, any fire that remained was carefully covered with ashes and was
expected to keep until morning to kindle for the next day. This was called

"raking up the fire," and calculation was made to have enough fire to cover
up every night, so it need not be lost. If the fire didn't keep over, some one
would go with a fire pan to a neighbor, if one lived near, and borrow some
fire. But if this was inconvenient, resort was then had to the tinder box.
Tinder was made by charring cotton or linen rags. The box containing this
was usually kept in a niche made in the side of the fireplace, by leaving out
a couple of bricks. By striking fire with flint and steel, the tinder was
ignited. Homemade matches, which had been dipped in melted brimstone,
were set on fire by touching the burning tinder and in this way a fire was
obtained. Sometimes fire was kindled by flashing powder in the pan of a
flint-lock musket, thereby setting paper on fire. Friction matches did not
come into use until about 1832.
The cooking was done over and before the open fire. Boiling was done by
suspending kettles from pot hooks which were upon the crane and of
different lengths to accommodate the height of the fire. An adjustable hook
which was called a "trammel" was not infrequently used. Meat was roasted
by passing through it an iron rod called a spit and this was rested on
brackets on the back of the andirons in front of the fire and by repeated
turning and exposing on all sides, the meat was evenly cooked. Another
method was to suspend the meat or poultry by a line before the fire. By
twisting the line hard it would slowly unwind. Of course some one had to
be in frequent attendance to twist the cords and usually it was a child. A
dish placed underneath caught the drippings from the roast. Sometimes the
line would burn off, and have to be replaced before the cooking could be
completed.
Potatoes and eggs were roasted in the ashes by wrapping them in wet leaves
or paper, and then covering with hot coals. In half an hour or so the potatoes
would be well cooked.
At first bread and other things were baked in a Dutch oven. It was a shallow
cast-iron kettle with long legs and a cover of the same material, having a
raised edge. The cover was filled with live coals, and then the oven was
suspended from a pot hook or stood in the hot coals. It was used for both
baking and frying. Indian bannock, made from corn meal mixed with water
and spread about an inch thick on a board or wooden trencher, was baked
before the fire by setting it on an incline against a sad-iron or skillet, the top

a couple of inches back from the bottom, and when baked and made into
milk toast it was considered a dish fit to be "set before a king"!
The brick oven was in the chimney of nearly every well-built house. The
opening was inside the fireplace and was closed by a wooden door. In
heating the oven dry pine wood, which had been spilt and seasoned out of
doors for a short time and then housed, was a necessity for the best results.
The oven was considered hot enough for a baking when the black was
burned off the roof and the whole inside had assumed a uniform light color.
The coals and ashes inside the oven were then removed with a "peel," a
long-handled iron shovel made for the purpose. The bottom of the oven was
then swept clean with a broom made of hemlock or other boughs. The
process of removing the fire and getting it ready for use was called
"clearing the oven."
The food to be cooked was then put in the oven: brown bread made from
rye and Indian meal, drop cakes made with milk and eggs and wheat flour,
which were placed directly upon the bricks and when baked and eaten hot
with butter, were considered a great luxury. Beans, meats, potatoes, pies,
and many other things were cooked in the brick oven at the same time.
Families in good circumstances, made it a rule to heat the oven daily, but
Saturday was generally reserved for the week's baking.
The skins of animals killed on the farm were tanned by some local tanner
and a year or more was required by the old process, but it produced an
excellent quality of leather.
The utmost economy was practiced. Nearly all the young people and some
of the older ones went barefoot during the summer. In going to meeting on
Sunday the girls and young women often walked a number of miles. They
wore heavy shoes or went barefooted, carrying their light shoes in their
hands to save wear until near the meeting house.
In the early years following the settlement, all clothing or materials were
brought from overseas but in time, flax and wool were produced on many
farms, and the women of the family were capable of taking the wool as it
came from the sheep, cleansing, carding and spinning it into yarn, and then
weaving it into cloth, from which they cut and made the clothes for the
family. The carding was done with hand cards similar to those used for

carding cattle, only a little larger and of finer mesh. The carded rolls were
spun into yarn upon the hand wheel. Five skeins was considered a good
day's work.
The yarn was woven into cloth on the hand loom, which was a ponderous
affair and occupied a great deal of room. Not every family possessed a
loom, but there were weavers in every locality. The yarn which went
lengthwise of the cloth had to be drawn into the harness by hand; that which
went the other way came from the shuttle. The yarn which was in the
shuttle was wound upon short quills, which were pieces of elder three
inches in length with the pitch punched out, and these quills were wound on
a wheel called a "quill wheel" which made a great deal of noise. This work
was usually done by children or some helper, while the woman of the house
was weaving.
Weaving was hard work and five or six yards was considered a good day's
work. Cotton was sometimes bought and worked in about the same manner
as wool. When the yarn was to be knitted, it was generally colored before
using. The dye pot was of earthenware and had its place in the chimney
corner just inside the fireplace. It was covered with a piece of board or
plank on which the children often sat. The dye was made of indigo
dissolved in urine. Into this the yarn was put and remained until it was
colored. When the yarn was wrung out, or the contents disturbed, the odor
that arose had no resemblance to the balmy breezes from "Araby the blest."
The cloth for men's wear was called "fulled cloth." After it was woven it
was taken to the clothier, where it was fulled, dyed, sheared, and pressed.
That worn by women was simply dyed and pressed, and was called pressed
cloth. Baize without any filling or napping was woven for women's use.
Flax was grown on the farm. It was pulled in the fall and placed upon the
ground, where it remained a number of months until the woody portion was
rotted and the fiber became pliable. When at the right stage it was broken
by a clumsy implement called a "flax brake," which rid the fiber of the
woody parts. It was then "swingled," which was done by beating it with a
wooden paddle called a "swingling knife," which prepared it for the comb
or "hatchel" made of nail rods. Its teeth were pointed and about six inches
longer, seven rows with twelve in each row. The combing took out the short
and broken pieces which was called tow and spun into wrapping twine,

small ropes and bagging. When the flax had been combed sufficiently it
was put upon the distaff and spun.
The linen wheel was about twenty inches in diameter and was operated by
the foot resting upon a treadle. The wheel had two grooves in the
circumference, one to receive a band to drive "the fliers," the other to drive
the spool with a quicker motion to take up the threads. The thread when
spun and woven into cloth, was made up into shirts, sheets, table covers,
dresses, handkerchiefs, strainer cloths, etc. Ropes used about the farm were
often home-made of linen and tow. In the summer men wore tow and linen
clothes. A cloth made of cotton and linen was called fustian.
Cider mills were found on a great many farms where the apples, which
were mostly natural fruit, were made into cider. This was a common drink
and found a place upon the table three times a day with each meal, and was
carried into the fields to quench thirst forenoon and afternoon. The men of
those days assumed to be unable to labor without a liberal supply of cider,
as water seldom agreed with them. The drawing and putting the cider upon
the table usually fell to the younger members of the family and was
generally considered an irksome task. In some cases it was made the rule
that the one who got up the latest in the morning should draw the cider for
the day. Cider which had been drawn for a little time and had become warm
was not considered fit to drink. Any that remained in the mug was emptied
into a barrel kept for the purpose in the cellar and was soon converted into
vinegar. In this way the family supply was made and kept up, and it
generally was of the best quality.
When David Cummings of Topsfield died in 1761, he provided by will that
his wife Sarah should be supplied annually with five barrels of cider, in fact,
it was common among farmers to so provide for their widows, together with
a horse to ride to meeting, and a certain number of bushels of vegetables,
corn, rye, etc., etc.
The tallow candle was used for light in the evening. When this was
supplemented by a blazing fire in the fireplace it gave the room a cheerful
appearance. Most of the candles were "dips," although a few were run in
moulds made for the purpose. All the tallow that came from the animals
killed on the farm was carefully saved and tried out and rendered by
heating. The liquid thus obtained was put in pans to cool and when enough

had been accumulated it was placed in a large kettle and melted. The candle
wicking was made of cotton, and was bought at the shops in town. It came
in balls. The wicking was cut twice the length of the candle and doubled
over a stick made for the purpose and then twisted together. These sticks
were two feet in length and half an inch in diameter. Six wicks were placed
upon each stick, and as many used as would hold all the candles to be made
at one time. Two sticks six or eight feet in length, often old rake handles,
were used for supports. These were placed upon two chairs and about
eighteen inches apart. On these the sticks were placed with the wicks
hanging down. By taking a couple of the sticks in the hands the wicks were
placed in the hot tallow until they were soaked. When all had been thus
treated dipping began. Each time a little tallow adhered, which was allowed
to cool, care being taken not to allow the dips to remain in the hot tallow
long enough to melt off what had already cooled. While the dipping was
going on the candles were suspended where a draft of air would pass over
and cause them to cool quickly. Care was also taken not to have the candles
touch each other.
The dipping continued until the candles were large enough for use. If the
tallow in the kettle became too cool to work well, some boiling water was
put in which went to the bottom and kept the tallow above warm enough to
work. The tallow candle made a dim, disagreeable light, as it smoked
considerably and required constant snuffing or cutting off of the burnt
portions of the wick. Snuffers were used for this purpose, in which the
portions of the wick cut off were retained, and this was emptied from time
to time as the receptacle became filled.
Nearly every family made the soft soap used in washing clothes and floors.
Ashes were carefully saved and stored in a dry place. In the spring the mash
tub, holding sixty or seventy gallons, was set up, and on the bottom a row
of bricks were set on edge. On them a framework was placed which was
covered with hemlock boughs or straw, over which a porous cloth was
placed. The tub was then filled with ashes. If any doubt existed as to the
strength of the lye, thus produced, a little lime was put in. Boiling water
was then poured on in small quantities, at frequent intervals and this was
allowed to settle. When no more water would be taken it was left to stand
an hour or more, when the first lye was drawn off. If an egg dropped into
the lye floated, all was well and good luck with the soap was certain.

Ashes from any wood except pine and beech were considered good and
used with confidence. Grease that had accumulated during the year and
been saved for this purpose was then placed in a kettle with some of the lye,
and when boiled, if it did not separate when cooled, soft soap was the result.
Most farmers' wives dreaded soap making. It was one of the hardest day's
work of the year. Usually it was made a point to have the soap making
precede the spring cleaning.
Men generally rode horseback to meeting and elsewhere, and when a
woman went along she rode behind on a pillion, which was a small cushion
attached to the rear of the saddle with a narrow board suspended from the
cushion—a support for the women's feet. To assist in mounting and
dismounting horse blocks were used at the meetinghouse and in other
public places. Small articles were carried in saddle-bags, balanced one on
each side of the horse. Grain was carried to mill laid across the horse's back,
half in each end of the sack.
In the early days baked pumpkin and milk was a favorite dish. A hard-
shelled pumpkin had a hole cut in the stem end large enough to admit the
hand. The seeds and inside tissue were carefully removed, the piece cut out
was replaced, and the pumpkin was then put in a hot oven. When cooked it
was filled with new milk and the contents eaten with a spoon. When
emptied the shells were often used as receptacles for balls of yarn, remnants
of cloth and other small articles.
Bean porridge was another dish that was popular. In cold weather it was
often made in large quantities and considered to grow better with age.
Hence the old saying:
"Bean porridge hot;
Bean porridge cold;
Bean porridge in the pot,
Nine days old."
While iron shovels were brought in from England and in a limited way were
made by local blacksmiths, most shovels used by farmers were made of
oak, the edges shod with iron. Hay and manure forks were made of iron by
the blacksmith. They were heavy, had large tines that bent easily, and were
almost always loose in the handle. It took a great deal of strength to use

them. Hoes were made by the blacksmiths, who also made axes, scythes,
knives, etc.
When help was wanted on the farm, the son of some neighbor who was not
as well off, or who had not enough work to profitably employ all his sons,
could be hired. He became one of the family, took an active interest in his
employer's business, and in not a few instances married his daughter, and
later with his wife succeeded to the ownership of the farm. If help was
wanted in the house, some girl in the neighborhood was willing to accept
the place. She was strong and ready, capable and honest, and in the absence
of her mistress was able to take the lead. She was not looked upon as a
servant, and often established herself permanently by becoming the life
partner of the son.
Clocks were seldom found in the farmhouse. Noon marks and sundials
answered the needs of the family and when the day was cloudy, one must
"guess." Because so many had no means of telling the time, it was
customary to make appointments for "early candlelight."
It was usual with most families to gather roots and herbs to be used for
medicinal purposes. Catnip, pennyroyal, sage, thoroughwort, spearmint,
tansy, elderblows, wormwood, and other plants were saved to be used in
case of sickness. Gold thread or yellow root was saved and was a remedy
for canker in the mouth. Many of the old women who had reared families of
children were skilful in the use of these remedies, and were sent for in case
of sickness, and would prescribe teas made from some of these herbs,
which were cut when in bloom and tied in small bundles and suspended
from the rafters on the garret to dry, causing a pleasant aromatic smell in the
upper part of the house.
The well was usually at some distance from the farmhouse and often
located in an exposed and wind-swept position requiring much daily travel
over a snowy and slippery path in winter and through mud and wet at other
times. Convenience in the location of the well was in too many cases
overlooked. From the well all the water used for domestic purposes was
brought into the house in buckets. The water in the well was usually drawn
by means of a well-sweep.
In some towns the selectmen were chosen by "pricking." A number of
names were written upon a sheet of paper. This was passed around and each

man pricked a hole against the names of his choice. The one having the
most pin holes was chosen first selectman, the next highest the second, and
the next the third.
When a couple concluded to marry they made known their intention to the
town clerk, who posted a notice of their intended marriage in the
meetinghouse. This was called "being published." By law this notice must
be published three Sabbaths before the ceremony was performed, so that
any one who knew of any reason why such marriage should not take place
might appear and make objection. In addition to the posting, the town clerk
would rise in the meeting and read the intention to marry.
Each landowner not only maintained his own fences around cultivated
fields, but also gave of his labor in building long ranges of fencing about
the common pasture lands in proportion to his interest in the land. A law
was enacted as early as 1633 requiring the fencing of corn fields.
The earliest fences were usually made of five rails and must be up by early
in April when the cattle and hogs were turned out to roam at large. The New
England farmer, clearing his land for cultivation, soon devised another form
of fence where stones were plentiful and by piling up these stones into walls
divided off his fields and gave them substantial protection. The well-built
stone wall must have a foundation of small stones laid in a trench to prevent
its being thrown by the frost and when carefully built it would last for
generations. Meanwhile the adjoining field had been cleared of stones and
made useful for cultivation. Hedge fences were also in frequent use as in
parts of England whence the settlers had emigrated.
The roads outside the villages were seldom fenced. In fact, the early roads
were little more than ill-defined paths winding their way across pastures
and cultivated fields and whenever a dividing farm was reached, there
would be a gate or bars to be opened and closed by the traveler.

CHAPTER VIII
Manners and Customs

When the first considerable emigration ceased about the year 1640, of the
25,000 settlers then living in the Colony, probably ninety-five per cent were
small farmers or workmen engaged in the manual trades, together with
many indentured servants who had come over under the terms of a contract
whereby they were bonded to serve their masters for a term of years—
usually five or seven. The remaining five per cent of the population was
composed of those governing the colony—the stockholders in the
Company, so to speak; ministers enough to supply the spiritual needs of
each town and settlement, however small; a few of social position and
comparative wealth; one lawyer; and a sprinkling of shopkeepers and small
merchants living in the seaport towns. Here and there a physician or
chirurgeon might be found, but the physical welfare of the smaller towns
was usually cared for by some ancient housewife with a knowledge of herbs
and simples. Sometimes it was the minister who practiced two professions
and cared for the bodies as well as the souls of his congregation.
The founders of the colony in the Massachusetts Bay, and most of those
who immediately followed them, were men who did not conform to the
ritual and government of the Established Church in England. They were
followers of John Calvin whose Geneva Bible was widely read in England
and whose teachings had profoundly influenced English thought and
manners. Calvin taught a great simplicity of life and a personal application
of the teachings found in the Bible. In the Commonwealth that he set up in
Geneva, the daily life and actions of its citizens were as closely guarded as
if in a nursery for children. All frivolous amusements were forbidden; a
curfew was established; and all were constrained to save souls and to labor
for material development. There was a minute supervision of dress and
personal conduct, and a literal construction of Bible mandates was carried
so far that children were actually put to death for striking their parents.

Calvin's theology was based on the belief that all men were born sinners
and since Adam's fall, by the will of God, predestined from birth to hell and
everlasting torment, unless, happily, one of the elect and so foreordained to
be saved. In this belief the Puritans found life endurable because they
considered themselves of the elect; and in cases of doubt, the individual
found comfortable assurance in the belief that although certain of his
neighbors were going to hell he was one of the elect. It naturally followed
that the imagination of the Puritans was concentrated on questions of
religion.
The teachings of Calvin spread rapidly in England and among his followers
there came about an austerity of religious life and a great simplicity in dress
and manners.
It is true that most of the settlers of Massachusetts were poor in purse and
with many of them mere existence was a struggle for a long time. But the
growth of wealth in the Colony, although it brought with it more luxury in
living and better dwellings, did not add much to the refinement of the
people. It was the influence and example of the royal governors and a more
frequent commercial intercourse with England and the Continental peoples
that brought about a desire for a richer dress and an introduction of some of
the refinements of life. This by no means met the approval of the Puritan
ministers who frequently inveighed against "Professors of Religion who
fashion themselves according to the World." The Rev. Cotton Mather, the
leading minister in Boston and the industrious author of over four hundred
published sermons and similar works, again and again exhorted against
stage plays and infamous games of cards and dice. "It is a matter of
Lamentation that even such things as these should be heard of in New
England," he exclaimed. "And others spend their time in reading vain
Romances," he continued. "It is meer loss of time."
With such a background and burdened with such a far-reaching antagonism
toward the finer things of life, that help to lighten the burden of existence
and beautify the way, it is small wonder that the esthetics found little fertile
soil in New England; and much of this prejudice and state of mind lingered
among the old families in the more remote and orthodox communities, until
recent times.

The New England Puritans only allowed themselves one full holiday in the
course of the year and that was Thanksgiving Day, a time for feasting. To be
sure, there was Fast Day, in the spring, which gave freedom from work; but
that was a day for a sermon at the meetinghouse, for long faces and a
supposed bit of self denial—somewhere. The celebration of Christmas was
not observed by the true New England Puritan until the middle of the
nineteenth century.
A number of sermons preached by Rev. Samuel Moodey, an eccentric
minister at York, Maine, for nearly half a century, were printed and among
them: "The Doleful State of the Damned, especially such as go to hell from
under the Gospel." This sermon was followed by its antidote, entitled: "The
Gospel Way of Escaping the Doleful State of the Damned." Another of his
sermons was upon "Judas the Traitor, Hung up in Chains." Parson Moodey's
son, Joseph, followed him in the pulpit at York. He was known as
"Handkerchief Moodey," as he fell into a melancholy; thought he had
sinned greatly; and after a time wore a handkerchief over his face whenever
he appeared in public. In the pulpit he would turn his back to the
congregation and read the sermon, but whenever he faced his people it
would be with handkerchief-covered features. Think what must have been
the influence of two such men on the life and opinions of a town covering a
period of two generations!
During the late seventeenth century and well into the eighteenth, the books
usually found in the average New England family were the Bible, the Psalm
Book, an almanac, the New England Primer, a sermon or two and perhaps a
copy of Michael Wigglesworth's terrific poem—"The Day of Doom." The
latter was first printed in 1662 in an edition of 1800 copies not one of which
has survived. Every copy was read and re-read until nothing remained but
fragments of leaves. Seven editions of this poem were printed between
1662 and 1715 and few copies of any edition now exist. The book
expressed the quintesscence of Calvinism. Here is stanza 205, expressing
the terror of those doomed to hell:

"They wring their hands, their caitiff-hands,
and gnash their teeth for terrour:
They cry, they roar, for anguish sore
and gnaw their tongues for horrour.

But get away without delay,
Christ pities not your cry:
Depart to Hell, there may you yell,
and roar Eternally."
Pastor Higginson of Salem wrote enthusiastically of the natural abundance
of the grass that "groweth verie wildly with a great stalke" as high as a
man's face and as for Indian corn—the planting of thirteen gallons of seed
had produced an increase of fifty-two hogsheads or three hundred and fifty
bushels, London measure, to be sold or trusted to the Indians in exchange
for beaver worth above £300. Who would not share the hardships and
dangers of the frontier colony for opportunity of such rich gain?
But the housewives in the far-away English homes were more interested in
the growth of the vegetable gardens in the virgin soil, and of these he wrote:
"Our turnips, parsnips and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter than is
ordinary to be found in England. Here are stores of pumpions, cucumbers,
and other things of that nature I know not. Plentie of strawberries in their
time, and pennyroyall, winter saverie, carvell and water-cresses, also leeks
and onions are ordinary." Great lobsters abounded weighing from sixteen to
twenty-five pounds and much store of bass, herring, sturgeon, haddock,
eels, and oysters. In the forests were several kinds of deer; also partridges,
turkeys, and great flocks of pigeons, with wild geese, ducks, and other sea
fowl in such abundance "that a great part of the Planters have eaten nothing
but roast-meate of divers Fowles which they have killed."
These were some of the attractive natural features of the new colony in the
Massachusetts Bay, as recounted by the Salem minister. Of the hardships he
makes small mention, for his aim was to induce emigration. There was
much sickness, however, and many deaths. Higginson himself lived only a
year after reaching Salem. The breaking up of virgin soil always brings on
malaria and fever. Dudley wrote "that there is not an house where there is
not one dead, and in some houses many. The naturall causes seem to bee in
the want of warm lodgings, and good dyet to which Englishmen are
habittuated, at home; and in the suddain increase of heate which they
endure that are landed here in somer ... those of Plymouth who landed in
winter dyed of the Scirvy, as did our poorer sort whose howses and bedding
kept them not sufficiently warm, nor their dyet sufficient in heart." Thomas
Dudley wrote this in March, 1631. He explained that he was writing upon

his knee by the fireside in the living-room, having as yet no table nor other
room in which to write during the sharp winter. In this room his family must
resort "though they break good manners, and make mee many times forget
what I would say, and say what I would not."
But these hardships and inconveniences of living which the New England
colonists met and overcame differ but little from those experienced in every
new settlement. They have been paralleled again and again wherever
Englishmen or Americans have wandered. In a few years after the coming
of the ships much of the rawness and discomfort must have disappeared,
certainly in the early settlements, and comparative comfort must have
existed in most homes. If we could now lift the roof of the average
seventeenth-century house in New England it is certain that we should find
disclosed not only comfortable conditions of living but in many instances a
degree of luxury with fine furnishings that is appreciated by few at the
present time.
Of the early days following the settlement Roger Clap, who lived at
Dorchester, afterwards wrote as follows:
"It was not accounted a strange thing in those days to drink water, and to eat
Samp or Homine without Butter or Milk. Indeed it would have been a
strang thing to see a piece of Roast Beef, Mutton or Veal; though it was not
long before there was Roast Goat. After the first Winter, we were very
Healthy: though some of us had no great Store of Corn. The Indians did
sometimes bring Corn, and Trade with us for Clothing and Knives; and
once I had a Peck of Corn, or there abouts, for a little Puppy-Dog. Frostfish,
Muscles and Clams were a Relief to Many."
When Governor Winthrop landed at Salem in June, 1630, he supped on a
good venison pasty and good beer, while most of those who came with him
went ashore on Cape Anne side (now Beverly) and gathered strawberries.
That was a fine beginning, but when winter set in many of them were
"forced to cut their bread thin for a long season" and then it was that they
fully realized that "the Ditch betweene England and their now place of
abode was so wide.... Those that were sent over servants, having itching
desires for novelties, found a reddier way to make an end of their Master's
provision, then they could finde means to get more; They that came over
their own men had but little left to feed on, and most began to repent when

their strong Beere and full cups ran as small as water in a large Land....
They made shift [however] to rub out the Winter's cold by the Fireside,
having fuell enough growing at their very doores, turning down many a
drop from the Bottell, and burning Tobacco with all the ease they could."[38]
Lacking bread they lived on fish, mussels and clams. The rivers supplied
bass, shad, alewives, frost fish and smelts in their season, also salmon, and
corn meal could be bartered for with the Indians and shortly raised from
seed.
"Let no man make a jest at Pumpkins, for with this fruit the Lord was
pleased to feed his people to their good content, till Corne and Cattell were
increased," wrote Johnson. Later (by 1650) the goodwives served "apples,
pears and quince tarts instead of their former Pumpkin Pies," and by that
time wheat bread was no dainty.
Society in the Massachusetts Bay in the seventeenth century was divided
into several groups. First came the merchant class which also included the
ministers and those possessed of wealth. Edward Randolph reported to the
Lords of Trade in 1676, that in Massachusetts there were about thirty
merchants worth from £10,000. to £20,000. "Most have considerable estates
and a very great trade." Next came the freemen and the skilled mechanics.
This class furnished the town officials and constituted the backbone of the
colony. Then came the unskilled laborer and a step lower was the
indentured servant. The merchant lived well and wore fine clothing
forbidden to his more humble neighbors. The status of the servant may well
be shown by the deposition presented in Court at Salem in 1657 by an
apprentice to a stone-mason in the town of Newbury, Massachusetts, who
testified that it was a long while before "he could eate his master's food, viz.
meate and milk, or drink beer, saying that he did not know that it was good,
because he was not used to eat such victualls, but to eate bread and water
porridge and to drink water."[39]
It has been stated frequently that in the olden times in New England every
one was obliged to go to church. The size of the meetinghouses, the isolated
locations of many of the houses, the necessary care of the numerous young
children, and the interesting side-lights on the manners of the time which
may be found in the court papers, all go to show that the statement must not
be taken literally. Absence from meeting, breaking the Sabbath, carrying a

burden on the Lord's Day, condemning the church, condemning the
ministry, scandalous falling out on the Lord's Day, slandering the church,
and other misdemeanors of a similar character were frequent.
Drunkenness was very common in the old days. "We observed it a common
fault in our young people that they gave themselves to drink hot waters
immoderately," wrote Edward Johnson. Every family kept on hand a supply
of liquor and wine, and cider was considered a necessity of daily living in
the country, where it was served with each meal and also carried into the
fields by the workers. It was stored in barrels in the cellar and the task of
drawing the cider and putting on the table usually fell to the younger
members of the family. A man would often provide in his will for the
comfort of his loving wife by setting aside for occupancy during her life,
one half of his house, with a carefully specified number of bushels of rye,
potatoes, turnips and other vegetables; the use of a horse with which to ride
to meeting or elsewhere; and lastly, the direction that annually she be
provided with a certain number of barrels of cider—sometimes as many as
eight.
Rev. Edward Holyoke, the President of Harvard College, was in the habit of
laying in each year thirty or more barrels of cider as he had to provide for
much entertaining. Late in the winter he would draw off part of his stock
and into each barrel he would pour a bottle of spirit and a month later some
of this blend would be bottled for use on special occasions.
What was their conduct not only in their homes but in their relations with
their neighbors? Did they live peaceably and work together in building up
the settlements? Did they set up in the wilderness domestic relations exactly
like those they had abandoned overseas? It was a raw frontier country to
which they came and it is apparent that at the outset they felt themselves to
be transplanted Englishmen. So far as possible they lived the lives to which
they had been accustomed and they engrafted in their new homes the
manners and customs of the generations behind them. Most of them fully
recognized, however, that they were not to return; that they had cut loose
from the old home ties and it was not long before the necessities and
limitations of frontier life brought about changed conditions in every
direction. Politically, religiously and socially, they were in a different
relation than formerly in the English parish life. Many of them, especially
those somewhat removed from the immediate supervision of magistrate and

minister, before long seem to have shown a tendency to follow the natural
bent of the frontiersman toward independent thought and action. Their
political leaders made laws restricting daily life and action and their
religious leaders laid down rules for belief and conduct, that soon were
repellent to many. Civil and clerical records are filled with instances
showing an evasion of and even contempt for the laws and rules laid down
by the leaders of their own choosing. Some of it doubtless was in the blood
of the men who had come in search of a certain individual freedom of
action, but much of it may be attributed to frontier conditions and primitive
living. There were many indentured servants, and rough fishermen and
sailors have always been unruly. Simple houses of but few rooms
accommodating large families are not conducive to gentle speech or
modesty of manner nor to a strict morality. The craving for landholding and
the poorly defined and easily removed bounds naturally led to ill feeling,
assault, defamation, and slander.

CHAPTER IX
Sports and Games

This is a subject on which there is little recorded information to be found.
Undoubtedly the background of English life, restrained by Calvinistic
severity, was continued by the children and youth among the settlers. This
must have been among the commonplaces of daily life and of so little
importance to the future that no one considered it worthy of recording. It is
impossible to think of child life without its natural outlet of sports and
games—throw ball, football, running, swimming, etc., and we know that
dolls and toys for children were for sale in the shops of Boston and Salem
as early as 1651.
The Indians indulged in similar sports and played "hubbub," a game
resembling dice, with much shouting of "hub, hub, hub," accompanied by
slapping of breasts and thighs.
The innocent games of childhood may be taken for granted and their
English origins may be studied in Strutt's Sports and Pastimes of the People
of England. It was gambling, and tavern amusements that the magistrates
endeavored to control.
In 1646 complaints having been made to the General Court of disorders
occasioned "by the use of Games of Shuffle-board and Bowling, in and
about Houses of Common entertainment, whereby much precious time is
spent unprofitably, and much waste of Wine and Beer occasioned"; the
Court prohibited shuffle-board and bowling, "or any other Play or Game, in
or about any such House" under penalty of twenty shillings for the Keeper
of the house and five shillings for every person who "played at the said
Game." As we now read this ancient law the waste of precious time and the
undue amount of wine and beer consumed would seem to be the principal
occasion for the anxiety of the Court, for the game of bowls is excellent
exercise and innocent enough; shuffle-board, however, may well be looked
upon with sour eyes. It required a highly polished board, or table,
sometimes a floor thirty feet in length, marked with transverse lines, on

which a coin or weight was driven by a blow with the hand. It bore some
resemblance to tenpins, the object being to score points attained by sliding
the coin to rest on or over a line at the farther end of the board. The game
induced wagers and thereby a waste of substance and even in Old England
was unlawful at various times, but difficult to suppress.
Massachusetts magistrates also enacted a law at the 1640 session,
prohibiting any play or game for money or anything of value and forbade
dancing in taverns upon any occasion, under penalty of five shillings for
each offence. The observance of Christmas or any like day, "either by
forbearing labor, feasting, or any other way" was also prohibited under
penalty of five shillings for each person so offending. This action was
occasioned by "disorders arising in several places within this jurisdiction by
reason of some still observing such Festivals, as were superstitiously kept in
other Countries, to the great dishonour of God and offence of others."
Strange as it may now seem, the non-observance of Christmas existed in
orthodox communities, especially in the country towns, until well up to the
time of the Civil War.
The magistrates having learned that it was a "custome too frequent in many
places, to expend time in unlawful Games, as Cards, Dice, &c." at the same
court decreed a fine of five shillings imposed on all so offending. Twenty-
four years later the penalty was mightily increased to five pounds, one half
to go to the Treasurer of the Colony and the other half to the informer. This
was because of the increase of "the great sin of Gaming within this
Jurisdiction, to the great dishonour of God, the corrupting of youth, and
expending of much precious time and estate."[40]
All this legislation seems to have been directed against indulgence in gaiety
and human weakness in and about a public tavern. What took place within
the home was another matter although the orthodox Puritan continued to
frown upon card playing and dancing until very recently. But cards and
gambling were common at all times among the merchants and governing
class as well as among the laborers and this was especially true in the
seaport towns where sailors congregated and where there was more or less
contact with the Southern colonies and with foreign lands. In 1720 playing
cards cost a shilling a pack at James Lyndell's shop in Boston and a few
years later David Gardiner was advertising Bibles, Prayer Books, account

books, playing cards, and a great variety of other goods. Card tables
appeared in inventories of estates, and were offered for sale by the cabinet
makers.
At an early date horses became a prime article of trade with the West Indies,
where they were used in the sugar cane crushing mills, and wherever horses
are bred, questions of speed must naturally arise and therefore trials of
speed and racing in the public eye.
This was a corrupting influence in the opinion of the Magistrates—"that
variety of Horse racing, for money, or moneys worth, thereby occasing
much misspence of precious time, and the drawing of many persons from
the duty of their particular Callings, with the hazard of their Limbs and
Lives." It therefore became unlawful "to practice in that Kind, within four
miles of any Town, or in any Highway, the offenders, if caught, to pay
twenty shillings each, the informer to receive one half."
But public opinion at a later date changed somewhat and here are a few
items gleaned from Boston newspapers that demonstrate the fact that
human nature two centuries ago was much the same as at the present time.
Horse Race. This is to give Notice that at Cambridge on Wednesday the
21st day of September next, will be Run for, a Twenty Pound Plate, by any
Horse, Mare or Gelding not exceeding Fourteen and a half hands high,
carrying 11 Stone Weight, and any Person or Persons shall be welcome to
Run his Horse &c. entering the same with Mr. Pattoun at the Green Dragon
in Boston, any of the six Days preceding the Day of Running, & paying
Twenty Shillings Entrance.—Boston News-Letter, Aug. 22-29, 1715.
A horse race was advertised to take place at Rumley Marsh (Chelsea), on a
£10 wager.—Boston News-Letter, Nov. 11-18, 1717.
Horse Race. On the 2d of June next at 4 in the afternoon, A Silver Punch
Bowl Value Ten Pounds will be run for on Cambridge Heath, Three Miles
by any Horse, Mare or Gelding 13 hands 3 inches High, none to exceed 14,
carrying Nine Stone Weight, if any Horse is 14 hands high to carry Ten
stone weight; The Horses that put in for the Plate are to Enter at the Post-
Office in Boston on the 1st of June between the Hours of 8 & 12 in the
morning, and pay down Twenty Shillings. The winning Horse to pay the
charge of this Advertisement.—Boston News-Letter, May 15-22, 1721.

Pig Run. On the same day that the silver Punch Bowl is run for on
Cambridge Common by horses, "There will be a Pig Run for by Boys, at 9
in the morning. The Boy who takes the Pig and fairly holds it by the Tail,
wins the Prize."—Boston Gazette, May 22-29, 1721.
Horse Race. This is to give Notice to all Gentlemen and others, that there is
to be Thirty Pounds in money Run for on Thursday the 13th of May next at
9 o'clock, by Six Horses, Mares, or Geldings, Two miles between
Menotomy & Cambridge, to carry 9 Stone weight, the Standard to be 14
hands high, all exceeding to carry weight for inches. Each one that Runs to
have their Number from 1 to 6, to be drawn, and to run by 2 together only
as the Lots are drawn, the 3 first Horses to run a second heat, and the first of
them to have the Money, allowing the 2d, 5£. if he saves his Distance,
which shall be 100 yards from coming in.
Each Person to enter & pay 5£. to Mr. Philip Musgrave, Postmaster of
Boston, 15 days before they Run.—Boston Gazette, Apr. 19-26, 1725.
Hog Race. On Monday, the 27th Instant between 2 & 3 a Clock in the
afternoon, a Race will be run (for a considerable Wager) on the Plains at
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, between a Hog and a Horse.—Boston
Gazette, Aug. 30-Sept. 6, 1725.
We hear from New-Hampshire, that on Monday the 27th of Sept. last, there
was a Race Run, for a considerable sum of money, between a Hog and a
Horse, the former of which had the advantage most part of the way, which
the party that were for the Horse, it is thought, caused the Hog to be
frighten'd, so that with much ado the Horse got the advantage.—Boston
Gazette, Sept. 27-Oct. 4, 1725.
Bear Baiting. On Thursday next the 2d of June, at 3 o'clock P.M., in
Staniford's Street, near the Bowling Green, will be Baited a Bear, by John
Coleson; where all Gentlemen and others that would divert themselves may
repair.—Boston Gazette, May 23-30, 1726.
Horse Fair. This is to give Notice of a Horse Fair which is to be at Mr. John
Brown's, Innholder at Hampton Falls, about seven miles to the Eastward of
Newbury Ferry, upon the 20th and 21st days of April next; at which time 'tis
expected that there will be brought thither some Hundreds of Horses, to be
sold or otherwise traded for.—Boston News-Letter, Mar. 23-30, 1732.

For many years it was necessary for Massachusetts men to defend their
families from marauding Indians and the French, and military trainings
were held at regular intervals. In May, 1639, a thousand men took part at a
training in Boston and in the fall of that year there were twelve hundred.
Such occasions provided opportunity for feasting and drinking—perhaps
we should say drunkenness—but as the years went by the prayers and
singing of psalms gave way to days of public enjoyment and not
infrequently to boisterous license. Governor Bradford wrote that the water
of Plymouth was wholesome though not, of course, as wholesome as good
beer and wine. Even so!
New England Puritans hated Christmas, a day for Popish revelry. On
Christmas Day in 1621, those who had recently arrived at Plymouth in the
ship Fortune entertained themselves with pitching the bar and playing
stoolball, but at noon Governor Bradford appeared and ordered them to stop
"gameing or revelling in the street."[41] On Christmas Day, 1685, Judge
Sewall wrote in his Diary, "Carts come to town and shops open as usual.
Some somehow observe the day, but are vexed I believe that the Body of
the People Prophane it, and blessed be God no authority yet to compel them
to keep it."
Commencement Day at Harvard was also a day for diversion and vied in
importance in the public eye with election day and training days.
By the year 1700 billiard tables might be found in many of the larger
taverns and sometimes a ninepin alley. In 1721, Thomas Amory of Boston
was shipping billiard tables to his correspondents in the Southern ports.
There was a bowling green in Boston as early as 1700. It was located at
what is now Bowdoin Square and a bronze tablet now marks the spot. Here
are advertisements from Boston newspapers.
Bowling Green. This is to give Notice, that the Bowling Green, formerly
belonging to Mr. James Ivers in Cambridge Street, Boston, does now
belong to Mr. Daniel Stevens at the British Coffee House in Queen Street,
Boston, which Green will be open'd, on Monday next the Third Day of this
Instant May, where all Gentlemen, Merchants, and others, that have a mind
to Recreate themselves, shall be accommodated by the said Stevens.—
Boston News-Letter, Apr. 26-May 3, 1714.

Bowling Green. Hanover Bowling Green, at the Western Part of the Town
of Boston, is now open and in good order for the Reception of all
Gentlemen who are disposed to Recreate themselves with that Healthful
Exercise.—Boston Gazette, June 10-17, 1734.
Charlestown Frolick. The Set Company that went upon a Frolick to Mrs.
Whyers at Charlestown, on Tuesday Night being the 12th of September, is
desired to meet at the aforesaid House of Mrs. Whyers, on the 19th of this
Instant, then and there to pay the Just Reckoning that was then due to the
House. And likewise to pay the honest Fidler for his trouble and wearing
out of his strings, for he gathered but 12 d. among the whole Company that
night.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 11-18, 1727.
Concert of Music. On Thursday the 30th of this instant December, there
will be performed a Concert of Musick on sundry Instruments at Mr.
Pelham's great Room being the House of the late Doctor Noyes near the
Sun Tavern. Tickets to be delivered at the place of performance at Five
Shillings each, the Concert to begin exactly at six a Clock, and no Tickets
will be delivered after Five the Day of performance. N.B. There will be no
admittance after Six.—Boston News-Letter, Dec. 16-23, 1731.
Pope's Night, the 5th of November. There being many complaints made by
divers of his Majesty's good subjects in the town of Boston, that in the night
between the 5th and 6th days of November, from year to year, for some
years past, sundry persons with sticks, clubs and other weapons have
assembled themselves together and disfigured themselves by blacking their
faces, dressing themselves in a very unusual manner, and otherwise
disfiguring themselves as well as insulting the Inhabitants in their houses,
by demanding money of them, and threatening them in Case of Refusal:
which Doings being very disorderly, and contrary to the good and
wholesome laws, the Justices of the Peace in said town have concluded to
take effectual methods to prevent or punish such irregularities for the future,
and would particularly caution and warn all Persons to forbear such
Proceedings hereafter.—Boston Gazette, Oct. 28, 1746.
Pope's Night Celebration. Friday last was carried about town the Devil,
Pope and Pretender; as also the Effigies of a certain English Admiral, hung
upon a gibbet, with a wooden sword on the right side, and one of steel run
through the body; upon the front of the stage was written in capitals,

Come hither brave Boys, be jolly and sing,
Here's Death and Confusion to Admiral B—g.
—Boston Gazette, Nov. 8, 1756.
Fire Works. On the evening of the day when the Royal Commission
appointing William Shirley, Governor of the Province of Massachusetts
Bay, was published in the Council Chamber, "there was several fine Fire-
Works displayed from the Top of the Town-House and other Places; but
unluckily one of the Serpents fell into the Town House Lanthorn where all
the Fire-Works lay, and set them all off at once, which made a pretty
Diversion; several Gentlemen were in the Lanthorn, and some of them were
a little scorcht, but no other Damage done, except breaking a few of the
Lanthorn Windows."—Boston Gazette, Aug. 10-17, 1741.
Flying Man. This is to give Notice to all Gentlemen and Ladies, that John
Childs has flewn off of most of the highest steeples in Old England, and off
of the monument by the Duke of Cumberlands' Desire, and does intend this
Day, and two Days following, to fly off of Dr. Cutler's Church, where he
hopes to give full Satisfaction to all spectators.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 12,
1757.
The next issue of the newspaper states that he performed the feat "to the
satisfaction of a great Number of Spectators. It is supposed from the steeple
to the place where the Rope was fix'd was about 700 Feet upon a slope, and
that he was about 16 or 18 seconds performing each Time. As These
Performances led many People from their Business, he is forbid flying any
more in the Town."
Currants. Any Person that has a mind to take a walk in the Garden at the
Bottom of the Common, to eat Currants, shall be Kindly Welcome for Six
Pence a piece.—Boston News-Letter, July 10-17, 1735.
Jacob Bailey, a country boy born in 1731 of humble parentage in Rowley,
Mass., was inspired by the local minister to obtain a college education, and
after graduating at Harvard, he taught school, eventually obtained a license
to preach, and finally went to England where he took orders in the Anglican
Church. Bailey had a gift for versification and while teaching school in the
country town of Kingston, N.H., his muse led him to describe a corn
husking, a favorite frolic in country towns until very recent times, an

occasion when the finding of an ear of red corn entitled the finder to kiss
the girls. He begins:
"The season was cheerful, the weather was bright,
When a number assembled to frolic all night."

At Aunt Nabby's, "where kisses and drams set the virgins on flame,"
horseplay soon developed. Ears of corn were thrown, especially at loving
couples, the girls were tumbled about on the husks and practical jokes
found their victims. When supper was ready
"Like crows round a carcass each one took his place

"The girls in a huddle stand snickering by
Till Jenny and Kate have fingered the pie."

And after supper the "scenes of vile lewdness" abashed the country
schoolmaster:
"The chairs in wild order flew quite round the room:
Some threatened with fire brands, some branished a broom,
While others, resolved to increase the uproar,
Lay tussling the girls in wide heaps on the floor."

"Quite sick of confusion, dear Dolly and I
Retired from the hubbub new pleasures to try."

Bailey's closing comment is illuminating; "from many of these indecent

frolics which I have seen in these parts, I must conclude that rustics are not
more innocent than citizens,"[42] and we may rest assured that country
manners and customs south of the Merrimack River were no different from
those north of it.
In country towns much of the population was thinly distributed and it was
impossible for the housewife to run in next door for a few moments' idle
chat. Frequently the nearest house was a half-mile or more distant and the
feminine desire for social diversion was sadly curbed by the constant
demands of farm labor for horses that otherwise might have been used in
the chaise or wagon. The weekly gathering at the meetinghouse was always
looked forward to with some anticipation by both old and young and the
sacredness of the day did not prevent discreet conversation on purely
secular topics. But the day when farmer Perkins raised the frame of his barn
was made a social event in the full meaning of the word and when the
"raising" of the meetinghouse took place, it certainly was a gala day, for in
town meeting it was voted to buy a barrel of rum and twelve barrels of
cider, with sugar, beef, pork, and brown and white bread in proportion with
which to refresh the gathering. Eighty-seven pounds of cheese were eaten
and the town paid one shilling and six pence for the mugs that were broken
—let us hope purely by accident. But "raisings" occurred at infrequent
intervals. Each fall, however, there were corn huskings in various parts of
the town and afterwards always plenty to eat for the jolly workers. The
women were invited to apple bees and sometimes there were spinning
parties. Every winter brought its singing school in the district schoolhouse
and spelling matches sometimes brought together the fathers and mothers of
the district as well as their sons and daughters. But the quilting party was
always welcomed by the women with the keenest relish. It was their
personal affair. They were free for a time from the noisy interruptions of the
children and the men were not in the way although sometimes invited to a
supper. As the quilted pattern advanced over the surface "the women
gossiped of neighborhood affairs, the minister, the storekeeper's latest
purchases, of their dairies, and webs and linens and wools, keeping time
with busy fingers to the tales they told."

CHAPTER X
Trades and Manufactures

In the new settlements on the Massachusetts Bay, one of the prime
necessities was men skilled in the various trades, "an ingenious Carpenter, a
cunning Joyner, a handie Cooper, such a one as can make strong ware for
the use of the countrie, and a good brickmaker, a Tyler, and a Smith, a
Leather dresser, a Gardner, and a Taylor; one that hath good skill in the
trade of fishing, is of special use, and so is a good Fowler."[43] The Company
had sent over men to govern and ministers to care for spiritual affairs and
many of those who came were skilled husbandmen.
Many of the smaller towns found themselves without men skilled in the
mechanic trades and this was particularly the case with blacksmiths, a very
essential trade in every community. This led to grants by towns of land and
buildings as inducement for smiths to settle and work their trade.
Carpenters were found everywhere, and brickmakers naturally gravitated to
deposits of clay while the other craftsmen became distributed in accordance
with the law of supply and demand, each taking on apprentices as had been
customary in their old homes in England.
The principal productions available for commerce were fish, lumber, furs
and foodstuffs, but the building of shipping and the importance of the
carrying trade must not be overlooked. In the way of domestic
manufactures the sawmill came first. The earliest were built on or near the
Piscataqua River, but wherever water power was available they soon were
set up replacing the laborious saw pits. As the woodlands were cut off the
sawmills moved farther up the stream or logs were brought to the mill-sites
by floating down with the current. The best of the tall trees were marked
with the King's broad arrow and reserved for masts for the royal navy and
mast ships sailed for England from Portsmouth, N.H., at frequent intervals.
The shipbuilding industry required iron and shortly an iron works was set
up at Saugus, where bog iron from the neighboring swamps and meadows
was smelted. The enterprise was financed in London and largely worked by

Scotch prisoners sent over after the defeat at Dunbar, but the quality of the
product proved unsatisfactory, save in the way of casting pots and kettles,
and before long the enterprise got into financial difficulties and was
abandoned.
The high cost of imported iron forced the colonists to fashion wood to serve
their needs not only for agricultural implements but for nearly all the
utensils used in the household. Massachusetts staves and hoops were
important articles of export to the sugar islands in the West Indies.
The raising of flax and the manufacture of linen were attempted early to
supply domestic needs in country households. Families in seaport towns
very generally bought their fabrics in the local shops which imported their
stocks from London or Bristol.
In 1642 it was estimated there were a thousand sheep in Massachusetts and
it was not long before the colony was sending wool to France and Spain in
exchange for wines, fruits and other luxuries.
The history of early American manufactures has been told in Edward H.
Knight's American Mechanical Dictionary, 3 volumes, Boston, 1876, and
William B. Weeden's Economic and Social History of New England (1620-
1789), 2 volumes, Boston, 1894, makes easily available an immense
amount of research. In the following pages are printed gleanings from
Boston newspapers and court records that supplement these works and have
the readable flavor of their period.
Anvils. Samuel Bissel, anvil smith, lately come from England, living at
New-Port on Rhode Island, makes all sorts of Blacksmiths and Gold-smiths'
anvils, Brick-irons and stakes and new Faces old ones, at reasonable Rates,
and may be spoke with or wrote to, at his House or Shop near the Topsaile
Street in said Town.—Boston News-Letter, Mar. 4-11, 1716-17.
Apothecary. William Woodcocke of Salem, apothecary, was licensed to
still strong water and sell at retail.—Essex Co. Court Records, Mar. 25,
1662.
Aquæducts. For the Public Good, aquæducts made & sold by Rowland
Houghton which Instrument being properly applyed to the outside of a
Pump Tree, prevents said Pump from freezing tho' scituate in the most
bleak Place & sharpest Season.

Said Houghton has lately improv'd on his New Theodolate, by which the
Art of Surveying is rendered more plain & easy than heretofore.—Boston
Gazette, Jan. 17-24, 1737.
Assayer. If any Persons desire to know the true value of ores, minerals or
metals, of what kind soever, may have them justly essay'd on reasonable
terms, by Robert Baden, at Mrs. Jackson's, Founder, at the Brazen Head in
Cornhill, Boston.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 27-Oct. 4, 1736.
Baker. "John Webster the Baker was admonished for brewing and
tipleinge."—Essex Co. Court Records, June 30, 1640. James Underwood, a
baker, was living in Salem in 1655 and Obadiah Wood, baker, was in
Ipswich, before 1649.
Baker. Any Persons wanting good brown Bisket fit either for the Fishery or
for Shipping Off, may be supplyed by Lately Gee at the Sign of the Bakers
Arms in Hannover Street, at the following Rates, viz. If Wheat be at 6 s, per
Bushel, then Bread at 22 s per Hundred, if at 7 s, then 25 s, and if at 8 s,
then Bread at 28 s, and so proportionable either for money or Good Wheat
at the Prices above said.—New England Courant, Sept. 10-17, 1722.
Whereas in the Courant of the 17th Instant, an Advertisement was publish'd
by Lately Gee of Boston, Baker, offering brown Bisket at lower Prices than
usual. These are to give Notice, That Bread of the same Courseness with the
said Gee's, and with the same Quantity of Bran remaining in it, may be had
for the same Prices at other Bakers in Town; but they being willing to avoid
the Curse of the Common Sailors, those employ'd in the Fishery, etc.,
generally make their Bread better, and sell it for a better Price.—New
England Courant, Sept. 17-24, 1722.
Barber's Union in 1724. Boston, Dec. 7, on Tuesday the first of this Instant
in the Evening, Thirty-two Principal Barbers of this Place, assembled at the
Golden Ball, with a Trumpeter attending them, to debate some important
Articles relating to their occupations; where it was propos'd, that they
should raise their Shaving from 8 to 10 s. per Quarter, and that they should
advance 5 s, on the Price of making common Wiggs and 10 s. on their Tye
ones. It was also propos'd, that no one of their Faculty should shave or dress
Wiggs, on Sunday Mornings for the future, on Penalty of forfeiting 10
Pounds for every such Offence: From whence it may fairly be concluded,

that in times past such a Practice has been too common among them.—New
England Courant, Nov. 3O-Dec. 7, 1724.
Barber's Shop. To be Sold by Publick Vendue at the Sun Tavern in Boston,
on Tuesday next the 30th Instant at 4 of the Clock, P.M. Sundry Goods
belonging to the Estate of James Wright, Barber, deceased, viz: Wiggs, Hair
on the Pipes, Sash Lights and Shutters fitting for a Barber's Shop, and also
sundry other Goods.—Boston Gazette, Oct. 20-27, 1729.
Barber's Shop. To be Let in a pleasant Country Town on the Post Road to
Portsmouth, a Barber's Shop with proper Implements or Utensils for that
Business, where there is enough to keep two Hands employ'd. Inquire of the
Publisher.—Boston Gazette, May 7-14, 1739.
Bellows Maker. Joseph Clough near the Charlestown Ferry in Boston,
makes and mends all sorts of Bellows for Furnaces, Refiners, Blacksmiths,
Braziers and Goldsmiths; and also Makes and Mends all sorts of House
Bellows after the best Manner; where all Gentlemen, and others, in Town
and Country may be served at very reasonable Rates.—Boston Gazette,
Dec. 15, 1741.
Bells. This is to give notice to all Persons that have occasion for a Bell or
Bells in Churches or Meeting-houses, that in New York they may be
supplyed with New Bells, or if they have any old Bell broke they may have
it new cast at a reasonable Price, and warranted good for Twelve Months,
that if it Crack or Break it shall be new Cast for nothing: And all New Bells
shall be made of better mettal than any other that comes out of Europe for
Churches or Meeting-houses. All Persons that have Occasion may apply
themselves to Joseph Phillips who is now building a Furnace for that
purpose, and hath already agreed with some Persons, and is ready to do the
same with any that are disposed.—Boston News-Letter, June 10-17, 1717.
Bell Founder. John Whitear, of Fairfield [Conn.], Bell-Founder, makes and
sells all sorts of Bells from the lowest size to Two Thousand Weight.—
Boston Gazette, May 29-June 5, 1738.
Blacksmith's Work. This is to give Notice, that there is one William
Bryant, Blacksmith, that now keeps a shop adjoining to the Presbyterian
Meeting House in Long Lane, Boston, who makes and mends Glaziers'
Vises, Cloathers' Screws, and worsted Combs, and makes, grinds and setts

Cloathers' Shears; he also makes and mends Smiths' Vises, Ship
Carpenters', Blockmakers', Tanners', Glovers' and Coopers' Tools, Braziers'
and Tinsmens' Shears, and makes House work, with many other things too
tedious to mention here. He will make and engage his work to any of his
Employers according to the value of them.—Boston News-Letter, July 6-13,
1732.
Blacksmith and Locksmith. Made and Sold by Robert Hendrey, on Scarlet's
Wharff in Boston, Horse Shoeer, Spinning Wheel Irons after the best
Manner, at Ten Shillings, old Tenor per sett: Also all sorts of Locks are
made and mended by the said Hendrey, who keeps a Man that served his
Time to the Lock Smith's Business.—Boston Gazette, Dec. 10, 1751.
Four months later he also advertised "fine White-Smiths Work; Also Spades
and the best sort of Steel Shod Shovels made very reasonably."—Boston
Gazette, Apr. 21, 1752.
Boarding School. Any Gentlemen (Members of the Church of England)
that are desirous of having their Sons Educated after the Method of
Westminster School, may be further inform'd by applying to J. Boydell.
Conditions, To find their own Bed, Bedding, etc. and to bring as Entrance,
one pair of Sheets, six Towels, six Napkins, one Silver Spoon value 10 s.
Sterling, one Knife, Fork, and Pewter Porringer; which Entrance on their
leaving the School is not to be returned. None to be admitted but such as
can read well and write; nor the Number of six to be exceeded.—Boston
Gazette, Oct. 24-31, 1737.
Bookkeeper. Mr. Brown Tymms Living at Mr. Edward Oakes Shopkeeper in
Newbury Street, at the South End in Boston, keeps Merchants &
Shopkeepers Books, also writes Bills, Bonds, Leases, Licenses, Charter-
parties, &c., for any Person that may have Occasion, at reasonable Rates.
And likewise teacheth Young Men Arithmetick and Merchants Accounts.—
Boston News-Letter, Feb. 17-24, 1717-18.
Brazier and Ironmonger. The late Mr. Edward Jackson's Stock in Trade,
consisting of a great variety of Articles in the Braziery and Ironmongery
Way, in larger or smaller Lots as will best accommodate Customers.—Lead,
Shot, bloomery, brittle, refined and Guinea Iron, Hollow Ware, best heart
and clubb German Steel, best London Steel in half Faggots, Blowers' best
Wool Combs, Iron Hearths for Ships, a Copper Furnace for ditto, Cannon

shot, Iron Backs, Deck, Sheathing and Drawing Nails, Newcastle Coals,
&c. &c. Enquire at the House where the Deceased's Family dwells, or at his
Shop.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 12, 1757.
Braziers and Pewterers. A Good Set of Sundry Sorts of Braziers and
Pewterers' Molds, and other Tools, as good as New, belonging to the Estate
of Mr. Thomas Thacher, deceased, To be sold by Oxenbridge Thacher at his
Shop near the Town Pump, Boston. And also almost all sorts of Brass,
Pewter and Iron Ware, viz. Nails, Locks, Hinges, Pots, Kettles, &c....—
Boston News-Letter, Sept. 17-24, 1724.
Braziers' Wares. William Coffin, at the Ostrich, near the Draw-Bridge,
makes and sells Mill Brasses, Chambers for Pumps, Brass Cocks of all
Sizes, Knockers for Doors, Brasses for Chaises and Sadlers, Brass Doggs of
all Sorts, Candlesticks, Shovels and Tongs, small Bells, and all sorts of
Founders ware. Also, all sorts of Braziers and Pewterers ware, small Stills
and worms, and all Sorts of Plumbers work; likewise Buys old copper,
Brass, Pewter, and Lead.—Boston News-Letter, Feb. 17-24, 1736-7.
Braziers' Shop. Thomas Russell, Brazier, near the Draw-Bridge in Boston,
Makes, Mends, and New-Tins, all sorts of Braziery ware, viz. Kettles,
Skillets, Frying-Pans, Kettle-Pots, Sauce Pans, Tea Kettles, Warming Pans,
Wash Basins, Skimmers, Ladles, Copper Pots, Copper Funnels, Brass
Scales, Gun Ladles, &c. makes all sorts of Lead Work for Ships, Tobacco
Cannisters, Ink Stands, &c. and buys old Brass, Copper, Pewter, Lead and
Iron.—Boston News-Letter, Oct. 30-Nov. 6, 1740.
Braziers' Wares. To be sold by Publick Vendue this Afternoon, at 3
o'Clock, at the House of the late Mr. Stephen Apthorpe, Brazier, deceas'd,
Codlines, Match, Warming-Pans, Frying-Pans, Kettle-Potts, Brass-Kettles,
Pewter Plates, Dishes, Spoons, &c. Locks of several Sorts, Jacks, Knives of
several sorts, Hinges of several sorts, Snuff Boxes, Buttons, Trowells, Shod
Shovels, Fire Shovel and Tongs, Lanthorn Leaves, Brass Candlesticks,
Chaffin-Dishes, Horn-Combs and Wire with a great Variety of other
Articles.—Boston News-Letter, May 31, 1750.
Mary Jackson, at the Brazen-Head, Cornhill, Boston, advertised by
Wholesale and Retail, Brass Kettles and Skillets, etc. "N. B., Said Mary
makes and sells Tea-Kettles, and Coffee-Pots, Copper Drinking Pots, Brass

and Copper Sauce-Pans, Stew-Pans, and Baking-Pans, Kettle-Pots and Fish-
Kettles."—Boston News-Letter, June 21, 1750.
Buckram. Any Person that has occasion to have any Linnen Cloth made
into Buckram, or to buy Buckram ready made, or Callendring any Silk,
Watering, Dying or Scouring: they may apply themselves to Samuel Hall,
lately from London, and Thomas Webber near the New North Brick
Meeting House, or at their Work-house near the Bowling-Green, Boston.—
Boston News-Letter, June 25-July 2, 1722.
Butcher. Humphrey Griffin, a butcher by trade, was living at Ipswich as
early as 1641.—Essex Co. Court Records, Sept., 1658.
Cabinet Maker. Edward Browne, cabinet maker, was living in Ipswich as
early as 1637 and at his death in 1659 left in his shop unfinished chairs,
spinning wheels, etc.—Essex Co. Court Records, Nov., 1659.
Cabinet Maker. Mr. John Davis, Cabinet-Maker in Summer-Street, has for
sale extraordinary good English Glew, by Wholesale or Retail, at the
cheapest Rate, for ready Cash.—Boston News-Letter, Apr. 8-15, 1736.
Calico Printer. Francis Gray, Callicoe Printer, from Holland; Prints all
sorts of Callicoes of several Colours to hold Washing, at his House in
Roxbury near the Meeting-House.—Boston Gazette, June 16-23, 1735.
Card Maker. Francis Smith of Boston, cardmaker, probably came with
Winthrop in 1630.
Card Maker. Imported in the Wilmington, and to be sold in School street,
by Joseph Palmer, cardmaker from London, at his House next above the
French Meeting House viz. Broad cloths, the best steel Wire, Exeter Fish
Hooks, Buckles, Mettal & Horse Hair Buttons, Tinplate Ware of several
sorts, and other Goods; also the best Wool and Cotton Cards are there made
(as good as any brought from England) by the said Palmer, and sold by
Wholesale or Retail. N. S. The said Palmer wants a servant Maid, and a
Negro boy.—Boston Gazette, Nov. 25, 1746.
Chandler and Soapboiler. To be sold by Edward Langdon, in Fleet Street,
near the Old North Meeting House, A Quantity of Hard Soap by the Box,
soft Soap by the Barrel, and good old Candles both Mould and Dipt, fit for
Shipping or Families, also Mould Candles of Bayberry Wax, all by the Box
or by Retail.—Boston Gazette, July 24, 1750.

Sperma-Ceti Candles. To be sold on Minot's T. by James Clemens, Sperma
Ceti Candles, exceeding all others for Beauty, Sweetness of Scent when
extinguished; Duration, being more than double Tallow Candles of equal
size; Dimensions of Flame, nearly four Times more, emitting a soft easy
expanding Light, bringing the Object close to the Sight, rather than causing
the Eye to trace after them, as all Tallow-Candles do, from a constant
Dimness which they produce.—One of these Candles serves the Use and
Purpose of three Tallow Ones, and upon the whole are much pleasanter and
cheaper.—Boston News-Letter, Mar. 30, 1748.
Chapman or Peddler. "On Thursday last Dyed at Boston, James Gray, That
used to go up and down the Country selling of Books, who left a
considerable Estate behind him."—Boston News-Letter, Apr. 9-16, 1705.
Chocolate Mill. Salem, Sept. 3. By a Gentleman of this Town is this Day
bro't to perfection, an Engine to Grind Cocoa; it is a Contrivance that cost
much less than any commonly used; and will effect all that which the
Chocolate Grinders do with their Mills and Stones without any or with very
Inconsiderable Labour; and it may be depended on for Truth, that it will in
less than six Hours bring one Hundred weight of Nuts to a consistance fit
for the Mold. And the Chocolate made by it, is finer and better, the Oyly
Spirit of the Nut being almost altogether preserved, and there is little or no
need of Fire in the making.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 5-12, 1737.
Coffin Furniture. To be sold by Arthur Savage Tomorrow Evening at his
Vendue Room, about 50 Sett of neat Polished Coffin Furniture, consisting
of Breast-plates, Angels, Flowers, Posts, etc.—Boston Gazette, May 29,
1758.
Cooper. John Henry Dyer, Cooper, lately arriv'd from London, living on
Mr. Henshaw's Wharffe, near the South Market House in Boston; makes all
sorts of Cooper's Ware, after the best manner, as Rum Hogsheads, Barrels,
Caggs, little Tubs and Trays, as cheap and good as any in the Town.—
Boston Gazette, July 30, 1751.
Currier. The Trade of a Currier is very much wanted in Middletown the
Metropolis of Connecticut: any Prudent person that is Master of that Trade
may get a pretty Estate in a few Years.—Boston Gazette, Nov. 6, 1758.

Dyer. Alexander Fleming, Dyer, lately from Great Britain, has set up said
Business in Boston, in a House of Mr. Arthen's near Dr. Gardner's in
Marlborough Street, on the same side of the Way, who can dye all sorts of
Colours, after the best Manner and Cheapest Rate, viz. Scarletts, Crimsons,
Pinks, Purples, Straws, Wine Colours, Sea-Greens, Saxon ditto, common
Blues, shearing, dressing and watering of clothes: Also he can dye linnen
Yarn either red, blue, green, yellow or cloth colours, and all Colours on
silks, and cleaning of Cloths.—Boston Gazette, May 14, 1754.
Dutch Tiles. Several sorts of Neat Dutch Tiles, to be set in chimneys, to be
sold by Mr. Richard Draper; at the lower end of Cornhill, Boston.—Boston
News-Letter, May 6-13, 1725.
Dutch Tiles. To be sold at Capt. Stephen Richard's in Queen Street, Boston.
All sorts of Dutch Tyles, viz. Scripture (round and square), Landskips of
divers sorts, sea monsters, horsemen, soldiers, diamonds, etc., and sets of
brushes; London quart bottles; and a chest of Delph ware.—Boston Gazette,
Feb. 6-13, 1738.
Earthen Ware. To be sold by Capt. Arthur Savage at the White House near
Mr. Coleman's Church, Boston, Earthen Ware and Glasses per the
Hogshead, fine Holland Tiles, Earthen and Stone Ware in Parcels, likewise
the long London Tobacco Pipes, all very Reasonable.—Boston News-Letter,
Apr. 23-30, 1716.
Fellmonger. Edmond Farrington of Lynn, fellmonger [dealer in hides]
arrived in Massachusetts in 1635.
Fire Engine. To be sold, a Large and extraordinary good Copper Fire-
Engine, newly fixed, that works well, and will be of excellent Use in Time
of Fire, in any populous Place. Enquire of Mr. James Read, Blockmaker,
near Oliver's Bridge in Boston.—Boston News-Letter, Feb. 19-26, 1735-6.
Glaziers' Diamonds. To be sold by Gershom Flagg, in Hanover Street near
the Orange Tree, viz. Spanish Whiten, and choice Diamonds fit for Glazier's
use, English Sole Pieces for Shoes and Boots, fine Jelly Glasses and
Crewits of double Flint, all sorts of Coffin Gear, silvered, plain and
lackered, and sundry other Articles.—Boston Gazette, Aug. 6, 1745.
Glass was being manufactured in Salem as early as 1639, the main product
being bottles and beads used in barter with the Indians. The glass made was

a dark-colored brownish-black.
Crown Glass. To be sold by Alexander Middleton at Warehouse Number 3,
in Butlers' Row, Crown Glass in Cases uncut, Ditto in Chests cut in
Squares, ordinary ditto cut in squares per the Chest, Bar & Sheet Lead,
white & brown Earthen ware, Glass Bottles, Quarts & Pints, bottled Ale in
Hampers, ... Pipes, glaz'd and ordinary ditto. And best Sunderland Coal on
board the ship Betty, William Foster, Commander, lying at the North side of
the Long Wharff.—Boston Gazette, June 4-11, 1739.
Glass Making. Tuesday last a ship arrived here from Holland, with about
300 Germans, Men, Women & Children, some of whom are going to settle
at Germantown, (a Part of Braintree) and the others in the Eastern Parts of
this Province.—Among the Artificers come over in this ship, there are
Numbers of Men skilled in making of Glass, of various sorts, and a House
proper for carrying on that useful manufacture, will be erected at
Germantown as soon as possible.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 26, 1752.
Glass Manufactory at Germantown. Notice is hereby given, That for the
future none will be admitted to see the new manufactory at Germantown
[Braintree], unless they pay at least one shilling lawfull money; and they are
desired not to ask above three or four Questions, and not to be offended if
they have not a satisfactory answer to all or any of them.
Note.—The manufactory has received considerable Damage, and been very
much retarded by the great Number of People which are constantly
resorting to the House.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 4, 1753.
Knot Glass. To be sold by Arthur Savage, To-morrow Evening, at his
Vendue-Room on the North side of the Town Dock. Twelve Crates of Knot
Glass of various sizes, large and small Looking Glasses, ... Leather
Breeches, Desks, Tables, etc. Also, a Camera Obscura with Prints.—Boston
Gazette, Jan. 24, 1757.
Window Glass. To be sold by Jonathan Bradish in Charlestown near the
Sign of the Buck, sundry sorts of Window Glass, viz., 8 by 10, 8 by 6, 7 by
9, etc. Also Painters' Colours and Linseed oyl.—Boston Gazette, Nov. 12,
1751.
Glover. To be sold by the Maker, Ph. Freeman, who arrived in the last Ship
from London, at Mr. Irish's in Bridge's Lane near Mr. Welsteed's Meeting-

House, A Large Parcel of Gloves of all Sorts, viz. Men's and Women's Buck
and Doe, Kid and Lamb, for Mourning and all other Sorts.—Boston News-
Letter, Sept. 30-Oct. 7, 1742.
Glove Maker. Just Imported and Sold by Philip Freeman, Norway Doe
Gloves, and Makes and Sells Winter Gloves, for Men and Women: and lines
Gloves with Fur, after the best Manner.—Boston Gazette, Nov. 26, 1754.
Gunsmith. To be sold by John Pim of Boston, Gunsmith, at the Sign of the
Cross Guns, in Anne-Street near the Draw Bridge, at very Reasonable
Rates, sundry sorts of choice Arms lately arrived from London, viz. Handy
Muskets, Buccaneer-Guns, Fowling pieces, Hunting Guns, Carabines,
several sorts of Pistols, Brass and Iron, fashionable Swords, &c.—Boston
News-Letter, July 4-11, 1720.
Gunsmith. Newly imported, and sold by Samuel Miller, Gunsmith, at the
Sign of the cross Guns near the Draw-Bridge, Boston: Neat Fire Arms of all
sorts, Pistols, Swords, Hangers, Cutlasses, Flasks for Horsemen, Firelocks,
&c.—Boston Gazette, May 11, 1742.
Halberts. A Set of Halberts for a foot Company to be sold on reasonable
Terms, by Nicholas Boone Bookseller, to be seen at his House near School-
House Lane, Boston.—Boston News-Letter, Apr. 22-29, 1706. "A Set of
New-Halbards" were offered for sale in the June 3-10, 1706, issue.
Hand Engines. Hand Engines made after the best manner, fitted with Brass
Clappers, very useful in all Families, convenient for extinguishing Fire in
Chimneys, or in any Room in a House; Also very proper for Coasters to
carry to sea to wet the Sails in small Winds to preserve them from Mildews;
said Engine throws Water with ease 40 Feet perpendicular. Sold by
Rowland Houghton, on the North side of the Town House at 25s. each.—
Boston Gazette, June 10-17, 1734.
Hats. Daniel Jones, at the Hat & Helmit, South-End, Boston, ... makes and
sells Beaver, Beaveret, and Castor-Hats: and has also a good Assortment of
English Castor and Beaveret Hats, English and Felt ditto; Hat Linings and
Trimmings of all sorts: Red Wool, Coney Wool, Camels Hair: Logwood by
the 100 Wt. by Wholesale or Retail, cheap for Cash or Treasurer's Notes.—
Boston Gazette, Dec. 10, 1759.

Hour Glasses. All sorts of Hour-Glasses to be made or mended on
Reasonable terms, by James Maxwell, at his House in Water Street, near the
Town House in Boston.—Boston News-Letter, Sept. 17-24, 1716.
Iron Monger. To be sold by John Winslow, at his Warehouse, in Newbury-
Street, near Summer Street: Best refined and blommery Iron, Ploughshare
Moulds, Anchor Palms, Coohorns, Swivel Guns, Ten Inch Mortars and
Shells, 6, 4, & 3 pound Swivel and Grape Shot.—Boston Gazette, Apr. 25,
1757.
Iron Hearth. On the 11th Instant, early in the Morning, a Fire broke out at
Mr. Pierpont's House near the Fortification, occasioned by the Heat of the
Iron Hearth of one of the newly invented Fireplaces, whereby the Floor was
set on Fire; the People being in Bed, perceived a great Smoke, got up, and
happily discover'd and timely distinguished [sic] the Fire.—Boston Gazette,
Dec. 22, 1747.
Iron Foundry. Any Person that has occasion for Forge Hammers, anvils, or
Plates, Smiths' Anvils, Clothiers' Plates, Chimney Backs, Potts, Kettles,
Skillets, Cart Boxes, Chaise Boxes, Dog-Irons, or any other Cast Iron Ware,
may be provided with them by Richard Clarke, at his Furnace in the Gore,
giving speedy Notice (of the Sizes and Quantity they want) to him there, or
to Oliver, Clarke, and Lee, at their Warehouse in King Street, Boston; where
they may be supplied with Swivel Guns.—Boston Gazette, July 13-20,
1741.
Jeweller. This is to inform the Publick, That Mr. James Boyer, Jeweller,
from London, living at Mr. Eustone's, a Dancing Master in King Street,
Boston, setts all manner of Stones in Rings, &c. and performes every thing
belonging to that Trade. N.B. Said Mr. Boyer is lately recovered of a fit of
Sickness.—New England Courant, Dec. 31-Jan. 7, 1722-3.
Joyner. Richard Lambert of Salem, the joyner, was living there as early as
1637, and four years later was fined for drinking and also sat in the stocks
for two hours.—Essex Co. Court Records, Feb., 1641.
Linen Printer. The Printer hereof Prints Linens, Callicoes, Silks, &c. in
good Figures, very lively and durable Colours, and without the offensive
smell which commonly attends the Linens Printed here.—Boston Gazette,
Apr. 18-25, 1720.

Linen Printer and Dyer. John Hickey, linen-printer and dyer, from Dublin,
is now settled in this town, at the linen manufactory, where he follows the
business of blue and white printing, and silk or cloth dying; and takes all
manner of spots out of silk or cloths, cleans gold and silver lace, and scarlet
cloth, dyes linnen and cotton of a blue or London red, and all manner of
country stuffs, worsteds, camlets, tammies, or leather; he dyes blacks so as
they shall be sound and clean as any other colour; also dyes ribbons and
makes them up again as well as ever, and English thick sets after they have
been worn or faded, and blue yarn for one shilling a pound. N.B. as there
has been several who have imposed upon this country in telling that they
were printers; I engage myself that if my colours be not as good and as
lasting as any that comes from Europe, to satisfy my employers with all
charges or damages that shall be justly laid against me.
All the above articles done with expedition at the most reasonable price, by
John Hickey.—Boston Gazette, (sup.) May 7, 1759.
Linen Manufactory. The Massachusetts General Court at its session held in
the summer of 1753, passed an "Act for granting the sum of Fifteen
Hundred Pounds To encourage the Manufacture of Linnen," providing for a
tax on every "Coach, Chariot, Chaise, Calash and Chair" for the term of five
years, the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, the President of Harvard
College, and the settled ministers in the Province, being excepted from its
provision, at the following rates: each Coach, ten shillings annually,
Chariot, five shillings, Chaise, three shillings, Calash, two shillings, Chair,
two shillings. The several sums received from Time to Time were to be paid
to a committee of ten appointed by the Act, "to be applied to the purchasing
a Piece of Land, and building or purchasing a convenient House within the
Town of Boston, for carrying on the Business of Spinning, Weaving, and
other necessary Parts of the Linnen Manufacture." This legislation was
instituted because of "the great Decay of Trade and Business the Number of
Poor is greatly increased, and the Burden of supporting them lies heavy on
many of the Towns within this Province, and many Persons, especially
Women and Children are destitute of Employment."—Boston Gazette, Aug.
7, 1753.
Lime Kiln. To be Sold a good Penny-worth; A good Lime-Kiln, a Lime-
House, a good Well, a Wharf, and a piece of Ground, being near the

Bowling-green, Boston; Inquire of Mr. Walter Browne at the Sign of the
Blue Anchor in King-Street, Boston, and know further.
N. B. There is very good Lime-juice to be sold by the aforesaid Browne at
his House.—Boston News-Letter, Mar. 28-Apr. 4, 1723.
Stone Lime. To be sold by the Hogshead or Bushel, the best eastward Stone
Lime, by John Blowers of Boston, Mason, in School Street.—Boston
Gazette, Mar. 31, 1747.
Linen Manufacture. Publick Notice is hereby given, That sundry Looms
for Weaving of Linnen, of all Sorts, are set up at the Linnen-Manufacture
House in the Common below Thomas Hancocks' Esq; where all Persons
may have their Yarn wove in the best and Cheapest Manner, and with the
utmost Dispatch. At the same Place, money will be given for all Sorts of
Linnen Yarn.
And whereas the setting up and establishing the Linnen Manufacture is
undoubtedly of the utmost Importance to this Province: It is propos'd by a
Number of Gentlemen, very soon to open several Spinning-Schools in this
Town, where children may be taught Gratis. And it is to be hop'd, that all
Well-wishers to their Country will send their children, that are suitable for
such Schools, to learn the useful and necessary Art of Spinning; and that
they will give all other proper Countenance and Encouragement to this
Undertaking.—Boston News-Letter, Dec. 13, 1750.
Locksmith. This is to inform my Customers, that I have remov'd from
Middle-street, to the Bottom of Cross street, where I continue to mend all
sorts of Locks, also to fit Keys to Locks, mend all sorts of Kettles, as Brass,
Copper, Pewter, &c. at a very reasonable Rate, by Reuben Cookson.—
Boston Gazette, Apr. 23, 1754 (sup.)
Mahogany and Other Woods. To be Sold behind Numb. 4, on the Long
Wharffe, Lignumvitee, Box wood, Ebony, Mohogany Plank, Sweet Wood
Bark, and wild Cinnamon Bark.—Boston Gazette, Aug. 22-29, 1737.
Mahogany. To be sold at publick Vendue at the Exchange Tavern, on
Thursday, the first of December next, at three o'clock Afternoon; 50 Pieces
of fine Mahogany in 10 Lots, No. 1 to 10, being 5 Pieces in a Lot, to be
seen at the Long Wharffe before the Sale begins.—Boston Gazette, Nov.
21-28, 1737.

Military Equipment. On Thursday the 6 of February at three of the clock
Afternoon, will be sold by Publick Vendue at the Exchange Tavern, about
one hundred Canvice & Ticken Tents, Poles, Mallets, and Pins to them,
about five hundred Pick-Axes, fifty Axes and Hatchets, about eight hundred
Tomhawks or small Hatchets, about three hundred Spades and Bills, a
parcell of Shovels, Wheelbarrows, Handbarrow's, Baskets of Speaks and
Nails, all to be put and sold in Lots, and to be seen at the place of sale the
Morning before the Sale begins: Also a very fine Negro Woman.—Boston
Gazette, Jan. 27-Feb. 3, 1728-9.
Military Equipment. Extract from the Act for Regulating the Militia:
—"Every listed Soldier, and other Householder shall be always provided
with a wellfixt Firelock Musket, of Musket or Bastard-Musket bore, the
Barrel not less than three Foot and an half long, or other good Fire Arms to
the satisfaction of the Commission Officers of the Company; a Cartouch
Box: one Pound of good Powder: Twenty Bullets fit for his Gun, and twelve
Flynts; a good Sword or Cutlass; a Worm, & priming Wire, fit for his Gun,
on Penalty of six Shillings...."—Boston News-Letter, Feb. 7-14, 1733-4.
Breech-Loading Gun. Made by John Cookson, and to be Sold by him at his
House in Boston: a handy Gun of 9 Pound and a half Weight; having a
Place convenient to hold 9 Bullets, and Powder for 9 Charges and 9
Primings; the said Gun will fire 9 Times distinctly, as quick, or slow as you
please, with one turn with the Handle of the said Gun, it doth charge the
Gun with Powder and Bullet, and doth prime and shut the pan, and cock the
Gun. All these Motions are performed immediately at once, by one turn
with the said Handle. Note, there is Nothing put into the Muzzle of the Gun
as we charge other Guns.—Boston Gazette, Apr. 12, 1756.
Mathematical Balancemaker. Jonathan Dakin, Mathematical Balance
maker, at the Sign of the Hand & Beam, opposite to Dr. Colman's Meeting
House, makes all sorts of scale Beams, and likewise mends all that can be
mended; where all Gentlemen may be supplied with Beams ready adjusted
and scaled, as the Law directs.—Boston Gazette, Nov. 12, 1745.
Mathematical Instruments. Stephen Greenleaf, Mathematical Instrument-
Maker, in Queen Street, Boston, opposite to the Prison, Makes and Mends
all Sorts of Mathematical Instruments, as Theodolites, Spirit Levels, Semi
circles, Circumferences, and Protractors, Horizontal and Equinoctial Sun

Dials, Azimuth and Amplitude Compasses, Eliptical and Triangular
Compasses, and all sorts of common Compasses, drawing Pens and
Portagraions, Pensil Cases, and parallel Rulers, Squares and Bevils, Free
Masons Jewels, with sundry other articles too tedious to mention.
N.B. He sets Load Stones on Silver or Brass, after the best manner.—
Boston Gazette, June 18, 1745.
Musician. Thomas Androus, "the scholar musician, was there with his
music," at John Androus house in Ipswich, in the summer of 1656, at a
merriment.—Essex Co. Court Records, April, 1657.
Mustard Maker. John Ingram, the Original Flower of Mustard Maker, from
Lisbon, now living at the House of Mrs. Townsend, near Oliver's-Dock,
Boston, Prepares Flower of Mustard to such Perfection, by a Method
unknown to any Person but himself, that it retains its Strength, Flavour and
Colour Seven Years; being mix'd with hot or cold water, in a Minute's Time
it makes the strongest Mustard ever eat, not in the least Bitter, yet of a
delicate and delightful Flavour, and gives a most surprizing grateful Taste to
Beef, Pork, Lamb, Fish, Sallad, or other Sauces. It is approved of by divers
eminent Physicians as the only Remedy in the Universe in all nervous
Disorders, sweetens all the Juices, and rectifies the whole Mass of Blood to
Admiration. If close stopt it will keep its Strength and Virtue Seven years in
any Climate. Merchants and Captains of Ships shall have good Allowance
to sell again.—Boston Gazette, Sept. 19, 1752.
Nailmaking. Any Gentleman that hath a mind to set up the nailing Business,
which may be done to very great Advantage in this Country, may by
inquiring of the Printer be informed of a Man that will carry it on to
Perfection for him.—Boston Gazette, Mar. 2, 1742.
Needle Maker. Simon Smith, Needle maker from London, is removed from
the Rainbow and Dove in Marlborough Street, now in Union Street near the
Corn fields; continues to make and sell all sorts of white Chapple Needles,
and all other sorts round and square.—Boston News-Letter, Apr. 15-22,
1742.
Oil Lamp. A New England vessel having "30 Tons of Lamp Oyl" on board
was captured by French and Indians in Newfoundland.—News-Letter, Oct.
2-9, 1704.

Oil Lamp. Best Refin'd Sperma-Ceti Oil for Lamps, to be sold next Door to
the Salutation, near the North Battery.—Boston Gazette, July 17, 1758.
Paper Mill. Whereas some Gentlemen design to set up a Paper-Mill in New
England, if a supply can be had to carry on that Business: These are
therefore to give Notice, that James Franklin, Printer in Queen Street,
Boston, buys Linen Rags, either coarse or fine, at a Peny a Pound.—New
England Courant, June 1-8, 1724.
Paper Maker. This is to give Notice, That Richard Fry, Stationer,
Bookseller, Paper-maker, and Rag Merchant, from the City of London,
keeps at Mr. Thomas Fleet's Printer at the Heart and Crown in Cornhill,
Boston; where the said Fry is ready to accommodate all Gentlemen,
Merchants, and Tradesmen, with sets of Accompt-Books, after the neatest
manner; and whereas, it has been the common Method of the most curious
merchants in Boston, to Procure their Books from London, this is to
acquaint those Gentlemen, that I the said Fry, will sell all sorts of Accompt-
Books, done after the most accurate manner, for 20 per cent. cheaper than
they can have them from London.
I return the Publick Thanks for following the Directions of my former
advertisement for gathering of Rags, and hope they will continue the like
Method; having received seven thousand weight and upwards already.
For the pleasing entertainment of the Polite part of Mankind, I have Printed
the most Beautiful Poems of Mr. Stephen Duck, the famous Wiltshire Poet;
It is a full demonstration to me that the People of New England, have a fine
taste for Good Sense & Polite Learning, having already sold 1200 of these
Poems, Richard Fry.—Boston Gazette, May 1-8, 1732.
Pewterer. This is to give notice, that a Journeyman Pewterer, who is a good
workman in Hollow-ware, may have constant work, and good Wages, if
they will go to New York, and apply themselves to Mr. David Lyell, or they
may write to him and know further.—Boston News-Letter, Aug. 23-30,
1714.
Potash Work set up at Charlestown Ferry in Boston, at the House of John
Russell, Ferryman, 6d. in money paid per Bushell to any that have ashes to
spare.—Boston News-Letter, Nov. 27-Dec. 4, 1704.

Pottery. John Pride owned a pottery in Salem as early as 1641. William
Vincent owned a pottery there in 1681. At a later date several potteries
existed at what is now the town of Peabody.
Pottery at Charlestown. John Webber, a potter, at Charlestown, was
injured by the explosion of a cannon while celebrating the marriage of the
Princess Royal.—Boston News-Letter, May 16-23, 1734.
Earthen Ware. To be sold on reasonable Terms, A Dwelling-House & Land
in Charlestown, near the Swing-Bridge, with a House & Kiln for the
making of Earthen Ware; as also a Warehouse and other Conveniences
necessary for that Business, Inquire of the Printer.—Boston News-Letter,
Nov. 1, 1744.
Pottery. Made and Sold reasonably by Thomas Symmes and Company at
Charlestown near the Swing Bridge, blue and white stone Ware of forty
different sorts; also red and yellow ware of divers sorts, either by Wholesale
or Retale.—Boston Gazette, Apr. 16, 1745.
Potter's Kiln. To be sold by publick Vendue on Tuesday the 16th Currant,
two o'Clock Afternoon, at the Three Crane Tavern at Charlestown, a
Dwelling House, Potter's Kiln House and Kiln in Wapping Street in
Charlestown aforesaid, any Person minding to purchase the same before
said Time may inquire of Michael Brigden or Grace Parker.—Boston
Gazette, Dec. 9, 1746.
Powder Maker. Any Gentlemen, Merchants or others, that have any
damnifyed Powder, or dust of Powder, either to sell, or to be made of New,
They may repair with the same unto Walter Evenden, Powder-maker, at his
House in Dorchester, who will either buy it or make it of New for them, on
reasonable terms.—Boston News-Letter, Nov. 25-Dec. 2, 1706.
Printed Fabrics. The Printer hereof Prints Linens, Callicoes, Silks, etc., in
good Figures, very lively and durable Colours, and without the offensive
Smell which commonly attends the Linens printed here.—Boston Gazette,
April 18-25, 1720.
The Printer hereof having dispers'd advertisements of his Printing Callicoes,
etc. a certain Person in Charlestown, to rob him of the Benefit of said
advertisements and impose upon strangers, calls himself by the Name of
Franklin, having agreed with one in Queen Street, Boston, to take in his

work. These are to desire him to be satisfyed with his proper Name, or he
will be proceeded against according to Law.—Boston Gazette, May 2-9,
1720.
Pumps. Pumps erected or altered after a new and Easy Method, whereby
they will deliver more Water, and with less strength, not being apt to loose
water, not at all liable to Freeze, tho' fixed in the most Bleak Places; by the
Directions of Rowland Houghton.—Boston News-Letter, Sept. 14-21, 1732.
Roasting Jacks. To be sold by John Jackson, Jack-maker, at his shop, being
the corner shop at the Draw bridge, in Boston, all sorts of Jacks, reasonably,
and makes, mends and Cleans all sorts of Jacks; also makes & mends
Locks, Keys, and Ironing Boxes, at a reasonable rate.—Boston Gazette,
May 2-9, 1737.
Scales. All Sorts of Weights and Skales of the best sort for weighing
Money or other Merchandize. Made and Sold by Caleb Ray, Chief Skale-
maker of New England; or Skales to be new strung and mended; at the sign
of the Skales and Weights in the Alley near to Governours Dock in Boston,
at reasonable Rates.—Boston News-Letter, Apr. 26-May 3, 1708.
Scales and Balances. Jonathan Dakin, Mathematical Balance-maker, at the
sign of the Hand & Beam opposite to Dr. Colman's Meeting House, Makes
all Sorts of Scale Beams, and likewise mends all that can be mended; where
all Gentlemen may be supplied with Beams ready adjusted and sealed as the
Law directs.—Boston Gazette, Nov. 26, 1745.
Shoemaker. Francis Dowse, a shoemaker, was in the employ of George
Burden of Boston, in 1640.
Slitting Mill and Iron Forge. To be Sold a good Penniworth, a Slitting
Mill compleatly finished and furnished, scituated in the middle of near 20
Forges in the Compass of 12 Miles, with a well built Forge with Two Fires,
and conveniency for a third; together with a well built and well accustomed
Grist Mill, all standing on one Dam; on as constant a stream as this Land
affords; with accommodations for other Water Works; A good Dwelling
House, Coal House, and above 6 Acres of Land, and a good Orchard upon
it, said Works stand on Namasket River in Middleborough, 13 Miles from
Plymouth, and 10 from Taunton. All finely scituated for a Country Seat; and
now Lets for 379 Pounds per Annum. Any Person or Persons minded to

purchase the same, may inquire of the Rev. Mr. Peter Thacher of
Middleborough aforesaid, or of the Printer hereof, and know further.
N.B. The Reason of this Sale is because the Person wants the money for it,
and intending to leave off that Business.—Boston Gazette, May 11, 1742.
Stamped Linen. These are to Inform the Publick, that I the Subscriber
propose to come once more to Boston; if any Person or Persons have old
sheets or Linnen to stamp, they are desired to leave them at the House of
James Nichol in School Street, next door to the French Meeting House; and
if they send them in four Weeks from this Date, they shall have them in
March next without fail. As Witness my Hand, Sarah Hunt.—Boston
Gazette, Dec. 22, 1747.
Stoves. New-fashion Fire-Places or Stoves from Philadelphia, to be sold by
Thomas Wade.—Boston News-Letter, Jan. 31, 1745.
Just Published. An account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fire-Place:
Wherein their construction and manner of operation is particularly
explained; their Advantages above every other method of warming Rooms
demonstrated; And all objections that have been raised against the Use of
them, answered and obviated. Sold by C. Harrison, over against The
Brazen-Head in Cornhill.—Boston News-Letter, Feb. 7, 1745.
Tailor. William Jones, a tailor, had one half of his fine remitted at Salem
Court.—Essex Co. Court Records, December, 1642. Daniel Gaines of Lynn,
aged 11 years, was apprenticed for 8 years to Luke Potter of Concord to
learn the "skill and mistery" of a tailor.—Essex Co. Court Records, March,
1649. John Bourne, a tailor, was making clothes in Gloucester, in 1652.
John Annable of Ipswich, tailor, was living there as early as 1641.
Water Engine. There is newly erected in the Town of Boston, by Messieurs
John and Thomas Hill, a Water-Engine at their Still-house, by the Advice
and Direction of Mr. Rowland Houghton, drawn by a Horse, which delivers
a large quantity of Water twelve Feet above the Ground. This being the first
of the kind in these Parts, we thought taking Notice of it might be of
Publick Service, inasmuch as a great deal of Labour is saved thereby.—
Boston Gazette, Jan. 15-22, 1733.
Wheelwright. John Robinson, a wheelwright, was living in Ipswich as
early as 1635, only two years after the settlement of the town.

CHAPTER XI
Concerning Shipping and Trade

New England, with its many rivers and indented coastline, until recent
years, has been a breeding place for sailors and a location for shipbuilding.
During the first century following the settlement, the larger part of the
population lived near the coast, and as roads between towns were poor, it
naturally followed that craft of small tonnage were constantly employed for
transport on the ocean and the navigable rivers, and as no extent of rich soil
was found awaiting cultivation, many settlers, of necessity, turned to fishing
and to trade. A ship carpenter was brought over to Plymouth, in 1624, who
"quickly builte them 2 very good and strong shalops ... and a great and
strong lighter, and had ... timber for 2 catches" framed when he fell sick of a
fever and soon died.[44] These shallops were used in opening a fur trade
among the Indians on the Kennebec River that eventually discharged the
indebtedness of the Pilgrims to the London adventurers.
Six shipwrights were sent over by the Company of the Massachusetts Bay,
in the spring of 1629, together with a considerable stock of ship stores, such
as pitch, tar, cordage and sail cloth.[45] Doubtless these men were employed
at the outset in housing the settlers and in building small fishing boats, as
the first vessel of any size in the Bay, of which there is record, is Governor
Winthrop's trading bark, The Blessing of the Bay, of thirty tons, built mainly
of locust, which went to sea, August 31, 1631, on a voyage to the eastward
and afterwards traded with the Dutch at New Amsterdam.[46]
In January, 1633, Emanuel Downing wrote to the Council for New England
that he had made enquiries of Mr. Winthrop respecting the ship carpenters
employed in New England and found that the plantation was able to build
ships of any burden. Their most competent shipwright was William
Stephens, who had built in England, the Royal Merchant, a ship of six
hundred tons.
The General Court, in 1639, exempted ship carpenters and fishermen
(during the fishing season) from compulsory military training.[47] Two years

later the Court was informed that some shipwrights were scanting their
work and an order was adopted providing for a survey of all ship
construction as was usual in England at that time.[48]
The coasting trade led to the building of small shallops and sloops and the
need for firewood in Boston and Charlestown brought about the building of
sloops, broad of beam, intended especially for that trade. Fishing craft and
wood sloops were soon being built all along the coast. As early as 1634, one
merchant in Marblehead owned eight fishing craft, and Portsmouth, N. H.,
had six great shallops, five fishing boats, with sails and anchors, and
thirteen skiffs, in the trade as early as 1635. Richard Hollingsworth, in
1637, had a shipyard at Salem Neck and in 1641, built "a prodigious ship of
300 Tons."
The number of New England vessels used in foreign trading during the
seventeenth century was considerable and the mainstay of the trade was the
fishing business. Off-shore fishing in the early days was carried on in
shallops—capacious, open boats carrying several pairs of oars and also
fitted with masts and sails. They were sometimes decked over, in whole or
in part, and usually carried one mast with a lug sail. Many of these small
craft were built in the winter time by the fishermen and their sons, as a
fisherman is always more or less of a boatbuilder by virtue of his calling.
The lumber for the boat would be cut in the common woods and got out, a
little at a time, and the boat when built would actually cost its owner little
more than the outlay for certain necessary fittings. These boats might be
framed-in anywhere—on the beach in front of the fisherman's cottage; in
his dooryard or in the woods, some distance from the shore, to which the
hull would be dragged by oxen, on sledges of timber. The first vessels sent
to "the banks," from Massachusetts, for deep-water fishing, were "a ship
and other vessels," rig unknown.[49] That was in 1645.
By 1665 there were three hundred New England vessels trading with
Barbadoes, Virginia, Madeira, Acadia, etc., and 1,300 smaller craft were
fishing at Cape Sable. Cod and mackerel were caught and salted. The best
fish were sent to Malaga and the Canaries, the second sort to the Portugal
Islands, and the worst to the Barbadoes there to be used in the diet of the
negro slaves. At that time, the principal commodities produced in the
Massachusetts Bay were fish and pipe-staves, masts, fir-boards, pitch, tar,
pork, beef, and horses and corn which were sent to Virginia, Barbadoes, &c.

Tobacco and sugar were taken in payment and shipped to England.
Excellent masts were shipped from the Piscataqua River, and many pipe-
staves. There were more than twenty sawmills located on that river and
"much good timber was spoilt," reported an agent of Lord Arlington, the
Secretary of State.[50] New England masts, 33 to 35 inches in diameter, at
that time cost the Navy Commissioners from £95 to £115 per mast. The
agent also reported that Boston, the chief town, was "built on a peninsula in
the bottom of a bay, which is a good harbour and full of fish. The houses are
generally wooden, the streets crooked, and neither days, months, seasons,
churches, nor inns are known by their English names."
During the middle years of the seventeenth century the waters of the West
Indies were covered with privateers commissioned to prey upon Spanish
commerce. Not only did the home government issue these commissions but
every Colonial governor as well, and not infrequently it was difficult to
separate privateering from piracy. John Quelch, who was hanged in Boston
for piracy, in 1704, preyed upon Portuguese commerce as he supposed in
safety and not until he returned to Marblehead did he learn of the treaty of
peace that made him a pirate. In 1653, Thomas Harding captured a rich
prize sailing from Barbadoes and in consequence was tried in Boston for
piracy, but saved his neck when he was able to prove that the vessel was
Dutch and not Spanish.
The town of Newport, R. I., frequently profited from the visits of known
pirates, as in 1688, when Peterson, in a "barkalonga" of ten guns and
seventy men, refitted at Newport and no bill could be obtained against him
from the grand jury, as they were neighbors and friends of many of the men
on board. Two Salem ketches also traded with him and a master of one
brought into "Martin's Vineyard," a prize that Peterson, "the pirate, had
taken in the West Indies."[51] Andrew Belcher, a well-known Boston
merchant, and master of the ship Swan, paid Peterson £57, in money and
provisions, for hides and elephants' teeth, taken from his plunder.
The ill-defined connection between privateering and piracy was fully
recognized in those days and characterized publicly by the clergy. In 1704
when Rev. Cotton Mather preached his "Brief Discourse occasioned by a
Tragical Spectacle in a Number of Miserables under Sentence of Death for
Piracy," he remarked that "the Privateering Stroke so easily degenerates into
the Piratical; and the Privateering Trade is usually carried on with an

Unchristian Temper, and proves an Inlet unto so much Debauchery and
Iniquity."
Another strong influence that led to insecurity on the high seas and
eventually to outright piracy was the operation of the English Navigation
Acts. European nations were in agreement that the possession of colonies
meant the exclusive control of their trade and manufactures.
In 1696, Col. Charles Lidgett, a New England merchant, in "Some
Considerations Offered to the Board of Trade," wrote that "all the American
Colonies are generally esteemed according to the Conveniency and benefit
they bring to England, their Mother."[52] Lord Chatham wrote, "The British
Colonists in North America have no right to manufacture so much as a nail
for a horse shoe," and Lord Sheffield went further and said, "The only use
of American Colonies, is the monopoly of their consumption, and the
carriage of their produce."[53]
English merchants naturally wished to sell at high prices and to buy
colonial raw materials as low as possible and as they were unable to provide
a market for all that was produced, the Colonies were at a disadvantage in
both buying and selling. By the Acts of Navigation certain "enumerated
articles" could be marketed only in England. Lumber, salt provisions, grain,
rum and other non-enumerated articles might be sold within certain limits
but must be transported in English or plantation-built vessels of which the
owners and three-fourths of the mariners were British subjects. Freight rates
also advanced, as other nations, notably the Dutch, had previously enjoyed
a good share of the carrying trade.
The first Navigation Act was passed in 1645. It was renewed and its
provisions enlarged in 1651, 1660, 1663 and later. Before long it was found
that these attempts to monopolize the colonial markets resulted in a natural
resistance and smuggling began and also an extensive trade with privateers
and pirates who brought into all the smaller ports of New England captured
merchandise that was sold at prices below the usual market values. Matters
went from bad to worse and servants of the Crown frequently combined
with the colonists to evade the obnoxious laws. Even the Royal Governors
connived at what was going on. This was particularly true in the Colonies
south of New England.

There were pirates and pirates. Some were letters-of-marque and
illegitimate traders and enjoyed the protection of merchants and officials on
shore, while others were outlaws. In 1690, Governor Bradstreet of the
Massachusetts Colony was complaining of the great damage done to
shipping by "French Privateers and Pirates," and four years later, Frontenac,
the Governor of Canada, was asking for a frigate to cruise about the St.
Lawrence against the New England "corsaires and filibusters." There is no
doubt these French privateers were a considerable menace to New England
shipping and that there was need for privately armed vessels to protect the
coast, a task not easy or desirable; so why should one scrutinize too closely
semi-piratical captures made by so useful friends?
The profits of piracy and the irregular trade practiced at that time were
large, and twenty-nine hundred per cent profit in illicit trade was not
unusual, so there is little wonder that adventurous men took chances and
honest letters-of-marque sometimes seized upon whatever crossed their
course. The pirate, the privateer and the armed merchantman often blended
the one into the other.[54]
Edward Randolph landed in Boston on June 10, 1676, and during the next
week the following vessels arrived: "a Bostoner, 100 tons, Clutterbuck,
master, from Nantes, laden with 50 butts of brandy and French
commodities; a pink, of Boston, from France, of 70 tons, with 12 tun of
brandy, wine, etc.; a Scotsman, 130 tons, from the Canaries, with 80 pipes
of Canary; a Bostoner, 80 tons, from the Canaries, with 50 pipes of Canary,
and a ketch of Southampton, from Canary, with wine."[55] He reported to
Secretary Coventry that the fishermen had made good voyages
notwithstanding the war with the Indians. He estimated that the fish
exported amounted to about £50,000 yearly with profitable returns in barter
on masts and timber for shipping sent to Barbadoes and other of the Carib
Islands. The Bay of Campeachy supplied about 1,000 tons of logwood
annually. The maritime towns were well stored with sailors, fishermen and
carpenters, and yearly several ships of good burthen were built, besides
ketches and barques. In 1676 thirty vessels had been ordered set on the
stocks by merchants in England, but the Indian War had prevented building
the full number. However, twelve were in process of construction at Boston,
Charlestown, Salisbury and other places, some of which were upwards of
160 tons burthen.

In October he wrote that there were about thirty merchants in
Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Maine estimated worth from £10,000
to £20,000. Local commodities consisted of naval stores, cattle and
provisions, exported to Virginia, Maryland and the West Indies—(to the
latter were also sent "houses ready framed"), to Spain, Portugal, the Straits
and England. Tobacco, sugar, indigo, cotton, wool, ginger, logwood, fustic,
cocoa and rum were imported and again exported. "They trade with most
parts of Europe from which they import direct all kinds of merchandise, so
that little is left for English merchants to import," wrote Randolph. "Some
ships have been sent to Guinea, Madagascar, etc., and some to Scanderoon;
there are built in the Colony, 730 ships varying from 6 to 250 tons, by thirty
master shipbuilders." Duties were imposed on provisions and wines
imported, and on ships, but there was no custom on exports, except on
horses.[56]
In April, 1675, William Harris wrote from Boston that "The merchants
seem to be rich men, and their houses [are] as handsomely furnished as
most in London. In exchange of fish, pipe-staves, wool and tobacco, they
have from Spain, Portugal, and the islands, the commodities of those
islands; their wool they carry to France and bring thence linen; to England
they bring beaver, moose, and deer skins, sugar and logwood, and carry
hence cloth and ironwares; to Barbadoes, in exchange for horses, beef,
pork, butter, cheese, flour, peas, biscuit, they have sugar and indigo; when
they trade with Jamaica; as they do sometimes, they bring home pieces of
eight, plate, and pigs of silver.... As to cloth, there are made here Linsey
woolseys, and other of cotton and wool, and some all sheep's wool, but the
better sort of linen is brought from England; they have many woolcombers,
and some make tammeys, but for their private use. Salt they get from
Tortudas, not far from Barbadoes. It is sold at 10s. the hogshead, and is
clear and white as alum, very sharp and much stronger than ordinary bay
salt."[57]
Governor Simon Bradstreet wrote in 1680, in answer to an enquiry from the
Lords of the Privy Council: "There may bee near twenty English merchants
within our Government bred up to that calling, and neere as many others
that do trade and merchandize more or less; but Foreign merchants of other
Nations Wee have none ... there are two or three [merchants] in our
Corporation that may bee worth sixteen or eighteen thousand pound a piece,

some few others worth eight or ten Thousand pounds a piece, a third sort
worth four or five thousand pounds a piece.... Hee is accounted a rich man
in the Country that is worth one thousand or Fifteen hundred pounds. There
are about one hundred or one hundred and twenty Ships, Sloopes, Katches
and other Vessells that trade to and from hence yearly of our own or English
built, most of them belonging to the Colony, wee have eight or ten ships of
one hundred tons or upwards, three or four of two hundred tons or more,
and about Forty or Fifty Fishing Katches of betwixt twenty and Forty tons;
Six or eight English ships do usually come hither yearly belonging to the
Kingdom of England, bringing commodities of all sorts from thence.
"The obstructions wee [encounter] within our trade are the generall decay of
any profitable trade in the places wee mostly trade unto. Vizt. to all his
Majesties plantations in America, where wee send our horses, beasts,
timber, provisions, mackeril, fish, etc. For the commodities of those places
which are spent here or transported into England wee finde those markets
many times so overlaid and clogged with the like comoditys from England,
Ireland and other places, that many of our commodities are sold at cheaper
rates many times then they were worth at home. 2dly The Algeir men of
warr infesting the seas in Europe have taken some of our Ships and men
which is a discouragement to our trade and Navigation. 3dly the French at
Nova Scotia or Acadia (as they call it) do interrupt our Fishers in those parts
and Sr. Edmond Andros, Governor of New-Yorke for his highness the Duke
of Yorke, doth the like betwixt the French and Pemaquid requiring duty to
bee paid to them by all our Vessells that fish in those Seas, otherwise
threatening to make prizes of them, which hath been alwaies Formerly free
For his Majesties Subjects for Fishing ever since wee came hither. The
double custom which our merchants pay for Sugar, Indigo, Cotton Wool,
Tobacco, etc. First at the places from whence they fetch these commodities,
the greatest part whereof is transported from hence to England, where they
pay the full custome again.
"Wee impose no rates or dutys upon Goods exported they being generally
the produce of the Country got with hard labour and sold at low prices ...
and but one penny pr pound upon Goods imported, when they come into the
Merchant's hands, which is the taxe wee have set upon houses, Lands, cattle
and other estate of the Country yearly."[58]

By this time the Colonists were all comfortably housed according to the
standards of the period and were producing all the foodstuffs needed and
more. Wines and spirit were imported in considerable quantity to give
variety to the native beer and cider. Much butter and cheese were brought
from abroad and also luxuries such as spices, chocolate, raisins of the sun,
almonds, figs, oranges, etc. Our English ancestors were gross eaters and
drinkers. Mulled and spiced wines were drunk in the absence of tea and
coffee, and highly-seasoned dishes were popular. The absence of a variety
of root-crops made it necessary to pickle meat and pepper and spice were
used to a considerable extent. There was a very comfortable and varied diet
among the merchant and governing class but the farmers and common
people lived much on salt pork, beans, fish and boiled foods. As for
clothing—home industry, of course, provided a certain amount but as yet
the loom was not in common use. Between 1665 and 1675 over three
hundred estates were settled in Essex County, Massachusetts, with only
nine looms listed in the inventories. Eighty-three of these homes, however,
possessed spinning wheels—cotton, linen and wool—for every good wife
and child could knit stockings, mittens and tippets. Among those who died
during this ten years were two tailors, five shoemakers, a cloth worker and
eight weavers.[59]
Much clothing was brought from overseas, particularly for the town
dwellers. John Hull, the mintmaster, records in his diary in June, 1657, that
three ships arrived from London bringing supplies of clothing, "for, as yet,"
he writes, "our chief supply, in respect of clothes, is from England." He
owned a number of vessels and his little ketches were constantly on the go
between Boston and the Barbadoes and thence to Bilboa, London or Bristol.
He shipped salted fish, logwood, tobacco, furs and plantation products and
received iron in bars, salt, wines and fruits from Spain, while from England
came dress goods, lead, shot, etc. His serges he wanted "sad coloured,"
none above 42 shillings, nor under 30 shillings. He also instructed one of
his captains to load "dowlass and good nowell convass [which was used for
sails], Dutch duffalls, red penystones and flanils, no such scalet cloth as you
brought me before." He looked askance at calicoes. Another time he called
for duffalls, white, striped or blue, with red and blue stockings, none above
16 shillings and under if possible. He wanted no "kersey" that cost above 46
pence per yard and the black stuff, either of "hair or wosted," must be
cheap.

A cousin once advised him to ship a cargo of pipe-staves, hoops and fish to
the Canaries, but he declined the venture and wrote in reply that he "would
more and more affect and imbrace opportunity of getting out rather than
running into the businesses of this world Speacially forraigne trafficque as
desirous to be more thoghtfull of Lanching into that vast ocian of Eternity
whither we must all shortly bee carried yt soe I might bee in a prepared
posture for my Lord's Comeing."[60]
His sea captains were carefully instructed "to see to the worship of God
every day in the vessel and to the santification of the Lord's day and
suppression of all prophaness that the Lord may delight to be with you and
his blessing be upon you which is the hearty prayer of youre frind and
ownr." The sailors were not all to this way of thinking, however, but
Mintmaster Hull rode with the ruling party which saw to it that the
Quarterly Courts were kept busy measuring out the metes and bounds. In
the journal of the voyage over kept by the Reverend Higginson in 1629, he
records a visitation of avenging Providence; a just retribution inflicted upon
the ungodly. He writes, "this day a notorious wicked fellow yt was given to
swearing and boasting of his former wickednes and mocked at ye daies of
fast, railing & jesting agt puritans, this fellow fell sicke of ye [small] pocks
and dyed."
It is interesting to discover at how early a date it was possible to purchase in
the shops in New England, the manufactured products of Old England. It is
known that George Corwin set up a shop in Salem, for the sale of fabrics
and hardware, as early as 1651, or only twenty-five years after the first
immigration. His shop was well stocked and at the outset he was selling
such luxuries as children's toys. Undoubtedly stocks of manufactured goods
were on sale in the Colony years before this time. In the matter of house
hardware Corwin sold a considerable variety of locks. He carried stock
locks of several sizes, spring locks with screws, single and double chest
locks, warded outside chest locks, outside box locks, plain cupboard locks
and small and large padlocks—by no means a poor assortment for a small
shop tucked into a corner in the American wilderness.
This shop, a few years later, was supplying the town with such articles as
combs, white haft knives, barbers' scissors, flour boxes, carving tools,
carpenter's tools of all kinds, door latches, curry combs and brushes for

horses, and a great variety of earthen and woodenware. Its shelves held
broadcloth, red cloth rash, perpetuana, red cotton, sad colored rugs, green
rugs, green Tammy, blue calico, crape, curley duroy, prunella, silk barronet,
peniston, Persian silk, worsted faradeen, camblet, St. Peter's canvas, hall
cloth, vittery, blue linen, noyles, together with a great variety of hose,
stomachers, ribbons, tape, fileting, silk and gimp laces, needles, pins,
thread, buttons, etc., etc.[61]
The invoice of an importation made into Boston in 1690, contains such
items as brass curtain rings, dressing glasses, square monument
candlesticks, iron spring candlesticks, brass extinguishers and save-alls, tin
lanterns, pocket nutmeg graters, bread graters, wooden rat traps with
springs and a great variety of woodenware. It seems strange that New
England should import from across seas wooden plates and bowls, yet here
they are:
9 doz. best Maple Trenchers @ 30/ per dozen
1 doz. Porridge Dishes at 11/4.
Here also are carved spoons, beer taps, hair sieves, sucking bottles and milk
trays.[62]
From the returns of outward and inward entries at the Colonial ports, the
records of which are now preserved in the Public Record Office in London,
much may be learned concerning early shipping and trade in the
Massachusetts Bay. Let us take, for example, the last six months in the year
1714, covering the outward entries of shipping at the port of Boston. During
that time there were 236 clearances not including, of course, fishermen and
coasting craft. The rig is not stated in the first part of the register but
between Sept. 21st and December 31st there were cleared 49 ships, 18
brigantines, 64 sloops, two barques, one snow, one pink, and a "ship or
snow" of 40 tons. Not a schooner is mentioned. The largest ship measured
210 tons and the smallest was the Grayhound of London, a British-built
vessel of 33 tons, carrying a crew of five men and a cargo of dyewood,
turpentine, whale oil, barrel staves and sugar. With the exception of five
ships hailing from London, every vessel cleared was "plantation built," that
is, it had been built in one of the American colonies. Of the 236 entries, 147
of the vessels hailed from Boston; 18 were owned in London; six in Bristol;
four came from the West Indies; and the rest hailed from New York,

Virginia, Maryland, and other colonies. Most of them were small craft
averaging from thirty to sixty tons burthen.[63]
The Hopewell, of North Carolina, five tons, and a crew of two men, was
loaded with rum and salt.
The Swallow, of Boston, 20 tons, and three men, sailed for Annapolis Royal
with a cargo of tobacco, pitch, molasses, rum, pork, and English goods for
the garrison.
The sloop Success, owned in New York, 20 tons, with four men, sailed for
home carrying four hhds. rum, pewter ware, a cart, chairs, boxes, etc.
The sloop Pelican of Boston, 25 tons, with four men, sailed for Virginia,
loaded with 42 bbls. salt, three hhds. rum, iron pots, etc.
The sloop Sea Flower of Boston, 40 tons, with six men, entered out, the 3d
day of November, carrying bread, butter, beer, onions, and peas for the
logwood cutters in the Bay of Campeachy.
The brigantine William and Susanna, owned in Salem, 40 tons, and eight
men, sailed for Virginia, carrying rum, lime juice, salt, earthen ware, etc.
The sloop Branch of Boston, 50 tons, with six men, sailed for South
Carolina, carrying rum, blubber, onions, etc.
The brigantine Speedwell of Boston, 60 tons, with seven men, cleared for
Surinam, carrying 10 pipes of wine and twenty horses.
The ship Brunswick of Boston, 65 tons, two guns and ten men, sailed for
Barbadoes, carrying 37 hhds. fish, 50 boxes candles, and 15 boxes of soap.
The ship Mary Ann of London, 80 tons, with four guns and ten men, entered
out, bound for Lisbon, carrying 240 quintals of salted fish, "which is the
whole cargo," states the register.
The ship Bedmunster of Bristol, 100 tons, with ten men, returned home with
18½ tons of logwood, 507 bbls. tar, 307 bbls. pitch, 7 bbls. whale oil, and
40½ bbls. cranberries.
The ship Amity of London, 130 tons, six guns and fourteen men, returned
with a cargo of 20 hhds. sugar, 5 bags of cotton, 168 tons, 9 cwt. 1 qr. and
14 lbs. logwood, 10 bbls. pitch, pimento, wines, furs and staves.

The largest ship to clear was the Sophia of Boston, 310 tons, built in New
Hampshire, armed with 18 guns and carrying a crew of twenty men. She
sailed for Barbadoes carrying fish, corn, candles and lumber.
Among the more unusual articles of merchandise enumerated in the cargo
lists are "2 cases of returned pictures," shipped to London; pots and frying
pans, to Maryland; apples, cider, Indian meal, and six sheep, shipped to
Newfoundland; 230 barrels of cider shipped to Philadelphia; and rum, cider,
iron and brass, saddles and bridles, etc. to North Carolina. Bricks, shingles,
iron and woodenware, hops, pickled sturgeon, beeswax, rice, furs, washed
leather, linens and calicoes are mentioned.
The West India trade called for lumber, horses, rum, food, and luxuries; and
supplied sugar and molasses. Salt fish and pickled sturgeon were sent to
Spain, Portugal and the Western Islands—Roman Catholic countries. The
important dyewood trade in the Bay of Campeachy required foodstuffs; and
the coasting trade with the Southern colonies called for manufactured goods
of all sorts and supplied in return tobacco, pitch, turpentine and tar, which
were used in the New England shipyards and also reshipped to England.
The fisheries in Newfoundland called for foodstuffs and London and Bristol
supplied markets for dyewoods, naval stores, furs, whale oil, sugar,
manufactured lumber, and wines brought from Portugal and the Western
Islands.
During the months of April, May and June, in the year 1717, there were
twenty-seven inward entries at the Salem customhouse. All but three were
plantation built. Seventeen were owned in Salem; two hailed from London;
two from Liverpool, and one from Bristol. There were eight ships, four
brigantines, twelve sloops and three schooners. The first of these schooners
to enter was the schooner Fisher, 30 tons, Timothy Orne, master, registered
at the Salem customhouse, Oct. 27, 1715. This is the earliest authentic
record of a schooner I have ever found. Those vessels having the largest
tonnage were the ship Patience and Judith, 100 tons, owned in London,
England, and carrying six guns and a crew of fourteen men, entering from
the Isle of May, with a cargo of 140 tons of salt; and, second, the ship
Friendship, Capt. Samuel Crow, 100 tons, owned in Salem, carrying two
guns and a crew of ten men, also entering from the Isle of May with 90 tons
of salt. Ten out of the twenty-seven entries brought in salt for the Salem
fisheries. Rum and lignumvitae wood came from the West Indies, and

wheat, corn, beans, flour, flax, hides, pork and lard came from Maryland,
Virginia and North Carolina. The ships from English ports brought
European goods.
During the last three months of 1754, eighty-seven vessels cleared outward
at the Salem customhouse and sixty-eight were schooners. The largest
tonnage was the snow Aurora of Salem, 130 tons, built at Newbury that
year, sailing for Liverpool with a cargo of 15,000 staves and 40 tons of pine
timber. Of the ten European clearances, seven were for Bilboa, with salted
fish; thirty-three cleared for ports in the West Indies; forty for southern
colonies; and two for Newfoundland. The principal cargoes were salted
fish, manufactured lumber, rum, sugar, molasses, salt, horses, sheep, and
salted meats. Nearly all clearing for Maryland, Virginia and the Carolinas
carried cargoes of wooden, earthen and iron wares, probably manufactured
in Salem or its immediate vicinity. Twenty-six thousand bricks were
shipped to the West Indies and 20 bales of hay to South Carolina. The two
schooners clearing for Halifax were loaded with "dead meat," probably
intended for the garrison.
During the first three months of the year 1762, fifty-three vessels cleared
from Salem, bound for foreign ports and the southern colonies; thirty-four
were schooners. The largest vessel was the ship Antelope, 150 tons, a prize,
registered at Salem in 1761 and owned by Richard Derby. She cleared for
Guadaloupe with lumber, fish, train oil, and Fyall wines. There were
nineteen clearances for Guadaloupe during those three winter months.
Listed with the staples were the following curious items, viz.: 7½ tons prize
soap, illegally imported, shipped to Guadaloupe; and 12,000 feet of oars,
shipped to St. Christophers. There is a surprising diversity of ownership
among these fifty-three vessels. No large shipowner had a considerable
interest. Richard Derby of Salem owned three vessels; Robert Hooper of
Marblehead, two; Jeremiah Lee of Marblehead, two; Nathaniel Ellery of
Gloucester, owned two and the rest were owned by men who cleared only
one vessel.
The ships, that plied between English and American ports, at more or less
regular intervals during the eighteenth century, not only brought an
exchange of merchandise, but also carried passengers. Officials connected
with the government—the customs service and the military establishment,
with a sprinkling of clergymen and scholars, were crossing on nearly every

ship and the New England merchant sailing to London to buy a new stock
of goods for his shop and the Englishman who came to the colonies
bringing adventures of goods in great variety, all helped to maintain the
service. In the year 1737, the Boston newspapers mention by name eighteen
persons who had arrived by ship or were about departing. On January 31st,
John Banister, late in business with his uncle Samuel Banister, at
Marblehead, advertised in the Gazette that he designed speedily to embark
for Great Britain and requested a settlement of all accounts. John Jeykill,
the collector of the Port of Boston, arrived from London, April 18th, in
Captain Shepardson; early in May, Thomas Phillips of Boston, merchant,
advertised that he would sell his household furniture by vendue, as he
intended speedily for London, and a week later Major Martin and family
arrived from Antequa, in the West Indies. He proposed to reside in Boston
for a few years. Toward the last of the month, the Lieutenant-Governor of
New Hampshire sailed from Portsmouth, bound for England, and about the
middle of June, the Rev. Doctor McSparrow and lady arrived in Boston. As
late in the year as December 20th, Edmund Quincy, Esq., the agent of the
Province at the Court of Great Britain, was sailing for London, in Captain
Homans, with several other unnamed gentlemen.
Very little is known at the present time concerning the intimate details of
life on board ship in the early times and especially as to the
accommodations provided for passengers. On the vessels that brought over
emigrants in any number, the living conditions must have been well-nigh
intolerable because of crowding many people into limited space and also by
reason of a meagre equipment and lack of necessary conveniences. During
the period of the German emigration and that from northern Ireland in the
mid-eighteenth century, there was frequently a high mortality during the
voyage and sometimes, when it was of unusual length, the supply of food
and water ran short and there was terrible suffering. Doubtless some attempt
was made to separate the sexes and the families but from time to time cases
are found in the court records in which depositions or testimony clearly
show that living conditions on board ship in the early days were decidedly
of a miscellaneous character.
It isn't necessary to delve into the very remote past in order to discover
casual social relations between the sexes on board ship. In 1888, I went the
length of Cape Breton and while sailing up the Bras d'Or lakes on the

steamer that plied regularly during the summer, I came on deck early one
morning to see the sun rise and then began an exploration of the boat. On
the lower deck I suddenly came upon some twenty or more barefooted and
half-clothed men and women lying in a long row, side by side, stretched out
on mattresses placed on the deck. They were probably waitresses, cooks,
stewards, and the like, but may have been second-class passengers.
However that may be, they were unconscious of the presence of any passer-
by and slept quietly together like so many puppies.
In the olden time it is known that in the more regular passenger service the
main cabin was parted off at night by means of curtains. Small cabins or
staterooms were also built and especially on the larger ships. It is
impossible to imagine that it could be otherwise, when the official station or
wealth of the passenger is considered.
The captain's cabin had its steward and there the food and service were
undoubtedly better than that provided forward where all slept in canvas
hammocks slung from hooks in the deck timbers overhead, or lay upon
pallet beds on the deck. Here they served themselves from the ship's galley.
The foul odors below deck and the unsanitary conditions are part of the lore
of the sea. "Ship feaver" was well known to all physicians practicing in
seaport towns. In those days the cooking was done in an open fireplace. So,
too, on shipboard there was provided an open "hearth" made of cast iron
and weighing from four to eight hundred pounds. This was fastened to the
deck and its "chimney" was screened by a "smoke sail." A smaller "hearth"
was in the captain's cabin and supplied all the heat below. It must have been
bitterly cold on board ship during a winter crossing. The coals in these
"hearths" were a menace to safety and required constant attention.
A communication printed in the Boston News-Letter describes an escape
from fire on board one of these English packets. The writer, a good New
England puritan, first declares his suspicion that a certain military
gentleman, a fellow passenger from Boston, had brought on board a fair
lady who was not his wife. The couple occupied a small cabin, partitioned
off from the main cabin, which had a curtained window looking into it.
There were other curtains about. As the Boston shopkeeper sat near the
"hearth," musing over his suspicions, a sudden lurch of the vessel brought a
carelessly placed curtain swinging into the coals on the "hearth" and in an
instant it was aflame. The shopkeeper shouted "Fire! Fire!" which brought

the major's inamorata to her cabin window and an instant later she rushed
into the main cabin with a certain necessary receptacle in her hands. One
splash and the worst was over. The charred curtain was soon torn from its
fastenings and the fire stamped out on the cabin floor.
In 1760, Jacob Bailey, a native of Rowley, Mass., and a graduate of Harvard
College, having prepared for the ministry and been licensed to preach,
determined to obtain orders in the Church of England and so, through the
intervention of friends, took passage from Boston for London in the ship
Hind, carrying twenty guns, which sailed in company with six other vessels.
Mr. Bailey kept a diary of the voyage and his description of the
accommodations which the ship supplied, the life on board, and the men
with whom he was brought in contact, is a surprisingly vivid picture of
strange and uncouth conditions attending passenger service to England in
the mid-eighteenth century. The ship lay at anchor in the harbor and Mr.
Bailey went out to her in a small boat.
"The wind was blowing strong, and it was some time before we could get
on board ship. At length, with difficulty, I clambered up the side and found
myself in the midst of a most horrid confusion. The deck was crowded full
of men, and the boatswain's shrill whistle, with the swearing and hallooing
of the petty officers, almost stunned my ears. I could find no retreat from
this dismal hubbub, but was obliged to continue jostling among the crowd
above an hour before I could find anybody at leisure to direct me. At last,
Mr. Letterman, the Captain's steward, an honest Prussian, perceiving my
disorder, introduced me through the steerage to the lieutenant. I found him
sitting in the great cabin. He appeared to be a young man, scarce twenty
years of age, and had in his countenance some indications of mildness.
Upon my entrance he assumed a most important look and with a big voice
demanded to know my request. I informed him that I was a passenger on
board the Hind, by permission of Capt. Bond, and desired that he would be
civil enough to direct me to the place of my destination. He replied in this
laconic style: 'Sir, I will take care to speak to one of my mates.' This was all
the notice, at present. But happily, on my return from the cabin, I found my
chest and bedding carefully stowed away in the steerage. In the meantime
the ship was unmoored and we fell gently down to Nantasket....
"I observed a young gentleman walking at a distance, with a pensive air in
his countenance. Coming near him, in a courteous manner he invited me

down between decks to a place he called his berth. I thanked him for his
kindness and readily followed him down a ladder into a dark and dismal
region, where the fumes of pitch, bilge water, and other kinds of nastiness
almost suffocated me in a minute. We had not proceeded far before we
entered a small apartment, hung round with damp and greasy canvas, which
made, on every hand, a most gloomy and frightful appearance. In the
middle stood a table of pine, varnished over with nasty slime, furnished
with a bottle of rum and an old tin mug with a hundred and fifty bruises and
several holes, through which the liquor poured in as many streams. This
was quickly filled with toddy and as speedily emptied by two or three
companions who presently joined us in this doleful retreat. Not all the
scenes of horror about us could afford me much dismay till I received the
news that this detestable apartment was allotted by the captain to be the
place of my habitation during the voyage!
"Our company continually increased, when the most shocking oaths and
curses resounded from every corner, some loading their neighbors with
bitter execrations, while others uttered imprecations too awful to be
recorded. The persons present were: first, the captain's clerk, the young
fellow who gave me the invitation. I found him a person of considerable
reading and observation who had fled his native country on account of a
young lady to whom he was engaged. Second, was one John Tuzz, a
midshipman and one of my messmates, a good-natured, honest fellow, apt
to blunder in his conversation and given to extravagant profaneness. Third,
one Butler, a minister's son, who lived near Worcester, in England. He was a
descendant from Butler, the author of Hudibras, and appeared to be a man
of fine sense and considerable breeding, yet, upon occasion, was extremely
profane and immodest, yet nobody seemed a greater admirer of delicacy in
women than himself. My fourth companion was one Spear, one of the
mates, a most obliging ingenious young gentleman, who was most tender of
me in my cruel sickness. Fifth: one of our company this evening was the
carpenter of the ship who looked like a country farmer, drank excessively,
swore roundly, and talked extravagantly. Sixth: was one Shephard, an Irish
midshipman, the greatest champion of profaneness that ever fell under my
notice. I scarce ever knew him to open his mouth without roaring out a
tumultuous volley of stormy oaths and imprecations. After we had passed
away an hour or two together, Mr. Lisle, the lieutenant of marines, joined
our company. He was about fifty years of age, of gigantic stature, and

quickly distinguished himself by the quantities of liquor he poured down his
throat. He also was very profane.
"About nine o'clock the company began to think of supper, when a boy was
called into the room. Nothing in human shape did I ever see before so
loathsome and nasty. He had on his body a fragment only of a check shirt,
his bosom was all naked and greasy, over his shoulders hung a bundle of
woolen rags which reached in strings almost down to his feet, and the
whole composition was curiously adorned with little shining animals. The
boy no sooner made his appearance than one of our society accosted him in
this gentle language. 'Go you —— rascal, and see whether lobscouse is
ready.' Upon this the fellow began to mutter and scratch his head, but after
two or three hearty curses, went for the galley and presently returned with
an elegant dish which he placed on the table. It was a composition of beef
and onions, bread and potatoes, minced and stewed together, then served up
with its broth in a wooden tub, the half of a quarter cask. The table was
furnished with two pewter plates, the half of one was melted away, and the
other, full of holes, was more weather-beaten than the sides of the ship; one
knife with a bone handle, one fork with a broken tine, half a metal spoon
and another, taken at Quebec, with part of the bowl cut off. When supper
was ended, the company continued their exercise of drinking, swearing and
carousing, till half an hour after two, when some of these obliging
gentlemen made a motion for my taking some repose. Accordingly, a row of
greasy canvas bags, hanging overhead by the beams, were unlashed. Into
one of them it was proposed that I should get, in order to sleep, but it was
with the utmost difficulty I prevented myself from falling over on the other
side....
"The next day, towards evening, several passengers came on board, viz: Mr.
Barons, late Collector, Major Grant, Mr. Barons' footman, and Mrs.
Cruthers, the purser's wife, a native of New England. After some
considerable dispute, I had my lodgings fixed in Mr. Pearson's berth, where
Master Robant, Mr. Baron's man, and I, agreed to lie together in one large
hammock."[64]
Such were the accommodations of the petty officers' mess on board a
twenty-gun ship of 1760 in the New England service.

In October, 1774, Miss Janet Schaw set sail from the Firth of Forth,
Scotland, in the brig Jamaica Packet, of eighty tons burden, built in
Massachusetts two years before. With her sailed a girl friend, two young
nephews, her brother and her maid. They arrived on board in the evening
and turned in at once. In Miss Schaw's journal of the voyage, now in the
British Museum, we read:
"Our Bed chamber, which is dignified with the title of state room, [there
were only two staterooms: the captain occupied the other] is about five foot
wide and six long; on one side is a bed fitted up for Fanny and on the
opposite side one for me. Poor Fanny's is so very narrow, that she is forced
to be tied on, or as the Sea term is lashed in, to prevent her falling over. On
the floor below us lies our Abigail. As she has the breadth of both our Beds
and excellent Bedding, I think she has got a most envyable Berth, but this is
far from her opinion, and she has done nothing but grumble about her
accommodations." The two had been asleep about an hour when her brother
came to the stateroom and let down "the half door" to enquire after their
healths. His "Cott" swung from the ceiling of the cabin of the brig and the
two boys slept on a mattress on the deck beneath the hammock. The
hencoop was located on deck just over his head and in the morning the
rooster and hens kept up such a pecking that it was impossible for him to
sleep. The brig was making a northerly course in a heavy sea and Fanny and
the maid were both seasick and lying flat on their backs in their five by six
foot cubicle, dimensions probably somewhat underestimated by Miss
Schaw, although later she records that "we sit in bed till we dress, and get
into it whenever we begin to undress."
In the cabin, in which Schaw hung his "cott," was a small cast-iron stove
and here, too, was the case containing the Captain's gin, which he
frequently opened and the odor of which set their stomachs topsy-turvy and
sent poor Fanny to her bed, and Schaw flying on deck for fresh air. This
cabin was furnished with joint stools, chests, table, and even an elbow chair
which Miss Schaw had lashed to a mooring near the fireside.
A few days after sailing the brig ran into a storm and the water finding its
way into the cabin almost reached the beds in the stateroom—(which was
located beside the companion stair)—forcing the maid to "peg in with the
boys who could easily let her share with them." The gale also washed away
most of their private store of provisions so they were forced to depend upon

the ship's stores which consisted mainly of neck-beef, several barrels of
New England pork, then on its third voyage across the Atlantic, oatmeal,
stinking herrings and excellent potatoes. Lobscouse was a favorite dish
made from salt beef that had been hung by a string over the side of the ship
till tolerably fresh and then cut up in little pieces and stewed for some time
with potatoes, onions and peppers. They also varied their diet by "chowder,
scratch-platter and stir-about."[65]
Just forward of the cabin was the steerage filled with immigrants of all
ages. Their beds were made up on the deck where they lay alongside of
each other and in this low-studded space they existed when the hatches
were battened down in stormy weather. "They have only for a grown person
per week, one pound neck beef, or spoilt pork, two pounds oat meal, with a
small quantity of bisket, not only mouldy, but absolutely crumbled down
with damp, wet and rottenness. The half is only allowed a child, so that if
they had not potatoes, it is impossible they could live out the voyage. They
have no drink, but a very small proportion of brakish bad water."
It is quite plain that eighteenth-century trans-Atlantic voyaging was full of
discomfort to the average traveler, and to the unfortunate in the steerage a
fearful adventure.

CHAPTER XII
From Wampum To Paper Money

The early settlers of New England had little coinage for circulation and
were driven to the necessity of using the produce of the soil and the live
stock from their pastures as their media of exchange. Peltry also was one of
the first and for many years the principal article of currency. It was offered
in great abundance by the Indians who were very ready to barter it for
beads, knives, hatchets and blankets and especially for powder, shot, guns
and "strong water."
In most of the Colonies the wampum of the Indians also was extensively
used and frequently was paid into the treasury in payment of taxes. So, also,
were cattle and corn as is shown by numerous enactments of the Great and
General Court of the Massachusetts Bay. Musket balls were also current
and were made legal tender by order of the Court which decreed "that
musket bullets of a full bore shall pass current for a farthing a piece
provided that no man be compelled to take more than 12 pence at a time of
them." In Virginia, tobacco was used for currency and "from 100 to 150
pounds of it bought many a man a good wife."
The Indian wampum was perhaps the most convenient currency available. It
is described by Roger Williams who, perhaps, had a better knowledge of it
than most of the early colonists. He says: "It is of two kinds which the
Indians make of the stem or the stock of the periwinkle after all the shell is
broken off. [The periwinkle is a mollusc, more common south of Cape Cod
than along the shores of Massachusetts Bay.] Of this kind, six of the small
beads, which they make with holes to string upon their bracelet, are current
with the English for a penny. The other kind is black, inclined to a blue
shade, which is made of the shell of a fish [that is, a mollusc] which some
of the English call henspoquahoc [now known as the hen-clam or quahaug]
and of this description three are equal to an English penny. One fathom of
this stringed money is worth five shillings."

To show the intimate relation of this Indian money to our early history, it
appears that even Harvard College accepted it for tuition fees and
otherwise; for in 1641 a trading company, chartered to deal with the Indians
in furs and wampum, was required to relieve the College of its super-
abundance of this odd currency and redeem it, "provided they were not
obliged to take more than £25 of it at any one time." The thrifty Dutch at
New Amsterdam, however, took advantage of the scarcity of legitimate
currency and the corresponding demand for wampum and established
factories where they made it in such vast quantities that the market was
broken and the value of wampum rapidly decreased.
The great source of metallic currency for New England in those earliest
days was the West India Islands and much silver brought from there was
later coined into "pine tree" shillings and sixpences. Governor Winthrop, in
1639, tells of a "small bark from the West Indies, one Capt. Jackson in her,
with a commission from the Westminister Company to take prizes from the
Spanish. He brought much wealth in money, plate, indigo and sugar." But
metallic money became so scarce that by 1640 there was but little in the
colonies and the greatest difficulty existed in making payments for goods or
the wages of servants. In one instance, in Rowley, "the master was forced to
sell a pair of his oxen to pay his servant's wages and so told the servant he
could keep him no longer, not knowing how to pay him the next year. The
servant answered him that he would [continue to] serve him for more of his
cattle. But how shall I do, said the master, when all my cattle are gone? The
servant replied, why, then you shall serve me and you shall then have your
cattle again."
Various attempts were made to establish values to certain coins, more or
less ficticious, but this failed to relieve the situation and finally, to obtain a
more stable basis the Massachusetts General Court adopted a currency of its
own and the "pine tree" money appeared, shortly preceded by the more rude
and more easily counterfeited New England shillings and sixpences, that
bore on one side the letters "N. E." within a small circle and on the other
side the denomination in Roman numerals. These primitive coins were
made between 1650 and 1652 and were superseded by the true oak and pine
tree pieces after that date. The simple irregular form of the "N. E." coins
rendered them an easy prey to the counterfeiter and the clipper, and the
design of the newer coins, covering the whole surface of the planchet, was a

protection against both dangers. The "N. E." shilling is now a rare coin and
likewise the sixpence, while the threepence is rarer still, but two or three
genuine examples being known to exist.
There are two distinct forms of the so-called "pine tree" currency, the one
bearing on the obverse a representation of a tree resembling an oak, or as
some say, a willow; the other with the true pine-tree. It is thought that the
ruder pieces bearing the oak tree design were the first coined and that the
more perfect pine tree money was issued later. At any rate both "oak" and
"pine tree" pieces, shillings, sixpences and threepences, all bear the same
date, 1652. But this money was issued continuously until 1686 without a
change of the date, it is said, to avoid interference from the English
government, the coining of money by the colonists being a distinct violation
of the royal prerogative. By the retention of the original date it was thought
to deceive the authorities at home into the belief that the violation of the
laws ceased as it began, in 1652. In 1652, however, a two-penny piece was
minted bearing the oak tree design and hence it is natural to suppose that
the pieces bearing the true pine tree design were the last coined and not
issued until after 1662.
One of the traditions connected with the pine or oak tree money is the story
that Sir Thomas Temple, who was a real friend of the colonists, in 1662,
showed some of the pieces to the King at the council table in London, when
King Charles demanded upon what authority these colonists had coined
money anyway and sought to have orders sent to prohibit any further issues.
"But," responded Sir Thomas, "this tree is the oak which saved your
majesty's life and which your loyal subjects would perpetuate." Sir Thomas
of course referred to the episode of Boscobel in which Charles II escaped
his enemies by hiding in the branches of an oak. This it is said so pleased
the King that he dropped the subject and the coining of "pine tree" money
proceeded merrily, as before, for twenty-five years longer.
The master of the mint was John Hull who lived in Boston where
Pemberton Square now opens from Tremont Street and where later was the
famous garden and residence of Gardner Green, Esq. The mint house,
sixteen feet square and ten feet high, was built on land belonging to Hull in
the rear of his house. Robert Sanderson, a friend of Hull, was associated
with him in making the "pine tree" money. It is not known how they divided
their profit, but they received one shilling sixpence for each twenty shillings

coined, and as it is estimated that "pine tree" money to the amount of five
millions of dollars in value was made during the thirty-four years it was
issued, the commissions received must have been very large and the
statement that the dowry, said to have been £30,000, given to Hull's
daughter at her marriage, appears reasonable. That the girl, plump as she is
reported to have been, actually weighed down the dowry in shillings, is, of
course, absurd as that amount in silver would weigh over 6,000 pounds
rating a silver £ as weighing 4 oz. at that time.
Hawthorne's description of what is said to have taken place on that occasion
is too vivid a picture to be overlooked. He relates that Captain John Hull
was appointed to manufacture the pine tree money and had about one
shilling out of every twenty to pay him for the trouble of making them.
Hereupon all the old silver in the colony was handed over to Captain John
Hull. The battered silver cans and tankards, I suppose, and silver buckles
and broken spoons, and silver hilts of swords that figured at court—all such
articles were doubtless thrown into the melting pot together.
The magistrates soon began to suspect that the mint-master would have the
best of the bargain and they offered him a large sum of money if he would
but give up that twentieth shilling which he was continually dropping into
his own pocket. But Captain Hull declared himself perfectly satisfied with
the shilling. And well he might be, for so diligently did he labor that in a
few years, his pockets, his money bags, and his strong box were
overflowing with pine tree shillings.
Then Samuel Sewall, afterwards the famous Judge Sewall of the days of
witchcraft fame, came a courting to Hull's daughter. Betsy was a fine and
hearty damsel and having always fed heartily on pumpkin pies, doughnuts,
Indian puddings and other Puritan dainties, she was as round and plump as
a pudding herself.
"Yes, you may take her," said Captain Hull, to her lover, young Sewall,
"and you'll find her a heavy burden enough." Hawthorne describes the
wedding and the costumes of the contracting parties and their friends, and
Captain Hull he "supposes," rather improbably one would think, however,
"dressed in a plum colored coat all the buttons of which were made of pine
tree shillings. The buttons of his waistcoat were of sixpences and the knees
of his small clothes were buttoned with silver three-pences ... and as to

Betsy herself, she was blushing with all her might, and looked like a full-
blown peony or a great red apple."
When the marriage ceremony was over, at a whispered word from Captain
Hull, a large pair of scales was lugged into the room, such as wholesale
merchants use for weighing bulky commodities, and quite a bulky
commodity was now to be weighed in them. "Daughter Betsy," said the
mint-master, "get into one side of these scales." Miss Betsy—or Mrs.
Sewall as we must now call her—did as she was bid and again the servants
tugged, this time bringing in a huge iron-bound oaken chest which being
opened proved to be full to the brim with bright pine tree shillings fresh
from the mint. At Captain Hull's command the servants heaped double
handfuls of shillings into one side of the scales, while Betsy remained in the
other. Jingle, jingle, went the shillings as handful after handful was thrown
in, till, plump and ponderous as she was, they fairly weighed the young lady
from the floor. "There, son Sewall," cried the honest mint-master, resuming
his seat, "take these shillings for my daughter's portion. Use her kindly and
thank Heaven for her. It's not every wife that's worth her weight in silver."
However interesting the story may be of the plump girl sitting in one pan of
the scales as shillings were thrown into the other, as depicted in
Hawthorne's version of the affair, we must be permitted to consider that
time has cast a halo around the mint-master's daughter and increased both
her avoirdupois and her dowry.
Massachusetts was the only New England colony to coin silver but close
upon the date of the issue of the first "pine tree" money came the Maryland
shilling, sixpence, groat and penny, the last in copper. These bear no date
but appeared about 1659, the dies having been made in England.
Numerous coins were later made in the colonies, either intended for regular
circulation or as tokens privately issued, among which are the Granby
coppers—rude half-pennies—made in 1737 by one John Higley, the
blacksmith, at Granby, Conn. They were made of soft copper which was
dug at Granby and are never found in very good condition.
The word dollar is the English form of the German word thaler, and the
origin of the thaler is as follows: In the year 1519, Count Schlick of
Bohemia issued silver coins weighing one ounce each and worth 113 cents.
They were coined at Joachimsthal, that is, James's Valley or dale, hence

they became known as "Joachimsthalers," soon shortened to thalers.
Through trade with the Dutch these coins came into England in the
sixteenth century and are referred to sometimes as "dalers."
But the dollar came to the American continent not through the Dutch or
English but through the Spanish. This was due to the extent of the Spanish
Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and also to the great
quantities of silver which Spain drew from her mines in Mexico and South
America. The Spanish coin was, strictly speaking, a peso, better known as a
piece of eight, because it was equal to eight reals (royals). As it was of the
same value, the name dollar was given to the piece of eight about the year
1690.
The most famous Spanish dollar was known as the pillar dollar, because it
had on one side two pillars, representing the pillars of Hercules, the
classical name for the Straits of Gibralter, and this Spanish dollar was
common in America at the time of the War of Independence.
In 1690 the treasury of the colony was so nearly exhausted that the Great
and General Court decided to issue promises to pay, the first paper money
minted by any Colony. The values were ten shillings, one pound and five
pounds. The occasion for this issue was primarily the expenses of Governor
Phips's expedition against Quebec, which was thriftily expected to more
than pay costs. The French and Indians, however, were too strong for Sir
William, and the colonial treasury was faced with costs to the amount of
£50,000, instead of the anticipated loot. These "Colony" or "Charter bills"
obtained a wide circulation and were called in annually and redeemed and
reissued as need arose, but after a few years, confidence in them decreased
and before long they passed at a discount as great as 30 per cent.
In 1722, Massachusetts tried to relieve the scarcity of small change by
issuing five hundred pounds worth of tokens of the value of one, two and
three pence. They were printed on parchment to make them more durable
but apparently were not a success as there were no more printed.
As the years went by, monetary conditions became more and more unstable,
and in 1740 an attempt was made to establish a bank in the hope of placing
the currency on a firmer basis. The fight lay between a silver bank with
bullion behind its notes and a land bank issuing notes guaranteed by
mortgages and manufactured articles. These notes were to come due in

twenty years and at that time the holders instead of receiving coin might be
forced to take their pay in cast iron, bayberry wax, leather, cordwood, or
other articles of trade that might be difficult to dispose of. One of these
notes preserved in the cabinets of the Massachusetts Historical Society has
written on its back, in old-time handwriting, "A Land Bank bill reserved as
a specimen of ye mad humour among many of ye people of ye Province,
1740."
Money matters now went from bad to worse. The value of silver was called
tenor. In 1740 silver was worth six shillings, eight pence per ounce and in
1746 seven shillings, sixpence, and the buying value of bills varied from
year to year.
"Imagine having to keep in mind the relative values of bills of old tenor,
with silver at 6/8, or middle tenor; or new tenor firsts at 6/8, but passing
current at 7/8; or new tenor seconds, all of which were laboring under
fluctuating but constantly increasing rates of depreciation, while there were
also to be remembered Connecticut bills of new tenor at 8/. and Rhode
Island bills at 6/9 an ounce, and also £110,000 worth of private bills of the
issue of 1733, which were worth a third more than the Colony bills, and
also £120,000 in notes issued in 1740, "on a silver basis," to stifle the land
bank and equivalent to cash, and in addition "public bills of the four
promises at 29/. an ounce," whatever that means, and you will not wonder
that there was confusion worse confounded."[66]
In 1749 Parliament voted to reimburse Massachusetts to the amount of
nearly one million dollars, for expenses incurred in the expedition against
Louisburg and this money was used to redeem outstanding paper bills at the
rate of ten in paper to one in cash. The next year old tenor ceased to be
lawful money amid general rejoicing and much doggerel verse.
"Now old tenor fare you well,
No man such tattered bills will tell,
Now dollars pass and are made free,
It is the year of jubilee."

CHAPTER XIII
Herb Tea and the Doctor

At a meeting of the Massachusetts Bay Company held in London on March
5, 1628-29, it was proposed that the Company "Intertayne a surgeon for the
plantation" and one Abraham Pratt was sent over soon after. He lived in
Roxbury, Charlestown and Cambridge. While returning to England with his
wife in the fall of 1644, their ship was wrecked on the coast of Spain and
both were drowned. At the same meeting the Company selected a barber-
surgeon, Robert Morley, to go to New England and practice his calling on
"aney of the Company that are planters or there servants." In those days a
barber-surgeon employed himself in pulling teeth, bleeding and cupping.
Earlier than this, however, Doctor Samuel Fuller had come over in the
Mayflower and was of the greatest service to the sickly foundation at
Plymouth. When John Endecott's wife lay dying at Naumkeak (Salem), in
1629, Doctor Fuller was hastily sent for, and the next year he was called to
Matapan (Dorchester) where he "let some twenty of these people blood:
[and] had conference with them till I was weary."[67] A month later he was at
Charlestown writing "I here but lose time and long to be at home, I can do
them no good, for I want drugs, and things fitting to work with." Three
years later he was dead of an infectious fever.
A large portion of the physicians in the early days of the Colony were
Puritan ministers who had studied medicine in England in anticipation of
removal to New England, as a hasty preparation for such necessities as
might arise. Each practised in his own flock and Cotton Mather in his
Magnalia (Book III, Chap. 26), speaks of this union of the two professions
as an "Angelical Conjunction." When Rev. Michael Wigglesworth died in
1705, his weeping parishioners in the town of Malden, erected a stone to
mark his grave and on it may still be read the words
"Here lies intered in silent grave below
Maulden's physician for soul and body two."

In colonial times there was little regulation of medical practice, although an
ineffective law was passed in 1649. Any one might come into a town and
announce himself as a physician and if able to cure patients of their
maladies, his success was assured. Several unfortunate failures, however,
would seriously effect his standing. As a natural result quacks appeared and
disappeared in all the larger towns.
In the seventeenth century, and later, there were two classes of medical
practitioners of which one prescribed vegetable substances only, together
with a free use of the lancet, and followed the teachings of Galen, the Greek
physician. The other school followed the doctrines of Paracelsus and
prescribed for the most part mineral preparations, and oftentimes were
styled "chemists." Of course there was bitter rivalry between the two
schools, each maintaining so far as possible, a superstitious mystery
concerning their profession. There were few regular graduates from any
recognized medical school. Until after the Revolution most practitioners
gained their scanty store of medical knowledge by studying with some
family physician and in the homely school of experience. Dr. William
Douglas, a young Scotchman, began to practice in Boston in 1716. In 1721
he wrote "we abound with Practitioners, though no other graduate than
myself. We have fourteen Apothecary shops in Boston. All our Practitioners
dispense their own medicines.... In general the physical practise in our
colonies is so perniciously bad that excepting in surgery and in some very
acute cases, it is better to let nature under a proper regimen take her course
than to trust to the honesty and sagacity of the practitioner. Our American
practitioners are so rash and officious that the saying in Ecclesiasticus may
with much propriety be applied to them, 'He that sinneth before his Maker
let him fall into the hands of the physician.'"[68]
Governor John Winthrop was versed in medicine and his son, John, Jr., and
his grandson Wait Winthrop, both were proficient in the profession. With
Winthrop came Richard Palgrave and William Gager, both physicians, and
two years later arrived Giles Firman, Jr., whose father was "a godly man, an
apothecary of Sudbury in England." Giles, Jr., studied at the University of
Cambridge and later settled at Ipswich, Mass., where he practiced medicine,
but found it "a meene helpe" and later studied theology and eventually was
ordained rector of Shalford, co. Essex, England.

Toward the end of the century there were two physicians practicing in
Boston, Dr. Thomas Oakes and Dr. Benjamin Bullivant, of whom Dunton,
the London bookseller gossiped in his "Letters Written from New England."
[69]

Of Oakes he wrote that—
"His wise and safe Prescriptions have expell'd more Diseases and rescu'd
Languishing Patients from the Jaws of Death, than Mountebanks and
Quack-Salvers have sent to those dark Regions."
Concerning Dr. Bullivant he commented that—
"His Skill in Pharmacy was such, as rendered him the most compleat
Pharmacopean, not only in all Boston, but in all New England ... to the Poor
he always prescribes cheap, but wholesome Medicines, not curing them of a
Consumption in their Bodies, and sending it into their Purses; nor yet
directing them to the East Indies to look for Drugs, when they may have far
better out of their Gardens."
Doctor John Clarke, said to have been a younger son of a good family in the
north of England, with a collegiate education, and late of London, was
granted a four-hundred acre farm in the town of Newbury, in January, 1638,
and September 28th, following, the town also granted that
"Mr. Clarke in respect of his calling should be freed and exempted from all
public rates either for the country or the towne so long as he shall remayne
with us and exercise his calling among us."
He exercised his calling in Newbury until 1647, when he removed to
Ipswich and two or three years later settled in Boston where he died in
1664. Soon after removing to Boston he invented a stove "for the saving of
firewood & warming of howses," which the Great and General Court
confirmed for a term of three years. Nothing further is known of this
invention and the fireplace persisted until recent times.
When Doctor Clark removed from Newbury he was followed by Dr.
William Snelling who seems to have been a merry fellow in times of
drinking healths. On an occasion during the winter of 1651 he drank to his
friends in the following toast,—
"I'll pledge my friends,

And for my foes,
A plague for their heels
And a pox for their toes,"
which e'er long led to sorrowful acknowledgment of his weakness before
the Quarterly Court at Salem, and a fine of ten shillings for cursing. This
doubtless helped sustain the dignity of the Court and strengthened virtue
among the good men of the town of Newbury at times when ribald mirth
prevailed.
Dr. John Perkins who practised in Boston during the first half of the
eighteenth century, is said to have gone to London for two year's study but
his medical notebooks show that in his Boston practise he prescribed for
scrofula, syrup made of sow bugs drowned in white wine. Castile soap
boiled in strong beer he used as a remedy for a "heavy load at the Stomac."
For numb palsy he prescribed "a bath of absinthe in urina hominis, used
hot," and his cure for a nervous weakness of the eyes was "shaving the
head." He noted that "Widow Alcock [died] of a hot bread supper. Jus.
Billings did so of eating Brown Bread for breakfast, a Thing he never used
before," and Reverend McGee's wife died by eating a supper of roast
chickens at 13 days after childbirth and drinking strong beer flip on it.
"Wonderful that in learned and elevated situations among ye great, should
be such ignorance."
"Samuel Bent, Goldsmith, tender constitution and lax nerves, upon a
change of a linnen for a woolen cap to sleep in was affected with a running
of Bloody Water from ye nose, which staunched when he wore linnen.
"Nathaniel Parkman's Daughter, scrophulously affected, had a blow on the
Head, on which the scrophula immediately left her and Chorea St. Viti
succeeded and followed her every Spring till she turned consumptive and
died."[70]
Doctor Perkins was quite modern in some of his theories. He entered in his
notebook—
"Exercise is good [for pains in the stomach] in young girls and others that
use a sedentary life. So Sarah Bergers was cured by learning country
dances.

"Wheat, ye Shoemaker, was cured [of hemorrhoids] by taking to ye
portering with a wheelbarrow."
Doctor Ball of Northboro had a medicine called, "Receipt for the Scratches.
One Quart fishworms, washed clean; one pound hog's lard stewed together,
filtered through a strainer and add one-half pint oil of turpentine; one-half
pint good brandy. Simmer it well and it is fit for use."[71]
Obstetrics at that period was also a jolly pastime, as the doctor and his
volunteer assistants were regaled by a special brew known as "groaning
beer" and by freshly baked "groaning cakes."
In Salem lived Zerobabel Endecott, son of Governor John Endecott, who
practiced the healing art and who left behind him a remarkable collection of
medical recipes from which we include selections illustrating the practice of
the physician in colonial days. His brother John, afterwards Governor of
Connecticut, also seems to have had some medical training as appears from
a bill preserved in the Massachusetts Archives, where under date of 1668,
he charged five shillings for "a Vomit and atendans" on one John Clark,
"weak and sike by reason of a scurvy and a dropsy." Doctor Zerobabel died
in 1684 and bequeathed to his son John, who also was a physician and who
died in England, "al my Instruments and books both of phisicke and
chirurgery." The inventory of the estate shows "a case of lances, 2 Rasors, a
box of Instruments, 10 bookes in folio, 16 in quarto, a saw with six
Instruments for a chirurgion and a chest of bookes & writings."
Other Salem physicians were George Emery who settled in the town in
1636 and sat on the gallows with a rope around his neck, in 1668, for an
unnatural crime; Rev. John Fiske, a graduate of Cambridge, who had
studied divinity and also physic, and came to Salem in 1637; and Daniel
Weld, who was chief surgeon during the Narraganset campaign in King
Philip's War; Col. Batholomew Gedney, who left at his death drugs and
instruments inventoried at £60; Dr. John Barton, who died of yellow fever;
Dr. John Swinnerton, made famous by Hawthorne's romance, and others
followed.
William Salmon, in his "Compendium of Physick," published in London in
1671, estimates the necessary qualifications of the seventeenth-century
physician as follows: "He that would be an accomplished physician, ought
to be furnished with three things, 1. honesty and a good conscience; 2. a

substantial, real, and well-grounded understanding through the whole Art of
Medicine; 3. with all such Instruments and Necessaries which are ordinarily
made use of in the performance of any medical operation," and these
instruments are listed as follows:
"The Parascuological Instruments, wherewith medicines are prepared,
whether Galenical or Chymical, are chiefly these: A brass Kettle; an
Alembick; a Circulatory; a Sieve; a Gourd; a Balneum Mariae; Tongs; a
Cauldron; a File; a Hippocras Bag; an Iron Mortar; a Pestle; a Pitcher; a
Marble; a glass Mortar and Pestle; a Seperator; a Funnel; a Seirce; a Press;
a Tile; a pair of Sheers; Vials; Boxes; Crucibles; Gally-pots; Corks; Spoons;
Strainers; Retorts; Receivers; Bags; Spatulas; Weights and Scales; together
with a Pair of Goldsmiths Bellows; and convenient Furnaces fitted for any
operation.
"The Chyrurgical Instruments with which the Artist ought to be furnished,
are chiefly these: A Plaister Box; an Uvula Spoon; a Levatory; a Director; a
pair of Forceps; a Spatula Lingua; an Incision Knife; a pair of Scizzors; a
Flame; a small Razour; a stitching Quill; three square Needles; with a Case
of good Launcets; and a Salvatory; letting all be kept very sharp, clean and
bright."

The following medical recipes are copied from a manuscript left by Dr.
Zerobabel Endecott of Salem and formerly in the possession of the late Dr.
Frederick Lewis Gay of Brookline.
For ye Bloudy Flux
Stone horses Liuers[72] dried in an ouen being heat for houshould bread,
made into powder & giuen a spoonfull at a time in milk.
For a Spraine
Take stronge bere este & honye, of equall quantyty & boyle them to the
Consistanty of honye & so apply it hott to ye place greeued.
For Extreme Thirst & Vomiting in a Malignant Feauer

Take salt of wormwood [scruple]i and a spoonfull of the Juce of Lemonds
mix them in a spoon & giue it the patient
For Stone in the Kidnes and Blader Or To Prouent It
Take wild Carret seeds & boyle in Ale & drinke Dose [dram]ii euery Night.
An Other
Take 3 Drops of oyle of Fenill once a day.
For ye Dropsie Often Proud & Espetially Vpon One Man, Other Meanes
Vsed By Men of Skill Fayled This Was Affectuall
Tak good store of Elder roots wash them & make them very Cleane then
splitt & steepe them in strong ale wort & Lett them stand together while ye
Ale is working then when it is 2 days old drinke of it morning Noone & at
night till health be obtained Lett there be as many of ye Roots as Can well
be steeped in the Ale The flowers are of the same vse & more powerfull
An Other
Take Rie flower make past with water Role it thin and with ye greene
Leaues of Sage & a Littl Rosemary fill it as pye bake it very dry beat
altogether & take halfe a spoonefull at a time in a wine Cupfull of your
beere
For a Sore Throte[73] or Kings Euell
Take Guaiacom sliced [oz]iij ye Bark of Guaiacom [oz]i infuse in 6 quarts
of fair water on hott ashes 24 hours then boyle it ouer a gentill fire till a
third part be wasted then add of Epithimum Pollepodium ana [oz]ii
fumitory borrage & buglose Roots flowers of Rosmary Prim Rose Cow
slips Violets & sweet fenill seeds of Each [oz]fs boyle it till a quart be
wasted then add Sena [oz]iij boyl it a Litle & straine it & Clarifie it with
whits of Eggs sweeten it with Sugar
Giue 2 or 3 spoonfulls euery morning to a child more to a groune Person;
enough to give 2 or 3 Lous stooles in a daye for 8 days together this aLone
haue Cured the Kings Euill
For Paine in ye Eare[74]

Take a mithredate & put it in into the eare with a Litle wooll & Keep it
warme
For a Cough[75]
Take eggs boyle them till they bee hard hold them in your hand one at a
time as hott as you Can suffer it & with ye heat & strength of your hand
press out the oyle, take a quantity of this oyle & a Little powder of Alloes &
fine Sugar make it into a surrup take a Litle of this surrup as often as need
Require this is Comended by G: as if non Could Equall it
A Balsam or Liquer That Will Heal Sores as For New in Man or Beast
Tak very strong wort 3 gallons being all ye first of a boushell of good malt
then tak of Comfry roots & Elder roots of each 2 handfuls the Leaues of
Crud tobacko a handful Lett the Roots be brused & boyled till halfe be
wasted Put it into a Vessel & Keep for Vse Put into it 3 li of hony before
you take it of the fire, if it be a deepe sore tent it, if an open sore wett a
Duble Clout & Lay on the sore Dress it always warme
For ye Sciatica or Paine in ye Back or Side[76]
Tak Fetherfew & steepe it in beer & drink first at morning & Last at night
A Powder for ye Dissines of ye Head Falling Sicknes[77] & Hart Qualms
That Haue Bin Oft Vsed
Whit amber [dram]ii Diarrhodian [dram]ii Seeds of Peony [scruple]ii
miselto [dram]i the fillings of a Deadmans skull [scruple]i[78] mak all into a
very fine Powder & tak of it as much as will Ly on a shilling 2 or 3 nights
together befor the new & befor the full moon take it in Saxony or bettony
water
For Rumatick Paines & To Coole Ye Liuer
Tak the Conserue of the frut of Sweet brier as much as a good nutmage
morning & Evening
For Vometing & Looseness in Men Women & Children
Take an Egg break a Little hole in one end of it & put owt ye white then put
in about ½ spoonfull of baye salt then fill vp the egg with strong Rom or
spirits of wine & sett it in hott ashes & Lett it boyle till ye egg be dry then
take it & eat it fasting & fast an hour after it or drink a Litle distilled waters

of mint & fenill which waters mixed together & drank will help in most
ordinary Cases
For a Person That is Distrated If It Be A Woman[79]
Tak milk of a Nurce that giues suck to a male Child & also take a hee Catt
& Cut of one of his Ears or a peece of it & Lett it blede into the milk & then
Lett the sick woman Drink it doe this three Times
For a Bruse In Any Part Of The Body
Take of honey a Spoonfull & yest or barme or the emptings of strong beer
twice as much warm them & mix them together & apply it to the place
greeued admireable effects haue bin wroght by this means it hath seldom
fayled in Casses very Difficult in any part of ye boddy though ye bones
haue semed to be brused though it hath ben in head & in broken bones it
easeth paine & vnites the bones sodainly
For Ye [J]andis[80]
Take ye Juce of Planten and Camomell 3 or 4 spoonfuls in warme Posset ale
morning & Euening it helps in few days
Mir Turmarik & safron made into fine powder & drank twice or 3 times a
day in Possett ale is Excelent good Dose [scruple]i or Lett the sik Person
drink their own Vrin twice a day or ye Volatile fat of Vrin [ ] morning &
Euening in Posset ale
To Eas Paines in Feauers[81]
Tak Cardamoms or Graines of Paradice [dram]i Nutmegs [dram]ss Safron
[scruple]ij Sugar [dram]ii mak it to fine Pouder & giue at any time as much
as will Ly on a shilling at a time my pill is better if the boddy be Loos
For Ye Colik or Flux in Ye Belly[82]
1 the powder of Wolues guts
2 the powder of Bores Stones
3 oyle of Wormwood a drop or 2 into the Nauell
4 3 drops of oyle of Fenill & 2 drops of oyle of mints in
Conserue of Roses or Conserue of single mallows, if ye Paine be
extream Vse it a gaine, & if need Require aply somthing hott to
the belly

For Sharpe & Dificult Trauel in Women with Child By J C
Take a Lock of Vergins haire on any Part of ye head, of half the Age of ye
Woman in trauill Cut it very smale to fine Pouder then take 12 Ants Eggs
dried in an ouen after ye bread is drawne or other wise make them dry &
make them to pouder with the haire, giue this with a quarter of a pint of Red
Cows milk or for want of it giue it in strong ale wort[83]
A Wonderfull Balsam For Fistulos & Vlsers
Take Borax [dram]ij put it into a strong stone botle of 2 quarts; stop it Close
with a good Corke & then Couer it with sealing wax very Close & sett it
into the bottom of a well or Cold Spring the Space of three yeeres then take
it out [when it will] al be turned to a balsam whare with you may dress
Sores
To Stench Bleeding[84] in a Wound
Take a peec of Salt Beef & Rost it in the hott Ashes then make it Cleane &
put it into the wound & the blood will stop imediatly
For To Make a Man Vomit Presently That Is Sick at His Stomack
Take white Copperes [dram]i in powder in a Litle Beere or Water & it will
Cause one to vomit presently
For Ye Plurisie[85]
Take the Leaues of wild mallows & boyl them in Oyle & being taken out
bray them in a morter & put them into a peece of Lining Cloth & applie it to
the greue and presently it will Cause the paine to Cease Don Alexis
For the Plurisies
Take an Apple that is of a Sweete sente & taste in it a hole taking out the
Core so that the hole goeth not thorow & put into the hole 3 or 4 graines of
Frankincense of the male Kind Otherwise Called olibanum then Couer
againe the saide hole with the Little Pece of Apple that you tooke of first &
rost it apon the Embers so that it burne not but that it may waxe tender then
take it from the fire and breake it into fower parts with all the frankencense
in it & so giue the patient it to eate it will by & by make the Impostume to
break & heale him
For the Shingles

Take howse leeke Catts blod[86] and Creame mixed together & oynt the
place warme or take the moss that groweth in a well & Catts blod mixed &
so aply it warme to the plase whare the shingles be
For the Goute[87]
Take Ligmamuita [oz]xvi Sarssaparilla [oz]viii fennel Seeds [oz]vi Boyle
them in 2 Gallonds of water in a Pott Close Stopped till halfe be Consumed
then put it vp in a glasse Botle well Stopped & Every morning take
Sumthing Less than a gill & so in the Euening
Then take those Jngredients & Boyle it ouer againe in 2 or 3 Gallonds of
water more & So Keepe it for your Continiall Drinking at any time During
the time of your Jllnes Proued Very Affectial apon a man at Dunkerck
Oyl of Roses[88]
Take Roses and Jnfuse them in good olliue oyle in a glasse in the heat of the
sun for sartaine Days while the oyl smeles like Roses; oyl of Hipericon is
made after the same manner
For a Fractur of the Scull
After the Scull is Layed open + and the Bones taken out By a Leuetur or
Cut By a trapan then fitt a pece of Parchment of the same Bignes that the
fractur is and oynt it with mell Rosarie or huny of Roses and also the Edges
of ye Bone & so put it in gently on apon the Dura mater that Ciuers the
Braines and apon that a good Plegen of tow & a good bolster on that & so
Continue that dressing while it is all most well & the bone hes Cast of &
then finish the Cure with Arseaus his Linement; your parchment must haue
a third fastened in the middle
For Cutts or Sores
Take the Scine of Salt Beefe & so Laye it to the Cutt or sore
For To Heale or Dry Vp a Sore
Take Sallet oyle and Read Lead and boyle it well together and dipe peces of
Lining Cloath in it Keep them for use
For The Ague

Take the Drye shell of a Turtell beat smale & boyled in water while 2 thirds
of the water be consumed & drinke of it 2 or 3 times when the Ague
Cometh
Probatum Easte January the 10 1681
The Greene Oyntment that ms Feeld did Vse to make[89]
Jt Cureth all Spraines and Aches Cramps and Scaldings and Cutts healeth
all wounds it doth suple molyfy Ripen & Disolues all Kind of tumors hot
and Cold and it will heale olde Rotten Sores and bites of Venemos Beasts
itch and mangenes and stench bloud it Easeth Swelling and paines of the
head and throate Eyes and Eares Gout and Seattica and all outward Greefes
Take baye Leaues, Wormwood, Sage, Rue, Cammemoyle, mellelote,
groundsell, Violets, Plantaine, oake buds or Leaues [ ] Suckbery Pursline,
Lettuc, Red colworts, Saint Johns wort, mallows, mullin, Jsop, Sorrell and
Comfrye, yarrow, and Dead Nettles, and Mint, mugwort, Rose leaues,
gather them all in the heat of the Daye, pick them Cleene but wash them
not, Beat them well then take Sheepe Suett three Pound Picke it Cleene and
Shrid it Smale Pound them all well together, then take 2 quarts of Sallet
oyle then work them all together with your hand till it be a Like then put it
in an Earthen Pott and Couer it Close and Lett it Stand 14 Dayes in a Coule
Place then Sett it ouer a Softe fire and Lett it Boyle 14 howers Stiring it
well then put into it 4 ounces of oyle of Spicke then Straine it through a
Corse Cloath & put it into [ ] Pott and Couer it Cloase and Keepe it for your
vse
For Ye Toothe Ache[90]
Take a Litle Pece of opium as big as a great pinnes head & put it into the
hollow place of the Akeing Tooth & it will giue preasant Ease, often tryed
by me apon many People & neuer fayled
Zerobabel Endecott

Who would know the virtues of the herbs and simples that grew in the
gardens of the Massachusetts Bay? Many herbals have been compiled and

printed, none more enticing than Nicholas Culpepper's "English Herbals,"
more truly entitled "The English Physician Enlarged," and first published in
1653. It had an enormous sale. Since that year twenty-one different editions
have served their day, the last having been printed at Exeter, N.H., as late as
1824.
Culpepper, the son of a clergyman, was born in London in 1616 and died
when only thirty-eight years old. In that short time, however, he gained
fame as a writer on astrology and medicine. At first apprenticed to an
apothecary, he later set up for himself as a physician and acquired a high
reputation among his patients.
In his catalogue of the simples he premises a few words to the reader, viz.:
"Let a due time be observed (cases of necessity excepted) in gathering all
Simples: for which take these few Rules. All Roots are of most virtue when
the Sap is down in them, viz. towards the latter end of the summer, or
beginning of the spring, for happily in Winter many of them cannot be
found: you may hang up many of them a drying, by drawing a string
through them, and so keep them a whole year.
"Herbs are to be gathered when they are fullest of juyce, before they run up
to seeds; and if you gather them in a hot sunshine-day, they will not be so
subject to putrifie: the best way to dry them, is in the Sun, according to Dr.
Reason, though not according to Dr. Tradition: Such Herbs as remain green
all the year, or are very full of juyce, it were a folly to dry at all, but gather
them only for present use, as Houseleek, Scurvy-grass, etc.
"Let flowers be gathered when they are in their prime, in a sunshine-day,
and dryed in the sun. Let seeds be perfectly ripe before they be gathered.
"Let them be kept in a dry place: for any moysture though it be but a moist
ayr, corrupts them, which if perceived in time, the beames of the Sun will
refresh them again."

Ageratum dryes the brain, helps the green sickness, and profit such as have
a cold or weak Liver: outwardly applyed, it takes away the hardnesse of the
matrix, and fills hollow ulcers with flesh.

Anemone. The juyce snuffed up the nose purgeth the head, it clenseth filthy
ulcers, encreaseth milk in Nurses, and outwardly by oyntments helps
Leprosies.
Asphodel or Daffodil. I know no physicall use of the roots, probably there
is: for I do not believe God created anything of no use.
Balm, outwardly mixed with salt and applied to the neck, helps the Kings
Evil, biting of mad dogs and such as cannot hold their necks as they should
do; inwardly it is an excellent remedy for a cold, cheers the heart, takes
away sorrow, and produces mirth.
Basil gives speedy deliverance to women in travail.
Bedstraw. Stancheth blood: boyled in oyl is good to annoynt a weary
traveller: inwardly it provokes lust.
Borrage, cheers the heart and drooping spirits, helps swooning and heart
qualms.
Briony, both white and black, they purg the flegm and watry humors, but
they trouble the stomack much, they are very good for dropsies: the white is
most in use, and is admirable good for the fits of the mother; both of them
externally used, take away Freckles, Sun-burning, and Morphew from the
face, and clense filthy ulcers: It is a churlish purge, and being let alone, can
do no harm.
Buglosse. Continual eating of it makes the body invincible against the
poyson of Serpents, Toads, Spiders, etc. The rich may make the Flowers
into a conserve, and the herb into a syrup: the poor may keep it dry: both
may keep it as a Jewell.
Burdoc or Clot-bur, helps such as spit blood and matter, bruised and mixed
with salt and applyed to the place, helps the biting of mad dogs. It expels
wind, easeth paines of the teeth, strengthens the back ... being taken
inwardly.
Celondine. The root is manifestly hot and dry, clensing and scouring, proper
for such as have the yellow Jaundice, it opens the obstructions of the liver,
being boiled in White Wine, and if chewed in the mouth it helps the tooth-
ach.

Chamomel is as gallant a medicine against the stone in the bladder as grows
upon the earth. It expels wind, belchings, used in bathes it helps pains in the
sides, gripings and gnawings in the belly.
Chick-weed is cold and moist without any binding, aswages swelling and
comforts the sinews much, and therfore is good for such as are shrunk up, it
helps mangy hands and legs, outwardly applyed in a pultis.
Cinkfoyl or Five-fingered grass. The root boyled in vinegar is good against
the Shingles, and appeaseth the rage of any fretting sores.
Colts-foot. Admirable for coughs. It is often used taken in a Tobacco-pipe,
being cut and mixed with a little oyl of annis seeds.
Columbines help sore throats and are of a drying, binding quality.
Comfry is excellent for all wounds both internal and externall, for spitting
of blood, Ruptures or Burstness, pains in the Back and helpeth
Hemorrhoyds. The way to use them is to boyle them in water and drink the
decoction.
Cottonweed. Boyled in Ly, it keeps the head from Nits and Lice; being laid
among Cloaths, it Keeps them safe from Moths; taken in a Tobacco-pipe it
helps Coughs of the Lungues, and vehement headaches.
Dill. It breeds milk in Nurses, staies vomiting, easeth hiccoughs, aswageth
swellings, provoks urin, helps such as are troubled with the fits of the
mother, and digests raw humors.
Dittany, brings away dead children, hastens womens travail, the very smell
of it drives away venemous beasts; it's an admirable remedy against wounds
made with poysoned weapons; it draws out splinters, broken bones, etc.
Fennel. Encreaseth milk in Nurses, provokes urine, easeth pains in the
Reins, breaks wind, provokes the Terms.
Fleabane. Helps the bitings of venemous beasts. It being burnt, the smoke
of it kills all Gnats and Fleas in the chamber. It is dangerous for women
with child.
Flower-de-luce or water flag, binds, strengthens, stops fluxes of the belly, a
drachm being taken in red wine every morning.

Fumitory helps such as are itchy and scabbed, helps Rickets, madness, and
quartain agues.
Gentian, some call Bald-money, is a notable counter-poyson, it opens
obstructions, helps the bitings of venemous beasts, and mad dogs, helps
digestion, and cleanseth the body of raw humors.
Golden Rod clenseth the Reins, brings away the Gravel; an admirable herb
for wounded people to take inwardly, stops Blood, etc.
Groundsel helps the Cholick, and pains and gripings in the belly. I hold it to
be a wholsom and harmless purge. Outwardly it easeth womens breasts that
are swollen & inflamed, (or as themselves say) have gotten an ague in their
breasts.
Hellebore. The root of white Hellebore, or sneezwort, being grated &
snuffed up the nose, causeth sneezing, Kills Rats and Mice, being mixed
with their meat. Doctor Bright commends it for such as are mad through
melancholly. If you use it for sneezing, let your head and neck be wrapped
hot for fear of catching cold.
Henbane. Stupifies the senses and therefore not to be taken inwardly;
outwardly applyed to the temple it provokes sleep.
Hops. The young sprouts clense the Blood and cleer the skin, helps scabs
and itch. They are usually boyled and taken as they eat Sparagus or they
may be made into a conserve.
Horehound clenseth the breast and lungs, helps old coughs, easeth hard
labour in child-bearing, brings away the after-birth.
Hysop. Helps Coughs, shortness of Breath, Wheezing, Kills worms in the
body, helps sore throats and noise in the ears.
Knotgrasse helps spitting of blood, stops all fluxes of blood, gonorrhaea or
running of Reins, and is an excellent remedy for hogs that will not eat their
meat.
Lavender. The temples and forehead bathed with the juyce of it, as also the
smell of the herb helps swoonings.
Lavender cotton resists poyson, kills worms.

Lettice. Cools the inflamation of the stomack commonly called heart-
burning, provokes sleep, resists drunkenesse and takes away the ill effects
of it, cools the blood, and breeds milk. It is far wholsommer eaten boyled
than raw.
Liverwort is excellent for inflamations of the Liver and yellow jaundice.
Lovage cleers the sight, takes away redness and Freckles from the Face.
Lungwort helps infirmities of the lungs, coughs and shortness of breath.
Mallows. They are profitable in the stingings of Bees, Wasps, etc. Inwardly
they resist poyson and provoke to stool....
Man Drakes. Fit for no vulgar use, but only to be used in cooling
oyntments.
Marigolds. The leaves loosen the belly and the juyce held in the mouth
helps the toothach.
Marshmallowes are meanly hot, of a digestion softening nature, ease pains,
help bloody fluxes, the stone and gravell; being bruised and well boiled in
milk, and the milk drunk is a gallant remedy for the gripings of the belly,
and the bloddy flux.
Mint. Provokes hunger, is wholesome for the stomack, stays vomiting, helps
sore heads in children. Hinders conception and is naught for wounded
people, they say by reason of an antipathy between it and Iron.
Mugwort, an herb appropriate to the foeminine sex; it brings down the
terms, brings away birth and afterbirth, easeth pains in the matrix.
Mullin. Stops fluxes and cures hoarsenesse and such as are broken winded;
the leaves worn in the shooes provokes the Terms, (especially in such
Virgins as never had them) but they must be worn next their feet.
Nettles. The juyce stops bleeding; they provoke lust exceedingly; help that
troublesome cough that women call Chin-cough. Boyl them in white wine.
Onions, are extreamly hurtfull for cholerick people, they breed but little
nourishment, and that little is naught; they are bad meat, yet good physick
for flegmatick people, they are opening and provoke urine, and the terms, if
cold be the cause obstructing; bruised and outwardly applyed they cure the
bitings of mad dogs; roasted and applied they help Boils, and Aposthumes;

raw they take the fire out of burnings; but ordinarily eaten, they cause
headach, spoil the sight, dul the senses and fill the body full of wind.
Orpine for Quinsie in the throat, for which disease it is inferior to none.
Penyroyal. Strengthens women's backs, provokes the Terms, staies
vomiting, strengthens the brain (yea the very smell of it), breaks wind, and
helps the Vertigo.
Pimpernal, male and foemale. They are of such drawing quality that they
draw thorns and splinters out of the flesh, amend the sight, and clense
Ulcers.
Plantain. A little bit of the root being eaten, instantly staies pains in the
head, even to admirations.
Purslain. Cools hot stomacks, admirable for one that hath his teeth on edge
by eating sowr apples, helps inward inflamations.
Reubarb. It gently purgeth Choller from the stomack & liver, opens
stoppings, withstands the Dropsie, and Hypocondriack Melancholly. If your
body be any strong you may take two drams of it at a time being sliced thin
and steeped all night in white Wine, in the morning strain it out and drink
the white Wine.
Rosemary. Helps stuffings in the head, helps the memory, expels wind.
Rue, or Herb of Grace. Consumes the seed and is an enemy to generation,
helps difficulty of breathing. It strengthens the heart exceedingly. There is
no better herb than this in Pestilential times.
Sage. It staies abortion, it causeth fruitfullness, it is singular good for the
brain, helps stitches and pains in the sides.
St. Johns Wort. It is as gallant a wound-herb as any is, either given inwardly
or outwardly applied to the wound. It helps the Falling sickness. Palsie,
Cramps and Aches in the joynts.
Savory. Winter savory and summer savory both expell wind gallantly, and
that (they say) is the reason why they are boyled with Pease and Beans and
other such windy things; 'tis a good fashion and pitty it should be left.
Senna. It cheers the sences, opens obstructions, takes away dulness of the
sight, preserves youth, helps deafness (if purging will help it), resists

resolution of the Nerves, scabs, itch and falling sickness. The windiness of
it is corrected with a little Ginger.
Solomon's Seal. Stamped and boyled in Wine it speedily helps (being drunk,
I mean, for it will not do the deed by looking upon it) all broken bones, it is
of an incredible virtue that way; it quickly takes away the black and blew
marks of blows, being bruised and applyed to the place.
Sorrel cutteth tough humors, cools the brain, liver and stomack, and
provokes apetite.
Southern-wood or Boy's love, is hot and dry in the third degree, resists
poyson, kills worms, provokes lust; outwardly in plaisters it dissolves cold
swellings, makes hair grow; take not above half a drachm at a time in
powder.
Spinage. I never read any physicall virtues of it.
Spleenwort is excellent good for melancholy people, helps the stranguary
and breaks the Stone in the bladder. Boyl it and drink the decoction; but
because a little boyling will carry away the strength of it in vapours, let it
boyl but very little, and let it stand close stopped till it be cold before you
strain it out; this is the generall rule for all Simples of this nature.
Spurge. Better let alone that taken inwardly; hair anoynted with the juyce of
it will fall off: it kills fish, being mixed with anything they will eat,
outwardly it takes away Freckles and sunburning.
Sweet-Majorum is an excellent remedy for cold diseases in the brain, being
only smelled to; it helps such as are given to much sighing, and easeth pains
in the belly....
Tansie. The very smell of it staies abortion or miscarriages in women. The
root eaten, is a singular remedy for the Gout; the rich may bestow the cost
to preserve it.
Toad-flax clenses the Reins and Bladder, outwardly it takes away
yellowness and deformity of the skin.
Toads-stools. Whether these be roots or not it matters not much; for my part
I know little need of them, either in food or Physick.

Tyme. Helps coughs and shortness of breath, brings away dead children and
the after birth, helps Sciatica, repels wind in any part of the Body, resisteth
fearfullness and melancholy.
Valerian, white and red, comforts the heart and stirs up lust.
Vervain. A great clenser. Made into an oyntment it is a soveraign remedy for
old headache. It clears the skin and causeth a lovely color.
Wake-Robins or Cuckow-pints. I know no great good they doe inwardly
taken, unlesse to play the rogue withall, or make sport; outwardly applyed
they take off Scurf, Morphew, or Freckles from the face, cleer the skin, and
cease the pain of the Gout.
Water-Lilies. The roots stop lust. I never dived so deep to find any other
virtue.
Wood Bettony helps the falling sickness, and all headaches comming of
cold, procures apetite, helps sour belchings, helps cramps and convulsions,
helps the Gout, Kills worms, helps bruises, and cleanseth women after their
labor.
Wormwood helps weakness of the stomack, clenses choller, kills worms,
helps surfets, cleers the sight, clenses the Blood, and secures cloaths from
moths.
Yarrow. An healing herb for wounds. Some say the juice snuffed up the
nose, causeth it to bleed, whence it was called Nose-bleed.

CHAPTER XIV
Crimes and Punishments

The men who controlled the affairs of the Massachusetts Bay Colony at the
time of its founding, determined not only that the churches, but that the
government of the commonwealth they were creating, should be based
strictly upon the teachings of the Bible. The charter provided that the
Governor, Deputy Governor and Assistants might hold courts "for the better
ordering of affairs," and so for the first ten years, the Court of Assistants, as
it was styled, exercised the entire judicial powers of the colony. Its
members were known as the magistrates. During this period but few laws or
orders were passed. When complaints were made, the court, upon a hearing,
determined whether the conduct of the accused had been such as in their
opinion to deserve punishment, and if it had been, then what punishment
should be inflicted. This was done without any regard to English
precedents. There was no defined criminal code, and what constituted a
crime and what its punishment, was entirely within the discretion of the
court. If in doubt as to what should be considered an offence, the Bible was
looked to for guidance. The General Court itself, from time to time, when in
doubt, propounded questions to the ministers or elders, which they
answered in writing, much as the Attorney General or the Supreme Judicial
Court at the present day may advise.
But the people soon became alarmed at the extent of personal discretion
exercised by the magistrates and so, in 1635, the freemen demanded a code
of written laws and a committee composed of magistrates and ministers was
appointed to draw up the same. It does not appear that much was
accomplished although Winthrop records that Mr. Cotton of the committee,
reported "a copy of Moses his judicials, compiled in an exact method,
which was taken into further consideration till the next general court." The
"judicials," however, never were adopted. In 1639 another committee was
directed to peruse all the "models" which had been or should be presented,
"draw them up into one body," and send copies to the several towns. This
was done. In October, 1641, action was taken which led to a definite and

acceptable result. Rev. Nathaniel Ward of Ipswich, who had been educated
for the law and had practiced in the courts of England, was requested to
furnish a copy of the liberties, etc. and nineteen transcriptions were sent to
the several towns in the Colony. Two months later at the session of the
General Court, this body of laws was voted to stand in force.
This code, known as "the Body of Liberties," comprised about one hundred
laws, civil and criminal. The civil laws were far in advance of the laws of
England at that time, and in substance were incorporated in every
subsequent codification of the laws of the Colony. Some of them are in
force today, and others form the basis of existing laws. The criminal laws
were taken principally from the Mosaic code and although many of them
may seem harsh and cruel yet, as a whole, they were much milder than the
criminal laws of England at that time. No reference was made to the
common law of England. All legislation in regard to offences was based
upon the Bible, and marginal references to book, chapter and verse were
supplied to guide future action. This Code served its intended purpose well
and remained in force until the arrival of the Province charter in 1692 save
during the short period of the Andros administration.
The judiciary system of the Colony therefore provided for the following
courts:
First, the Great and General Court which possessed legislative powers and
limited appellate authority from the Court of Assistants.
Second, the Court of Assistants—a Supreme Court or Court of Appeals that
had exclusive jurisdiction in all criminal cases extending "to life, limb, or
banishment," jurisdiction in civil cases in which the damages amounted to
more than £100., and appellate jurisdiction from the County Quarterly
Courts.
Third, County or Inferior Quarterly Courts that had jurisdiction in all cases
and matters not reserved to the Court of Assistants or conferred upon
commissioners of small causes. These courts also laid out highways,
licensed ordinarys, saw that an able ministry was supported, and had
general control of probate matters, and in 1664 were authorized to admit
freemen.

The juries were made judges of the law and the fact and when upon a trial
there was insufficient evidence to convict, juries were authorized to find
that there were strong grounds of suspicion, and accordingly sentence
afterwards was given by the Court. In order to facilitate court proceedings
an excellent law was passed in 1656 which authorized the fining of a person
20 shillings an hour for any time occupied in his plea in excess of one hour.
John Winthrop with his company arrived at Salem in June, 1630, and ten
weeks later the first court in the Colony was held at Charlestown. The
maintenance of the ministry was the first concern, to be followed by an
order regulating the wages of carpenters, bricklayers, thatchers and other
building trades. Thomas Morton at "Merry Mount" was not forgotten for he
was to be sent for "by processe," and a memorandum is entered to obtain
for the next Court an estimate "of the charges that the Governor hathe beene
att in entertaineing several publique persons since his landing in Newe
England."
At the second meeting of the Court of Assistants, three of the magistrates
were fined a noble apiece for being late at Court and three weeks later Sir
Richard Saltonstall, because of absence, was fined four bushels of malt. It
was at this Court that Thomas Morton was ordered "sett into the bilbowes"
and afterwards sent prisoner into England by the ship called the Gifte. His
goods were ordered seized and his house burnt to the ground "in the sight of
the Indians for their satisfaction, for many wrongs he hath done them from
time to time." Several towns were christened the names by which they are
still known, and those who had ventured to plant themselves at Aggawam,
now Ipswich, were commanded "forthwith to come away."
Aside from Morton's offences at Mount Wollaston, nothing of a criminal
nature seems to have been brought to the attention of the Court until its
third session on September 28th. To be sure the Governor had been
consulted by the magistrates of the Colony at Plymouth concerning the fate
of one John Billington of Plymouth who had murdered his companion John
New-Comin. Billington was hanged, and "so the land was purged from
blood."
Unless murder may have been committed at an earlier date by a member of
some crew of unruly fishermen along the coast, this was the first murder
committed in the English settlements about the Massachusetts Bay. But

unfortunately it was not the last. Walter Bagnell's murder in 1632 was
followed by that of John Hobbey and Mary Schooley in 1637, and the next
year Dorothy, the wife of John Talbie, was hanged for the "unnatural and
untimely death of her daughter Difficult Talby." The daughter's christian
name at once suggests unending possibilities.
In the winter of 1646 a case of infanticide was discovered in Boston. A
daughter of Richard Martin had come up from Casco Bay to enter into
service. She concealed her condition well and only when accused by a
prying midwife was search made and the fact discovered. She was brought
before a jury and caused to touch the face of the murdered infant,
whereupon the blood came fresh into it. She then confessed. Governor
Winthrop relates that at her death, one morning in March, "after she was
turned off and had hung a space, she spake, and asked what they did mean
to do. Then some stepped up, and turned the knot of the rope backward, and
then she soon died."
This curious "ordeal of touch" had also been applied the previous year at
Agamenticus on the Maine Coast when the wife of one Cornish, whose
bruised body had been found in the river, with her suspected paramour, was
subjected to this supreme test. It is recorded that the body bled freely when
they approached which caused her to confess not only murder but adultery,
both of which crimes were punishable by death. She was hanged.
Probably the last instance in Massachusetts when this "ordeal of touch" was
inflicted, occurred in a little old meetinghouse in the parish of West
Boxford, in Essex County, one July day in the year 1769. The previous
December, Jonathan Ames had married Ruth, the eldest daughter of the
widow Ruth Perley. He took his bride to the house of his parents, some five
miles distant, and lived there. As in some instances since that time, the
mother-in-law soon proved to be not in full sympathy with the young bride
living under her roof. In May a child was born and a few days after the
young mother died under circumstances which caused suspicion in the
neighborhood. The body was hastily buried, none of the neighbors were
invited to be present, and soon, about the parish, were flying rumors, which
a month later crystalized into a direct accusation and a coroner's inquest. It
was held in the meetinghouse that formerly stood in the sandy pasture near
the old cemetery. The Salem newspaper records that the building was
"much thronged by a promiscuous multitude of people."

The court opened with prayer, the coroners then gave the jury "their solemn
charge" and then the entire company proceeded, "with decency and good
order," over the winding roadway up the hill to the burying ground, where
for five weeks had lain the body of the young bride. During the exhumation
the crowd surged around the grave so eagerly that they were only held in
check by the promise that all should have an opportunity to inspect the
remains. The autopsy at the meetinghouse resulted in a report from the jury
that Ruth Ames "came to her death by Felony (that is to say by poison)
given to her by a Person or Persons to us unknown which murder is against
the Peace of our said Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity." When it was
found that no sufficient evidence could be adduced to hold either the
husband of the murdered girl, or his mother, then was demanded an
exhibition of that almost forgotten "ordeal of touch." The body was laid
upon a table with a sheet over it and Jonathan and his mother were invited
to prove their innocence by this gruesome test. The superstition required the
suspected party to touch the neck of the deceased with the index finger of
the left hand. Blood would immediately follow the touch of the guilty hand,
the whiteness of the sheet of course making it plainly visible. Both mother
and son refused to accept the ordeal. Whether or no they believed in the
superstition, we never shall learn. Fear may have held them motionless
before the accusing eyes. Certainly the nervous tension at such a time must
have been very great.
The Gazette states that the examination gave great occasion to conclude that
they were concerned in the poisoning, and a week after the inquest they
were arrested and confined in the ancient jail in Salem where the persons
accused of witchcraft were imprisoned many years before. They were
indicted and brought to trial. John Adams, afterwards President of the
United States, then thirty-four years of age, was counsel for the accused.
Jonathan Ames turned King's evidence against his mother. It was midnight
before the counsel began their arguments and two of the three judges were
explicit in summing up the evidence, that there was "a violent presumption"
of guilt, but at nine o'clock in the morning the jury came in and rendered a
verdict of "not guilty." May the result be attributed to John Adams's
eloquence and logic or to the vagaries of our jury system?
But we are a long way from the third session of the Court of Assistants held
September 28, 1630. Not until this time did the law begin to reach out for

its victims. John Goulworth was ordered whipped and afterwards set in the
stocks for felony, not named. One other was whipped for a like offence and
two Salem men, one of whom has given us an honored line of descendants,
were sentenced to sit in the stocks for four hours, for being accessory
thereunto. Richard Clough's stock of strong water was ordered seized upon,
because of his selling a great quantity thereof to servants, thereby causing
much disorder. No person was to permit any Indian to use a gun under a
penalty of £10. Indian corn must not be sold or traded with Indians or sent
away without the limits of the Patent. Thomas Gray was enjoined to remove
himself out of the Patent before the end of March, and the oath was
administered to John Woodbury, the newly elected constable from Salem.
At the next session William Clark, who had been brought to book at a
previous Court for overcharging Mr. Baker for cloth, now was prohibited
cohabitation and frequent keeping company with Mrs. Freeman and
accordingly was placed under bonds for a future appearance. Three years
later this offender became one of the twelve who went to Agawam and
founded the present town of Ipswich, and ten years later still another
William Clark of Ipswich was sentenced to be whipped "for spying into the
chamber of his master and mistress and reporting what he saw."
November 30, 1630, Sir Richard Saltonstall was fined £5, for whipping two
persons without the presence of another assistant, as required by law; while
Bartholomew Hill was whipped for stealing a loaf of bread, and John Baker
suffered the same penalty for shooting at wild fowl on the Sabbath Day.
And so continues the record of intermingled punishment and legislation.
The struggling communities that had planted themselves along the shores of
the Massachusetts Bay largely had refused to conform to the rules and
ordinances of the English Church. If the records of the Quarterly Courts are
studied it will be seen that the settlers also failed to obey the rules and laws
laid down by the magistrates of their own choosing. To be sure there were
large numbers of indentured servants and the rough fishermen along the
coastline have always been unruly. Much also may be attributed to the
primitive and congested life in the new settlements. Simple houses of but
few rooms and accommodating large families, surely are not conducive to
gentle speech or modesty of manners nor to a strict morality. The craving
desire for land holding, and the poorly defined and easily removed bounds
naturally led to frequent actions for trespass, assault, defamation, slander

and debt. The magistrates exercised unusual care in watching over the
religious welfare of the people and in providing for the ministry. It has been
stated frequently that in the olden times everyone went to church. The size
of the meetinghouses, the isolated location of many of the houses, the
necessary care of the numerous young children, and the interesting side
lights on the manners of the times which appear in the court papers, all go
to prove that the statement must not be taken literally. Absence from
meeting, breaking the Sabbath, carrying a burden on the Lord's Day,
condemning the church, condemning the ministry, scandalous falling out on
the Lord's Day, slandering the church, and other misdemeanors of a similar
character were frequent. A number of years before the Quakers appeared in
the Colony it was no unusual matter for some one to disturb the
congregation by public speeches either in opposition to the minister or to
some one present. Zaccheus Gould, a very large landholder, in Topsfield, in
the time of the singing the psalm one Sabbath afternoon sat himself down
upon the end of the table about which the minister and the chief of the
people sat, with his hat on his head and his back toward all the rest of them
that sat about the table and although spoken to altered not his posture; and
the following Sabbath after the congregation was dismissed he haranged the
people and ended by calling goodman Cummings a "proud, probmatical,
base, beggarly, pick thank fellow." Of course the matter was ventilated in
the Salem Court.
At the February 29, 1648, session of the Salem Court eight cases were tried.
A Gloucester man was fined for cursing, saying, "There are the brethren,
the divil scald them." Four servants were fined for breaking the Sabbath by
hunting and killing a raccoon in the time of the public exercise to the
disturbance of the congregation. If the animal had taken to the deep woods
instead of staying near the meetinghouse the servants might have had their
fun without paying for it. A Marblehead man was fined for sailing his boat
loaded with hay from Gloucester harbor, on the Lord's Day, when the
people were going to the morning exercise. Nicholas Pinion, who worked at
the Saugus Iron works, was presented for absence from meeting four Lord's
Days together, spending his time drinking, and profanely; and Nicholas
Russell of the same locality was fined for spending a great part of one
Lord's day with Pinion in drinking strong water and cursing and swearing.
He also had been spending much time with Pinion's wife, causing jealousy
in the family; and the lady in question, having broken her bond for good

behavior, was ordered to be severely whipped. The other cases were for
swearing, in which the above named lady was included; for being disguised
with drink; and for living from his wife. And so the Court ended.
A curious instance of Sabbath breaking occurred at Hampton in 1646.
Aquila Chase and his wife and David Wheeler were presented at Ipswich
Court for gathering peas on the Sabbath. They were admonished. The
family tradition has it that Aquila returned from sea that morning and his
wife, wishing to supply a delicacy for dinner, fell into grave error in thus
pandering to his unsanctified appetite.
While we are discussing matters relating to the Sabbath and to the church it
may be well to allude to the ministry. It has been shown that the first
concern of the Court of Assistants was a provision for the housing and care
of the ministry. Much the larger number were godly men actuated by a
sincere desire to serve their people and to preserve their souls. But many of
them were men, not saints, and so possessed of men's passions and
weaknesses. While all exercised more or less influence over the
communities in which they lived, yet the tangible result must have been
negative in some instances. Take for example the small inland town of
Topsfield, settled about 1639. Rev. William Knight rendered mission
service for a short time early in the 40's and a dozen years later Rev.
William Perkins moved into town from Gloucester. He had been one of the
twelve who settled the town of Ipswich in 1633; afterwards he lived at
Weymouth where he was selectman, representative to the General Court,
captain of the local military company and also a member of the Ancient and
Honorable Artillery Company. He also was schoolmaster in 1650 and the
next year appears at Gloucester as minister, from which place he soon
drifted into Court. Cross suits for defamation and slander were soon
followed by the presentment of Mrs. Holgrave for unbecoming speeches
against Mr. Perkins, saying "if it were not for the law, shee would never
come to the meeting, the teacher was so dead ... affirming that the teacher
was fitter to be a ladys chamberman, than to be in the pulpit."
Mr. Perkins removed to Topsfield in 1656. The next year he tried to collect
his salary by legal process and again in 1660. Three years later a church
was organized and their first minister was settled. He was a Scotchman—
Rev. Thomas Gilbert. Soon Mr. Perkins was summoned to Salem Court
where Edward Richards declared in court before Mr. Perkins' face, that the

latter being asked whither he was going, said, to hell, for aught he knew. Of
course Mr. Perkins denied the testimony. Later in the same year he was
fined for excessive drinking, it appearing that he stopped at the Malden
ordinary and called for sack. But goody Hill told him that he had had too
much already and Master Perkins replied, "If you think I am drunk let me
see if I can not goe," and he went tottering about the kitchen and said the
house was so full of pots and kettles that he could hardly go.
But what of Mr. Gilbert. Three years after his settlement Mr. Perkins
appeared in Court and presented a complaint in twenty-seven particulars
"that in public prayers and sermons, at several times he uttered speeches of
a high nature reproachful and scandalous to the King's majestie & his
government." He was summoned into Court and bound over in £1000 to the
next General Court where eventually he was solemnly admonished publicly
in open court by the Honored Governor. With twenty-seven particulars,
could a Scotchman restrain his tongue? Mr. Gilbert could not, and shortly
Mr. Perkins brought two complaints of defamation of character. Mr. Gilbert
also soon developed a love of wine for it appears by the court papers that
one sacrament day, when the wine had been brought from the meetinghouse
and poured into the golden cup, Mr. Gilbert drank most of it with the usual
result, for he sank down in his chair, forgot to give thanks, and sang a Psalm
with lisping utterance. He was late at the afternoon service, so that many
went away before he came and Thomas Baker testified "I perceived that he
was distempered in his head, for he did repeat many things many times
over; in his prayer he lisped and when he had done to prayer, he went to
singing & read the Psalm so that it could not be well understood and when
he had done singing he went to prayer again, and when he had done he was
going to sing again, but being desired to forbear used these expressions: I
bless God I find a great deal of comfort in it; and coming out of the pulpit
he said to the people I give you notice I will preach among you no more."
His faithful wife testified that his conduct was due to a distemper that came
upon him sometimes when fasting and in rainy weather. The following
April he was again before the Court charged with many reproachful and
reviling speeches for which he was found guilty and sharply admonished
and plainly told "that if he shall find himself unable to demean himself
more soberly and christianly, as became his office, they do think it more
convenient for him to surcease from the exercise of any public
employment." The stubborn Scot refused to submit and affixing a defiant

paper to the meetinghouse door he deserted his office for three successive
Sabbaths, when his exasperated people petitioned the Court to be freed
from such "an intollerable burden" and so the relation ceased but not until
further suits and counter suits had been tried for defamation, slander, and
threatened assault.
His successor was Rev. Jeremiah Hobart, a Harvard graduate, who preached
for a while at Beverly and found difficulty in collecting his salary. He
remained at Topsfield eight years and during that time became a familiar
figure at the County Courts, because of non-payment of salary, for cursing
and swearing, and for a damaging suit for slander exhibiting much
testimony discreditable to him. Even his brother ministers and the churches
were not free from his reproachful and scandalous speeches so he at last
was dismissed and two years later was followed by a godly man, Rev.
Joseph Capen of Dorchester, who enjoyed a peaceful pastorate of nearly
forty years.
The severe penalties of the English legal code were much modified in the
Bay Colony but public executions continued until the middle of the
nineteenth century and were usually more or less a public holiday. The
condemned was taken in a cart through the streets to the gallows. Not
infrequently a sermon was preached by some minister on the Sunday
previous to the execution and speeches from the gallows always thrilled the
crowd. The execution of pirates drew many people from some distance.
Several Rhode Island murderers were executed and afterwards hung in
chains. The gibbeting of the bodies of executed persons does not seem to
have been general.[91]
While executions by burning took place in Europe, and Salem is sometimes
accused of having burned witches at the stake, there are but two instances,
so far as known, when this extreme penalty was inflicted in Massachusetts.
The first occurred in 1681 when Maria, the negro servant of Joshua Lamb
of Roxbury willfully set fire to her master's house, and was sentenced by
the Court to be burned alive. The same year Jack, a negro servant, while
searching for food set fire to the house of Lieut. William Clark of
Northampton. He was condemned to be hanged and then his body was burnt
to ashes in the same fire with Maria, the negress. The second instance of
inflicting the penalty of burning alive occurred at Cambridge in the fall of
1755, when Phillis, a negro slave of Capt. John Codman of Charlestown,

was so executed. She poisoned her master to death by using arsenic. A male
slave Mark, who was an accomplice was hanged and the body afterwards
suspended in chains beside the Charlestown highway where it remained for
nearly twenty years,[92] Why was the woman deemed more culpable than the
man in such instances of poisoning? The old English law so provided and at
a later date, under Henry VIII, poisoners were boiled alive in oil. The last
execution in Massachusetts for the crime of arson occurred on Salem Neck
in 1821 when Stephen Merrill Clark, a Newburyport lad, fifteen years of
age, paid the penalty. He had set fire to a barn in the night time endangering
a dwelling house.
Ten years before the adoption of the "Body of Liberties," adultery became a
capital crime in accordance with the Mosaic law. The first case was one
John Dawe, for enticing an Indian woman. He was severely whipped, and at
the next session of the General Court, the death penalty was ordered for the
future. When we consider the freedom of manners of the time, the clothing
worn by the women, the limited sleeping accommodations and the
ignorance of the servants, it is remarkable that the penalty was inflicted in
so few cases. The records are full of cases of fornication, uncleanness,
wanton dalliance, unseemly behaviour, unchaste words, and living away
from wife, and the more so during the earlier years. Possibly, the juries may
have thought the penalty too severe and found the parties guilty only, of
"adulterous behavior," which happened in Boston in 1645. This followed a
case of the previous year where a young woman had married an old man
out of pique and then received the attentions of a young man of eighteen.
They both were hanged.
The Court Records of the County of Essex always must have a curious
interest because of the witchcraft cases. But the first execution in
Massachusetts for witchcraft did not take place in Salem, but in Boston, in
1648, when Margaret Jones of Charlestown was hanged. It was shown that
she had a malignant touch, that she produced deafness, practiced physic,
and that her harmless medicines produced violent effects. She foretold
things which came to pass and lied at her trial and railed at the jury. The
midwives found that mysterious excrescence upon her, and for all these
crimes she was hanged, and as a proof from Heaven of the justice of her
taking off there was a great tempest in Connecticut on the very hour she
was executed.

But Essex County court records show several witchcraft cases during the
first twenty-five years following the settlement. In September, 1650, Henry
Pease of Marblehead, deposed that he heard Peter Pitford of Marblehead
say that goodwife James was a witch and that he saw her in a boat at sea in
the likeness of a cat, and that his garden fruits did not prosper so long as he
lived near that woman, and that said Pitford often called her "Jesable."
Erasmus James, her husband, promptly brought suit for slander, and at the
next Court another suit for defamation by which he received 50s. damages.
The court records show that this Jane James had previously made her
appearance, for in June, 1639, Mr. Anthony Thatcher complained that she
took things from his house. She and her husband were bound for her good
behavior and "the boys to be whipped by the Governor of the Family where
they had offended." Six years later, in September, 1645, John Bartoll said in
open court that he could "prove Jane James a common lyer, a theif & a false
forsworn woman," and a year later, in September, 1646, Thomas Bowen,
and his wife, Mary, testified that Jane James spoke to William Barber in
Bowen's house in Marblehead and Barber said, "get you out of doors you
filthy old Baud or else I will cuttle your hide, you old filthy baggage," & he
took up a firebrand but did not throw it at her. Peter Pitford's accusation was
not the only one for in the following year John Gatchell said that Erasmus
James's wife was an old witch and that he had seen her going in a boat on
the water toward Boston, when she was in her yard at home. But Erasmus
promptly brought suit in the Salem court and recovered a verdict in his
favor.
There are several other cases before 1655. In October, 1650, Thomas
Crauly of Hampton sued Ralph Hall for slander, for saying he had called
Robert Sawyer's wife a witch.
John Bradstreet, a young man of Rowley, was presented at Court in 1652
for having familiarity with the devil, witnesses testifying that Bradstreet
said that he read in a book of magic and that he heard a voice asking him
what work he had for him to do, and Bradstreet answered "go make a
bridge of sand over the sea, go make a ladder of sand up to Heaven and go
to God and come down no more." There was much palaver but the Court
showed common sense and Bradstreet was ordered to be fined or whipped
for telling a lie.

In 1653 Christopher Collins of Lynn brought suit against Enoch Coldan for
slander, for saying that Collins' wife was a witch and calling her a witch.
The judgment however was for the defendant. Another accusation was
promptly squelched in the fall of the same year.
Edmond Marshall of Gloucester unwisely stated publicly that Mistress
Perkins, Goodey Evans, Goodey Dutch and Goodey Vincent were under
suspicion of being witches. Their husbands at once brought suit for
defamation of character and the verdict in each case was, that the defendant
should make public acknowledgment within fourteen days in the
meetinghouses at Salem, Ipswich and Gloucester.
To sentence a culprit to expiate his crime before the congregation in the
meetinghouse was a common thing. The publicity, in theory, induced shame
and thus served as a future deterrent. To sit in the stocks and then make
public acknowledgment before the congregation was a favorite penalty.
Sometimes the offender was ordered to stand at the church door with a
paper on his hat inscribed with the crime he had committed. If for lying, a
cleft stick might ornament his tongue. Whipping was the most frequent
penalty, closely followed by the stocks, and after a time imprisonment
became more common. The bilboes were used only in the earliest period.
The use of the stocks and whipping post was discontinued in 1813 and not a
single example seems to have survived in either museum or attic. The
pillory was in use in State Street, Boston, as late as 1803, and two years
before, John Hawkins stood one hour in the pillory in what is now
Washington Street, Salem, and afterwards had one ear cropped—all for the
crime of forgery. Branding the hand or cheek was also inflicted, and
Hawthorne has made famous another form of branding, the wearing
prominently upon the clothing, an initial letter of a contrary color,
symbolizing the crime committed. This penalty was inflicted upon a man at
Springfield, as late as October 7, 1754, and the law remained in force until
February 17, 1785. As early as 1634 a Boston drunkard was sentenced to
wear a red D about his neck for a year.[93]
Massachusetts did not purge her laws from these ignominous punishments
until 1813 when whipping, branding, the stocks, the pillory, cutting off ears,
slitting noses, boring tongues, etc., were done away with.

There lived in Salem, nearly three centuries ago, a woman whose story is
told by Governor Winthrop and the records of the Quarterly Courts. She
was, in a sense, a forerunner of Anne Hutchinson and we may fancy at heart
a suffragette. Her story gives you an outline picture of the manners of the
times in a few details. Her name was Mary Oliver and her criminal record
begins in June, 1638. Governor Winthrop relates: "Amongst the rest, there
was a woman in Salem, one Oliver, his wife, who had suffered somewhat in
England by refusing to bow at the name of Jesus, though otherwise she was
conformable to all their orders. She was (for ability of speech, and
appearance of zeal and devotion) far before Mrs. Hutchinson, and so the
fitter instrument to have done hurt, but that she was poor and had little
acquaintance. She took offence at this, that she might not be admitted to the
Lord's supper without giving public satisfaction to the church of her faith,
etc., and covenanting or professing to walk with them according to the rule
of the gospel; so as upon the sacrament day she openly called for it, stood to
plead her right, though she were denied; and would not forbear, before the
magistrate, Mr. Endecott, did threaten to send the constable to put her forth.
This woman was brought to the Court for disturbing the peace in the
church, etc., and there she gave such premptory answers, as she was
committed till she should find surities for her good behavior. After she had
been in prison three or four days, she made means to the Governor and
submitted herself, and acknowledged her fault in disturbing the church;
whereupon he took her husband's bond for her good behavior, and
discharged her out of prison. But he found, after, that she still held her
former opinions, which were very dangerous, as, (I) that the church is the
head of the people, both magistrates and ministers, met together and that
these have power to ordain ministers, etc. (II) That all that dwell in the same
town, and will profess their faith in Christ Jesus, ought to be received to the
sacraments there; and that she was persuaded that, if Paul were at Salem, he
would call all the inhabitants there saints. (III) That excommunication is no
other but when Christians withdraw private communion from one that hath
offended." September 24, 1639, this Mary Oliver was sentenced to prison in
Boston indefinitely for her speeches at the arrival of newcomers. She was to
be taken by the constables of Salem and Lynn to the prison in Boston. Her
husband Thomas Oliver was bound in £20 for his wife's appearance at the
next court in Boston.

Governor Winthrop continues: "About five years after, this woman was
adjudged to be whipped for reproaching the magistrates. She stood without
tying, and bore her punishment with a masculine spirit, glorying in her
suffering. But after (when she came to consider the reproach, which would
stick by her, etc.) she was much dejected about it. She had a cleft stick put
on her tongue half an hour for reproaching the elders."
March 2, 1647-8, Mary Oliver was fined for working on the Sabbath day in
time of public exercise; also for abusing Capt. Hathorne, uttering divers
mutinous speeches, and denying the morality of the Sabbath. She was
sentenced to sit in the stocks one hour next lecture day, if the weather be
moderate; also for saying "You in New England are thieves and Robbers"
and for saying to Mr. Gutch that she hoped to tear his flesh in pieces and all
such as he was. For this she was bound to good behavior, and refusing to
give bond was sent to Boston jail, and if she remained in the court's
jurisdiction was to answer to further complaints at the next Salem Court.
It appears from depositions that she went to Robert Gutch's house in such
gladness of spirit that he couldn't understand it, and she said to some there,
not members, "Lift up your heads, your redemption draweth near," and
when reminded what she already had been punished for, she said that she
came out of that with a scarf and a ring.
November 15, 1648, Mary Oliver for living from her husband, was ordered
to go to him before the next court, and in December she brought suit against
John Robinson for false imprisonment, taking her in a violent manner and
putting her in the stocks. She recovered a judgment of 10s. damages. The
following February Mary Oliver was again presented at Court for living
from her husband, and in July, having been ordered to go to her husband in
England by the next ship, she was further enjoyned to go by the next
opportunity on penalty of 20 li.
November 13, 1649, Mary Oliver was presented for stealing goats, and a
month later she was presented for speaking against the Governor, saying
that he was unjust, corrupt and a wretch, and that he made her pay for
stealing two goats when there was no proof in the world of it. She was
sentenced to be whipped next lecture day at Salem, if the weather be
moderate, not exceeding twenty stripes. Capt. William Hathorne and Mr.
Emanuel Downing were to see the sentence executed. At the same court

George Ropes complained that Mary Oliver kept away a spade of his and
she was fined 5s.
February 28, 1649-50, Mary Oliver thus far had escaped the second
whipping, for at her request Mr. Batter asked that her sentence be respited,
which the Court granted "if she doe go into the Bay with Joseph Hardy this
day or when he goeth next into the Bay with his vessell" otherwise she was
to be called forth by Mr. Downing and Capt. Hathorne and be punished. If
she returned, the punishment was to hold good.
The next day Mary Oliver's fine was remitted to the end that she use it in
transporting herself and children out of this jurisdiction within three weeks.
And there ended her turbulent career in the town of Salem, so far as the
Court records show.
Until comparatively recent times New England shipping sailed the seas in
frequent danger of attack by pirate vessels. Before the town of Boston was
settled, Capt. John Smith, "the Admiral of New England," wrote: "As in all
lands where there are many people, there are some theeves, so in all Seas
much frequented, there are some Pyrats," and as early as the summer of
1632, one Dixey Bull was plundering small trading vessels on the Maine
coast and looting the settlement at Pemaquid. Shipping, sailing to and from
England, was obliged to run the gauntlet of the Dutch and French privateers
and the so-called pirates sailing out of Flushing and Ostend made several
captures that affected the fortunes of the Boston traders. In 1644, the Great
and General Court sitting in Boston, granted a commission to Capt. Thomas
Bredcake to take Turkish pirates—the Algerines—who were a constant
danger to vessels trading with Spain. John Hull, the mint-master who made
the "pine tree shillings," had a brother Edward, who went a-pirating in Long
Island Sound and after dividing the plunder made for England.
It was the treaty of peace between England and Spain, signed at Aix-la-
Chapelle in 1668, that contributed largely to the great increase of piracy in
the West Indies and along the New England coast. The peace released a
great many men who found themselves unable to obtain employment in
merchant ships and this was particularly true in the West Indies where the
colonial governors had commissioned a large number of privateers. It was
but a step forward to continue that fine work without a commission after the
war was over and to the mind of the needy seaman there was very little

distinction between the lawfulness of one and the unlawfulness of the other.
The suppression of buccaneering in the West Indies happened not long after
and many of these adventurers raised a black flag and preyed upon the ships
of every nation. The operation of the Navigation Acts also led to insecurity
on the high seas and eventually to outright piracy; and so it came about that
the pirate, the privateer, and the armed merchantman, often blended the one
into the other.
The first trial and execution of pirates in Boston took place in 1672. Rev.
Cotton Mather, the pastor of the North Church, Boston, in his "History of
Some Criminals Executed in this Land," relates the story of the seizure of
the ship Antonio, off the Spanish coast. She was owned in England and her
crew quarrelled with the master and at last rose and turned him adrift in the
ship's longboat with a small quantity of provisions. With him went some of
the officers of the ship. The mutineers, or pirates as they were characterized
at the time, then set sail for New England and on their arrival in Boston
they were sheltered and for a time concealed by Major Nicholas Shapleigh,
a merchant in Charlestown. He was also accused of aiding them in their
attempt to get away. Meanwhile, "by a surprising providence of God, the
Master, with his Afflicted Company in the Long-boat, also arrived; all,
Except one who Dyed of the Barbarous Usage.
"The Countenance of the Master, who now become Terrible to the
Rebellious Men, though they had Escaped the Sea, yet Vengeance would not
suffer them to Live a Shore. At his Instance and Complaint, they were
Apprehended; and the Ringleaders of this Murderous Pyracy, had sentence
of Death Executed on them, in Boston."

The three men who were executed were William Forrest, Alexander Wilson,
and John Smith. As for Major Shapleigh; he was fined five hundred pounds,
which amount was afterwards abated to three hundred pounds because of
"his estate not being able to beare it."
The extraordinary circumstances of this case probably induced the General
Court to draw up the law that was enacted on October 15, 1673. By it piracy
became punishable by death according to the local laws. Before then a kind

of common law was in force in the Colony based upon Biblical law as
construed by the leading ministers. Of course the laws of England were
theoretically respected, but Massachusetts, in the wilderness, separated
from England by three thousand miles of stormy water, in practice actually
governed herself and made her own laws.
In 1675, the Court of Assistants found John Rhoade and certain Dutchmen
guilty of piracy on the Maine coast and they were sentenced to be hanged
"presently after the lecture." Just then, King Philip went on the warpath and
all else, for the time, was forgotten in the fearful danger of the emergency.
Before long the condemned men were released, some without conditions
and others were banished from the Colony. It is fair to say, however, that
politics and commercial greed were sadly mixed in this trial.
A bloody fight occurred at Tarpaulin Cove, near Woods Hole, in October,
1689, between a pirate sloop and a vessel sent out from Boston in pursuit.
The pirate was taken and after trial the leader, Capt. Thomas Pound, late
pilot of the King's frigate Rose, then at anchor in the harbor, Thomas
Hawkins, a well-connected citizen of Boston, Thomas Johnston of Boston,
"a limping privateer," and one Eleazer Buck, were sentenced to be hanged.
When they were on the gallows Governor Bradstreet reprieved all save
Johnston—"Which gave great disgust to the People; I fear it was ill done,"
wrote Judge Sewall. The same day one William Coward was hanged for
piracy committed on the ketch Elinor, while at anchor at Nantasket Road.
The capture in Boston in 1699, of William Kidd, Joseph Bradish, born in
Cambridge; Tee Wetherly, James Gillam, and other men concerned with the
Madagascar pirates, created much excitement, but these men were tried in
England and gibbetted at Hope Point on the Thames.
In June, 1704, a trial for piracy was held in the Old State House, and the
testimony and proceedings were afterwards published. Captain John Quelch
had sailed from Marblehead, the previous year, in command of a brigantine
commissioned as a privateer. Instead of proceeding against the French off
Newfoundland he had sailed south and on the coast of Brazil had captured
and plundered several Portuguese vessels. While he was absent, a treaty of
peace between England and Portugal had been signed and when Quelch
returned to Marblehead harbor he learned that he had piratically taken
various vessels belonging to subjects of "Her Majesty's good Allie," the

King of Portugal. His arrest and trial followed and with six of his ship's
company he was sentenced to be hanged on a gallows set up between high-
and low-water mark off a point of land just below Copp's hill. The
condemned were guarded by forty musketeers and the constables of the
town and were preceded by the Provost Marshal and his officers. Great
crowds gathered to see the execution. Judge Sewall in his diary comments
on the great number of people on Broughton's hill, as Copp's hill was called
at that time.
"But when I came to see how the River was cover'd with People, I was
amazed: Some say there were 100 Boats. 150 Boats and Canoes, saith
Cousin Moodey of York. Mr. Cotton Mather came with Capt. Quelch and
six others for Execution from the Prison to Scarlet's Wharf, and from thence
in the Boat to the place of Execution about midway between Hanson's [sic]
point and Broughton's Warehouse. When the scaffold was hoisted to a due
height, the seven Malefactors went up: Mr. Mather pray'd for them standing
upon the Boat. Ropes were all fasten'd to the Gallows (save King, who was
Repriev'd). When the scaffold was let to sink, there was such a Screech of
the Women that my wife heard it sitting in our Entry next the Orchard, and
was much surprised at it; yet the wind was sou-west. Our house is a full
mile from the place."
Capt. Samuel Bellamy, in the pirate ship Whydah, was wrecked on Cape
Cod near Wellfleet, the spring of 1717, and 142 men were drowned. Six
pirates who reached shore were tried in Boston and sentenced to be hanged
"at Charlestown Ferry within the flux and reflux of the Sea." After the
condemned were removed from the courtroom the ministers of the town
took them in hand and "bestowed all possible 'Instructions upon the
Condemned Criminals; often Pray'd with them; often Preached to them;
often Examined them; and Exhorted them; and presented them with Books
of Piety.'" At the place of execution, Baker and Hoof appeared penitent and
the latter joined with Van Vorst in singing a Dutch psalm. John Brown, on
the contrary, broke out into furious expressions with many oaths and then
fell to reading prayers, "not very pertinently chosen," remarks the Rev.
Cotton Mather. He then made a short speech, at which many in the
assembled crowd trembled, in which he advised sailors to beware of wicked
living and if they fell into the hands of pirates, to have a care what countries

they came into. Then the scaffold fell and six twitching bodies, outlined
against the sky, ended the spectacle.
In 1724 the head of Capt. John Phillips, the pirate, was brought into Boston
in pickle. He had been killed by "forced men" who had risen and taken the
pirate ship. Only two of his company lived to reach Boston for trial and
execution, and one of them, John Rose Archer, the quartermaster, was
sentenced to be "hung up in Irons, to be a spectacle, and so a Warning to
others." The gibbet was erected on Bird Island which was located about
half-way between Governor's Island and East Boston. In the Marshal's bill
for expenses in connection with the execution appears the following item:
"To Expenses for Victuals and Drink for the Sherifs, Officers and
Constables after the Executions att Mrs. Mary Gilberts her Bill £3.15.8."
The enforcement of the English statute relating to piracy was variously
interpreted in the Colonial courts, and local enactments sometimes
superseded it in actual practice. Previous to 1700, the statute required that
men accused of piracy should be sent to England to be tried before a High
Court of Admiralty. Pound, Hawkins, Bradish, Kidd, and other known
pirates were accordingly sent in irons to London for trial. But the
difficulties and delays, to say nothing of the expense, induced Parliament by
an Act of 11 and 12 William III, to confer authority by which trials for
piracy might be held by Courts of Admiralty sitting in the Colonies. On the
other hand, the Massachusetts Court of Assistants in 1675 found John
Rhoades and others, guilty of piracy. This was in accordance with an order
adopted by the Great and General Court on October 15, 1673. When Robert
Munday was tried at Newport, R. I., in 1703, it was by a jury in the ordinary
criminal court, in open disregard of the King's commission.
The Courts of Admiralty held in the Colonies were composed of certain
officials designated in the Royal commission, including the Governor,
Lieutenant-Governor, the Judge of the Vice-Admiralty for the Province, the
Chief Justice, the Secretary, Members of the Council, and the Collector of
Customs. Counsel was assigned to the accused to advise and to address the
Court "upon any matter of law," but the practice at that time was different
from the present. Accused persons in criminal cases were obliged to
conduct their own defence and their counsel were not permitted to cross-
examine witnesses, the legal theory at the time being that the facts in the

case would appear without the necessity of counsel; that the judge could be
trusted to see this properly done; and the jury would give the prisoner the
benefit of any reasonable doubt.
Trials occupied but a short time and executions generally took place within
a few days after the sentence of the Court was pronounced. During the
interval the local clergy labored with the condemned to induce repentance,
and all the terrors of hell were pictured early and late. Usually, the prisoners
were made the principal figures in a Sunday spectacle and taken through the
streets to the meetinghouse of some prominent minister, there to be gazed at
by a congregation that crowded the building, while the reverend divine
preached a sermon suited to the occasion. This discourse was invariably
printed and avidly read by the townsfolk, so that few copies have survived
the wear and tear of the years. From these worn pamphlets may be learned
something of the lives and future of the prisoners as reflected by the mental
attitude of the attending ministers.
The day of execution having arrived, the condemned prisoners were
marched in procession through the crowded streets safely guarded by
musketeers and constables. The procession included prominent officials and
ministers and was preceded by the Marshal of the Admiralty Court carrying
"the Silver Oar," his emblem of authority. This was usually about three feet
long and during the trial was also carried by him in the procession of judges
to the courtroom where it was placed on the table before the Court during
the proceedings.
Time-honored custom, and the Act of Parliament as well, required that the
gallows should be erected "in such place upon the sea, or within the ebbing
or flowing thereof, as the President of the Court ... shall appoint," and this
necessitated the construction of a scaffold or platform suspended from the
framework of the gallows by means of ropes and blocks. When an
execution took place on land, that is to say, on solid ground easily
approached, it was the custom at that time to carry the condemned in a cart
under the crossarm of the gallows and after the hangman's rope had been
adjusted around the neck and the signal had been given, the cart would be
driven away and the condemned person left dangling in the air. In theory,
the proper adjustment of the knot in the rope and the short fall from the
body of the cart when it was driven away, would be sufficient to break the

bones of the neck and also cause strangulation; but in practice this did not
always occur.
When pirates were executed on a gallows placed between "the ebb and flow
of the tide," the scaffold on which they stood was allowed to fall by
releasing the ropes holding it suspended in mid-air. This was always the
climax of the spectacle for which thousands of spectators had gathered from
far and near.
Not infrequently the judges of a Court of Admiralty had brought before
them for trial a pirate whose career had been more infamous than the rest. A
cruel and bloody-minded fellow fit only for a halter,—and then the sentence
to be hanged by the neck until dead would be followed by another
judgment, dooming the lifeless body of the pirate to be hanged in chains
from a gibbet placed on some island or jutting point near a ship channel,
there to hang "a sun drying" as a warning to other sailormen of evil intent.
In Boston harbor there were formerly two islands—Bird Island and Nix's
Mate—on which pirates were gibbeted.[94] Bird Island long since
disappeared and ships now anchor where the gibbet formerly stood. Nix's
Mate was of such size that early in the eighteenth century the selectmen of
Boston advertised its rental for the pasturage of cattle. Today every foot of
its soil has been washed away and the point of a granite monument alone
marks the site of the island where formerly a pirate hung in chains beside
the swiftly flowing tides.
What constitutes a crime? It all depends upon the minds of the people and
oftentimes upon the judges. Manners and crimes vary with the centuries as
do dress and speech. Here are some of the crimes penalized by Essex
County Courts before the year 1655, viz.: eavesdropping, meddling,
neglecting work, taking tobacco, scolding, naughty speeches, profane
dancing, kissing, making love without consent of friends, uncharitableness
to a poor man in distress, bad grinding at mill, carelessness about fire,
wearing great boots, wearing broad bone lace and ribbons. Between 1656
and 1662 we find others, viz.: abusing your mother-in-law, wicked speeches
against a son-in-law, confessing himself a Quaker, cruelty to animals,
drinking tobacco, i.e., smoking, kicking another in the street, leaving
children alone in the house, opprobrious speeches, pulling hair, pushing his
wife, riding behind two fellows at night (this was a girl, Lydia by name),
selling dear, and sleeping in meeting. The next five years reveal the

following, viz.: breaking the ninth commandment, dangerous well, digging
up the grave of the Sagamore of Agawam, going naked into the
meetinghouse, playing cards, rebellious speeches to parents, reporting a
scandalous lie, reproaching the minister, selling strong water by small
measure, and dissenting from the rest of the jury.
With such minute supervision of the daily life of the colonists it can readily
be appreciated that it was an age for gossiping, meddlesome interference
with individual life and liberty and that in the course of time nearly every
one came before the courts as complainant, defendant or witness. There
were few amusements or intellectual diversions and they could only dwell
on the gossip and small doings of their immediate surroundings. But all the
while there was underlying respect for law, religion and the rights of others.
The fundamental principles of human life were much the same as at the
present day, and men and women lived together then as now and as they
always will—with respect and love.

Are the Times Improving?

Edward Johnson's estimate in his Wonder-working Providence supposes in
1643, a population in Massachusetts of about 15,000. There were then 31
towns in the Bay Colony, of which 10 were within the limits of the present
Essex County. The population of these 10 towns was probably about 6,000.
They were located for the most part along the shore line. The same
geographical area in 1915 had a population of about 360,000, or exactly 60
times as great as the population in 1643, 272 years before.
1643 1915
Population 6,000360,000
Increase in 272 years—60 times as great.
In 1643, 1 person in 60 was a criminal.
In 1915, 1 person in 600 was a criminal.
10 times more crime in 1643 according to population.
Murder (4), manslaughter (6), assault to murder (2) 0 12
Arson 0 7
Robbery, breaking and entering, etc. 8 165
Assault of various kinds 10 86

Drunkenness 7 70
Illegal sale of liquor 0 74
Sexual crimes, including bastardy, streetwalking, etc. 6 71
Living from wife 14 0
Non-support and desertion 0 48
Profanity, reproachful speeches, evil speeches, etc. 13 2
Extortion, oppression, shortweight, etc. 7 5
Idle and disorderly 3 22
Slander and libel 1 3
Forgery 0 3
Lying and perjury 2 0
Breaking the Sabbath 5 1
Misc. Putting oxen in field, absence from watch, neglect of
25 —
a servant, etc.
Delinquency, cruelty to horse, adulterating drugs,
— 39
automobile cases, junk dealers fines, etc.
—— ——
Total 101 607
In 1643—7 were servants.
In 1915—251 were South European names and a large part
of the remainder were Irish.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Plate No.
The Governor's "Fayre House," 1630 Colonial Village, Salem. 1
English Merchant Vessel of about 1620. 2
English Merchantman of 1655. 3
Dutch Ship of about 1620. 4
Governor John Endecott. 5
Colonial Village of 1630, at Salem, Mass. 6
English Wigwams. 7
Framework of English Wigwams. 7
Thatch-roofed Cottages. 8
Interior of an English Wigwam. 8
Front Entry and Stairs in the Governor's "Fayre House." 9
Hall in the Governor's "Fayre House." 10
Damme Garrison House, Dover, N. H. 11
Corner of McIntyre Garrison House, York, Me. 12
Corner of Bunker Garrison House, Durham, N. H. 12
Fairbanks House, Dedham, Mass. 13
Frame of the Fairbanks House, Dedham, Mass. 14
Frame of the Whipple-Matthews House, Hamilton, Mass. 15
Wattle and Daub in England. 16
Corwin-"Witch House," Salem, Mass. 16
Spencer-Pierce House, Newbury, Mass. 17
Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass. 18
Front Door of Parson Capen House. 19
Front Entry and Stairs Parson Capen House. 20
Overhang and Drops, Parson Capen House. 21
John Ward House, Salem, Mass. 22
Kitchen in John Ward House. 22
Jethro Coffin House, Nantucket, Mass. 23
Weatherboarding on Saxton House, Deerfield, Mass. 24
Harvard College in 1726. 25
Diamond-pane, Leaded Glass Sash. 26
Crown Glass Window Sash. 26
Framing Details, Moulthrop House, E. Haven, Conn. 27

Wooden Latch of about 1710. 28
Knocker, Latch and Bolt, Indian House, Deerfield. 28
Wrought-Iron Door Latches. 29
Parlor in John Ward House, Salem, Mass. 30
Kitchen in John Ward House, Salem, Mass. 30
Parlor in Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass. 31
Kitchen in Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass. 31
The Dash Churn. 32
Court Cupboard of about 1660. 33
Recessed Court Cupboard of about 1680. 34
Oaken Chest on Frame of about 1655. 35
Cane-Back Arm Chair, 1680-1690. 36
Banister-Back Chair of about 1720. 37
Leonard House, Raynham, Mass. Page 52
Quilting Party in the Olden Time. 38
Counterpane made from a Blanket Sheet. 39
Quilted Counterpane. 40
Counterpane with Crewel-Work Decoration. 41
John Winthrop, the Younger. 42
Rev. Richard Mather. 43
Doctor John Clarke. 44
Mrs. Elizabeth (Paddy) Wensley. 45
Mrs. Elizabeth (Clarke) Freake and Daughter Mary. 46
Margaret Gibbs. 47
Alice Mason. 48
David, Joanna and Abigail Mason. 49
Capt. Thomas Smith. 50
Major Thomas Savage. 51
Edward Rawson. 52
Rebecca Rawson. 53
Chief Justice Samuel Sewall. 54
Rev. Cotton Mather. 55
Nathan Fessenden and His Sister Caroline. 56
Wellcurb at the John Ward House, Salem. 57

The Sower. 58
Tracing Seed Corn. 59
A Farmyard Scene. 60
Horses and a Rail Fence. 61
Loading Hay on an Oxcart. 62
Gundalow Loaded with Salt Hay. 63
Brushing up the Hearth. 64
An Old Hand Loom. 65
Woman Smoking a Pipe. 66
Title-Page of "The Day of Doom." 67
Relief Portrait of Rev. Grindall Rawson. 68
Gravestone of Mrs. Mary Rous, 1715. 68
Gravestone of William Dickson, 1692. 69
Gravestone of Capt. John Carter, 1692. 69
Fire Back Cast in 1660. 70
Price Sheet of Joseph Palmer. 71
Weights and Values of Coins. 72
Man using a Shingle Horse. 73
An Old Basket Maker. 74
Charcoal Burners Preparing a Kiln. 75
Spinning with the Wool Wheel. 76
Old-Time Hand Loom. 77
Prospect of the Harbor and Town of Boston, 1723. 78
View of Castle William and a Ship of War, 1729. 79
View of Boston Light and an Armed Sloop, 1729. 80
Ship "Bethel" of Boston, 1748. 81
New England Shilling, 1650. 82
Pine Tree Shilling, 1652. 82
Willow Tree and Oak Tree Shilling, 1662. 82
Massachusetts Paper Money of 1690. 83
Massachusetts Parchment Money of 1722. 84
Manufactory Bill of 1740. 85
Massachusetts Paper Money of 1744. 86
An Execution by Hanging. 87

Seth Hudson's Speech from the Pillory. 88
The Trial of Capt. John Quelch. 89
Sermon on Some Miserable Pirates. 90
John Bateman's House built in Boston in 1679. Page 235
Casement Window Frame and Sash. Page 238

SECTION
OF
ILLUSTRATIONS

The Governor's "Fayre House" in the 1630 Colonial Village at
Salem
Plate 1

English Merchant Vessel at the beginning of the Seventeenth
Century
From the model of an "English Merchantman of the size and date of
the Mayflower", built by R. C. Anderson for the Pilgrim Society,
Plymouth, Mass. Courtesy of the Marine Research Society
Plate 2

An English Merchantman of 1655
Showing the Rigging Plan. From Miller's Complete Modellist.
Courtesy of the Marine Research Society
Plate 3

A Dutch Ship of about 1620
From Furttenbach's Architectura Navalis, 1629. Courtesy of the
Marine Research Society
Plate 4

Governor John Endecott 1558-1665
From the original painting in the possession
of William C. Endicott, jr.
Plate 5

The Colonial Village erected in 1930 at Salem, Massachusetts
Plate 6

English Wigwams, First Two Covered with Bark
1630 Colonial Village, Salem, Massachusetts

Framework of the English Wigwams 1630 Colonial
Village, Salem, Massachusetts
Plate 7

Thatch-roofed, One-room Cottages; the Square of
the 1630 Colonial Village showing the Pillory
and Stocks

Interior of an English Wigwam 1630 Colonial
Village, Salem, Massachusetts
Plate 8

Front Entry and Stairs in the Governor's
"Fayre House" 1630 Colonial Village, Salem,
Massachusetts
Plate 9

The "Hall" in the Governor's "Fayre House" in the 1630 Colonial
Village at Salem
Plate 10

Rear View of William Damme Garrison House, Dover, N. H.
Built before 1698 and now preserved on the grounds of the Woodman
Institute, Dover
Plate 11

Corner of the Mcintyre
Garrison House, near York,
Me.
Built in 1640 to 1645,
therefore contemporary with
the earliest possible Swedish
buildings in the Delaware
Valley, and possibly the
oldest log structure standing
in the United States.
Courtesy of the Bucks
County Historical Society.

Dovetailed Logs at the Corner Of the
Bunker Garrison House Durham, N. H.
Built ca. 1690. From a photograph made
in 1911
Plate 12

The Fairbanks House, Dedham, Massachusetts
Built ca. 1637. Courtesy of the Walpole Society
Plate 13

The Frame of the Fairbanks House

Dedham, Mass. Built ca. 1637
From Isham, Early American Houses, 1928.
Courtesy of the Walpole Society
Plate 14

The Frame of an Original Leanto House—the
Whipple-Matthews House, Hamilton, Mass. Built
ca. 1690

From Isham, Early American Houses, 1928.
Courtesy of the Walpole Society
Plate 15

Wattle and Daub in England
From Oliver, Old Houses and Villages in East Anglia.
Courtesy of the Walpole Society

The Corwin-"Witch House," Salem. Built before
1678

From an old watercolor at the Essex Institute
Plate 16

The Spencer-Pierce House, Newbury, Mass.
Built about 1651. This house of the smaller English manor house type,
has the only original two-story porch and porch chamber now existing
in New England. Courtesy of the Essex Institute
Plate 17

Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass.
Built in 1683
Plate 18

Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass.
Front Door
Plate 19

Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass.
Front entry and stairs
Plate 20

Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass.
Overhang and one of the "drops"
Plate 21

The John Ward House, Salem. Built in 1684
Showing overhanging second story, gable windows
and casement sash

John Ward House, Salem, Mass.

The kitchen showing roasting jack, settle, birch
broom, hands of seed corn, etc.
Plate 22

The Jethro Coffin House, Nantucket, Massachusetts
Built in 1686. From a photograph made about 1880
Plate 23

Rear of the Saxton House, Deerfield, Mass.
Showing unpainted weatherboarding
Plate 24

Prospect of the Colleges in Cambridge in 1726
From an engraving, after a drawing by William Burgis
Plate 25

Diamond-Pane, Leaded Glass, Double Sash
Period of 1675-1700; in museum of the Society for
the Preservation of New England Antiquities, Boston

Crown Glass Window Sash
Period of 1725-1750; in museum of the Society for the Preservation of
New England Antiquities, Boston
Plate 26

Framing Details of the Moulthrop House, East
Haven, Conn.
Built before 1700. Showing methods of construction
to be found everywhere in New England
Drawing by J. Frederick Kelley

Plate 27

Wooden Latch of about 1710
Found in the French-Andrews House, Topsfield

Knocker, Latch and Bolt on the Door of the "Old
Indian House"
Built in 1698 at Deerfield, Mass.

Plate 28

Types of Wrought-Iron Door Latches
FIG. A FIG. B FIG. C
Figure A. An inner door, wrought-iron latch that
may have been made by a local blacksmith. Outer
door latches were of similar type but larger. The lifts
were made straight until about 1800 and the thumb-
press was not saucered until about the same time.
There is great individuality in the ornamentation,
varying with the fancy of the smith.
Figure B. This latch was imported from England. It
was cheap and in common use between 1750 and
1820. The cusp, resembling the outline of a lima
bean, and the grasp, thumb piece and lift are always
flat.
Figure C. The Norfolk latch appeared about 1800
and until about 1810 was made with a straight lift.
The grasp is riveted to the plate of sheet iron as is
the end of the bar and after about 1825, the catch.
This latch was commonly used in the 1830's. After
1840 the cast-iron latch was generally adopted.
Plate 29

John Ward House, Salem, Mass.
The Parlor

John Ward House, Salem, Mass.
Corner of the kitchen showing dresser with its
"dress of pewter," wash bench, meal chest, wooden
ware, etc.

Plate 30

Parlor in Parson Capen House, Topsfield, Mass.
Built 1683

Dresser in the Kitchen of The Parson Capen House,
Topsfield, Mass.

Plate 31

The Dash Churn
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 32

American Court Cupboard. About 1660
Owned by Gregory Stone of Watertown and
Cambridge Courtesy Concord Antiquarian Society
Plate 33

Recessed Court Cupboard of American Oak About
1680. From the Dwight M. Prouty collection
Plate 34

A Seventeenth-Century Oaken Chest on Frame
Probably made about 1651-1655 for Samuel and
Hannah Appleton of Ipswich, Mass.
Plate 35

Cane-back Arm Chair, 1680-1690
From the family of Hon. Peter
Bulkley
Courtesy Concord Antiquarian
Society
Plate 36

Banister-Back Chair, about 1720
Courtesy Concord Antiquarian
Society
Plate 37

A Quilting Bee in the Olden Time
From a drawing by H. W. Pierce
Plate 38

Counterpane made from a Blanket Sheet
Embroidered in blue, greenish blue, red and yellow
Plate 39

Quilted Counterpane made in Beverly, Mass.,
before the Revolution

Plate 40

Counterpane with Pattern Worked in Indigo Blue
on a Homespun Linen Sheet

Plate 41

John Winthrop the Younger
1606-1676
Founder of Ipswich and Governor of Connecticut
From the original portrait in possession of Mrs.
Robert Winthrop
Plate 42

Rev. Richard Mather
1596-1669
From a wood engraving by John Foster made in
1669
Plate 43

Doctor John Clarke
1601-1664
Practiced in Newbury, Ipswich and Boston
Courtesy of Massachusetts Historical Society
Plate 44

Mrs. Elizabeth (Paddy) Wensley
Painted in Boston about 1670-1675
Courtesy of the Pilgrim Society, Plymouth
Plate 45

Mrs. Elizabeth (Clarke) Freake and Daughter
Mary
Painted in Boston in 1674
Courtesy of Mrs. William B. Scofield
Plate 46

Margaret Gibbs
Daughter of Robert and Elizabeth (Sheaffe) Gibbs
of Boston
Dated 1670. Courtesy of Mrs. Alexander Quarrier
Smith
Plate 47

Alice Mason
Painted in 1670, aged two years
Daughter of Arthur and Joanna (Parker) Mason of
Boston
Courtesy of the Adams Memorial
Plate 48

David, Joanna and Abigail Mason
Children of Arthur and Joanna (Parker) Mason of
Boston
Painted in 1670. Courtesy of Mr. Paul M. Hamlen
Plate 49

Captain Thomas Smith
A self portrait
May have painted the portraits of Major Savage and
Capt. George Corwin
Courtesy of the American Antiquarian Society
Plate 50

Major Thomas Savage
1640-1705
Born and died in Boston
Courtesy of Mr. Henry L. Shattuck
Plate 51

Edward Rawson
1615-1693
Secretary of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. From
the painting by an unknown artist, now owned by
the New England Historic Genealogical Society
Plate 52

Rebecca Rawson
1656-1692
From the painting by an unknown artist, now owned
by the New England Historic Genealogical Society
Plate 53

Samuel Sewall
1652-1730
Chief Justice of the Superior Court in
Massachusetts, 1718-1728
From an original painting in possession of the
Massachusetts Historical Society
Plate 54

Rev. Cotton Mather
1663-1728
Pastor of the Second (North) Church, Boston, 1685-
1728
From a mezzotint by Peter Pelham after a portrait
painted in 1728
Plate 55

Nathan Fessenden and His Sister Caroline
From a photograph taken about 1885 in Lexington, Mass.
Showing costume of a much earlier date
Plate 56

Wellcurb at the John Ward House, Salem, Mass.
Showing wellsweep, wooden bucket and girl
dressed in the costume of the late seventeenth
century
Plate 57

The Sower
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 58

Tracing Seed Corn in a Farmer's Barn
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 59

A Farmyard Scene at Deerfield, Massachusetts
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 60

Horses and a Rail Fence
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 61

Loading Hay on an Oxcart
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 62

Gundalow Loaded with Salt Hay
From a photograph made by Miss Emma L. Coleman, about 1880, on
Parker River, Newbury, Mass.
Similar craft were early used in Boston harbor and with a stump mast
and lateen sail carried cargo up the Merrimack River
Plate 63

Brushing up the Hearth. Nims House, Deerfield, Massachusetts
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 64

The Old Hand Loom
Used a hundred years ago by Mrs. Jane Morrill
Cummings
The harness and reeds are modern
Plate 65

A Back Door Scene
From a photograph by Miss Emma L.
Coleman
Plate 66

Title-Page of "The Day of Doom"
From the original owned by the late John
W. Farwell
Plate 67

Rev. Grindall Rawson
Minister at Mendon, Mass. Born 1659, died 1715
Portrait cut on his gravestone

Gravestone of Mrs. Mary Rous
Charlestown, Mass., 1715
Plate 68

Gravestone of William Dickson, Cambridge, Mass.,
1692

Gravestone of Capt. John Carter, Woburn, Mass.,
1692
Plate 69

Fire Back Cast at the Saugus Iron Works in 1660 for the Pickering
House, Salem
The letters I A P stand for John Pickering and Alice his wife
Plate 70

Price Sheet of Joseph Palmer & Co., Chandlers
Engraved by Nathaniel Hurd
Plate 71

Weights and Values of Coins
A table engraved by Nathaniel Hurd of Boston
Original engravings are owned by the American Antiquarian
Society, Worcester, and the Pocumtuck Valley Museum,
Deerfield
Plate 72

Shingle Horse on which were Shaved Shingles, Clapboards and
Barrel Staves
From a photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 73

An Old Basket Maker
Dried apples hang on strings against the
wall
Plate 74

Charcoal Burners Preparing a Kiln
From a photograph made in 1884 by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 75

Spinning with the Wool Wheel
Photograph by Miss Emma L. Coleman
Plate 76

An Old-Time New England Loom
Now in the museum of the Society for the
Preservation of New England Antiquities
Plate 77

Prospect of the Harbor and Town of Boston in 1723
From an engraving (central part only) after a drawing by William
Burgis
Plate 78

A View of Castle William, Boston, about 1729
Showing a ship of war of the period, probably after
a drawing by William Burgis
Plate 79

View of Boston Light in 1729 and an Armed Sloop
From the only known example of a mezzotint engraved in 1729
after a drawing by William Burgis
Plate 80

Ship "Bethel" of Boston
Owned by Josiah Quincy and Edward Jackson
From an oil painting made about 1748, showing the vessel in two
positions
The earliest known painting of a New England ship. Now owned by
the Massachusetts Historical Society
Plate 81

New England Shilling

Minted in 1650-1652. Obverse and reverse. From a
coin in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical
Society

Pine Tree Shilling
Minted in 1652. Obverse and reverse. From a coin in
the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society

Willow Tree Shilling Oak Tree Shilling
Minted in 1662 and soon after. From coins in the
cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society
Plate 82

Massachusetts Paper Money of 1690
The first paper money issued by any colony
From an original in the cabinet of the Massachusetts
Historical Society
Plate 83

Massachusetts Paper Money Printed on Parchment
in 1722

From originals in the cabinet of the Massachusetts
Historical Society
Plate 84

A Massachusetts Manufactory Bill of 1740
From an original in the cabinet of the Massachusetts
Historical Society
Plate 85

Massachusetts Paper Money of 1744
From an original in the cabinet of the Massachusetts
Historical Society
Plate 86

An Early Execution by Hanging
The cart which brought to the gallows the condemned man and his
coffin is in the foreground, and behind it, on horseback, is the sheriff
Plate 87

Seth Hudson's Speech from the Pillory
Caricature engraved by Nathaniel Hurd
Plate 88

Plate 89

Plate 90

APPENDIX A
Building Agreements in Seventeenth-Century Massachusetts

Few seventeenth-century agreements to erect buildings in Massachusetts
have been preserved. The following, with two exceptions, have been
gleaned from court records where originally they were submitted as
evidence in suits at law. They are of the greatest interest in connection with
present day restoration work as they preserve detailed information of
indisputable authority in relation to early building construction in the Bay
Colony. The gable window, the second story jet, the stool window and
casement sash, the catted chimney and the treatment of the inner and outer
walls of the house have much curious interest at the present time. These
architectural features long since fell into disuse and only here and there has
a fragment survived. Two centuries ago the towns in New England must
have presented an appearance most picturesque to our twentieth-century
eyes. The dwellings seem to have been studies in projecting angles,
strangely embellished with pinnacles, pendants and carved work. The
unpainted and time-stained walls, the small windows and elaborate chimney
tops, the narrow and curiously fenced ways, winding among the irregularly
placed buildings, all contributed to the quaintness of the picture. The
following agreements between builder and owner should help to solve some
of the debated problems of this bygone construction that now confront those
interested in the preservation and restoration of our early New England
dwellings.

Contract To Build the First Meetinghouse in Malden, November 11,
1658

Articles of agreement made and concluded ye 11th day of ye ninth mo.,
1658, betweene Job Lane of Malden, on the one partie, carpenter, and
William Brakenbury, Lieut. John Wayte, Ensigne J. Sprague, and Thomas
Green, Senior, Selectmen of Malden, on the behalf of the towne on the
other partie, as followeth:

Imprimis: The said Job Lane doth hereby covenant, promiss and agree to
build, erect and finish upp a good strong, Artificial meeting House, of
Thirty-three foot Square, sixteen foot stud between joints, with dores,
windows, pullpitt, seats, and all other things whatsoever in all respects
belonging thereto as hereafter is expressed.
1. That all the sills, girts, mayne posts, plates, Beames and all other
principal Timbers shall be of good and sound white or Black oake.
2. That all the walls be made upp on the outside with good clapboards, well
dressed, lapped and nayled. And the Inside to be lathed all over and well
struck with clay, and uppon it with lime and hard up to the wall plate, and
also the beame fellings as need shalbe.
3. The roofe to be covered with boards and short shinglings with a territt on
the topp about six foot squar, to hang the bell in with rayles about it: the
floor to be made tite with planks.
4. The bell to be fitted upp in all respects and Hanged therein fitt for use.
5. Thre dores in such places as the sayd Selectmen shal direct, viz: east,
west and south.
6. Six windows below the girt on thre sids, namely: east, west and south; to
contayne sixteen foot of glass in a window, with Leaves, and two windows
on the south side above the girt on each side of the deske, to contayne six
foot of glass A piece, and two windows under each plate on the east, west
and north sides fitt [to] conteine eight foote of glass a peece.
7. The pullpitt and cover to be of wainscott to conteyne ffive or six persons.
8. The deacon's seat allso of wainscott with door, and a table joyned to it to
fall downe, for the Lord's Supper.
9. The ffloor to be of strong Boards throughout and well nayled.
10. The House to be fitted with seats throughout, made with good planks,
with rayles on the topps, boards at the Backs, and timbers at the ends.
11. The underpining to be of stone or brick, and pointed with lyme on the
outside.
12. The Allyes to be one from the deacon's seat, through the middle of the
house to the north end, and another cross the house ffrom east to west sides,

and one before the deacon's seat; as is drawne on the back side of this paper.
13. And the said Job to provide all boards, Timber, nayles, Iron work, glass,
shingles, lime, hayre, laths, clapboards, bolts, locks and all other things
whatsoever needful and belonging to the finyshing of the said house and to
rayse and finish it up in all respects before the twentie of September next
ensuing, they allowing help to rayse it.
And the sd Selectmen for themselves on behalfe of the town in
Consideracon of the said meeting house so finished, doe hereby covenant,
promise and agre to pay unto the sd Job Lane or his Assigns the sume of
one hundred and ffiffty pounds in corne, cordwood and provisions, sound
and merchantable att price currant and fatt catle, on valuacon by Indifferent
men unless themselves agree the prices.
In manner following, that is to say, ffifftie pound befor ye first of ye second
mo. next ensuing, And ffifftie pounds befor the first of ye last mo. which
shall be in the year sixteen hundred 59, and other ffifftie pounds before the
first of ye second mo. which shall be in the year one thousand six hundred
and sixtie. And it is further Agreed that when the sd. house is finished in
case the sd. Job shall find and judgeth to be woth ten pounds more, that it
shall be referred to Indifferent workmen to determine unless the sayd
Selectmen shall se just cause to pay the sd. ten pounds without such
valuacon.
In witness whereof the partys to these presents have Interchangeably put
their hands the day and year above written.
William Brackenbury,
John Sprague,
Joh. Wayte.
Witness,
Joseph Hills,
Gershom Hills.
Note. This contract for building the first meetinghouse in Malden is copied
from the Bi-Centennial Book of Malden, 1850, pages 123-125. The original
document then in existence has since disappeared. The contract provides for
the construction of a building of the type almost universal in New England
at that time, of which an example still exists at Hingham—the "Ship

Meeting House," so-called. The square meetinghouse with hip roof
surmounted by a "territ," and at a somewhat later date supplied with
"lucomb" (dormer) windows in the roof, was the type of public building in
the Massachusetts Bay Colony that prevailed well into the eighteenth
century, especially in the country towns. The "territ" or belfry seems to have
been common, but only the larger towns were supplied with a bell. The bell
was rung from the central aisle, the bell rope coming down in the center of
the auditorium.
In the Malden meetinghouse, the "territ" was built as provided in the
contract, but for some now unknown reason the bell was not hung in it but
placed in a framework erected nearby, below a large rock which thereby
obtained its name—"Bell Rock," a name that has continued until the present
time.
Malden was able to afford the luxury of plastered walls surfaced with lime,
but the ceiling showed the joists and boarding. In shingling the roof a
distinction was made between long and short shingles. The lower windows
were made up with "leaves," i.e., they were double casements, and each
opening contained sixteen feet of glass, thereby indicating sash about
twenty-eight by forty inches in size. The single casement windows placed
high, just under the coving, also were about the same size and undoubtedly
were fixed sash, i.e., were not hinged. Two smaller windows on the south
side, placed just above the girth, supplied additional light on either side of
the pulpit. The deacons' seat at that time was located in front of the pulpit
and faced the congregation. The possible use of brick for the underpinning
is a surprising feature, especially in a country town. In fact, the use of
underpinning at that time seems to have been uncommon.

Contract To Build a Minister's House At Marlborough, Mass., in
1661

This indenture made the fifth day of Aprill one thousand six hundred and
sixty one and between obadias Ward, Christopher Banyster and Richard
Barnes of the Towne of Marlborough on ye one party; And the Inhabitants
and all the Proprietors of the same Towne on ye other party Witnesseth That
ye said obadias Waed, Christopher Banyster and Rich'd Barnes hath
covenanted, promised and bargained to build a fframe for the minister's